HANDY VOLUME EDITION MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS IMPRESSIONS OF THEOPHRASTUS SUCH THE VEIL LIFTED BROTHER JACOB for his majesty. Age, Zeal > WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 21 These, madam, are the proper points of consideration in the person that humbly hopes his majesty's favor. As to Abilities, all I can presume to say is, I have done the best I could to improve them. As to Good manners, I desire no favor, if any just objection lies against them. As for Service, I have been near seven years hi his majesty's, and never omitted any duty in it, which few can say. As for Age, I am turned of fifty. As for Want, I have no manner of preferment. As for Sufferings, I have lost 300 per ann. oy being in his majesty's service; as I have shown hi a Representation which his majesty has been so good as to read and consider. As for Zeal, I have written nothing without showing my duty to their majesties, and some pieces are dedicated to them. This, madam, is the short and true state of my case. They that make their court to the ministers, and not their majesties, succeed bet- ter. If my case deserves some consideration, and you can serve me in it, I humbly hope and believe you will: I shall, therefore, trouble you no farther ; but beg leave to subscribe myself, with truest respect and gratitude, Yours, &c., EDWARD YOUNO. P. S. I have some hope that my Lord Townshend is my friend ; if therefore soon, and before he leaves the court, you had an oppor- tunity of mentioning me, with that favor you have been so good to show, I think it would not fail of success ; and, if not, I shall owe you more than any. (Suffolk Letters, vol. i. p. 285.) Young's wife died in 1741, leaving him one son, born in 1733. That lie had attached himself strongly to her two daughters by her former marriage, there is better evidence in the report, mentioned by Mrs. Montagu, of his practical kind- ness and liberality to the younger, than in his lamentations over the elder as the Narcissa of the "Night Thoughts." Narcissa had died in 1735, shortly after marriage to Mr. Temple, the son of Lord Palmerston ; and Mr. Temple him- self, after a second marriage, died in 1740, a year before Lady Elizabeth Young. These, then, are the three deaths supposed 22 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. to have inspired "The Complaint," which forms the three first books of the " Night Thoughts : " " Insatiate archer, could not one suffice ? Thy shaft flew thrice : and thrice my peace was slain : And thrice, ere thrice yon moon had filled her horn." Since we find Young departing from the truth of dates, in, order to heighten the effect of his calamity, or at least of his climax, we need not be surprised that he allowed his imagi- nation great freedom in other matters besides chronology, and that the character of Philander can, by no process, be made to fit Mr. Temple. The supposition that the much- lectured Lorenzo, of the " Night Thoughts," was Young's own son, is hardly rendered more absurd by the fact that the poem was written when that son was a boy, than by the obvi- ous artificiality of the characters Young introduces as targets for his arguments and rebukes. Among all the trivial efforts of conjectured criticism, there can hardly be one more futile than the attempt to discover the original of those pitiable lay-figures, the Lorenzos and Altamonts of Young's didac- tic prose and poetry. His muse never stood face to face with a genuine, living human being ; she would have been as much startled by such an encounter as a necromancer whose incantations and blue fire had actually conjured up a demon. The "Night Thoughts " appeared between 1741 and 1745. Although he declares in them that he has chosen God for his "patron" henceforth, this is not at all to the prejudice of some half-dozen lords, duchesses, and right honorables, who have the privilege of sharing finely turned compliments with their co-patron. The line which closed the Second Night in the earlier editions " Wits spare not Heaven, O Wilmington ! nor thee " is an intense specimen of that perilous juxtaposition of ideas by which Young, in his incessant search after point and novelty, unconsciously converts his compliments into sar- casms ; and his apostrophe to the moon, as more likely to be favorable to his song if he calls her "fair Portland of the WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 23 skies," is worthy even of his Pindaric ravings. His ostenta- tious renunciation of worldly schemes, and especially of his twenty years' siege of Court favor, are in the tone of one who retains some hope, in the midst of his querulousness. He descended from the astronomical rhapsodies of his Ninth Night, published in 1745, to more terrestrial strains, in his " Eeflections on the Public Situation of the Kingdom," dedicated to the Duke of Newcastle ; but in this critical year we get a glimpse of him through a more prosaic and less re< fracting medium. He spent a part of the year at Tunbridge Wells ; and Mrs. Montagu, who was there too, gives a very lively picture of the " divine doctor," in her letters to the Duchess of Portland, on whom Young had bestowed the su- perlative bombast to which we have recently alluded. We shall borrow the quotations from Dr. Doran, in spite of their length, because, to our mind, they present the most agreeable portrait we possess of Young : lt I have great joy in Dr. YouDg, whom I disturbed in a reverie. At first he started, then bowed, then fell back into a surprise ; then began a speech, relapsed into his astonishment two or three times, forgot what he had been saying ; began a new subject, and so went on. I told him your grace desired he would write longer letters j to which he cried ' Ha ! ' most emphatically, and I leave you to interpret what it meant. He has made a friendship with one person here, whom I believe you would not imagine to have been made for his bosom friend. You would, perhaps, suppose it was a bishop or dean, a prebend, a pious preacher, a clergyman of exemplary life, or, if a layman, of most virtuous conversation, one that had paraphrased St. Matthew, or wrote comments on St. Paul. . . . You would not guess that this asso- ciate of the doctor's was old Gibber ! Certainly in their religious, moral, and civil character, there is no relation j but in their dramatic capacity there is some." [Mrs. Montagu was not aware that Gibber, whom Young had named not disparagingly in his Satires, was the brother of his old schoolfellow ; but to return to our hero.] "The osiers," says Mrs. Montagu, " have raised his spirits to a fine pitch, as your grace will imagine, when I tell you how sublime an answer he made to a very vulgar question. I asked him how long he stayed at the Wells : he said, ' As long as my rival stayed j as long as the sun 24 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. did.' Among the visitors at the Wells were Lady Sunderland (wife of Sir Robert Sutton) and her sister, Mrs. Tichborne. He did an admirable thing to Lady Sunderland : on her mentioning Sir Robert Button, he asked her where Sir Robert's lady was ; on which we all laughed very heartily, and I brought him off, half ashamed, to my lodgings, where, during breakfast, he assured me he had asked after Lady Sunderland, because he had a great honor for her; and that, having a respect for her sister, he designed to have inquired after her, if we had not put it out of his head by laughing at him. You must know Mrs. Tichborne sat next to Lady Sunderland. It would have been admirable to have had him finish his compliment in that man- ner. . . . His expressions all bear the stamp of novelty, and his thoughts of sterling sense. He practises a kind of philosophical ab- stinence. . . . He carried Mrs. Rolt and myself to Tunbridge, five miles from hence, where we were to see some fine old ruins. . . . First rode the doctor on a tall steed, decently caparisoned in dark gray ; next, ambled Mrs. Rolt on a hackney horse ; . . . then fol- lowed your humble servant on a milk-white palfrey. I rode on in safety, and at leisure to observe the company, especially the two figures that brought up the rear. The first was my servant, valiantly armed with two uncharged pistols; the last was the doctor's man whose uncombed hair so resembled the mane of the horse he rode, one could not help imagining they were of kin, and wishing, for the honor of the family, that they had had one comb betwixt them. On his head was a velvet cap, much resembling a black saucepan, and on his side hung a little basket. At last we arrived at the King's Head, where the loyalty of the doctor induced him to alight ; and then, knight-erraut-like, he took his damsels from off their palfreys, and courteously handed us into the inn. . . . The party returned to the-Wells; and 'the silver Cynthia held up her lamp in the heavens' the while. The night silenced all but our divine doctor, who some- times uttered things fit to be spoken in a season when all nature seems to be hushed and hearkening. I followed, gathering wisdom as I went, till I found, by my horse's stumbling, that I was in a bad road, and that the blind was leading the blind. So I placed my servant between the doctor and myself; which he not perceiving, went on in a most philosophical strain, to the great admiration of my poor clown of a servant, who, not being wrought up to any pitch of enthusiasm, nor making any answer to all the fine things he heard, the doctor, won- dering I was dumb, and grieving I was so stupid, looked round and declared his surprise." WORLDLINESS AND OTHER- WORLDLINESS. 25 Young's oddity and absence of mind are gathered from other sources besides these stories of Mrs. Montagu's, and gave rise to the report that he was the original of Fielding's " Parson Adams ; " but this Croft denies, and mentions another Foung, who really sat for the portrait, and who, we imagine, had both more Greek and more genuine simplicity than the poet. His love of chatting with Colley Cibber was an in- dication that the old predilection for the stage survived, in spite of his emphatic contempt for "all joys but joys that never can expire ; " and the production of " The Brothers," at Drury Lane in 1753, after a suppression of fifteen years, was perhaps not entirely due to the expressed desire to give the proceeds to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. The author's profits were not more than 400, in those days a disappointing sum ; and Young, as we learn from his friend Eichardson, did not make this the limit of his dona- tion, but gave a thousand guineas to the Society. " I had some talk with him," says Eichardson in one of his letters, " about this great action. ' I always,' said he, ' intended to do something handsome for the Society. Had I deferred it to my demise, I should have given away my son's mo^ey. All the world are inclined to pleasure; could I have gjiven myself a greater by disposing of the sum to a different u^e, I should have done it.' " Surely he took his old friend Eich- ardson for Lorenzo ! His next work was " The Centaur not Fabulous ; in Six Letters to a Friend, on the Life in Vogue," which reads very much like the most objurgatory parts of the "Night Thoughts " reduced to prose. It is preceded by a preface which, though addressed to a lady, is, in its denunciations of vice, as grossly indecent and almost as flippant as the epi- logues written by "friends," which he allowed to be reprinted after his tragedies in the latest edition of his works. We like much better than "The Centaur," "Conjectures on Origi- nal Composition," written in 1759, for the sake, he says, of communicating to the world the well-known anecdote about Addison's death-bed, and, with the exception of his poem on Resignation, the last thing he ever published. 26 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. The estrangement from his son which must have embittered the later years of his life, appears to have begun not many years after the mother's death. On the marriage of her second daughter, who had previously presided over Young's household, a Mrs. Hallows, understood to be a woman of dis- creet age, and the daughter (or widow^ of a clergyman who was an old friend of Young's, became housekeeper at Welwyn. Opinions about ladies are apt to differ. " Mrs. Hallows was a woman of piety, improved by reading," says one witness. " She was a very coarse woman," says Dr. Johnson ; and we shall presently find some indirect evidence that her temper was perhaps not quite so much improved as her piety. Ser- vants, it seems, were not fond of remaining long in the house with her ; a satirical curate, named Kidgell, hints at " drops of juniper " taken as a cordial (but perhaps he was spiteful, and a teetotaler) ; and Young's son is said to have told his father that "an old man should not resign himself to the management of anybody." The result was, that the son was banished from home for the rest of his father's lifetime, though Young seems never to have thought of disinheriting him. Our latest glimpses of the aged poet are derived from certain letters of Mr. Jones, his curate, letters preserved in the British Museum, and happily made accessible to common mortals in Nichols's "Anecdotes." Mr. Jones was a man of some literary activity and ambition, a collector of interest- ing documents, and one of those concerned in the " Free and Candid Disquisitions," the design of which was " to point out such things in our ecclesiastical establishment as want to be reviewed and amended." On these and kindred subjects he corresponded with Dr. Birch, occasionally troubling him with queries and manuscripts. We have a respect for Mr. Jones. Unlike any person who ever troubled its with queries or manuscripts, he mitigates the infliction by such gifts as " a fat pullet," wishing he "had anything better to send; but this depauperizing vicarage [of Alconbury] too often checks the freedom and forwardness of my mind." Another day WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 27 comes a " pound canister of tea ; " another, a " young fatted goose." Clearly, Mr. Jones was entirely unlike your literary correspondents of the present day ; he forwarded manuscripts, but he had " bowels," and forwarded poultry too. His first letter from Welwyn is dated June, 1759, not quite six years before Young's death. In June, 1762, he expresses a wish to go to London " this summer. But," he continues, " My time and pains are almost continually taken up here, and . . . I have been, I now find, a considerable loser, upon the whole, by con- tinuing here so long. The consideration of this, and the inconven- iences I sustained, and do still experience, from my late illness, obliged me at last to acquaint the Doctor [Young] with my case, and to assure him that I plainly perceived the duty and confinement here to be too much for me ; for which reason I must, I said, beg to be at liberty to resign my charge at Michaelmas. I began to give him these notices in February, when I was very ill j and now I perceive, by what he told me the other day, that he is in some difficulty : for which reason he is at last, he says, resolved to advertise, and even, which is much wondered at, to raise the salary considerably higher. (What he allowed my predecessors was 20 per annum ; and now he proposes 50, as he tells me.) I never asked him to raise it for me, though I well knew it was not equal to the duty ; nor did I say a word about myself when he lately suggested to me his intentions upon this subject." In a postscript to this letter, he says : " I may mention to yon farther, as a friend that may be trusted, that, In all likelihood, the poor old gentleman will not find it a very easy matter, unless by dint of money, and force upon himself, to pro- cure a man that he can like for his next curate, nor one that will stay with him so long as I have done. Then, his great age will recur to people's thoughts ; and if he has any foibles, either in temper or con- duct, they will be sure not to be forgotten on this occasion by those who know him ; and those who do not, will probably be on their guard. On these and the like considerations, it is by no means an eligible office to be seeking ont For a curate for him, as he has several times wished me to do ; and would, if he knew that I am now writing to you, wish your assistance also. But my best friends here, who well foresee the probable conseoitences, and wish me well, earnestly dissuade 28 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. me from complying : and I will decline the office with as much decency as I can : but high salary will, I suppose, fetch in somebody or other, soon." In the following July he writes : " The old gentleman here (I may venture to tell you freely) seems to me to be in a pretty odd way of late, moping, dejected, self-willed, and as if surrounded with some perplexing circumstances. Though I visit him pretty frequently for short intervals, I say very little to Ms affairs, not choosing to be a party concerned, especially in cases of so critical and tender a nature. There is much mystery in almost all his temporal affairs, as well as in many of his speculative theories. Whoever lives in this neighborhood to see his exit, will probably see and hear some very strange things. Time will show, 1 am afraid, not greatly to his credit. There is thought to be an irre- movable obstruction to his happiness within his walls, as well as another without tliem, but the former is the more powerful, and like to continue so. He has this ' day been trying anew to engage me to stay with him. No lucrative views can tempt me to sacrifice my liberty or my health, to such measures as are proposed here. Nor do I like to have to do with persons whose word and honor cannot be depended on. So much for this very odd and unhappy topic." In August, Mr. Jones's tone is slightly modified. Earnest entreaties, not lucrative considerations, have induced him to cheer the Doctor's dejected heart by remaining at Welwyn some time longer. The Doctor is, "in various respects, a very unhappy man," and few know so much of these respects as Mr. Jones. In September he recurs to the subject : " My ancient gentleman here is still full of trouble : which moves my concern, though it moves only the secret laughter of many, and some untoward surmises in disfavor of him and his household. The loss of a very large sum of money (about 200) is talked of; whereof this vill and neighborhood is full. Some disbelieve ; others say, ' It is no wonder, where about eighteen or more servants are sometimes taken and dismissed in the course of a year.'' The gentleman himself is allowed by all to be far more harmless and easy in his family than some one else who hath too much the lead in it. This, among others, was one reason for my late motion to quit." WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 29 No other mention of Young's affairs occurs until April 2, 1765, when he says that Dr. Young is very ill, attended by two physicians. "Having mentioned this ypung gentleman [Dr. Young's son], I would acquaint you next, that he came hither this morning, having been sent for, as I am told, by the direction of Mrs. Hallows. Indeed, she intimated to me as much herself. And, if this be so, I must say that it is one of the most prudent acts she ever did, or could have done in such a case as this ; as it may prove a means of preventing much confusion after the death of the Doctor. I have had some little discourse with the son : he seems much affected, and I believe really is so. He earnestly wishes his father might be pleased to ask after him ; for you must know he has not yet done this, nor is, in my opin- ion, like to do it. And it has been said, farther, that upon a late application made to him on the behalf of his son, he desired that no more might be said to him about it. How true this may be I can- not as yet be certain ; all I shall say is, it seems not improbable . . . I heartily wish the ancient man's heart may prove tender towards his son ; though, knowing him so weU, I can scarce hope to hear such desirable news." Eleven days later he writes : " I have now the pleasure to acquaint you that the late Dr. Young, though he had for many years kept his son at a distance from him, yet has now at last left him all his possessions, after the payment of certain legacies ; so that the young gentleman, who bears a fair char- acter and behaves well, as far as I can hear or see, will, I hope, soon enjoy and make a prudent use of a handsome fortune. The father, on his death-bed, and since my return from London, was applied to in the tenderest manner, by one of his physicians and by another person, to admit the son into his presence, to make submission, intreat for- giveness, and obtain his blessing. As to an interview with his son, he intimated that he chose to decline it, as his spirits were then low and his nerves weak. With regard to the next particular, he said, ' I heartily forgive him; ' and upon mention of this last, he gently lifted up his hand, and letting it gently fall, pronounced these words, ' God bless him!' ... I know it will give you pleasure to be farther in- formed that he was pleased to make respectful mention of me in his will, expressing his satisfaction in my care of his parish, bequeath- ing to me a handsome legacy, and appointing me to be one of hia executors." 30 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. So far Mr. Jones, in his confidential correspondence with a " friend who may be trusted." In a letter communicated apparently by him to the " Gentleman's Magazine," seven years later, namely, in 1782, on the appearance of Croft's biography of Young, we find him speaking of " the ancient gentleman," in a tone of reverential eulogy, quite at variance with the free comments we have just quoted. But the Rev. John Jones was probably of opinion with Mrs. Montagu, whose contemporary and retrospective letters are also set in a different key, that " the interests of religion were connected with the character of a man so distinguished for piety as Dr. Young." At all events, a subsequent quasi-official statement weighs nothing as evidence against contemporary, spontane- ous, and confidential hints. To Mrs. Hallows, Young left a legacy of 1,000, with the request that she would destroy all his manuscripts. This final request, from some unknown cause, was not complied with, and among the papers he left behind him was the following letter from Archbishop Seeker, which probably marks the date of his latest effort after preferment. DEANERY OF ST. PAUL'S, July 8, 1758. GOOD DR. YOUNG, I have long wondered that more suitable notice of your great merit hath not been taken by persons in power. But how to remedy the omission I see not. No encouragement hath ever been given me to mention things of this nature to his Majesty. And therefore, in all likelihood, the only consequence of doing it would be weakening the little influence which else I may possibly have on some other occasions. Your fortune and your reputation set you above the need of advancement; and your sentiments above that concern for it, on your own account, which, on that of the public, ia sincerely felt by Your loving Brother, THO. CANT. The "loving Brother's" irony is severe I Perhaps the least questionable testimony to the better side of Young's character, is that of Bishop Hildesley, who, as the vicar of a parish near Welwyn, had been Young's neigh- WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 31 bor for upwards of twenty years. The affection of the clergy for each other, we have observed, is, like that of the fair sex, not at all of a blind and infatuated kind ; and we may there- fore the rather believe them when they give each other any extra-official praise. Bishop Hildesley, then writing of Young to Richardson, says : " The impertinence of my frequent visits to him was amply re- warded; forasmuch as, I can truly say, he never received me but with agreeable open complacency ; and I never left him but with profitable pleasure and improvement. He was one or other, the most modest, the most patient of contradiction, and the most informing and entertaining I ever conversed with at least, of any man who had so just pretensions to pertinacity and reserve." Mr. Langton, however, who was also a frequent visitor of Young's, informed Boswell " That there was an air of benevolence in his manner 5 but that he could obtain from him less information than he had hoped to receive from one who had lived so much in intercourse with the brightest men of what had been called the Augustan Age of England ; and that he showed a degree of eager curiosity concerning the common occur- rences that were then passing, which appeared somewhat remarkable in a man of such intellectual stores, of such an advanced age, and who had retired from life with declared disappointment in his expectations." The same substance, we know, will exhibit different quali- ties under different tests ; and, after all, imperfect reports of individual impressions, whether immediate or traditional, are a very frail basis on which to build our opinion of a man. One's character may be very indifferently mirrored in the mind of the most intimate neighbor ; it all depends on the quality of that gentleman's reflecting surface. But, discarding any inferences from such uncertain evi- dence, the outline of Young's character is too distinctly trace- able in the well-attested facts of his life, and yet more in the self-betrayal that runs through all his works, for us to fear that our general estimate of him may be false. For, while 32 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. no poet seems less easy and spontaneous than Young, no poet discloses himself more completely. Men's minds have no hiding-place out of themselves ; their affectations do but betray another phase of their nature. And if, in the present view of Young, we seem to be more intent on laying bare unfavorable facts than on shrouding them in " charitable speeches," it is not because we have any irreverential pleas- ure in turning men's characters " the seamy side without," but because we see no great advantage in considering a mac as he was not. Young's biographers and critics have usually set out from the position that he was a great religious teacher, and that his poetry is morally sublime ; and they have toned down his failings into harmony with their conception of the divine and the poet. For our own part, we set out from pre- cisely the opposite conviction namely, that the religious and moral spirit of Young's poetry is low and false ; and we think it of some importance to show that the "Night Thoughts" are the reflex of a mind in which the higher human sympathies were inactive. This judgment is en- tirely opposed to our youthful predilections and enthusiasm. The sweet garden-breath of early enjoyment lingers about many a page of the "Night Thoughts," and even of the " Last Day," giving an extrinsic charm to passages of stilted rhetoric and false sentiment; but the sober and repeated reading of maturer years has convinced us that it would hardly be possible to find a more typical instance than Young's poetry, of the mistake which substitutes interested obedience for sympathetic emotion, and baptizes egoism as religion. Pope said of Young, that he had "much of a sublime gen ius without common sense." The deficiency Pope meant to indicate was, we imagine, moral rather than intellectual ; it was the want of that fine sense of what is fitting in speech and action, which is often eminently possessed by men and women whose intellect is of a very common order, but who have the sincerity and dignity which can never coexist with the selfish preoccupations of vanity or interest. This was the WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 33 "common sense" in which Young was conspicuously defi- cient ; and it was partly owing to this deficiency that his genius, waiting to be determined by the highest prize, flut- tered uncertainly from effort to effort, until, when he was more than sixty, it suddenly spread its broad wing, and soared so as to arrest the gaze of other generations besides his own. For he had no versatility of faculty to mislead him. The "Night Thoughts" only differ from his previous works in the degree and not in the kind of power they mani- fest. Whether he writes prose or poetry, rhyme or blank verse, dramas, satires, odes, or meditations, we see everywhere the same Young, the same narrow circle of thoughts, the same love of abstractions, the same telescopic view of human things, the same appetency towards antithetic apothegm and rhapsodic climax. The passages that arrest us in his trage- dies are those in which he anticipates some fine passage in the "Night Thoughts," and where his characters are only transparent shadows, through which we see the bewigged embonpoint of the didactic poet, excogitating epigrams or ecstatic soliloquies by the light of a candle fixed in a skull. Thus in " The Revenge," Alonzo, in the conflict of jealousy and love that at once urges and forbids him to murder hig wife, says, "This vast and solid earth, that blazing sun, Those skies, through which it rolls, must all have end What then is man ? The smallest part of nothing. Day buries day ; month, month ; and year, the year ! Our life is but a chain of many deaths. Can then Death's self be feared ? Our life much rather : Life is the desert, life the solitude ; Death joins us to the great majority : 'T is to be born to Plato and to Cassar ; T is to be great forever ; T is pleasure, 't is ambition, then, to die." His prose writings all read like the "Night Thoughts," either diluted into prose, or not yet crystallized into poetry. For example, in his " Thoughts for Age," he says, 34 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. " Though we stand on its awful brink, such our leaden bias to the world, we turn our faces the wrong way ; we are still looking on our old acquaintance, Time, though now so wasted and reduced, that we can see little more of him thau his wings and his scythe : our age en- larges hi* wings to our imagination ; and our fear of death, his scythe ; as Time himself grows less. His consumption is deep; his auuihilji- tion is at hand." This is a dilution of the magnificent image : " Time in advance behind him hides his wings, And seems to creep decrepit with his age. Behold him when past by ! What then is seen But his proud pinions, swifter than the winds ? " Again : "A requesting Omnipotence? What can stun and confound thy reason more ? What more can ravish and exalt thy heart ? It cannot but ravish and exalt ; it cannot but gloriously disturb and perplex thee, to take in all that thought suggests. Thou child of the dust I Thou speck of misery and sin ! How abject thy weakness, how great is thy power! Thou crawler on earth, and possible (I was about to say) controller of the skies ! Weigh, and weigh well, the wondrous truths I have in view : which cannot be weighed too much ; which the more they are weighed, amaze the more ; which to have supposed, before they were revealed, would have been as great madness, and to have pre- sumed on as great sin, as it is now madness and sin not to believe." Even in his Pindaric odes, in which he made the most vio- lent efforts against nature, he is still neither more nor less than the Young of the " Last Day," emptied and swept of his genius, and possessed by seven demons of fustian and bad rhyme. Even here, his " Ercles' Vein " alternates with his moral platitudes, and we have the perpetual text of the " Night Thoughts : " " Gold, pleasure buys ; But pleasure dies, For soon the gross fruition cloys; Though raptures court, The sense is short : But virtue kindles living joys, WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 85 " Joys felt alone ! Joys asked of none ! Which Time's and Fortune's arrows miss : Joys that subsist, Though fates resist, An unprecarious, endless bliss ! " Unhappy they ! And falsely gay ! Who bask forever in success ; A constant feast Quite palls the taste, And long enjoyment is distress." In the " Last Day," again, which is the earliest thing he wrote, we have an anticipation of all his greatest faults and merits. Conspicuous among the faults is that attempt to ex- alt our conceptions of Deity by vulgar images and compari- sons, which is so offensive in the later "Night Thoughts." In a burst of prayer and homage to God, called forth by the contemplation of Christ coming to Judgment, he asks, " Who brings the change of the seasons ? " and answers, " Not the great Ottoman, or Greater Czar ; Not Europe's arbitress of peace and war ! " Conceive the soul in its most solemn moments, assuring God that it doesn't place his power below that of Louis Napoleon or Queen Victoria ! But in the midst of uneasy rhymes, inappropriate imagery, vaulting sublimity that o'erleaps itself, and vulgar emotions, we have in this poem an occasional flash of genius, a touch of simple grandeur, which promises as much.as Young ever achieved. Describing the on-coming of the dissolution of all things, he says, " No sun in radiant glory shines on high ; No light but from the terrors of the sky." And again, speaking of great armies, " Whose rear lay wrapt in night, while breaking dawn Boused the broad front, and called the battle on." 86 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. And this wail of the lost souls is fine : " And this for sin ? Could I offend if I had never been * But still increased the senseless, happy mans. Flowed in the 8tream, or shivered in the gram t Father of mercies ! Why from silent earth Didst thou awake and curse me into birth ? Tear me from quiet, ravish me from night, And make a thankless present of thy light ? Push into being a reverse of thee, And animate a clod with misery f " But it is seldom in Young's rhymed poems that the effect of a felicitous thought or image is not counteracted by our Sense of the constraint he suffered from the necessities of rhyme, that " Gothic demon," as he afterwards called it, " which modern poetry tasting, became mortal." In relation to his own power, no one will question the truth of his dic- tum, that " blank verse is verse unfallen, uncurst ; verse re- claimed, reinthroned in the true language of the gods ; who never thundered nor suffered their Homer to thunder in rhyme." His want of mastery in rhyme is especially a drawback on the effects of his Satires; for epigrams and witticisms are peculiarly susceptible to the intrusion of a superfluous word, or to an inversion which implies con- straint. Here, even more than elsewhere, the art that con- ceals art is an absolute requisite, and to have a witticism presented to us in limping or cumbrous rhythm is as coun- teractive to any electrifying effect, as to see the tentative grimaces by which a comedian prepares a grotesque counte- nance. We diicern the process, instead of being startled by the result. This is one reason why the Satires, read seriatim, have a flatness to us, which, when we afterwards read picked pas- sages, we are inclined to disbelieve in, and to attribute to some deficiency in our own mood. But there are deeper rea- sons for that dissatisfaction. Young is not a satirist of a high order. His satire has neither the terrible vigor, the lacerating energy, of genuine indignation, nor the humor WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 37 which owns loving fellowship with the poor human nature it laughs at ; nor yet the personal bitterness which, as in Pope's characters of Sporus and Atticus, ensures those living touches by virtue of which the individual and particular in Art be- comes the universal and immortal. Young could never describe a real, complex human being j but what he could do, with eminent success, was to describe, with neat and finished point, obvious types of manners rather than of character, to write cold and clever epigrams on personified vices and absurdities. There is no more emotion in his satire than if he were turning witty verses on a waxen image of Cupid, or a lady's glove. He has none of those felicitous epithets, none of those pregnant lines, by which Pope's Satires have enriched the ordinary speech of educated men. Young's wit will be found in almost every instance to consist in that antithetic combination of ideas which, of all the forms of wit, is most within reach of clever effort. In his gravest arguments, as well as in his lightest satire, one might imagine that he had set himself to work out the problem, how much antithesis might be got out of a given subject. And there he com- pletely succeeds. His neatest portraits are all wrought on this plan. Narcissus, for example, who "Omits no duty ; nor can Envy say He missed, these many years, the Church or Play : He makes no noise in Parliament, 't is true ; But pays his debts, and visit when 't is due ; His character and gloves are ever clean, And then he can out-bow the bowing Dean; A smile eternal on his lip he wears, Which equally the wise and worthless share*. In gay fatigues, this most undaunted chief, Patient of idleness beyond belief, Most charitably lends the town his face For ornament in every public place ; As sure as cards he to th' assembly comes, And is the furniture of drawing-rooms : When Ombre calls, his hand and heart are free, And, joined to two, he fails not to make three ; Narcissus is the glory of his race ; 38 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. For who does nothing with a better grace * To deck my list by nature were designed Such shining expletives of human kind, Who want, while through blank life they dream along, Sense to be right and passion to be wrong." It is but seldom that we find a touch of that easy slyness which gives an additional zest to surprise; but here is an instance : " See Tityrus, with merriment possest, Is burst with laughter ere he hears the jest ; What need he stay, for when the joke is o'er, His teeth will be no whiter than before." Like Pope, whom he imitated, he sets out with a psycho- logical mistake as the basis of his satire, attributing all forms of folly to one passion, the love of fame, or vanity, a much grosser mistake, indeed, than Pope's exaggeration of the extent to which the "ruling passion" determines con- duct in the individual. Not that Young is consistent in his mistake. He sometimes implies no more than what is the truth that the love of fame is the cause, not of all follies, but of many. Young's satires on women are superior to Pope's, which is only saying that they are superior to Pope's greatest failure. We can more frequently pick out a couplet as successful than an entire sketch. Of the too emphatic Syrena he says : " Her judgment just, her sentence is too strong ; Because she 's right, she 's ever in the wrong." Of the diplomatic Julia : " For her own breakfast she 11 project a scheme, Nor take her tea without a stratagem." Of Lyce, the old painted coquette : "In vain the cock has summoned sprites away ; She walks at noon and blasts the bloom of day." Of the nymph who, " gratis, clears religious mysteries : " WOBLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 39 " 'T is hard, too, she who makes no use but ohat Of her religion, should be barred in that." The description of the literary belle, Daphne, well pre- faces that of Stella, admired by Johnson : " With legs tossed high, on her sophee she sits Vouchsafing audience to contending wits : Of each performance she 's the final test ; One act read o'er, she prophesies the rest ; And then, pronouncing with decisive air, Fully convinces all the town she 'sfair. Had lonely Daphne Hecatessa's face, How would her elegance of taste decrease ! Some ladies' judgment in their features lies, And all their genius sparkles in their eyes. But hold, she cries, lampooner ! have a care ! Must I want common sense because I 'm fair I Oh no ; see Stella : her eyes shine as bright As if her tongue was never in the right ; And yet what real learning, judgment, fire ! She seems inspired, and can herself inspire. How then (if malice ruled not all the fair) Could Daphne publish, and could she forbear ? " After all, when we have gone through Young's seven Sa- tires, we seem to have made but an indifferent meal. They are a sort of fricassee, with some little solid meat in them, and yet the flavor is not always piquant. It is curious to find him, when he pauses a moment from his satiric sketch- ing, recurring to his old platitudes : " Can gold calm passion, or make reason shine 1 Can we dig peace or wisdom from the mine t Wisdom to gold prefer : " platitudes which he seems inevitably to fall into, for the same reason that some men are constantly asserting their contempt for criticism because he felt the opposite so keenly. The outburst of genius in the earlier books of the " Night Thoughts " is the more remarkable, that, in the interval be- tween them and the Satires, he had produced nothing but his 40 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. Pindaric odes, in which he fell far below the level of his pre- vious works. Two sources of this sudden strength were the freedom of blank verse and the presence of a genuine emo- tion. Most persons, in speaking of the "Night Thoughts," have in their minds only the two or three first Nights ; the majority of readers rarely getting beyond these, unless, as Wilson says, they " have but few books, are poor, and live in the country." And in these earlier Nights there is enough genuine sublimity and genuine sadness to bribe us into too favorable a judgment of them as a whole. Young had only a very few things to say or sing, such as that life is vain, that death is imminent, that man is immortal, that virtue is wisdom, that friendship is sweet, and that the source of vir- tue is the contemplation of death and immortality, and even in his two first Nights he had said almost all he had to say in his finest manner. Through these first outpourings of "complaint" we feel that the poet is really sad, that the bird is singing over a rifled nest; and we bear with his morbid picture of the world and of life, as the Job-like lament of a man whom "the hand of God hath touched." Death has carried away his best-beloved, and that "silent land," whither they are gone, has more reality for the desolate one than this world, which is empty of their love : " This is the desert, this the solitude ; How populous, how vital, is the grave ! " Joy died with the loved one : " The disenchanted earth Lost all her lustre. Where her glittering towers ? Her golden mountains, where ? All darkened down To naked waste ; a dreary vale of tears : The great magician 's dead ! " Under the pang of parting, it seems to the bereaved man as if love were only a nerve to suffer with, and he sickens at the thought of every joy of which he must one day say, "It was" In its unreasoning anguish, the soul rushes to the idea of perpetuity as the one element of bliss: WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 41 " O ye blest scenes of permanent delight ! Conld ye, so rich in rapture, fear an end, That ghastly thought would drink up all your joy, And quite unparadise the realms of light." In a man under the immediate pressure of a great sorrow, we tolerate morbid exaggerations ; we are prepared to see him turn away a weary eye from sunlight and flowers and sweet human faces, as if this rich and glorious life had no significance but as a preliminary of death ; we do not criticise his views, we compassionate his feelings. And so it is with Young in these earlier Nights. There is already some arti- ficiality even in his grief, and feeling often slides into rhetoric ; but through it all we are thrilled with the unmis- takable cry of pain, which makes us tolerant of egoism and hyperbole : " In every varied posture, place, and hour, How widowed every thought of every joy! Thought, busy thought ! too busy for my peace! Through the dark postern of time long elapsed Led softly, by the stillness of the night, Led like a murderer (and such it proves!) Strays (wretched rover!) o'er the pleasing past, In quest of wretchedness, perversely strays ; And finds all desert now ; and meets the ghosts Of my departed joys." But when he becomes didactic, rather than complaining, when he ceases to sing his sorrows, and begins to insist on his opinions, when that distaste for life, which we pity as a transient feeling, is thrust upon us as a theory, we become perfectly cool and critical, and are not in the least inclined to be indulgent to false views and selfish sentiments. Seeing that we are about to be severe on Young's failings and failures, we ought, if a reviewer's space were elastic, to dwell also on his merits, on the startling vigor of his imagery, on the occasional grandeur of his thought, on the piquant force of that grave satire into which his meditations continually run. But, since our limits are rigorous, we must content ourselves 42 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. with the less agreeable half of the critic's duty ; and we may the rather do so, because it would be difficult to say anything new of Young in the way of admiration, while we think there are many salutary lessons remaining to be drawn from his faults. One of the most striking characteristics of Young is his radical insincerity as a poetic artist. This, added to the thin and artificial texture of his wit, is the true explanation of the paradox that a poet who is often inopportunely witty has the opposite vice of bombastic absurdity. The source of all grandiloquence is the want of taking for a criterion the true qualities of the object described, or the emotion ex- pressed. The grandiloquent man is never bent on saying what he feels or what he sees, but on producing a certain effect on his audience ; hence he may float away into utter inanity without meeting any criterion to arrest him. Here lies the distinction between grandiloquence and genuine fancy or bold imaginativeness. The fantastic or the boldly imaginative poet may be as sincere as the most realistic ; he is true to his own sensibilities or inward vision, and in his wildest flights he never breaks loose from his criterion the truth of his own mental state. Now, this disruption of lan- guage from genuine thought and feeling is what we are con- stantly detecting in Young ; and his insincerity is the more likely to betray him into absurdity, because he habitually treats of abstractions, and not of concrete objects or specific emotions. He descants perpetually on virtue, religion, " the good man," life, death, immortality, eternity subjects which are apt to give a factitious grandeur to empty wordiness. When a poet floats in the empyrean, and only takes a bird's- eye view of the earth, some people accept the mere fact of his soaring for sublimity, and mistake his dim vision of earth for proximity to heaven. Thus, " His hand the good man fixes on the skies, And bids earth roll, nor feels her idle whirl," may, perhaps, pass for sublime with some readers. But pause a moment to realize the image, and the monstrous ab- WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 43 surdity of a man's grasping the skies, and hanging habitually suspended there, while he contemptuously bids the earth roll, warns you that no genuine feeling could have suggested so unnatural a conception. Again, " See the man immortal : him, I mean, Who lives as such ; whose heart, full bent on Heaven, Leans all that way, his bias to the stars." This is worse than the previous example : for you can at least form some imperfect conception of a man hanging from the skies, though the position strikes you as uncomfortable, and of no particular use ; but you are utterly unable to imag- ine how his heart can lean towards the stars. Examples of such vicious imagery, resulting from insincerity, may be found, perhaps, in almost every page of the "Night Thoughts." But simple assertions or aspirations, undisguised by imagery, are often equally false. No writer whose rhetoric was checked by the slightest truthful intentions, could have said, " An eye of awe and wonder let me roll, And roll forever." Abstracting the more poetical associations with the eye, this is hardly less absurd than if he had wished to stand forever with his mouth open. Again, " Far beneath A soul immortal is a mortal joy." Happily for human nature, we are sure no man really believes that. Which of us has the impiety not to feel that our souls are only too narrow for the joy of looking into the trusting eyes of our children, of reposing on the love of a husband or a wife, nay, of listening to the divine voice of music, or watching the calm brightness of autumnal afternoons ? But Young could utter this falsity without detecting it, because, when he spoke of "mortal joys," he rarely had in his mind any object to which he could attach sacredness. He was 44 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. thinking of bishoprics and benefices, of smiling monarchs, patronizing prime-ministers, and a " much indebted muse." Of anything between these and eternal bliss, he was but rarely and moderately conscious. Often, indeed, he sinks very much below even the bishopric, and seems to have no notion of earthly pleasure, but such as breathes gaslight and the fumes of wine. His picture of life is precisely such as you would expect from a man who has risen from his bed at two o'clock in the afternoon with a headache, and a dim remem- brance that he has added to his " debts of honor : " " What wretched repetition cloys us here ! What periodic potions for the sick, Distempered bodies, and distempered minds? " And then he flies off to his usual antithesis : " In an eternity what scenes shall strike ! Adventures thicken, novelties surprise !" " Earth " means lords and levees, duchesses and Delilahs, South-Sea dreams and illegal percentage ; and the only things distinctly preferable to these, are eternity and the stars. Deprive Young of this antithesis, and more than half his elo- quence would be shrivelled up. Place him on a breezy com- mon, where the furze is in its golden bloom, where children are playing, and horses are standing in the sunshine with fondling necks, and he would have nothing to say. Here are neither depths of guilt nor heights of glory ; and we doubt whether in such a scene he would be able to pay his usual compliment to the Creator : " Where'er I turn, what claim on all applause ! " It is true that he sometimes not often speaks of virtue as capable of sweetening life, as well as of taking the sting from death and winning heaven ; and, lest we should be guilty of any unfairness to him, we will quote the two pas- sages which convey this sentiment the most explicitly. In the one, he gives Lorenzo this excellent recipe for obtain- ing cheerfulness : WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 45 " Go, fix some weighty truth ; Chain down some passion; do some generous good; Teach Ignorance to see, or Grief to smile ; Correct thy friend ; befriend thy greatest foe ; Or, with warm heart, and confidence divine, Spring up, and lay strong hold on Him who made thec." The other passage is vague, "but beautiful, and its music has murmured in our minds for many years : " The cuckoo seasons sing The same dull note to such as nothing prize But what those seasons from the teeming earth To doting sense indulge. But nobler minds, Which relish fruit unripened by the sun, Make their days various ; various as the dyes On the dove's neck, which wanton in his rays. On minds of dove-like innocence possessed, On lightened minds that bask in Virtue's beamt, Nothing hangs tedious, nothing old revolves In that for which they long, for which they live. Their glorious efforts, winged with heavenly hoped, Each rising morning sees still higher rise ; Each bounteous dawn its novelty presents To worth maturing, new strength, lustre, fame ; While Nature's circle, like a chariot wheel, Rolling beneath their elevated aims, Makes their fair prospect fairer every hour ; Advancing virtue in a line to bliss." Even here, where he is in his most amiable mood, you see at what a telescopic distance he stands from mother Earth and simple human joys, " Nature's r circle rolls beneath." Indeed, we remember no mind in poetic literature that seems to have absorbed less of the beauty and the healthy breath of the common landscape than Young's. His images, often grand and finely presented, witness that sublimely sudden leap of thought, " Embryos we must be till we burst the shell, Yon ambient azure shell, and spring to life," lie almost entirely within that circle of observation which would be familiar to a man who lived in town, hung about 46 ESSAYS OP GEORGE ELIOT. the theatres, read the newspaper, and went home often by moon and star light. There is no natural object nearer than the moon that seems to have any strong attraction for him ; and even to the moon he chiefly appeals for patronage, and " pays his court " to her. It is reckoned among the many deficiencies of Lorenzo, that he "never asked the moon, one question" an omission which Young thinks eminently unbecoming a rational being. He describes nothing so well as a comet, and is tempted to linger with fond detail over nothing more familiar than the Day of Judgment and an imaginary journey among the stars. Once on Saturn's ring, he feels at home, and his language becomes quite easy : " What behold I now ? A wilderness of wonders burning round, Where larger suns inhabit higher spheres j Perhaps the villa* of descending godt ! " It is like a sudden relief from a strained posture when, In the " Night Thoughts," we come on any allusion that carries us to the lanes, woods, or fields. Such allusions are amazingly rare, and we could almost count them on a single hand. That we may do him no injustice, we will quote the three beat : " Like blossomed trees o'erturned by vernal storm, Lovely in death the beauteous ruin lay. In the same brook none ever bathed him twice : To the same life none ever twice awoke. We call the brook the same the same we think Our life, though still more rapid in fts flow; Nor mark the ranch irrevocably lapsed And mingled with the sea. The crown of manhood is a winter joy ; An evergreen that stands the northern blast, And blossoms in the rigor of our fate." The adherence to abstractions, or to the personification of abstractions, Is closely allied in Young to the want of genuine WORLDLDTESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 4V emotion. He sees Virtue sitting on a mount serene, far abore the mists and storms of earth ; he sees Religion coming down from the skies, with this world in her left hand and the other world in her right ; but we never find him dwelling on virtue or religion as it really exists in the emotions of a man dressed in an ordinary coat, and seated by his fireside of an evening, with his hand resting on the head of his little daughter, in courageous effort for unselfish ends, in the in- ternal triumph of justice and pity over personal resentment, in all the sublime self-renunciation and sweet charities which are found in the details of ordinary life. Now emotion links itself with particulars, and only in a faint and second- ary manner with abstractions. An orator may discourse very eloquently on injustice in general, and leave his au- dience cold ; but let him state a special case of oppression, and every heart will throb. The most untheoretic persons are aware of this relation between true emotion and particular facts, as opposed to general terms, and implicitly recognize it in the repulsion they feel towards any one who professes strong feeling about abstractions, in the inter jectional " humbug ! " which immediately rises to their lips. Wher- ever abstractions appear to excite strong emotion, this occurs in men of active intellect and imagination, in whom the ab- stract term rapidly and vividly calls up the particulars it represents, these particulars being the true source of the emotion ; and such men, if they wished to express their feel- ing, would be infallibly prompted to the presentation of details. Strong emotion can no more be directed to generali- ties apart from particulars, than skill in figures can be di- rected to arithmetic apart from numbers. Generalities are the refuge at once of -deficient intellectual activity and de- ficient feeling. If we except the passages in " Philander," " Narcissa," and " Lucia," there is hardly a trace of human sympathy, of self- forgetfulness in the joy or sorrow of a fellow-being, through- out this long poem, which professes to treat the various phases of man's destiny. And even in the "Narcissa" Night, 48 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. Young repels us by the low moral tone of his exaggerated lament. This married step-daughter died at Lyons, and, being a Protestant, was denied burial, so that her friends had to bury her in secret, one of the many miserable results of superstition, but not a fact to throw an educated, still less a Christian man, into a fury of hatred and vengeance, in con- templating it after the lapse of five years. Young, however, takes great pains to simulate a bad feeling : "Of grief And indignation rival bursts I poured, Half execration mingled with my prayer; Kindled at man, while I his God adored ; Sore grudged the savage land her sacred dust ; Stamped the cursed soil; and with humanity (Denied Narcissa) wished them aH a grave." The odiously bad taste of this last clause makes us hope that it is simply a platitude, and not intended as witticism, until he removes the possibility of this favorable doubt by immediately asking, " Flows my resentment into guilt ? " When, by an afterthought, he attempts something like sympathy, he only betrays more clearly his want of it. Thus, in the first Night, when he turns from his private griefs to depict earth as a hideous abode of misery for all mankind, and asks, " What then am I, who sorrow for myself ? " he falls at once into calculating the benefit of sorrowing for others : " More generous sorrow, while it sinks, exalts ; And conscious virtue mitigates the pang. Nor virtue, more than prudence, bids me give Swollen thought a second channel." This remarkable negation of sympathy's in perfect con- sistency with Young's theory of ethics : " Virtue is a crime, A crime to reason, if it costs us pain Unpaid." WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 49 If there is no immortality for man, " Sense ! take the rein ; blind Passion, drive as on; And Ignorance ! befriend us on our way. Yes, give the Pulse full empire ; live the Brute, Since as the brute we die. The sum of man, Of godlike man, to revel and to rot. If this life's gain invites him to the deed, Why not his country sold, his father slain f Ambition, avarice, by the wise disdained, Is perfect wisdom, while mankind are foola. And think a turf or tombstone covers all. Die for thy country, thou romantic fool ! Seize, seize the plank thyself, and let her sink. As in the dying parent dies the child, Virtue with Immortality expires. Who tells me he denies his soul immortal, Whole' er his boast, has told me he 's a knave. His duty 't is to love himself alone ; > Nor care though mankind perish, if he smiles" We can imagine the man who " denies his soul immortal," replying : " It is quite possible that you would be a knave, and love yourself alone, if it were not for your belief in im- mortality; but you are not to force upon me what would result from your own utter want of moral emotion. I am just and honest, not because I expect to live in another world, but because, having felt the pain of injustice and dishonesty towards myself, I have a fellow-feeling with other men, who would suffer the same pain if I were unjust or dishonest towards them. Why should I give my neighbor short weight in this world, because there is not another world in which I should have nothing to weigh out to him? I am honest, because I don't like to inflict evil on others in this life, not because I 'm afraid of evil to myself in another. The fact is, I do not love myself alone, whatever logical necessity there may be for that in your mind. I have a tender love for my 4 50 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. wife and children and friends, and through that love I sym- pathize with like affections in other men. It is a pang to me to witness the sufferings of a fellow-being, and I feel his suffer- ing the more acutely because he is mortal) because his life is so short, and I would have it, if possible, filled with hap- piness and not misery. Through my union and fellowship with the men and women I have seen, I feel a like, though a fainter, sympathy with those I have not seen ; and I am able so to live in imagination with the generations to come, that their good is not alien to me, and is a stimulus to me to labor for ends which may not benefit myself, but will benefit them. It is possible that you may prefer to live the brute, to sell your country, or to slay your father, if you were not afraid of some disagreeable consequences from the criminal laws of an- other world ; but even if I could conceive no motive but my own worldly interest, or the gratification of my animal desire, I have not observed that beastliness, treachery, and parricide are the direct way to happiness and comfort on earth. And I should say that, if you feel no motive to common morality, but your fear of a criminal bar in heaven, you are decidedly a man for the police on earth to keep their eye upon, since it is matter of world-old experience that fear of distant conse- quences is a very insufficient barrier against the rush of im- mediate desire. Fear of consequences is only one form of egoism, which will hardly stand against half-a-dozen other forms of egoism bearing down upon it. And in opposition to your theory that a belief in immortality is the only source of virtue, I maintain that, so far as moral action is dependent on that belief, so far the emotion which prompts it is not truly moral, is still in the stage of egoism, and has not yet attained the higher development of sympathy. In proportion as a man would care less for the rights and welfare of his fellow if he did not believe in a future life, in that proportion is he wanting in the genuine feelings of justice and benevo- lence ; as the musician who would care less to play a sonata of Beethoven finely in solitude than in public, where he was to be paid for it, is wanting in genuine enthusiasm for music." WOKLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 51 Thus far might answer the man who " denies himself im- mortal ; " and allowing for that deficient recognition of the finer and more indirect influences exercised by the idea of immortality which might be expected from one who took up a dogmatic position on such a subject we think he would have given a sufficient reply to Young, and other theological advocates who, like him, pique themselves on the loftiness of their doctrine when they maintain that "Virtue with Im- mortality expires." We may admit, indeed, that if the better part of virtue consists, as Young appears to think, in con- tempt for mortal joys, in " meditation of our own decease," and in " applause " of God in the style of a congratulatory address to her Majesty, all which has small relation to the well-being of mankind on this earth, the motive to it must be gathered from something that lies quite outside the sphere of human sympathy. But for certain other elements of virtue, which are of more obvious importance to untheological minds, a delicate sense of our neighbor's rights, an active participation in the joys and sorrows of our fellow-men, a magnanimous acceptance of privation or suffering for our- selves when it is the condition of good to others, in a word, the extension and intensification of our sympathetic nature, we think it of some importance to contend, that they have no more direct relation to the belief in a future state than the interchange of gases in the lungs has to the plurality of worlds. Nay, to us it is conceivable that in some minds the deep pathos lying in the thought of human mortality that we are here for a little while and then vanish away, that this earthly life is all that is given to our loved ones and to our many suffering fellow-men lies nearer the fountains of moral emotion than the conception of extended existence. And surely it ought to be a welcome fact, if the thought of mortality, as well as of immortality, be favorable to virtue. Do writers of sermons and religious novels prefer that men should be vicious in order that there may be a more evident political and social necessity for printed sermons and clerical fictions? Because learned gentlemen are theological, are we 52 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. to have no more simple honesty and good-will? We can imagine that the proprietors of a patent water-supply have a dread of common springs ; but, for our own part, we think there cannot be too great a security against a lack of fresh water or of pure morality. To us it is a matter of unmixed rejoicing that this latter necessary of healthful life is in- dependent of theological ink, and that its evolution is ensured in the interaction of human souls, as certainly as the evolution of science or of art, with which, indeed, it is but a twin ray, melting into them with undefinable limits. To return to Young. We can often detect a man's deficien- cies in what he admires, more clearly than in what he con- temns, in the sentiments he presents as laudable, rather than in those he decries. And in Young's notion of what is lofty he casts a shadow by which we can measure him with- out further trouble. For example, in arguing for human immortality, he says: " First, what is true ambition f The pursuit Of glory nothing less than man can share. The Visible and Present are for brutes, A slender portion, and a narrow bound ! These Reason, with an energy divine, O'erleaps, and claims the Future and Unseen, The vast Unseen, the Future fathomless ! When the great soul buoys up to this high point, Leaving gross Nature's sediments below, Then, and then only, Adam's offspring quits The sage and hero of the fields and woods, Asserts his rank, and rises into man." So, then, if it were certified that, as some benevolent minds have tried to infer, our dumb fellow-creatures would share a future existence, in which it is to be hoped we should neither beat, starve, nor maim them, our ambition for a future life would cease to be " lofty ! " This is a notion of loftiness which may pair off with Dr. Whewell's celebrated observation, that Bentham's moral theory is low, because it includes jus- tice and mercy to brutes. WORLDLINESS AND OTHER WORLDLINESS. 53 But, for a reflection of Young's moral personality on a colossal scale, we must turn to those passages where his rhetoric is at its utmost stretch of inflation where he ad- dresses the Deity, discourses of the divine operations, or de- scribes the Last Judgment. As a compound of vulgar pomp, crawling adulation, and hard selfishness, presented under the guise of piety, there are few things in literature to surpass the Ninth Night, entitled "Consolation," especially in the pages where he describes the Last Judgment, a subject to which, with naive self-betrayal, he applies phraseology favored by the exuberant penny-a-liner. Thus, when God descends, and the groans of hell are opposed by " shouts of joy," much as cheers and groans contend at a public meet- ing where the resolutions are not passed unanimously, the poet completes his climax in this way: " Hence, in one peal of loud, eternal praise, The charmed spectators thunder their applause." In the same taste, he sings : " Eternity, the various sentence past, Assigns the severed throng distinct abodes, Sulphureous or ambrosial" Exquisite delicacy of indication! He is too nice to be specific as to the interior of the " sulphureous " abode ; but when once half the human race are shut up there, hear how he enjoys turning the key on them ! " What, ensues ? The deed predominant, the deed of deeds ! Which makes a hell of hell, a heaven of heaven I The goddess, with determined aspect, turns Her adamantine key's enormous size Through destiny's inextricable wards, Deep driving every bolt on both their fates. Then, from the crystal battlements of heaven, Down, down she hurls it through the dark profound, Ten thousand, thousand fathom ; there to rust And ne'er unlock her resolution more. The deep resounds ; and hell, through all her gloom* Returns, in groans, the melancholy roar." 54 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. This is one of the blessings for which Dr. Young thanks God "most:" " For all I bless thee, most, for the severe ; Her death my own at hand thejiery gulf, That flaming bound of wrath omnipotent t It thunders ; but it thunders to preserve ; its wholesome dread Averts the dreaded paiii ; its hideous groans Join heaven's sweet Hallelujahs in thy praise, Great Source of good alone ! How kind in all ! In vengeance kind ! Pain, Death, Gehenna, save "... i. e., save me, Dr. Young j who, in return for that favor, promise to give my divine patron the monopoly of that exuberance in laudatory epithet, of which specimens may be seen at any moment in a large number of dedications and odes to kings, queens, prime-ministers, and other persons of distinction. That, in Young's conception, is what God delights in. His crowning aim in the drama of the ages is to vindicate his own renown. The God of the "Night Thoughts" is simply Young himself, "writ large," a didactic poet, who "lec- tures " mankind in the antithetic hyperbole of mortal and immortal joys, earth and the stars, hell and heaven, and ex- pects the tribute of inexhaustible "applause." Young has no conception of religion as anything else than egoism turned heavenward ; and he does not merely imply this, he insists on it. Religion, he tells us, in argumentative passages too long to quote, is "ambition, pleasure, and the love of gain," di- rected towards the joys of the future life instead of the present. And his ethics correspond to his religion. He vacillates, indeed, in his ethical theory, and shifts his position in order to suit his immediate purpose in argument ; but he never changes his level so as to see beyond the horizon of mere selfishness. Sometimes he insists, as we have seen, that the belief in a future life is the only basis of morality ; but elsewhere he tells us " In Mil -applause is virtue's golden pru*." WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLDJESS. 55 Virtue, with Young, must always squint, must never look straight towards the immediate object of its emotion and effort. Thus, if a man risks perishing in the snow himself, rather than forsake a weaker comrade, he must either do this because his hopes and fears are directed to another world, or because he desires to applaud himself afterwards ! Young, if we may believe him, would despise the action as folly unless it had these motives. Let us hope he was not so bad as he pretended to be ! The tides of the divine life in man move under the thickest ice of theory. Another indication of Young's deficiency in moral i. &., in sympathetic emotion, is his unintermitting habit of peda- gogic moralizing. On its theoretic and perceptive side, moral- ity touches science ; on its emotional side, art. Now, the products of art are great in proportion as they result from that immediate prompting of innate power which we call Genius, and not from labored obedience to a theory or rule ; and the presence of genius or innate prompting is directly op- posed to the perpetual consciousness of a rule. The action of faculty is imperious, and excludes the reflection why it should act. In the same way, in proportion as morality is emotional, *. ., has affinity with art, it will exhibit itself in direct sympathetic feeling and action, and not as the recognition of a rule. Love does not say, " I ought to love," it loves. Pity does not say, "It is right to be pitiful," it pities. Justice does not say, "I am bound to be just," it feels justly. It is only where moral emotion is comparatively weak that the contemplation of a rule or theory habitually mingles with its action; and in accordance with this, we think experience, both in literature and life, has shown that the minds which are pre-eminently didactic which in- sist on a lesson, and despise everything that will not convey a moral are deficient in sympathetic emotion. A certain poet is recorded to have said, that he " wished everything of his burnt that did not impress some moral; even in love- verses, it might be flung in by the way." What poet was it who took this medicinal view of poetry ? Dr. Watts, or 56 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. James Montgomery, or some other singer of spotless life and ardent piety? Not at all. It was Waller. A significant fact in relation to our position, that the predominant didactic tendency proceeds rather from the poet's perception that it is good for other men to be moral, than from any overflow of moral feeling in himself ! A man who is perpetually think- ing in apothegms, who has an unintermittent flux of admoni- tion, can have little energy left for simple emotion. And this is the case with Young. In his highest flights of con- templation, and his most wailing soliloquies, he interrupts himself to fling an admonitory parenthesis at Lorenzo, or to hint that " folly's creed " is the reverse of his own. Before his thoughts can flow, he must fix his eye on an imaginary miscreant, who gives unlimited scope for lecturing, and re- criminates just enough to keep the spring of admonition and argument going to the extent of nine Books. It is curious to see how this pedagogic habit of mind runs through Young's contemplation of Nature. As the tendency to see our own sadness reflected in the external world has been called by Mr. Buskin the " pathetic fallacy," so we may call Young's dis- position, to see a rebuke or a warning in every natural object, the " pedagogic fallacy." To his mind, the heavens are " for ever scolding as they shine ; " and the great function of the stars is to be a " lecture to mankind." The conception of the Deity as a didactic author is not merely an implicit point of view with him; he works it out in elaborate imagery, and at length makes it the occasion of his most extraordinary achievement in the " art of sinking," by exclaiming, apropos, we need hardly say, of the nocturnal heavens : " Divine Instructor ! Thy first volume this For man's perusal ! all in CAPITALS ! " It is this pedagogic tendency, this sermonizing attitude of Young's mind, which produces the wearisome monotony of his pauses. After the first two or three Nights, he is rarely singing, rarely pouring forth any continuous melody inspired by the spontaneous flow of thought or feeling. He is rather WORLDLLNESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESa. 57 occupied with argumentative insistence, with hammering in the proofs of his propositions by disconnected verses, which he puts down at intervals. The perpetual recurrence of the pause at the end of the line throughout long passages, makes them as fatiguing to the ear as a monotonous chant, which consists of the endless repetition of one short musical phrase. For example : " Past hours, If not by guilt, yet wound us by their flight, If folly bound our prospect by the grave, All feeling of futurity be numbed, All godlike passion for eternals quenched, All relish of realities expired ; Renounced all correspondence with the skies ; Our freedom chained ; quite wingless our desire ; In sense dark-prisoned all that ought to soar ; Prone to the centre ; crawling in the dust ; Dismounted every great and glorious aim ; Enthralled every faculty divine, Heart-buried in the rubbish of the world." How different from the easy, graceful melody of Cowper's blank verse ! Indeed, it is hardly possible to criticise Young, without being reminded at every step of the contrast pre- sented to him by Cowper. And this contrast urges itself upon us the more from the fact that there is, to a certain extent, a parallelism between the " Night Thoughts " and the " Task." In both poems the author achieves his greatest, in virtue of the new freedom conferred by blank verse ; both poems are professedly didactic, and mingle much satire with their graver meditations ; both poems are the productions of men whose estimate of this life was formed by the light of a belief in immortality, and who were intensely attached to Christianity. On some grounds we might have anticipated a more morbid view of things from Cowper than from Young. Cowper's religion was dogmatically the more gloomy, for he was a Calvinist ; while Young was a " low " Arminian, be- lieving that Christ died for all, and that the only obstacle to any man's salvation lay in his will, which he could change if companionship in enjoyment; no vague rant misery and human virtue, but that close and vivl tion of particular sorrows and privations, of partj and misdeeds, which is the direct road to the emc Cowper's exquisite mind falls with the inild warn) ing sunlight on the commonest objects, at one every detail, and investing every detail with beav ject is too small to prompt his song, not the the bars, or the spoutless teapot holding a bit of I that serves to cheer the dingy town-lodging with Nature lives ; " and yet his song is never trivij alive to small objects, not because his mind is naj cause his glance is clear and his heart is large. \ trying to edify us by supercilious allusions td and the stalls, he interests us in that tragedy roost, when the thief has wrenched the door, " Where Chanticleer amidst his harem sleeps In unsuspecting pomp ; " in the patient cattle, that on the winter's moi VORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 59 " Mourn in corners where the fence Screens them, and seem half petrified to sleep In unrecumbent sadness ; " in the little squirrel, that, surprised by him in his woodland walk, " At once, swift as a bird, Ascends the neighboring beech ; there whisks his brash. And perks his ears, and stamps, and cries aloud, With all the prettiness of feigned alarm And anger insignificantly fierce." And then he passes into reflection, not with curt apothegm and snappish reproof, but with that melodious flow of utter- ance which belongs to thought when it is carried along in a stream of feeling : " The heart is hard in nature, and unfit For human fellowship, as being void Of sympathy, and therefore dead alike To love and friendship both, that is not pleased With sight of animals enjoying life, Nor feels their happiness augment his own." His large and tender heart embraces the most every-day forms of human life the carter driving his team through the wintry storm ; the cottager's wife who, painfully nursing the embers on her hearth, while her infants " sit cowering o'er the sparks," " Retires, content to quake, so they be warmed ; " or the villager, with her little ones, going out to pick " A cheap but wholesome salad from the brook; " and he compels our colder natures to follow his in its mani- fold sympathies, not by exhortations, uot by telling us to meditate at midnight, to indulge the thought of death, or to ask ourselves how we shall " weather an eternal night," but by presenting to us the object of his compassion truthfully and lovingly. And when he handles greater themes, when he takes a wider survey, and considers the men or the deeds 60 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. which have a direct influence on the welfare of communities and nations, there is the same unselfish warmth of feeling, the same scrupulous truthfulness. He is never vague in his remonstrance or his satire ; but puts his finger on some par- ticular vice or folly, which excites his indignation or "dis- solves his heart in pity," because of some specific injury it does to his fellow-man or to a sacred cause. And when he is asked why he interests himself about the sorrows and wrongs of others, hear what is the reason he gives. Not, like Young, that the movements of the planets show a mutual dependence, and that, " Thus man his sovereign duty learns in this Material picture of benevolence ; " or that, " More generous sorrow while it sinks, exalts, And conscious virtue mitigates the pang." What is Cowper's answer, when he imagines some " sage erudite, profound," asking him "What's the world to you?" " Much. I was born of woman, and drew milk As sweet as charity from human breasts. I think, articulate, I laugh and weep, And exercise all functions of a man. How then should I and any man that lives Be strangers to each other ? " Young is astonished that men can make war on each other that any one can " seize his brother's throat," while " The Planets cry, ' Forbear.' " Cowper weeps because " There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart : It does not feel for man" Young applauds God as a monarch with an empire, and a court quite superior to the English, or as an author who pro- duces " volumes for man's perusal." Cowper sees his Father's love in all the gentle pleasures of the home fireside, in the eharma even of the wintry landscape, and thinks, WORLDLINESS AND OTHER-WORLDLINESS. 61 * Happy who walks with him ! whom what he finds Of flavor or of scent in fruit or flower, Or what he views of beautiful or grand In nature, from the broad, majestic oak To the green blade that twinkles in the sun, Prompts mtk remembrance of a present God." To conclude, for we must arrest ourselves in a contrast that would lead us beyond our bounds, Young flies for his utmost consolation to the Day of Judgment, when " Final Ruin fiercely drives Her ploughshare o'er creation ; " when earth, stars, and sun are swept aside, " And now, all dross removed, heaven's own pure day, Full on the confines of our ether, flames : While (dreadful contrast!) far (how far!) beneath, Hell, bursting, belches forth her blazing seas, And storms sulphureous ; her voracious jaws Expanding wide, and roaring for her prey," Dr. Young, and similar " ornaments of religion and virtue," passing of course with grateful " applause " into the upper region. Cowper finds his highest inspiration in the Millen- nium in the restoration of this, our beloved home of earth, to perfect holiness and bliss, when the Supreme " Shall visit earth in mercy ; shall descend Propitious in his chariot paved with love ; And what his storms have blasted and defaced For man's revolt, shall with a smile repair." And into what delicious melody his song flows at the thought of that blessedness to be enjoyed by future genera- tions on earth ! " The dwellers in the vales and on the rocks Shout to each other, and the mountain-tops From distant mountains catch the flying joy; Till, nation after nation taught the strain, Earth rolls the rapturous Hosanna round ! " The sum of our comparison is this : In Young we have the type of that deficient human sympathy, that impiety towards 62 ESSAYS OP GEORGE ELIOT. the present and the visible, which flies for its motives, its sanctities, aiid its religion, to the remote, the vague, and the unknown ; in Cowper we have the type of that genuine love which cherishes things in proportion to their nearness, and feels its reverence grow in proportion to the intimacy of its knowledge. PORTRAIT OF HEINE. GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. " "VTOTHING," says Goethe, " is more significant of men's -L-N character than what they find laughable." The truth of this observation would perhaps have been more apparent if he had said culture instead of character. The last thing in which the cultivated man can have community with the vulgar is their jocularity ; and we can hardly exhibit more strikingly the wide gulf which separates him from them, than by comparing the object which shakes the diaphragm of a coal-heaver, with the highly complex pleasure derived from a real witticism. That any high order of wit is exceedingly complex, and demands a ripe and strong mental development, has one evidence in the fact that we do not find it in boys at all in proportion to their manifestation of other powers. Clever boys generally aspire to the heroic and poetic rather than the comic, and the crudest of all their efforts are their jokes. Many a witty man will remember how in his school- days a practical joke, more or less Rabelaisian, was for him the ne plus ultra of the ludicrous. It seems to have been the same with the boyhood of the human race. The history and literature of the ancient Hebrews give the idea of a people who went about their business and their pleasure as gravely as a society of beavers ; the smile and the laugh are often mentioned metaphorically, but the smile is one of compla- cency, the laugh is one of scorn. Nor can we imagine that the facetious element was very strong in the Egyptians ; no laughter lurks in the wondering eyes and the broad calm lips of their statues. Still less can the Assyrians have had any genius for the comic; the round eyes and simpering 66 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. disposition; but humor approaches us more deliberately and leaves us masters of ourselves. Hence it is, that while coarse and cruel humor has almost disappeared from contemporary literature, coarse and cruel wit abounds ; even refined men cannot help laughing at a coarse bon mot or a lacerating per- sonality, if the "shock" of the witticism is a powerful one; while mere fun will have no power over them if it jar on their moral taste. Hence, too, it is, that while wit is peren- nial, humor is liable to become superannuated. As is usual with definitions and classifications, however, this distinction between wit and humor does not exactly represent the actual fact. Like all other species, wit and humor overlap and blend with each other. There are bon mots, like many of Charles Lamb's, which are a sort of face- tious hybrids ; we hardly know whether to call them witty or humorous ; there are rather lengthy descriptions or narra- tives, which, like Voltaire's Micromegas," would be more humorous if they were not so sparkling and antithetic, so pregnant with suggestion and satire, that we are obliged to call them witty. We rarely find wit untempered by humor, or humor without a spice of wit; and sometimes we find them both united in the highest degree in the same mind, as in Shakspeare and Moliere. A happy conjunction this, for wit is apt to be cold and thin-lipped and Mephistophe- lean in men who have no relish for humor, whose lungs do never crow like Chanticleer at fun and drollery ; and broad- faced, rollicking humor needs the refining influence of wit. Indeed, it may be said that there is no really fine writing in which wit has not an implicit, if not an explicit, action. The wit may never rise to the surface, it may never flame out into a witticism; but it helps to give brightness and trans- parency, it warns off from flights and exaggerations which verge on the ridiculous; in every genre of writing it pre- serves a man from sinking into the genre ennuyeux. And it is eminently needed for this office in humorous writing ; for as humor has no limits imposed on it by its material, no law but its own exuberance, it is apt to become preposterous and GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 67 wearisome unless checked by wit, which is the enemy of all monotony, of all lengthiness, of all exaggeration. Perhaps the nearest approach Nature has given us to a complete analysis, in which wit is as thoroughly exhausted of humor as possible, and humor as bare as possible of wit, is in the typical Frenchman and the typical German. Vol- taire, the intensest example of pure wit, fails in most of his fictions from his lack of humor. " Micromegas " is a perfect tale, because, as it deals chiefly with philosophic ideas and does not touch the marrow of human feeling and life, the writer's wit and wisdom were all-sufficient for his pur- pose. Not so with "Candide." Here Voltaire had to give pictures of life as well as to convey philosophic truth and satire, and here we feel the want of humor. The sense of the ludicrous is continually defeated by disgust, and the scenes, instead of presenting us with an amusing or agreeable picture, are only the frame for a witticism. On the other hand, German humor generally shows no sense of measure, no instinctive tact ; it is either floundering and clumsy as the antics of a leviathan, or laborious and interminable as a Lap- land day, in which one loses all hope that the stars and quiet will ever come. For this reason, Jean Paul, the greatest of German humorists, is unendurable to many readers, and fre- quently tiresome to all. Here, as elsewhere, the German shows the absence of that delicate perception, that sensibility to gradation, which is the essence of tact and taste, and the necessary concomitant of wit. All his subtlety is reserved for the region of metaphysics. For Identitat in the abstract, no one can have an acuter vision, but in the concrete he is satis- fied with a very loose approximation. He has the finest nose for Empirismus in philosophical doctrine, but the presence of more or less tobacco-smoke in the air he breathes is imper- ceptible to him. To the typical German Vetter Michel it is indifferent whether his door-lock will catch ; whether his tea-cup be more or less than an inch thick ; whether or not his book have every other leaf unstitched; whether his neighbor's conversation be more or less of a shout ; whether 68 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. he pronounce b or p, t or d; whether or not his adored one's teeth be few and far between. He has the same sort of in- sensibility to gradations in time. A German comedy is like a German sentence ; you see no reason in its structure why it should ever come to an end, and you accept the conclusion as an arrangement of Providence rather than of the author. We have heard Germans use the word Langeweile, the equiv- alent for ennui, and we have secretly wondered what it can be that produces ennui in a German. Not the longest of long tragedies, for we have known him to pronounce that hochst fesselnd (so enchaining ! ) ; not the heaviest of heavy books, for he delights in that as griindlich ( deep, sir, deep ! ) ; not the slowest of journeys in a Post-wag en, for the slower the horses, the more cigars he can smoke before he reaches his journey's end. German ennui must be something as super- lative as Barclay's treble X, which, we suppose, implies an extremely unknown quantity of stupefaction. It is easy to see that this national deficiency in nicety of perception must have its effect on the national appreciation and exhibition of humor. You find in Germany ardent admirers of Shakspeare, who tell you that what they think most admirable in him is his Wortspiel, his verbal quibbles ; and one of these, a man of no slight culture and refinement, once cited to a friend of ours Proteus's joke in " The Two Gentlemen of Verona," "Nod, I? why that's Noddy," as a transcendent specimen of Shakspearian wit. German face- tiousness is seldom comic to foreigners, and an Englishman with a swelled cheek might take up " Kladderadatsch," the German " Punch," without any danger of agitating his facial muscles. Indeed, it is a remarkable fact that, among the five great races concerned in modern civilization, the German race is the only one which, up to the present century, had contributed nothing classic to the common stock of European wit and humor ; for " Eeineke Fuchs " cannot be regarded as a peculiarly Teutonic product. Italy was the birthplace of Pantomime and the immortal Pulcinello ; Spain had produced Cervantes ; France had produced Eabelais and Moliere, and GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 69 classic wits innumerable ; England had yielded Shakspeare and a host of humorists. But Germany had borne no great comic dramatist, no great satirist, and she has not yet re- paired the omission ; she had not even produced any humorist of a high order. Among her great writers, Lessing is the one who is the most specifically witty. We feel the implicit influence of wit, the "flavor of mind," throughout his writings ; and it is often concentrated into pungent satire, as every reader of the " Hamburgische Dramaturgic" remem- bers. Still, Lessing's name has not become European through his wit, and his charming comedy, " Minna von Barnhelm," has won no place on a foreign stage. Of course, we do not pretend to an exhaustive acquaintance with German litera- ture ; we not only admit, we are sure, that it includes much comic writing of which we know nothing. We simply state the fact, that no German production of that kind, before the present century, ranked as European ; a fact which does not, indeed, determine the amount of the national facetiousness, but which is quite decisive as to its quality. Whatever may be the stock of fun which Germany yields for home-consump- tion, she has provided little for the palate of other lands. All honor to her for the still greater things she has done for us ! She has fought the hardest fight for freedom of thought, has produced the grandest inventions, has made magnificent contributions to science, has given us some of the divinest poetry, and quite the divinest music, in the world. No one reveres and treasures the products of the German mind more than we do. To say that that mind is not fertile in wit, is only like saying that excellent wheat-land is not rich pasture ; to say that we do not enjoy German facetiousness, is no more than to say that, though the horse is the finest of quadrupeds, we do not like him to lay his hoof playfully on our shoulder. Still, as we have noticed that the pointless puns and stupid jocularity of the boy may ultimately be developed into the epigrammatic brilliancy and polished playfulness of the man, as we believe that racy wit and chastened delicate humor are inevitably the results of invigorated and refined mental 70 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. activity, we can also believe that Germany will, one day, yield a crop of wits and humorists. Perhaps there is already an earnest of that future crop in the existence of Heinrich Heine, a German born with the present century, who, to Teutonic imagination, sensibility, and humor, adds an amount of esprit that would make him brilliant among the most brilliant of Frenchmen. True, this unique German wit is half a Hebrew ; but he and his ances- tors spent their youth in German air, and were reared on Wurst and Sauerkraut, so that he is as much a German as a pheasant is an English bird, or a potato an Irish vegetable. But whatever else he may be, Heine is one of the most remark- able men of this age : no echo, but a real voice, and therefore, like all genuine things in this world, worth studying ; a sur- passing lyric poet, who has uttered our feelings for us in delicious song ; a humorist, who touches leaden folly with the magic wand of his fancy, and transmutes it into the fine gold of art who sheds his sunny smile on human tears, and makes them a beauteous rainbow on the cloudy background of life ; a wit, who holds in his mighty hand the most scorch- ing lightnings of satire ; an artist in prose literature, who has shown even more completely than Goethe the possibilities of German prose ; and in spite of all charges against him, true as well as false a lover of freedom, who has spoken wise and brave words on behalf of his fellow-men. He is, moreover, a suffering man, who, with all the highly wrought sensibility of genius, has to endure terrible physical ills ; and as such he calls forth more than an intellectual interest. It is true, alas ! that there is a heavy weight in the other scale that Heine's magnificent powers have often served only to give electric force to the expression of debased feeling, BO that his works are no Phidian statue of gold and ivory and gems, but have not a little brass and iron and miry clay mingled with the precious metal. The audacity of his occa- sional coarseness and personality is unparalleled in contem porary literature, and has hardly been exceeded by the license former days. Hence, before his volumes are put within GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 71 the reach of immature minds, there is need of a friendly pen- knife to exercise a strict censorship. Yet, when all coarse- ness, all scurrility, all Mephistophelean contempt for the reverent feelings of other men, is removed, there will be a plenteous remainder of exquisite poetry, of wit, humor, and just thought. It is apparently too often a congenial task to write severe words about the transgressions committed by men of genius, especially when the censor has the advantage of being himself a man of no genius, so that those transgres- sions seem to him quite gratuitous ; he, forsooth, never lac- erated any one by his wit, or gave irresistible piquancy to a coarse allusion, and his indignation is not mitigated by any knowledge of the temptation that lies in transcendent power. We are also apt to measure what a gifted man has done by our arbitrary conception of what he might have done, rather than by a comparison of his actual doings with our own or those of other ordinary men. We make ourselves over- zealous agents of heaven, and demand that our brother should bring usurious interest for his five Talents, forgetting that it is less easy to manage five Talents than two. Whatever ben- efit there may be in denouncing the evil, it is after all more edifying, and certainly more cheering, to appreciate the good. Hence, in endeavoring to give our readers some account of Heine and his works, we shall not dwell lengthily on his fail- ings; we shall not hold the candle up to dusty, vermin- haunted corners, but let the light fall as much as possible on the nobler and more attractive details. Our sketch of Heine's life, which has been drawn from various sources, will be free from everything like intrusive gossip, and will derive its coloring chiefly from the autobiographical hints and descrip- tions scattered through his own writings. Those of our read- ers who happen to know nothing of Heine, will in this way be making their acquaintance with the writer while they are learning the outline of his career. We have said that Heine was born with the present century ; but this statement is not precise, for we learn that, according to his certificate of baptism, he was born December 72 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. 12, 1799. However, as he himself says, the important point is, that he was born, and born on the banks of the Rhine at Dusseldorf, where his father was a merchant. In his " Reisebilder " he gives us some recollections, in his wild poetic way, of the dear old town where he spent his child- hood, and of his school boy troubles there. We shall quote from these in butterfly fashion, sipping a little nectar here and there, without regard to any strict order : " I first saw the light on the banks of that lovely stream, where folly grows on the green hills, and in autumn is plucked, pressed, poured into casks, and sent into foreign lands. Believe me, I yester- day heard some one utter folly which, in anno 1811, lay in a bunch of grapes I then saw growing on the Johannisberg. . . . Mon Dieu ! if I had only such faith in me that I could remove mountains, the Johan- nisberg would be the very mountain I should send for wherever I might be ; but as my faith is not so strong, imagination must help me, and it transports me at once to the lovely Rhine. ... I am again a child, and playing with other children on the Schlossplatz, at Diisseldorf on the Rhine. Yes, madam, there was I born; and I note this expressly, in case, after my death, seven cities Schilda, Krah- winkel, Polkwitz, Bockmn, Dulken, Gottingen, and Schoppenstadt should contend for the honor of being my birthplace. Diisseldorf is a town on the Rhine ; sixteen thousand men live there, and many hundred thousand men besides lie buried there. . . . Among them, many of whom my mother says that it would be better if they were still living, for example, my grandfather and my uncle, the old Herr von Geldern, and the young Herr von Geldern, both such celebrated doc- tors, who saved so many men from death, and yet must die themselves. And the pious Ursula, who carried me in her arms when I was a child, also lies buried there, and a rosebush grows on her grave ; she loved the scent of roses so well in life, and her heart was pure rose-incense and goodness. The knowing old Canon, too, lies buried there. Heavens, what an object he looked when I last saw him ! He was made tip of nothing but mind and plasters, and nevertheless studied day and night, as if he were alarmed lest the worms should find an idea too little in his head. And the little William lies there, and for this I am to blame. We were schoolfellows in the Franciscan mon- astery, and were playing on that side of it where the Dtissel flows be- tween stone walls ; and I said, ' William, fetch out the kitten that GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 73 has just fallen in ; ' and merrily he went down on to the plank which lay across the brook, snatched the kitten out of the water, but fell in himself, and was dragged out dripping and dead* The kitten lived to a good old age. . . . Princes in that day were not the tormented race as they are now; the crown grew firmly on their heads, and at night they drew a nightcap over it, aud slept peacefully, and peacefully slept the people at their feet ; and when the people waked in the morn- ing, they said, ' Good-morning, father ! ' and the princes answered, ' Good-morning, dear children ! ' But it was suddenly quite otherwise; for when we awoke one morning at Diisseldorf, and were ready to say, ' Good-morning, father ! ' lo ! the father was gone away ; and in the whole town there was nothing but dumb sorrow, everywhere a sort of funeral disposition ; and people glided along silently to the market, and read the long placard placed on the door of the Town Hall. It was dismal weather ; yet the lean tailor, Kiliaii, stood in his nankeen jacket, which he usually wore only in the house, and his blue worsted stockings hung down so that his naked legs peeped out mournfully, and his thin lips trembled while he muttered the announcement to himself. And an old soldier read rather louder, and at many a word a crystal tear trickled down to his brave old mustache. I stood near nim and wept in company, and asked him why we wept? He answered, 'The Elector has abdicated.' And then he read again; and at the words, f for the long-manifested fidelity of my subjects,' and ' hereby set you free from your allegiance,' he wept more than ever. It is strangely touching to see an old man like that, with faded uni- form and scarred face, weep so bitterly all of a sudden. While we were reading, the Electoral arms were taken down from the Town Hall ; everything had such a desolate air, that it was as if an eclipse of the sun were expected. ... I went home and wept, and wailed out, 'The Elector has abdicated!' In vain my mother took a world of trouble to explain the thing to me. I knew what I knew ; I was not to be persuaded, but went crying to bed, and in the night dreamed that the world was at an end." The next morning, however, the sun rises as usual, and Joachim Murat is proclaimed Grand Duke, whereupon there is a holiday at the public school, and Heinrich (or Harry, for that was his baptismal name, which he afterwards had the good taste to change), perched on the bronze horse of the Electoral statue, sees quite a different scene from yesterday's : 74 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. " The next day the world was again all in order, and we had school as before, and things were got by heart as before ; the Roman em- perors, chronology, the nouns in im, the verba irregularia, Greek, Hebrew, geography, mental arithmetic! heavens! rny head is still dizzy with it all must be learned by heart ! And a great deal of this came very conveniently for me in after life. For if I had not known the Roman kings by heart, it would subsequently have been quite in- different to me whether Niebuhr had proved or had not proved that they never really existed. . . . But oh ! the trouble I had at school with the endless dates. And with arithmetic it was still worse. What I understood best was subtraction, for that has a very practical rule : ' Four can't be taken from three, therefore I must borrow one. 4 But I advise every one in such a case to borrow a few extra pence, for no one can tell what may happen. ... As for Latin, you have no idea, madam, what a complicated affair it is. The Romans would never have found time to conquer the world if they had first had to learn Latin. Luckily for them, they already knew in their cradles what nouns have their accusative in im. I, on the contrary, had to learn them by heart in the sweat of my brow ; nevertheless, it is fortunate for me that I know them j . . . and the fact that I have them at my finger-ends if I should ever happen to want them suddenly, affords me much inward repose and consolation in many troubled hours of life. ... Of Greek I will not say a word, I should get too much irritated. The monks in the Middle Ages were not so far wrong when they main- tained that Greek was an invention of the devil. God knows the suf- fering I endured over it. ... With Hebrew it went somewhat better, for I had always a great liking for the Jews, though to this very hour they crucify my good name ; but I could never get on so far in Hebrew as my watch, which had much familiar intercourse with pawnbrokers, and in this way contracted many Jewish habits, for example, it wouldn't go on Saturdays." Heine's parents were apparently not wealthy, but his edu- cation was cared for by his uncle, Solomon Heine, a great banker in Hamburg, so that he had no early pecuniary dis- advantages to struggle with. He seems to have been very happy in his mother, who was not of Hebrew, but of Teutonic blood ; he often mentions her with reverence and affection, and in the " Buch der Lieder " there are two exquisite sonnets addressed to her, which tell how his proud spirit was always GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 75 subdued by the charm of her presence, and how her love was the home of his heart after restless weary ramblings : " Wie machtig auch mein stoker Muth sich blahe^ In deiner selig svissen, trauten Nahe Ergreift mich oft ein demuthvolles Zagen. Und immer irrte ich nach Liebe, immer Nach Liebe, doch die Liebe fand ich ninuuer, Und kehrte um nach Hause, krauk und triibe. Doch da bist du entgegen mir gekommen, Und ach ! was da in deinem Aug' geschwommen, Das war die siisse, langgesuchte Liebe." He was at first destined for a mercantile life, but nature declared too strongly against this plan. " God knows," he has lately said in conversation with his brother, " I would will- ingly have become a banker, but I could never bring myself to that pass. I very early discerned that bankers would one day be the rulers of the world." So commerce was at length given up for law, the study of which he began in 1819 at the University of Bonn. He had already published some poems in the corner of a newspaper, and among them was one on Napoleon, the object of his youthful enthusiasm. This poem, he says in a letter to St. Rene Taillandier, was written when he was only sixteen. It is still to be found in the " Buch der Lieder" under the title "Die Grenadiere," and it proves that even in its earliest efforts his genius showed a strongly specific character. It will be easily imagined that the germs of poetry sprouted too vigorously in Heine's brain for jurisprudence to find much room there. Lectures on history and literature, we are told, were more diligently attended than lectures on law. He had taken care, too, to furnish his trunk with abundant editions of the poets, and the poet he especially studied at that time was Byron. At a later period we find his taste taking another direction, for he writes: "Of all authors, Byron is precisely the one who excites in me the most intol- erable emotion ; whereas Scott, in every one of his works, 74 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. " The next day the world was again all in order, and we had school as before, and things were got by heart as before ; the Roman em- perors, chronology, the nouns in im, the verba irregularia, Greek, Hebrew, geography, mental arithmetic ! heavens ! my head is still dizzy with it all must be learned by heart ! And a great deal of this came very conveniently for me in after life. For if I had not known the Roman kings by heart, it would subsequently have been quite in- different to me whether Niebuhr had proved or had not proved that they never really existed. . . . But oh ! the trouble I had at school with the endless dates. And with arithmetic it was still worse. What I understood best was subtraction, for that has a very practical rule : ' Four can't be taken from three, therefore I must borrow one. v But I advise every one in such a case to borrow a few extra pence, for no one can tell what may happen. ... As for Latin, you have no idea, madam, what a complicated affair it is. The Romans would never have found time to conquer the world if they had first had to learn Latin. Luckily for them, they already knew in their cradles what nouns have their accusative in im. I, on the contrary, had to learn them by heart in the sweat of my brow ; nevertheless, it is fortunate for me that I know them ; . . . and the fact that I have them at my finger-ends if I should ever happen to want them suddenly, affords me much inward repose and consolation in many troubled hours of life. ... Of Greek I will not say a word, I should get too much irritated. The monks in the Middle Ages were not so far wrong when they main- tained that Greek was an invention of the devil. God knows the suf- fering I endured over it. ... With Hebrew it went somewhat better, for I had always a great liking for the Jews, though to this very hour they crucify my good name ; but I could never get on so far in Hebrew as my watch, which had much familiar intercourse with pawnbrokers, and in this way contracted many Jewish habits, for example, it wouldn't go on Saturdays." Heine's parents were apparently not wealthy, but his edu- cation was cared for by his uncle, Solomon Heine, a great banker in Hamburg, so that he had no early pecuniary dis- advantages to struggle with. He seems to have been very happy in his mother, who was not of Hebrew, but of Teutonic blood ; he often mentions her with reverence and affection, and in the " Buch der Lieder " there are two exquisite sonnets addressed to her, which tell how his proud spirit was always GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 75 subdued by the charm of her presence, and how her love was the home of his heart after restless weary ramblings : " Wie machtig auch mein stolzer Muth sich blahe^ In deiner selig siissen, trauten Nahe Ergreift mich oft ein demuthvolles Zagen. Und immer irrte ich nach Liebe, immer Nach Liebe, doch die Liebe fand ich nimmer, Und kehrte um nacli Hause, krank und triibe. Doch da bist du entgegen mir gekommen, Und ach ! was da in deinem Aug' geschwommen, Das war die siisse, langgesuchte Liebe." He was at first destined for a mercantile life, but nature declared too strongly against this plan. " God knows," he has lately said in conversation with his brother, " I would will- ingly have become a banker, but I could never bring myself to that pass. I very early discerned that bankers would one day be the rulers of the world." So commerce was at length given up for law, the study of which he began in 1819 at the University of Bonn. He had already published some poems in the corner of a newspaper, and among them was one on Napoleon, the object of his youthful enthusiasm. This poem, he says in a letter to St. Rene Taillandier, was written when he was only sixteen. It is still to be found in the " Buch der Lieder" under the title "Die Grenadiere," and it proves that even in its earliest efforts his genius showed a strongly specific character. It will be easily imagined that the germs of poetry sprouted too vigorously in Heine's brain for jurisprudence to find much rooni there. Lectures on history and literature, we are told, were more diligently attended than lectures on law. He had taken care, too, to furnish his trunk with abundant editions of the poets, and the poet he especially studied at that time was Byron. At a later period we find his taste taking another direction, for he writes : " Of all authors, Byron is precisely the one who excites in me the most intol- erable emotion ; whereas Scott, in every one of his works, 76 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. gladdens my heart, soothes and invigorates me." Another indication of his bent in these Bonn days was a newspaper essay, in which he attacked the Romantic School ; and here also he went through that chicken-pox of authorship, the production of a tragedy. Heine's tragedy, " Almansor," is, as might be expected, better than the majority of these youthful mistakes. The tragic collision lies in the conflict between natural affection and the deadly hatred of religion and of race, in the sacrifice of youthful lovers to the strife between Moor and Spaniard, Moslem and Christian. Some of the situations are striking, and there are passages of con- siderable poetic merit; but the characters are little more than shadowy vehicles for the poetry, and there is a want of clearness and probability in the structure. It was pub- lished two years later, in company with another tragedy in one act, called " William Ratcliffe," in which there is rather a feeble use of the Scotch second-sight after the manner of the Fate in the Greek tragedy. We smile to find Heine say- ing of his tragedies, in a letter to a friend soon after their publication : " I know they will be terribly cut up, but I will confess to you in confidence that they are very good, better than my collection of poems, which are not worth a shot.", Elsewhere he tells us, that when, after one of Paganini's con- certs, he was passionately complimenting the great master on his violin-playing, Paganini interrupted him thus: "But how were you pleased with my bows ? " In 1820 Heine left Bonn for Gottingen. He there pursued his omission of law studies ; and at the end of three months he was rusticated for a breach of the laws against duelling. Whilst there he had attempted a negotiation with Brockhaus for the printing of a volume of poems, and had endured the first ordeal of lovers and poets, a refusal It was not until a year after, that he found a Berlin publisher for his first volume of poems, subsequently transformed, with additions, into the " Buch der Lieder." He remained between two and three years at Berlin, and the society he found there seems to have made these years an important epoch ia his culture. GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 77 He was one of the youngest members of a circle which as- sembled at the house of the poetess Elise von Hohenhausen, the translator of Byron, a circle which included Chamisso, Varnhagen, and Rahel (Varnhagen's wife). For Kahel, Heine had a profound admiration and regard ; he afterwards dedi- cated to her the poems included under the title " Heimkehr ; " and he frequently refers to her or quotes her in a way that indicates how he valued her influence. According to his friend, F. von Hohenhausen, the opinions concerning Heine's talent were very various among his Berlin friends, and it was only a small minority that had any presentiment of his future fame. In this minority was Elise von Hohenhausen, who proclaimed Heine as the Byron of Germany ; but her opinion was met with much head-shaking and opposition. We can imagine how precious was such a recognition as hers to the young poet, then only two or three and twenty, and with by no means an impressive personality for superficial eyes. Per- haps even the deep-sighted were far from detecting in that small, blond, pale young man, with quiet, gentle manners, the latent powers of ridicule and sarcasm the terrible talons that were one day to be thrust out from the velvet paw of the young leopard. It was apparently during this residence in Berlin that Heine united himself with the Lutheran Church. He would willingly, like many of his friends, he tells us, have remained free from all ecclesiastical ties, if the authorities there had not forbidden residence in Prussia, and especially in Berlin, to every one who did not belong to one of the positive religions recognized by the state. "As Henry IV. once laughingly said, 'Paris vaut lien ime messe,' 60 I might with reason say, Berlin vaut lien une prSche; and I could afterwards, as before, accommodate myself to the very enlightened Christianity, filtrated from all superstition, which could then be had In the churches of Berlin, and which was even free from the divinity of Christ, like turtle-soup without turtle." At the same period, too, Heine became acquainted with Hegel. In his lately published " Gestiindnisse " (Confes- 78 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. eions), he throws on Hegel's influence over him the blue light of demoniacal wit, and confounds us by the most bewildering double-edged sarcasms ; but that influence seems to have been at least more wholesome than the one which produced the mocking retractations of the " G-estandnisse." Through all his self-satire, we discern that in those days he had some- thing like real earnestness and enthusiasm, which are cer- tainly not apparent in his present theistic confession of faith. " On the whole, I never felt a strong enthusiasm for this philosophy, and conviction on the subject was out of question. I never was an abstract thinker, and I accepted the synthesis of the Hegelian doctrine without demanding any proof, since its consequences flattered my vanity. I was young and proud ; and it pleased my vainglory when I learned from Hegel that the true God was not, as my grandmother believed, the God who lives in heaven, but myself here upon earth. This foolish pride had not in the least a pernicious influence on my feel- ings ; on the contrary, it heightened these to the pitch of heroism. I was at that time so lavish in generosity and self-sacrifice, that I must assuredly have eclipsed the most brilliant deeds of those good bourgeois of virtue who acted merely from a sense of duty, and simply obeyed the laws of morality." His sketch of Hegel is irresistibly amusing ; but we must warn the reader that Heine's anecdotes are often mere devices of style by which he conveys his satire or opinions. The reader will see that he does not neglect an opportunity of giving a sarcastic lash or two, in passing, to Meyerbeer, for whose music he had a great contempt. The sarcasm conveyed in the substitution of reputation for music, and journalists for musicians, might perhaps escape any one unfamiliar with the sly and unexpected turns of Heine's ridicule. "To speak frankly, I seldom understood him, and only arrived at the meaning of his words by subsequent reflection. I believe he wished not to be understood ; and hence his practice of sprinkling his discourse with modifying parentheses ; hence, perhaps, his preference for persons of whom he knew that they did not understand him, and to whom he all the more willingly granted the honor of his familiar GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 79 acquaintance. Thus every one in Berlin wondered at the intimate com- panionship of the profound Hegel with the late Heinrich Beer, a brother of Giacomo Meyerbeer, who is universally known by his rep- utation, and who has been celebrated by the cleverest journalists. This Beer, namely Heinrich, was a thoroughly stupid fellow, and indeed was afterwards actually declared imbecile by his family, and placed under guardianship; because instead of making a name for himself in art or in science by means of his great fortune, he squandered his money on childish trifles, and, for example, one day bought six thousand thalers' worth of walking-sticks. This poor man, who had no wish to pass either for a great tragic dramatist, or for a great star- gazer, or for a laurel-crowned musical genius, a rival of Mozart and Rossini, and preferred giving his money for walking-sticks this degenerate Beer enjoyed Hegel's most confidential society ; he was the philosopher's bosom-friend, his Pylades, and accompanied him every- where like his shadow. The equally witty and gifted Felix Mendels- sohn once sought to explain this phenomenon, by maintaining that Hegel did not understand Heinrich Beer. I now believe, however, that the real ground of that intimacy consisted in this : Hegel was con- vinced that no word of what he said was understood by Heinrieh Beer; and he could therefore, in his presence, give himself up to all the in- tellectual outpourings of the moment. In general, Hegel's conversa- tion was a sort of monologue, sighed forth by starts in a noiseless voice; the odd roughness of his expressions often struck me, and many of them have remained in my memory. One beautiful starlight evening we stood together at the window, and I, a young man of one-and-twenty, having just had a good dinner and finished my coffee, spoke with en- thusiasm of the stars, and called them the habitations of the departed. But the master muttered to himself : 'The stars! hum! hum! The stars are only a brilliant leprosy on the face of the heavens.' ' For God's sake,' I cried, ' is there, then, no happy place above, where virtue is rewarded after death I ' But he, staring at me with his pale eyes, said, cuttingly : ' So you want a bonus for having taken care of your sick mother, and refrained from poisoning your worthy brother f ' At these words he looked anxiously round, but appeared immediately set at rest when he observed that it was only Heinrich Beer, who had approached to invite him to a game at whist." In 183 Jleine returned to Gottingen to complete his career as a law-student, and this time he gave evidence of advanced 80 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. mental maturity, not only by producing many of the charming poems subsequently included in the " Reisebilder," but also by prosecuting his professional studies diligently enough to leave Gottingen, in 1825, as Doctor juris. Hereupon he settled at Hamburg as an advocate, but his profession seems to have been the least pressing of his occupations. In those days a small blond young man, with the brim of his hat drawn over his nose, his coat flying open, and his hands stuck in his trouser-pockets, might have been seen stumbling along the streets of Hamburg, staring from side to side, and appearing to have small regard to the figure he made in the eyes of the good citizens. Occasionally an inhabitant, more literary than usual, would point out this young man to his companion aa Heinrich Heine ; but in general the young poet had not to endure the inconveniences of being a lion. His poems were devoured, but he was not asked to devour flattery in return. Whether because the fair Hamburgers acted in the spirit of Johnson's advice to Hannah More, to " consider what her flattery was worth before she choked him with it," or for some other reason, Heine, according to the testimony of August Lewald, to whom we owe these particulars of his Hamburg life, was left free from the persecution of tea- parties. Not, however, from another persecution of genius, nervous headaches, which some persons, we are told, re- garded as an improbable fiction, intended as a pretext for rais- ing a delicate white hand to his forehead. It is probable that the sceptical persons alluded to were themselves untroubled with nervous headache, and that their hands were not delicate. Slight details these, but worth telling about a man of genius, because they help us to keep in mind that he is, after all, our brother, having to endure the petty every-day ills of life as we have; with this difference, that his heightened sensibility converts what are mere insect-stings for us into scorpion- stings for him. It was, perhaps, in these Hamburg days that Heine paid the visit to Goethe, of which he gives us this charming little picture : GERMAN WIT: HEINRICH HEINE. 81 " When I visited him in Weimar, and stood before him, I involun- tarily glanced at his side, to see whether the eagle was not there with the lightning in his beak. I was nearly speaking Greek to him ; but, as I observed that he understood German, I stated to him in German, that the plums on the road between Jena and Weimar were very good. I had for so many long winter-nights thought over what lofty and pro- found things I would say to Goethe, if ever I. saw him ! And when I saw him at last, I said to him, that the Saxon plums were very good ! And Goethe smiled." During the next few years Heine produced the most pop- ular of all his works, those which have won him his place as the greatest of living German poets and humorists. Be- tween 1826 and 1829 appeared the four volumes of the " Reisebilder " (Pictures of Travel), and the " Buch der Lie- der " (Book of Songs) a volume of lyrics, of which it is hard to say whether their greatest charm is the lightness and finish of their style, their vivid and original imaginativeness, or their simple, pure sensibility. In his " Reisebilder," Heine carries us with him to the Harz, to the isle of Nor- derney, to his native town, Diisseldorf, to Italy, and to Eng- land, sketching scenery and character, now with the wildest, most fantastic humor, now with the finest idyllic sensibility letting his thoughts wander from poetry to politics, from criticism to dreamy reverie, and blending fun, imagination, reflection, and satire in a sort of exquisite, ever-varying shimmer, like the hues of the opal. Heine's journey to England did not at all heighten his regard for the English. He calls our language the " hiss of egoism " (Zischlaute des Egoismus) ; and his ridicule of Eng. lish awkwardness is as merciless as English ridicule of Ger^ man awkwardness. His antipathy towards us seems to have grown in intensity, like many of his other antipathies ; and in his " Vermischte Schriften " he is more bitter than ever. Let us quote one of his philippics, since bitters are under- stood to be wholesome. "It is certainly a frightful injustice to pronounce sentence of con- demnation on an entire people. But with regard to the English, mo VOL. ix 6 82 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. mentary disgust might br tray me into this injustice ; and on looking at the mass, I easily forget the many brave and noble men who dis- tinguished themselves by intellect and love of freedom. But these, especially the British poete, were .always all the more glaringly m coq trast with the rest of the nation ; they were isolated martyrs to their national relations ; and, besides, great geniuses do not belong to the particular land of their birth ; they scarcely belong to this earth, the Golgotha of their sufferings. The mass the English blockheads, God forgive me ! are hateful to me in my inmost soul ; aud I often regard them not at all as my fellow-men, but as miserable automata machines, whose motive power is egoism. In these moods it seems to me as if I heard the whizzing wheelwork by which they think, ft- far more pernicious than in the more artificial aspects of life. It is not so very serious that we should have false ideas about evanescent fashions, about the manners and conver- sation of beaux and duchesses; but it is serious that our sympathy with the perennial joys and struggles, the toil, the tragedy, and the humor in the life of our more heavily-laden fellow-men, should be perverted, and turned towards a false object instead of the true one. This perversion is not the less fatal because the misrepre- sentation which gives rise to it has what the artist considers a moral end. The thing for mankind to know is, not what are the motives and influences which the moralist thinks ought to act on the laborer or the artisan, but what are the motives and influences which do act on him. We want to be taught to feel, not for the heroic artisan or the sentimental peasant, but for the peasant in all his coarse apathy, and the artisan in all his suspicious selfishness. We have one great novelist who is gifted with the utmost power of rendering the external traits of our town popula- tion ; and if he could give us their psychological character their conception of life, and their emotions with the same truth as their idiom and manners, his books would be the greatest contribution Art has ever made to the awakening of social sympathies. But while he can copy Mrs. Plornish's colloquial style with the delicate accuracy of a sun-picture, while there is the same startling aspiration in his de- scription of the gestures and phrases of Boots, as in the 162 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. speeches of Shakspeare's mobs or numskulls, he scarcely ever passes from the humorous and external to the emotional and tragic, without becoming as transcendent in his unreality as he was a moment before in his artistic truthfulness. But for the precious salt of his humor, which compels him to re- produce external traits that serve in some degree as a cor- rective to his frequently false psychology, his preternaturally virtuous poor children and artisans, his melodramatic boatmen and courtesans, would be as obnoxious as Eugene Sue's ideal- ized proletaires, in encouraging the miserable fallacy, that high morality and refined sentiment can grow out of harsh social relations, ignorance, and want ; or that the working- classes are in a condition to enter at once into a millennial state of altruism, wherein every one is caring for every one else, and no one for himself. If we need a true conception of the popular character to guide our sympathies rightly, we need it equally to check our theories, and direct us in their application. The ten- dency created by the splendid conquests of modern general- ization, to believe that all social questions are merged in economical science, and that the relations of men to their neighbors may be settled by algebraic equations ; the dream that the uncultured classes are prepared for a condition which appeals principally to their moral sensibilities; the aristocratic dilettanteism which attempts to restore the " good old times " by a sort of idyllic masquerading, and to grow feudal fidelity and veneration as we grow prize turnips, by an artificial system of culture, none of these diverging mistakes can co-exist with a real knowledge of the people, with a thorough study of their habits, their ideas, their mo- tives. The landholder, the clergyman, the mill-owner, the mining-agent, have each an opportunity for making precious observations on different sections of the working-classes, but unfortunately their experience is too often not registered at all, or its results are too scattered to be available as a source of information and stimulus to the public mind generally. If any man of sufficient moral and intellectual breadth, THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 163 whose observations would not be vitiated by a foregone con- clusion or by a professional point of view, would devote himself to studying the natural history of our social classes, especially of the small shopkeepers, artisans, and peasantry, the degree in which they are influenced by local conditions, their maxims and habits, the points of view from which they regard their religious teachers, and the degree in which they are influenced by religious doctrines, the interaction of the various classes on each other, and what are the tendencies in their position towards disintegration or towards development, and if, after all this study, he would give us the result of his observations in a book well nourished with specific facts, his work would be a valuable aid to the social and political reformer. What we are desiring for ourselves has been in some de- gree done for the Germans by Biehl ; and we wish to make his books known to our readers, not only for the sake of the interesting matter they contain, and the important reflec- tions they suggest, but also as a model for some future or actual student of our own people. By way of introducing Eiehl to those who are unacquainted with his writings, we will give a rapid sketch from his picture of the German peas- antry ; and perhaps this indication of the mode in which he treats a particular branch of his subject, may prepare them to follow us with more interest when we enter on the general purpose and contents of his works. In England, at present, when we speak of the peasantry, we mean scarcely more than the class of farm-servants and farm-laborers ; and it is only in the most primitive districts, as in Wales, for example, that farmers are included under the term. In order to appreciate what Kiehl says of the German peasantry, we must remember what the tenant- farmers and small proprietors were in England half a cen- tury ago, when the master helped to milk his own cows, and the daughters got up at one o' clock in the morning to brew, when the family dined in the kitchen with the ser- vants, and sat with them round the kitchen-fire in the even- 164 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. ing. In those days the quarried parlor was innocent of a carpet, and its only specimens of art were a framed sampler and the best tea-board; the daughters, even of substantial farmers, had often no greater accomplishment in writing and spelling than they could procure at a dame-school ; and, in- stead of carrying on sentimental correspondence, they were spinning their future table-linen, and looking after every saving in butter and eggs that might enable them to add to the little stock of plate and china which they were laying in against their marriage. In our own day, setting aside the superior order of farmers, whose style of living and mental culture are often equal to that of the professional class in provincial towns, we can hardly enter the least imposing farmhouse without finding a bad piano in the "drawing- room," and some old annuals, disposed with a symmetrical imitation of negligence, on the table ; though the daughters may still drop their A's, their vowels are studiously narrow ; and it is only in very primitive regions that they will con- sent to sit in a covered vehicle without springs, which was once thought an advance in luxury on the pillion. The condition of the tenant-farmers and small proprietors in Germany is, we imagine, about on a par, not, certainly, in material prosperity, but in mental culture and habits, with that of the English farmers who were beginning to be thought old-fashioned nearly fifty years ago ; and if we add to these the farm servants and laborers, we shall have a class approximating in its characteristics to the Bauernihum, or peasantry, described by Riehl. In Germany, perhaps more than in any other country, it is among the peasantry that we must look for the historical type of the national physique. In the towns this type has become so modified to express the personality of the individ- ual, that even family likeness is often but faintly marked. But the peasants may still be distinguished into groups, by their physical peculiarities. In one part of the country we find a longer-legged, in another a broader-shouldered race, which has inherited these peculiarities for centuries. For THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 165 example, in certain districts of Hesse are seen long faces, with high foreheads, long, straight noses, and small eyes, with arched eyebrows and large eyelids. On comparing these physiognomies with the sculptures in the church of St. Eliza- beth, at Marburg, executed in the thirteenth century, it will be found that the same old Hessian type of face has sub- sisted unchanged ; with this distinction only, that the sculp- tures represent princes and nobles, whose features then bore the stamp of their race, while that stamp is now to be found only among the peasants. A painter who wants to draw mediaeval characters with historic truth, must seek his models among the peasantry. This explains why the old German painters gave the heads of their subjects a greater uniformity of type than the painters of our day ; the race had not at- tained to a high degree of individualization in features and expression. It indicates, too, that the cultured man acts more as an individual, the peasant more as one of a group. Hans drives the plough, lives, and thinks just as Kunz does ; and it is this fact, that many thousands of men are as like each other in thoughts and habits as so many sheep or oysters, which constitutes the weight of the peasantry in the social and political scale. In the cultivated world each individual has his style of speaking and writing ; but among the peasantry it is the race, the district, the province, that has its style, namely, its dia- lect, its phraseology, its proverbs, and its songs, which belong alike to the entire body of the people. This provincial style of the peasant is again, like his physique, a remnant of his- tory, to which he clings with the utmost tenacity. In certain parts of Hungary there are still descendants of German col- onists of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, who go about the country as reapers, retaining their old Saxon songs and manners, while the more cultivated German emigrants in a very short time forget their own language, and speak Hunga- rian. Another remarkable case of the same kind is that of the Wends, a Sclavonic race settled in Lusatia, whose num- bers amount to two hundred thousand, living either scattered 166 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. amoag the German population, or in separate parishes. They have their own schools and churches, and are taught in the Sclavonic tongue. The Catholics among them are rigid ad- herents of the Pope ; the Protestants, not less rigid adherents of Luther, or Doctor Luther, as they are particular in calling him a custom which, a hundred years ago, was universal in Protestant Germany. The Wend clings tenaciously to the usages of his Church, and perhaps this may contribute not a little to the purity in which he maintains the specific charac- teristics of his race. German education, German law and government, service in the standing army, and many other agencies, are in antagonism to his national exclusiveness ; but the wives and mothers here, as elsewhere, are a conserva- tive influence, and the habits temporarily laid aside in the outer world are recovered by the fireside. The Wends form several stout regiments in the Saxon army ; they are sought far and wide, as diligent and honest servants ; and many - weakly Dresden or Leipzig child becomes thriving under the care of a Wendish nurse. In their villages they have the air and habits of genuine, sturdy peasants, and all their cus- toms indicate that they have been, from the first, an agricul- tural people. For example, they have traditional modes of treating their domestic animals. Each cow has its own name, generally chosen carefully, so as to express the special quali- ties of the animal; and all important family events are narrated to the bees, a custom which is found also in West- phalia. Whether by the help of the bees or not, the Wend farming is especially prosperous ; and when a poor Bohemian peasant has a son born to him, he binds him to the end of a long pole and turns his face towards Lusatia, that he may be as lucky aa the Wends, who live there. The peculiarity of the peasant's language consists chiefly in his retention of historical peculiarities, which gradually disappear under the friction of cultivated circles. He prefers any proper name that may be given to a day in the calendar, rather than the abstract date, by which he very rarely reck- ons. In the baptismal names of his children he is guided by THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 167 the old custom of the country, not at all by whim and fancy. Many old baptismal names, formerly common in Germany, would have become extinct but for their preservation among the peasantry, especially in North Germany ; and so firmly have they adhered to local tradition in this matter, that it would be possible to give a sort of topographical statistics of proper names, and distinguish a district by its rustic names, as we do by its Mora and Fauna. The continuous inherit- ance of certain favorite proper names in a family, in some districts, forces the peasant to adopt the princely custom of attaching a numeral to the name, and saying, when three generations are living at once, Hans L, II., and III. ; or in the more antique fashion Hans the elder, the middle, and the younger. In some of our English counties there is a similar adherence to a narrow range of proper names ; and, as a mode of distinguishing collateral branches in the same family, you will hear of Jonathan's Bess, Thomas's Bess, and Samuel's Bess the three Bessies being cousins. The peasant's adherence to the traditional has much greater inconvenience than that entailed by a paucity of proper names. In the Black Forest and in Huttenberg you will see him in the dog-days wearing a thick fur cap because it is an historical fur cap, a cap worn by his grandfather. In the Wetterau, that peasant-girl is considered the handsomest who wears the most petticoats. To go to field-labor in seven petticoats can be anything but convenient or agreeable, but it is the traditionally correct thing ; and a German peasant- girl would think herself as unfavorably conspicuous in an untraditional costume, as an English servant-girl would now think herself in a linsey-woolsey apron or a thick muslin cap. In many districts no medical advice would induce the rustic to renounce the tight leather belt with which he injures his digestive functions ; you could more easily persuade him to smile on a new communal system than on the unhistorical invention of braces. In the eighteenth century, in spite of the philanthropic preachers of potatoes, the peasant for years threw his potatoes to the pigs and the dogs, before he 168 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. could be persuaded to put them on his own table. However, the unwillingness of the peasant to adopt innovations has a not unreasonable foundation in the fact, that for him ex- periments are practical, not theoretical, and must be made with expense of money instead of brains ; a fact that is not, perhaps, sufficiently taken into account by agricultural the- orists, who complain of the farmer's obstinacy. The peas- ant has the smallest possible faith in theoretic knowledge ; he thinks it rather dangerous than otherwise, as is well in- dicated by a Lower Rhenish proverb : " One is never too old to learn, said an old woman ; so she learned to be a witch." Between many villages an historical feud, once perhaps the occasion of much bloodshed, is still kept up under the milder form of an occasional round of cudgelling, and the launching of traditional nicknames. An historical feud of this kind still exists, for example, among many villages on the Rhine and more inland places in the neighborhood. Rkeinschnacke (of which the equivalent is perhaps " water- snake ") is the standing term of ignominy for the inhabitant of the Rhine village, who repays it in kind by the epithet karst (mattock) or kukuk (cuckoo), according as the object of his hereditary hatred belongs to the field or the forest. If any Romeo among the " mattocks " were to marry a Juliet among the " water-snakes," there would be no lack of Tybalts and Mercutios to carry the conflict from words to blows, though neither side knows a reason for the enmity. A droll instance of peasant conservatism is told of a village on the Taunus, whose inhabitants, from time immemorial, had been famous for impromptu cudgelling. For this his- torical offence the magistrates of the district had always inflicted the equally historical punishment of shutting up the most incorrigible offenders, not in prison, but in their own pigsty. In recent times, however, the government, wishing to correct the rudeness of these peasants, appointed an " en- lightened " man as a magistrate, who at once abolished the original penalty above mentioned. But this relaxation of punishment was so far from being welcome to the villagers, THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 169 that they presented a petition praying that a more energetic man might be given them as a magistrate, who would have the courage to punish according to law and justice, "as had been beforetime." And the magistrate who abolished in- carceration in the pigsty could never obtain the respect of the neighborhood. This happened no longer ago than the beginning of the present century. But it must not be supposed that the historical piety of the German peasant extends to anything not immediately connected with himself. He has the warmest piety towards the old tumble-down house which his grandfather built, and which nothing will induce him to improve ; but towards the venerable ruins of the old castle that overlooks his village, he has no piety at all, and carries off its stones to make a fence for his garden, or tears down the gothic carving of the old monastic church, which is " nothing to him," to mark off a foot-path through his field. It is the same with historical traditions. The peasant has them fresh in his memory, so far as they relate to himself. In districts where the peasantry- are unadulterated, you discern the remnants of the feudal relations in innumerable customs and phrases, but you will ask in vain for historical traditions concerning the empire, or even concerning the particular princely house to which the peasant is subject. He can tell you what " half people and whole people" mean; in Hesse you will still hear of " four horses making a whole peasant," or of " four-day and three-day peasants ; " but you will ask in vain about Charle- magne and Frederic Barbarossa. Riehl well observes that the feudal system, which made the peasant the bondman of his lord, was an immense benefit in a country, the greater part of which had still to be colon- ized, rescued the peasant from vagabondage, and laid the foundation of persistency and endurance in future genera- tions. If a free German peasantry belongs only to modern times, it is to his ancestor who was a serf, and even, in the earliest times, a slave, that the peasant owes the foundation of his independence, namely, his capability of a settled ex- 170 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. istence, nay, his unreasoning persistency, which has its important function in the development of the race. Perhaps the very worst result of that unreasoning persist- ency is the peasant's inveterate habit of litigation. Every one remembers the immortal description of Dandie Bin- in ont's importunate application to Lawyer Pleydell to man- age his " bit lawsuit," till at length Pleydell consents to help him to ruin himself, on the ground that Dandie may fall into worse hands. It seems this is a scene which has many parallels in Germany. The farmer's lawsuit is his point of honor ; and he will carry it through, though he knows from the very first day that he shall get nothing by it. The lit- igious peasant piques himself, like Mr. Saddletree, on his knowledge of the law, and this vanity is the chief impulse to many a lawsuit. To the mind of the peasant, law presents itself as the " custom of the country," and it is his pride to be versed in all customs. Citstom with him holds the place of sentiment, of theory, and, in many cases, of affection. Biehl justly urges the importance of simplifying law proceedings, so as to cut off this vanity at its source, and also of encour- aging, by every possible means, the practice of arbitration. The peasant never begins his lawsuit in summer, for the same reason that he does not make love and marry in sum- mer, because In has no time for that sort of thing. Any- thing is easier to him than to move out of his habitual course, and he is attached even to his privations. Some years ago a peasant youth, out of the poorest and remotest region of the Westerwald, was enlisted as a recruit, at Weilburg in Nassau. The lad, having never in his life slept in a bed, when he had got into one for the first time began to cry like a child ; and he deserted twice because he could not reconcile himself to sleeping in a bed, and to the " fine " life of the barracks ; he was homesick at the thought of his accustomed poverty and his thatched hut. A strong contrast, this, with the feeling of the poor in towns, who would be far enough from deserting because their condition was too much im- proved ! The genuine peasant is never ashamed of his rank THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 171 and calling j he is rather inclined to look down on every one who does not wear a smock frock, and thinks a man who has the manners of the gentry is likely to be rather windy and unsubstantial. In some places, even in French districts, this feeling is strongly symbolized by the practice of the peasantry, on certain festival days, to dress the images of the saints in peasant's clothing. History tells us of all kinds of peas- ant insurrections, the object of which was to obtain relief for the peasants from some of their many oppressions ; but of an effort on their part to step out of their hereditary rank and calling, to ,become gentry, to leave the plough and carry on the easier business of capitalists or government-function- aries, there is no example. The German novelists who undertake to give pictures of peasant-life, fall into the same mistake as our English novel- ists; they transfer their own feelings to ploughmen and woodcutters, and give them both joys and sorrows of which they know nothing. The peasant never questions the obliga- tion of family ties, he questions no custom, but tender affection, as it exists amongst the refined part of mankind, is almost as foreign to him as white hands and filbert-shaped nails. That the aged father who has given up his property to his children on condition of their maintaining him for the remainder of his life, is very far from meeting with delicate attentions, is indicated by the proverb current among the peasantry, "Don't take your clothes off before you go to bed." Among rustic moral tales and parables, not one is more universal than the story of the ungrateful children, who made their gray-headed father, dependent on them for a maintenance, eat at a wooden trough, because he shook the food out of his trembling hands. Then these same ungrate- ful children observed one day that their own little boy was making a tiny wooden trough ; and when they asked him what it was for, he answered, that his father and mother might eat out of it, when he was a man and had to keep them. Marriage is a very prudential affair, especially among the peasants who have the largest share of property. Politic 172 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. marriages are as common among them as among princes ; and when a peasant-heiress in Westphalia marries, her husband adopts her name, and places his own after it with the prefix geborner (nee). The girls niarry young, and the rapidity with which they get old and ugly is one among the many proofs that the early years of marriage are fuller of hardships than of conjugal tenderness. " When our writers of village sto- ries," says Blehl, "transferred their own emotional life to the peasant, they obliterated what is precisely his most pre- dominant characteristic, namely, that with him general cus- tom holds the place of individual feeling." We pay for greater emotional susceptibility too often by nervous diseases of which the peasant knows nothing. To him headache is the least of physical evils, because he thinks headwork the easiest and least indispensable of all labor. Happily, many of the younger sons in peasant families, by going to seek their living in the towns, carry their hardy nervous system to amalgamate with the overwrought nerves of our town population, and refresh them with a little rude vigor. And a return to the habits of peasant life ia the best remedy for many moral as well as physical diseases induced by perverted civilization. Eiehl points to colonization as presenting the true field for this regenerative process. On the other side of the ocean, a man will have the courage to begin life again as a peasant, while at home, perhaps, oppor- tunity as well as courage will fail him. Apropos of this subject of emigration, he remarks the striking fact, that the native shrewdness and mother-wit of the German peasant seem to forsake him entirely when he has to apply them under new circumstances, and on relations foreign to his experience. Hence it is that the German peasant who emigrates, so constantly falls a victim to unprincipled ad- venturers in the preliminaries to emigration ; but if once he gets his foot on the American soil, he exhibits all the first- rate qualities of an agricultural colonise ; and among all Ger- man emigrants, the peasant class are the most successful. But many disintegrating forces have been at work on the THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 173 peasant character, and degeneration is unhappily going on at a greater pace than development. In the wine districts especially, the inability of the small proprietors to bear up under the vicissitudes of the market, or to insure a high qual- ity of wine by running the risks of a late vintage, and the competition of beer and cider with the inferior wines, have tended to produce that uncertainty of gain which, with the peasant, is the inevitable cause of demoralization. The small peasant proprietors are not a new class in Germany, but many of the evils of their position are new. They are more de- pendent on ready money than formerly : thus, where a peas- ant used to get his wood for building and firing from the common forest, he has now to pay for it with hard cash ; he used to thatch his own house, with the help perhaps of a neighbor, but now he pays a man to do it for him ; he used to pay taxes in kind, he now pays them in money. The chances of the market have to be discounted, and the peasant falls into the hands of money-lenders. Here is one of the cases in which social policy clashes with a purely economical policy. Political vicissitudes have added their influence to that of economical changes in disturbing that dim instinct, that reverence for traditional custom, which is the peasant's prin- ciple of action. He is in the midst of novelties for which he knows no reason changes in political geography, changes of the government to which he owes fealty, changes in bureau- cratic management and police regulations. He finds himself in a new element, before an apparatus for breathing in it is de- veloped in him. His only knowledge of modern history is in some of its results for instance, that he has to pay heavier taxes from year to year. His chief idea of a government is of a power that raises his taxes, opposes his harmless cus- toms, and torments him with new formalities. The source of all this is the false system of "enlightening" the peasant which has been adopted by the bureaucratic governments. A system which disregards the traditions and hereditary attach- ments of the peasant, and appeals only to a logical under- 174 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. standing which is not yet developed in him, is simply dis- integrating and ruinous to the peasant character. The inter- ference with the communal regulations has been of this fatal character. Instead of endeavoring to promote to the utmost the healthy life of the Commune, as an organism the con- ditions of which are bound up with the historical character- istics of the peasant, the bureaucratic plan of government is bent on improvement by its patent machinery of state- appointed functionaries and off-hand regulations in accordance with modern enlightenment. The spirit of communal ex- clusiveness, the resistance to the indiscriminate establish ment of strangers, is an intense traditional feeling in the peasant. " This gallows is for us and our children," is the typical motto of this spirit. But such exclusivencss is highly irrational, and repugnant to modern liberalism; there- fore a bureaucratic government at once opposes it, and encourages to the utmost the introduction of new inhabitants in the provincial communes. Instead of allowing the peas- ants to manage their own affairs, and, if they happen to believe that five and four make eleven, to unlearn the prejudice by their own experience in calculation, so that they may gradually understand processes, and not merely see results, bureaucracy comes with its " Ready Reckoner " and works all the peasant's sums for him the surest way of maintaining him in his stupidity, however it may shake his prejudice. Another questionable plan for elevating the peasant is the supposed elevation of the clerical character, by preventing the clergyman from cultivating more than a trifling part of the land attached to his benefice, that he may be as much as possible of a scientific theologian, and as little as possible of a peasant. In this, Riehl observes, lies one great source of weakness to the Protestant Church as compared with the Catholic, which finds the great majority of its priests among the lower orders ; and we have had the opportunity of making an analogous comparison in England, where many of us can remember country districts in which the great mass of the THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 175 people were Christianized by illiterate Methodist and Inde- pendent ministers, while the influence of the parish clergy- man among the poor did not extend much beyond a few old women in scarlet cloaks, and a few exceptional church-going laborers. Bearing in mind the general characteristics of the German peasant, it is easy to understand his relation to the revolu- tionary ideas and revolutionary movements of modern times. The peasant, in Germany as elsewhere, is a born grumbler. He has always plenty of grievances in his pocket, but he does not generalize those grievances ; he does not complain of government or society, probably because he has good reason to complain of the burgomaster. When a few sparks from the first French Revolution fell among the German peasantry, and in certain villages of Saxony the country- people assembled together to write down their demands, there was no glimpse in their petition of the universal rights of man, but simply of their own particular affairs as Saxon peasants. Again, after the July Revolution of 1830, there were many insignificant peasant insurrections ; but the object of almost all was the removal of local grievances. Toll-houses were pulled down ; stamped paper was destroyed ; in some places there was a persecution of wild boars; in others, of that plentiful tame animal, the German Rath, or councillor who is never called into council. But in 1848 it seemed as if the movements of the peasants had taken a new character ; in the small western states of Germany it seemed as if the whole class of peasantry was in insurrection. But, in fact, the peasant did not know the meaning of the part he was playing. He had heard that everything was being set right in the towns, and that wonderful things were happen- ing there ; so he tied up his bundle and set off. Without any distinct object or resolution, the country-people presented themselves on the scene of commotion, and were warmly received by the party leaders. But, seen from the windows of ducal palaces and ministerial hotels, these swarms of peasants had quite another aspect, and it was imagined that 176 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. they had a common plan of co-operation. This, however, the peasants have never had. Systematic co-operation im- plies general conceptions, and a provisional subordination of egoism, to which even the artisans of towns have rarely shown themselves equal, and which are as foreign to the mind of the peasant as logarithms or the doctrine of chemical pro- portions. And the revolutionary fervor of the peasant was soon cooled. The old mistrust of the towns was reawakened on the spot. The Tyrolese peasants saw no great good in the freedom of the press, and the constitution, because these changes " seemed to please the gentry so much." Peasants who had given their voices stormily for a German parliament, asked afterwards, with a doubtful look, whether it were to con. sist of infantry or cavalry. When royal domains were de- clared the property of the state, the peasants in some small principalities rejoiced over this, because they interpreted it to mean that every one would have his share in them, after the manner of the old common and forest rights. The very practical views of the peasants, with regard to the demands of the people, were in amusing contrast with the abstract theorizing of the educated townsmen. The peasant continually withheld all state payments until he saw how matters would turn out, and was disposed to reckon up the solid benefit, in the form of land or money, that might come to him from the changes obtained. While the townsman was heating his brains about representation on the broadest basis, the peasant asked if the relation between tenant and landlord would continue as before, and whether the removal of the feudal obligations meant that the farmer should become owner of the land. It is in the same naive way that Communism is interpreted by the German peasantry. The wide spread among them of communistic doctrines, the eagerness with which they lis- tened to a plan for the partition of property, seemed to coun- tenance the notion that it was a delusion to suppose the peasant would be secured from this intoxication by his love of secure possession and peaceful earnings. But, in fact, the THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 177 peasant contemplated partition by the light of an histori- cal reminiscence rather than of novel theory. The golden age, in the imagination of the peasant, was the time when every member of the commune had a right to as much wood from the forest as would enable him to sell some, after using what he wanted in firing, in which the communal posses- sions were so profitable that, instead of his having to pay rates at the end of the year, each member of the commune was something in pocket. Hence the peasants in general understood by " partition " that the state lands, especially the forests, would be divided among the communes, and that, by some political legerdemain or other, everybody would have free firewood, free grazing for his cattle, and over and above that, a piece of gold without working for it. That he should give up a single clod of his own to further the general par- tition had never entered the mind of the peasant commun- ist ; and the perception that this was an essential preliminary to partition, was often a sufficient cure for his Communism. In villages lying in the neighborhood of large towns, however, where the circumstances of the peasantry are very different, quite another interpretation of Communism is prev- alent. Here the peasant is generally sunk to the position of the proletaire, living from hand to mouth ; he has nothing to lose, but everything to gain by partition. The coarse nature of the peasant has here been corrupted into bestiality by the disturbance of his instincts, while he is as yet inca- pable of principles ; and in this type of the degenerate peas- ant is seen the worst example of ignorance intoxicated by theory. A significant hint as to the interpretation the peasants put on revolutionary theories may be drawn from the way they/ employed the few weeks in which their movements were un- checked. They felled the forest trees and shot the game; they withheld taxes ; they shook off the imaginary or real burdens imposed on them by their mediatized princes, by presenting their demands in a very rough way before the ducal or princely Schloss ; they ^et their faces against the VOL. IX. 12 178 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. bureaucratic management of the communes, deposed the gov- ernment functionaries who had been placed over them as burgomasters and magistrates, and abolished the whole bu- reaucratic system of procedure, simply by taking no notice of its regulations, and recurring to some tradition, some old order or disorder of things. In all this it is clear that they were animated not in the least by the spirit of modern revo- lution, but by a purely narrow and personal impulse towards reaction. The idea of constitutional government lies quite beyond the range of the German peasant's conceptions. His only notion of representation is that of a representation of ranks, of classes ; his only notion of a deputy is of one who takes care, not of the national welfare, but of the interests of his own order. Herein lay the great mistake of the democratic party, in common with the bureaucratic governments, that they entirely omitted the peculiar character of the peasant from their political calculations. They talked of the peo- ple, and forgot that the peasants were included in the term. Only a baseless misconception of the peasant's character cpuld induce the supposition that he would feel the slightest enthusiasm about the principles involved in the reconstitu- tion of the Empire, or even about the reoongtitutjon itself. He has no zeal fpr a written law, as such, but only so far as it takes the form of a living law, a tradition. It was the external authority which the revolutionary party had won in Baden that attracted the peasants into a participation of the struggle. Such, Biehl tells us, are the general characteristics of the German peasantry, characteristics which subsist amidst a wide variety of circumstances. In Mecklenburg, Pomerania, ajid Brandenburg, the peasant lives on extensive estates ; in Westphalia he lives in large isolated homesteads; in the "Westerwald and in Sauerland, in little groups of villages and hamlets } on the Rhine, land is for the most part parcelled out among small proprietors, who live together in large vil- lages. Then, of course, the diversify physical geography of THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 1?9 Germany gives rise to equally diversified methods of land- culture ; and out of these various circumstances grow numer- ous specific differences in manner and character. But the generic character of the German peasant is everywhere the same, in the clean mountain-hamlet and in the dirty fishing- village on the coast, in the plains of North Germany and in the backwoods of America. " Everywhere he has the same historical character, everywhere custom is his supreme law. Where religion and patriotism are still a naive instinct, are still a sacred custom, there begins the class of the German Peasantry." Our readers will perhaps already have gathered from the foregoing portrait of the German peasant, that Kiehl is not a man who looks at objects through the spectacles either of the doctrinaire or the dreamer ; and they will be ready to believe what he tells us in his Preface, namely, that years ago he began his wanderings over the hills and plains of Germany for the sake of obtaining, in immediate intercourse with the people, that completion of his historical, political, arid economical studies which he was unable td find in books. He began his investigations with no party prepossessions, and his present views were evolved entirely from his own gradually amassed obsef vations. He was, first of all, a pedes- trian, and only in the second place a political author. The views at which he has arrived by this inductive process he sums up in the term, sociatpoUtical-conservatism ; but his conservatism is, We conceive, of a thoroughly philosophical kind. He sees in European society mcai^nate history, and any attempt to disengage it from its historical elements must, he believes, be simply destructive of social vitality. 1 What has grown up historically can only die out historically, by the gradual operation of necessary laws. The external con- ditions which society has inherited from the past are but the manifestation of inherited internal conditions in the human 1 Throughout this article, in our statement of Riehl's opinions, we must be understood not as quoting Kiehl, but as interpreting and illustrating him. 180 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT- beings who compose it ; the internal conditions and the exter- nal are related to each other as the organism and its medium, and development can take place only by the gradual consen- taneous development of both. Take the familiar example of attempts to abolish titles, which have been about as effective as the process of cutting off poppy-heads in a cornfield. tTe- dem Menschen, says Kiehl, ist sein Zopf angeboren, warum soil denn der sociale Sprachgebrauch nicht auch sein Zopf haben ? which we may render : " As long as snobbism runs in the blood, why should it not run in our speech ? " As a neces- sary preliminary to a purely rational society, you must ob- tain purely rational men, free from the sweet and bitter prejudices of hereditary affection and antipathy ; which is as easy as to get running streams without springs, or the leafy shade of the forest without the secular growth of trunk and branch. The historical conditions of society may be compared with those of language. It must be admitted that the language of cultivated nations is in anything but a rational state; the great sections of the civilized world are only approxiniatively intelligible to each other, and even that, only at the cost of long study ; one word stands for many things, and many words for one thing ; the subtle shades of meaning, and still subtler echoes of association, make language an instrument which scarcely anything short of genius can wield with defi- niteness and certainty. Suppose, then, that the effect which has been again and again made to construct a universal lan- guage on a rational basis has at length succeeded, and that you have a language which has no uncertainty, no whims of idiom, no cumbrous forms, no fitful simmer of many-hued significance, no hoary archaisms "familiar with forgotten years," a patent deodorized and non-resonant language, which effects the purpose of communication as perfectly and rapidly as algebraic signs. Your language may be a perfect medium of expression to science, but will never express life, which is a great deal more than science. With the anomalies and inconveniences of historical language, you will have THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 181 parted with its music and its passions, and its vital qualities as an expression of individual character, with its subtle capa- bilities of wit, with everything that gives it power over the imagination ; aoid the next step in simplification will be the invention of a talking watch, which will achieve the utmost facility and despatch in the communication of ideas by a graduated adjustment of ticks, to be represented in writing by a corresponding arrangement of dots. A melancholy " lan- guage of the future ! " The sensory and motor nerves, that run in the same sheath, are scarcely bound together by a more necessary and delicate union than that which binds men's affections, imagination, wit, and humor, with the subtle rami- fications of historical language. Language must be left to grow in precision, completeness, and unity, as minds grow in clearness, comprehensiveness, and sympathy. And there is an analogous relation between the moral tendencies of men and the social conditions they have inherited. The nature of European men has its roots intertwined with the past, and can only be developed by allowing those roots to remain undis- turbed while the process of development is going on, until that perfect ripeness of the seed which carries with it a life independent of the root. This vital connection with the past is much more vividly felt on the Continent than in England, where we have to recall it by an effort of memory and reflec- tion ; for though our English life is in its core intensely tra- ditional, Protestantism and commerce have modernized the face of the land and the aspects of society in a far greater degree than in any Continental country : " Abroad," says Ruskin, " a building of the eighth or tenth century stands ruinous in the open streets ; the children play round it, the peasants heap their corn in it. The buildings of yesterday nestle about it, and fit their new stones in its rents, and tremble in sympathy as it trembles. No one wonders at it, or thinks of it as separate, and of an- other time; we feel the ancient world to be a real thing, and one with the new ; antiquity is no dream ; it is rather the children playing about the old stones that are the dream. But all is continuous, and the words 'from generation to generation,' understandable here." 182 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. This conception of European society as incarnate history, is the fundamental idea of Eiehl's books. After the notable failure of revolutionary attempts conducted from the point of view of abstract democratic and socialistic theories, after the practical demonstration of the evils resulting from a bureau- cratic system, which governs by an undiscriminating, dead mechanism, Kiehl wishes to urge on the consideration of his countrymen a social policy founded on the special study of the people as they are, on the natural history of the various social ranks. He thinks it wise to pause a little from the- orizing, and see what is the material actually present for theory to work upon. It is the glory of the socialists in contrast with the democratic doctrinaires who have been too much occupied with the general idea of " the people " to in- quire particularly into the actual life of the people that they have thrown themselves with enthusiastic zeal into the study at least of one social group, namely, the factory opera- tives ; and here lies the secret of their partial success. But unfortunately they have made this special duty of a single fragment of society the basis of a theory which quietly sub- stitutes for the small group of Parisian proletaires or English factory-workers, the society of all Europe, nay, of the whole world. And in this way they have lost the best fruit of their investigations. For, says Kiehl, the more deeply we penetrate into the knowledge of society in its details, the more thoroughly we shall be convinced that a universal social policy has no validity except on paper, and can never be carried into successful practice. The conditions of German society are altogether different from those of French, of English, or of Italian society ; and to apply the same social theory to these nations indiscriminately, is about as wise a procedure as Triptolemus Yellowley's application of the agricultural directions in Virgil's "Georgics" to his farm in the Shetland Isles. It is the clear and strong light in which Eiehl places this important position, that in our opinion constitutes the sug- gestive value of his books for foreign as well as German THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 183 readers. It lias not been sufficiently insisted on, that in the various branches of Social Science there is an advance from the general to the special, from the simple to the complex, analogous with that which is found in the series of the sciences, from mathematics to biology. To the laws of quan- tity, comprised in mathematics and physics, are superadded, in chemistry, laws of quality ; to these again are added, in biology, laws of life ; and lastly, the conditions of life in gen- eral branch out into its special conditions, or natural history, on the one hand, and into its abnormal conditions, or pathol- ogy, on the other. And in this series or ramification of the sciences, the more general science will not suffice to solve the problems of the more special. Chemistry embraces phe- nomena which are not explicable by physics ; biology em- braces phenomena which are not explicable by chemistry ; and no biological generalization will enable us to predict the in- finite specialities produced by the complexity of vital con- ditions. So Social Science, while it has departments which in their fundamental generality correspond to mathematics and physics, namely, those grand and simple generalizations which trace out the inevitable march of the human race as a whole, and, as a ramification of these, the laws of economical science, has also, in the departments of government and ju- risprudence, which embrace the conditions of social life in all their complexity, what may be called its biology, carrying us on to innumerable special phenomena which outlie the sphere of science, and belong to natural history. And just as the most thorough acquaintance with physics or chemistry or general physiology will not enable you at once to establish the balance of life in your private vivarium, so that your particular society of zoophytes, molluscs, and echinoderms may feel themselves, as the Germans say, at ease in their skin; so the most complete equipment of theory will not enable a statesman or a political and social reformer to adjust his measures wisely, in the absence of a special acquaintance with the section of society for which he legislates, with the peculiar characteristics of the nation, the province, the class 184 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. whose well-being he has to consult. In other words, a wise social policy must be based not simply on abstract social science, but on the natural history of social bodies. Riehl's books are not dedicated merely to the argumentative maintenance of this or of any other position ; they are in- tended chiefly as a contribution to that knowledge of the German people on the importance of which he insists. He is less occupied with urging his own conclusions, than with impressing on his readers the facts which have led him to those conclusions. In the volume entitled " Land und Leute," which, though published last, is properly an introduction to the volume entitled " Die Biirgerliche Gesellschaft," he con- siders the German people in their physical-geographical rela- tions; he compares the natural divisions of the race, as determined by land and climate and social traditions, with the artificial divisions which are based on diplomacy ; and he traces the genesis and influences of what we may call the ecclesiastical geography of Germany, its partition between Catholicism and Protestantism. He shows that the ordinary antithesis of North and South Germany represents no real ethnographical distinction, and that the natural divisions of Germany, founded on its physical geography, are threefold, namely, the low plains, the middle mountain region, and the high mountain region, or Lower, Middle, and Upper Germany ; and on this primary natural division all the other broad ethno- graphical distinctions of Germany will be found to rest. The plains of North or Lower Germany include all the seaboard the nation possesses; and this, together with the fact that they are traversed to the depth of six hundred miles by nav- igable rivers, makes them the natural seat of a trading race. Quite different is the geographical character of Middle Ger- many. While the northern plains are marked off into great divisions, by such rivers as the Lower Rhine, the Weser, and the Oder, running almost in parallel lines, this central region is cut up like a mosaic by the capricious lines of valleys and rivers. Here is the region in which you find those famous roofs from which the rain-water runs towards two different THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN IAXL. 185 seas, and the mountain-tops from which yon may look into eight or ten German States. The abundance of water-power and the presence of extensive coal-mines allow of a very diversified industrial development in Middle Germany. In Upper Germany, or the high mountain region, we find the same symmetry in the lines of the rivers as in the north ; almost all the great Alpine streams flow parallel with the Danube. But the majority of these rivers are neither nav- igable nor available for industrial objects, and instead of serving for communication, they shut off one great tract from another. The slow development, the simple peasant life of many districts, is here determined by the moTrntain and the river. In the southeast, however, industrial activity spreads through Bohemia towards Austria, and forms a sort of balance to the industrial districts of the Lower Rhine. Of course, the boundaries of these three regions cannot be very strictly de- fined ; but an approximation to the limits of Middle Germany may be obtained by regarding it as a triangle, of which one angle lies in Silesia, another in Aix-la-Chapelle, and a third at Lake Constance. This triple division corresponds with the broad distinctions of climate. In the northern plains the atmosphere is damp and heavy; in the southern mountain region it is dry and rare, and there are abrupt changes of temperature, sharp contrasts between the seasons, and devastating storms ; but in both these zones men are hardened by conflict with the roughnesses of the climate. In Middle Germany, on the contrary, there is little of this struggle : the seasons are more equable, and the mild, soft air of the valleys tends to make the inhabitants luxurious and sensitive to hardships. It is only in exceptional mountain districts that one is here re- minded of the rough, bracing air on the heights of Southern Germany. It is a curious fact that, as the air becomes grad- ually lighter and rarer, from the North German coast towards Upper Germany, the average of suicides regularly decreases. Mecklenburg has the highest number, then Prussia, while the fewest suicides occur in Bavaria and Austria. 186 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. Both the northern and southern regions have still a largo extent of waste lands,-*' downs, morasses, and heaths ; and to these are added, in the south, abundance of snow-fields and naked rock ; while in Middle Germany culture has almost overspread the face of the land, and there are no large tracts of waste. There is the same proportion in the distribution of forests. Again, in the north we see a monotonous contin- uity of wheat-fields, potato-grounds, meadow-lands, and vast heaths, and there is the same uniformity of culture over large surfaces in the southern table-lands, and the Alpine pastures. In Middle Germany, on the contrary, there is a perpetual variety of crops within a short space ; the diversity of land surface, and the corresponding variety in the species of plants, are an invitation to the splitting up of estates, and this again encourages to the utmost the motley character of the cultivation. According to this threefold division, it appears that there are certain features common to North and South Germany, in which they differ from Central Germany, and the nature of this difference Eiehl indicates by distinguishing the former as Centralized Land, and the latter as Individualized Land ; a distinction which is Well symbolized by the fact that North and South Germany possess the great lines of railway which are the medium for the traffic of the world, while Middle Germany is far richer in lines for local communication, and possesses the greatest length of railway within the smallest space. Disregarding superficialities, the East Frieslanders, the Schleswig-Holsteiners, the Mecklenburghers, and the Pomeranians are much more nearly allied to the old Bava- rians, the Tyrolese, and the Styrians, than any of these are allied to the Saxons, the Thuringians, or the Bhinelanders. Both in North and South Germany original races are still found in large masses, and popular dialects are spoken ; you still find there thoroughly peasant districts, thorough vil- lages, and also, at great intervals, thorough cities ; you etill find there a sense of rank. In Middle Germany, on the con- trary, the original races are fused together, or sprinkled THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 187 hither and thither ; the peculiarities of the popular dialects are worn down or confused ; there is no very strict line of demarcation between the country and the town population, hundreds of small towns and large villages being hardly dis- tinguishable in their characteristics ; and the sense of rank, as part of the organic structure of society, is almost extinguished. Again, both in the north and south there is still a strong ecclesiastical spirit in the people, and the Pomeranian sees Antichrist in the Pope as clearly as the Tyrolese sees him in Doctor Luther; while in Middle Germany the confessions are mingled, they exist peaceably side by side in very narrow space, and tolerance or indifference has spread itself widely, even in the popular mind. And the analogy, or rather the causal relation between the physical geography of the three regions and the development of the population, goes still further. "For," observes Riehl, "the striking connection which has been pointed out between the local geological formations in Germany, and the revolutionary disposition of the people, has more than a metaphor- ical significance. Where the primeval physical revolutions of the globe bave been tbe wildest in their effects, and tbe most multiform strata have been tossed together or thrown one upon the other, it is a very intelligible consequence that on a land surface thus broken up the population should sooner develop itself into small communities, and tbat the more intense life generated in these smaller communities should become the most favorable nidus for the reception of modern culture, and with this a susceptibility for its revolutionary ideas ; while a people settled in a region where its groups are spread over ^ large space will persist much more obstinately in the retention of its original character. The people of Middle Germany have none of that exclu- sive one-sidedness which determines tbe peculiar genius of great national groups, just as this one-sidedness, or uniformity, is wanting to the geological and geographical character of their land." This ethnographical outline Riehl fills up with special and typical descriptions, and then makes it the starting-point for a criticism of the actual political condition, of Germany. The volume is full of vivid pictures, as well as penetrating glances 188 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. into the maladies and tendencies of modern society. It would be fascinating as literature, if it were not important for its facts and philosophy. But we can only commend it to our readers, and pass on to the volume entitled " Die Biir- gerliche Gesellschaft," from which we have drawn our sketch of the German peasantry. Here Elehl gives us a series of studies in that natural history of the people, which he re- gards as the proper basis of social policy. He holds that, in European society, there are three natural ranks, or estates : the hereditary landed aristocracy, the citizens or commercial class, and the peasantry, or agricultural class. By natural ranks he means ranks which have their roots deep in the historical structure of society, and are still, in the present, showing vitality above ground ; he means those great social groups which are not only distinguished externally by their vocation, but essentially by their mental character, their habits, their mode of life, by the principle they represent in the historical development of society. In his conception of the Fourth Estate he differs from the usual interpreta- tion, according to which it is simply equivalent to the prole- tariat, or those who are dependent on daily wages, whose only capital is their skill or bodily strength factory opera- tives, artisans, agricultural laborers, to whom might be added ; especially in Germany, the day-laborers with the quill, the literary proletariat. This, Riehl observes, is a valid basis of economical classification, but not of social classification. In his view, the Fourth Estate is a stratum produced by the perpetual abrasion of the other great social groups ; it is the sign and result of the decomposition which is commencing in the organic constitution of society. Its elements are derived alike from the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, and the peasantry. It assembles under its banner the deserters of historical so- ciety, and forms them into a terrible army, which is only just awaking to the consciousness of its corporate power. The tendency of this Fourth Estate, by the very process of its formation, is to do away with the distinctive historical char- acter of the other estates, and to resolve their peculiar rank THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 189 and vocation into a uniform social relation, founded on an abstract conception of society. According to Riehl's classifi- cation, the day-laborers, whom the political economist desig- nates as the Fourth Estate, belong partly to the peasantry, or agricultural class, and partly to the citizens, or commercial class. Kiehl considers, in the first place, the peasantry and aris- tocracy as the "forces of social persistence," and, in the second, the bourgeoisie and the Fourth Estate as the " forces of social movement." The aristocracy, he observes, is the only one among these four groups which is denied by others besides Socialists to have any natural basis as a separate rank. It is admitted that there was once an aristocracy which had an intrinsic ground of existence ; but now, it is alleged, this is an histori- cal fossil, an antiquarian relic, venerable because gray with age. In what, it is asked, can consist the peculiar vocation of the aristocracy, since it has no longer the monopoly of the land, of the higher military functions, and of government offices, and since the service of the Court has no longer any political importance ? To this Biehl replies, that in great revolutionary crises, the " men of progress " have more than once abolished the aristocracy. But, remarkably enough, the aristocracy has always reappeared. This measure of abolition showed that the nobility were no longer regarded as a real class, for to abolish a real class would be an absurd- ity. It is quite possible to contemplate a voluntary break- ing up of the peasant or citizen class in the socialistic sense, but no man in his senses would think of straightway abol- ishing citizens and peasants. The aristocracy, then, was regarded as a sort of cancer, or excrescence of society. Nev- ertheless, not only has it been found impossible to annihilate an hereditary nobility by decree, but, also, the aristocracy of the eighteenth century outlived even the self-destructive acts of its own perversity. A life which was entirely without object, entirely destitute of fractions, would not, says Biehl, be so persistent. He has an acute criticism of those who 190 ESSAYS OP GEORGE ELIOT. conduct a polemic against the idea of an hereditary aristoc- racy, while they are proposing an "aristocracy of talent," which, after all, is based on the principle of inheritance. The Socialists are, therefore, only consistent in declaring against an aristocracy of talent. "But when they have turned the world into a great foundling hospital, they will still be unable to eradicate the ' privileges of birth.' " We must not follow him in his criticism, however ; nor can we afford to do more than mention hastily his interesting sketch of the mediaeval aristocracy, and his admonition to the Ger- man aristocracy of the present day, that the vitality of their class is not to be sustained by romantic attempts to revive mediaeval forms and sentiments, but only by the exercise of functions as real and salutary for actual society as those of the mediaeval aristocracy were for the feudal age. " In mod- ern society the divisions of rank indicate division of labor, according to that distribution of functions in the social or- ganism which the historical constitution of society has deter- mined. In this way the principle of differentiation and the principle of unity are identical." The elaborate study of the German bourgeoisie, which forms the next division of the yolume, must be passed over ; but we may pause a moment to note Kiehl's definition of the social Philister (Philistine), an epithet for which we have no equivalent, not at all, however, for want of the object it rep- resents. Most people, who read a little German, know that the epithet Philister originated in the Burschen-leben, or stu- dent-life of Germany, and that the antithesis of Bursch and Philister was equivalent to the antithesis of "gown and town ; " but since the word has passed into ordinary language, it has assumed several shades of significance which have not yet been merged in a single, absolute meaning ; and one of the questions which an English visitor in Germany will probably take an opportunity of asking is, " What is the strict meaning of the word Philister ? " Kiehl's answer is, that the Philister is one who is indifferent to all social interests, all public life, as distinguished from selfish and private interests ; THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 191 he has no sympathy with political and social events except as they affect his own comfort and prosperity, as they offer him material for amusement or opportunity for gratifying his vanity. He has no social or political creed, but is always of the opinion which is most convenient for the moment. He is always in the majority, and is the main element of unreason and stupidity in the judgment of a " discerning public." It. seems presumptuous in us to dispute Kiehl's interpretation of a German word, but we must think that, in literature, the epithet Philister has usually a wider meaning than this includes his definition and something more. We imagine the Philister is the personification of the spirit which judges everything from a lower point of view than the subject de- mands, which judges the affairs of the parish from the ego- tistic or purely personal point of view, which judges the affairs of the nation from the parochial point of view, and does not hesitate to measure the merits of the universe from the human point of view. At least this must surely be the spirit to which Goethe alludes in a passage cited by Biehl himself, where he says that the Germans need not be ashamed of erecting a monument to him as well as to Bliicher ; for if Bliicher had freed them from the French, he (Goethe) had freed them from the nets of the Philister : "Ihr mogt mir immer ungescheut Gleich Bliichern Denkmal setzen ! Von Franzosen hat er euch befreit, Ich von Philister-netzen." Goethe could hardly claim to be the apostle of public spirit ; but he is eminently the man who helps us to rise to a lofty point of observation, so that we may see things in their rela- tive proportions. The most interesting chapters in the description of the Fourth Estate, which concludes the volume, are those on the Aristocratic Proletariat and the Intellectual Proleta- riat. The Fourth Estate in Germany, says Biehl, has its centre of gravity not, as in England and France, in the day. 192 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. laborers and factory operatives, and still less in the degen- erate peasantry. In Germany, the educated proletariat is the leaven that sets the mass in fermentation ; the dangerous classes there go about, not in blouses, but in frock-coats ; they begin with the impoverished prince and end in the hun- griest litterateur. The custom that all the sons of a noble- man shall inherit their father's title, necessarily goes on multiplying that class of aristocrats who are not only with- out function but without adequate provision, and who shrink from entering the ranks of the citizens by adopting some honest calling. The younger son of a prince, says Eiehl, is usually obliged to remain without any vocation ; and however zealously he may study music, painting, literature, or science, he can never be a regular musician, painter, or man of sci- ence ; his pursuit will be called a " passion," not a " calling," and to the end of his days he remains a dilettante. " But the ardent pursuit of a fixed practical calling can alone sat- isfy the active man." Direct legislation cannot remedy this evil. The inheritance of titles by younger sons is the uni- versal custom, and custom is stronger than law. But if all government preference for the " aristocratic proletariat " were withdrawn, the sensible men among them would prefer emi- gration, or the pursuit of some profession, to the hungry distinction of a title without rents. The intellectual proletaires Kiehl calls the "church mili- tant " of the Fourth Estate in Germany. In no other coun- try are they so numerous ; in no other country is the trade in material and industrial capital so far exceeded by the wholesale and retail trade, the traffic and the usury, in the intellectual capital of the nation. Germany yields more intel- lectual produce than it can use and pay for. " This over-production, which is uot transient bat permanent, nay, is constantly on the increase, evidences a diseased state of the national industry, a perverted application of industrial powers, and is a far more pungent satire on the national condition than all the poverty of opera- tives and peasants. . . . Other nations need not envy us the prepon- derance of the intellectual proletariat over the proletaires of manual THE NATURAL HISTORY OF GERMAN LIFE. 193 labor. For man more easily becomes diseased from over-study than from the labor of the hands ; and it is precisely in the intellectual pro- letariat that there are the most dangerous seeds of disease. This is the group in which the opposition between earnings and wants, be- tween the ideal social position and the real, is the most hopelessly irreconcilable." We must unwillingly leave our readers to make acquaint- ance for themselves with the graphic details with which Kiehl follows up this general statement ; but before quitting these admirable volumes, let us say, lest our inevitable omis- sions should have left room for a different conclusion, that Kiehl's conservatism is not in the least tinged with the par- tisanship of a class, with a poetic fanaticism for the past, or with the prejudice of a mind incapable of discerning the grander evolution of things to which all social forms are but temporarily subservient. It is the conservatism of a clear- eyed, practical, but withal large-minded man a little caus- tic, perhaps, now and then, in his epigrams on democratic doctrinaires who have their nostrum for all political and social diseases, and on communistic theories which he regards as "the despair of the individual in his own manhood, re- duced to a system," but nevertheless able and willing to do justice to the elements of fact and reason in every shade of opinion and every form of effort. He is as far as possible from the folly of supposing that the sun will go backward on the dial, because we put the hands of our clock backward ; he only contends against the opposite folly of decreeing that it shall be mid-day, while in fact the sun is only just touch- ing the mountain-tops, and all along the valley men are stum- bling in the twilight. VOL. at. THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. IT was between three and four o'clock on a fine morning in August, that after a ten hours' journey from Frank- fort, I awoke at the Weimar station. No tipsiness can be more dead to all appeals than that which comes from fitful draughts of sleep on a railway journey by night. To the disgust of your wakeful companions, you are totally insen- sible to the existence of your umbrella, and to the fact that your carpet-bag is stowed under your seat, or that you have borrowed books and tucked them behind the cushion. " What 's the odds, so long as one can sleep ? " is your philo- sophic formula ; and it is not until you have begun to shiver on the platform in the early morning air that you become alive to property and its duties, that is, to the necessity of keeping a fast grip upon it. Such was my condition when I reached the station at Weimar. The ride to the town thoroughly roused me, all the more because the glimpses I caught from the carriage window were in startling contrast with my preconceptions. The lines of houses looked rough and straggling, and were often interrupted by trees peeping out from the gardens behind. At last we stopped before the Erbprinz, an inn of long standing, in the heart of the town, and were ushered along heavy-looking in-and-out corridors, such as are found only in German inns, into rooms which overlooked a garden just like one you may see at the back of a farmhouse in many an English village. A walk in the morning in search of lodgings confirmed the impression that Weimar was more like a market-town than the precinct of a court. "And this is the Athens of the THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 195 North!" we said. Materially speaking, it is more like Sparta. The blending of rustic and civic life, the indica- tions of a central government in the midst of very primitive- looking objects, has some distant analogy with the condition of old Lacedaemon. The shops are most of them such as you would see in the back streets of an English provincial town, and the commodities on sale are often chalked on the door- posts. A loud rumbling of vehicles may indeed be heard now and then; but the rumbling is loud, not because the vehicles are many, but because the springs are few. The inhabitants seemed to us to have more than the usual heavi- ness of Germanity ; even their stare was slow, like that of herbivorous quadrupeds. We set out with the intention of exploring the town, and at every other turn we came into a street which took us out of the town, or else into one that led us back to the market from which we set out. One's first feeling was, How could Goethe live here in this dull, lifeless village ? The reproaches cast on him for his worldliness and attachment to court splendor seemed ludicrous enough ; and it was inconceivable that the stately Jupiter, in a frock-coat, so familiar to us all through Ranch's statuette, could have habitually walked along these rude streets and among these slouching mortals. Not a picturesque bit of building was to be seen ; there was no quaintness, nothing to remind one of historical associations, nothing but the most arid prosaism. This was the impression produced by a first morning's walk in Weimar, an impression which very imperfectly represents what Weimar is, but which is worth recording, because it is true as a sort of back view. Our ideas were considerably modified when in the evening we found our way to the Belvedere chaussee, a splendid avenue of chestnut- trees, two miles in length, reaching from the town to the summer residence of Belvedere ; when we saw the Schloss, and discovered the labyrinthine beauties of the Park ; indeed, every day opened to us fresh charms in this quiet little valley and its environs. To any one who loves Nature in her gentle aspects, who delights in the checkered shade on a summer 196 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. morning, and in a walk on the corn-clad upland at sunset, within sight of a little town nestled among the trees below, I say come to Weimar. And if you are weary of English unrest, of that society of " eels in a jar," where each is try- ing to get his head above the other, the somewhat stupid well-being of the Weimarians will not be an unwelcome con- trast, for a short time at least. If you care nothing about Goethe and Schiller and Herder and Wieland, why, so much the worse for you, you will miss many interesting thoughts and associations ; still, Weimar has a charm independent of these great names. First among all its attractions is the Park, which would be remarkably beautiful even among English parks ; and it has one advantage over all these, namely, that it is without a fence. It runs up to the houses and far out into the corn- fields and meadows, as if it had a " sweet will " of its own, like a river or a lake, and had not been planned and planted by human will. Through it flows the Ilm, not a clear stream, it must be confessed, but, like all water, as Novalis says, "an eye to the landscape." Before we came to Weimar we had had dreams of boating on the Ilm, and we were not a little amused at the difference between this vision of our own and the reality. A few water-fowl are the only navigators of the river ; and even they seem to confine themselves to one spot, as if they were there purely in the interest of the pic- turesque. The real extent of the Park is small ; but the walks are so ingeniously arranged, and the trees are so luxuriant and various, that it takes weeks to learn the turnings and windings by heart, so as no longer to have the sense of nov- elty. In the warm weather our great delight was the walk which follows the course of the Ilm, and is overarched by tall trees with patches of dark moss on their trunks, in rich contrast with the transparent green of the delicate leaves, through which the golden sunlight played and checkered the walk before us. On one side of this walk the rocky ground rises to the height of twenty feet or more, and is clothed with mosses and rock-plants. On the other side there are. IrOETHE. THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 197 every now and then, openings, breaks in the continuity of shade, which show you a piece of meadow-land with fine groups of trees ; and at every such opening a seat is placed under the rock, where you may sit and chat away the sunny hours, or listen to those delicate sounds which one might fancy came from tiny bells worn on the garment of Silence to make us aware of her invisible presence. It is along this walk that you come upon a truncated column, with a serpent twined round it, devouring cakes, placed on the column as offerings, a bit of rude sculpture in stone. The inscription Genio loci enlightens the learned as to the significance of this symbol ; but the people of Weimar, unedified by clas- sical allusions, have explained the sculpture by a story which is an excellent example of a modern myth. Once on a time, say they, a huge serpent infested the Park, and evaded all attempts to exterminate him, until at last a cunning baker made some appetizing cakes which contained an effectual poison, and placed them in the serpent's reach, thus meriting a place with Hercules, Theseus, and other monster-slayers. Weimar, in gratitude, erected this column as a memorial of the baker's feat and its own deliverance. A little farther on is the Borkenhaus, where Carl August used to play the her- mit for days together, and from which he used to telegraph to Goethe in his Gartenhaus. Sometimes we took our shady walk in the Stern, the oldest part of the Park plantations, on the opposite side of the river, lingering on our way to watch the crystal brook which hurries on, like a foolish young maiden, to wed itself with the muddy Ilm. The Stern (Star), a large circular opening among the trees, with walks radiating from it, has been thought of as the place for the projected statues of Goethe and Schiller. In Ranch's model for these statues the poets are draped in togas, Goethe, who was considerably the shorter of the two, resting his hand on Schiller's shoulder; but it has been wisely determined to represent them in their "habit as they lived," so Ranch's design is rejected. Against classical idealizing in portrait sculpture, Weimar has already a sufficient warning in the 198 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. eolossal statue of Goethe, executed after Bettina's design, which the readers of the "Correspondence with a Child" may see engraved as a frontispiece to the second volume. This statue is locked up in an odd structure, standing in the Park, and looking like a compromise between a church and a summer-house. (Weimar does not shine in its buildings !) How little real knowledge of Goethe must the mind have that could wish to see him represented as a naked Apollo, with a Psyche at his knee ! The execution is as feeble as the sentiment is false ; the Apollo-Goethe is a caricature, and the Psyche is simply vulgar. The statue was executed under Bettina's encouragement, in the hope that it would be bought by the King of Prussia ; but a breach having taken place between her and her royal friend, a purchaser was sought in the Grand Duke of Weimar, who, after transport- ing it at enormous expense from Italy, wisely shut it up where it is seen only by the curious. As autumn advanced and the sunshine became precious, we preferred the broad walk on the higher grounds of the Park, where the masses of trees are finely disposed, leaving wide spaces of meadow which extend on one side to the Belvedere allee with its avenue of chestnut-trees, and on the other to the little cliffs which I have already described as forming a wall by the walk along the Ilm. Exquisitely beautiful were the graceful forms of the plane-trees, thrown in golden relief on a background of dark pines. Here we used to turn and turn again in the autumn afternoons, at first bright and warm, then sombre with low-lying purple olouds, and chill with winds that sent the leaves raining from the branches. The eye here welcomes, as a contrast, the white facade of a building looking like a small Greek temple, placed on the edge of a cliff, and you at once con- clude it to be a bit of pure ornament, a device to set off the landscape; but you presently see a porter seated near the door of the basement story, beguiling the ennui of his sine- cure by a book and a pipe, and you learn with surprise that this is another retreat for ducal dignity to unbend and THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 199 philosophize in. Singularly ill-adapted to such a purpose it seems to beings not ducal. On the other side of the Ilm the Park is bordered by the road leading to the little village of Ober Weimar, another sunny walk, which has the special attraction of taking one by Goethe's Gartenhaus, his first residence at Weimar. Inside, this Gartenhaus is a homely sort of cottage, such as many an English nobleman's gardener lives in ; no furniture is left in it, and the family wish to sell it. Outside, its aspect became to us like that of a dear friend, whose irregular features and rusty clothes have a peculiar charm. It stands, with its bit of garden and orchard, on a pleasant slope, fronting the west; before it the Park stretches one of its meadowy openings to the trees which fringe the Ilm, and between this meadow and the garden hedge lies the said road to Ober Weimar. A grove of weep- ing birches sometimes tempted us to turn out of this road up to the fields at the top of the slope, on which not only the Gartenhaus, but several other modest villas are placed. From this little height one sees to advantage the plantations of the Park in their autumnal coloring ; the town, with its steep-roofed church, and castle clock-tower, painted a gay green ; the bushy line of the Belvedere chaussee, and Belve- dere itself peeping on an eminence from its nest of trees. Here, too, was the place for seeing a lovely sunset, such a sunset as September sometimes gives us, when the western horizon is like a rippled sea of gold, sending over the whole hemisphere golden vapors, which, as they near the east, are subdued to a deep rose-color. The Schloss is rather a stately, ducal-looking building, forming three sides of a quadrangle. Strangers are admitted to see a suite of rooms called the Dichter-Zimmer (Poet's Eooms), dedicated to Goethe, Schiller, and Wieland. The idea of these rooms is really a pretty one : in each of them there is a bust of the poet who is its presiding genius, and the walls of the Schiller and Goethe rooms are covered with frescos representing scenes from their works. The Wieland room is much smaller than the other two, and serves as an 200 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. antechamber to them; it is also decorated more sparingly, but the arabesques on the walls are very tastefully designed, and satisfy one better than the ambitious compositions from Goethe and Schiller. A more interesting place to visitors is the library, which occupies a large building not far from the Schloss. The principal Saal, surrounded by a broad gallery, is ornamented with some very excellent busts and some very bad portraits. Of the busts, the most remarkable is that of Gliick, by Houdon, a striking specimen of the real in art. The sculp- tor has given every scar made by the small-pox ; he has left the nose as pug and insignificant, and the mouth as common, as Nature made them ; but then he has done what, doubtless, Nature also did, he has spread over those coarsely cut feat- ures the irradiation of genius. A specimen of the opposite style in art is Trippel's bust of Goethe as the young Apollo, also fine in its way. It was taken when Goethe was in Italy ; and in the " Italianische Reise," mentioning the progress of the bust, he says that he sees little likeness to himself, but is not discontented that he should go forth to the world as such a good-looking fellow, hiibscher Bursch. This bust, however, is a frank idealization ; when an artist tells us that the ideal of a Greek god divides his attention with his imme- diate subject, we are warned. But one gets rather irritated with idealization in portrait when, as in Dannecker's bust of Schiller, one has been misled into supposing that Schiller's brow was square and massive, while, in fact, it was receding. We say this partly on the evidence of his skull, a cast of which is kept in the library, so that we could place it in jux- taposition with the bust. The story of this skull is curious. When it was determined to disinter Schiller's remains, that they might repose in company with those of Carl August and Goethe, the question of identification was found to be a diffi- cult one, for his bones were mingled with those of ten insig- nificant fellow-mortals. When, however, the eleven skulls were placed in juxtaposition, a large number of persons who had known Schiller separately and successively fixed upon THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 201 fche same skull as his, and their evidence was clenched by the discovery that the teeth of this skull corresponded to the statement of Schiller's servant, that his master had lost no teeth, except one, which he specified. Accordingly it was decided that this was Schiller's skull, and the comparative anatomist Loder was sent for from Jena to select the bones which completed the skeleton. 1 The evidence certainly leaves room for a doubt; but the receding forehead of the skull agrees with the testimony of persons who knew Schiller, that he had, as Eauch said to us, a " miserable forehead ; " it agrees, also, with a beautiful miniature of Schiller, taken when he was about twenty. This miniature is deeply inter- esting ; it shows us a youth whose clearly cut features, with the mingled fire and melancholy of their expression, could hardly have been passed with indifference ; it has the langer Gansehals (long goose-neck) which he gives to his Karl Moor; but instead of the black, sparkling eyes, and the gloomy, overhanging, bushy eyebrows he chose for his robber hero, it has the fine wavy auburn locks and the light-blue eyes which belong to our idea of pure German race. We may be satisfied that we know at least the form of Schiller's features, for in this particular his busts and portraits are in striking accordance ; unlike the busts and portraits of Goethe, which are a proof, if any were wanted, how inevitably sub- jective art is, even when it professes to be purely imitative, how the most active perception gives us rather a reflex of what we think and feel, than the real sum of objects before us. The Goethe of Rauch or of Schwanthaler is widely dif- ferent in form, as well as expression, from the Goethe of Stieler ; and Winterberger, the actor, who knew Goethe inti- mately, told us that to him not one of all the likenesses, sculptured or painted, seemed to have more than a faint resemblance to their original. There is, indeed, one likeness, taken in his old age, and preserved in the library, which is 1 I tell this story from my recollection of Stahr's account in his " Weimar nnd Jena," an account which was confirmed to me by residents in Weimar; bat as I have not the book by me, I cannot test the accuracy of my memory. 202 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. startling from the conviction it produces of close resemblance, and Winterberger admitted it to be the best he had seen. It is a tiny miniature painted on a small cup, of Dresden china, and is so wonderfully executed that a magnifying-glass exhibits the perfection of its texture as if it were a flower or a butterfly's wing. It is more like Stieler's portrait than any other ; the massive neck, unbent though withered, rises out of his dressing-gown, and supports majestically a head from which one might imagine (though, alas I it never is so in reality) that the discipline of seventy years had purged away all meaner elements than those of the sage and the poet, a head which might serve as a type of sublime old age. Among the collection of toys and trash, melancholy records of the late Grand Duke's eccentricity, which occupy the upper rooms of the library, there are some precious relics hanging together in a glass case, which almost betray one into sympathy with " holy coat " worship. They are Luther's gown, the coat in which Gustavus Adolphus was shot, and Goethe's court coat and Schlafrock. What a rush of thoughts from the mingled memories of the passionate reformer, the heroic warrior, and the wise singer ! The only one of its great men to whom Weimar has at present erected a statue in the open air is Herder. His statue, erected in 1850, stands in what is called the Herder Platz, with its back to the church in which he preached ; in the right hand is a roll bearing his favorite motto, Licht, Liebe, Leben (Light, Love, Life), and on the pedestal is the inscription Von Deutschen alter Lander (from Germans of all lands). This statue, which is by Schaller of Munich, is very much admired ; but, remembering the immortal descrip- tion in the " Dichtung und Wahrheit," of Herder's appear- ance when Goethe saw him for the first time at Strasburg, I was disappointed with the parsonic appearance of the statue, as well as of the bust in the library. The part of the town which imprints itself on the memory, next to the Herder Platz, is the Markt, a cheerful square made smart by a new Kath-haus. Twice a week it is crowded with stalls and THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 203 country people; and it is the very pretty custom for the band to play in the balcony of the Rath-haus about twenty minutes every market-day to delight the ears of the peas- antry. A head-dress worn by many of the old women, and here and there by a young one, is, I think, peculiar to Thuringia. Let the fair reader imagine half a dozen of her broadest French sashes dyed black, and attached as streamers to the back of a stiff black skull-cap, ornamented in front with a large bow, which stands out like a pair of donkey's ears ; let her further imagine, mingled with the streamers of ribbon, equally broad pendants of a thick woollen texture, something like the fringe of an urn-rug, and she will have an idea of the head-dress in which I have seen a Thuringian damsel figure on a hot summer's day. Two houses in the Markt are pointed out as those from which Tetzel published his indulgences and Luther thundered against them ; but it is difficult to one's imagination to conjure up scenes of theological controversy in Weimar, where, from princes down to pastry-cooks, rationalism is taken as a matter of course. Passing along the Schiller-strasse, a broad, pleasant street, one is thrilled by the inscription, Hier wohnte Schiller, over the door of a small house with casts in its bow-window. Mount up to the second story, and you will see Schiller's study very nearly as it was when he worked in it. It is a cheerful room with three windows, two towards the street and one looking on a little garden which divides his house from the neighboring one. The writing-table, which he notes as an important purchase in one of his letters to Korner, and in one of the drawers of which he used to keep rotten apples for the sake of their scent, stands near the last-named win- dow, so that its light would fall on his left hand. On another side of the room is his piano, with his guitar lying upon it ; and above these hangs an ugly print of an Italian scene, which has a companion equally ugly on another wall. Strange feelings it awakened in me to run my fingers over the keys of the little piano and call forth its tones, now so 204 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. queer and feeble, like those of an invalided old woman whose voice could once make a heart beat with fond passion or soothe its angry pulses into calm. The bedstead on which Schiller died has been removed into the study, from the small bedroom behind, which is now empty. A little table is placed close to the head of the bed, with his drinking-glass upon it, and on the wall above the bedstead there is a beautiful sketch of him lying dead. He used to occupy the whole of the second floor. It contains, besides the study and bedroom, an antechamber, now furnished with casts and prints on sale, in order to remunerate the custodiers of the house, and a salon tricked out, since his death, with a symbolical cornice, statues, and a carpet worked by the ladies of Weimar. Goethe's house is much more important-looking, but, to English eyes, far from being the palatial residence which might be expected, from the descriptions of German writers. The entrance hall is indeed rather imposing, with its statues in niches, and its broad staircase, but the rest of the house is not proportionately spacious and elegant. The only part of the house open to the public and this only on a Friday is the principal suite of rooms which contain his collection of casts, pictures, cameos, etc. This collection is utterly in- significant, except as having belonged to him ; and one turns away from bad pictures and familiar casts, to linger over the manuscript of the wonderful " Romische Elegein," written by hmself in the Italian character. It is to be regretted that a large sum offered for this house by the German Diet was refused by the Goethe family, in the hope, it is said, of ob- taining a still larger sum from that mythical English Croesus always ready to turn fabulous sums into dead capital, who haunts the imagination of Continental people. One of the most fitting tributes a nation can pay to its great dead is to make their habitation, like their works, a public possession, a shrine where affectionate reverence may be more vividly reminded that the being who has bequeathed to us immortal thoughts or immortal deeds had to endure the daily struggle with the petty details, perhaps with the sordid cares of this THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 205 working-day world ; and it is a sad pity that Goethe's study, bedroom, and library, so fitted to call up that kind of sym- pathy, because they are preserved just as he left them, should be shut out from all but the specially privileged. We were happy enough to be among these, to look through the mist of rising tears at the dull study with its two small windows, and without a single object chosen for the sake of luxury or beauty ; at the dark little bedroom with the bed on which he died, and the arm-chair where he took his morning coffee as he read ; at the library with its common deal shelves, and books containing his own paper-marks. In the presence of this hardy simplicity, the contrast suggests itself of the study at Abbotsford, with its elegant Gothic fittings, its delicious easy-chair, and its oratory of painted glass. We were very much amused at the privacy with which people keep their shops at Weimar. Some of them have not . so much as their names written up; and there is so much indifference of manner towards customers that one might suppose every shopkeeper was a salaried functionary em- ployed by government. The distribution of commodities, too, is carried on according to a peculiar Weimarian logic ; we bought our lemons at a ropemaker's, and should not have felt ourselves very unreasonable if we had asked for shoes at a stationer's. As to competition, I should think a clever tradesman or artificer is almost as free from it at Weimar as 2Esculapius or Vulcan in the days of old Olympus. Here is an illustration. Our landlady's husband was called the "susser Kabenhorst," by way of distinguishing him from a brother of his who was the reverse of sweet. This Eaben- horst, who was not sweet, but who nevertheless dealt in sweets, for he was a confectioner, was so utter a rogue that any transaction with him was avoided almost as much as if he had been the Evil One himself, yet so clever a rogue that he always managed to keep on the windy side of the law. Nevertheless, he had so many dainties in the confectionery line so viel SiissigTceiten und Leckerbissen that people bent on giving a fine entertainment were at last constrained to 206 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. eay, " After all, I must go to Rabenhorst ; " and so he got abundant custom, in spite of general detestation. A very fair dinner is to be had at several tables d'hote in Weimar for ten or twelve groschen (a shilling or fifteen pence). The Germans certainly excel us in their Mehlspeise, or farinaceous puddings, and in their mode of cooking vege- tables ; they are bolder and more imaginative in their combi- nation of sauces, fruits, and vegetables with animal food, and they are faithful to at least one principle of dietetics, variety. The only thing at table we have any pretext for being supercilious about is the quality and dressing of animal food. The meat at a table d'hote in Thuringia, and even Berlin, except in the very first hotels, bears about the same relation to ours as horse-flesh probably bears to German beef and mutton ; and an Englishman with a bandage over his eyes would often be sorely puzzled to guess the kind of flesh he was eating. For example, the only flavor we could ever discern in hare, which is a very frequent dish, was that of the more or less disagreeable fat which predominated in the dressing ; and roast meat seems to be considered an extrava- gance rarely admissible. A melancholy sight is a flock of Weimarian sheep, followed or led by their shepherd. They are as dingy as London sheep, and far more skinny ; indeed, an Englishman who dined with us said the sight of the sheep had set him against mutton. Still, the variety of dishes you get for ten groschen is something marvellous to those who have been accustomed to English charges ; and among the six courses it is not a great evil to find a dish or two the reverse of appetizing. I suppose, however, that the living at tables d'hote gives one no correct idea of the mode in which the people live at home. The basis of the national food seems to be raw ham and sausage, with a copious superstratum of Blaukraut, Sauerkraut, and black bread. Sausage seems to be to the German what potatoes were to the Irish, the sine qua non of bodily sustenance. Goethe asks the Frau von Stein to send him so eine Wurst when he wants to have a make-shift dinner away from home; and in his letters to THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 20? Kestner he is enthusiastic about the delights of dining on Blaukraut and Leberwurst (blue cabbage and liver sausage). If Kraut and Wurst may be called the solid prose of Thurin- gian diet, fish and Kuchen (generally a heavy kind of fruit tart) are the poetry : the German appetite disports itself with these as the English appetite does with ices and whipped creams. At the beginning of August, when we arrived in Weimar, almost every one was away "at the Baths," of course except the tradespeople. As birds nidify in the spring, so Germans wash themselves in the summer : their Waschung- strieb acts strongly only at a particular time of the year ; during all the rest, apparently, a decanter and a sugar-basin or pie-dish are an ample toilet-service for them. We were quite contented, however, that it was not yet the Weimar "season," fashionably speaking, since it was the very best time for enjoying something far better than Weimar gayeties, the lovely Park and environs. It was pleasant, too, to see the good bovine citizens enjoying life in their quiet fashion. Unlike our English people, they take pleasure into their cal- culations, and seem regularly to set aside part of their time for recreation. It is understood that something is to be done in life besides business and housewifery: the women take their children and their knitting to the Erholung, or walk with their husbands to Belvedere, or in some other direction where a cup of coffee is to be had. The Erholung, by the way, is a pretty garden, with shady walks, abundant seats, an orchestra, a ball-room, and a place for refreshments. The higher classes are subscribers and visitors here as well as the bourgeoisie; but there are several resorts of a similar kind frequented by the latter exclusively. The reader of Goethe will remember his little poem, " Die Lustigen von Weimar," which still indicates the round of amusements in this simple capital : the walk to Belvedere or Tiefurt ; the excursion to Jena, or some other trip, not made expensive by distance; the round game at cards ; the dance ; the theatre ; and so many other enjoyments to be had by a people not bound to give dinner-parties and " keep up a position." 208 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. It is charming to see how real an amusement the theatre is to the Weimar people. The greater number of places are occupied by subscribers, and there is no fuss about toilet or escort. The ladies come alone, and slip quietly into their places without need of " protection," a proof of civilization perhaps more than equivalent to our pre-eminence in patent locks and carriage springs ; and after the performance is over you may see the same ladies following their servants, with lanterns, through streets innocent of gas, in which an oil-lamp, suspended from a rope slung across from house to house, occasionally reveals to you the shafts of a cart or omnibus, conveniently placed for you to run upon them. A yearly autumn festival at Weimar is the Fogelschiessen, or Bird-shooting ; but the reader must not let his imagination wander at this word into fields and brakes. The bird here concerned is of wood, and the shooters, instead of wandering over breezy down and common, are shut up, day after day, in a room clouded with tobacco-smoke, that they may take their turn at shooting with the rifle from the window of a closet about the size of a sentinel's box. However, this is a mighty enjoyment to the Thuringian yeomanry, and an occasion of profit to our friend Punch, and other itinerant performers ; for while the Vogelschiessen lasts, a sort of fair is held in the field where the marksmen assemble. Among the quieter every-day pleasures of the Weimarians, perhaps the most delightful is the stroll on a bright afternoon or evening to the Duke's summer residence of Belvedere, about two miles from Weimar. As I have said, a glorious avenue of chestnut-trees leads all the way from the town to the entrance of the grounds, which are open to all the world as much as to the Duke himself. Close to the palace and its subsidiary buildings there is an inn, for the accommodation of the good people who come to take dinner or any other meal here, by way of holiday-making. A sort of pavilion stands on a spot commanding a lovely view of Weimar and its valley, and here the Weimarians constantly come on sum- mer and autumn evenings to smoke a cigar or drink a cup of THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 209 coffee. In one wing of the little palace, which is made smart by wooden cupolas, with gilt pinnacles, there is a saloon, which I recommend to the imitation of tasteful people in their country-houses. It has no decoration but that of natu- ral foliage : ivy is trained at regular intervals up the pure white walls, and all round the edge of the ceiling, so as to form pilasters and a cornice; ivy again, trained on trellis- work, forms a blind to the window, which looks towards the entrance court ; and beautiful ferns, arranged in tall baskets, are placed here and there against the walls. The furniture is of light cane-work. Another pretty thing here is the Natur-Theater, a theatre constructed with living trees, trimmed into walls and side scenes. We pleased ourselves for a little while with thinking that this was one of the places where Goethe acted in his own dramas, but we after- wards learned that it was not made until his acting days were over. The inexhaustible charm of Belvedere, however, is the grounds, which are laid out with a taste worthy of a first-rate landscape-gardener. The tall and graceful limes, plane-trees, and weeping birches, the little basins of water here and there, with fountains playing in the middle of them, and with a fringe of broad-leaved plants, or other tasteful bordering round them, the gradual descent towards the river, and the hill clothed with firs and pines on the opposite side, forming a fine dark background for the various and light foliage of the trees that ornament the gardens, all this we went again and again to enjoy, from the time when every- thing was of a vivid green until the Virginian creepers which festooned the silver stems of the birches were bright scarlet, and the touch of autumn had turned all the green to gold. One of the spots to linger in is at a semicircular seat against an artificial rock, on which are placed large glass globes of different colors. It is wonderful to see with what minute perfection the scenery around is painted in these globes. Each is like a pre-Raphaelite picture, with every little detail of gravelly walk, mossy bank, and delicately leaved, inter- lacing boughs presented in accurate miniature. VOL. IX. . .* . 210 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. In the opposite direction to Belvedere lies Tiefurt, with its small park and tiny chateau, formerly the residence of the Duchess Amalia, the mother of Carl August, and the friend and patroness of Wieland, but now apparently serving as little else than a receptacle for the late Duke Carl Friedrich's rather childish collections. In the second story there is a suite of rooms, so small that the largest of them does not take up as much space as a good dining-table, and each of these doll-house rooms is crowded with prints, old china, and all sorts of knick-knacks and rococo wares. The park is a little paradise. The Ilm is seen here to the best advantage : it is clearer than at Weimar, and winds about gracefully between the banks, on one side steep, and curtained with turf and shrubs, or fine trees. It was here, at a point where the bank forms a promontory into the river, that Goethe and his Court friends got up the performance of an operetta, " Die Fischerin," by torchlight. On the way to Tiefurt lies the Webicht, a beautiful wood, through which run excellent carriage-roads and grassy footpaths. It was a rich enjoy- ment to skirt this wood along the Jena road, and see the sky arching grandly down over the open fields on the other side of us, the evening red flushing the west over the town, and the stars coming out as if to relieve the sun in its watch ; or to take the winding road through the wood, under its tall, overarching trees, now bending their mossy trunks forward, now standing with the stately erectness of lofty pillars ; or to saunter along the grassy footpaths where the sunlight streamed through the fairy-like foliage of the silvery-barked birches. Stout pedestrians who go to Weimar will do well to make a walking excursion, as we did, to Ettersburg, a more distant summer residence of the Grand Duke, interesting to us before- hand as the scene of private theatricals and sprees in the Goethe days. We set out on one of the brightest and hottest mornings that August ever bestowed, and it required some resolution to trudge along the shadeless chatisste, which formed the first two or three miles of our way. One com- THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 211 pensating pleasure was the sight of the beautiful mountain- ash trees in full berry, which, alternately with cherry-trees, border the road for a considerable distance. At last we rested from our broiling walk on the borders of a glorious pine wood, so extensive that the trees in the distance form a complete wall with theii trunks, and so give one a twilight very welcome on a summer's noon. Under these pines you tread on a carpet of the softest moss, so that you hear no sound of a footstep, and all is as solemn and still as in the crypt of a cathedral. Presently we passed out of the pine wood into one of limes, beeches, and other trees of trans- parent and light foliage ; and from this again we emerged into the open space of the Ettersburg Park in front of the Schloss, which is finely placed on an eminence commanding a mag- nificent view of the far-reaching woods. Prince Puckler Muskau has been of service here by recommending openings to be made in the woods, in the taste of the English parks. The Schloss, which is a favorite residence of the Grand Duke, is a house of very moderate size, and no pretension of any kind. Its stuccoed walls, and doors long unacquainted with fresh paint, would look distressingly shabby to the owner of a villa at Richmond or Twickenham ; but much beauty is pro- cured here at slight expense, by the tasteful disposition of creepers on the balustrades, and pretty vases full of plants ranged along the steps, or suspended in the little piazza beneath them. A walk through a beech-wood took us to the Mooshutte, in front of which stands the famous beech from whence Goethe denounced Jacobi's "Woldemar." The bark is covered with initials cut by him and his friends. People who only allow themselves to be idle under the pretext of hydropathizing, may find all the apparatus neces- sary to satisfy their conscience at Bercka, a village seated in a lovely valley about six miles from Weimar. Now and then a Weimar family takes lodgings here for the summer, retiring from the quiet of the capital to the deeper quiet of Bercka ; but generally the place seems not much frequented. It would be difficult to imagine a more peace-inspiring scene than this 212 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. little valley. The hanging woods; the soft coloring and graceful outline of the uplands; the village, with its roofs and spire of a reddish-violet hue, muffled in luxuriant trees , the white Kurhaus glittering on a grassy slope ; the avenue of poplars contrasting its pretty primness with the wild, bushy outline of the wood-covered hill, which rises abruptly from the smooth, green meadows ; the clear, winding stream, now sparkling in the sun, now hiding itself under soft gray willows, all this makes an enchanting picture. The walk to Bercka and back was a favorite expedition with us and a few Weimar friends ; for the road thither is a pleasant one, leading at first through open, cultivated fields, dotted here and there with villages, and then through wooded hills, the outskirts of the Thuringian Forest. We used not to despise the fine plums which hung in tempting abundance by the roadside ; but we afterwards found that we had been deceived in supposing ourselves free to pluck them, as if it were the golden age, and that we were liable to a penalty of ten groschen for our depredations. But I must not allow myself to be exhaustive on pleasures which seem monotonous when told, though in enjoying them one is as far from wishing them to be more various as from wishing for any change in the sweet sameness of successive summer days. I will only advise the reader who has yet to make excursions in Thuringia to visit Jena, less for its tra- ditions than for its fine scenery, which makes it, as Goethe says, a delicious place in spite of its dull, ugly streets ; and exhort him, above all, to brave the discomforts of a Postwagen for the sake of getting to Hmenau. Here he will find the grandest pine-clad hills, with endless walks under their sol- emn shades ; beech- woods where every tree is a picture ; an air that he will breathe with as conscious a pleasure as if he were taking iced water on a hot day ; baths ad libitum, with a douche lofty and tremendous enough to invigorate the giant Cormoran; and more than all, one of the most interesting relics of Goethe, who had a great love for Ilmeuau. This is the small wooden house, on the height called the Kickelhahn, THREE MONTHS IN WEIMAR. 213 where he often lived in his long retirements here, and where you may see written by his own hand, near the window- frame, those wonderful lines, perhaps the finest expression yet given to the sense of resignation inspired by the sublime calm of Nature, " Ueber alien Gipfeln 1st Rah, In alien Wipfeln Spiirest du Kaum einen Hauch; Die Vogelein schweigen im Waldt, Warte nur, balde Honest da aocu." ADDEESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT TjlELLOW-WOKKMEN : I am not going to take up your -L 1 time by complimenting you. It has been the fashion to compliment kings and other authorities when they have come into power, and to tell them that, under their wise and beneficent rule, happiness would certainly overflow the land But the end has not always corresponded to that beginning. If it were true that we who work for wages had more of tha wisdom and virtue necessary to the right use of power than has been shown by the aristocratic and mercantile classes, we should not glory much in that fact, or consider that it car- ried with it any near approach to infallibility. In my opinion there has been too much complimenting of that sort ; and whenever a speaker, whether he is one of our- selves or not, wastes our time in boasting or flattery, I say, let us hiss him. If we have the beginning of wisdom, which is, to know a little truth about ourselves, we know that as a body we are neither very wise nor very virtuous. And to prove this, I will not point specially to our own habits and doings, but to the general state of the country. Any nation that had within it a majority of men and we are the ma- jority possessed of much wisdom and virtue, would not tolerate the bad practices, the commercial lying and swind- ling, the poisonous adulteration of goods, the retail cheating, and the political bribery which are carried on boldly in the midst of us. A majority has the power of creating a public opinion. We could groan and hiss before we had the fran- chise : if we had groaned and hissed in the right place, if we had discerned better between good and evil, if the multitude ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 215 of us artisans, and factory hands, and miners, and laborers of all sorts, had been skilful, faithful, well-judging, industrious, sober, and I don't see how there can be wisdom and virtue anywhere without these qualities, we should have made an audience that would have shamed the other classes out of their share in the national vices. We should have had better members of Parliament, better religious teachers, honester tradesmen, fewer foolish demagogues, less impudence in in- famous and brutal men ; and we should not have had among us the abomination of men calling themselves religious while living in splendor on ill-gotten gains. I say, it is not possible for any society in which there is a very large body of wise and virtuous men to be as vicious as our society is, to have as low a standard of right and wrong, to have so much belief in falsehood, or to have so degrading, barbarous a notion of what pleasure is, or of what justly raises a man above his fellows. Therefore let us have done with this nonsense about our being much better than the rest of our countrymen, or the pretence that that was a reason why we ought to have such an extension of the franchise as has been given to us. The reason for our having the franchise, as I want presently to show, lies somewhere else than in our personal good quali- ties, and does not in the least lie in any high betting chance that a delegate is a better man than a duke, or that a Shef- field grinder is a better man than any one of the firm he works for. However, we have got our franchise now. We have been sarcastically called in the House of Commons the future mas- ters of the country ; and if that sarcasm contains any truth, it seems to me that the first thing we had better think of is, our heavy responsibility, that is to say, the terrible rik we run of working mischief and missing good, as others have done before us. Suppose certain men, discontented with the irrigation of a country which depended for all its prosperity on the right direction being given to the waters of a great river, had got the management of the irrigation before they were quite sure how exactly it could be altered for the better, 216 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. or whether they could command the necessary agency for such an alteration. Those men would have a difficult and dangerous business on their hands ; and the more sense, feel- ing, and knowledge they had, the more they would be likely to tremble rather than to triumph. Our situation is not alto- gether unlike theirs. For general prosperity and well-being is a vast crop, that like the corn in Egypt can be come at, not at all by hurried snatching, but only by a well-judged patient process ; and whether our political power will be any good to us now we have got it, must depend entirely on the means and materials, the knowledge, ability, and honesty we have at command. These three things are the only conditions on which we can get any lasting benefit, as every clever work- man among us knows : he knows that for an article to be worth much there must be a good invention or plan to go upon, there must be a well-prepared material, and there must be skilful and honest work in carrying out the plan. And by this test we may try those who want to be our leaders. Have they anything to offer us besides indignant talk? When they tell us we ought to have this, that, or the other thing, can they explain to us any reasonable, fair, safe way of get- ting it ? Can they argue in favor of a particular change by showing us pretty closely how the change is likely to work ? I don't want to decry a just indignation ; on the contrary, I should like it to be more thorough and general. A wise man, more than two thousand years ago, when he was asked what would most tend to lessen injustice in the world, said, "If every bystander felt as indignant at a wrong as if he himself were the sufferer." Let us cherish such indignation. But the long-growing evils of a great nation are a tangled busi- ness, asking for a good deal more than indignation in order to be got rid of. Indignation is a fine war-horse, but the war-horse must be ridden by a man : it must be ridden by rationality, skill, courage, armed with the right weapons, and taking definite aim. We have reason to be discontented with many things, and, looking back either through the history of England to much ADDRESS TO WORKTNG-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 217 earlier generations or to the legislation and administrations of later times, we are justified in saying that many of the evils under which our country now suffers are the conse- quences of folly, ignorance, neglect, or self-seeking in those who, at different times, have wielded the powers of rank, office, and money. But the more bitterly we feel this, the more loudly we utter it, the stronger is the obligation we lay on ourselves to beware, lest we also, by a too hasty wresting of measures which seem to promise an immediate partial re- lief, make a worse time of it for our own generation, and leave a bad inheritance to our children. The deepest curse of wrong-doing, whether of the foolish or wicked sort, is that its effects are difficult to be undone. I suppose there is hardly anything more to be shuddered at than that part of the history of disease which shows how, when a man injures his constitution by a life of vicious excess, his children and grandchildren inherit diseased bodies and minds, and how the effects of that unhappy inheritance continue to spread beyond our calculation. This is only one example of the law by which human lives are linked together; another example of what we complain of when we point to our pauperism, to the brutal ignorance of multitudes among our fellow-country- men, to the weight of taxation laid on us by blamable wars, to the wasteful channels made for the public money, to the expense and trouble of getting justice, and call these the ef- fects of bad rule. This is the law that we all bear the yoke of, the law of no man's making, and which no man can undo. Everybody now sees an example of it in the case of Ireland. We who are living now are sufferers by the wrong-doing of those who lived before us; we are the sufferers by each other's wrong-doing ; and the children who come after us are and will be sufferers from the same causes. Will any man say he does n't care for that law it is nothing to him what he wants is to better himself ? With what face then will he complain of any injury ? If he says that in politics or in any sort of social action he will not care to know what are likely to be the consequences to others besides himself, he 218 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. is defending the very worst doings that have brought about his discontent. He might as well say that there is no better rule needful for men than that each should tug and drive for what will please him, without caring how that tugging will act on the fine wide-spread network of society in which he is fast meshed. If any man taught that as a doctrine, we should know him for a fool. But there are men who act upon it ; every scoundrel, for example, whether he is a rich religious scoundrel who lies and cheats on a large scale, and will per- haps come and ask you to send him to Parliament, or a poor pocket-picking scoundrel, who will steal your loose pence while you are listening round the platform. None of us are so ignorant as not to know that a society, a nation, is held to- gether by just the opposite doctrine and action, by the de- pendence of men on each other and the sense they have of a common interest in preventing injury. And we working-men are, I think, of all classes the last that can afford to forget this j for if we did we should be much like sailors cutting away the timbers of our own ship to warm our grog with. For what else is the meaning of our trades-unions ? What else is the meaning of every flag we carry, every procession we make, every crowd we collect for the sake of making some protest on behalf of our body as receivers of wages, if not this : that it is our interest to stand by each other, and that this being the common interest, no one of us will try to make a good bargain for himself without considering what will be good for his fellows ? And every member of a union believes that the wider he can spread his union, the stronger and surer will be the effect of it. So I think I shall be borne out in saying that a working-man who can put two and two to- gether, or take three from four and see what will be the re- mainder, can understand that a society, to be well off, must be made up chiefly of men who consider the general good as well as their own. Well, Tbut taking the world as it is and this is one way we must take it when we want to find out how it can be im- proved no society is made up of a single class: society ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 219 stands before us like that wonderful piece of life, the human body, with all its various parts depending on one another, and with a terrible liability to get wrong because of that del- icate dependence. We all know how many diseases the hu- man body is apt to suffer from, and how difficult it is even for the doctors to find out exactly where the seat or begin- ning of the disorder is. That is because the body is made up of so many various parts, all related to each other, or likely all to feel the effect if any one of them goes wrong. It is somewhat the same with our old nations or societies. No society ever stood long in the world without getting to be composed of different classes. Now, it is all pretence to say that there is no such thing as class interest. It is clear that if any particular number of men get a particular benefit from any existing institution, they are likely to band together, in order to keep up that benefit and increase it, until it is per- ceived to be unfair and injurious to another large number, who get knowledge and strength enough to set up a resist- ance. And this, again, has been part of the history of every great society since history began. But the simple reason fo this being, that any large body of men is likely to have mori< of stupidity, narrowness, and greed than of far-sightedne?* and generosity, it is plain that the number who resist unfair- ness and injury are in danger of becoming injurious in their turn. And in this way a justifiable resistance has become a damaging convulsion, making everything worse instead of better. This has been seen so often that we ought to profit a little by the experience. So long as there is selfishness in men ; so long as they have not found out for themselves institu-, tions which express and carry into practice the truth, that the highest interest of mankind must at last be a common and not a divided interest ; so long as the gradual operation of steady causes has not made that truth a part of every man's knowledge and feeling, just as we now not only know that it is good for our health to be cleanly, but feel that cleanliness is only another word for comfort, which is the under side or lining of all pleasure, so long, I say, as men wink at theii 220 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. own knowingness, or hold their heads high because they have got an advantage over their fellows, so long class interest will be in danger of making itself felt injuriously. No set of men will get any sort of power without being in danger of wanting more than their right share. But, on the other hand, it is just as certain that no set of men will get angry at having less than their right share, and set up a claim on that ground, without falling into just the same danger of ex- acting too much, and exacting it in wrong ways. It 's human nature we have got to work with all round, and nothing else. That seems like saying something very commonplace, nay, obvious ; as if one should say that where there are hands there are mouths. Yet, to hear a good deal of the speechify- ing and to see a good deal of the action that go forward, one might suppose it was forgotten. But I come back to this : that, in our old society, there are old institutions, and among them the various distinctions and inherited advantages of classes, which have shaped them- selves along with all the wonderful, slow-growing system of things made up of our laws, our commerce, and our stores of all sorts, whether in material objects, such as buildings and machinery, or in knowledge, such as scientific thought and professional skill. Just as in that case I spoke of before, the irrigation of a country, which must absolutely have its water distributed or it will bear no crop ; there are the old channels, the old banks, and the old pumps, which must be used as they are until new and better have been prepared, or the structure of the old has been gradually altered. But it would be fool's work to batter down a pump only because a better might be made, when you had no machinery ready for a new one : it would be wicked work, if villages lost their crops by it. Now the only safe way by which society can be steadily improved and our worst evils reduced, is not by any attempt to do away directly with the actually existing class distinctions and advantages, as if everybody could have the same sort of work, or lead the same sort of life (which none of my hearers are stupid enough to suppose), but by the turning of class ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 221 interests into class functions or duties. What I mean is, that each class should be urged by the surrounding conditions to perform its particular work under the strong pressure of re- sponsibility to the nation at large ; that our public affairs should be got into a state in which there should be no impun- ity for foolish or faithless conduct. In this way the public judgment would sift out incapability and dishonesty from posts of high charge, and even personal ambition would nec- essarily become of a worthier sort, since the desires of the most selfish men must be a good deal shaped by the opinions of those around them ; and for one person to put on a cap and bells, or to go about dishonest or paltry ways of getting rich that he may spend a vast sum of money in having more finery than his neighbors, he must be pretty sure of a crowd who will applaud him. Now, changes can only be good in proportion as they help to bring about this sort of result ; in proportion as they put knowledge in the place of ignorance, and fellow-feeling in the place of selfishness. In the course of that substitution class distinctions must inevitably change their character, and represent the varying duties of men, not their varying interests. But this end will not come by impa- tience. " Day will not break the sooner because we get up/ before the twilight." Still less will it come by mere undoing, or change merely as change. And moreover, if we believed that it would be unconditionally hastened by our getting the franchise, we should be what I call superstitious men, believ- ing in magic, or the production of a result by hocus-pocus. Our getting the franchise will greatly hasten that good end in proportion only as every one of us has the knowledge, the foresight, the conscience, that will make him well-judging and scrupulous in the use of it. The nature of things in this world has been determined for us beforehand, and in such a way that no ship can be expected to sail well on a difficult voyage, and reach the right port, unless it is well manned : the nature of the winds and the waves, of the timbers, the sails, and the cordage, will not accommodate itself to drunken, mutinous sailors. 222 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. You will not suspect me of wanting to preach any cant to you, or of joining in the pretence that everything is in a fine way, and need not be made better. What I am striving to keep in our minds is the care, the precaution, with which we should go about making things better, so that the public order may not be destroyed, so that no fatal shock may be given to this society of ours, this living body in which our lives are bound up. After the Keform Bill of 1832 I was in an elec- tion riot, which showed me clearly, on a small scale, what pub- lic disorder must always be ; and I have never forgotten that the riot was brought about chiefly by the agency of dishonest men who professed to be on the people's side. Now, the dan- ger hanging over change is great, just in proportion as it tends to produce such disorder by giving any large number of ignorant men, whose notions of what is good are of a low and brutal sort, the belief that they have got power into their hands, and may do pretty much as they like. If any one can look round us and say that he sees no signs of any such dan- ger now, and that our national condition is running along like a clear broadening stream, safe not to get choked with mud, I call him a cheerful man : perhaps he does his own gardening, and seldom takes exercise far away from home. To us who have no gardens, and often walk abroad, it is plain that we can never get into a bit of a crowd but we must rub clothes with a set of roughs, who have the worst vices of the worst rich, who are gamblers, sots, libertines, knaves, or else mere sensual simpletons and victims. They are the ugly crop that has sprung up while the stewards have been sleep- ing ; they are the multiplying brood begotten by parents who have been left without all teaching save that of a too craving body, without all well-being save the fading delusions of drugged beer and gin. They are the hideous margin of so- ciety, at one edge drawing toward it the undesigning igno- rant poor, at the other darkening imperceptibly into the lowest criminal class. Here is one of the evils which cannot be got rid of quickly, and against which any of us who have got sense, decency, and instruction have need to watch. ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 223 That these degraded fellow-men could really get the mastery in a persistent disobedience to the laws and in a struggle to subvert order, I do not believe , but wretched calamities must come from the very beginning of such a struggle, and the continuance of it would be a civil war, in which the inspira- tion on both sides might soon cease to be even a false notion of good, and might become the direct savage impulse of feroc- ity. We have all to see to it that we do not help to rouse what I may call the savage beast in the breasts of our gener- ation, that we do not help to poison the nation's blood, and make richer provision for bestiality to come. We know well enough that oppressors have sinned in this way, that oppression has notoriously made men mad ; and we are de- termined to resist oppression. But let us, if possible, show that we can keep sane in our resistance, and shape our means more and more reasonably toward the least harmful, and therefore the speediest, attainment of our end. Let us, I say, show that our spirits are too strong to be driven mad, but can keep that sober determination which alone gives mastery over the adaptation of means. And a first guarantee of this sanity will be to act as if we understood that the fundamental duty of a government is to preserve order, to enforce obe- dience of the laws. It has been held hitherto that a man can be depended on as a guardian of order only when he has much money and comfort to lose. But a better state of things would be, that men who had little money and not much comfort should still be guardians of order, because they had sense to see that disorder would do no good, and had a heart of justice, pity, and fortitude, to keep them from mak- ing more misery only because they felt some misery them- selves. There are thousands of artisans who have already shown this fine spirit, and have endured much with patient heroism. If such a spirit spread, and penetrated us all, we should soon become the masters of the country in the best sense and to the best ends. For, the public order being pre- served, there can be no government in future that will not be determined by our insistence on our fair and practicable 224 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. demands. It is only by disorder that our demands will be choked, that we shall find ourselves lost among a brutal ral> ble, with all the intelligence of the country opposed to us, and see government in the shape of guns that will sweep us down in the ignoble martyrdom of fools. It has been a too common notion that to insist much on the preservation of order is the part of a selfish aristocracy and a selfish commercial class, because among these, in the nature of things, have been found the opponents of change. I am a Eadical ; and what is more, I am not a Eadical with a title, or a French cook, or even an entrance into fine society. I expect great changes, and I desire them. But I don't ex- pect them to come in a hurry, by mere inconsiderate sweep- ing. A Hercules with a big besom is a fine thing for a filthy stable, but not for weeding a seed-bed, where his besom would soon make a barren floor. That is old-fashioned talk, some one may say. We know all that. Yes, when things are put in an extreme way, most people think they know them ; but, after all, they are comparatively few who see the small degrees by which those extremes are arrived at, or have the resolution and-self control to resist the little impulses by which they creep on surely toward a fatal end. Does anybody set out meaning to ruin himself, or to drink himself to death, or to waste his life so that he be- comes a despicable old man, a superannuated nuisance, like a fly in winter. Yet there are plenty, of whose lot this is the pitiable story. Well now, supposing us all to have the best- intentions, we working-men, as a body, run some risk of bringing evil on the nation in that unconscious manner half hurrying, half pushed in a jostling march toward an end we are not thinking of. For just as there are many things which we know better and feel much more strongly than the richer, softer-handed classes can know or feel them ; so there are many things many precious benefits which we, by the very fact of our privations, our lack of leisure and in- struction, are not so likely to be aware of and take into our ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 225 account. Those precious benefits form a chief part of what I may call the common estate of society : a wealth over and above buildings, machinery, produce, shipping, and so on, though closely connected with these ; a wealth of a more del- icate kind, that we may more unconsciously bring into dan- ger, doing harm and not knowing that we do it. I mean that treasure of knowledge, science, poetry, refinement of thought, feeling, and manners, great memories and the interpretation of great records, which is carried on from the minds of one generation to the minds of another. This is something dis- tinct from the indulgences of luxury and the pursuit of vain finery ; and one of the hardships in the lot of working-men is that they have been for the most part shut out from shar- ing in this treasure. It can make a man's life very great, very full of delight, though he has no smart furniture and no horses : it also yields a great deal of discovery that corrects error, and of invention that lessens bodily pain, and must at least make life easier for alL Now the security of this treasure demands, not only the preservation of order, but a certain patience on our part with many institutions and facts of various kinds, especially touch- ing the accumulation of wealth, which from the light we stand in, we are more likely to discern the evil than the good of. It is constantly the task of practical wisdom not to say, " This is good, and I will have it," but to say, " This is the less of two unavoidable evils, and I will bear it." And this treasure of knowledge, which consists in the fine activity, the exalted vision of many minds, is bound up at present with conditions which have much evil in them. Just as in the case of material wealth and its distribution we are obliged to take the selfishness and weaknesses of human nature into account, and however we insist that men might act better, are forced, unless we are fanatical simpletons, to consider how they are likely to act ; so in this matter of the wealth that is carried in men's minds, we have to reflect that the too absolute predominance of a class whose wants have been of a common sort, who are chiefly struggling to get better and VOL. IX. 16 226 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. more food, clothing, shelter, and bodily recreation, may lead to hasty measures for the sake of having things more fairly shared, which, even if they did not fail of their object, would at last debase the life of the nation. Do anything which will throw the classes who hold the treasures of knowledge nay, I may say, the treasures of refined needs into the back- ground, cause them to withdraw from public affairs, stop too suddenly any of the sources by which their leisure and ease are furnished, rob them of the chances by which they may be influential and pre-eminent, and you do something as short- sighted as the acts of France and Spain when in jealousy and wrath, not altogether unprovoked, they drove from among them races and classes that held the traditions of handicraft and agriculture. You injure your own inheritance and the inheritance of your children. You may truly say that this which I call the common estate of society has been anything but common to you ; but the same may be said, by many of us, of the sunlight and the air, of the sky and the fields, of parks and holiday games. Nevertheless, that these blessings exist makes life worthier to us, and urges us the more to en- ergetic, likely means of getting our share in them ; and I say, let us watch carefully, lest we do anything to lessen this treasure which is held in the minds of men, while we exert ourselves, first of all, and to the very utmost, that we and our children may share in all its benefits. Yes ; exert our- selves to the utmost, to break the yoke of ignorance. If we demand more leisure, more ease in our lives, let us show that we don't deserve the reproach of wanting to shirk that indus- try which, in some form or other, every man, whether rich or poor, should feel himself as much bound to as he is bound to decency. Let us show that we want to have some time and strength left to us, that we may use it, not for brutal in- dulgence, but for the rational exercise of the faculties which make us men. Without this no political measures can bene- fit us. No political institution will alter the nature of Igno- rance, or hinder it from producing vice and misery. Let Ignorance start how it will, it must run the same round of ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 227 low appetites, poverty, slavery, and superstition. Some of us know this well, nay, I will say, feel it, for knowledge of this kind cuts deep ; and to us it is one of the most painful facts belonging to our condition that there are numbers of our fellow-workmen who are so far from feeling in the same way, that they never use the imperfect opportunities already offered them for giving their children some schooling, but turn their little ones of tender age into bread-winners, often at cruel tasks, exposed to the horrible infection of childish vice. Of course, the causes of these hideous things go a long way back. Parents' misery has made parents' wickedness. But we who are still blessed with the hearts of fathers and the consciences of men, we who have some knowledge of the curse entailed on broods of creatures in human shape, whose enfeebled bodies and dull perverted minds are mere centres of uneasiness in whom even appetite is feeble and joy impos- sible, I say we are bound to use all the means at our com- mand to help in putting a stop to this horror. Here, it seems to me, is a way in which we may use extended co-operation among us to the most momentous of all purposes, and make conditions of enrolment that would strengthen all educational measures. It is true enough that there is a low sense of pa- rental duties in the nation at large, and that numbers who have no excuse in bodily hardship seem to think it a light thing to beget children, to bring human beings with all their tremendous possibilities into this difficult world, and then take little heed how they are disciplined and furnished for the perilous journey they are sent on without any asking of their own. This is a sin, shared in more or less by all classes ; but there are sins which, like taxation, fall the heaviest on the poorest, and none have such galling reasons as we work- ing-men to try and rouse to the utmost the feeling of respon- sibility in fathers and mothers. We have been urged into co-operation by the pressure of common demands. In war men need each other more; and where a given point has to be defended, fighters inevitably find themselves shoulder to shoulder. So fellowship grows, so grow the rules of fellow- 228 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. ship, which gradually shape themselves to thoroughness as the idea of a common good becomes more complete. We feel a right to say, If you will be one of us, you must make such and such a contribution, you must renounce such and such a separate advantage, you must set your face against such and such an infringement. If we have any false ideas about our common good, our rules will be wrong, and we shall be co-oper- ating to damage each other. But, now, here is a part of our good, without which everything else we strive for will be worthless, I mean the rescue of our children. Let us de- mand from the members of our unions that they fulfil their duty as parents in this definite matter, which rules can reach. Let us demand that they send their children to school, so as not to go on recklessly, breeding a moral pestilence among as, just as strictly as we demand that they pay their contri- butions to a common fund, understood to be for a common benefit. While we watch our public men, let us watch one another as to this duty, which is also public, and more mo- mentous even than obedience to sanitary regulations. While we resolutely declare against the wickedness in high places, let us set ourselves also against the wickedness in low places, not quarrelling which came first, or which is the worse of the two, not trying to settle the miserable precedence of plague or famine, but insisting unflinchingly on remedies once ascer- tained, and summoning those who hold the treasure of knowl- edge to remember that they hold it in trust, and that with them lies the task of searching for new remedies, and finding the right methods of applying them. To find right remedies and right methods. Here is the great function of knowledge : here the life of one man may make a fresh era straight away, in which a sort of suffering that has existed shall exist no more. For the thousands of years down to the middle of the sixteenth century that hu- man limbs had been hacked and amputated, nobody knew how to stop the bleeding except by searing the ends of the vessels with red-hot iron. But then came a man named Am- brose Pare, and said, '' Tie up the arteries ! " That was a fine ADDRESS TO WORKING-MEN, BY FELIX HOLT. 229 word to utter. It contained the statement of a method, a plan by which a particular evil was forever assuaged. Let us try to discern the men whose words carry that sort of kernel, and choose such men to be our guides and representa- tives, not choose platform swaggerers, who bring us nothing but the ocean to make our broth with. To get the chief power into the hands of the wisest, which means to get our life regulated according to the truest prin- ciples mankind is in possession of, is a problem as old as the very notion of wisdom. The solution comes slowly, because men collectively can only be made to embrace principles, and to act on them, by the slow stupendous teaching of the world's events. Men will go on planting potatoes, and nothing else but potatoes, till a potato disease comes and forces them to find out the advantage of a varied crop. Self- ishness, stupidity, sloth, persist in trying to adapt the world to their desires, till a time comes when the world mani- fests itself as too decidedly inconvenient to them. Wisdom stands outside of man and urges itself upon him, like the marks of the changing seasons, before it finds a home within him, directs his actions, and from the precious effects of obedience begets a corresponding love. But while still outside of us, wisdom often looks terrible, and wears strange forms, wrapped in the changing conditions of a struggling world. It wears now the form of wants and just demands in a great multitude of British men : wants and demands urged into existence by the forces of a maturing world. And it is in virtue of this in virtue of this pres- ence of wisdom on our side as a mighty fact, physical and moral, which must enter into and shape the thoughts and actions of mankind that we working-men have obtained the suffrage. Not because we are an excellent multitude, but because we are a needy multitude. But now, for our own part, we have seriously to consider this outside wisdom which lies in the supreme unalterable nature of things, and watch to give it a home within us and obey it. If the claims of the unendowed multitude of work- 230 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. ing-men hold within them principles which must shape the future, it is not less true that the endowed classes, in their inheritance from the past, hold the precious material without which no worthy, noble future can be moulded. Many of the highest uses of life are in their keeping ; and if privilege has often been abused, it has also been the nurse of excellence. Here again we have to submit ourselves to the great law of inheritance. If we quarrel with the way in which the labors and earnings of the past have been preserved and handed down, we are just as bigoted, just as narrow, just as wanting in that religion which keeps an open ear and an obedient mind to the teachings of fact, as we accuse those of being, who quarrel with the new truths and new needs which are disclosed in the present. The deeper insight we get into the causes of human trouble, and the ways by which men are made better and happier, the less we shall be inclined to the unprofitable spirit and practice of reproaching classes as such in a wholesale fashion. Not all the evils of our condition are such as we can justly blame others for ; and, I repeat, many of them are such as no changes of institutions can quickly remedy. To discern between the evils that energy can remove and the evils that patience must bear, makes the difference between manliness and childishness, between good sense and folly. And more than that, without such discern- ment, seeing that we have grave duties toward our own body and the country at large, we can hardly escape acts of fatal rashness and injustice. I am addressing a mixed assembly of workmen, and some of you may be as well or better fitted than I am to take up this office. But they will not think it amiss in me that I have tried to bring together the considerations most likely to be of service to us in preparing ourselves for the use of our new opportunities. I have avoided touching on special questions. The best help toward judging well on these is to approach them in the right temper without vain expectation, and with a resolution which is mixed with temperance. LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. AUTHORSHIP. TO lay down in the shape of practical moral rules courses of conduct only to be made real by the rarest states of motive and disposition, tends not to elevate, but to degrade the general standard, by turning that rare attainment from an object of admiration into an impossible prescription, against which the average nature first rebels and then flings out ridicule. It is for art to present images of a lovelier order than the actual, gently winning the affections, and so determining the taste. But in any rational criticism of the time which is meant to guide a practical reform, it is idle to insist that action ought to be this or that, without consider- ing how far the outward conditions of such change are present, even supposing the inward disposition towards it. Practi- cally, we must be satisfied to aim at something short of per- fection, and at something very much further off it in one case than in another. While the fundamental conceptions of morality seem as stationary through ages as the laws of life, so that a moral manual written eighteen centuries ago still admonishes us that we are low in our attainments, it is quite otherwise with the degree to which moral conceptions have penetrated the various forms of social activity, and made what may be called the special conscience of each calling, art, or industry. While on some points of social duty public opinion has reached a tolerably high standard, on others a public opinion is not yet born ; and there are even some func- tions and practices with regard to which men far above the line in honorableness of nature feel hardly any scrupulosity, 234 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. though their consequent behavior is easily shown to be as in- jurious as bribery, or any other slowly poisonous procedure which degrades the social vitality. Among those callings which have not yet acquired any- thing near a full-grown conscience in the public mind is Au- thorship. Yet the changes brought about by the spread of instruction and the consequent struggles of an uneasy ambition are, or at least might well be, forcing on many minds the need of some regulating principle with regard to the publication of intellectual products, which would override the rule of the market, a principle, that is, which should be derived from a fixing of the author's vocation according to those characteristics in which it differs from the other bread- winning professions. Let this be done, if possible, without any cant, which would carry the subject into Utopia, away from existing needs. The guidance wanted is a clear notion of what should justify men and women in assuming public authorship, and of the way in which they should be deter- mined by what is usually called success. But the forms of authorship must be distinguished ; journalism, for example, carrying a necessity for that continuous production which in other kinds of writing is precisely the evil to be fought against, and judicious careful compilation, which is a great public service, holding in its modest diligence a guarantee against those deductions of vanity and idleness which draw many a young gentleman into reviewing, instead of the sort- ing and copying which his small talents could not rise to with any vigor and completeness. A manufacturer goes on producing calicoes as long and as fast as he can find a market for them ; and in obeying this indication of demand he gives his factory its utmost useful- ness to the world in general and to himself in particular. Another manufacturer buys a new invention of some light kind likely to attract the public fancy, is successful in find- ing a multitude who will give their testers for the transiently desirable commodity, and before the fashion is out, pockets a considerable sum : the commodity was colored with a green LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. 235 which had arsenic in it that damaged the factory workers and the purchasers. What then ? These, he contends (or does not know or care to contend), are superficial effects, which it is folly to dwell upon while we have epidemic diseases and bad government. The first manufacturer we will suppose blameless. Is an au- thor simply on a par with him, as to the rules of production ? The author's capital is his brain-power, power of inven- tion, power of writing. The manufacturer's capital, in for- tunate cases, is being continually reproduced and increased. Here is the first grand difference between the capital which is turned into calico and the brain capital which is turned into literature. The calico scarcely varies in appropriate- ness of quality; no consumer is in danger of getting too much of it, and neglecting his boots, hats, and flannel shirts in consequence. That there should be large quantities of the same sort in the calico manufacture is an advantage : the sameness is desirable, and nobody is likely to roll his person in so many folds of calico as to become a mere bale of cotton goods, and nullify his senses of hearing and touch, while his morbid passion for Manchester shirtings makes him still cry " More ! " The wise manufacturer gets richer and richer, and the consumers he supplies have their real wants satisfied and no more. Let it be taken as admitted that all legitimate social activ- ity must be beneficial to others besides the agent. To write prose or verse as a private exercise and satisfaction is not social activity ; nobody is culpable for this any more than for learning other people's verse by heart, if he does not neglect his proper business in consequence. If the exercise made him sillier or secretly more self-satisfied, that, to be sure, would be a roundabout way of injuring society ; for though a certain mixture of silliness may lighten existence, we have at present more than enough. But man or woman who publishes writings inevitably as- sumes the office of teacher or influeneer of the public mind. Let him protest as he will that he only seeks to amuse, and 236 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. has no pretension to do more than while away an hour of leisure or weariness, " the idle singer of an empty day," he can no more escape influencing the moral taste, and with it the action of the intelligence, than a setter of fashions in furniture and dress can fill the shops with his designs and leave the garniture of persons and houses unaffected by his industry. For a man who has a certain gift of writing to say, " I will make the most of it while the public likes my wares, as long as the market is open and I am able to supply it at a money profit, such profit being the sign of liking," he should have a belief that his wares have nothing akin to the arsenic green in them, and also that his continuous supply is secure from a degradation in quality which the habit of consump- tion encouraged in the buyers may hinder them from mark- ing their sense of by rejection, so that they complain, but pay, and read while they complain. Unless he has that be- lief, he is on a level with the manufacturer who gets rich by fancy wares colored with arsenic green. He really cares for nothing but his income. He carries on authorship on the principle of the gin-palace ; and bad literature of the sort called amusing is spiritual gin. A writer capable of being popular can only escape this social culpability by first of all getting a profound sense that literature is good for nothing if it is not admirably good; he must detest bad literature too heartily to be indifferent about producing it if only other people don't detest it. And if he has this sign of the divine afflatus within him, he must make up his mind that he must not pursue authorship as a vocation with a trading determination to get rich by it. It is in the highest sense lawful for him to get as good a price as he honorably can for the best work he is capable of ; but not for him to force or hurry his production, or even do over again what has already been done, either by himself or others, so as to render his work no real contribution, for the sake of bringing up his income to the fancy pitch. An au- thor who would keep a pure and noble conscience, and with LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. 237 that a developing instead of degenerating intellect and taste, must cast out of his aims the aim to be rich. And there- fore he must keep nis expenditure low, he must make for himself no dire necessity to earn sums in order to pay bills. In opposition to this, it is common to cite Walter Scott's case, and cry, " Would the world have got as much muocent (and therefore salutary) pleasure out of Scott, if he had not brought himself under the pressure of money-need ? " I think it would and more; but since it is impossible to prove what would have been, I confine myself to replying that Scott was not justified in bringing himself into a posi- tion where severe consequences to others depended on his retaining or not retaining his mental competence. Still less is Scott to be taken as an example to be followed in this matter, even if it were admitted that money-need served to press at once the best and the most work out of him ; any more than a great navigator who has brought his ship to port in spite of having taken a wrong and perilous route, is to be followed as to his route by navigators who are not yet as- certained to be great. But after the restraints and rules which must guide the acknowledged author, whose power of making a real contri- bution is ascertained, comes the consideration, How or on what principle are we to find a check for that troublesome disposition to authorship arising from the spread of what is called Education, which turns a growing rush of vanity and ambition into this current ? The well-taught an increasing number are almost all able to write essays on given themes, which demand new periodicals to save them from lying in cold obstruction. The ill-taught also an increasing num- ber read many books, seem to themselves able to write others surprisingly like what they read, and probably supe- rior, since the variations are such as please their own fancy, and such as they would have recommended to their favorite authors : these ill-taught persons are perhaps idle and want to give themselves " an object ; " or they are short of money, and feel disinclined to get it by a commoner kind of work ; 238 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. or they find a facility in putting sentences together which gives them more than a suspicion that they have genius, which, if not very cordially believed in by private confidants, will be recognized by an impartial public; or, finally, they observe that writing is sometimes well paid, and some- times a ground of fame or distinction, and without any use of punctilious logic, they conclude to become writers themselves. As to these ill-taught persons, whatever medicines of a spiritual sort can be found good against mental emptiness and inflation, such medicines are needful for them. The con- tempt of the world for their productions only comes after their disease has wrought its worst effects. But what is to be said to the well-taught, who have such an alarming equality in their power of writing " like a scholar and a gentleman " ? Perhaps they too can only be cured by the medicine of higher ideals in social duty, and by a fuller rep- resentation to themselves of the processes by which the general culture is furthered or impeded. JUDGMENTS ON AUTHORS. IN endeavoring to estimate a remarkable writer who aimed at more than temporary influence, we have first to consider what was his individual contribution to the spiritual wealth of mankind. Had he a new conception ? Did he animate long-known but neglected truths with new vigor, and cast fresh light on their relation to other admitted truths ? Did he impregnate any ideas with a fresh store of emotion, and in this way enlarge the area of moral sentiment ? Did he, by a wise emphasis here, and a wise disregard there, give a more useful or beautiful proportion to aims or motives ? And even where his thinking was most mixed with the sort of mistake which is obvious to the majority, as well as that which can only be discerned by the instructed, or made mani- fest by the progress of things, has it that salt of a noble enthusiasm which should rebuke our critical discrimination LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. - 239 if its correctness is inspired with a less admirable habit of feeling ? This is not the common or easy course to take in estimat- ing a modern writer. It requires considerable knowledge of what he has himself done, as well as of what others have done before him, or what they were doing contemporaneously ; it requires deliberate reflection as to the degree in which our own prejudices may hinder us from appreciating the intel- lectual or moral bearing of what on a first view offends us. An easier course is to notice some salient mistakes, and take them as decisive of the writer's incompetence; or to find out that something apparently much the same as what he has said in some connection not clearly ascertained had been said by somebody else, though without great effect, until this new effect of discrediting the other's originality had shown itself as an adequate final cause ; or to pronounce from the point of view of individual taste that this writer for whom regard is claimed is repulsive, wearisome, not to be borne except by those dull persons who are of a different opinion. Elder writers who have passed into classics were doubtless treated in this easy way when they were still under the mis- fortune of being recent, nay, are still dismissed with the same rapidity of judgment by daring ignorance. But people who think that they have a reputation to lose in the matter of knowledge have looked into cyclopeedias and histories of philosophy or literature, and possessed themselves of the duly balanced epithets concerning the immortals. They are not left to their own unguided rashness, or their own un- guided pusillanimity. And it is this sheeplike flock who have no direct impressions, no spontaneous delight, no genu- ine objection or self-confessed neutrality in relation to the writers become classic, it is these who are incapable of passing a genuine judgment on the living. Necessarily. The susceptibility they have kept active is a susceptibility to their own reputation for passing the right judgment, not the susceptibility to qualities in the object of judgment. Who 240 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. learns to discriminate shades of color by considering what Is expected of him ? The habit of expressing borrowed judg- ments stupefies the sensibilities, which are the only founda- tion of genuine judgments, just as the constant reading and retailing of results from other men's observations through the microscope, without ever looking through the lens one's self, is an instruction in some truths and some prejudices, but is no instruction in observant susceptibility ; on the con- trary, it breeds a habit of inward seeing according to verbal statement, which dulls the power of outward seeing according to visual evidence. On this subject, as on so many others, it is difficult to strike the balance between the educational needs of passivity or re- ceptivity, and independent selection. We should learn noth- ing without the tendency to implicit acceptance ; but there must clearly be a limit to such mental submission, else we should come to a standstill. The human mind would be no better than a dried specimen, representing an unchangeable type. When the assimilation of new matter ceases, decay must begin. In a reasoned self-restraining deference there is as much energy as in rebellion ; but among the less ca- pable, one must admit that the superior energy is on the side of the rebels. And certainly a man who dares to say that he finds an eminent classic feeble here, extravagant there, and in general overrated, may chance to give an opinion which has some genuine discrimination in it concerning a new work or a living thinker, an opinion such as can hardly ever be got from the reputed judge who is a correct echo of the most approved phrases concerning those who have been already canonized, STORY-TELLING. WHAT is the best way of telling a story ? Since the stan- dard must be the interest of the audience, there must be several or many good ways rather than one best. For we get interested in the stories life presents to us through divers LEAVES FROM A NOTE-BOOK. 241 orders and modes of presentation. Very commonly our first awakening to a desire of knowing a man's past or future comes from our seeing him as a stranger in some unusual or pathetic or humorous situation, or manifesting some remark- able characteristics. We make inquiries in consequence, or we become observant and attentive whenever opportunities of knowing more may happen to present themselves without our search. You have seen a refined face among the prison- ers picking tow in jail ; you afterwards see the same unfor- getable face in a pulpit : he must be of dull fibre who would not care to know more about a life which showed such con- trasts, though he might gather his knowledge in a fragmentary and unchronological way. Again, we have heard much, or at least something not quite common, about a man whom we have never seen, and hence we look round with curiosity when we are told that he is present ; whatever he says or does before us is charged with a meaning due to our previous hearsay knowledge about him, gathered either from dialogue of which he was expressly and emphatically the subject, or from incidental remark, or from general report either in or out of print. These indirect ways of arriving at knowledge are always the most stirring even in relation to impersonal subjects. To see a chemical experiment gives an attractiveness to a definition of chemistry, and fills it with a significance which it would never have had without the pleasant shock of an unusual sequence, such as the transformation of a solid into gas, and vice versa. To see a word for the first time either as substantive or adjective in a connection where we care about knowing its complete meaning, is the way to vivify its meaning in our recollection. Curiosity becomes the more eager from the incompleteness of the first information. More- over, it is in this way that memory works in its incidental revival of events : some salient experience appears in inward vision, and in consequence the antecedent facts are retraced from what is regarded as the beginning of the episode in which that experience made a more or less strikingly memo- TOL. IX. 16 242 ESSAYS OF GEORGE ELIOT. rable part. " Ah ! I remember addressing the mob from the hustings at Westminster, you would n't have thought that I could ever have been in such a position. Well, how I came there was in this way;" and then follows a retrospective narration. The modes of telling a story founded on these processes of outward and inward life derive their effectiveness from the superior mastery of images and pictures in grasping the at- tention, or, one might say with more fundamental accuracy, from the fact that our earliest, strongest impressions, our most intimate convictions, are simply images added to more or less of sensation. These are the primitive instruments of thought. Hence it is not surprising that early poetry took this way, telling a daring deed, a glorious achievement, without caring for what went before. The desire for orderly narration is a later, more reflective birth. The presence of the Jack in the box affects every child : it is the more reflec- tive lad, the miniature philosopher, who wants to know how he got there. The only stories life presents to us in an orderly way are those of our autobiography, or the career of our companions from our childhood upwards, or perhaps of our own children. But it is a great art to make a connected strictly relevant narrative of such careers as we can recount from the begin- ning. In these cases the sequence of associations is almost sure to overmaster the sense of proportion. Such narratives db ovo are sumnier's-day stories for happy loungers ; not the cup of self-forgetting excitement to the busy who can snatch an hour of entertainment. But the simple opening of a story with a date and neces- sary account of places and people, passing on quietly towards the more rousing elements of narrative and dramatic presen- tation, without need of retrospect, has its advantages, which have to be measured by the nature of the story. Spirited narrative, without more than a touch of dialogue here