THE DIPLOMATIC HISTORY 
 OF AMERICA 
 

 
 Csj cO ^ ^ 
 
THE 
 
 DIPLOMATIC HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICA 
 
 ITS FIRST CHAPTER 
 145214931494 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY HARRISSE 
 
 LONDON: 4, TRAFALGAR SQUARE 
 
 B. F. STEVENS, PUBLISHER 
 
 1897 
 
o 
 
 H3 
 
 CHISW1CK PRESS ; CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. 
 TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. 
 
TO 
 
 COLONEL JOHN HAY 
 
 AMBASSADOR OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 TO ENGLAND 
 A DIPLOMATIST AND FRIEND OF 
 
 THIRTY YEARS STANDING 
 THIS WORK IS CORDIALLY DEDICATED 
 
 BY 
 THE AUTHOR 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 I. THE PAPAL GRANTS TO PORTUGAL. 
 
 14521484 i 
 
 II. SPAIN ASKS THE POPE FOR A GRANT 
 OF THE NEWLY - DISCOVERED 
 REGIONS. 1493 n 
 
 III. THE THREE BULLS OF MAY, 1493 l ^ 
 
 IV. ALLEGED PROTEST OF PORTUGAL 
 
 AT ROME 27 
 
 V. THE BULL OF DEMARCATION NOT 
 
 "RIDICULOUS" 40 
 
 VI. SPAIN SENDS AN EMBASSY OF 
 
 OBEDIENCE 49 
 
 VII. THE FOURTH BULL OF 1493 55 
 VIII. SIGNING OF THE TREATY OF TOR- 
 
 DESILLAS 70 
 
 IX. ALLEGED PARTITION OF THE GLOBE 74 
 X. COLUMBUS AND THE TREATY OF 
 
 TORDESILLAS 80 
 
 XI. SPANISH INTERPRETATION OF THE 
 
 TREATY OF TORDESILLAS . . 85 
 XII. FERRER S THEORY 91 
 
 XIII. THE FIRST TRACING OF THE 
 
 DEMARCATION LINE .... 98 
 
 XIV. THE THEORY OF ENCISO . . . 103 
 
viii Contents. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 XV. WHAT is THE RIVER MARANON ? 109 
 XVI. ENCISO S GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIP 
 TION 117 
 
 XVII. THE MARANON AND THE MAR- 
 
 ANHAO 124 
 
 XVIII. SPANISH RULING AT BADAJOZ . . 132 
 XIX. THE DEMARCATION LINE IN 
 
 SPANISH MAPS 141 
 
 XX. THE OFFICIAL MODEL MAP . . 145 
 
 CONCLUSIONS 152 
 
 NOTES 155 
 
The Diplomatic History of 
 America ^ ; 
 
 i. 
 
 THE PAPAL GRANTS TO PORTUGAL. 
 14521484. 
 
 WHEN Christopher Columbus first re 
 turned to Europe after discovering 
 America, stress of weathercompelled him 
 to seek shelter in Portugal. On March 4, 
 1493, he cast anchor at the mouth of 
 the Tagus. Having asked Joao II. leave 
 to ascend the river as far as Lisbon, the 
 king, in reply, invited him to repair to 
 the Court. The interview took place 
 at Valparaiso, March 9, in the evening, 
 immediately upon his arrival, 
 B 
 
2 "The Diplomatic History 
 
 After Columbus had related to the 
 king the objeft and results of his trans 
 atlantic voyage, His Majesty told him 
 that in consequence of the treaty which 
 he had concluded * with the sovereigns 
 of Spain, the discovery embraced coun 
 tries which belonged to Portugal. 2 
 , !The treaty referred to is evidently 
 that negotiated by Isabella of Castille 
 at Alcantara with Beatrice of Portugal, 
 the latter ailing in the name of Alfonso V., 
 and which was signed at Evora, Sep 
 tember 8, H79- 3 
 
 This agreement did not warrant the 
 inferences drawn from it by Joao II. 
 As to historians, they have been led 
 into error by Ruy de Pina, a celebrated 
 Portuguese chronicler of the close of the 
 fifteenth century, whom they all copy 
 servilely. According to the statements 
 of Pina, Alfonso V., besides the posses 
 sion of the Portuguese islands in the 
 Atlantic Ocean, possessed, by virtue of 
 that treaty^ the exclusive right of making 
 discoveries and conquests in the regions 
 
of America 3 
 
 extending at the south, from Capes Noun 
 and Bojador to the [countries of the] 
 Indians inclusively, including all the 
 adjacent seas, isles and coasts discovered 
 and to be discovered. 4 
 
 If such had actually been the tenor of 
 the Treaty of 1479, and considering the 
 vague idea which people then had of 
 the geography of the " adjacent seas," 
 and the countries of the " Indians," the 
 claims of Portugal might perhaps have 
 exhibited a show of right. But such 
 was not the case. - This agreement, ac 
 cording to the authentic text, which we 
 borrow from a manuscript of the close 
 of the fifteenth century, grants in that 
 respect to Portugal only the sovereignty 
 of the Oceanic islands then possessed by 
 that kingdom, together with the sove 
 reignty of the islands which the Portu 
 guese might discover and acquire within 
 the limits of the sai d possessions : "emos 
 ditos termos." 5 In other words, this 
 prospective sovereignty was to be exer 
 cised only in the vicinity of the Azores, 
 
4 The Diplomatic History 
 
 X Cape Verde Islands and Guinea. No 
 where in the treaty is to be found any 
 reference to parts extending " atee os 
 Indies" (as far as the Indians). And 
 
 islands, coasts, and adjacent seas" 
 are mentioned, the expression is meant 
 to apply exclusively to the islands, coasts 
 and seas which Portugal might discover 
 in the Atlantico- African regions. 
 
 Ruy de Pina says that Joao II. asked 
 and obtained from Pope Sixtus IV. the 
 confirmation of that clause of the treaty, 
 which assertion is exaft. We find 
 this confirmation in the Bull of June 21, 
 / 148 1, but in the very terms of the Treaty 
 of 1479; that is, without the words: 
 " atee os Indios." And if we aftually 
 read in said Bull : " mare ipsum usque 
 ad Indos " (seas as far as the Indians), 6 
 it is only as regards spiritual jurisdiction 
 over those regions, granted, for the first 
 time, by that Bull of 1481, two years 
 after the treaty, to the Lusitanian Order 
 of Christ. The mistake committed by 
 Pina may have originated by confusing 
 
of America 5 
 
 the tenor of the Bull with that of the 
 treaty, as well as by an erroneous inter 
 pretation of a single word in the Latin 
 text. Where we read " emos ditos 
 termos," the Bull says : " ultra in ditis 
 terminis," and the word ultra was inter 
 preted by Pina and others, in the sense 
 of beyond, whilst in reality it has no other 
 meaning here than that of hereafter. 
 
 In reply Columbus stated to Joao II. 
 that he had not seen the treaty; that 
 he only knew of the order of his sove 
 reigns to steer clear of The Mine 7 and of 
 the whole of Guinea, and that Their 
 Highnesses had caused the said order 
 to be made known in all the ports of 
 Andalusia before he set out on his voyage 
 of discovery. 8 
 
 The countries designated in that order, 
 and the reply of Columbus, show that 
 in Spain importance was given not so 
 much to the treaty as to the restrictions 
 tacitly contained in certain papal Bulls, 
 which we shall now proceed to examine. 
 
 The first Bull of that kind is one by 
 
6 T he Diplomatic History 
 
 j^t 1 Nicholas V., dated June 18, 1452, which 
 / authorizes Alfonso to attack and subju 
 gate all the countries of infidels, to reduce 
 \ all their inhabitants to slavery, and to seize 
 all their property. 9 Here no limits are 
 mentioned ; the authorization applies to 
 the countries inhabited by infidels, any 
 where in the world, and the authoriza 
 tion is not granted exclusively to the 
 Portuguese king, although no reference 
 is made therein to other Christian sove 
 reigns. 
 
 Another Bull from the same pope is 
 
 * dated January 8, 1454. In reply to the 
 intention expressed by Prince Henry 
 of Portugal to discover a route at the 
 south and east as far as the countries 
 of the Indians, Nicholas V. grants to 
 Alfonso V. all the regions discovered 
 and to be discovered south of Capes 
 Bojador and Noun, towards Guinea, and 
 all those which are " on the south coast 
 and on the east side." 10 
 
 An expression, which again requires 
 to be noted, is " usque ad Indos " (as far 
 
of America 7 
 
 as the Indians). As in this Bull men 
 tion is made of the south and east of 
 Africa, we must infer that so early as 
 1454, that is to say, more than thirty 
 years before the expedition of Bartholo 
 mew Diaz, the Portuguese already enter 
 tained the project of rounding the African 
 continent at the south, and of reaching 
 by that route what they called the regions 
 of India. Everything, we must confess, 
 was calculated to prompt the desire. 
 Not only was there a current belief 
 dating from the highest antiquity that 
 such a feat could be accomplished, but 
 its practicability was made clear by the 
 old planispheres ; such, for instance, as 
 Marin Sanuto s, 1306, the Medicean, 
 1351, the one in the Biblioteca Palatina, 
 etc., all of which were soon to be con 
 firmed in that respect by the delineation 
 of the " Capo di Diab " in the famous 
 mappamundi of Fra Mauro (1457 
 
 *459)- u 
 
 A third Bull is the already mentioned 
 
 one of Sixtus IV., of June 21, 1481, 
 
8 The Diplomatic History 
 
 / whereby he concedes to the Order of 
 / Christ spiritual jurisdiction over all the 
 countries conquered or to be conquered 
 south of Cape Bojador as far as the 
 [countries of the] Indians. This Bull 
 reproduces literally, as regards the regions 
 conceded, the terms of the Bull of 
 Nicholas V., of January 8, H54. 12 
 
 The series terminates with the Bull 
 of Innocentius VIII., of September 12, 
 1484, which is another confirmation of 
 the Bulls above mentioned, all of which 
 contain the expression which seems to 
 have been the point of dispute, viz. : 
 " usque ad Indos" (as far as the Indians). 
 
 In reality, Columbus only claimed 
 to have landed in India ; since his letter 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella apprising them 
 of the success of his expedition states 
 that "in thirty-three days he had reached 
 the Indies." 18 The Latin version of this 
 letter, which was made at the time, 
 even specifies the region discovered as 
 being " the islands of India beyond the 
 \Ganges." u 
 
of America 9 
 
 It must be stated, however, that the 
 word " Indies " was then a geographical 
 expression extremely vague, for the 
 Spaniards as well as for the Portuguese 
 and Italians. It seems to have been in 
 their eyes the entire region extending 
 from the east coast of Africa to China 
 and Japan. 15 But in the present instance 
 Portugal should have taken into account 
 that the papal grants covered only the 
 countries to be discovered by her navi 
 gators in an area extending from the 
 western African coast towards the south, 
 and as far as the shores of the adjoining seas I 
 eastwards : " Occeanum Mare meridion- 
 alis et orientales plagas ; " whilst Colum 
 bus had accomplished his discoveries 
 exclusively on the opposite side of the 
 world. This faft could not escape the 
 attention of the cosmographers of the 
 Crown of Portugal. We must infer, 
 therefore, that Joao II. considered him 
 self as possessing, by virtue of those 
 Bulls, exclusive rights over that immense 
 portion of the globe stretching from 
 
io The Diplomatic History 
 
 Guinea to the southern extremity of the 
 coast of Africa, and thence eastwards to 
 the most remote parts of India. It also 
 follows that in his opinion, the memor 
 able deed of Christopher Columbus 
 consisted only in having visited those 
 countries by a new route. Hence the 
 demands, more or less justifiable, of that 
 king. 
 
of America 1 1 
 
 II. 
 
 SPAIN ASKS THE POPE FOR A GRANT 
 OF THE NEWLY-DISCOVERED REGIONS. 
 
 H93- 
 
 COLUMBUS landed at Palos in the after 
 noon of Friday, March 15, 1493. He 
 apparently remained in the place two 
 weeks, since his arrival at Seville is 
 recorded only on March 3i, 16 on Palm 
 Sunday. It was there that he received 
 from the Catholic Sovereigns a letter 
 bidding him come to Barcelona. 
 
 We do not know exaftly when he 
 arrived at the court. Las Casas, 17 doubt 
 less copying the " Historic " of Fernando 
 Columbus, 18 says that it was in the 
 middle of April. It was rather, in our 
 opinion, towards the end of the month ; 
 for the invitation required at least a 
 
1 2 The Diplomatic History 
 
 week to come from Barcelona to Seville, 
 and Columbus, in his turn, was obliged 
 to cross over nearly the entire peninsula, 
 slowly, on account of the six or seven 
 Indians who went with him and whom 
 he was obliged to exhibit to the crowds 
 which thronged all along the route. 
 
 [f we are to believe Fernando 
 Columbus, 19 it was his father who ad 
 vised Ferdinand and Isabella to appeal 
 to the Pope for the adjustment of the 
 difficulties just raised by Portugal on 
 account of his discovery of the New 
 World. This is another inexa<5t state 
 ment of the "Historic." 
 
 The mode employed by Columbus, 
 when he reached Europe, to convey the 
 great news to the Spanish sovereigns is 
 surrounded with mystery. We must 
 
 Relieve, however, that between March 4 
 and 12, he sent to them from the Ras- 
 tellb, in the Tagus, by the land route 
 (Elvas, Toledo, Tortosa, etc.) a written 
 
 iccount of his discovery, and that with 
 out waiting for his arrival in Barcelona 
 
of America 13 
 
 they despatched at once a courier to 
 Rome, bearing the news for the Pope, 
 and letters for their resident ambassa 
 dors there, Bernardin de Carvajal and 
 Ruiz de Medina. 
 
 The news, however, was already known, 
 not through mere rumours, but actually 
 by written communications, first at 
 Florence by the end of March, 20 then on 
 April 1 1 21 and i8 22 at Venice, where the 
 legate was already in possession, even at 
 such an early date, of Columbus s own 
 account " dated on board his caravel, in 
 sight of the Canary island, February 15." 
 Let us recall, by the way, that this date and 
 address are taken literally from the official 
 account translated April 29, 1493, f rom 
 Spanish into Latin, by Leandro de Cosco, 
 at Rome, where it was immediately 
 printed. Now at these dates Columbus 
 had not yet arrived in Barcelona, or, if 
 at one of them he was actually there, it 
 could not be early enough to permit the 
 legate at Venice to have received by 
 April 1 8, from Rome, the account 
 
14 The Diplomatic History 
 
 brought by Columbus himself to the 
 Spanish court. Again, we can scarcely 
 admit that he would have communi 
 cated his official report to strangers, and 
 even to the Pope, before submitting it 
 to his sovereigns. It was therefore by 
 Ferdinand and Isabella that this docu 
 ment was forwarded to Rome, and in the 
 package containing the diplomatic dis 
 patch which they must have sent on this 
 occasion to their ambassadors. 
 
 Columbus, in sending his report to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella (under cover to 
 their treasurer, Gabriel Sanchez), may 
 have informed them at the same time of 
 the claims which Portugal intended to 
 put forward ; but neither documents 
 nor chronicles known at this day con 
 tain the least information on the sub 
 ject. Nor are there any traces of pro 
 ceedings to that end on the part of 
 the ambassadors of Joao II. at the Court 
 of Spain in 1493. And the action of 
 Ferdinand and Isabella in bringing the 
 matter immediately before the Pope 
 
of America 15 
 
 was natural in the fifteenth century 
 when Christian princes were accustomed 
 to place their territorial conquests or 
 discoveries at the feet of his Holiness 
 before entering on absolute possession. 23 
 
1 6 T6e Diplomatic History 
 
 III. 
 
 THE THREE BULLS OF MAY, 1493. 
 
 THE efforts of Bernardin de Carvajal and 
 Ruiz de Medina, the regular Spanish 
 ambassadors at Rome, were crowned 
 with success about a month after they 
 had received the instructions sent from 
 Barcelona by the Spanish sovereigns. 24 
 The two diplomatists were instructed to 
 obtain, according to the general custom, 25 
 the donation of the newly-discovered 
 countries. The Church was then ac 
 knowledged to be the only power pos 
 sessing such a right, either in conse 
 quence of the pretended edidt of Con- 
 stantine conferring on Pope Sylvester 
 the sovereignty over all the islands of 
 the globe ; or by virtue of the authority 
 of the Almighty alleged to have been 
 
of America 17 
 
 given to popes in the person of Saint 
 Peter, and which they claim to enjoy in 
 this world as the vicars of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Alexander VI. made the requested 
 grant by three Bulls, amounting in 
 substance to two only, all of which 
 have reached us. These are " privi 
 leges," which were issued in the parti 
 cular form of the small Bulls, called by 
 the pontifical chancery tituli^ or gracious 
 ads. 
 
 The first of these privileges (A), or 
 Bull inter catera of May 3, I493, 27 
 grants to Spain the countries which 
 Columbus had recently discovered, and 
 those which he hoped yet to discover in 
 the West. This donation is made, " be 
 cause of all works, the most agreeable to 
 divine Majesty is that the Christian re 
 ligion should be exalted and spread every 
 where ; that the salvation of the human 
 soul should be secured in all countries, 
 and that barbarous nations should be 
 subjugated and converted to the Catholic 
 faith." 
 
1 8 The Diplomatic History 
 
 The second of those privileges (B), or 
 first 28 Bull eximite devotionis, has been 
 taken by the few historians who have 
 mentioned it as a simple invoice sent 
 with Bulls A and C when they were 
 forwarded to Spain. The mistake doubt 
 less arose from the fact that Raynaldi, 
 who published it, 29 borrowed his text 
 from the register called Common Letters 
 (Littera communes), which certain critics 
 imagine to contain correspondence. But 
 it is a real Bull, certainly issued with the 
 same formalities as A and C, although 
 in substance it is only a sort of con 
 densation of A. The pontifical privi 
 leges were often accompanied by a 
 second littera^ shorter than the first, and 
 of which it was, in fact, the notification. 
 In the present instance, this is shown by 
 the phrase, " prout in nostris inde con- 
 fectis literis plenius continetur " (as is 
 more amply contained in our letters 
 executed to that effect), which is a re 
 ference to Bull A, and corresponds with 
 the expression in English and American 
 
of America 19 
 
 legal documents : " as will more fully 
 appear by referring to the original 
 deed." 
 
 Yet, this litter a was not exaclly an 
 abridgment of the primary Bull, re 
 sembling, for instance, the abstracts of 
 testaments, grants, bills of sale, or con 
 veyances, which our recorders deliver 
 constantly. The pontifical chancery 
 drafted anew important Bulls, but in a 
 condensed form, which, precisely like the 
 prototype, were transcribed in full in its 
 registers. These were also legalized, not 
 simply as being " true copies," or mere 
 abstracts, but as authentic originals. 
 
 The present B, which is one of those 
 original documents, bears in the registers 
 the visa of Johannes Nilis, notary of 
 the auditors of the Rota, and that of 
 Domenico Galleti, apostolical scribe. It 
 might be called a Papal Bull for common 
 use. Copied many times over by a notary 
 public, and sealed by certain ecclesiastical 
 dignitaries, these were doubtless carried 
 by the officers of the Spanish or Portu- 
 
2o The Diplomatic History 
 
 guese Crown in their maritime expedi 
 tions, to be exhibited at the first requisi 
 tion, whilst the originals, both of this 
 instrument and of the ample and more 
 solemn Bull, were preserved in the Royal 
 archives. 
 
 As this small Bull, so to speak, is more 
 concise and clearer without being less 
 complete, so far as the subject-matter is 
 concerned, than the Bull inter ccetera^ of 
 May 3 (A), we give it here in English. 
 Upon the whole, this document may be 
 considered the starting-point of the diplo 
 matic History of America. 
 
 " Alexander, etc. To our most dear beloved 
 son in Christ, King Ferdinand, and to our 
 most dear beloved daughter in Christ, Isabella, 
 Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon and Granada, 
 illustrious sovereigns, Greeting, etc. 
 
 " The sincerity of your remarkable affection 
 and the purity of the faith with which you 
 venerate us and the Church of Rome, justly 
 deserve that We should kindly grant unto 
 you the means of prosecuting your godly and 
 laudable purpose and the enterprise initiated 
 
of America 21 
 
 for the search of lands and distant and un 
 known islands under circumstances more and 
 more advantageous for the glory of the Al 
 mighty God, the enlarging of the Empire of 
 Christ and the propagation of the Catholic 
 faith. 
 
 " Now therefore, We, out of our own 
 motion, certain knowledge and the plenitude 
 of our Apostolic power, have given, granted 
 and assigned unto you for ever all lands in 
 general and in particular and far remote and 
 unknown islands, situate westwards towards 
 the Ocean, discovered or to be discovered in 
 the future by you or your messengers sent for 
 that purpose, not without great labour, great 
 perils and heavy expenditures, [that is] the 
 lands which are not actually possessed by any 
 Christian prince, with the dominions, cities, 
 castles, places, farms, rights and jurisdiction 
 appertaining thereof, to you, your heirs and 
 successors, as is set forth more at length 
 in our [Apostolic] Letters drawn to that 
 effect. 80 
 
 " And as on the other hand, diverse privi 
 leges, favours, liberties, immunities, exemp 
 tions, powers, letters [/.<?., Bulls] and conces 
 sions were granted by the Holy See to several 
 Kings of Portugal who in the countries of 
 
22 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Africa, Guinea, the Gold Mine and elsewhere, 
 have also discovered and acquired islands by 
 virtue of similar grants and donations to them 
 granted by the Holy See, We, desiring in full 
 justice and convenience that you, your heirs 
 and successors already named, should not enjoy 
 less favours, prerogatives and privileges, We, of 
 our own motion, and not at a request addressed 
 to us by you or one of you, but of our own 
 entire volition, knowledge and fullness of 
 Apostolic power, do by our pontifical authority 
 and by these presents, and by virtue of the 
 special gift of grace, grant that you, your heirs 
 and successors already mentioned, may in all 
 the islands and main lands thus discovered by 
 you or in your name, at the present day, and 
 to be discovered in the future, freely and 
 legitimately use, profit and enjoy, wholly and 
 everywhere, in general and in particular, the 
 favours, privileges, exemptions, liberties, 
 powers, immunities, letters and concessions 
 granted in the same manner to the Kings of 
 Portugal, all the clauses of which We desire 
 to be considered as if they were inserted word 
 for word in these presents, and sufficiently set 
 forth and inserted just as if they had been 
 specially granted to you, your heirs and suc 
 cessors already mentioned, and we extend the 
 
of America 23 
 
 same wholly and for every part, to you, your 
 heirs and successors already mentioned, grant 
 ing and conveying the same in like form for 
 ever, notwithstanding the pontifical edicts and 
 ordinances as well as grants made in the letters 
 granted to the Kings of Portugal, and not 
 withstanding all impediments whatever. 
 
 <c But forasmuch as it would be very 
 difficult for the present letters to be carried to 
 all such places as should be expedient, We 
 will and decree of our like volition and know 
 ledge, that the transcripts of these presents, 
 penned by a notary public thereunto required 
 and provided with the seal of any person 
 clothed with ecclesiastical dignity, or the seal 
 of an ecclesiastical court, the same faith and 
 credit shall be given thereunto in judgment 
 or elsewhere and every where, just as if these 
 presents were shown and exhibited. 
 
 " It shall therefore be lawful for no man to 
 infringe the tenor of our favors, extension, 
 grant, concession, determination and degree, 
 etc. And if any one should presume to at 
 tempt it, let him know that he shall thereby 
 incur the indignation of God Almighty and 
 of his holy apostles Peter and Paul. 31 
 
 " Given at St. Peter s of Rome, in the year 
 one thousand and ninety three, the fifth of the 
 
24 The Diplomatic History 
 
 nones of May [/ .<?., May 3 d ], the first year of 
 our pontificate [i.e., 1493]. 
 
 " Gratis, by order of our most saintly 
 sovereign, the pope. 
 
 "D. GALLETI. 
 
 Io. Nilis." 32 
 
 By the Bulls A and B, just described, 
 it is seen that Alexander VI. had granted 
 to the Catholic Sovereigns the islands 
 and continents recently discovered, as 
 well as those which might be discovered 
 thereafter by their agents, but which 
 were not yet under the sway of other 
 Christian princes. And by those islands 
 and continents the Pope intended the 
 western regions, towards [the countries 
 of] the Indians, in the Oceanic sea: 
 " per partes occidentales ut dicitur ver 
 sus Indos, in mari Occeano." 
 * Apparently, within the twenty-four 
 hours which followed the publication of 
 the two Bulls, Alexander VI., May 4, 
 published a third, Bull C. 83 By this 
 the Atlantic dominion of Spain, which, 
 according to the two Bulls of May 3, 
 
of America 25 
 
 might have commenced, striftly speak 
 ing, with the very seaboards of Europe, 
 and extended uninterruptedly westwards 
 (excluding, however, the possessions of 
 Christian princes), was made to begin 
 to the west of a meridian one hundred 
 leagues west and south of the Azores 
 and of Cape Verde : " Quae linea distet 
 a qualibet insularum, qua? vulgariter 
 nuncupantur de los Azores y Cabo Verde 
 [sic] centum leucis versus occidentem 
 et meridiem." These terms, half Latin, 
 half Spanish, have puzzled geographers. 
 In faft, they are vague or contradictory. 
 True it is that the expression in the same 
 Bull : " a polo Arftico, scilicet Septem- 
 trione ad polum Antarfticum" (from the 
 Ardtic pole, that is, the north pole, to 
 the Antardlic one), indicates clearly that 
 the space conceded by the Bull extended 
 north and south of the Azores and Cape 
 Verde. But this rather complicates the 
 difficulty, as there is a difference of at 
 least twenty-two degrees of latitude, as 
 well as one of seven degrees of longi- 
 
26 The Diplomatic History 
 
 tude, between that cape and the Azores 
 Islands. Even, if instead of reading only 
 " Cape Verde," we accept the expres 
 sion used in the cedula of the Catholic 
 Sovereigns of May 28, 1493 : "las 
 islas de Cabo Verde," the starting point 
 is impracticable, the Azores and the 
 Cape Verde archipelago being neither 
 in the same latitude nor in the same 
 longitude. 
 
of America 27 
 
 IV. 
 
 ALLEGED PROTEST OF PORTUGAL AT 
 ROME. 
 
 THE difference in the dates between the 
 two Bulls inter ctetera, the one of May 3, 
 the other of May 4, has led to the belief 
 that immediately after the publication of 
 the first Bull Portugal had lodged a pro 
 test with the Curia, and that the Pope had 
 yielded at once to the demands of Joao II. 
 in issuing a third Bull (C), which would 
 thus have been a Bull of Compromise, 
 or Restrictive. But it is improbable that 
 the restriction was prompted by any such 
 circumstance. 
 
 It is necessary at the outset to recall 
 the fat that no mention whatever of 
 Portugal is to be. found in the Bull of 
 May 4, and if she is named in that of 
 
28 The Diplomatic History 
 
 May 3 it is neither to confirm nor to pro 
 tect her rights to Oceanic possessions, as 
 is generally believed. Alexander VI. 
 "only and incidentally declares therein 
 that the Kings of Portugal having ob 
 tained formerly from the Holy See cer 
 tain privileges, favours and immunities 
 concerning Africa, Guinea and the Gold 
 Mine, he grants to Spain, as regards the 
 islands and lands discovered, or to be 
 discovered by her, privileges, favours, 
 and immunities identical to those which 
 Portugal possesses regarding her African 
 possessions. Nothing more ! The clause 
 seems to have been inserted simply to 
 avoid repeating in detail articles set forth 
 at length in other Bulls. The protection 
 of the rights of Portugal, therefore, 
 must not be sought there, but (if any 
 where at all) in the clause of the Bull 
 inter ccetera^ of May 3 : " Omnes et 
 singulas terras et insulas . . . quas sub 
 dominio aftuali temporali aliquorum 
 Dominorum Christianorum constitute 
 non sint " (All and singular the lands and 
 
of America 29 
 
 islands . . . such as have not actually 
 been heretofore possessed by any other 
 Christian prince). 
 
 We are not even certain that there 
 were ambassadors from Portugal at Rome 
 at the beginning of May, 1493. We 
 only know that Joao II. intrusted to Pedro 
 da Sylva, Grand-Commander of A viz, an 
 Embassy of Obedience to Alexander VI., 
 on the occasion of his accession to the 
 papal chair. This pope was elefted 
 August n, 1492; but those embassies 
 were sent sometimes so late as eighteen 
 months or two years after the election, 
 da Sylva, besides, was instructed to have 
 a conference with Charles VIII. in Italy 
 before repairing to Rome, and had to 
 wait a long while for the French King 
 at Genoa : " na cidade de Cena muyto 
 dias esperando polla entrada del Rey 
 Carlo de Francia em Italia," 34 the latter 
 not crossing the Alps till September 2, 
 1494. But Ruy de Pina says that Sylva 
 was to meet at Rome Ferdinand d Al- 
 meida, Bishop of Ceuta, 35 and Diego de 
 
30 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Sousa, Bishop of Porto " who were in 
 that city." These two prelates we must 
 assume to have been resident ambassadors 
 of Portugal there, just as Carvajal and 
 Medina occupied the post for Spain. It 
 is probable, therefore, that they were at 
 Rome when the Pope issued the three 
 Bulls, A, B and C ; but it is not certain. 
 
 At all events, there is no proof what 
 ever that the Line of Demarcation was 
 established in consequence of a protest 
 on the part of the envoys of Joao II., and 
 as a concession made in his favour by 
 the Holy See. One hundred leagues 
 west of the Azores was not, as we shall 
 soon notice, such a space as the King of 
 Portugal would ever have claimed or 
 been satisfied with, considering that he 
 viewed himself as the lawful sovereign 
 of an entire third of the world, in 
 which third he placed the regions which 
 Columbus had just discovered. 
 
 Everything tends to show that in the 
 dispatch sent by the Catholic Sovereigns 
 to their ambassadors at Rome, apparently 
 
of America 31 
 
 in the last two weeks of March, 1493, 
 to obtain the grant of the countries found 
 by Columbus, they had themselves in 
 dicated where the Oceanic dominions of 
 Spain should commence. Thus, in the 
 cedula confirming the titles conceded to 
 the great Genoese, Ferdinand and Isa 
 bella express themselves as follows: "It 
 is our will that you be admiral of [that 
 part of] the Ocean sea belonging to us, 
 which begins at a band or line that we 
 have caused to be traced, and which passes 
 in the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, 
 from North to South, and from one pole 
 to the other; in such a manner that 
 everything west of it is ours." 36 This 
 cedula is dated from Barcelona, May 28, 
 1493, while the instructions given to 
 de Spratz, when the Pope sent him to 
 Spain with Bulls A, B and C, are dated 
 only May 17 of the same year. It is 
 scarcely probable that this nuncio left 
 Rome immediately on his errand, for 
 hurry never was one of the traits of the 
 papal chancery. Be that as it may, the 
 
32 The Diplomatic History 
 
 presence in Spain of those Bulls is men 
 tioned for the first time July 19, I493- 87 
 Further, the two Bulls of May 3 specify 
 no limits whatever ; and if the Bull of 
 May 4 actually sets forth one, it is, as 
 we have just shown, different from the 
 boundary fixed by Ferdinand and Isa 
 bella, as they ignore entirely the grant 
 of one hundred leagues, and explicitly 
 locate the Line of Demarcation in the 
 longitude of the Azores and Cape Verde 
 Islands. 
 
 Finally, there are no vestiges of docu 
 ments either in Spain, in Portugal, or at 
 Rome, mentioning a controversy of any 
 kind on the subject in May, 1493, and 
 even for many years afterwards. In spite 
 of personal researches and others made at 
 our request by the Roman archivists in the 
 Vatican and Lateran, in 1867 and 1880, 
 it has been impossible to find in the 
 pontifical archives the least indication 
 bearing on the subjedt. 38 It is probable 
 that none will ever be found. Ray- 
 naldi, who, after Baronius, had explored 
 
of America 33 
 
 those repositories with greater zeal 
 and ability than anyone else, only says 
 that to avoid the controversies which 
 might have arisen between the Portu 
 guese and Spaniards, at a time when the 
 fleets of both nations were sailing on the 
 ocean, Alexander VI. decided to divide 
 the East and West Indies by a third 
 Bull. But he ascribes the initiative of 
 the aft to the Pope himself, and bases 
 the brief details which he gives, solely 
 upon the authority of Barros and 
 Zurita. 
 
 Now, Barros, as usual, does nothing 
 else than plagiarize Resende, Resende 
 in his turn plagiarizes Ruy de Pina, 
 adding a few comments of his own, and 
 Ruy de Pina, the only original authority 
 for what is known on the subject, merely 
 says that the discovery accomplished by 
 Columbus was a cause of estrangement 
 and contentions between Portugal and 
 Spain, followed by reciprocal embassies, 
 as well as conventions and treaties be 
 tween the two kingdoms. He does not 
 
 D 
 
34 The Diplomatic History 
 
 even seem to suspeft that any difficulties 
 were experienced in Rome. 
 
 As to Zurita, who wrote a century 
 afterwards, he cites no document, and 
 we know personally that the archives of 
 Aragon contain no document of the time 
 on the sub) eft. 39 
 
 Herrera is often quoted regarding that 
 question. But we must again repeat that 
 this chronicler, who is invaluable for the 
 greatest part of the sixteenth century, 
 has nothing for the six books of his first 
 Decade, which alone are of interest to us 
 just at present, except what he borrows 
 from Las Casas (consequently from the 
 " Historic "), and from Zurita. We are 
 even richer in documents for that period 
 than he ever was, notwithstanding his 
 activity, talent and researches. 
 
 Munoz is also often quoted. If that 
 learned and indefatigable investigator of 
 the Spanish archives had ever discovered 
 a document concerning the alleged ne 
 gotiations with the Holy See, we should 
 find it in his vast collection of copies and 
 
of America 35 
 
 notes, made expressly by royal order to 
 write a history of America, or in Navar- 
 rete. The statements of those historians 
 therefore are mere inferences, such as any 
 of us can draw from the supposed state of 
 mind of Joao II., from the above-men 
 tioned Bulls and from the motives of the 
 Treaty of Tordesillas. 
 
 Consequently, so far as we know 
 from documents, there were no contro 
 versies nor outside influences to modify 
 the first intentions of Alexander VI. 
 Besides, they could not have arisen and 
 culminated in the twenty-fouir hours 
 which elapsed between the issuing of 
 the two Bulls inter cater a; as any 
 one at all familiar with the dilatory 
 habits of the Court of Rome will readily 
 believe. 
 
 We likewise notice in Bull C the 
 grant of a right which shows how little 
 the Pope was disposed to hearken to 
 demands of the sort on the part of 
 Portugal, and particularly to enforce 
 the rights which she claimed under the 
 
36 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Bulls of Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV. Its 
 wording is as follows : " We do give, 
 grant and assign unto you [i.e., Ferdinand 
 and Isabella] your heirs and successors, 
 all the main lands and islands, found and 
 to be found, discovered or to be dis 
 covered, toward the West and South . . . 
 embracing in this donation all continental 
 lands or islands whatsoever found or to be 
 found toward India, or toward any other 
 part whatsoever it be." 40 
 
 Those dominions, present and prospec 
 tive, did not commence, it is true, until 
 100 leagues west of the Azores ; but the 
 grant in reality took away from Portu 
 gal the basis and principal objed: of her 
 rights, since India was not excluded from 
 the regions thus conceded to Spain. Nay, 
 no limit whatsoever was assigned west 
 ward ; which, the earth being then ad 
 mitted at Rome, as well as anywhere 
 else, to be round, and there being no men 
 tion where the East commenced, in 
 volved the possibility on the part of 
 Spain to claim sovereignty over regions 
 
of America 37 
 
 which Portugal considered to belong to 
 herself. 
 
 Herrera 41 says that when Ferdinand 
 and Isabella requested the Pope to grant 
 to them the newly-found lands, they in- 
 stru&ed their ambassador to let him 
 know that the discovery had been made 
 without encroaching upon the dominions 
 of Portugal, Columbus having been posi 
 tively commanded by Their Highnesses 
 not to come within 100 leagues of the 
 Mine, or of Guinea, or of any other part 
 belonging to the Portuguese. Some 
 writers have seen in this assertion of 
 Herrera that 100 leagues away from the 
 Portuguese possessions was the place 
 where the Catholic Sovereigns 42 wished 
 the Line of Demarcation established. 
 
 In the first place, there is no document 
 known to warrant the statement of 
 Herrera. On the contrary, what we 
 possess on the subjedt, and it is almost 
 certain that it is all which the celebrated 
 chronicler himself ever had for the period, 
 is in contradiction to such an asser- 
 
38 The Diplomatic History 
 
 tion. Columbus himself says that his 
 instructions were only " to avoid going 
 to the Mine or to any part of Guinea," 
 without reference to the " hundred 
 leagues," although the occasion was pro 
 pitious for such a reference. Then the 
 Catholic Sovereigns themselves state that 
 the Line which they had caused to be 
 marked passed in the Azores and Cape 
 Verde Islands. Finally, in the instructions 
 which they gave Columbus for the second 
 voyage, he is again simply enjoined not to 
 touch either at the Mine or Guinea. 
 
 The supposition of Humboldt 43 that 
 the Line was drawn to agree with the 
 notions of physical geography of Colum 
 bus himself, in other words, that the 
 Pope fixed it where, according to the 
 great Genoese, navigators first find " a 
 great change in the stars, in the aspect 
 of the sea and the temperature of the 
 atmosphere, and where the compass 
 shows no variation," is scarcely admis 
 sible. It is true that those phenomena 
 were noted by Columbus in the course 
 
of America 39 
 
 of his first voyage ; but they are men 
 tioned only in his journal, which he ne 
 cessarily kept with him until his arrival 
 at Palos. But when the Bulls were 
 drafted at Rome, only a copy of the 
 "Epistola" sent to Ferdinand and Isa 
 bella from Lisbon was known there, and 
 that contains no allusion whatever to 
 those phenomena. 
 
 It seems most likely that the deter 
 mination of the limit, at a distance of 
 100 leagues from the Azores and Cape 
 Verde Islands, was suggested to the 
 Pope by his scientific advisers. Their 
 sole object was to avoid encroaching on 
 the regions conceded to the kings of 
 Portugal by the Bulls of Nicholas V. and 
 Sixtus IV., in accordance with the ex 
 pression therein contained : " Cum suis 
 mineris et quibuscumque aliis insulis, 
 littoribus seu costis, maris, etc.," applied 
 to the Azores and to Guinea. And 100 
 leagues seemed to them, rightly enough, 
 a sufficient margin. 
 
4O The Diplomatic History 
 
 V. 
 
 THE BULL OF DEMARCATION NOT 
 
 "RIDICULOUS." 
 
 IN our days, after four centuries, the 
 power which the popes claimed to exer 
 cise regarding the paramount sovereignty 
 over the islands of the world, appears to 
 us excessive and singular. It is not with 
 out surprise, therefore, especially among 
 Protestant nations, that Venezuela, for 
 instance, is seen at such a late date to 
 appeal to a papal grant as the source of 
 her rights over Guiana in the present 
 conflict with England. But it is evident 
 that to judge the question with impar 
 tiality, we must carry our thoughts back 
 to the time when the donation was made 
 to Spain, and not consider it with the 
 ideas which prevail to-day. 
 
of America 41 
 
 Apostolical letters constituted in a 
 great measure at the close of the fifteenth 
 century what might be termed the ruling 
 law of Europe, since they were based 
 upon traditions, as well as rules which 
 were universally deemed to be equitable, 
 or, at all events, received as such by all 
 European nations. England, which now 
 describes that supreme authority and 
 its logical, direct and immediate con 
 sequences as " comical " and " ridicul 
 ous," 44 yielded to it formerly with as 
 much readiness and respeft as any other 
 nation. Nay, during several centuries, 
 her historians believed, and a number 
 still believe it, that the rights of Great 
 Britain over Ireland had precisely the 
 same origin as the rights claimed by 
 Venezuela over a part of British Guiana. 
 And so it is, historically. 
 
 In the " Metalogicus " of John of 
 Salisbury can be read the following 
 statement : " At my request, the Pope 
 granted and gave to the illustrious King 
 of England, Henry II., Ireland to possess 
 
42 The Diplomatic History 
 
 by an hereditary title, as is shown by his 
 Letters, which are preserved to this day. 
 For all those islands, by virtue of a very 
 ancient right, are considered to belong 
 to the Roman Church, in consequence 
 of the donation made by Constantine, 
 who founded and endowed that Church. 
 Besides, Pope Adrian sent through me a 
 golden ring adorned with a gem of great 
 value, in proof of the right to govern 
 Ireland." 45 
 
 One of the Letters mentioned by John 
 of Salisbury is evidently the Bull Lauda- 
 biliter^ inserted by Baronius 46 and by 
 Rymer 47 in their collections, under the 
 date of 1 155. We notice in that docu 
 ment, among the reasons of Adrian IV. 
 for granting to Henry II. the kingdom 
 which he was preparing to conquer, 
 two of those adduced by Alexander VI. 
 in the Bull granting the New World 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella, viz. : for the 
 strengthening of the Church, and the 
 spread of the Christian religion. 48 
 
 The authenticity of a part of that 
 
of America 43 
 
 apostolic letter is now contested, 49 and not 
 without cogent arguments. But it can 
 not be denied that the Bull Laudabiliter 
 well expresses the sentiments which, 
 as regards the alleged primordial rights of 
 the Holy See, were recognized by Euro 
 pean nations in general, and England in 
 particular. Even if, as several scholars of 
 note say, the Bull had been invented or 
 interpolated by Henry II., we are bound 
 to infer from such a deception that the 
 sovereignty of the popes, at least over 
 the islands of the world, was recognized 
 in the British Isles as well as anywhere 
 else. Otherwise, of what use would 
 have been the supposed interpolation ? 
 
 Further, on the Sunday preceding 
 the Feast of the Assumption in 1172, 
 Henry II., in the Cathedral of Avranches, 
 before the legates, bishops, barons and 
 people, his hand on the Gospels, placed 
 his own kingdom of England and all its 
 dependencies under the pontifical sove 
 reignty. 50 The following year he was 
 more explicit still. In a letter addressed 
 
44 The Diplomatic History 
 
 to Pope Alexander III., in 1173, the 
 authenticity of which has not been 
 questioned, he says to the pontiff: 
 " The Kingdom of England belongs to 
 your jurisdiction ; and as to the obliga 
 tion of feudal right, I acknowledge my 
 self to be the subjeft of you alone." 51 It 
 was not therefore a mere spiritual sove 
 reignty, but one paramount and absolute. 
 
 Under the circumstances, it is evident 
 that a king who declared himself to be, 
 in such terms, a mere vassal of the Pope, 
 would not have afted inconsistently in 
 asking of him the grant of the kingdom 
 of Ireland which he coveted. 
 
 This submission to the rights or pre 
 tensions of the papacy was not limited 
 in England to the Plantagenets. It con 
 tinued in the Houses of Lancaster and 
 York. 52 Such, at least, was the case with 
 the first Tudor. The five embassies of 
 obedience which Henry VII. sent to 
 Rome from 1485 to I493, 53 prove his 
 catholic deference. It is no exag 
 geration therefore to say that if the 
 
of America 45 
 
 auditor of the Rota, Jerome Porcio, had 
 kept his promise 54 to publish the dis 
 course " bene et eleganter composi- 
 tum," 65 which was pronounced by John 
 Sherwood, Bishop of Durham, when, 
 December 14, 1492, he came with 
 Giovanni Gigli, of Lucca, to place the 
 oath of obedience for Henry Tudor in 
 the hands of Alexander VI., we should 
 find in his oration the same expressions 
 of respeftful submission used in the dis 
 courses pronounced about the same time 
 by the ambassadors of the Catholic Sove 
 reigns. And just before the time when 
 Borgia granted to Ferdinand and Isa 
 bella the countries recently discovered 
 by Christopher Columbus, England still 
 took as a basis for her right of sove 
 reignty over Ireland, the Bull Lauda- 
 biliter that is, an authority derived 
 from the same principle and source. 
 
 Again, the sending by Henry VII. of 
 John Cabot four years afterwards to dis 
 cover Cathay does not militate against his 
 regard for the papal authority in that 
 
46 The Diplomatic History 
 
 respedl. The King of England doubt 
 less interpreted the rights conceded to 
 Spain and Portugal as not excluding in 
 the main the search by other nations 
 for new lands and islands. The restric 
 tion set forth in the Bulls applied only 
 to the discoveries aftually accomplished 
 by those two powers. This we see by the 
 fadt that Henry VII. imposes as a primary 
 condition the going only to regions 
 heretofore unknown of all Christians : 
 " Quag christianis omnibus ante hasc tem- 
 pora fuerunt incognitas." 57 These are 
 almost the terms of the Bulls inter c<ztera. 
 But those discoveries once accomplished, 
 they required the confirmation and vest 
 ing from the Pope, according to the 
 then general custom in Europe. 
 
 At that time Henry VII. entertained 
 sincere feelings of respeft and gratitude 
 for the papacy. He had not forgotten 
 the eminent service rendered to him 
 only a few years before by Innocent VIII. 
 When, after the Battle of Bosworth, 
 wishing to extinguish for ever the dis- 
 
of America 47 
 
 sensions existing between the Houses of 
 York and Lancaster by marrying his 
 cousin, the daughter of Edward III., 
 he had not only obtained without diffi 
 culty the required dispensation, but by 
 sending Giacomo Passarelli to London, 
 and by the famous Bull inejfabilis sedentis^ 
 the Pope had lent him powerful aid and 
 consecrated the new dynasty. 
 
 Under such circumstances Henry 
 Tudor would not have disregarded the 
 decisions of the Court of Rome, with 
 which he never ceased to be in the best 
 of terms, as is shown by the frequent 
 embassies of obedience which he sent 
 him at the end of the fifteenth century. 
 
 It is true that by what we know, 
 through Burchard and Infessura, of the 
 orations which were pronounced at 
 Rome by the special envoys of the King 
 of England, particularly that of May i, 
 1504, on the occasion of the accession of 
 Julius II., we gather that no mention is 
 made of the countries discovered in the 
 north-west. But the expeditions of John 
 
48 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Cabot, of the brothers Fernandez and of 
 Bristol shipowners, had yielded no such 
 results as Henry VII. cared to secure. 
 Those voyages to Labrador and New 
 foundland, where the navigators sailing 
 under the English flag had scarcely found 
 anything else than barren countries, ice 
 bergs and white bears, resulted neither 
 in profits nor expectations. This is the 
 reason why we do not see England put 
 forward Cabot s expedition, as the ground 
 of her rights to the sovereignty of North 
 America, until a century afterwards, and 
 then chiefly to thwart the efforts of 
 France in colonizing Canada and the 
 adjacent regions. 
 
of America 49 
 
 VI. 
 
 SPAIN SENDS AN EMBASSY OF 
 OBEDIENCE. 
 
 WE must now revert to what was taking 
 place at Rome. 
 
 The correspondence of the Holy See 
 with Spain was behindhand, consider 
 ing the important events which had 
 lately occurred in Italy. On May 17, 
 1493, Alexander VI. ordered Francis de 
 Spratz, appointed special nuncio, to re 
 pair to Spain and remit to Ferdinand 
 and Isabella an apostolical brief touch 
 ing matters of high importance. These 
 were the Pope s reasons for his treaty of 
 alliance with Venice and Milan and ex 
 planations why he had neglefled to send 
 a legate to re-establish amicable relations 
 
 
 
50 The Diplomatic History 
 
 between Spain and France, as the latter 
 threatened to wage war, notwithstand 
 ing the restitution of Perpignan and 
 Rousillon. At the same time he in 
 trusted to de Spratz " another brief 
 concerning the grant made to the sove 
 reigns of Spain, of the dominion and of 
 the things contained in islands recently 
 discovered by one of their subjefts." 58 
 
 Before the said nuncio arrived in 
 Spain and could remit the Bulls to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, these monarchs, 
 on the occasion of the accession of Alex 
 ander VI. to the papal chair, had sent 
 him an embassy of obedience, that is, 
 a solemn mission for the sole and ex 
 clusive purpose of giving to a recently 
 elected pope assurances of filial allegiance 
 and submission to his will and decrees, 
 according to a time-honoured custom 
 with Christian princes. This embassy 
 was composed of Diego Lopez de Haro, 
 viceroy of Galicia, principal ambassador, 
 and of Gonzalvo Fernandez de Heredia, 
 Archbishop of Tarragona. 
 
of America 51 
 
 They entered Rome as early as Satur 
 day, May 25, I493, 59 with d 16 usua l cere 
 monial. On June 12, following, they 
 went in great state to the Floral Field, 
 where the required oath was taken, and an 
 address delivered in a consistory by Lopez 
 de Haro in the name of his sovereigns. 
 In this address he severely upbraided 
 Alexander VI. in person, reproaching 
 him with the wars which raged in Italy, 
 censuring his conduct, as tending to 
 diminish the Christian faith, and blaming 
 him for harbouring in the States of the 
 Church the Moors who had been ex 
 pelled from Spain, demanding at the 
 same time their expulsion from the Papal 
 states. Finally, he denounced vehemently 
 the venality of offices and simony which 
 prevailed in the grant of ecclesiastical 
 dignities. 60 We must suppose, too, that 
 there was in that bold oration some 
 allusion to the marvellous countries 
 which Christopher Columbus had just 
 discovered, together with the usual ex 
 pressions of homage at the feet of His 
 
52 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Holiness. Unfortunately, the text itself 
 of that address has not reached us. 
 
 The following week, Bernardin de 
 Carvajal, then Bishop of Carthagena, and 
 the regular ambassador of Spain at Rome, 
 who was destined to become a cardinal a 
 few months afterwards, and finally to be 
 excommunicated by Julius II., pro 
 nounced on the occasion of that special 
 embassy a sermon, which was imme 
 diately printed. 
 
 Like all discourses of obedience, Car- 
 vajal s is a long dithyrambus, containing 
 here and there useful historical indica 
 tions. In brief, it is as follows : 
 
 " The world rejoices greatly upon 
 the accession of Alexander VI. to the 
 Papal chair ; the Spaniards, particularly, 
 who are his countrymen, are proud 
 of it. 
 
 " Spain is a land fertile in illustrious 
 men. Under the shield of her august 
 sovereigns, she pursues the course of her 
 destinies. The aid of God has never 
 been wanting to her. Christ, likewise, 
 
of America 5 3 
 
 has placed under her sway the Fortunate 
 Islands [Canary], the fertility of which 
 is known and appreciated." 
 
 Now comes the passage which affords 
 greater interest to Americanists, and 
 refers more direcftly to the subjeft of the 
 present disquisition : 
 
 "And Christ has lately revealed other 
 unknown islands in the Indies, which 
 may be considered among the most 
 precious things on earth, and it is hoped 
 that they will soon be converted to the 
 Christian Religion." 
 
 After this brief allusion to the memor 
 able discovery of the New World, 
 Ferdinand and Isabella lay at the feet of 
 His Holiness all they possess on earth 
 and on the seas ; not only their king 
 doms, treasures, fleet and armies, but 
 also their sons and royal persons, which 
 they beg of him to employ for the full 
 maintenance and exaltation of the Apos 
 tolic See, and to promote all the wishes 
 of His Holiness. Of all the favours 
 which Heaven has lavished on them, 
 
54 The Diplomatic History 
 
 there is none which they prize so highly 
 as that of announcing to the universe 
 that the princes of Spain are his most 
 devoted children. At the same time 
 theybeghim to turn his attention towards 
 the reform of the Church. 
 
 Finally, the reverend orator, addressing 
 himself directly to Alexander VI., ends 
 with the following peroration : " Roman 
 calf, supreme pontiff, at whose feet to 
 day and for ever the Spanish lion humbles 
 himself, let all thy acts be inspired by 
 the little infant Jesus, our Lord, so that 
 thou mayest acquire at the same time 
 temporal as well as spiritual glory with 
 the aid of Him who is blessed throughout 
 all ages." 61 
 
of America 55 
 
 VII. 
 
 THE FOURTH BULL OF 1493. 
 
 THE discontent of the King of Portugal 
 was, naturally, very great. Modern 
 historians dwell with complacency on the 
 state of his mind, and of his efforts to 
 vindicate the rights of the Crown. 
 
 Joao II. is represented as having pre 
 pared a fleet, under the pretence of an 
 expedition to Africa, but in reality in 
 tended to seize upon the countries recently 
 discovered by Columbus. 62 That to 
 lull suspicion, Ruy de Sande had been 
 sent as ambassador to the Spanish Court 63 
 for the apparent purpose of procuring 
 certain articles from Spain for this 
 African expedition, whilst his real object 
 consisted in proposing a settlement of 
 the present difficulties by establishing a 
 
56 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Line of Demarcation between their do 
 minions. This line, it seems, was to be 
 latitudinal, instead of longitudinal, con 
 trary to the line which the Pope had 
 fixed, and to be traced on the parallel of 
 the Canaries, reserving the north of that 
 line to the Spaniards, and the south to 
 the Portuguese. 
 
 Then, as regards Spain, Ferdinand of 
 Aragon, anticipating the real designs of 
 Joao II. , not less wily than himself, is 
 said to have dispatched Lope de Herrera 
 to Lisbon, furnished with double instruc 
 tions, and with two letters of widely 
 opposite tenor, which he was to use 
 according to circumstances. Thereupon 
 a keen diplomatic game ensued between 
 the two sovereigns ; the King of Portu 
 gal going so far as to bribe the counsellors 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella^ But Ferdi 
 nand s objeft was attained, as he only 
 wished to gain time for the departure of 
 Columbus on his second voyage. In 
 the meanwhile Joao II., having found 
 that the King of Aragon was foiling 
 
of America 57 
 
 him, sent an embassy to the Pope to 
 implore redress, etc., etc. 
 
 These details rest exclusively on the 
 statements of two historians, Zurita and 
 Herrera, the latter simply copying or 
 paraphrasing the former, and both writ 
 ing at least eighty years after the events. 
 Their accounts, thus far, have not been 
 corroborated by documentary proofs, 
 either in Spain or Portugal, notwith 
 standing arduous researches instituted in 
 the archives of those countries, and that 
 at a time 64 when they had not suffered 
 from the depredations committed during 
 the Napoleonic war. 
 
 Let us add that Joao II. was not the 
 crafty and unscrupulous king which 
 schemes of that character would make 
 him to be. On the contrary, he was 
 frank and chivalrous to such a degree 
 as to be called by Isabella herself " the 
 Perfeft Prince." Ferdinand, on the 
 other hand, was an astute politician ; 
 and his historian, Geronimo de Zurita, 
 has been justly accused of subser- 
 
58 The Diplomatic History 
 
 viency. Throughout the volume of his 
 Annals devoted to Ferdinand, can be 
 detected an intention to extol the supe 
 rior genius and diplomacy of that king. 
 Zurita s account of the transactions may 
 well have been influenced therefore by 
 such a feeling. 
 
 The only positive information is to be 
 derived from Ruy de Pina, as he was 
 one of the Portuguese ambassadors and 
 an historian of high character. A few 
 additional details can also be found in 
 authentic documents of the time. The 
 facls are these : 
 
 About y a month after the interview 
 with Columbus, the festival of Easter 
 being over, JoSo II. held a council of 
 ministers at Torres Vedras, in which it was 
 decided to equip openly a large fleet to 
 vindicate the rights of Portugal over the 
 newly-found countries. The ships were 
 at once made ready, and placed under 
 the command of Francisco de Almeida. 
 
 A fortnight afterwards Ferdinand and 
 Isabella were informed by the Duke of 
 
I of America 59 
 
 Medina-Sidonia of the fitting out of the 
 Portuguese fleet, and of its real object. 
 They immediately dispatched to Lisbon 65 
 a gentleman of their household, Lope 
 de Herrera, with a letter addressed to 
 Joa"o II., asking for an explanation, 
 requesting him to send ambassadors to 
 them and to postpone all action until 
 his envoys had been shown Spain s 
 reasons and rights in the matter of those 
 transatlantic discoveries. They expressed 
 the wish that he would meanwhile issue 
 a proclamation forbidding his subjects 
 to visit the regions now belonging to 
 the Crown of Castile, by virtue of the 
 discoveries accomplished by Christopher 
 Columbus. 66 The King of Portugal 
 replied that his desire was that each 
 should have what belonged to him 
 (" que cada uno tenga lo que le per- 
 tenece "). 
 
 Accordingly, he appointed two am 
 bassadors, Dr. Pero Diis or Diaz, and 
 Ruy de Pina, and promised not to send 
 the fleet to sea until they had arrived in 
 
60 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Barcelona ; Zurita says not before sixty 
 days had elapsed. 
 
 On the 2nd of May the Catholic 
 Sovereigns thanked the Duke of Medina- 
 Sidonia for his information, accepted his 
 offer of all the caravels in his dominions 
 to check the projedt of the King of Por 
 tugal, and requested that they might be 
 kept in readiness in case of emergency. 
 
 Less than a month afterwards Their 
 Majesties were informed that the Portu 
 guese fleet had sailed out. Columbus 
 received the same information, ap 
 parently from a different source. It was 
 erroneous, but instructions were sent to 
 Bishop Fonseca to cause the armaments 
 of Portugal to be watched, and should a 
 fleet really be fitted out, to have one 
 twice as strong prepared in Seville to 
 accompany Columbus on his second 
 voyage. 
 
 In course of the following month, 
 Columbus wrote to Ferdinand and Isa 
 bella that a Portuguese caravel had 
 a6tually sailed from Madeira on a voyage 
 
of America 61 
 
 of discovery. The ambassadors of Joao 
 II., having been interrogated on the sub 
 ject, replied that it was contrary to the 
 orders of the King, who, upon hearing 
 of the departure of that caravel, had 
 sent at once three caravels to overtake 
 her. Their Majesties were of opinion, 
 nevertheless, that this was a blind, and 
 that Joao II. in reality intended to make 
 discoveries in the regions visited by 
 Columbus. The Portuguese ambas 
 sadors, although dispatched in June, did 
 not reach the Spanish Court until 
 August I5, 67 having come by sea all the 
 way, it seems, from Lisbon to Barcelona. 
 The negotiations commenced on the 
 1 8th, and soon assumed a technical cha- 
 rafter, if we may judge from the request 
 which Cardinal de Mendoza sent to the 
 celebrated cosmographer, Jaime Ferrer, 
 to come at once to the Court with his 
 mappamundi and scientific instruments. 68 
 Their Majesties at the same time wrote 
 a letter to Columbus, urging him to 
 forward to them the degrees [of latitude 
 
62 The Diplomatic History 
 
 and longitude] 69 of the islands and 
 countries which he had discovered, and 
 the [number of] degrees he had travelled 
 over in his voyage. But Columbus, who 
 was not disposed to make known those 
 scientific as well as practical details, did 
 not comply with that just and indis 
 pensable request. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella soon became 
 convinced that the Portuguese envoys 
 were not sufficiently informed on the 
 subject, or, to use Their Majesties own 
 expression, " they had come without 
 having first been made aware of what 
 belonged to Spain." 70 Meanwhile, 
 Ferdinand and Isabella were planning 
 the extension of the Bull of May 4 for 
 reasons of a very serviceable character, 
 which they stated to Columbus, as 
 follows : 
 
 " Since the conferences held with the 
 Portuguese ambassadors, some say that 
 between the cape called of Good Hope 
 by the Portuguese, which is on [sic 
 pro beyond] the route they now follow 
 
of America 63 
 
 to reach the Gold Mine and Guinea 
 southward, and the line which you say 
 should have been in the Papal Bull, 
 there may be islands and main lands, 
 which, on account of their position 
 under the sun, are believed to be of 
 great advantage and richer than all the 
 others. And as we are aware that you 
 know more than anyone else on the 
 subject, we request you to send us at 
 once your opinion regarding the same, 
 because if it seems to you that this 
 matter is as it is thought to be, the Bull 
 should be amended." n 
 
 The reply which Columbus sent to 
 his sovereigns unfortunately has not 
 reached us. 72 But we may fairly assume 
 that he approved of the suggestion to 
 have the Bull modified in the sense pro 
 posed. Judging from the allusion to 
 the line which, according to his notions, 
 should have been traced in the Bull of 
 May 4, we must believe that he re 
 gretted to see it fixed so far to the 
 westward, and disapproved consequently 
 
64 The Diplomatic History 
 
 even of the margin of 100 leagues granted 
 to Portugal by the Pope. 
 
 The probability is that Ferdinand and 
 Isabella immediately forwarded to Rome 
 a request to have the Bull of May 4 so 
 amended as to include in the donation 
 made to Spain, lands and islands situate 
 more to the eastward. 
 
 Alexander VI. granted their request 
 by a fourth Bull, dated September 25, 
 1493, which is known at present only 
 by a Spanish translation made August 30, 
 1554, by one Gracian, doubtless Diego 
 Gracian de Aldrete, then secretary of 
 Philip II. for foreign languages. 73 That 
 translation bears the title of " Exten 
 sion de la concesion y donacion Apos- 
 tolica de las Indias," 74 and was preserved 
 in the registers at Simancas, among 
 the papers of the Patronato Real. The 
 time when the translation was made 
 leads us to believe that the original Latin 
 text must have really been in the State 
 archives ; for in the middle of the six 
 teenth century there was no reason for 
 
of America 65 
 
 committing a forgery of that character. 
 But the archivists failed to find it for us 
 at Simancas or at Seville. What is worse, 
 there are no traces of that important 
 Bull, so far as known, either in the 
 Vatican or Lateran, notwithstanding ar 
 duous researches undertaken at the time 
 of the Quatercentenary, and since, at our 
 request. 
 
 This is so much the more to be re 
 gretted as the preamble and subscription 
 would have enabled us to ascertain the 
 intrinsic character of the Bull. Nor 
 should we forget that under the pon 
 tificate of Alexander VI. the fabrication 
 of false apostolical letters, even by 
 bishops, was a common thing 75 and that 
 these forgeries were put in circulation 
 without the least scruple. Withal, we 
 feel constrained to believe that this 
 Bull has really existed in an authentic 
 form. Its importance is great indeed, 
 as there is no longer in its articles 
 question of the Line of Demarcation, and 
 the Pope abrogates therein, tacitly, the 
 
66 The Diplomatic History 
 
 rights reserved to Portugal by the old 
 apostolical letters. Thus, the field of 
 maritime discoveries is extended in favour 
 of Spain as far as the regions in the East, 
 including India. 76 The terms and mo 
 tives of this new extension deserve to 
 be stated literally. Addressing himself 
 to the Catholic Sovereigns, Alexander VI. 
 says: 
 
 " But as it may happen that your 
 deputies, captains or vassals may, in 
 navigating westwards or southwards, sail 
 in the direction of the East, reach the 
 same, and discover there islands and main 
 lands belonging to India. . . . We am 
 plify the donation and extend it with 
 all its clauses to all the islands and main 
 lands whatever, discovered or to be dis 
 covered, which in sailing westwards or 
 southwards are or appear in the western, 
 or southern, or eastern parts, and in 
 those of India." 77 - 
 
 Portugal therefore possessed hence 
 forth only the route to the East Indies 
 by the Cape of Good Hope which Bar- 
 
of America 67 
 
 tholomew Dias had discovered in 1487. 
 And if the belief, then universal, had 
 been true, that the Atlantic Ocean bathed 
 the Asiatic regions in the west, and 
 if Columbus in his subsequent voyages 
 had landed after September, 1493, in the 
 islands of the Indian Seas, or even on the 
 east coast of Africa, Spain would have 
 been the absolute rightful sovereign of all 
 those countries, the Bulls issued in favour 
 of Portugal by Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV. 
 to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 There is a clause showing, above all 
 others, how erroneous is the idea gener 
 ally entertained that it was in the mind 
 of Alexander VI. to protect the rights 
 which Portugal held from previous popes. 
 
 In the Bull of May 4, His Holiness 
 declared that the donation made to Spain 
 should be deemed valid, in spite of all 
 other apostolic constitutions and ordin 
 ances and all things of an opposite 
 character (" non obstantibus constitu- 
 tionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis 
 csterisque contrariis quibuscumque "). 
 
68 The Diplomatic History 
 
 These words, strong as they certainly 
 are, were not sufficiently forcible, it 
 seems; for in the Bull of September 25, 
 the declaration is in these terms : "Not 
 withstanding all apostolical constitutions 
 and ordinances, and whatever donations, 
 concessions, powers and assignments made 
 by us or by our predecessors to any Kings, 
 Princes, Infants, or other persons, orders 
 or military bodies whatever, and for any 
 cause whatsoever, be it even for reasons 
 of religious faith or reverence." 
 
 It is by this Bull, and not that of 
 Leo X., granted to Portugal, Novem 
 ber 3, 1514, that the Line of Demarca 
 tion may be said to have been virtually 
 superseded, and the validity of the rights 
 of discovery and conquest established. 
 For the sentence in the Bull of Leo X., 
 granting to Portugal " all past and future 
 conquests and discoveries not only from 
 Cape Bojador to the [country of the] 
 Indians but every where else, even in 
 parts then unknown," is not more com 
 prehensive than the phrase in the Bull of 
 
 V 
 
of America 69 
 
 Alexander VI. of September 25, 1493, 
 granting to Spain " all islands and main 
 lands whatever discovered or to be dis 
 covered in the West, in the South and in 
 the East." 
 
 At all events this is certainly the in 
 terpretation which in Spain was given 
 to that clause, even after the signing of 
 the Treaty of Tordesillas. Thus, in the 
 opinion drafted by Jaime Ferrer for Fer 
 dinand and Isabella, February 28, 1495, 
 he says that his understanding of the 
 treaty is that everything in the East 
 shall belong to Spain, if her ships first 
 go there : " Y la otra parte por Occi- 
 dente fasta tornar por Oriente la vuelta 
 del sinu arabico, sera de los Reyes 
 nuestros, si sus navios primero alia nave- 
 garan." 
 
70 The Diplomatic History 
 
 VIII. 
 
 SIGNING OF THE TREATY OF TORDE- 
 SILLAS. 
 
 WE do not know whether the Portu 
 guese ambassadors, or even Joao II., was 
 made aware of this fresh concession on 
 the part of Alexander VI. If he was, 
 and if, as Zurita says, he had caused 
 efforts to be made at Rome to obtain a 
 right to maritime conquests in the west 
 of the Atlantic Ocean, the disappoint 
 ment must have been very great. 
 
 As Ferdinand and Isabella had anti 
 cipated, the Portuguese ambassadors soon 
 set out from Barcelona for home, to 
 consult with the King of Portugal ; but 
 it is not known whether they were 
 prompted by this new aspecl of the case, 
 of which they may still have been ignorant. 
 
of America 71 
 
 A couple of months afterwards, the 
 Catholic Sovereigns, without waiting for 
 the return to Spain of Dias and Pina, 
 sent to Lisbon an embassy of their own, 
 composed of Garcia de Carvajal 78 and 
 Pedro de Ayala, who, two years later, 
 whilst Spanish ambassador in England, 
 had intercourse with John Cabot, and 
 kept Their Majesties informed of his 
 projects, as well as of his transatlantic 
 discoveries under the flag of Henry VII. 
 
 Zurita relates that the embassy left 
 Barcelona on November 2, 1493, being 
 preceded by a gentleman of the royal 
 household, called Garcia de Herrera, to 
 prepare Joao II. to receive the Spanish 
 envoys. He also says that a few days 
 after their arrival the parties settled 
 among themselves the demarcation : 
 " tomo entre ellos el asiento de la de- 
 rnarcacion." If so, we should not place 
 faith in the anecdote first related by 
 Garcia de Resende, 79 that after the am 
 bassadors had delivered their credentials 
 and were retiring from his presence, the 
 
72 The Diplomatic History 
 
 king looked at them contemptuously, 
 and said : "This embassy from our cousin 
 wants both head and feet," alluding to 
 Carvajal, who was, in his opinion, of 
 weak intellect, and to Ayala, who was 
 lame of one leg. 
 
 Be that as it may, more than four 
 months elapsed before a&ual steps were 
 taken by the King of Portugal to bring 
 about a final settlement, as it was not 
 until the 8th of March, 1494, that he 
 appointed commissioners to repair to 
 Barcelona and negotiate the treaty with 
 Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 
 The Portuguese embassy this time was 
 composed of Ruy de Sousa, his son 
 Joao de Sousa, and Arias de Almadana, 
 with Estevao Vaz for secretary. They 
 were empowered to divide with Spain 
 in a precise manner the sea contain 
 ing the islands discovered and to be dis 
 covered ("que la mar en que las dichas 
 islas estan y fueren halladas, se parta y 
 marque entre nosotros en alguna buena, 
 cierta y limitada manera.") 80 
 
of America 73 
 
 The Portuguese ambassadors, it seems, 
 carried out the negotiations direct with 
 Ferdinand and Isabella at Medina del 
 Campo. And it was only when the 
 parties had come to terms that deputies 
 were appointed to act on behalf of Spain. 
 On June 5, the Catholic Sovereigns exe 
 cuted the necessary powers appointing to 
 that office Henrique Henriquez, Gutierre 
 de Cardenas, and Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado 
 de Talavera, who had been one of the 
 experts selected by Queen Isabella to 
 examine the projects of Columbus in 
 
 1487.* 
 
 As regards what followed, we possess 
 no information whatever, beyond the fact 
 that two days only after the required 
 powers had been given by Ferdinand and 
 Isabella to their deputies, a meeting was 
 held at Tordesillas, a town of old Castile 
 not far from Valladolid, and the treaty 
 signed immediately, on the jth of June, 
 
 H94< 
 
74 The Diplomatic History 
 
 IX. 
 
 ALLEGED PARTITION OF THE GLOBE. 
 
 IT is generally believed that by the Bull 
 of Demarcation, Alexander VI. divided 
 the terrestrial globe in two parts, and 
 gave, in solido, one to Spain and the other 
 to Portugal ; excepting, however, what 
 then belonged already to the princes of 
 Christendom. 82 
 
 It does not seem that the terms of the 
 Bull of May 4, or any other, involved 
 such an absolute meaning. We think 
 that the donation : " Omnes insulas et 
 terras firmas inventas et inveniendas, de- 
 teftas et detegendas," must be under 
 stood to apply only to the islands and 
 main lands which Spain and Portugal had 
 discovered, and those which one or the 
 other of these two nations should discover 
 in future. 
 
of America 75 
 
 In the Bulls of May, 1493, mention is 
 made only of the West, North- West and 
 South-West. But it was already known 
 that the earth was a sphere ; and it was 
 sufficient to look at one of the geo 
 graphical globes which, since the time of 
 the Arabs could be easily obtained almost 
 everywhere in Europe, to become con 
 vinced that the Spanish navigators would 
 not fail, some day or other, to reach the 
 eastern regions which ancient Bulls 
 seemed to have granted to Portugal. 
 This was so much the more certain that 
 all the globes, mappamundi and plani 
 spheres of the time, ignoring, of course, 
 the existence of the American continent, 
 represented the Atlantic Ocean as bath 
 ing the shores of Europe and those of 
 Asia. Nay, it was that cartographic repre 
 sentation which, as is well known, sug 
 gested to Toscanelli and to Christopher 
 Columbus the idea of reaching by a west 
 ern route Cathay and the islands of India. 
 
 We must assume that the scientists of 
 the Holy See were not long in seeing the 
 
76 The Diplomatic History 
 
 consequences of the Bulls inter ccetera 
 from that point of view. A ready means 
 to avoid complications would have been 
 to state, however erroneous the compu 
 tation might have proved to be, where 
 the East commenced ; and since they had 
 thought of a line of demarcation as the 
 initial point, to continue it to the other 
 hemisphere. That notion, however, in 
 volved consequences which the Church 
 was not yet disposed to accept; for it 
 would have been an official recognition 
 of the existence of the antipodes. The 
 probability therefore is that the partition 
 was based upon a plane chart, regardless 
 of the sphericity of the earth. 83 
 
 On the other hand, when we weigh 
 the terms of all the Bulls of concession, 
 we find that although the substratum, so 
 to speak, is the universal sovereignty 
 assumed by the Holy See, yet the portion 
 of that sovereignty transferred either to 
 Spain or Portugal by the apostolic letters 
 is made practically subservient to the 
 right of discovery. 84 This, of course, 
 
of America 77 
 
 left to the contracting parties sufficient 
 authority to dispose, independently of all 
 interference on the part of the Pope, of 
 the lands and islands already discovered. 
 It must also be inferred that Spain and 
 Portugal considered themselves as at 
 liberty to enlarge or to contrail their 
 sphere of aftion, with each other s con 
 sent, in anticipation of any discovery 
 which one or the other might make in the 
 future. True it is that they intended to 
 beg the Pope to confirm by special Bulls 
 all arrangements to that effecft ; but it 
 seems to us to have been chiefly to guard 
 against the intrusion of other Christian 
 princes. Be that as it may, it was on 
 this basis that the Treaty of Tordesillas 
 w# made. 
 
 .xjn the preamble of that treaty, the 
 contracting parties simply agree to enter 
 into an agreement for the sake of peace 
 and concord, and without any reference 
 whatever to existing rights, or to papal 
 Bulls granted at any time. Nor is there 
 any mention of the demarcation line pre- 
 
78 The Diplomatic History 
 
 viously fixed by Alexander VI., and still 
 less, of course, of an extension westwards 
 of the same./ Spain and Portugal stipu 
 late, as if it were the first time that the 
 question of limits had ever been mooted, 
 in this wise : 
 
 " That in the Ocean sea there shall be 
 drawn and marked a band or line, straight 
 from Pole to Pole, from the Arctic Pole 
 to the Antarctic Pole, that is, from North 
 to South ; which band or line and mark 
 shall have to be and is [hereby] estab 
 lished straightly, as aforesaid, at [a dis 
 tance of] three hundred and seventy 
 leagues west from the Cape Verde 
 Islands, by [means of geometrical] de 
 grees or otherwise, as best or more 
 promptly can be done, but so as not to 
 [cover] more [space]." 85 
 
 It was further agreed that within ten 
 months, one or two caravels, with pilots, 
 astronomers and mariners on board, should 
 be sent by Spain and by Portugal to meet 
 at the Grand Canary, and proceed thence 
 due west to the agreed distance of three 
 
of America 79 
 
 hundred and seventy leagues from the 
 Cape Verde Islands, and mark there the 
 limit in degrees, or in leagues, as should 
 be found more convenient, commencing 
 either at the north or at the south. If 
 luck would have it that any island or 
 continent should fall under the Line, 
 the direction of which should be ascer 
 tained and marked at the commencement 
 of such island or continent by the erection 
 of a tower or by some other suitable sign. 
 Finally, the Pope was to be requested 
 to confirm the treaty, and to issue a Bull 
 reciting its tenor and stipulations. A 
 noticeable clause is that not only the 
 contracting parties swear on the Holy 
 Cross to obey the articles of agreement, 
 but in case of their violating it, they bind 
 themselves never to ask the Pope or any 
 prelate for absolution of such a6t. 
 
8o The Diplomatic History 
 
 X. 
 
 COLUMBUS AND THE TREATY OF 
 TORDESILLAS. 
 
 COLUMBUS was at sea, exploring the West 
 Indies, when Ferdinand and Isabella rati 
 fied the Treaty of Tordesillas, which they 
 communicated to him in a letter sent by 
 Antonio de Torres, August 16, 1494. 
 The notification was in these terms : 
 
 " As to affairs with Portugal, an 
 arrangement has been entered into here 
 with her ambassadors, which seems to us 
 to be the one which presents least incon 
 venience. That you may be well and 
 amply informed regarding the same, we 
 send you a copy of the stipulations. For 
 this reason it is not expedient to enlarge 
 upon it just now, except that we order 
 and require that the Treaty be respected 
 in its entirety, and that you cause to have 
 
of America 81 
 
 it obeyed in every respeft according to 
 its tenor. Relatively to the band or limit 
 which is to be established, as it seems to 
 us a very difficult thing, requiring much 
 science and confidence, we wish to know 
 whether you would not ad; in that re- 
 sped:, and join those who on the part of 
 the King of Portugal are to settle the 
 question. If it should prove too difficult 
 for you to come, see whether it cannot 
 be done by your brother, 86 or some other 
 person. If so, instruct him carefully, in 
 writing and by word of mouth, as well as 
 by a sketch, in the best manner possible, 
 and send him to us by the first caravel. 
 ... At all events, write to us fully what 
 in your opinion we should know, and 
 which may promote our service. Ad: in 
 such a manner that your letters and what 
 you have to send can be forwarded at 
 once, so that it may reach us before the 
 time which we have fixed with the King 
 of Portugal." 87 
 
 The special aid which Their Majesties 
 requested of Columbus was for the 
 G 
 
82 The Diplomatic History 
 
 clause of the treaty requiring that 
 within ten months each party should 
 dispatch one or two caravels or more, 
 having on board pilots, astrologers and 
 mariners, to proceed to the Cape Verde 
 Islands, and measure off by leagues or 
 degrees the allotted 370 leagues. 
 
 On April 15, 1495, Spain and Por 
 tugal made a new arrangement, postpon 
 ing the joint expedition to trace the 
 Line on the spot, and stipulating that 
 in the month of July following, the 
 appointed astrologers, pilots and marin 
 ers should meet in some place on the 
 frontier of the two kingdoms, and then 
 and there discuss and settle (theoretically) 
 the question of the demarcation line. 
 This being done, the expedition was to 
 sail for the purpose of establishing the 
 limit according to the ruling of those 
 scientific commissioners, within ten 
 months after one of the contracting 
 parties had served notice on the other to 
 that effeft. 88 
 
 Their Catholic Majesties then caused 
 
of America 83 
 
 a royal order to be drafted commanding 
 that meanwhile ("mientras ") the Demar 
 cation Line should be inscribed in all 
 sailing charts. 89 
 
 Those experts never met, the expedi 
 tion was not sent, even the order given 
 to cartographers to trace the boundary 
 line on maps remained a dead letter, and 
 nothing more was said about the matter 
 for at least ten years. 90 
 
 Columbus did not return to Spain 
 until June n, 1496. It is not known 
 whether he ever replied to Their Ma 
 jesties letter of August 16, 1494. If he 
 did, we may rest assured that he pro 
 tested energetically against the grant of 
 270 leagues additional which they 
 made to Portugal by the Treaty of Tor- 
 desillas. Columbus never assented 
 to an extension of the boundary line 
 beyond the 100 leagues set forth in the 
 Papal Bull of May 4. This is shown 
 by the fad: that in the entail created 
 February 22, 1498, four years after the 
 signing of the treaty, he says : 
 
84 The Diplomatic History 
 
 " And it pleased Their Highnesses to 
 appoint me their Admiral of the Ocean 
 sea, beyond an imaginary line which 
 they ordered to be drawn from Pole to 
 Pole, 100 leagues from the islands of 
 Cape Verde and those of the Azores ; " 
 thus ignoring the 270 leagues additional 
 granted by Spain to Portugal 91 in 1494. 
 
 In his will executed at Segovia, 
 August 25, 1505, and confirmed almost 
 in articulo mortis^ May 19, 1506, that 
 description of the Line of Demarca 
 tion is repeated word for word. Well 
 may we say, therefore, that Columbus 
 never recognized the Treaty of Torde- 
 sillas, which Ferdinand and Isabella 
 should not have signed without first re 
 serving his rights under the Capitula 
 tions of 1492. He lived long enough 
 to see himself deprived in consequence 
 of his share of the profits derived from 
 Brazil, and even from Newfoundland, 
 which Caspar Corte-Real wantonly in 
 scribed in his maps as within the trans 
 atlantic dominions of Portugal. 
 
of America 85 
 
 XL 
 
 SPANISH INTERPRETATION OF THE TREATY 
 OF TORDESILLAS. 
 
 THE first thing to notice in the Treaty 
 of Tordesillas, is that the Line of De 
 marcation was fixed 270 leagues further 
 west than the meridian traced in the 
 Bull of May 4, and that the 370 leagues 
 (now being the entire space allotted to 
 Portugal) were to be counted, not as in 
 said Bull, from the Azores and Cape 
 Verde, but from the Cape Verde Islands. 
 Unfortunately, the treaty failed to state 
 whether the reckoning was to com 
 mence with the most easterly, the most 
 westerly, or the central island in the 
 archipelago. Since the group extends 
 in longitude nearly three degrees (22 
 45 25 25 ), 92 this omission became 
 
86 The Diplomatic History 
 
 the source of difficulties between Spain 
 and Portugal, which, to a certain ex 
 tent, may be said to exist still. It is 
 true that by the Treaty of Madrid, 
 signed January 13, 1750, the two nations 
 set aside the divisional line of 1 494, and 
 even resolved that the laying down of 
 imaginary lines of demarcation should 
 be entirely renounced ; but only a year 
 afterwards, February 12, 1761, that 
 treaty was annulled. 93 ^^**& 
 
 The next thing to consider is the diffi 
 culty of determining with accuracy the 
 real boundary, or terminal point west 
 wards of those 370 leagues. If English 
 or American cosmographers, for instance, 
 were called upon to-day to fix on a map 
 the western boundary of the Atlantic 
 dominions of Portugal, according to the 
 general terms of the Treaty of Torde- 
 sillas, the principal difficulty would be 
 easily removed, because we all agree as 
 regards the exact circumference of the 
 globe and precise length of a marine 
 league, in yards and in metres, from actual 
 
of America 87 
 
 measurements, made methodically, and 
 with perfeft instruments. 
 
 But the old cosmographers, for the 
 period extending from the discovery of 
 America to the Badajoz Junta (1524), 
 assign 14^ leagues, 15 leagues, i6f 
 leagues, 17^ leagues, and even 2i 
 leagues to a degree on the equator ; owing 
 chiefly to various estimates of the size of 
 a degree, and of the dimensions of the 
 earth. Hence the different locations of 
 a line of demarcation on nearly all the 
 maps of the period ; hence too the dis 
 cussions which yet continue as to its true 
 meridian. 
 
 It seems to us that the question has 
 not been considered in its proper light. 
 The first point to examine should have 
 been the intention and purpose of the 
 parties in making the treaty, as well 
 as the geographical and metrological 
 notions which they then entertained. 
 In other words, what must be deter 
 mined is the character and extent of the 
 concession which Spain meant to make when, 
 
88 "The Diplomatic History 
 
 by the ^Treaty of Tordesillas, she granted 
 the 270 leagues additional to Portugal, and 
 what the latter power believed it was 
 receiving. 
 
 In an investigation of this character 
 the critic should .interrogate above all 
 the cosmographers of the end of the 
 fifteenth century, particularly those 
 who were consulted by Ferdinand and 
 Isabella in 1494. Whether their idea 
 of the length of a league, or of a degree, 
 or of the circumference of the earth 
 was, in itself, right or wrong, is of little 
 moment in the inquiry. If by means of 
 the data furnished by those experts we 
 can ascertain what circumference they 
 ascribed to the earth, the longitude from 
 which, in their estimation, the 370 
 leagues were to be counted westwards, 
 the length of their league, and reduce 
 their itinerary measures to yards or to 
 metres, that is sufficient to solve the 
 problem. 
 
 We possess, fortunately, the opinion 
 of the leading expert whose advice was 
 
of America 89 
 
 asked on this occasion by the Catholic 
 Sovereigns and Cardinal Mendoza, and 
 in whose science they placed the utmost 
 confidence : Jaime Ferrer, of Blanes, in 
 Catalonia. 94 
 
 So early as August 26, 1493, he was 
 requested to repair at once to Barce 
 lona with his mappamundi and cosmo- 
 graphical instruments. 95 Conferences 
 were held with his sovereigns, the 
 details of which, however, have not 
 reached us. But soon after the Treaty 
 of Tordesillas had been signed, Fer 
 dinand and Isabella twice submitted 
 it to him, and asked his written opinion 
 relative to the Line of Demarcation. 
 On January 27, 1495, he sent them in 
 reply his views on the subject, together 
 with "a globe and description of the 
 world on a plane surface, in which could 
 be seen the two hemispheres." % 
 
 On February 28, following, Their 
 Majesties expressed their thanks, and re 
 quested him to come to the Court by the 
 end of May. It was doubtless shortly 
 
90 The Diplomatic History 
 
 afterwards that Ferrer drafted the elabor 
 ate Parer^ wherein he not only gives his 
 conclusions regarding the value of the 
 370 leagues, but also the method which 
 he followed, and the data upon which 
 he based his calculations. 
 
of America 9 1 
 
 XII. 
 
 FERRER S THEORY. 
 
 WE shall now proceed to quote from 
 the technical opinion written by Jaime 
 Ferrer in 1495 at the request of Fer 
 dinand and Isabella, the data required 
 to ascertain his geodetic theories, and 
 how he applied them to the determina 
 tion of the Line of Demarcation under 
 the Treaty of Tordesillas. 
 
 ist. " The 370 leagues must be 
 counted from the most central of the 
 islands in the group of the Cape Verde 
 Islands. 
 
 2nd. " Each degree in that parallel 
 (15) comprises 20 leagues and f. 
 
 3rd. " It is necessary to count each 
 degree as equal to 700 stades, 97 according 
 
92 The Diplomatic History 
 
 to Strabo, Alfragano, Teodoci, Macrobi, 98 
 Ambrosi, Euristenes." 
 
 4th. " The 370 leagues [counted from 
 the middle island in the Cape Verde 
 archipelago] comprise westward 18 de 
 grees. 
 
 5th. " Each degree in the Tropics is 
 equal to 20 leagues and four parts of 
 360. 
 
 6th. " In the equinoctial circle, each 
 degree is equivalent to 2 1 leagues and J . 
 
 7th. "According to Strabo, Alfragano, 
 Ambrosius, Theodosius, Macrobius, and 
 Eratosthenes, the circumference of the 
 earth is 252,000 stades, which 252,000 
 stades, at the rate of 8 stades per mile, 
 equal 31,500 miles, which, in counting 
 4 miles for each league, equal 7,875 
 leagues." 10 
 
 Ferrer s above stated data result in 
 four different lengths for his league, 
 viz.: 21^353 ; 2i 1 ,8i3 ; 21*5625; and 
 2 1*5875 to the degree of the Equator of his 
 sphere. For reasons given in our notes, 101 
 we selecl: from among these four valua- 
 
of America 93 
 
 tions, 21^875 to his equatorial degree, 
 upon which to base our calculations. 
 
 The probability is that if the scientific 
 experts of Spain and Portugal had ever 
 met according to the cedula of April 1 5, 
 1495, and come to terms, they would 
 have taken as a basis Ferrer s data, with 
 the exception of the starting point, which 
 Portugal would have doubtless insisted 
 on fixing in the westernmost cape of the 
 island of San Antonio, making, how 
 ever, a difference of only a degree and a 
 half. 
 
 As at that time the New World was 
 supposed to commence with Hispaniola, 
 in our 70 45 west, leaving a margin of 
 more than 27 on that parallel before 
 Portugal could reach the newly-dis 
 covered regions (no one suspecting 
 then that south of the Antilles there 
 was a continent stretching eastwards as 
 far as 37 longitude), it is likely that 
 Spain would have yielded the point. 
 
 But whether, after accepting the basis, 
 those experts would have been able to 
 
94 The Diplomatic History 
 
 locate with any accuracy the demarca 
 tion line is another question ! Their 
 means of reckoning longitudes, always 
 a very delicate and difficult operation, 
 even at this day, were so crude and im 
 perfect, that half a century afterwards 
 we still see Sebastian Cabot, the Pilot- 
 Major of Spain, recommend to Philip II. 
 a method of his own invention for taking 
 the longitude at sea, which, if ever ap 
 plied, would have caused errors actually 
 amounting to sixty degrees, that is, one- 
 sixth of the circumference of the globe! 102 
 
 If now, with the elements furnished 
 by Ferrer, we reconstruct his sphere, 
 and insert therein the geographical dis 
 coveries which were accomplished by 
 the Spaniards in the five years follow 
 ing the Treaty of Tordesillas, that is, 
 the coast-line extending from Cape St. 
 Augustin to the Gulf of Venezuela, the 
 result is as follows : 
 
 Ferrer s starting meridian is Fogo, in 
 1 50 latitude, making his league in that 
 parallel, on his sphere, equal to 20 625. 
 
of America 95 
 
 370 of his leagues lead therefore to 
 a meridian which, on his sphere^ lies 
 17 31 west of Fogo. Taking, how 
 ever, his round figure of 1 8, the Line 
 of Demarcation, according to his esti 
 mate, would have passed in 42 25 
 west of Greenwich, on his sphere. That 
 is, about 75 miles east of the Maranhao, 
 and 10 miles west of the Rio Parana- 
 hyba. On the south coast of Brazil, it 
 would have passed about 23 miles west 
 of Cape Frio, and 40 miles east of Rio 
 de Janeiro. 
 
 That sphere, naturally, owing to in 
 accurate dimensions, did not correspond 
 with the reality of things. Yet it sufficed 
 to enable the Catholic Sovereigns to form 
 an idea of the extent of the concession 
 which they intended to make to Por 
 tugal in granting to her 370 leagues 
 (100 + 270) west of the Cape Verde 
 Islands. It is evident that the liberality 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella must have 
 been proportioned to the importance 
 which they ascribed to their trans- 
 
96 The Diplomatic History 
 
 atlantic dominions. Had it been greater 
 in their estimation, the gift probably 
 would have been larger ; if smaller, pro 
 portionally less. Under this aspeft of 
 the case, it is curious to notice that the 
 grant intended to be made to Portugal 
 in 1494 conveyed an extent of country 
 520 miles in longitude smaller than the 
 space ascribed to her " by virtue of the 
 Treaty of Tordesillas," in such charts, 
 for instance, as those of Diego Ribeiro, 
 the chief cartographer of Charles V. 
 
 Let us now endeavour to ascertain 
 where Ferrer s line of demarcation 
 would fall on our aftual sphere. 
 
 Ferrer ascribed to the earth a circum 
 ference equal to 48,452,040 metres, in 
 stead of 40,000,000 metres, which is the 
 adlual measurement. In other words, 
 Ferrer increased the circumference of 
 the terrestrial globe by about ^. 
 
 Ferrer s 370 leagues, counted on the 
 parallel of 15 N., amount to 409^960 
 of our marine leagues of 20 to a degree 
 of the equator. Taking 24 25 W. for 
 
of America 97 
 
 the longitude of Fogo, Ferrer s scientific 
 notions and inferences result in a 
 meridian which corresponds on our 
 sphere with 45 37 W. of Greenwich. 
 This meridian cuts the north Brazilian 
 coast on our sphere^ between the bays of 
 Maracasume and Piracaua, 85 miles 
 west of the entrance of the Maranhao, 
 and 120 miles east of the Para river, and 
 on the south, about 150 miles west of 
 Rio de Janeiro, and about 25 miles east 
 of Santos. 
 
 H 
 
98 The Diplomatic History 
 
 XIII. 
 
 THE FIRST TRACING OF THE DEMARCA 
 TION LINE. 
 
 AT the present juncture, it is important 
 to ascertain whether Ferrer s estimate 
 was adhered to when Spain commenced 
 to trace the divisional line on her maps. 
 Unfortunately, although mappamundi 
 and sailing charts were constructed in 
 great numbers by the cosmographers 
 and pilots of the Crown, particularly in 
 the Casa de Contratacion at Seville, we 
 do not possess any of those Spanish 
 for the twenty-five years which follo^ 
 the Treaty of Tordesillas, with the ex 
 ception of the planisphere of Juan de la 
 Cosa, 103 Columbus s own pilot, and pro 
 fessor of Hydrography at Cadiz ; but 
 although constructed so late as 1500, it 
 omits the Line altogether. 
 
of America 99 
 
 Yet the discoveries accomplished in 
 the New World from the year 1494 
 certainly required to be indicated. As 
 it is, the celebrated Basque cartographer 
 not only depicts the elbow formed by 
 the north-east coast of the South Ameri 
 can continent, but he refers to the dis 
 covery of Brazil by Cabral, the news of 
 which had just been brought to Portugal 
 by Caspar de Lemos. Is it that so late 
 as the year 1500 Spain was not yet con 
 vinced that, according to the Treaty of 
 Tordesillas, the Brazilian regions were 
 within the transatlantic dominions of 
 Portugal ? 
 
 No Portuguese map of the fifteenth 
 century representing the New World 
 Tias reached us. But we may take it 
 for granted that as soon as the discoveries 
 of Vincente Yanez Pinzon and of Diego 
 de Lepe made known the projection 
 eastwards of the South American con 
 tinent far beyond the longitude of the 
 easternmost West India island, the Lusi- 
 tanian cartographers at least marked the 
 
i oo The Diplomatic History 
 
 Demarcation Line on their planispheres. 
 This became absolutely necessary shortly 
 afterwards, when Pedro Alvarez Cabral, 
 April 22, 1500, planted the flag of Por 
 tugal in the Land of Parrots, or of the 
 True Cross, now called Brazil. 
 
 The earliest map known exhibiting 
 that divisional line is the celebrated 
 Portuguese mappemonde ordered for 
 Hercules d Este, Duke of Ferrara, and 
 which we named after Alberto Cantino, 
 who caused it to be executed. It is not, 
 however, an original chart, we do not 
 possess a single original chart of the time, 
 but a copy made at Lisbon in 1502, 
 from a model which has been the proto 
 type of what we have termed the Lusi- 
 tano-Germanic Cartography. 104 Thus it 
 is that nearly all the globes and mappe- 
 mondes constructed outside of Spain 
 during the first quarter of the sixteenth 
 century, and which exhibit the Demar 
 cation Line, borrow it from the model of 
 the Cantino map, or from one of its 
 derivatives. 105 
 
of America 101 
 
 When we first reproduced and ana 
 lyzed that most curious and important 
 planisphere, in 1883, we endeavoured to 
 determine its geographical positions ac 
 cording to the geodetic data afforded by 
 the map itself. This resulted in placing 
 the Demarcation Line in that map 480 
 of its leagues west of the most westerly of 
 the Cape Verde Islands. Applied to our 
 admiralty charts, this distance places the 
 divisional meridian in 57 30 . 
 
 But if, throwing aside the metrology 
 of Cantino s cartographer, which is 
 clearly erroneous, because, as suspedled, 
 the width of the Atlantic Ocean has 
 been diminished for cartographical con 
 venience, we resort only to the con 
 figurations and legends on the map, 
 the result is very different. The Line, 
 therein called Marco dantre Castella et 
 Portugal^ cuts the north coast of the 
 South American continent just midway 
 between a point in the apex of the elbow 
 corresponding to our Cape St. Roque 
 and a large estuary, facing which on the 
 
102 The Diplomatic History 
 
 high sea we read : " Todo este mar he de 
 agua dofe" (All this [part of the] sea is 
 fresh water), and which continues inland 
 as a river called Rio grande. This can 
 only be the Rio grande de la mar dulce 
 of Vincente Yanez Pinzon, discovered in 
 the two years previous to the making of 
 Cantino s map. But the Line is much 
 nearer another large estuary, eastward 
 from that Rio grande, or Amazona. And 
 this large estuary, with its river, can only 
 be the Maranhao, so far as its geo 
 graphical appearance in that map is 
 concerned. 
 
 It follows that in the opinion of Portu 
 guese cartographers, at the beginning of 
 the sixteenth century, the Line of De 
 marcation was supposed to pass in about 
 42 30 on oursphere. 
 
of America 103 
 
 XIV. 
 
 THE THEORY OF ENCISO. 
 
 THE Line of Demarcation continued to 
 engross the thoughts of the Spanish 
 government, as we know that Sebastian 
 Cabot, Juan Vespuccius and other pilots, 
 drafted on November 13, 1515, a Pare- 
 cer on the subjeft. 107 This we have not 
 been able to discover, and the " Suma," 
 or geographical compendium, published 
 by Martin Fernandez de Enciso at 
 Seville in 15 18, 108 afforded the first data 
 for forming an estimate of the opinion 
 entertained by the Spanish cosmographers 
 on the subject, at the beginning of the 
 reign of Charles V. What had been 
 their geodetic methods and computations 
 since the time of Ferrer, through what 
 modifications they passed, and where 
 
1 04 The Diplomatic History 
 
 between Cape St. Augustine and the 
 Puerto de las Higueras, which Enciso says 
 was the western limit reached in his days, 
 the Sevillian cartographers inscribed the 
 Demarcation Line, is a problem yet to 
 be solved. But something useful will 
 be attained, if we succeed in ascertaining 
 the basis on which, after the Treaty of 
 Tordesillas and before the Badajoz Junta, 
 they established their calculations. In 
 this respeft, the work of Enciso, who 
 was both a learned cosmographer and 
 traveller in the New World, deserves to 
 be examined with attention. 
 
 The data set forth by Enciso are, 
 verbatim, as follows : 
 
 ist. " The Equator contains in longi 
 tude three hundred and sixty degrees of 
 sixteen leagues and a half each. 109 
 
 2nd. " As each degree is estimated to 
 be in length sixteen leagues and a half 
 and one-sixth, the circumference of the 
 entire globe is three hundred and sixty 
 degrees, amounting to six thousand 
 leagues. . 
 
of America 105 
 
 3rd. " From the island of San Thome 
 to the Port of Higueras, there are one 
 hundred and seventeen degrees, which 
 amount to one thousand nine hundred 
 and fifty leagues. 110 
 
 4th. " From Fuego Island to Cape 
 St. Augustine there are four hundred 
 leagues, 111 and Cape St. Augustine is in 
 8 on the other side of the equator." 
 
 In the notes appended will be found 112 
 the reasons and computations on which 
 we base our interpretation of Enciso s 
 data, which, geodetically, may be summed 
 up in these words : 
 
 In Enciso s sphere, the value of the 
 Equatorial degree was 16 leagues, 666, 
 and the circumference of the earth equal 
 to 36,91 5,840 metres, against 40,000,000 
 metres, which is its aftual circumfer 
 ence. 
 
 Enciso s equatorial degree contained 
 18,0498 of his leagues. 
 
 The circumference of his sphere is 
 0,077 smaller than the circumference of 
 our sphere ; whilst the circumference of 
 
106 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Ferrer s sphere was 0,211 greater than 
 that of our sphere. The difference 
 between Enciso s and Ferrer s valuation 
 in this respeft, shows, to a certain extent, 
 the geodetic progress accomplished in 
 Spain between the years 1495 and 1518. 
 It will also serve to explain the position 
 of the Line of Demarcation in Enciso s 
 sphere, and why it differs from the 
 position in Ferrer s. 
 
 Enciso places the divisional line 370 
 of his leagues ( 409^960 of 20 to a 
 degree) west of Fogo on the parallel of 
 1 5 on his sphere ; that is, on the latter, 
 in 47 24 W. of Greenwich (22 59 + 
 
 24 25 )- 
 
 If we adopt for our sphere the longi 
 tude of the Line of Demarcation such as 
 it is determined on Enciso s sphere accord 
 ing to his own data, as the longitudes 
 are the same on those two concentric 
 spheres, this meridian passes on our sphere 
 444^036 (of our leagues of 20 to a degree) 
 west of Fogo, and cuts the north coast of 
 Brazil in Salinas Bay, about thirty-five 
 
of America 107 
 
 miles east of the entrance of the Rio 
 Para, and about 180 miles west of the 
 Maranhao. 
 
 But if we determine the Line of 
 Demarcation of Enciso by predicating 
 it to be on our sphere as it is on his 
 own, 370 of his leagues (409^960 of 
 20 leagues to a degree) west of Fogo, 
 this Line of Demarcation shall be the 
 meridian of 45 38 west of Greenwich. 
 It cuts the north coast of Brazil, in 
 Maracasume Bay, about 35 miles east of 
 the entrance of the Rio Para, and about 
 1 80 miles west of the Maranhao. 
 
 We are fain to believe that Enciso 
 put in practice his geodetic notions, and 
 based his location of the Line upon 
 mathematical results, as we have just 
 done. At all events, besides the data 
 which we have extracted from his 
 " Suma" he sets forth geographical state 
 ments regarding the place where, on 
 his sphere, the divisional line was 
 located, viz. : 
 
 i st. From Cape St. Augustine to the 
 
 
io8 *The Diplomatic History 
 
 Rio Maranon there are three hundred 
 of his leagues. 
 
 2nd. From this Rio Maranon to the 
 river called the Mar Dulce, there are 
 twenty-five leagues. 
 
 3rd. The limit between Spain and 
 Portugal is three hundred and seventy 
 leagues west of Fogo, terminating, on 
 the continent, between the Rio Maranon 
 and the Mar Dulce. 
 
 4th. That limit is near the Mar 
 Dulce. 
 
 It remains to be ascertained whether 
 these broad statements of Enciso agree 
 with his hydrographical data ; and, if 
 not, which of those elements of discus 
 sion the critic must seleft to solve the 
 problem. 
 
of America 1 09 
 
 XV. 
 
 WHAT IS THE RIVER MARAI4ON ? 
 
 As we have just seen, Enciso states that 
 the terminus westwards of the 270 
 leagues additional conceded by Spain to 
 Portugal in 1494, stood "between the 
 Rio Marafion and the Rio de la Mar 
 Duke, but near the latter." 
 
 Strange as it may seem, the gist of the 
 entire question is in that single word 
 " Maranon," not only as regards Enciso, 
 but with all the cosmographers, states 
 men and historians of the first half, 
 at least, of the sixteenth century. 
 
 To comprehend the exaft bearing of 
 the statement, we must first group, in 
 chronological order, the earliest notices 
 known of the " Mar Dulce " and of the 
 " Marafion." These notices also require 
 
1 1 o The Diplomatic History 
 
 to be subdivided into two sections, viz. : 
 written or verbal statements, and carto 
 graphical delineations. 
 
 The first official mention is contained 
 in the letters patent granted to Vincente 
 Yanez Pinzon for a second expedition, 
 September 5, 1501, in which Ferdinand 
 and Isabella say to him : 
 
 " You have discovered certain islands 
 and firm land to which you gave the 
 following names : Santa Maria de la 
 Consolation and Rostro hermoso; thence, 
 in ranging the coast north-westerly, the 
 large river which you named Santa 
 Maria de la Mar Dulce, with the islands 
 within the mouth of the said river, called 
 Marina tambula" 113 
 
 The next mention is in Peter Martyr s 
 first description of the discovery, written 
 only one year after the event : 
 
 " They [Vincente Yanez Pinzon and 
 Arias Pinzon] found the sea to be of 
 fresh water, and searching whence that 
 fresh water came, they found an estuary 
 which enters the sea fifteen leagues with 
 
of America 1 1 1 
 
 the greatest violence. In front of it, 
 before reaching the sea, there are many 
 islands. That region is called Marina- 
 
 Peter Martyr repeated that account 
 in the original Latin edition of his first 
 Decade (Hispali, 1511), adding a detail 
 which is of considerable importance, 
 viz. : " The region in the east part of 
 that river is called Camomorus^ and the 
 west part, Paricora" 115 
 
 Later on, in his letter to Lope Hurtado 
 de Mendoza, December 1 8, 1 5 1 3, he en 
 larged on the great stream in this wise : 
 
 " After Columbus, the Spaniards, his 
 rivals, have discovered many rivers . . . 
 among which there is one of such extra 
 ordinary size that we find it difficult to 
 believe that its like exists in nature. 
 They pretend that it is eighty miles 
 wide . . . and not a maritime gulf, 
 since its waters are fresh. . . . Several 
 have ascended the river in their caravels 
 to a distance of fifty miles. Its native 
 name is Maragnon" 116 
 
1 1 2 The Diplomatic History 
 
 This statement is corroborated in the 
 edition of the Decades published in 1 5 1 6, 
 whilst the geographical details of the 
 edition of 1511, are confirmed in the 
 second Decade where he says : "The 
 inhabitants call this river Maragnon^ 
 and the adjacent regions Mariatambal^ 
 Camamorus and Paricora" 
 
 We then find the data furnished by 
 the discoverer himself to Oviedo, before 
 1514, but not made known by the latter 
 until 1526, in these words : 
 
 " I have often heard the pilot Vincente 
 Yanez Pinzon say that he was the first 
 among Christians who saw the Rio 
 Mar anon , which he ascended in a cara 
 vel more than 20 leagues . . . and 
 that 40 leagues in the sea, he took in 
 fresh water from the said river." m 
 
 Nearly twenty years afterwards, 
 Oviedo added the following information: 
 
 " He [Pinzon] told me that they 
 landed in a province called Mariatanbal, 
 which is within the coast of the Maranon, 
 where there are many islands . . . and 
 
of America 113 
 
 that he collected on the high sea fresh 
 water at a distance of thirty leagues 
 from shore, owing to the force and 
 fury with which that river enters the 
 
 sea." 118 
 
 The next point is to ascertain the 
 names first assigned to the mighty 
 stream. It is only through such an 
 inquiry that the critic may hope to 
 establish the identity existing between 
 the various representations in maps 
 (whatever may be their geographical 
 positions therein) and the early descrip 
 tions which we have given of the famous 
 river. 
 
 It has been already seen that Vin- 
 cente Yafiez Pinzon called it " Saint 
 Mary of the Sea of Fresh Water," as 
 we suppose, from his having probably 
 discovered its estuary on the 25th of 
 March, which is the day of the Annun 
 ciation of the Virgin Mary. 119 
 
 This name was immediately abridged. 
 Juan de la Cosa, less than three months 
 after the return of Vincente Yanez Pinzon 
 
1 1 4 The Diplomatic History 
 
 to Spain, 120 already calls the wonderful 
 river " Mar de agua do9e." 
 
 Peter Martyr, in his first description, 
 as reported by Angelo Trevisan in a 
 letter addressed December 1501, to Do- 
 menico Malipiero, fails to name the 
 river. But everything tends to show 
 that it was then generally called, as par 
 excellence, " the Great River." In the 
 maps of Cantino (1502), Canerio (1503), 
 and Ruysch (1508), it is labelled " Rio 
 grande ; " and there can be no mistake 
 regarding its identity, as in Canerio we 
 read close to it : " todo este mar he de 
 agua do9e." Peter Martyr himself, 
 although aware of its native name c< Mar- 
 aiion," inscribes the river in the map 
 added to the first Latin edition of his 
 first Decade as " rio grande." 
 
 In the great suit brought by the heirs 
 of Columbus against the Spanish Crown, 
 rogatory commissions (Protanzas) were 
 executed at Seville and Santo Domingo. 
 The sixth question was whether Vincente 
 Yanez Pinzon in 1501 "had entered the 
 
of America 1 1 5 
 
 mouth of the great river whence came 
 the fresh water which enters the sea." 121 
 A number of witnesses who had been 
 with Pinzon in that voyage of discovery 
 spoke in their depositions of the famous 
 stream, but without giving it any other 
 name than " El Rio Grande del agua 
 dulze que entra en la mar" (the Great 
 River of the fresh water which enters 
 the sea). One, however, the pilot Juan 
 Rodriguez (Diego de Lepe s brother) 
 referred to " la costa en que entra el Rio 
 Grande y el Marano " (the coast in 
 which enters the Great River and the 
 Marano). The verb used here in the 
 singular indicates that " Rio Grande " 
 and " Marafion " were terms used syno 
 nymously. This we find demonstrated 
 still more explicitly by Luis del Valle, 
 in his deposition of O6tober i, 1515, 
 when he said : " fueron a dar al Rio 
 Grande que se llama Maranon " (they 
 went in quest of the Great River which 
 is called Maranon). These two names 
 were thus applied to the same river; 
 
1 1 6 The Diplomatic History 
 
 but " Rio de Santa Maria de la Mar 
 Dulce " had been dropped, and replaced 
 by the name " Maranon." This altera 
 tion is corroborated by Oviedo when he 
 says of the Maranon that " for a time it 
 was called Mar dulfe." 122 
 
 Henceforth, in the current language 
 of seamen the great river went only by 
 the name of Maranon. Rodriguez de la 
 Calba, Garcia Ferrando, Cristobal Garcia, 
 Fernandez Colmenero, all companions 
 of Pinzon or of Diego de Lepe, both of 
 whom claimed to have discovered it, 
 when interrogated in 1515, and de 
 scribing its natural wonders, mention 
 but one stream in that locality, and 
 always call it " El Ryo Maranon." 
 
of America 117 
 
 XVI. 
 
 ENCISO S GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION. 
 
 To sum up the preceding : There are on 
 the north coast of the South American 
 continent a river and its estuary, both so 
 wonderful as to be considered unique 
 in the world. They were discovered by 
 Vicente Yanez Pinzon, and called Rio 
 de Santa Maria de la Mar -Duke. This 
 was abbreviated first into Mar Dulce, 
 then into Rio Grande, and afterwards the 
 river went by the name of El Maranon^ 
 which was its native name. 
 
 As to the stream, Enciso describes it 
 as follows : 
 
 " This river, which is called the Sea of 
 Fresh Water, hath 40 leagues in bredth 
 at the mouth, and carieth such abundance 
 of water that it entreth more than 20 
 
1 1 8 The Diplomatic History 
 
 leagues into the sea, and mingleth not 
 itselfe with the salt water ; this bredth 
 goeth 25 leagues within the land, and 
 after it is divided into partes, the one 
 going towards the south-east, and the 
 other towards the south-west. That 
 which goeth towards the south east is 
 very deepe and of much water, and hath 
 a chanel ^ a league of breadth, that a 
 carack may go up through it and the 
 tydes be so swift that the ships have need 
 of good cables." 
 
 This description answers exactly to that 
 of the Amazona proper, and the identifi 
 cation is rendered still more precise by 
 the name Mar Dulce. But Enciso singu 
 larly complicates the question when he 
 states that the Line of Demarcation 
 " lies between the Rio Maranon and the 
 Mar Dulce, and near the Mar Dulce, 
 which is 25 leagues distant from the 
 Rio Maranon." In the opinion of 
 that cosmographer, therefore, the Mar 
 Dulce and the Maranon are two 
 different rivers, and not one only like 
 
of America 119 
 
 the authorities quoted in the preceding 
 chapter. 
 
 But what is this Maranon ? It cannot 
 be the Amazona, that being the Mar 
 Dulce, which Enciso describes as being 
 entirely distinct from the Maranon. A 
 first thought identified it with the eastern 
 mouth of the Amazona, now called the 
 Para river, reasoning in this wise : 
 
 Enciso says that from the Rio Ma 
 ranon to the river called Mar Dulce, there 
 is a distance of 25 leagues. Twenty-five 
 leagues of Enciso are equal to 27^7 of 
 our leagues. If we carry these 27^7 
 along the coast of Brazil, from Cape 
 Maguari, which is the western point of 
 the entrance of the Rio Para, we reach 
 the northern part of Mexiana island, in 
 the middle of the great mouth of the 
 Amazona. This would confirm, in a 
 measure, Enciso s statement. But the 
 hypothesis, which is so plausible at first 
 sight, had to be abandoned, on account 
 of the following objections : 
 
 Enciso states that the Mar Dulce at 
 
I2O The Diplomatic History 
 
 its mouth is 60 leagues wide. Where 
 can we find this enormous aperture, if its 
 eastern mouth is subtracted from it, and 
 ascribed to the Maranon, which Enciso 
 describes as an entirely different river? 123 
 Nor can it be said that he meant to em 
 brace in those 60 leagues the extent of 
 the estuaries of the Amazona, together 
 with the area of fresh water in the sea 
 there, first, because his Maranon has 
 an estuary of its own, which he says 
 is " more than fifteen leagues wide ; " 
 then, because his Mar Dulce would no 
 longer be 60 but 100 leagues broad, viz. : 
 60 for itself -f- 15 for the Maranon -f 
 25 for the distance between these two 
 rivers, according to his own calculation. 
 Further, we are not convinced that 
 Enciso, or any navigator for many years 
 afterwards knew of the existence of the 
 eastern mouth of the Amazona or Para 
 river. All the descriptions and state 
 ments which we have quoted draw no 
 distinction whatever between the two 
 entrances of the Amazona. They refer 
 
of America 121 
 
 to only one river there, which Peter 
 Martyr writes 124 of as "more than eighty 
 miles," and even " more than thirty 
 leagues " wide ; 125 whilst Pinzon him 
 self speaks of "a width of forty leagues. " J 
 These different figures, together with 
 the long omission in maps, as well as 
 in written accounts, of any other river 
 in the vicinity, prove that the navigators 
 of the period had overlooked the entrance 
 of the Para river. Oviedo is the first 
 writer who describes the eastern mouth 
 of the Amazona, and gives it a separate 
 name, viz. : Rio de Navidad. 127 And this 
 must have been done after 1 536, as at that 
 date no such name appears in the Padron 
 general, or Government Model Chart of 
 Chaves, 128 as described by Oviedo. 
 
 Let us also recollect the passage in 
 Enciso s description of the Mar Dulce, 
 where, after stating how wide it is even 
 twenty-five leagues from its mouth, he 
 adds that there the river is " divided 
 into parts, the one going towards the 
 south-east, and the other towards the 
 
122 The Diplomatic History 
 
 south-west. 1 Had he known the exacT: 
 topography of that region, he would have 
 been aware of the fact that the south 
 east branch of the great stream likewise 
 runs northward, and forms an estuary 
 quite as wonderful as the western one. 129 
 This shows that in the days of Enciso 
 only the western branch of the Amazona 
 had been visited, and that by navigators 
 who sighted, without entering, the waters 
 which run eastwards and border the south 
 part of Marajo Island. 
 
 Finally, if Enciso s Marahon was the 
 eastern mouth of the Amazona, the Line 
 of Demarcation would no longer lie in 
 47 24 on his sphere, and 47 24 or 45 
 38 on our own (according to the method 
 adopted to determine this Line of De 
 marcation, viz. : either by its longitude 
 on Enciso s sphere, or by placing it 370 
 of Enciso s leagues west of Fogo) as must 
 be inferred from the data extracted from 
 his " Suma," but between 49 and 50 on 
 our sphere, and of course on his sphere, 
 as both spheres are concentrical. 
 
of America 123 
 
 Is it that Enciso had in view not the 
 Maranon or Mar Dulce at all, but the 
 maritime region, situate east of the 
 eastern branch of the Amazona, and 
 designated on our maps under the name 
 of " Maranhao " ? 
 
124 ^ e Diplomatic History 
 
 XVII. 
 
 THE MARANON AND THE MARANHAO. 
 
 AT the outset, the reader should spread 
 before his eyes a modern chart of South 
 America, and notice on the north coast 
 of Brazil, in 45 longitude west, a fluvial 
 region, including a gulf, called Maranhdo 
 or Maranham. At the same time he 
 must observe, 5 west of it, the mouths 
 of the Amazona river. 130 
 
 We possess six maps of the first half of 
 the sixteenth century, which all set forth, 
 in the same longitude, on the north coast 
 of the South American continent, a very 
 large river entering the ocean, and called 
 Maranhon and Mar anon. These are : 
 
 The Mantua Planisphere (1525). 
 The Laurentiana mappamundi (1526). 
 The Anonymous Weimar map (1527). 
 
of America 125 
 
 The two Ribeiros (1529). 
 Wolfenbuttel B. (circa i53o). 131 
 
 A remarkable peculiarity in that class 
 of maps is the position assigned to the 
 mouths and entire basin of the river 
 called therein Maranon. It corresponds 
 with the locality of the Gulf of Maranhao 
 in modern charts. Although Maranon 
 and Maranhao (or Maranham) are names 
 which greatly resemble each other, they 
 belong in facl: to regions entirely differ 
 ent and far apart. Yet it is incontest 
 able that the makers of those maps, 
 which are all of Sevillian origin, had 
 in view, exclusively, not the Gulf of 
 Maranhao, but the Mar Duke of Pinzon, 
 or real Amazona. This is shown by the 
 delineation in the Weimar map of 1527, 
 where the river is represented as being 
 of immense size, extending over twenty 
 degrees of latitude, and issuing out of 
 very high mountains ; by the total 
 absence in that class of maps of any other 
 large river west of their Maranon ; by 
 the west coast of the latter being labelled 
 
1 26 The Diplomatic History 
 
 " Costa de Paricura " ; 132 and especially 
 by the legend inscribed in the Ribeiro 
 of Weimar under the representation of 
 the great stream : " The river Maranon 
 is very large, and ships enter it in fresh 
 waters, which they [first find] 20 leagues 
 in the sea." 133 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to say that in 
 nature the Maranhao and its adjoining 
 parts do not present any of the hydro- 
 graphical characteristics of the Rio de la 
 Mar Dulce of Pinzon, or of the Maranon 
 of Peter Martyr and even of Ribeiro 
 himself. Those characteristics, as re 
 ported by Pinzon, and corroborated by 
 the professional experience of seamen, 
 are among the most noted phenomena 
 in nature, viz : Fresh water found on 
 the high sea at such a great distance 
 from the mouths of the river, and the 
 tidal wonder, called by the Indians Pro- 
 roroca^ which suddenly puts ships in the 
 greatest danger of being wrecked. 
 
 The rivers which fall into the gulf 
 of Maranhao, viz. : the Paranahyba, the 
 
of America 127 
 
 Tapicura, the Monim, and the Mearim, 
 are secondary streams, and the body of 
 waterwhich they discharge is scarcelyfelt 
 in the sea, which remains salt almost to 
 the shores of the gulf. 134 
 
 Nowhere, except in the region extend 
 ing from Caviana Island to the Cara- 
 paporis Channel, that is, more than eighty 
 leagues west of the Maranhao region, 
 is the prororoca ever felt. 135 Indeed, 
 it; is a question whether the name of 
 paricura given still by the natives to the 
 western border of the Amazona, is not 
 another term for the phenomenon. If 
 so, it would be one more proof that this 
 characteristic belongs to a maritime 
 region different from the Gulf of Mar 
 anhao. 
 
 These facts force upon us the con 
 viction that the early Spanish cosmo- 
 graphers have inscribed by mistake the 
 Rio de la Mar Dulce, or real Maranon, 
 in the longitude and place of the Mar 
 anhao. Whether the error originated 
 with the latter name having been given 
 
128 The Diplomatic History 
 
 originally by the natives to the gulf now 
 so called, or with a cartographical mis 
 conception dating very far back, and 
 constantly repeated, as was so often the 
 case in those days, we are unable to say. 
 
 One thing is certain, viz., that at an 
 early period there were Spanish maps, 
 now lost, which also exhibited a 
 Marafion where afterwards was located 
 the Maranhao. But in the opinion of their 
 makers it was not intended to supplant 
 the Rio de la Mar Dulce or Amazona ; 
 for in that class of maps they set forth 
 at the same time about five degrees west 
 of the pseudo-Maranon, or Maranhao of 
 to-day, fluvial delineations intended ex 
 pressly to represent Pinzon s great stream. 
 This is shown by the Italian Maggiolo 
 map of 1519, which, for its southern 
 regions, is clearly based upon a Spanish 
 chart. 
 
 In that valuable Italian map, besides 
 the Marafion, 136 inscribed in a locality 
 which corresponds with that of the 
 Maranhao, Maggiolo has delineated 
 
of America 129 
 
 west of it, at a certain distance, a very 
 extensive estuary, dotted with islands, 
 and bearing the inscription : " La mar 
 dolce," which is the abbreviated form of 
 the name given by Pinzon to the great 
 river which he had discovered. Further, 
 the western banks of it are called " Costa 
 de Paricura," which, as we have seen* 
 Peter Martyr says positively 137 was the 
 name of the region commencing with 
 the western border of that river. The 
 identification therefore is complete. 
 
 To revert to Enciso. He evidently 
 wrote his " Suma " with a map before 
 him, and the date of this work, together 
 with the facT: that he makes of the 
 Maranon and Mar Duke two different 
 streams, lead to the belief that this map 
 was akin to Maggiolo s prototype. If 
 so, it likewise represented the pseudo- 
 Maranon in or about the longitude 
 where the Maranhao is inscribed in our 
 admiralty chart, and at a certain distance 
 west of it could also be seen a very large 
 aperture dotted with islands, duly labelled 
 K 
 
 
130 "The Diplomatic History 
 
 " Mar Duke," and, doubtless, near the 
 latter the Line of Demarcation. Thus 
 can we account for Enciso s statement 
 that the divisional line is " between the 
 Rio Maranon and the Mar Dulce, in 
 the proximity of the Mar Dulce." We 
 are constrained, therefore, to interpret 
 his Maranon as meaning the Maranhao, 
 and the Mar Dulce as intended for what 
 is now called the Amazona. 
 
 But the distance between these two 
 rivers is, in reality, five degrees, equal 
 to 100 leagues ; whilst Enciso s " Suma" 
 states that the Mar Dulce is only 25 
 leagues distant from the Maranon. This 
 latter figure may but be a typographical 
 error in the book ; and just as in its de 
 scription of the distance between San 
 Thome and the Port of Higueras the 
 " Suma" prints 57 instead of 1 17, and 
 950 leagues instead of 1,950, so it gives 
 here for the distance between the Mar 
 Dulce and the Maranon 25 instead of 
 75 leagues. 138 
 
 On the other hand it must be stated 
 
of America 131 
 
 that Enciso s hydrographical data do not 
 agree with this hypothesis of ours. 
 These constrain us to place the Line of 
 Demarcation, on his sphere, in 47 24 ; 
 which, when transferred to our sphere, 
 yield the longitude of 45 38 ; whilst 
 the theory of an error of 50 leagues 
 in the statement of the "Suma" (25 
 instead of 75) would carry the Line of 
 Demarcation about two degrees further 
 west. But we feel convinced that Enciso 
 did not base his statements upon geo 
 detic data collected previously. In other 
 words, he borrowed his distances only 
 from the map which was spread before 
 him. When we notice how erroneous 
 are the longitudes and meridians in all 
 the charts of the time, our supposition 
 may well serve to explain the discrep 
 ancies which we have noted in Enciso s 
 statements, independently of typograph 
 ical errors in his " Suma." 
 
132 The Diplomatic History 
 
 XVIIL 
 
 SPANISH RULING AT BADAJOZ, 
 
 JUDGING from Enciso s statement that 
 the divisional line " was near the Mar 
 Duke," and from the place assigned to 
 that Line in the first Portuguese 139 and 
 Spanish maps which exhibit it, we are 
 led to infer that its true location was 
 then universally believed to be east of 
 the Amazona river, and in its prox 
 imity. How near exactly is a question 
 which, as we have already said, never 
 was and can never be settled. But we 
 may retrace the genesis, so to speak, of 
 its delineation by its appearance in the 
 early Spanish charts. 
 
 It is probable that the location of the 
 dividing Line remained for a number 
 of years in those maps, and, apparently, 
 
of America 133 
 
 in the Padron general, or model chart, 
 where we understand Enciso to have 
 placed it. The position was unmistak 
 able, being close to the vast estuary 
 called the Sea of Fresh Water. The 
 technical statements of cosmographers, 
 however, as regards its longitude, were 
 doubtless erroneous and shifting, accord 
 ing to their geodetic theories, which 
 may not have been precisely the same 
 for all and at all times. 
 
 Withal, the question did not lie dor 
 mant with the Spaniards, both as regards 
 the East and West. We possess a letter 
 from Alonzo de Zuazo, in which, so 
 early as January 22, 1518, he called the 
 attention of Charles V. to his rights in 
 the matter. It seems that Zuazo had 
 undertaken to ascertain scientifically 
 where the Line of Demarcation actually 
 passed. 
 
 " While tracing the lines, says he, I 
 found that Your Majesty was suffering 
 great wrongs in the mainlands of 
 Brazil, From Cape St. Augustine, thirty 
 
1 34 The Diplomatic History 
 
 leagues at most may belong to the King 
 of Portugal ; yet he possesses more than 
 two hundred, from which he receives 
 annually more than twenty thousand 
 ducats in dye wood (brazil} and slaves. 
 I, to ascertain the fadt, sent at my own 
 cost a pilot to the said Cape, and found 
 that its position on the maps exceeded 
 by a hundred and thirty leagues what 
 it should be eastwards [sic pro west 
 wards?]" 140 
 
 Zuazo then refers to the Spice Islands 
 in this wise : 
 
 "There is another secret. In the 
 East, Portugal possesses much which be 
 longs to Your Majesty. Even the City 
 of Malaca, which has 25,000 inhabit 
 ants, belongs to you." m 
 
 Zuazo s statements are erroneous in 
 more than one respeft, and he did not 
 see that it was impossible to carry the 
 Demarcation Line further eastwards in 
 Brazil without making it recede pro 
 portionately from the Moluccas. 
 
 The discovery accomplished by Ma- 
 
of America 135 
 
 gellan, the year following, by giving 
 Spain a route to the Spice Islands, gave 
 a new impetus to the question. Until 
 then a difference of three or four 
 degrees in favour of Portugal was prac 
 tically of little importance. No settle 
 ment had yet been attempted in or 
 about that part of the north coast of 
 South America where the partition line 
 was supposed to pass. 142 Now the ques 
 tion involved the ownership of the Spice 
 Islands, and it became a serious matter 
 to know with certainty whether they 
 lay within or without the space granted 
 by the Treaty of Tordesillas to the 
 Portuguese Crown, as the Line of De 
 marcation was intended to encircle the 
 entire globe. Hence a conflict which 
 the two rival nations endeavoured to 
 settle in 1523-1524, by what is called 
 the Badajoz Junta. 
 
 This new phase of the controversy 
 will form the subject of the Second 
 Chapter of our " Diplomatic History." 
 But we are constrained to anticipate some 
 
136 The Diplomatic History 
 
 of its details in order to account for the 
 position assigned to the dividing Line 
 in the Spanish maps and charts of the 
 time which have come down to us. 
 
 We do not possess, unfortunately, for 
 that period, a theoretical treatise, like 
 Enciso s "Suma," to determine the basis 
 on which Spanish maps were constructed 
 between 1518 and I524. 143 For the five 
 years following, we can only interrogate 
 the " Pareceres," or scientific opinions 
 presented to the Junta on behalf of 
 Spain. 
 
 The first was delivered April 13, 
 1524, by Fernando Columbus, the ille 
 gitimate son of the great navigator, and 
 leading member of the commission. 
 
 He commences by declaring that, 
 above all, it was necessary to determine 
 the size of the globe, the length of the 
 league, and how many Spanish leagues 
 of four miles constitute a degree. But 
 that being a most difficult thing to ascer 
 tain, a choice should be made between 
 the difta of cosmographers. In accord- 
 
of America 137 
 
 ance with that suggestion, he proposes 
 to reject the opinion current on the sub 
 ject in the time of Aristotle, as well as 
 the opinions of Strabo, Macrobius, 
 Eratosthenes, Maximus and Ptolemy. 
 The estimate which must be adopted, 
 he says, is that of "Tebit, Almeon and 
 Alfragan, which was followed by Pedro 
 de Aliaco, Juan de Pecan, and Chris 
 topher Columbus, as shown in many of 
 his writings ; all of whom give to each 
 degree 5 6 miles and , equal to 1 4 leagues 
 and f of a mile, and assign to the globe 
 a circumference of 5,100 leagues." 
 
 Fernando then confesses that the geo 
 detic results thus obtained will have to 
 be verified by taking the longitudes. 
 To that effecl:, he proposes five different 
 methods, 144 a majority of which are, for 
 reliance, on a par with those advocated 
 by Sebastian Cabot. 145 
 
 No vote was taken on that proposition, 
 which we have quoted simply to show 
 the opinion advanced by the leading 
 member of the Junta. It is now neces- 
 
138 The Diplomatic History 
 
 sary to set forth and discuss the basis 
 upon which the scientific experts 146 of 
 Spain at Badajoz intended to settle the 
 question of the Demarcation Line. 
 
 On the proposition of Thomas Duran, 
 Sebastian Cabot and Juan Vespuccius, 
 
 i st. The degree was to be considered 
 equal to \j\ leagues, embracing 62^ 
 miles. 147 
 
 2nd. The league contained 4 miles, 
 one mile contained 8 stades, and there 
 were 500 stades to a degree 148 " accord 
 ing to Ptolemy." 149 
 
 3rd. The starting meridian of the 370 
 leagues westward was to be the centre 
 of the island of Sant Antonio (the eastern 
 most of the Cape Verde Islands). 150 
 
 4th. These 370 leagues in that paral 
 lel were calculated to be equal to 22 
 degrees and nearly 9 miles. 151 
 
 These measurements we find to 
 give to their globe a circumference of 
 38,759,728 metres, which is 3i-thou- 
 sandths less than the real circumference 
 of the earth (viz., 40,000,000 metres). 
 
of America 139 
 
 On the basis adopted by those cosmo- 
 graphers, the Line of Demarcation would 
 cut the north coast of South America, on 
 their sphere, in 47 17 west of Green 
 wich. That is two miles east of Atalaya 
 Point, which is the eastern point of 
 Salinas Bay, about 45 miles east of the 
 entrance of the Rio Para, and about 210 
 miles west of the entrance of the Rio 
 Maranhao. 
 
 But on our sphere their calculations 
 for the location of the Line would 
 correspond with 46 36 west of Green 
 wich. That is, it cuts the north coast 
 of Brazil in Priatinga Bay from 80 to 90 
 miles east of the entrance of the Rio 
 Para, and about 1 60 miles west of the 
 entrance of the Rio Maranhao. 
 
 The Badajoz Junta, as is well known, 
 failed to come to an agreement owing 
 to the Portuguese experts, who could 
 not overcome this dilemma : If the Line 
 was pushed more to the west, Portugal 
 would gain a greater part of Brazil ; 
 but she might lose all rights over the 
 
140 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Moluccas, as the Line, of course, had to 
 be carried to the other hemisphere as 
 well 
 
 Finally, a treaty was signed at Sara- 
 gossa, April 15, 1529, which fixed a 
 line of demarcation 17, or 297 leagues, 
 east of the Molucca Islands, regardless 
 of all the consequences of such a com 
 putation, as nothing was said concern 
 ing the location of the Line in the New 
 World. If the circle had been logically 
 carried out, the dividing meridian would 
 have cut the north coast of the South 
 American continent on their sphere in 
 35 40 west of Greenwich, and on our 
 own in 34 34 west of Greenwich ; 152 
 that is, in the open sea, 13 miles east of 
 Cape Branco, thus excluding Portugal 
 from any and all parts of the South 
 American continent. 
 
 But, as the matter stood, Spain and 
 Portugal remained, regarding the loca 
 tion of the Line in America, precisely 
 where they were on the day when the 
 Treaty of Tordesillas was signed in 1494. 
 
of America 141 
 
 XIX. 
 
 THE DEMARCATION LINE IN SPANISH 
 MAPS. 
 
 FROM what precedes, historians should 
 bear in mind that the various positions 
 assigned to the Demarcation Line in all 
 the Spanish maps of the sixteenth cen 
 tury are not based upon further con 
 cessions on the part of Spain, or fresh 
 compromises with Portugal. This is 
 shown particularly by the Ribeiro plani 
 spheres, which, although dated 1529, 
 state explicitly that they were drawn 
 " in conformity with the Treaty of Tor- 
 desillas of I494," 153 and yet locate the 
 line in a place different from that which 
 should result from the geodetic data of 
 Ferrer and of Enciso. 
 
 The different locations, therefore, have 
 no other basis than the opinions or theories 
 
142 The Diplomatic History 
 
 of cosmographers, endorsed, doubtless, 
 by the Casa de Contratacion. Even in 
 admitting that the Spanish scientists 
 extracted their geographical tracings, 
 longitudes and latitudes from the Padron 
 General^ these cosmographical assertions 
 being ex parte^ so to speak, can be in 
 voked only to show the interpretation of 
 Spain on the subject when the maps 
 were made, and their value, therefore, 
 is merely historical. 
 
 The earliest Spanish maps known 
 which exhibit the dividing meridian are, 
 in the order of dates, the following 
 
 154 
 
 (A) The Mantua Planisphere 1525^ 
 
 (B) The Laurentiana I525 156 
 (c) The Anonymous Weimar 
 
 Planisphere . . . . 1527 
 
 (D) The Ribeiro of the Propo- 
 
 ganda I529 158 
 
 (E) The Ribeiro of Weimar . 1 529 159 
 
 (F) The Propaganda Anony 
 
 mous Mappamundi . I529 160 
 
 (G) Wolfenbuttel B. . . . 1530^ 
 
of America 143 
 
 These are all derived from the same 
 prototype, which, from their origin, 162 
 we believe to have been the " Padron 
 Real " or " General." 
 
 In all of these, the geographical con 
 figuration of the north coast of South 
 America is identical. That is, it ex 
 hibits, as already said, the features ap 
 pertaining to the Amazona, but errone 
 ously transferred to the Maranhao, whilst 
 no large river is depicted to the west of 
 the latter for a considerable distance. 
 
 As to the Demarcation Line, it cuts 
 the coast at the north across a locality 
 called therein " Furna grande " (the 
 large cove), which is depicted without 
 any fluvial characteristics. At the south 
 the Line passes through Cape Santa 
 Maria. Leaving out the latter datum, 
 which is an impossibility, we find that 
 Ribeiro s "Furna grande" is situate 18 
 west of his Cape San Roque, and on his 
 parallel of 5 south latitude. A practical 
 method of ascertaining where in reality 
 Ribeiro intended to locate the Line of 
 
144 ^"^ Diplomatic History 
 
 Demarcation would be to transfer his 
 geographical delineations to a modern 
 map, if they were not so vague and so 
 inexaft in that part of the coast. Our 
 impression, however, is that his " Furna 
 grande " corresponds with the western 
 mouth of the Amazona, in about 48 30 , 
 on our sphere. 
 
 163 
 
of America 145 
 
 XX. 
 
 THE OFFICIAL MODEL MAP. 
 
 IT is now known that as far back as 
 1508, the Spanish government ordered 
 the construction of a model chart, called 
 " Padron Real," and afterwards " Padron 
 General." It was to be clothed with an 
 official charafter, and no pilot in Spain 
 was permitted to use any other 164 when 
 sailing to the West Indies and American 
 continent. 
 
 With the progress of geography and 
 navigation, that map was found to be 
 unreliable, and Fernando Columbus and 
 Diego Ribeiro were commissioned in 
 1 526 165 to construct a new one. Ribeiro 
 died in 1533 without having accom 
 plished his task. 166 
 
 On May 20, 1535, Queen Isabella, a<5t- 
 ing as regent in the absence of her husband, 
 
146 The Diplomatic History 
 
 Charles V., ordered Fernando Columbus 
 to proceed at once with the work. The 
 probability is that upon receiving the 
 royal order, he direted Alonso de Chaves 
 who, since 1528, was Pilot and Cosmo- 
 grapher to His Majesty, and Master 
 Map-maker, to activate the undertaking, 
 in conjunction, however, with his col 
 leagues of the Casa de Contratacion. 167 
 
 At the present stage of the discussion 
 it is important to ascertain where the 
 divisional line was placed in that map. 
 Unfortunately this document has long 
 since disappeared. But we possess a 
 description written by Oviedo, the of 
 ficial Chronicler of the Indies, which 
 may enable us to retrace its delineations 
 and nomenclature. Yet the critic, before 
 availing himself of these geographical 
 details, must bear in mind that although 
 Oviedo wrote his description with the 
 map of Chaves before him, he made 
 use of other data, among which should 
 be noted the information conveyed to 
 him verbally by Alonso de Santa Cruz. 
 
of America 147 
 
 Further, the chapter of the " Historia 
 General de las Indias " containing that 
 description was not written until 1548, 
 and it is certain from Oviedo s references 
 to the exploration of the Amazona river 
 by Francisco de Orellana in 1541-42, 
 that he has likewise used statements 
 made by that courageous adventurer. 
 These various elements, far from weaken 
 ing the authority of Oviedo in that re 
 spect, rather enhance it. 
 
 The first characteristic of the map of 
 Chaves is that its nomenclature, as set 
 forth by Oviedo for the north coast of 
 South America, differs materially from 
 the lists in the Weimar maps and in 
 their derivatives for a number of years. 
 
 From Cape St. Augustine westwards 
 along the coast, Oviedo inscribes thirty 
 names, 168 the last of which is the " Rio 
 Maranon," intended not for the Maran- 
 hao, but for the real Maranon, formerly 
 called Rio de la Mar Dulce, and now the 
 Amazona, as is easily seen from his de 
 scription, viz. : 
 
148 The Diplomatic History 
 
 "The Cape of Slaves [Cabo de Esclavos] 
 lies at the extremity of the mouth of the 
 Rio Marahon, which does not enter the 
 sea by one arm only, as will be shown 
 further on where there is a description 
 of the voyage made over it by Francisco 
 de Orellana. The waters of that river 
 rush into the sea with great impetuosity, 
 and at a distance of ten or twelve leagues 
 in the sea fresh water is still found. The 
 river there has two principal branches ; 
 the easternmost is called the River of 
 the Nativity [Rio de Navidad], whilst 
 the westernmost branch retains the 
 proper name of Maranon. . . . That 
 river is very remarkable and pointed 
 out in cosmographical representations, 
 on account of its size. From Cape St. 
 Augustine to the river Maranon there 
 are three hundred and fifty-eight leagues, 
 more or less. That estuary, one of the 
 most noticeable things created by God 
 in the world, was called once the Sea of 
 Fresh Water." 169 
 
 As to the Line of Demarcation, Oviedo- 
 
of America 149 
 
 states positively that it cuts the north 
 coast of South America, at a point which 
 he calls " Punta de Humos " The Point 
 of Smoke, or of fogs. 170 
 
 To ascertain the relative latitude of 
 that locality, it is necessary to give 
 Oviedo s nomenclature, with the dis 
 tances assigned by him to every cape, 
 commencing with Cape St. Augustine, 
 and ranging the coast westwards, viz. : 
 
 From Cape St. Augustine 
 
 to Cape Primero . . 50 leagues. 
 From Cape Primero to 
 
 Cape del Pla9el ... 20 
 From Cape del Pla9el to 
 
 Rio de S. Miguel . . 30 
 From Rio de S. Miguel to 
 
 Cape Blanco .... 55 
 From Cape Blanco to Punta 
 
 del Palmar .... 40 
 From Punta del Palmar to 
 
 Punta de Humos 80 
 
 From Punta de Humos to 
 
 the real Maranon . . 83 
 
150 The Diplomatic History 
 
 The total of these leagues is 358 for 
 the distance from Cape St. Augustine 
 to the western branch of the Amazona, 
 and 275 from Cape St. Augustine to 
 Punta de Humos, which, Oviedo says, is 
 the locality of the Line of Demarcation. 
 
 Although the starting-point in this 
 computation is Cape St. Augustine, the 
 distance must not be counted on the 
 parallel of that cape, for the following 
 reasons : 
 
 Oviedo in his nomenclature states that 
 the Maranon, or western branch of the 
 Amazona, lies 358 leagues from Cape 
 St. Augustine. Now, his leagues are of 
 171 to an equatorial degree. These 
 358 leagues, therefore, counting from 
 Cape St. Augustine (which is in 35 
 longitude west of Greenwich), would 
 locate the Amazona on his sphere in 
 55 36" west of Greenwich, and in 
 55 39 on our own sphere, which is an 
 impossibility. We must assume, there 
 fore, that Oviedo reckoned as following 
 up the coast from Cape St. Augustine 
 
of America 151 
 
 northwardly, then westwardly, at a mean 
 distance of thirty miles from shore 
 which method is in keeping with a 
 number of his measurements. 
 
 If we count in this way the 275 
 leagues which he says separate Cape St. 
 Augustine from the Line of Demarca 
 tion, that Line according to Oviedo s in 
 terpretation of the Padron general of 
 Chaves in 1548, cut the north coast of 
 the South American continent eighty- 
 five leagues east of the western mouth 
 of the Amazona. 
 
 The western mouth of the Amazona 
 (between Caviana Island and the con 
 tinent) is in 50 15 west of Greenwich. 
 Eighty-five leagues of 17^ to the equa 
 torial degree, when carried east of that 
 meridian lead to 45 17 on our sphere. 
 This makes the Line of Demarcation 
 pass through Boa Vista, in Turyassu 
 Bay. 
 
1 5 2 The Diplomatic History 
 
 CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 Notwithstanding the subsequent Bulls 
 and treaties between Spain and Portu 
 gal, all attempts to determine the place 
 where the Demarcation Line was to pass 
 in America have been based upon the 
 stipulations of the Treaty of Tordesillas 
 
 (H94)- 
 
 The location of this divisional line 
 
 has varied according to the notions which 
 the cosmographers of the times had of 
 the circumference of the earth and of 
 the length of the marine league. 
 
 But in every instance save one the 
 Line was fixed east of both mouths of 
 the Amazona river. 
 
 \ Thus do we find that, according to 
 Jaime Ferrer (1495), the meridian of 
 the Demarcation Line on his sphere was 
 in 42 25 west of Greenwich, and on 
 our sphere in 45 37 , also west of Green 
 wich. 
 
of America 153 
 
 \ According to Martin Fernandez de 
 Enciso (1518), that meridian, on his 
 sphere^ was in 47 24 west of Green 
 wich, and on our sphere in 45 38 , also 
 west of Greenwich. 
 
 -^ According to the experts convened 
 J? at the Badajoz Junta (Duran, Sebastian 
 Cabot, etc., in 1524), the meridian of 
 the Line, on their sphere , was in 47 17 
 west of Greenwich, and on our sphere in 
 46 36 west of Greenwich. 
 
 According to Diego Ribeiro and the 
 Sevillian Hydrography of the sixteenth 
 century (1529 usque . . .), the meridian 
 of the Line, on their sphere^ was in 44 45 
 west of Greenwich, and on our sphere in 
 49 45 , east of the western mouth only. 
 .A Yet, according to Alonso de Chaves 
 and the Padron General, as interpreted 
 by Oviedo (1545), the meridian of the 
 Line on that model chart was in a 
 longitude seeming to correspond, on 
 our sphere^ with 45 17 west of Green 
 wich, which locates the Line east of both 
 mouths of the Amazona. 
 
154 The Diplomatic History of America 
 
 As to the Portuguese cosmographers, 
 they place the Line, judging from its 
 position in the Cantino map (1502), in 
 a longitude apparently corresponding, on 
 our sphere, with 42 30 west of Green 
 wich. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 (1) Page 2. Although Alfonso V. was still king, 
 Joao II. had governed the kingdom of Portugal since 
 April 26, 1475, but in the name of his father ("Aft 
 of Portalegre," Paris National Library ; MSS. 
 Portug., No. 1 6). 
 
 (2) Page 2. "Mas que entendia que en la 
 capitulacion que habia entre los Reyes [catolicos] y 
 el que aquella conquista le pertenecia " (Navarrete, 
 vol. i., p. 164). 
 
 (3) ^ a g e 2 - "A cidad d Evora a oito dias de 
 Setembro de mil et quatro cemtos et setemta et noue 
 annos.", and not " en la villa de Alcacovas a quatro 
 dias de Setembro," as Ruy de Pina and his copyists 
 all say. 
 
 In reality what is called the Treaty of 1479, is a 
 series of treaties signed at different dates and places. 
 For instance, there is one (Paris Nation. Libr., 
 Baluze docs., vol. 160, f. 252-288), very long and 
 in Spanish : " Dada en la villa de Alcacoues aveinte 
 e siete de agosto de 1479." It is only the treaty 
 which settles the marriage between Alfonso, the son 
 
156 Notes 
 
 of the prince of Portugal, with the Infanta Isabella 
 of Castile. 
 
 (4) Page 3. "Que he dos cabos de Nam e do 
 Bojador atee os Yndios inclusivamente, com todos 
 seus mares ajacentes, ilhas, costas descubertas e por 
 descobrir " (" Chronica del rey Alfonso V.," 
 Lisboa, 1790, 4to, vol. i., cap. ccvi., p. 589. 
 
 (5) Page 3. " E quaes quer outras ilhas, costas, 
 terras descubertas e por descubrir, achadas e por 
 achar ilhas da madeira, porto samto, deserta, todo 
 las ilhas dos Acores, ilhas das flores e asi as ilhas 
 do cabo verde e todas las ilhas q se acha ou forem 
 das ilhas de canaria pera baixo comtra guine porque 
 todo o q he achado e se achar e comquerir ou des 
 cobrir emos ditos termos alemdo que ja he achado 
 ocupado e descuberto fica aos ditos Rei e principe 
 de Portugal e seus Reinos tiramdo so mete as ilhas 
 de canaria. .111. lamcarote, palma, ferteuemtura, a 
 gomera, e fferro, a graciosa, agra canerea, tanarife e 
 todo las outras ilhas da canaria ganhadas as quaes 
 fficam aos Reinos de Castela e bem asi na tornara 
 moestaram ne inquietara quaesquer pesoas que os 
 ditos tratos de guine, minas, ilhas, costas, terras des 
 cubertas e por descobrire em nome ou damao dos 
 ditos senhores Rei e principe " ( <c Capitolos das pazes 
 amtre os Reis de Castella e de Portugal." Nation. 
 Libr., MSS. Portug., No. 20, doc. 2, f. 36, redo). 
 
 (6) Page 4. "Nee sua Regna super possessione, 
 et quasi possessione in qua sunt in omnibus com- 
 merciis, terris et permutationibus, siue Resguatis 
 Ghuinee, cum suis Mineris seu Aurifodinis, et 
 quibuscumque aliis Insulis, Littoribus seu Costis, 
 
Notes 157 
 
 Maris, Tern s detedlis seu detegendis, inuentis et 
 inueniendis, Insulis de la Madera, de Portu Sanfto, 
 et insula deserta, et omnibus Insulis didlis de los 
 Azores, id est Ancipitrum, et in insulis florum et 
 etiam in Insulis de Cabo uerde, id est, Promontorio 
 viridi, et in Insulis, que deinceps inuenientur, ac- 
 quirentur ab Insulis de Canaria, ultra et citra in 
 conspe6tu Ghineo, ita quod quicquam est inuentum 
 uel inuenietur, et acquiretur ultra in dittis ter minis ^ 
 id quod est inventum et deteclum remaneat di6tis 
 Regi et Principi de Portugallia et suis Regnis, 
 exceptis duntaxat Insulis de Canaria, Lansarote, 
 La palma, Forte uentura, La gomera, O ferro, A 
 gratiosa, Ha gran Canaria, Tanariffe, et omnibus 
 aliis Insulis de Canaria acquisitisant acquirendis." 
 We borrow this clause of the Treaty of 1479, anc ^ 
 of the Bull of 1481, which contains it, not from the 
 latter, but from the Bull Praceha devotionis of 
 Leo X., November 3, 1514, published in the " Corpo 
 diplomatico portuguez " j Lisboa, 1862, 4to, vol. i., 
 pp. 293-294. 
 
 (7) Page 5. St. George of the Gold Mine, on the 
 coast of Africa. 
 
 (8) Page 5. " Respondio el Almirante que no 
 habia visto la capitulacion ni sabia otra cosa sino que 
 los Reyes le habian mandado que no fuese a la 
 mina ni en toda Guinea, y que asi se habia mandado 
 a pregonar en todos los puertos del Andalucia antes 
 que para el viage partiese " (Navarrete, loc. cit.]. 
 
 (9) Page 6. We borrow our extracts from the 
 text of the Bull of Leo X. of November 3, 1514 
 ("Corpo diplomatico portuguez," vol. i., p. 275). 
 
158 Notes 
 
 This Bull of 1452 seems to be, as Mr. Edward 
 Gaylord Bourne says in his valuable paper : " The 
 Demarcation line of Alexander VI.," the origin of the 
 re-establishment in Europe, and, as a consequence, 
 of the introduction of negro slavery in the New 
 World : " Illorumque personas in perpetuam ser- 
 vitutem redigendi . . . concedimus facultatem " 
 ("Yale Review" for May, 1892). 
 
 (10) Page 6. "Per huiusmodi Occeanum Mare 
 uersus meridionales et orientales plagas nauigari, 
 illudque nobis occiduis adeo foret incognitum ut 
 nullam de partium Marum Gentibus certam no- 
 titiam haberemus credens se maximum in hoc deo 
 prestare obsequium, si eius opera et industria Mare 
 ipsum usque ad Indos, qui Christi nomen colere 
 dicuntur navigabila fieret." " Declaratio, turn soptam 
 turn reliquam Africam a Promontoriis Baradoc et 
 Nam ad Ghineam usque, vel etiam ultra ad Antarc- 
 ticum. . . ." In Mainard s " Bullarium," vol. iii., 
 pars iii., p. 70. 
 
 (n) Page 7. Humboldt, " Examen Critique," 
 vol.i., pp. 331-334. 
 
 (12) Page 8. Juan and Ulloa speak of a Bull of 
 Calixtus of March 15, 1456, confirming the said 
 Bull of January 8, 1454. We have only found the 
 Bull Obleftaverunt of September 3 of that year 
 (Raynaldi, vol. xxix., p. 59), which has nothing to 
 do with those donations. Raynaldi notes it as : 
 " Commendati Lusitani ob prompta studia in defend- 
 are Christiana." 
 
 (13) Page 8. "En xxxiij dias pase a las Indias 
 . . . y luego que legue a las Indias." Our "Christophe 
 
Notes 159 
 
 Colomb," vol. i., pp. 420, 426. It is yet the name 
 which in Spain they give officially to America. 
 
 (14) Page 8. " Epistola Christophori Colom : cui 
 rfetas nostra multuw debet ; de Insulis Indite supra 
 Gangem nuper inuentis. Ad quas perquirendas 
 oclauo antea mense auspicijs et acre inuictissimi 
 Fernandi Hispaniarum Regis missus fuerat: ad 
 Magnificum dominum Raphaelem Sanxis : eiusdem 
 serenissimi Regis Tesaurarium missa : quam nobilis 
 ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cosco ab Hispano 
 ideomate in latinum conuertit : tertio Kalendas 
 Maij. M. cccc. xciij. Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti 
 Anno Primo." Small 4to of 4 unnumbered leaves, 
 printed in B. L., sine anno aut loco (sed Roma, 1493, 
 by Stephanus Plannck). For a complete descrip 
 tion of all the editions of that most valuable pamphlet 
 published in the fifteenth century see our " Chris- 
 tophe Colomb et les Academiciens espagnols," Paris, 
 1894, small in-8, pp. 61-101. 
 
 (15) Page 9. "Estecias escribe que estan grande 
 como toda la otra parte de Asia, y que Onesecrito 
 dice que es la tercera parte del esfera " (Las Casas, 
 " Historia de las Indias," lib. i., cap. v. 5 vol. i., 
 P. 56). 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 (16) Page n. Bernaldez, "Reyes Catolicos," 
 cap. cxviii., vol. i., p. 369. 
 
 (17) Page 11. Las Casas, op. aV., vol. i., 
 p. 478. 
 
 (18) Page II. "Historic," 1571, cap. xlii., f. 
 
1 60 Notes 
 
 34. It is worthy of notice that Oviedo, who was 
 present when Columbus arrived in Barcelona, gives 
 no date for that event. 
 
 (19) Page 12. " Per piu chiaro, et giusto titolo 
 delle quali di subito i re Catolici per consiglio dell* 
 Ammiraglio procacciarono di hauer dal Sommo 
 Pontefice 1 approbatione, et donatione della con- 
 quista di tutte le dette Indie " (" Historic," cap. xlii., 
 f. 85, verso). Las Casas, lib. i., cap. Ixxix., vol. i., 
 p. 482, only paraphrases the above quotation from 
 the " Historic." 
 
 (20) Page 13. Tribaldo di Amerigo de Rossi, 
 Cl Libro de Conti," between March 25 and 31, 
 1493, as tne vear at Florence commenced March 25 
 (Father Ildefonso, " Delizie degli eruditi toscani," 
 Florence, 1 770, xxii., p. 28 1 ; Bandini, " Vespucci," 
 1 745, p. xxxix). 
 
 (21) Page 13. Malipiero, c< Annali Veneti," in 
 the " Archivio storico italiano," 1 843, vol. vii., p. 3 14. 
 See our " Christophe Colomb," vol. ii., p. 117, 
 note. 
 
 (22) Page 13. " 1493. A di 18 April fo lettere 
 di Roma nel legato, con avisi di Portogallo di le 
 insule havene trovate e barze del re che andoua in 
 India, e la lettera e data in la caravella sopra 1 ixola 
 di Canaria, a di 15 fevrer passado" (Marin Sanudo, 
 "Summarii di Storia Veneziana" MS.). This was 
 written in Venice. The news therefore reached 
 Rome before April 18. 
 
 (23) Page 15. See, for instance, the Bull of 
 Clement VI., Sicut exhibits nobis^ Novemb. 15, 
 1344, granting to Louis of Spain (a French admiral) 
 
Notes 1 6 1 
 
 the sovereignty and temporal jurisdiction of the 
 Canary Islands, with which he was clothed or feudally 
 invested, and presented with a golden sceptre. This 
 was followed by the homage-liege of the grantee, who 
 declared himself to be the pope s vassal (Raynaldi, 
 " Annales Ecclesiastici," ann. 1344, Nos. xxxix and 
 xlvii). 
 
 But Mr. John Fiske is entirely mistaken when, 
 in his "Discovery of America," vol. i., p. 458, 
 note, he quotes " Valasci Ferdinandi ad Innocentium 
 oclavum de obedientia oratio," in support of the 
 opinion that Jo5.o II. did homage to Innocent VIII. 
 for the countries discovered by Bartholomew Diaz. 
 Velasco pronounced that Oration of Obedience on 
 December 9, 1485 (Burchard, "Diarium," Thuasne s 
 edition, vol. i., p. 169) ; whilst Diaz did not return 
 from his famous voyage to the Cape of Good Hope 
 until two years later, in December, 1487 (Barros, 
 " Decada Primeira da Asia," Lisboa, 1752, vol. i., 
 fol. 42-44). 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 (24) Page 1 6. Gomara relates that the negotia 
 tions for the grant were carried on by the embas- 
 sadors whom Ferdinand and Isabella had sent a few 
 months before in charge of the Ambassy of 
 Obedience to Alexander VI. : " Y sus embaxadores 
 que pocas meses antes avian ydo a dar el para bien y 
 obediencia al Papa Alexandro sexto, le hablaron y 
 dieron las cartas del rey y reina con la relacion de 
 
 M 
 
1 62 Notes 
 
 Colon" ("Historia de las Indias"). Here, as is 
 usual with that unreliable historian, Gomara is mis 
 taken. Those ambassadors did not reach Rome till 
 May 25, 1493, and at that date the three Bulls had 
 been issued three weeks ! 
 
 (25) Page 16. We do not know on what 
 authority Herrera, in his Decade I., p. 40, says 
 that Ferdinand and Isabella intimated at the same 
 time that great scholars deemed the application of 
 Their Majesties to the Court of Rome for a title to 
 the territories already in their possession, to be un 
 necessary. This opinion may have been held in 
 Spain ; but it is highly improbable that it was ever 
 suggested to the Pope by the Catholic Sovereigns. 
 At all events, there is no evidence of such a theory 
 having existed in those days. 
 
 (26) Page 17. So named, like nearly all Bulls, 
 from its opening words. 
 
 (27) Page 17. We have found the text of the 
 Bull Inter cater a of May 3, 1493 ( tnere are two 
 Bulls commencing with these words) only in 
 Navarrete, " Coleccion de los Viages que hicieron 
 por mar los Espanoles," Madrid, 1825, vol. ii., 
 pp. 23-27, and, in facsimile, in the " Documenta 
 seledta," described here below. It has never been 
 translated. 
 
 (28) Page 18. We call it "first Bull Exi?ni<s? 
 because the Bull of November 16, 1501 (Navarrete, 
 vol. ii., p. 454) also begins with Exim ue devotionis. 
 
 (29) Page 18. "Annales ecclesiastici," 1751, 
 vol. xi., pp. 213-214, borrowed from "Alex, vi., 1. 
 i. literar. commun. n. 234." Raynaldi by mistake 
 
Notes 163 
 
 gives to that Bull the first place in the series. He 
 has overlooked the reference in it, viz. : " prout in 
 nostris inde confectis litteris plenius continetur," 
 which can only apply to the great Bull of May 3. 
 
 The first author who, to our knowledge, gave 
 the text of this Bull Eximia is not Raynaldi, but 
 Solorzano, in his " De Jure Indiarum," Madrid, 
 1629, folio, vol. i., pp. 612-613, but with the 
 erroneous date of "quarto Nonas Maij." 
 
 (30) Page 21. It is a reference to the Bull Inter 
 ctstera. 
 
 (31) Page 23. The words from "should" to 
 " Paul, are not in the Vatican text. We borrow 
 them from the text inserted by Solorzano in his 
 " De Jure Indiarum," vol. i., p. 613, where they 
 are given in Latin as follows: "Si quis autem hoc 
 attentare praesumpserit, indignationum omnipotentis 
 Dei, ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius 
 se noverit incursurum." This sanfto penalis is also 
 to be found in the two Bulls Inter ctstera. We 
 insert it to show that Solorzano, most probably, 
 took his text from a full transcript of the original 
 Bull Eximite devotionis^ which is no longer to be 
 found in the Spanish archives. 
 
 (32) Page 24. The Latin text which served 
 (with the exception above mentioned) for this trans 
 lation, is taken from c Documenta seledta et tabu- 
 lario secreto Vaticano quae Romanorum pontifi- 
 cium erga Americae populos curam ac studia turn 
 ante turn paullo post insulas a Christophoro Columbo 
 repertas testantur phototypia descripta (curante 
 J. C. Hey wood). Romae. Typis Vaticanis, 1893, 
 
1 64 Notes 
 
 folio, pp. 21-22, where it is reproduced in facsimile 
 from " Regest. Vatic., vol. 879." 
 
 (33) P a e 2 4- We know by the " Codex Diplo- 
 maticus" that there was attached to that Bull a 
 leaden seal, fastened with silk strings red and saffron 
 colour : " bulla plumbea in filiis sericiis [sic pro 
 filis sericis] rubei croceique colons more Romanae 
 Curiae impendente " (B. F. Stevens s edition of the 
 u Codex," doc. xxxvi., p. 182). It is not known 
 what has become of this original Bull, which was 
 doubtless the one which De Spratz delivered in 
 person to the Catholic Sovereigns. It may have 
 been still in existence when Solorzano wrote his 
 "De Jure Indiarum," in 1626, for, after giving the 
 text of the Bull of May 4 (vol. i., p. 610), he says : 
 " Haclemus Alexander VI. cuius Bulla originalis 
 in Regijs Archivis servatur ; " that is, the original 
 Bull was preserved in the Royal Archives. But in 
 his " Politica Indiana," vol. i., p. 43, he states that it 
 is in the " Archives del Real Consejo de las Indias." 
 At present it is not in either. 
 
 The original Bull of May 4, according to the 
 copy authenticated by Pedro Garcia, Bishop of 
 Barcelona, at Barcelona, July 19, 1493, en ded as 
 follows : " Gratis de mandate Sanclissimi domini 
 nostri pape pro reverendissimo A. de Mucciaiis 
 
 E oftonotario ?], Io[hannes] Lur [?], A. Consenino, 
 . Podochatarus. D. Galletus. Registrata in camera 
 apostolica. Amerinus." (Gratis, by command of our 
 most holy Lord the Pope. For the most reverend 
 A. de Moccialis, protonotary (?) lo. Lur (?), A. 
 Consenino, L. Podochatari, D. Galletti. Recorded 
 
Notes 165 
 
 in the Apostolical Chamber, Amerino.) The four 
 last names are wanting in Navarrete s transcript of 
 what he calls : " Original en el Archive de Indias 
 en Sevilla." 
 
 A. de Moccialls is Antonio Mucciarelli, Dean of 
 the Apostolical Scribes (Burchard, " Diarium," 
 Thuasne s edition, vol. ii., pp. 352, 380), L. Podo- 
 cbatariis Ludovico Podocataro, Pontifical Secretary, 
 who became Archbishop of Nicosia, and Cardinal 
 (Bonamici, " de Script, eccles.," p. 200) ; D. Galetti 
 is Domenico Galleti, Apostolical Scribe, who died in 
 1501 (Burchard, vol. iii., p. 170). We assume 
 that these two, together with the other two signers, 
 afted as proxies for Mucciarelli. As to Amerinus, 
 he is either Giovanni or Giacomo Amerino, both of 
 whom were solicitors or clerks for Apostolical letters 
 ( Burchard, passim]. We have been unable to ascer 
 tain who the others were, and even to decipher the 
 name of one of them. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 (34) Page 29. Ruy de Pina, " Chronica d el 
 rei Joao II." j in the " Colleccao de livros ineditos de 
 Historia Portugueza," Lisboa, 1792, folio, vol. ii., 
 cap. Ixv., p. 177. Garcia de Resende, <c Livro das 
 Obras," Lisboa, 1555, folio, cap. clxii, f. xcvij. 
 
 (35) P a g e 2 9- We possess the oration delivered 
 by Ferdinand de Almeida on the occasion of that 
 Embassy of Obedience, which, unfortunately, is not 
 dated. Mention is made therein of the maritime dis- 
 
1 66 Notes 
 
 coveries of the Portuguese, but without any allusion 
 to those of the Spaniards (" Bibliotheca Americana 
 Vetustissima," p. 36, and " Additamenta," p. i). 
 
 (36) Page 31. "Almirante del dicho mar 
 Oceano, que es nuestro, que comienza por una raya 
 e linea que Nos habemos hecho marcar, que pasa 
 desde las islas de los Azores y las islas de Cabo Verde, 
 de Setentrion en Austro, de polo a polo. Por 
 manera que todo lo que es allende de la dicha linea, 
 al Occidente, es nuestro y nos pertenece " (Las 
 Casas, " Historia de las Indias," lib. i., cap. Ixxx., 
 vol. i., p. 488. Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 60), says " de 
 los Azores y las islas de Cabo Verde : from the 
 Azores and Cape Verd islands." That is, the Line 
 of Demarcation, according to Navarrete, would 
 have passed between the two archipelagos, thus 
 locating it by about 26 west longitude of Green 
 wich. But we distrust his text. 
 
 (37) P a S e 3 2< Heading certificate of the Bull of 
 May 4 in the " Codex Diplomaticus." 
 
 (38) Page 32. "Bibliotheca Americana Vetus 
 tissima, Addit.," p. 2. According to a tradition, 
 there was formerly a marble slab over the inside 
 door of the Vatican archives, containing an inscrip 
 tion which threatened with full excommunication 
 whosoever should dare cross the threshold of that 
 consecrated place. It was, we must say, the most 
 efficacious means in those days to protect that precious 
 repository of archives. When in 1880 we heard 
 that the inscription had been replaced by another, 
 more in the spirit of the time, we at once repaired to 
 Rome, and read it, as follows : 
 
Notes 1 67 
 
 LEO XIII PONT MAX 
 
 HISTORIC STVDIIS CONSVLENS 
 
 TABVLARII ARCANA RECLVSIT 
 
 ANNO MDCCCLXXX 
 
 Unfortunately it remained a dead letter to us, 
 owing to the fadl that the documents of the Ponti 
 ficate of Alexander VI. (Borgia) were not com 
 municated to the public. Cardinal Hagenruther, 
 who had charge of those archives, promised never 
 theless to institute researches for our benefit. Some 
 time afterwards, Monsignor Carini informed us that 
 nothing of interest to us had been found. 
 
 (39) P a g e 34- " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis- 
 sima, Additamenta," pp. viii-ix. 
 
 (40) Page 36. " Omnes Insulas et terras firmas 
 inuentas et inueniendas, detedlas et detegendas versus 
 Occidentem et Meridiem . . . sive terrae firmae et 
 insulae inuentae et inveniendae sint versus Indiam 
 aut versus aliam quacumque partem. . . ." 
 
 (41) Page 37. Decade I., lib. ii., cap. iv., p. 40. 
 
 (42) Page 37. We are aware that Ferdinand and 
 Isabella 1 received the title of " The Catholic Sove 
 reigns " only in December 1494 (Marin Sanudo, 
 " Diarij," vol. i., p. 424), but that is the name by 
 which they are generally designated by historians. 
 
 (43) Page 38. " Examen Critique," vol. iii., pp. 
 54-55 ; " Cosmos," Otte s translation ; London, 
 1849, vol. ii., p. 655, note. 
 
1 68 Notes 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 (44) Page 41. " London Times," No. of Feb 
 ruary 6, 1896, p. 8. 
 
 (45) Page 42. " Analefta juris pontificii," No. 
 for May-June, 1882, col. 293-294. 
 
 (46) Page 42. Baronius, "Annales ecclesiastici," 
 t. xix., p. 404. 
 
 (47) Page 42. "Fcedera," 1739, vol. i., p. 5. 
 
 (48) Page 42. " Ut pro dilatandis Ecclesiae ter- 
 minis . . . pro Christiana Religionis augmento." 
 
 (49) Page 43. " Analefta juris pontificii," 
 1882, No. 185, cols. 256-283; Scheffer-Boichorst, 
 in " Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir osterreichische 
 Geschichtsforschung," Supplement iv., 1893, pp. 
 101-122. On the other hand, Miss Kate Norgate, 
 in her learned history, " England under the Angevin 
 Kings, * vol. ii., p. 96, says that the Bull Lauda- 
 billter " is now admitted by all Irish scholars." 
 
 (50) Page 43. " Prashera ego, et major filiis 
 meus rex juramus, quod a Domino Alexandro Papa, 
 et ejus successoribus recipiemus et tenebimus regnum 
 Angliae, et nos, et nostri successores in perpetuum 
 non reputabimus nos Angliae reges veros, donee ipsi 
 nos catholicos reges tenuierint " (" Analecla," ubi 
 supra). 
 
 (51) Page 44. " Vestrae j urisdiclionis et regnum 
 Angliae et quantum ad feudatarii juris obligationem, 
 orbis dum taxat obnoxius teneor et astringor" (Ba 
 ronius, " Annales Ecclesiastici," vol. xix., sub anno 
 
Notes 169 
 
 (52) Page 44. For instance, Ruy de Pina re 
 lates that in the time of Edward IV. (circa 1482), 
 the Duke de Medina Sidonia having caused ships 
 to be equipped in England by John Tintam and 
 William Fabian, intended to open trade with the 
 Guinea coast, Joao II. sent ambassadors to protest 
 against the undertaking. These having exhibited 
 the title whereby the King of Portugal was sove 
 reign of Guinea : " ho titulo que el Rey tinha 
 no senhorio de Guine," Edward IV. prohibited his 
 subjects from such a trade. " Chronica d el rei 
 D. Joao II.," chap, vii., in u Collecao de livros 
 ineditos de Historia Portugueza," Lisboa, 1792, 
 folio, vol. ii., p. 25. Robertson, who cites the fa6l 
 ("Hist, of America," 1828, note x., p. 531), after 
 Garcia de Resende, quoted by Hakluyt, justly infers 
 that this title was the Pope s Bull for the dominion 
 of Guinea. 
 
 (53) P a g e 44- To Innocent VIII., Feb. 18, 1485, 
 May 8, 1487, June 14, 1492 ; to Alexander VI., 
 Decemb. 14, 1492, Jan. 14, 1493. See Burchard s 
 " Diarium," Thuasne s painstaking and praiseworthy 
 edition, vol i., pp. 141,257-259,492; ii., pp. 18,36. 
 If we add Scotland, under the Stuarts, there are more 
 of those Ambassies of Obedience. 
 
 (54) Page 45. " Commentarius de creatione, 
 coronatione . . . Alexandri VI. ad Ferdinandum et 
 Helisabeth," Roma, Eucharius Silber, 1493, 8vo. 
 Porcio does not say so in so many words, but we 
 must infer it from his intention to sum up in the 
 same manner the other Discourses of Obedience 
 which were delivered on that occasion. 
 
170 Notes 
 
 (55) P a g e 45- Burchard s "Diarium," vol. ii., 
 p. 18. 
 
 (56) Page 45. Cardinal Moran himself recog 
 nizes that u from the first half of the I3th century 
 to the close of the i5th century, it was principally 
 through this supposed grant of the Holy See that 
 the English government sought to justify their claim 
 to hold dominion over Ireland " (" Irish Ecclesiastical 
 Record," Nov., 1872). See also the curious remarks 
 ofSolorzano, about the Bull Laudabiliter in his "De 
 Jure Indiarum," Madrid, 1629, folio, vol. i., pp. 
 614-615. 
 
 (57) P a g e 46- Rymer, "Fcedera," vol. xii., p. 595. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 (58) Page 50. " Preterea aliud breve super con- 
 cessione dominii et bonarum illarum insularum nuper 
 ab hominibus Regiis inventarum per nos facia pre- 
 fatis Regibus " " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis- 
 sima, Additamenta," p. 2, note 2. 
 
 (59) P a g e 5 1 Burchard, op. aV., vol. ii., p. 74. 
 
 (60) Page 51. Infessura, apud Eccard, "Corpus 
 Histor.," vol. ii., col. 2,012, and Thuasne s Burchard, 
 vol. ii., pp. 8 1 and 681. See also some supplement 
 ary details borrowed from the original MS. of 
 Burchard, preserved in the Vatican (Piper, " Ein 
 unedirtes Stiirts aus dem Tagebuche Burchard s," 
 in the " Romische Quartalschrift," Rome, 1894, pp. 
 210-212). 
 
 According to Zuniga (apud Clemencin, " Elogio 
 
Notes 171 
 
 de la Reina Isabel," p. 377, note), the Catholic 
 Sovereigns continued to admonish Alexander VI. 
 In 1498 they sent to him Inigo de Cordoba and 
 Dr. Felipe Ponce, to " beg of him, among other 
 things, to send away from Rome his daughter-in-law 
 and her children, to lead himself an honest life 
 (" honestase su persona y vida "), to reform his house 
 hold, and to prevent ecclesiastical prebends and 
 dignities being sold." 
 
 (61) Page 54. See " Un rarissime americanum," 
 in " Bulletin du Bibliophile," 1897, No. of February, 
 pp. 70-76, with a facsimile. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 (62) Page 55. Zurita says (" Anales de Aragon," 
 vol. vi., fol. 35, v.) that Portuguese sailors who had 
 accompanied Columbus were taken by force and put 
 on board some vessels of the fleet. Columbus had 
 with him an Englishman and an Irishman of Gal- 
 way, but, so far as known, not a single Portuguese. 
 See the list of his crews in the first voyage, in our 
 "Discovery of North America," pp. 663-667. 
 
 (63) Page 55. Zurita states that Ruy de Sande 
 left Torres Vedras for Barcelona April 3, 1493. 
 
 (64) Page 57. By Munoz, in 1779, by order of 
 Charles III. of Spain. 
 
 (65) Page 59. Zurita, op. /., f. 30, says that 
 Lope de Herrera left Barcelona April 22, 1493. 
 
 (66) Page 59. " Ya sabeis como vos hobimos 
 escrito que Rel ey de Portugal enviaba a Nos sus 
 
172 Notes 
 
 mensageros a entender sobre lo que le hobimos 
 escrito con Lope de Herrera, que ficiese pregonar en 
 su Reino que ninguno fuese a la parte que es nuestra 
 y pertenece a Nos " (Letter of Ferd. and Isabella to 
 Columbus, Navarrete, vol. ii. p. 108). 
 
 (67) Page 6 1. " Aqui son venidos sus Embaja- 
 dores que vinieron tres dias ha " (Letter of Aug. 18, 
 1493, op- >, P- 9 6 )- 
 
 (68) Page 61 . Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixviii., p. 98. 
 j- (69) Page 62. " Habiamos saber los grados en 
 que estan las islas y tierra que fallastes y los grados 
 del camino por donde fuistes," Sept. 5, 1493. 
 Navarrete, doc. Ixxi, vol. ii., p. 109. 
 
 (70) Page 62. " Con ellos se ha mucho platicado 
 en el negocio, y creemos que no se podra concertar, 
 porque ellos no vienen informados de lo quees nuestro, 
 y creemos que querran consultar con el Rey de 
 Portugal." (Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxi., p. 108.) 
 
 (71) Page 63. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxi., p. 109. 
 
 (72) Page 63. In a letter from one Duarte 
 d Almeida addressed to the King of Portugal, men 
 tion is said to be made of u hun livro do Almirante 
 das Indias, que fizera de Don Christ. Colon, seu pay 
 das demarcoes dos mares e terras de Vossa Alteza 
 cos de Castilla " " Raccolta Colombiana," Desi- 
 moni, " Question! Colombiane," p. 78. 
 
 (73) P a g e 64. Diego Gracian de Aldrete " inter- 
 pretatione linguarum exoticarum fuit ", (Antonio, 
 " Bibl. Nova," vol. i., p. 286.) 
 
 (74) Page 64. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. xi., pp. 
 404-406. It is the Bull which Herrera quotes 
 (Decade I., p. 44) under the erroneous date of 
 
Notes 173 
 
 Sept. 26. There is a Latin text of that Bull in 
 Solorzano, " De Jure Indiarum," edit, of 1629, 
 vol. i., pp. 613-614, under the date of " Anno mille- 
 simo quadringentesimo nonagesimo tertio, sexto 
 Kalend. Octobris." But we think that it is only a 
 version made by him of the Spanish translation of 
 Gracian de Aldrete. 
 
 (75) P a g e 65. Burchard, " Diarium," vol. i., 
 p. 367, and the case of the archbishop of Cosenza, 
 pp. 405-406. 
 
 (76) Page 66. " Tarn a capitibus de Bojador et 
 de Naon usque ad Indos, quam etiam ubicumque et 
 in quibuscumque partibus, etiam nostris temporibus 
 forsan ignotis." 
 
 (77) Page 66. "A todas y cualesquier islas y 
 tierras-firmes halladas y por hallar, descubiertas y 
 por descubrir, que navegando 6 caminando hacia el 
 Occidente 6 el Mediodia, son 6 fueren 6 aparacieren, 
 ora esten en las partes Occidentals 6 Meridionales 
 y Orientales y de la India " (Navarrete, loc. cit.). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 (78) Page 71. Zurita says that this Garcia was 
 "Garci Lopez de Carvajal hermano de Bernardin 
 de Carvajal," the Spanish ambassador at Rome. 
 
 (79) Page 71. " Libro das Obras," fol. 32, re6to. 
 
 (80) Page 72. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxv., 
 
 P- I34- 
 
 (81) Page 73. Ibidem, p. 133, and our " Chris- 
 tophe Colomb," vol. i., p. 359. 
 
174 Notes 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 (82) Page 74. " Sabese la concesion del Papa 
 Alexandro ; la division del mundo como una naranja 
 entre el Key de Portugal y los abuelos de S. M." 
 (Letter from Alonso de Zuazo to the Emperor, 
 Jan. 22, 1518; " Documentos ineditos de Indias," 
 vol. i., p. 296). "Desuerte, que dividiendose, como 
 se divede el mundo en trescientos y sesenta grados, 
 vinieron a caber a cada uno ciento y ochenta, y esta 
 division fue causa de los nuevos pleytos que despues 
 huvo sobre las islas Malucas " (Solorzano, " Politica 
 indiana," Madrid, 1776, fol., lib. i., cap. iii., 14, 
 vol. i., p. 9). 
 
 $3) Page 76. Although Jaime Ferrer had sent 
 with his parecer a spherical figure of the world, "so 
 that the truth of his reasonings might more clearly 
 appear," he uses an expression which leads us to infer 
 that the sphericity of the earth was not to be taken 
 into account in establishing the Line of Demarca 
 tion. "It is necessary," says Ferrer, to draw a 
 straight line in latitude [sic pro longitude?] from pole 
 to pole, only in our hemisphere." (s menester facer 
 una linea refta in latitud de Polo a Polo solamente 
 \ en este nuestro hemisferio. Navarrete,vol.ii., p. 99). 
 
 (84) Page 76. Edward G. Bourne, in the 
 "Annual Report of the American Historical Asso 
 ciation for 1891," pp. 103-130. 
 
 (85) Page 78. Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 136. 
 
Notes 1 75 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 (86) Page 81. Bartholomew Columbus, who 
 was with him at Hispaniola since September 29, 
 1494. " Christophe Colomb," vol. ii., p. 198. 
 
 (87) Page 8 1. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxix,, 
 p. 155. 
 
 (88) Page 82. Ibid., doc. xci., p. 171. 
 
 (89) Page 83. "1494, Madrid. Cedula de los 
 Reyes Catolicos ordenando que en las cartas de 
 marear que se hicieron en lo sucesivo se ponga la 
 linea de particion convenida con el Rey de Portugal, 
 de un polo al otro 370 leguas de las islas de Cabo 
 Verde a la parte de Poniente, mientras van carabelas 
 de una y otra parte con astrologos, pilotos y mari- 
 neros a hacer el definitive trazado de la linea." The 
 original draft still exists in the collection of manu 
 scripts of Vargas Ponce, preserved in the library of 
 the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, vol. liv., 
 p. ii. The month and day in the date are left 
 blank, which shows that the cedula never was issued. 
 It is to be regretted, for we should then have a 
 geographic proof of what Spain, provisionally, con 
 sidered the terminus of the 370 leagues. 
 
 (90) Page 83. The Treaty of Tordesillas was 
 not confirmed by the Pope until January 24, 1506, 
 by a Bull from Julius II. Nor do we hear of any 
 attempt to carry those stipulations into effect until 
 January 22, 1518. At the latter date, Alonso de 
 Zuazo writes from Santo Domingo to the Emperor : 
 "Enviaron ciertos pilotos para hacer una demarca- 
 
176 Notes 
 
 cion, e asentar estas lineas e punto donde habian de 
 estar, como esta sea division de longitudes en que 
 los pilotos ninguna cosa saben ni alcanzan, no 
 pudieron ni supieron hacer cosa cierta, e asi se vol- 
 vieron sin hacer ninguna cosa." (Certain pilots were 
 sent to mark the demarcation and fix those lines 
 and places where they ought to be. As this was a 
 division by longitudes of which pilots neither know 
 nor practice anything, they could do nothing nor 
 knew anything certain to do and therefore returned 
 without having accomplished anything). " Docu- 
 mentos ineditos de Indias," vol. i., p. 296). There 
 are no documentary traces anywhere else of such an 
 attempt. Yet, see infra, note 92. 
 
 (91) Page 84. "Christopher Columbus his own 
 book of privileges," London, B. F. Stevens, folio, in 
 our Historical Introduction, pp. Iviii-lix. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 (92) Page 85. Juan Bautista Gesio, the Italian 
 cosmographer in the employ of Philip II., states, in 
 a Comunicacton of Nov. 24, 1579 (apud Calvo, 
 vol. i., p. 1 6), that "segun el informo de doce 
 cosmografos castellanos y Portugueses, nombrados 
 [when ?] para figar esa linea de limites, los primeros 
 tomaron por base la isla de San Antonio, las mas 
 occidental de las del Cabo Verde ; los segundos, la 
 de Sal, la mas oriental de dichas islas." 
 
 (93) P a e 86. Baron de Rio Branco, "State 
 ment submitted by the United States of Brazil to 
 
Notes 177 
 
 the President of the United States of America." New 
 York, 1894, 8vo, vol. iii., pp. 8 and 79, which con 
 tains the full text of both treaties. 
 
 (94) Page 89. " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis- 
 sima Additamenta," p. 152 ; " Discovery of North 
 America," p. 717. 
 
 (95) Page 89. " A nuestro especial amigo, Jaime 
 Ferrer, el Cardenal de Espana : Jaime Ferrer espe 
 cial amigo: Nos querriamos fablar con vos algunas 
 cosas que cumplen : por ende rogamos vos que vista 
 esta letra nuestra portais y vengais aqui a Barcelona, 
 y traed con vos el Mapamundi y otros instrumentos 
 si teneis tocantes a cosmografia " (Navarrete, vol. 
 
 i-> PP- 97-9 8 )- 
 
 (96) Page 89. On this map the new Line of De 
 marcation, extending from pole to pole, was marked 
 in red, whilst the portion of the globe allotted to 
 Portugal by the Treaty of Tordesillas was traversed 
 by lines painted yellow. Unfortunately, both the 
 map and globe are lost ("Discovery of North 
 America," p. 405). 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 (97) P a g e 9 1 - The stade of Macrobius, Strabo, 
 etc., which Ferrer takes as a basis for his calculations, 
 is the Olympic stade, now mathematically ascertained 
 to have been equal to 192, 2 7. " Die Ausgrabungen 
 zu Olympia. V. Ubersicht der arbeiten und funde 
 vom Winter und Friihjahr, 1879-1880 und 1880- 
 1881. XLIII tafeln, herausgegeben von E. Curtius, 
 
 N 
 
178 Notes 
 
 F. Adler, G. Treu und W. Dorpfeld," Berlin, 1881, 
 folio, p. 37, and Plate xxxi.-xxxu. 
 
 (98) Page 92. Viz.: Aurelius Theodosius 
 Macrobius. 
 
 (99) Page 92. Eratosthenes. Let us remark 
 that the great Greek mathematician did not count 
 each degree as equal to 700 stades, as the circum 
 ference of his sphere was not divided in 360 degrees, 
 but in 60 parts, each of 4,200 stades ; which, how 
 ever, amounted to the same thing. 
 
 (100) Page 92. Navarrete, vol. ii., p. IOI. 
 
 (101) Page 92. We propose to ascertain where, 
 according to the theory of Jaime Ferrer, the meri 
 dian of the Line of Demarcation should be placed 
 on the terrestrial globe as it is known to-day. 1 
 
 Our inquiry will be prosecuted on the basis of 
 data borrowed from the Parer of that cosmographer, 
 which, in their original Spanish text, are as follows : 
 
 1st. The starting point, to commence counting 
 the 370 leagues westwards, is "la isla del medio de 
 las que estan delante del Cabo Verde" (Navarrete, 
 vol. ii., p. 103, line i). 
 
 2nd. " Cada un grado en este paralelo comprende 
 veinte leguas y cinco partes de ocho" (Op. V., 
 p. 99, line 3o). 2 
 
 1 We are under the greatest obligations to our esteemed 
 friend, Mr. E. Bauvieux, a retired officer of the French navy, 
 without whose obliging and scientific aid we certainly could 
 not have devised the necessary methods, and carried out the 
 difficult computations in this as well as in other technical dis 
 quisitions and notes of the present work. 
 
 2 It is from this datum 2nd that we infer Ferrer s league 
 to be of 21^353 to a degree of his equator. 
 
Notes 179 
 
 3rd. " Es menester dar por cada un grado sete- 
 cientos stadios segun Strabo, Teodoci, Macrobi, 
 Ambrosi, Euristenes " (Op. cit. y p. 101, line 
 
 51-53)- 
 
 4th. " Es de notar que las 370 leguas partiendo 
 de las dichas islas [del Cabo Verde] comprende diez 
 y ocho grados y cada un grado en este parallelo 
 comprende 20 leguas y cinco partes de ocho " (Op. 
 at., p. 99, line 28). 
 
 5th. " Cada un grado de los tropicos es veinte 
 leguas y cuatro partes de trescientos sesenta " (Op. 
 at., p. 102, lines 34-36).* 
 
 6th. " En el cerclo equinoccial cada un grado es 
 de veinte y una leguas y cinco partes de ocho " (Op. 
 at., p. 102, lines 33-34). 3 
 
 yth. " La circumferencia de la tierra es doscientos 
 cincuenta y dos mil stadios segun Strabo, Alfira- 
 gano, Ambrosi, Macrobi, Teodosi, y Euristenes, los 
 cuales doscientos cincuenta y dos mil stadios a razon 
 de ocho stadios por milla son treinta y un mil y 
 quinientas millas, y a cuatro millas por legua son 
 siete mil ochocientas setenta y cinco leguas" (Op. 
 at., p. 1 02, lines 9~i5). 4 
 
 8th. " Es menester dar por cada un grado sete- 
 cientos stadios, segun Strabo, Alfragano, Teodoci, 
 
 1 It is from this datum that we draw inferences identical 
 with the data drawn from Nos. 7 and 8. 
 
 2 It is from this datum 5th that we infer Ferrer s league to 
 be of 2 1 ,8 1 3 to a degree on his equator. 
 
 3 It is from this datum 6th that we infer Ferrer s league to 
 be of 2i J ,625 to a degree on his equator. 
 
 4 It is from this passage that we draw inferences identical 
 with those drawn from Nos. 3 and 8. 
 
180 Notes 
 
 Macrobi, Ambrosi, Euristenes, porque Tolomeo 
 no da por grado sino quinientos stadios " (Op. /., p. 
 loi, lines I-4). 1 
 
 We will now proceed to carry out our investiga 
 tion in the following method, thus : 
 
 First: By accepting for the actual sphere the 
 meridian which, on Ferrer s sphere^ passes 37 of 
 Ferrer s leagues on the parallel of 1 5 latitude, west 
 of the easternmost extremity of Fogo Island (one 
 of the Cape Verde Islands). According to Ferrer, 
 the arc of the parallel of 15 latitude comprised 
 between those two meridians is 18. 
 
 Second : By verifying the calculation by means of 
 which Ferrer came to fix that arc of longitude 
 of 18. 
 
 Third: By determining the meridian which, on 
 our aftual sphere^ would traverse the parallel of 
 15 latitude at a distance stated in actual marine 
 leagues (of 20 to a degree) equal to 370 of Ferrer s 
 leagues. 
 
 FIRST. 
 
 Relying upon his data relative to the dimensions 
 of the terrestrial globe, Ferrer, in 1494-1495, calcu 
 lated that 370 of his leagues represented the length 
 of an arc of 18 on the parallel of 15 north latitude. 
 
 1 It is from this datum 8th that we establish the relation 
 existing between the real dimensions of the terrestrial globe 
 and those ascribed to it by Ferrer (in valuing the stade at 
 i92 m ,2y). From this passage can also be inferred the value 
 of Ferrer s league in our marine leagues of 20 to a degree of 
 the equator (the stade also equal to i92 m ,27). 
 
Notes 1 8 1 
 
 He proposed, therefore, that the divisional line be 
 tween Spain and Portugal should pass on the sphere, 
 such as it was then believed to /><?, 1 8 west of the 
 starting point, which was the most eastern extremity 
 of Fogo Island in the Cape Verde archipelago. 
 
 Whatever may be the dimensions adopted by 
 Ferrer for the terrestrial globe, the meridian of 18 
 on his sphere will always be 18 for all the spheres 
 possessing the same centre as his own, and, conse 
 quently for the terrestrial sphere as it is known 
 to-day. On the latter, the meridian adopted by 
 Ferrer would be in 24 25 west (Greenwich) -f- 18 
 = 42 25 west (Greenwich), accepting 24 25 
 west (Greenwich) as the starting meridian. 1 This 
 divisional meridian would thus pass, on the parallel 
 of 15 latitude, in 348^ 138 (marine leagues of 20 
 to a degree) west of the starting meridian, which, as 
 already stated, was the easternmost extremity of 
 Fogo. 
 
 1 In calling * the length of the arc of 18 (in marine 
 leagues of 20 to a degree on the equator) on the parallel of 
 15 latitude, and knowing besides that the arc of 18 of the 
 equator is equal to 18 x 20 = 360 leagues, we have the 
 relation : 
 
 X COS I C , 
 
 - = -, whence x = 360 x cos 15 . 
 
 360 i 
 
 Log 360 = 2,55680*5 
 Log cos 15 = 9,98494.38 
 
 Log* = 2,54.174.63 
 x = 348 ,! 38. 
 
1 82 Notes 
 
 SECOND. 
 
 Let us ascertain whether the meridian calculated 
 to pass, on Ferrer s sphere, 370 of Ferrer s leagues 
 west of the starting meridian, is really a meridian 
 situate 18 west of the starting meridian. 
 
 For that purpose it is necessary to determine the 
 value of Ferrer s league in the equatorial degree 
 in his sphere. 
 
 Ferrer in his Parer says : 
 
 " Es de notar que las 370 leguas partiendo de las 
 dichas islas comprenden por Occidente 1 8 grados, y 
 cada un grado en este parallelo comprende 20 leguas y 
 cinco partes de ocho." " It is to be noticed that the 
 370 leagues, from the said islands [the Cape Verde 
 Islands], comprise westward 18 degrees, and each 
 degree in that parallel comprises 20 leagues and | " 
 [ 20 1 , = 20 1 ,625]. 
 
 If on Ferrer s sphere one degree of the parallel 
 of 15 is of the length of 20^625 of Ferrer, one 
 degree of the equator of the same sphere will be 
 2 1 ,353 of the same leagues. 1 
 
 1 In calling x the length in Ferrer s leagues of the arc of 
 i of Ferrer s sphere at the equator, and knowing that on the 
 same sphere the arc of i of the parallel of 15 latitude is 
 equal to 20^625 of Ferrer, we have the relation : 
 
 , whence x = 20 6z 5 
 
 20,625 cos 15 cos 15 
 
 Log 20,625 = 1,3143940 
 Log cos 15 = 9,9849438 
 
 Log#= 1,3294502 
 
Notes 183 
 
 In the same Parer we find the following state 
 ment : 
 
 " Y cada un grado de los Tropicos es 20 leguas y 
 cuatro partes de trescientos sesenta : And each 
 degree of the Tropics is 20 leagues and four parts of 
 three hundred and sixty" [20 1 , T o = 2O 1 ,oii]. 
 
 This valuation of 2o 1 ,oi I of the arc of I of the 
 tropical circles (23 27 lat.) gives 2i 1 ,8i3, for the 
 length of the arc of I of the equator in the same 
 sphere. 1 
 
 Again, in his Parer , Ferrer says : " Es de notar 
 que en el cerclo equinoccial cada un grado es de 
 veinte y una leguas y cinco partes de ocho : It 
 should be noticed that in the equinoctial circle, each 
 degree is of twenty-one leagues and |-" [2i l ,5|- = 
 21 ,625]. 
 
 Finally, it appears from several passages in the 
 same Parer, that Ferrer ascribes 700 stades to a 
 degree of the equator in his sphere ; 8 stades for a 
 mile, and 4 miles for a league. 
 
 1 In calling x the length in Ferrer s leagues of the arc of 
 i of the equator in Ferrer s sphere, and knowing that the arc 
 of i of the parallel of 23 27 latitude is equal to 2o l ,on of 
 the same leagues, we have the relation : 
 
 20.011 
 -, whence x = - -^ 
 
 20,011 COS 23 27 COS 23 27 
 
 Log 20, on = 1,3012688 
 Log cos 2327 = 9,9625624. 
 
 Log* = 1,3387064 
 
 X = 2I 1 ,8l 3 . 
 
184 Notes 
 
 According to these data, Ferrer s league in his 
 Equator would be : 
 
 700_7oo_ lg 
 8x4-^ 
 
 We consequently find, according to Ferrer him 
 self, four different valuations for his league in the 
 equatorial degree, viz : 
 
 21^353 ; 2i 1 ,8i3; 21^625; 21^875 ; 
 
 (A) (B) (c) (D) " 
 
 If we at once set aside A as being the widest of 
 the mean valuation, there remain B, c, and D, of 
 which B and D differ but little from each other. 
 This leads us to reject c. Finally, we adopt D, or 
 2 1 ^875, because it was obtained directly from the 
 relations between the units of length generally ad 
 mitted in Ferrer s time, instead of being derived 
 from astronomical valuations which in his days were 
 not very exact. 
 
 If we carry 370 of these leagues (of 21^875 to a 
 degree of Ferrer s equator) on the parallel of 15 
 latitude (of Ferrer s sphere), the arc thus obtained 
 will be 17 3iV 
 
 The difference between this valuation and that 
 of 18 is insignificant, especially if we take into con 
 sideration the little precision with which the starting 
 meridian was determined. We thus see that Ferrer s 
 calculation was sufficiently exact, and that his 370 
 
 1 In calling x the length of arc of the equator of Ferrer, 
 which is of the same angular value as the arc of 370 of 
 
Notes 185 
 
 leagues on the parallel of 15 latitude in his sphere, 
 intercepted about an arc of 1 8. 
 
 THIRD. 
 
 Let us now find which is the meridian which, in 
 our sphere, would cut the parallel of 15 at 370 
 of Ferrer s leagues west of the meridian of Fogo 
 Island. 
 
 To that effecl: we must first know the value of 
 Ferrer s league in our marine leagues of 20 to the 
 degree of our equator. 
 
 According to Ferrer, the circumference of the 
 earth was 252,000 stades. 
 
 But there were several kinds of stades. From 
 Ferrer s references to certain Greek authors as au 
 thorities, it is evident, however, that he employs the 
 stade used by Strabo, Eratosthenes, and Macrobius 
 
 Ferrer s leagues in the parallel of 1 5 latitude, we have the 
 relation : 
 
 x 
 
 , whence x = ^- 
 
 370 cos 15 cos 15 
 
 Log 370 = 2,5682017 
 Log cos 15 = 9,9842438 
 
 Log x = 2,5832579 
 
 The value of the arc in degrees, at the rate of 21^875 to the 
 degree is given by the relation : 
 
 - 7 s " " 
 
1 86 Notes 
 
 in their estimates. This was the stade commonly 
 used in Greece, that is, the Olympic, which at 
 present is known to measure exactly I92 m ,27, as we 
 have already said. 1 
 
 Ferrer s circumference of 252,000 stades x I92 m ,27, 
 is equivalent therefore to 48,452,040 metres, in 
 stead of 40,000,000 metres, which is the real 
 value. 
 
 Ferrer s equatorial degree of 700 stades, 700** 
 x I92 m ,27, is, for the same reason, equivalent to 
 134,589 metres, instead of iii,iu metres, which 
 is the value accepted now by all metrologists. 
 
 The relation of the circumference of the earth, 
 such as Ferrer computed it to be, to the circumfer 
 ence of the globe as it is admitted to be, is conse- 
 
 . 48,452,040 
 qUe " tly 40,000,000 = VI 13010, or approximately, 
 
 1,211. That is, Ferrer increased the circumference 
 of the earth by -Jy^. of its real value ; that is, ap 
 proximately, by \. 
 
 As the arc of i of the equator of Ferrer s sphere 
 was 2 1 ,8 75 (see above) of his own leagues, the arc 
 i of the equator of the real sphere, as known to- 
 
 1 Supra, note 97, where we give the measurement made of 
 the stadium of Olympia, after it had been cleared in 1881 by 
 the commission of German archaeologists. As regards the 
 facl that until at least the fifth century of our era the Greek 
 scientists employed exclusively the Olympic stadium, see 
 Boeckh, " Metrologische Untersuchungen," Berlin, 1838, 8vo, 
 pp. 288-90, and particularly Th. Henri Martin s valuable 
 critique of Letronne s " Recherches sur les fragments d Heron," 
 in the separate issue of the " Revue archeologique," Paris, 
 1851, 8vo, pp. 15, 20, 21, 32, and 112. 
 
Notes 187 
 
 day, will be represented by a number of those leagues 
 
 equal to - ? = 1 8*0598 of Ferrer s leagues. 
 
 1,2113010 
 
 On the other hand, as the same arc of I on our 
 equator is equivalent to 20 of our marine leagues, 
 
 Ferrer s league is equal to ~ - ~ = I l ,i074 
 
 marine leagues of 20 to the degree of our equator. 
 
 The 370 leagues of Ferrer, consequently, amount 
 to 370 x i ,1074 = 409^738 marine leagues of 20 
 to the degree. 
 
 An arc of the parallel of 15 latitude, of a length 
 equal to 370 of Ferrer s leagues, that is, equal to 
 409^738 of our marine leagues, corresponds on our 
 actual sphere, 1 with an arc of the equator of the same 
 angular value equal to 424 ,! 92. 
 
 That is, at the rate of 20 leagues to the degree, 
 
 equal to > = o 2I = 2I _ I2 _o"6. 
 
 20 
 
 The meridian required is, therefore, the one which 
 cuts the parallel of 15 latitude in 21 12 longitude 
 
 1 In calling x the length of the arc of the equator of the 
 same angular value as the arc of 409^738 on the parallel of 
 1 5 latitude, we have the relation : 
 
 x _ 409,738 
 Cos 15 
 
 Log 409^738 = 2,6125070 
 Log cos 15 = 9,9849438 
 
 Log* = 2,6275632 
 x = 424^192. 
 
1 88 Notes 
 
 west, starting from the meridian of Fogo. That is, 
 in taking 24 25 west (Greenwich) for the longitude 
 of Fogo, the meridian which we are endeavouring to 
 ascertain is 24 25 west + 21 12 west = 45 37 
 west (Greenwich). 
 
 CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 It follows from what precedes that to ascertain 
 where the Line of Demarcation would have passed, 
 according to Ferrer s theory, we must first adopt for 
 our sphere the meridian of 18 west of the mean 
 meridian of the Cape Verde Islands. This we have 
 shown to pass on his sphere very nearly 370 of his 
 leagues on the parallel of 15 latitude west of the 
 starting meridian in Fogo. This meridian of 18 
 on his sphere will always be the same meridian of 
 18 on any other concentric sphere, whatever may be 
 its dimensions ; but with this difference : On any 
 other sphere than Ferrer s, it will no longer pass 370 
 of Ferrer s leagues west of the starting meridian, on 
 the parallel of 1 5 latitude. It will pass at a distance 
 proportional to the dimensions of that other sphere. 
 This meridian, on our actual sphere, would be the 
 meridian of 42 25 longitude west (Greenwich), 
 passing at a distance of 348^1 38 of 20 to the degree, 
 west of the meridian of Fogo, on the parallel of 15 
 latitude. 
 
 This unexpected longitude of 42 25 , which is 
 nearly 8 further east than the longitude assigned to 
 the Line of Demarcation in the Weimar plani 
 spheres (judging from its appearance on those maps), 
 finds its explanation in the fac~t that Ferrer increased 
 
Notes 189 
 
 the dimensions of the terrestrial globe by about 
 ^y^ or, approximately, \ of its real value. 1 
 
 Ferrer s meridian would cut the north coast of 
 Brazil about 75 miles east of the entrance of Mar- 
 anhao, and 10 miles west of the entrance of the 
 western mouth of the Rio Paranahyba. 
 
 It would also cut that part of the Brazilian coast 
 running westward from Cape Frio, at about 23 
 miles west of Cape Frio, or 40 miles east of the 
 entrance of Rio de Janeiro^ south of the laguna of 
 Jucurutia, near the great laguna of Araruama. 
 
 But if the Spanish and Portuguese pilots had 
 possessed the means of measuring exactly the distance 
 of 370 of Ferrer s leagues westwards on the parallel 
 of 15, starting from Fogo; also, if when they had 
 arrived at the extremity of that distance, they 
 had been able besides to determine in a precise 
 manner the longitude of that extremity, they would 
 have ascertained that this longitude was the one 
 which on our sphere is in 21 12 west of Fogo, 
 45 37 west of Greenwich, and not 42 25 accord 
 ing to Ferrer s theory. 
 
 This meridian of 45 37 would have cut the north 
 coast of Brazil at Pirucaua point, situate between 
 the Bay of Maracasume in the east, and the Bay of 
 Pirucaua in the west, about 23 miles west of the Bay 
 of Tyryassu, 85 miles west of the entrance of Mar- 
 anhao, and 120 miles east of the Para river, on the 
 east coast of Marajo Island. 
 
 1 Ferrer s league is equal to 1^1074 f our marine leagues 
 of 20 to the degree. This league is about 18^06 to the 
 degree of our aftual equator. 
 
1 90 Notes 
 
 It would have also cut the Brazilian coast extend 
 ing west of Cape Frio, about 150 miles in the 
 entrance of Rio de Janeiro, 8 miles west of the channel 
 separating the island of St. Sebastian from the coast, 
 and about 25 miles east of the entrance of Santos. 
 
 (102) Page 94. "John Cabot, the Discoverer of 
 North America, and Sebastian his Son," London, 
 B. F. Stevens, 1896, 8vo, pp. 296-308. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 (103) Page 98. " Discovery of North America," 
 pp. 412-415. There is, however, a map added after 
 1512 to Corumberger s edition of Peter Martyr s 
 first Decade, but it is a small, rough woodcut, omit 
 ting also the Line of Demarcation, and placing our 
 Amazona, therein called " rio grande," in the longi 
 tude of the Canary islands ! (Op. /., No. 94, pp. 
 
 474-477)- 
 
 (104) Page 100. "Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages 
 
 au Nouveau Monde," pp. 73-96, and the " Dis 
 covery of North America," pp. 422-25. 
 
 (105) Page 100. See the King s chart, Kunst- 
 mann, No. 2, etc. 
 
 (106) Page 1 02. Method which we adopted to 
 ascertain the positions in Cantino s mappamundi, 
 according to its geodetical data : 
 
 For the latitude. After determining the distances 
 from the equator to the Tropic of Capricorn and 
 to the Polar Circle, which, on the Cantino map 
 
 are, respectively, 2o8 mm and 56o mm , or about -7- 
 
Notes 1 9 1 
 
 4 (or 8 mm , 4 for the length of each de 
 
 gree of latitude), we measured the distance in milli 
 metres from the point to the equator, and divided 
 that distance by 8, 4. The quotient gave the num 
 ber of degrees of latitude. 
 
 For the longitude. The degree of latitude multi 
 plied by the cosinus of 45 having shown the de 
 gree of longitude equal to 6 mm , the distance from 
 the point to the meridian of Paris was measured in 
 millimetres. In dividing that number by 6, the 
 quotient was the number of degrees of longitude 
 according to that meridian. 
 
 We then assumed that the cartographer who con 
 structed Cantino s prototype gave i6-| leagues to a 
 degree on the equator, according to the measure 
 generally adopted by the Portuguese pilots of the 
 time, 1 
 
 Judging from the difference in longitude between 
 Cape San Roque and South Guinea, which is 55 in 
 the Cantino map, instead of 45 as in reality, we 
 may assume that in the opinion of its maker the 
 radius of the globe was equal to five millions of 
 metres instead of six. 
 
 We should also take in consideration that in the 
 Cantino map the latitude of the tropics is 20 40 
 instead of 23 27 . 
 
 The object of this technical explanation is simply 
 to show that no reliance is to be placed upon the 
 
 1 " La ragione perche io do 16 leghe e due terzi per ogni 
 grado," says Vespuccius, in his letter of July 8, 1500 (Ban- 
 dini, Vita di Vespucci, p. 72). 
 
192 Notes 
 
 metrology of that map, and that the figures which 
 we have set forth in our Corte Retl^ should not be 
 invoked, as has been done recently, 1 to determine 
 the longitude of that meridian. We must be guided 
 in that respect only by the geographical position of 
 the Line in the Cantino map, which is fixed therein 
 eastward from the Maranhao. 2 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 (107) Page 103. Navarrete, in his " Optisculos," 
 vol. i., p. 66, says that " hallabase en un Registro 
 de copias de c6dulas, provisiones, etc., de la Casa de 
 la Contratacion desde 5 de febrero de 1515 hasta 6 
 de marzo de 1519." 
 
 ( 1 08) Page 1 03. " Suma de geographia que trata 
 de todas las partidas y provincias del mundo : en 
 especial de las indias, y trata largamente del arte del 
 marear : Juntamente con la esphera en romance. 
 . . ." Sevilla, 1519, folio; "Bibliot. Americ. Vetust," 
 No. 97, pp. 167 ; "Discovery of North America," 
 pp. 502, 716. 
 
 (109) Page 104. It must be noted, however, that 
 in the windrose added to the a Suma," the difference 
 between two points of the compass seems to have 
 been calculated on the basis of 17^ leagues. But 
 logic requires in the present discussion to adopt the 
 
 1 London "Times," February 6, 1896, p. 8, and March 7 
 following, p. 6. 
 
 a That which shows that it is the Maranhao, and not the 
 Maranon or Amazona, is the delineation of a large estuary 
 west of the Line, and bearing the well-known inscription : 
 " Todo este mar he de agua doce " (all that sea is fresh water) . 
 
Notes 193 
 
 data which Enciso himself explicitly sets forth for 
 his computation of the circumference of the earth. 
 
 (no) Page 105. This is impossible. Enciso 
 probably wrote 57 instead of 117, and 950 
 leagues instead of 1,950. 
 
 (in) Page 105, Those 400 leagues of Enciso 
 are equal to 443 of our leagues ; but the real distance 
 is 520 of our leagues of 20 to a degree. 
 
 (112) Page 105. Enciso makes the following 
 statement : " Porque cada un grado es tassado en 
 l6J leguas y un sesmo de camino todo el Mundo 
 tiene en derredor 360 grades que montan 6,000 
 leguas" (As each degree is fixed at 16^ leagues, and 
 one-sixth in space [16 -f- ^ + TT = 1 6,666], the cir 
 cumference of the entire world [globe] is of 360 
 
 , \ r 6,OOO 
 
 degrees, amounting to 6,000 leagues) [again . = 
 
 1 6 leagues, 666 to the degree of Enciso s equator]. 
 
 According to Enciso, who wrote in 1518, the 
 value of an equatorial degree was, therefore, on his 
 sphere, 1 6^666. 
 
 We have shown that according to Ferrer, who 
 wrote in 1494, the value of an equatorial degree, on 
 his sphere, was 2I 1 ,875. 
 
 The probability is that the league, which is 
 always a unit usual and fixed, was the same for 
 Enciso and for Ferrer ; that is, at the rate of 32 
 stades for one league. We shall therefore adopt the 
 same value for the league of both cosmographers, 
 and ascribe the difference in the valuations which 
 they give to the equatorial degree only to their 
 different valuations of the dimensions of the earth. 
 
194 Notes 
 
 Let us ascertain the relation which the equatorial 
 degree on the sphere of Enciso bears to the equa 
 torial degree on our sphere. 
 
 According to that cosmographer, the circum 
 ference of the globe is 6,000 leagues ; that is, at the 
 rate of 32 stades per league, 6,000 X 32 = 192,000 
 stades. If we adopt for Enciso, at we did for Ferrer, 
 the stade as being equal to 192 metres, 27, the cir 
 cumference of Enciso s sphere is 192,000 X 192,27 
 = 36,915,840 metres, instead of 40,000,000 metres, 
 which is the value admitted to-day. 
 
 The sphere of Enciso therefore bears to the real 
 
 sphere the relation of 3 >9 5? 4 = o,Q2?, and his 
 
 40,000,000 
 
 equatorial degree bears of course to the actual equa 
 torial degree the same relation of 0,923. 
 
 The equatorial degree on Enciso s sphere being 
 of 16^666, and the 0,923 of our actual equa- 
 
 . , , . 16,666 
 
 tonal degree, the latter will contain 
 
 i8 ,O57 of Eerrer s and of Enciso s leagues. 1 
 
 Our actual equatorial degree being equal to 20 of 
 our leagues, it follows that Enciso s league is equal 
 
 to ^ - = i ^107 8 of our marine leagues of 20 
 
 to a degree, or i,io8. 2 
 
 In short, the circumference of Enciso s sphere is 
 
 1 We found nearly the same result when discussing Ferrer s 
 data, viz. : 18,0598 of his leagues to our equatorial degree j 
 and it could not be otherwise. 
 
 2 We found for Ferrer s league, i 1 ,io74 marine league 
 of 20 to a degree. 
 
Notes 195 
 
 equal to the 0,923 of the circumference of the real 
 sphere; that is, he makes the latter smaller by 0,077 
 than its real value. 
 
 Ferrer s sphere, as has been shown (supra^ p. 186), 
 is 1,21 1 of the circumference of the real sphere ; that 
 is, Ferrer makes the latter larger by 0,21 1 than its 
 real value. 
 
 Consequently, Enciso commits an error of 0,077 
 less, Ferrer one of 0,21 1 in excess. 
 
 The difference shows, to a certain extent, the geo- 
 detical progress accomplished between 1495 and 1518. 
 
 Those figures can be verified as follows : 
 
 We have shown that the relation of the circum 
 ference of Ferrer s sphere to the circumference of our 
 aclual sphere is 1,211 ; now, the relation of the 
 circumference of Ferrer s sphere to the circumference 
 
 of the sphere of Enciso is = I ?3 I 3 j 1 conse 
 
 quently the relation of the circumference of the 
 sphere of Enciso to the circumference of our actual 
 
 . 1,211 
 
 sphere is - - = 0,023. 
 
 We must also notice that Ferrer ascribes 7,875 
 leagues to the circumference of his sphere ; whilst 
 Enciso ascribes to his own sphere a circumference 
 of 6,000 leagues. The relation between these two 
 
 circumferences therefore is l 1-213. But we 
 
 6,000 
 
 1 This relation is that of the size of Ferrer s equatorial 
 degree with the equatorial degree of Enciso, and is evidently 
 the same as that of the circumference of Ferrer s sphere with 
 the circumference of the sphere of Enciso. 
 
196 Notes 
 
 have seen that the relation of Ferrer s circumference 
 to the actual circumference is 1,211 ; consequently 
 the relation of Enciso s circumference to the actual 
 
 c 1,211 
 
 circumference is -- = 0,923. 
 1,313 
 
 We propose now to determine the Line of De 
 marcation, according to Enciso. 
 
 Like Ferrer, Enciso places his dividing meridian 
 370 of his (and of Ferrer s) leagues west of Fogo, in 
 the parallel of 15 latitude on his sphere. 
 
 On that parallel, an arc of 370 leagues has the 
 same angular value as an arc of the equator on the 
 
 same sphere of a length equal to 5 = 38 3^052. 
 
 This arc of the equator of 383^052 will be equal, 
 
 at the rate of i6 1 ,666 ... to a degree, to 6666" 
 
 = 22, 985 = 22 59 06". 
 
 It follows that the dividing meridian on End sets 
 sphere, passing 370 of his leagues west of Fogo on 
 the parallel of 15, will be the meridian of 22 59 
 west of Fogo, or 22 59 + 2 4 2 5 == 47 2 4 west 
 of Greenwich, in taking 24 25 west of Greenwich 
 for the meridian of Fogo Island. 
 
 Whatever may be the dimensions adopted for a 
 sphere concentrical to Enciso s, the meridian of 
 47 24 west of Greenwich will always be the same, 
 and the difference between the longitude of Fogo 
 and that of the dividing line, as found by Enciso s 
 data, will always be 22 59 . But this difference 
 in longitude will represent a distance, on the parallel 
 
Notes 197 
 
 of 15, which will vary proportionally with the 
 dimensions of the sphere under consideration. We 
 shall adopt therefore for our actual sphere, as a 
 dividing meridian, the meridian of 47 24 west of 
 Greenwich, which is the result of Enciso s deter 
 mination, it being understood that this meridian 
 passes on our sphere at a distance west of Fogo, 
 different from that at which it passes west of the 
 same Fogo on Enciso s sphere. 
 
 Let us see now at what distance it passes on our 
 sphere west of Fogo, on the parallel of 15. 
 
 An arc of 22 59 of our equator is equal to 22 59 
 X 20 = 22^985 x 20 = 459^7, at the rate of 20 
 leagues to a degree. 
 
 The arc of the same angular value (22 59 ) 
 of the parallel of 15 of our sphere^ is equal to 459 ,7 
 X cos 15 = 444^036 (leagues of 20 to a degree). 
 
 The dividing meridian of 47 24 west of Green 
 wich determined by Enciso, and which on his sphere 
 passed at a distance of 370 of his leagues (370 x 
 1, 1 08 = 409^960 of 20 to a degree) will pass, con 
 sequently, on our sphere^ at a distance of 444*, 036 
 of 20 to a degree west of Fogo on the parallel of 1 5. 
 
 On Ferrer s sphere, which was much larger than 
 Enciso s, the 370 leagues of Ferrer and Enciso com 
 prised only 1 8 on the parallel of 15. These 18, 
 on our sphere^ comprised 348^ 138 marine leagues of 
 20 to a degree, on the parallel of 15. 
 
 The Line of Demarcation of 47 24 west of 
 Greenwich cut the north coast of Brazil in Salinas 
 Bay, situate west of the island of Praia Grande. It 
 passed about 5 miles west of the Atalaia lighthouse; 
 
198 
 
 Notes 
 
 that is, about 35 miles east of the entrance of Rio 
 Para, and about 180 miles west of the entrance of 
 Rio Maranhao. 
 
 Having given the mathematical deductions from 
 Enciso s geodetical data, and stated where, according 
 to these data, the Line of Demarcation passed on 
 his sphere, and where it passed on our own, we have 
 now to examine his geographical statements as re 
 gards the position of the Line of Demarcation on 
 his sphere. He says : 
 
 " El limite dedo comienza la particion esta 370 
 leguas al poniente de la isla del fuego, las cuales van a 
 dar en la tierra de las Indias entre el Rio Maraiion y 
 la Mar Dulce " (The limit where the partition 
 commences is 370 leagues west of Fogo Island, 
 which terminate on the main land of the Indies, 
 between the Rio Maranon and the Mar Dulce). 
 
 Elsewhere, he says : 
 
 " Desdel Cabo de San&o Agostin fasta al Rio 
 Maranon ay 300 leguas " (From Cape St. Augustine 
 to the Rio Maranon there are 300 leagues). 
 
 If we ascribe to Enciso s league the length found 
 by our preceding calculations, viz. : 1^108 (marine 
 league of 20 to a degree), his 300 leagues are: 
 300 x I 1 ,! 08 = 332^4 of our actual marine leagues 
 of 20 to a degree. 
 
 If now we carry this distance of 332^4 on our 
 admiralty charts, counting from Cape St. Augustine 
 westwards, hugging the west coast of Brazil, as 
 doubtless did the pilots in Enciso s time, we reach 
 near the mouth of the Rio Para. 
 
 Elsewhere, Enciso says: 
 
Notes 199 
 
 " Desde el Rio Maranon fasta al Rio que dizen la 
 Mar Dulce, ay 25 leguas"(From the Rio Maranon 
 to the river called Mar Dulce there are 25 leagues). 
 
 The 25 leagues of Enciso amount to 25 x 1,108 
 = 27 1 ,7 of 20 to a degree. Carrying these 27^7 
 along the coast, starting from Cape Maguari, which 
 is the western point of the entrance of the Rio 
 Para, we reach the north of Mexiana Island, in the 
 middle of the great opening of the Amazona, between 
 the northern and the southern channels which lead 
 into the river itself. If so, Enciso is right when he 
 says: " Este limite esta cerca de la Mar Dulce" 
 (that limit [ .*., the Line of Demarcation] is near 
 the Mar Dulce), provided he considers the mouth 
 of the Para as forming part of the Mar Dulce. 
 
 The plan of the Line of Demarcation of 47 24 
 on Enciso s sphere, passes on our sphere^ as we 
 have said, 444^036 (of our leagues of 20 to a de 
 gree) west of Fogo, on the parallel of 15. 
 
 But what is the meridian passing on our sphere, 
 370 of Enciso s leagues (409^960 of our leagues of 
 20 to a degree) west of Fogo on the parallel of 15? 
 
 The position of the meridian answering these 
 requisites is independent of the results arrived at by 
 Ferrer or by Enciso. It is always the meridian 
 which we have determined in our discussion of 
 Ferrer s results, and which is the meridian of 21 13 
 west of Fogo, or 24 25 -f- 21 13 = 45 38 west 
 of Greenwich. This meridian cuts the north coast 
 of Brazil, in Maracasume Bay, about 35 miles of the 
 entrance of the Rio Para, and about 180 miles west 
 of the Maranhao. 
 
200 Notes 
 
 To sum up : 
 
 Ferrer increased the circumference of the earth 
 by -/oVg. over its real value. 
 
 Enciso diminished the same circumference by 
 T 7. T_. unc l er j ts rea l value. 
 
 The league employed by Ferrer is the same as 
 Enciso s, viz. : the league of 32 stades or of 1^108 
 (actual marine league of 20 to a degree). This 
 league of 32 stades is of i8 l ,o5, to the degree of the 
 equator, such as it is adopted to-day. 
 
 According to the dimensions which Ferrer 
 ascribed to the earth, the dividing meridian lies 18 
 to the west of the meridian of Fogo, passing on 
 Ferrer s sphere 370 of his leagues ( = 409,960 of 
 our leagues of 20 to a degree) west of Fogo on the 
 parallel of 15, and on cur sphere 348 marine leagues 
 of 20 to a degree, west of Fogo, on the parallel of 
 15 (supra, p. 197). 
 
 According to the dimensions which Enciso ascribed 
 to the earth, the dividing meridian lies 22 59 to the 
 west of the meridian of Fogo, passing on Enciso s 
 sphere 370 of his leagues ( = 409,960 of our leagues of 
 2O to a degree) west of Fogo on the parallel of 1 5 , and 
 on our sphere, 444 marine leagues of 20 to a degree 
 west of Fogo, on the parallel of 15 (supra, p. 197). 
 
 On the real sphere, the meridian passing 370 of 
 Ferrer s and Enciso s leagues ( = 409,960 of our 
 leagues) west of Fogo, on the parallel of 15, would 
 be the meridian which lies 21 13 west of Fogo. 
 
 The dividing meridian of Enciso (22 59 west of 
 Fogo) cuts the north coast of Brazil 180 miles west of 
 the Rio Maranon, and 35 miles east of the Rio Para. 
 
Notes 201 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 (113) Page no. " Descobrysteis ciertas islas e 
 tierra firme que posysteis los nombres siguientes : 
 Santa Maria de la Consolation e Rostro hermoso, 
 e dende alle seguisteys la costa que se corre al 
 Norueste, el Rio grande, que llamasteys Santa Maria 
 de la Mar duke con las islas questan a la boca de 
 dicho rio, que se nombra Marina tambulo " (" Docu- 
 mentos ineditos de Indias," vol. xxx., pp. 535-537)- 
 
 The name " Santa Maria de la Consolation " 
 may come from the feast day of the Purification of 
 the Virgin Mary, February 2, which in this case 
 would be the date of the discovery of that cape, what 
 ever its position may be in reality. The Pinzons set 
 out from Spain in December, 1499, and returned to 
 Palos, September 30, 1500, after having discovered 
 not only Brazil and (one of ?) the mouths of the 
 Amazoria, but, as we now believe, also Yucatan, 
 in July of that year, after sailing from Hispaniola. 
 
 Marina tambulo is evidently an Indian name. A 
 curious coincidence is the fa6t reported by Dr. 
 Crevaux, that the natives on the coast of Guiana 
 call the sweet scented fruit of a certain passiflora in 
 that region Marie tambour. 
 
 Marina tambulo appears in a map for the first time 
 in Schemer s globe of 1520, in its longitude of 126. 
 
 (i 14) Page in. "Trovorono el mar de aquadolce, 
 et investigando dove queste aque veniva, trovo una 
 bocha che usciva in mar. 15. lige cum grandissimo 
 impeto, davanti de la qual in mar ne erano molte 
 insule ... el nome de questa provintia chiamano 
 
202 Notes 
 
 Marina tambal" (Letter of Angelo Trevisan to 
 Dominico Maripetro [Malipiero] in Venice, dated 
 Ecija (?), December, 1501). It is the prototype of 
 the account printed in the " Libretto " (1504) and 
 in the " Paesi " (1507 ; "Bibliot. Americ. Vetust.," 
 Nos. 32 and 48) as well as of the Ferrara MS. In 
 the 1511 edition of the Decade, Peter Martyr 
 d Anghiera says that Mariatambal was a native 
 name : " Prouintiam appellant indigene Maria 
 tambal" (recto off , iiij). 
 
 (i 15) Page in. It is the first time that this name 
 occurs in a document or in a map. Two years after 
 wards V incente Yanez Pinzon cited it in his deposition 
 (March 21, 1513 ; "Doc. inedit," 2nd Series, 1892, 
 vol. ii., p. 269) as follows : " hallo la mar dulce . . . 
 e asimismo descubrio esta provincia que se llama 
 Parisura (V)." His companion, Valdo vinos, Sept. 
 J 9> I 5 I 5 (P- c lt -> v l- vn i- 5 P- H6), gives that name 
 to the large river itself: "dieron en un Rio grande 
 anagazado al qual pusyeron por nombre paritura (sic] 
 donde hallaron en la mar que salia del Ryo el agua 
 dulce mas de treynta leguas." 
 
 (116) Page 1 1 1. " Varia repere flumina, turn 
 ingentia, turn parva et mediocria, preter cetera in 
 unum incidere latitudinis adeo immense, ut incredible 
 sit posse id in natura fieri. Ocloginta milliarium 
 amplius, aiunt, et flumen esse asseverant, non maris 
 sinum, quod dulcium sit aquarum, quod fluat in 
 oceanum, et insulis refertum sit ... flumini est 
 nomen patrium Maragnonus " (" Epist." DXXXII, 
 December 18, 1513, in the Amsterdam edition, 
 p. 291). 
 
Notes 203 
 
 (117) Page 112. Oviedo ("Hist. General de las 
 Indias," lib. xxiv., cap. n, vol. ii., p. 213). 
 
 (118) Page 113. "El primero que descubrio el 
 rio Maranon fue el piloto Vicente Yanez Pinzon 
 
 . . el me dixo que con quatro caravelas pequenas 
 avia entrado en este rio quine 6 veynte leguas el 
 ano de 1500 anos . . . los saltearon en una pro- 
 vincia que se llama Mariatambal, que es dentro de la 
 costa del Maranon, dentro del qual hay muchas 
 islas . . . desviado del rio y de la costa treynta 
 leguas apartado de tierra, avia cogido agua dulce en 
 la mar alta, por causa de la fuerca e furia con que 
 este rio entra en ella " (Oviedo, loc. at.). 
 
 (119) Page 113. A well-known custom of 
 navigators in those days was to name their geo 
 graphical discoveries after the Saint on whose feast 
 day they were made (see our " Discovery of North 
 America," p. 335). 
 
 (120) Page 1 14. La Cosa s planisphere was drawn 
 before the end of December, 1500, and Pinzon 
 returned to Spain, September 30, of that year 
 ("Discovery," pp. 412 and 679). 
 
 (121) Page 115. " Doc. inedit.," vol. i., p. 194. 
 
 (122) Page 1 1 6. " Este embocamiento, que tan 
 senalada cosa hizo Dios en el mundo [el rio Mar- 
 anon] se llamo un tiempo Mar dul^e" (Oviedo, 
 lib. xxi., cap. n, vol. ii., p. 123). 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 (123) Page 1 20. The western estuary of the 
 Amazona, at its greatest width, between Tijoca 
 
204 Notes 
 
 Point on the continent, and the easternmost cape 
 of Marayo Island (Point Maguari), is only about 
 40 miles. 
 
 (124) Page 121. " Oftoginta milliarum amplius 
 ajunt " (" Epist." Dxxxii., p. 291). 
 
 (125) Page 121. " Lequas dicere audent triginta 
 amplius latum " (Decade i., lib. ix., edit, of 1533, 
 folio; f. 21, B). The entire passage is wanting 
 in the edition of 1511. 
 
 (126) Page 121. Oviedo, ubi supra. 
 
 (127) Pageji2i. "Aquel embocamiento hace 
 alia dentro dos bracos prencipales, y al mas oriental 
 llaman rlo de Navidad ; y el mas occidental es el 
 que guarda el proprio nombre de Maranon, y es el 
 mas prencipal" (Oviedo, lib. xxi., cap. ii., vol. ii., 
 p. 123). 
 
 (128) Page 121. Even after the exploration of 
 Orellana, cartographers depicted the mouth of the 
 Amazona without noticing the Para. See the map 
 of Bartolome Olives, preserved at Pisa (" Discovery," 
 p. 585). 
 
 (129) Page 122. The estuary of the Tocantins 
 alone is 48 kilometres wide. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 (130) Page 124. The earliest delineation of that 
 region is to be found in the Portuguese Cantino 
 map, executed before November, 1502. There is, 
 first, a river, denominated Rio grande, terminating 
 with an extremely large estuary, dotted with islands, 
 one of which is of considerable size ; then on the 
 
Notes 205 
 
 sea, facing it, we read : Todo este mar he de agua do$e. 
 But the region is placed at a great distance from Can- 
 tino s Line of Demarcation and in the longitude of 
 his island of Guadalupe ! 
 
 (131) Page 125. " Cartographia Americana Ve- 
 tustissima," Nos. 148, 159, 163, 177, 184, 185, 
 195, in our "Discovery," pp. 528-580. Wolfen- 
 biittel B is of a date posterior to the Treaty of 
 Badajoz, but its data are borrowed from a much 
 older map. This is also the case with the Verraz- 
 zano and Maggiolo planispheres of 1527, as well as 
 the portolani of Agnese. 
 
 (132) Page 126. In the Laurentiana and Ribeiro 
 planispheres. 
 
 (133) Page 126. "El Rio de Maranon es muy 
 grande y entran en el navios por agua dulce,y 20 leguas 
 en la mar toman agua dulce " (Weimar Ribeiro). 
 
 (134) Page 127. " Le Rio Paranahyba de la 
 province de Piauchy, forme sans doute un grand 
 delta a son embouchure, etant divise en six bras qui 
 entourent des iles tres basses, mais cette riviere, pas 
 plus que le Rio Meary (Mearim) de la province de 
 Maranhao, celebre par son mascaret (le mouvement 
 terrible de la maree), ne rend, a ce que je sais, la 
 mer douce loin de son embouchure" (Humboldt, 
 " Examen Critique," vol. v., p. 63, note). 
 
 (135) Page 127. De Montravel, "Revue Co- 
 loniale," No. of August, 1847, p. 410, and " An- 
 nales maritimes et coloniales,"same date, pp. 170-172. 
 
 (136) Page 128. Called therein "Maralion." 
 
 (137) Page 129. " Regio autem ab eius fluminis 
 occidente, Paricura dicitur." 
 
206 Notes 
 
 (138) Page 130. We have just found that Mr. 
 d Avezac also came to this conclusion, but by other 
 reasonings ("Les Voyages d Americ Vespuce au 
 compte de PEspagne," Paris, 1858, 8vo, p. 180). 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 (139) Page 132. The Cantino map, supra^ p. 102. 
 
 (140) Page 134. "Documentos ineditos de In- 
 dias," vol. i., p. 296. 
 
 (141) Page 134. Ibidem. 
 
 (142) Page 135. The first settlement, to our 
 knowledge, is the town of Coro, built by Juan de 
 Ampues in 1527 : " Atraveso a la Costa de Coriana 
 por el ano de mil quinientos y veinte y siete, el dia 
 de Santa Ana del mismo ano de quinientos y veinte 
 y siete, fundo una ciudad, a quien por esta circum- 
 stancia y ser en la provincia de Coriana intitulo 
 Santa Ana de Coro " (Oviedo y Banos, " Historia de 
 la conquista y poblacion de Venezuela ; " Madrid, 
 1723, small folio, cap. iii., p. 9). 
 
 (143) Page 136. The " Phisices compendium" 
 of Pedro Margallo (Salmant., 1520, folio, " Bibliot. 
 Americ. Vetust., Addit.," p. 77), " mostra el reparti- 
 miento entre Castilla y Portugal " (Navarrete, vol. iv., 
 p. 348). Unfortunately, the only copy of that work 
 which we ever could find is in Seville. 
 
 (144) Page 137. Navarrete, vol. iv., pp. 336-337. 
 
 (145) Page 137. "John Cabot, the Discoverer 
 of North America, and Sebastian his Son," London, 
 B. F. Stevens, Publisher, 1896, 8vo, pp. 296-308. 
 
 (146) Page 138. Those experts were not mem- 
 
Notes 207 
 
 bers of the Junta, but astrologers (astronomers) and 
 pilots, placed by the Crown at the disposal of its 
 Spanish members (Navarrete, vol. iv., p. 331). They 
 were Antonio de Alcaraz, Simon Tarragona, Se 
 bastian Cabot, Diego Ribeiro, and the pilots of the 
 Casa de Contratacion in 1524. 
 
 The Portuguese experts exhibited a globe on which 
 the Demarcation Line was traced 21 30 west of the 
 island of Sant Antonio ; by our mode of calculating : 
 22 6 36". 
 
 (147) Page 138. "Tenemos de venir a lo que com- 
 munmente usan los marineros ansi en Portugal como 
 en Castilla, que dan a cada grado del cielo 17 leguas y 
 media, e al primer rumbo despues del norte dan 1 8 
 y media, e a el nor nordeste dan 2O. . . . Nos con- 
 formaremos con el Tolemo ... el cual pone 62 
 millas e media a cada grado" (17^x4 = 70 milles ?). 
 This league of 17-1 to a degree was stated by them 
 to be the league commonly used by the Spanish and 
 Portuguese seamen : " lo que communmente usan 
 los marineros ansi en Portugal, como en Castilla " 
 (Navarrete, vol. iv., p. 339, line 20). 
 
 (148) Page 138. According to their first two 
 data, there would have been 17^x32 = 560 stades 
 to a degree, and 201,600 stades for the circumference. 
 
 (149) Page 138. Misled by Saigey (op. /., p. 
 61), we first based our calculations upon his assertion 
 that Ptolemy used the Phileterian stade. Conse 
 quently, we increased the Olympic stade, without, 
 however, adopting Saigey s estimate of i84 m ,8 for the 
 Olympic, as it is now known to be equal to i<)2 m ,2j. 
 But a new study of Boeckh, Letronne, and T. H. 
 
20 8 Notes 
 
 Martin convinced us that although both kinds of 
 stades co-existed in Egypt in Ptolemy s time, only the 
 Olympic was resorted to for scientific mensurations, 
 and that Archimedes, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, 
 Strabo, Vitruvius, and Ptolemy himself must have 
 used it to the exclusion of the Phileterian. Our 
 computation of Ptolemy s stade is based therefore 
 upon the present estimate of the Olympic, viz. : 
 I92 m ,27, as we did when discussing Ferrer s estimate. 
 
 (150) Page 138. " La dicha linea . . . habia de 
 pasar al occidente de la isla de Sant Antonio, co- 
 menzandose desde alii la medida " ("Parecer" of 
 1524 in Navarrete, vol. iv., p. 344). 
 
 (151) Page 138. "Tenemos de situar la linea 
 de la demarcation 370 leguas desde la isla de S. 
 Antonio, a las cuales corresponden 22 grades, e 
 cuasi 9 millas," or by our mode of calculating, 
 22 08 02". It is well to recollecl: that we have 
 found by computations made on the basis of Enciso s 
 data (supra, p. 196) that his 370 leagues west of 
 Fogo amounted to 22 59 06" on the parallel of 15. 
 The Portuguese exhibited a globe on which the De 
 marcation Line was traced 21 30 west of the island 
 of Sant Antonio (Navarrete, vol. iv., doc. xxxvii., 
 
 P- 345)- 
 
 (152) Page 140. Meridian of Ternate= 1 27 20 r 
 east of Greenwich (127 20 +17 + 180). 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 (153) Page 141. "La-qual se devide en dos 
 partes conforme a la capitulation que hizieron los 
 
Notes 209 
 
 catholicos Reyes de Espana, y el Rey don Juan de 
 Portugal en la villa de Tordesillas : Ario de 1494." 
 
 (154) Page 142. In the remaining half of the 
 planisphere of Nuiio Garcia de Toreno, dated 1522, 
 and preserved in the king s library at Turin (" Dis 
 covery," No. 144) the Line of Demarcation is 
 marked with the legend : Llnea divisionis Castellan- 
 orum et Portugallenslum. Unfortunately we possess 
 only the Asiatic regions. In it the line passes 
 through the middle of Camatra (Sumatra), which 
 corresponds with 98 longitude, Greenwich, on our 
 maps, making it appear (if carried out in the New 
 World) clear into the Pacific, south of Mexico. 
 
 (155) Page 142. See for this map, "Discovery of 
 North America," No. 159, p. 538. 
 
 (156) Page 142. Ibidem, No. 163, p. 540. 
 
 (157) Page 142. Ibidem, No. 177, p. 557. 
 
 (158) Page 142. Ibidem, No. 185, p. 573. 
 
 (159) Page 142. Ibidem, No. 184, p. 569. 
 
 (160) Page 142. Thomassy, "Les Papes geo 
 graphies," Paris, 1852, 8vo. No n, pp. 115-118. 
 We possess a tracing of that valuable map, but with 
 out its nomenclature, which we have endeavoured 
 to obtain. Unfortunately the original is now framed, 
 and hung up at such a height as to prevent its being 
 studied. The custodians of the Vatican could not 
 be induced to place it within reach. 
 
 (161) Page 142. See for this map, "Discovery of 
 North America," No. 195, p. 580. 
 
 (162) Page 143. Three are stated to have been 
 constructed by " Cosmographos de Su Magestad." 
 
 (163) Page 144. The following was one of the 
 
2 1 o Notes 
 
 methods which we tried to ascertain the longitude 
 of the Line of Demarcation in Ribeiro s map : 
 
 The degree of latitude multiplied by the cosinus 
 of 45 gives the degree of longitude equal to 4 mm . 
 We measure the distance in millimetres from the 
 point to a meridian ; then, dividing this number by 
 the value of the degree of longitude in millimetres 
 (viz. four millimetres), the quotient will be the 
 number of degrees of longitude relatively to the 
 chosen meridian. Greenwich is our starting meridian 
 for the longitudes. 
 
 In applying the above rule to the Ribeiro Weimar 
 map of 1529, we find, distance from the equator to 
 the Tropic of Capricorn =135 millimetres. 
 
 Distance from the equator to the Polar circle = 
 377 mm . Consequently, if the map extended as 
 far as the pole, the distance from this point to the 
 equator would be 135 -{-377 = 5i2 mm , repre 
 senting 90 latitude. The degree of latitude, there- 
 
 r j o 
 
 fore, is equal to - = 5 mm ,7. 
 
 The mean degree of longitude is equal to the 
 degree of latitude multiplied by the cosinus of the 
 mean latitude (45) ; that is to say, to 4 mm , 3. To 
 obtain a greater precision, it would be necessary to 
 ascertain the length in millimetres of the degree of 
 longitude, multiply the degree of latitude (5 mm ,7) by 
 the cosinus of the latitude of the point under con 
 sideration. 
 
 On the equator the degree of longitude is equal 
 to the degree of latitude (5 mm ,7). If we wish to 
 know the longitude of the dividing meridian, we 
 
Notes 2 1 1 
 
 take on the equator the distance in millimetres from 
 that meridian to the meridian of Fogo, and we find 
 1 33 mm - This number, divided by 5 mn ,7, gives us the 
 difference in the longitude between the dividing meri 
 dian and the meridian of Fogo, viz. : -== = 20 20 . 
 
 57 
 
 The longitude of Fogo being 24 25 west, we 
 find for the longitude of the dividing meridian on 
 said map of Ribeiro, 24 25 -f- 20 20 = 44 45 
 west of Greenwich. 
 
 Unfortunately, Ribeiro s other data yield a very 
 different result. For instance, he places the Line of 
 Demarcation, on his map, 18 west of Cape St. 
 Roch, which he inscribes in 5 south latitude. 
 Now, on his sphere this meridian would cut the 
 equator at a distance of 17^5 x 18 = 315 leagues 
 of 17^5 to the equatorial degree, west of the 
 meridian of Cape St. Roch. These 315 leagues 
 equal 315 x 1,108 = 349 leagues of 20 to the 
 degree. If we carry on our sphere and on its equator, 
 west of the meridian of Cape St. Roch, this distance 
 of 349 leagues, it will intercept an arc of longitude 
 
 equal to = 17 45 = 17 27 . The meridian 
 
 passing at the extremity of that distance will be the 
 meridian we endeavour to ascertain, on our sphere^ 
 that is, 17 27 4- 35 20 = 52 47 west of Green 
 wich (that is 2 47 west of the western mouth of 
 the Amazona) instead of 44 45 on his sphere, and 
 about 52 47 on our own, as results from his other 
 data. This great difference shows that, as in the 
 case of the Cantino map, no reliance is to be placed, 
 
212 
 
 Notes 
 
 scientifically speaking, on the cartographical state 
 ments of the period. 
 
 We were constrained to fall back upon a sort of 
 empirical method, by transferring Ribeiro s geogra 
 phical delineations to a modern map j but here again, 
 these data were so vague as to compel us to resort 
 to guess work. Thus did we come to suppose that 
 Ribeiro made his Line pass through the western 
 mouth of the Amazona River, in about 49 45 . 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 (164) Page 145. Navarrete, vol. iii., doc. vii., 
 pp. 297, 300. 
 
 (165) Page 145. " Discovery of North America," 
 chap, ii., pp. 263-267. 
 
 (166) Page 145. Ibidem^ p. 734. 
 
 (167) Page 146. Ibidem, pp. 631-633. 
 
 (168) Page 147. The nomenclature complete is 
 as follows : 
 
 From Cape St. Augustine 
 to Cape Primero 
 
 From Cape Primero 
 to Cape del Placel 
 
 From Cape del Placel 
 to Bahia de Sancl Rafael 
 Bahia de Tortuga 
 Rio de Sancl Miguel 
 
 From Rio de Sancl: Miguel 
 to Capo del Corco 
 Bahia de Arrecifes 
 
 50 leagues 
 20 leagues 
 
 30 leagues 
 55 leagues 
 
55 leagues 
 
 40 leagues 
 
 Notes 2 1 3 
 
 From Rio de Sanct Miguel 
 
 to Cape Blanco 
 From Cape Blanco 
 
 to El Aguada 
 
 Punta Primeira 
 
 Golfo de Negros 
 
 Playa del Place! 
 
 Playa de las Pesquerias 
 
 Punta del Palmar 
 From Punta del Palmar 
 
 to Rio del Placel 
 
 Tierra de Humos 
 
 Bahia de Sancl Vincente 
 
 Cape del Hueste 
 
 Punta de Allende 
 
 Punta de Corrientes 
 
 Punta de Humos 
 From Punta de Humos 
 
 to Cape de Corrientes 
 From Cape de Corrientes 
 
 to Rio de Naubor 
 
 Rio Segundo 
 
 Rio dejohan de Lisbona 
 
 Bahia de Todos Sanclos 
 From Bahia de Todos Sanftos 
 
 to Cape de los Esclavos 
 From Cape de los Esclavos 
 
 to Rio de Navidad 
 
 Rio Maranon 
 
 Rio de los Esclavos 
 
 At first sight this enumeration may be interpreted 
 as follows : 
 
 80 leagues 
 
 30 leagues 
 20 leagues 
 
 1 2 or 1 3 leagues 
 20 leagues 
 
2 1 4 Notes 
 
 Cape de los Esclavos = Taipu point. 
 
 Rio de Navidad = Para river. 
 
 Rio Maranon = western branch of Amazona. 
 
 Rio de los Esclavos = Araguary river. 
 
 Unfortunately, the distance between the two 
 extreme points (48 5 49 55 ) amounts to much 
 more than 20 leagues, even of leagues measuring only 
 1 7J- to an equatorial degree. 
 
 (169) Page 148. "Este Cabo de los Esclavos 
 esta en la punta de la boca del rio Maranon . . . su 
 entrada en la mar no es un solo braco, como se dira 
 quando en adelante se tra&e del viaje que por el 
 hizo Francisco de Orellana . . . entran las aguas 
 de aqueste rio con mucho impetu en la mar, y dentro 
 della, diezo doce leguas, se coje deste rio agua 
 dul^e ; e aquel embocamiento hace alia dentro dos 
 bracos prencipales, y al mas oriental llaman rio de 
 Navidad ; y el mas occidental es el que guarda el 
 proprio nombre de Maranon . . . Este rio es cosa 
 muy notable y senalada en la pintura de la cosmo- 
 graphia por sus grandecas . . . desde el Cabo de 
 San6l Augustin . . * hasta llegar al embocamiento y 
 atravessarle, al rio Maranon hay trescientas cinquenta 
 y ocho leguas, poco mas 6 menos. . . . Este embo 
 camiento, que tan senalada cosa hizo Dios en el 
 mundo, se llamo un tiempo Mar Dulce." Oviedo, 
 lib. xxi., cap. iii., vol. ii., p. 123. The description 
 of Orellana s voyage (op. czt. y vol. iii., pp. 382-390 
 and 542-572) does not contain technical details 
 which could be of use in the present inquiry. 
 
 (170) Page 149. "Desde el Cabo de Palmar a 
 
Notes 2 1 5 
 
 la Ifnia de la demarcation que tiene Castilla con 
 Portugal, viniendo al Occidente la costa abaxo, hay 
 ochenta leguas : la cual linia passa de Norte al Sur, 
 por la punta que llaman de Fumos 6 Humos en la 
 Tierra-Firme, hasta nuestro polo artico, y responde 
 en la parte austral hacia el antartico, en el Cabo de 
 Buen Abrigo." Oviedo, " Historia General," lib. 
 xxi., cap. iii., vol. ii., p. 122. As to the Line at the 
 south, its location, according to Oviedo, is about 6 
 more to the eastward than in the maps of Ribeiro. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ADRIAN VI. sends a gem to Henry II., 42. 
 
 Alcaraz, Antonio de, 207. 
 
 Alexander III., Henry II. writes to him, 44. 
 
 Alexander VI. grants three Bulls, 17, 24; his conces 
 sions not made at the request of Portugal, 35 ; 
 receives the oath of obedience of Henry VII. sent by 
 proxy, 45 ; and the embassy from Spain, 49. 
 
 Alfonso V., his treaty with Spain, 2 ; authorized by the 
 pope to subjugate all infidels, 6; king only in name 
 after 1475, 156. 
 
 Alfragan, 137. 
 
 Aliaco, Pedro de, 137. 
 
 Almeida, Duarte de, mentions a book of Columbus 
 treating of the Demarcation Line, 172. 
 
 Almeida, Ferdinand de, Bishop of Ceuta, Portuguese 
 ambassador to Rome, 29; his oration, 165. 
 
 Almeida, Francisco de, put in command of a Portuguese 
 fleet, 58. 
 
 Almeon, 137. 
 
 Amazona River, 119, 120; only the western branch 
 had been explored in 1519, 122. 
 
 America, North, not claimed at first by England, 48. 
 
 Amerino, Giacomo, 165. 
 
 Amerino, Giovanni, 165. 
 
 Ampues, Juan de, builds the town of Coro, 206. 
 
2 1 8 Index 
 
 An ale 51 a Juris Tontifcij, 168. 
 
 Antarctic Pole, 25. 
 
 Antilles, no continent suspefted to exist south of the 
 
 93- 
 
 Antipodes, the Church opposed to recognize, 76. 
 Antonio, Nicolas, 172. 
 
 Apostolic letters subservient to the right of discovery 76 
 Arftic Pole, 25. 
 Atalaya Point, 139. 
 "Ate e os Indies," 4. 
 Augustine, Cape St., 94. 
 Ausgrabungen zu Olympia, 177. 
 Avezac, d , 206. 
 Ayala, Pedro de, ambassador from Spain to Portugal 
 
 and to England, 71. 
 Azores Islands, 3- "y Cabo Verde," starting point of 
 
 the 100 leagues, 25. 
 
 BADAJOZ Junta, 135; circumference of the globe, and 
 length of the degree and league at the, 138; the 
 starting meridian and Demarcation Line according to 
 the, 138, 139. 
 
 Baluze Portuguese documents, 155. 
 
 Bandini, 160. 
 
 Barcelona, n, 12. 
 
 Baronius, 32, 42, 168. 
 
 Barros, Joam de, 33, 161. 
 
 Bauvieux, Mr. E., a retired officer of the French Navy, 
 his great assistance rendered to the author 178 
 note i. 
 
 Beatrice of Portugal, negotiates the Treaty of Alcan 
 tara, 2. 
 
 Bernaldez, Andres, 159. 
 Boeckh, Augustus, 207. 
 Bojador and Noun, Capes, 3, 6, 68. 
 
Index 2 1 9 
 
 Bourne, Edward Gaylord, his valuable paper, 158. 
 
 Brazil = Land of Parrots = Land of the True Cross, 100. 
 
 Bull Eximiee devotionis of 1493, 18, 163. 
 
 Bull Eximiee devotionis of 1501, 162. 
 
 Bull Inejfabilis sedentis, 47. 
 
 Bull Inter camera of May 3, 17, 24, 27, 28, 162, 163; 
 
 translation of, 20-24. 
 Bull Inter ctetera of May 4, 24, 27, 35 ; to be extended, 
 
 62, 64, 164, 1 66. 
 Bull of January 8, 1454, 6, 8. 
 Bull of June 18, 1452, 6; origin of the re-establishment 
 
 in the New World of negro slavery, 158. 
 Bull of June 21, 1481, 4, 7. 
 Bull Laudabiliter, 42, 45, 168. 
 Bull of Nov. 3, 1514, 157. 
 Bull of Nicolas V., 39 ; tacitly abrogated, 67. 
 Bull Oblefiaverunt, 158. 
 Bull Prtecelsee devotionis, 157. 
 Bull of Sept. 12, 1484, 8. 
 Bull of Sept. 25, 1493, 64; tacitly abrogates the 
 
 Demarcation Line, 65, 66. 
 Bull Sicut exhibits nobis, 160. 
 Bull of Sixtus IV., 39; tacitly abrogated, 67, 69. 
 Bulls, subservient to the right of discovery, 76 ; spurious* 
 
 fabricated by bishops, 65. 
 Burchard s Diarium, 47, 161, 165, 169, 170, 173. 
 
 CABOT, John, 45 ; his expeditions fruitless, 48 ; inter 
 course with Pedro de Ayala, 71. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, 137; his alleged method for taking 
 the longitude at sea, 94 ; his signing the Parecer^ 
 103, 138. 
 
 Cabral, Pedralvarez, his discovery of Brazil, 99. 
 
 Calba or Calva, Rodriguez de la, 1 1 6. 
 
 Calvo, quoted, 176. 
 
220 Index 
 
 Camomorus, eastern region of the Amazona, in. 
 Canada, efforts of England to thwart the colonization of 
 
 by France, 48. 
 Canary Islands, Columbus s letter dated from the, 1 3 ; 
 
 Louis of Spain sovereign of the, 161. 
 Canary, Grand, place of meeting, 78. 
 Cantino, Alberto, 100 ; method to ascertain the positions 
 
 in his map, 190-192, 204. 
 
 Capo di Diab, called afterwards Cape of Good Hope, 7. 
 Carapaporis Channel, 127. 
 Cardenas, Gutierre de, 73. 
 Carvajal, Bernardin de, 13, 16, 30; his discourse of 
 
 obedience, 52. 
 
 Carvajal, Garcia Lopez de, 71, 173. 
 Cathay, Cabot sent to, 45. 
 Catholic Kings or Sovereigns, 1 1 ; when Ferdinand and 
 
 Isabella received that title, 167. 
 Caviana Island, 127. 
 Charles VIII., 29. 
 Chaves, Alonso de, his model map, 121 ; description by 
 
 Oviedo, 146, 147. 
 Clemencin, quoted, 170. 
 Clement VI., his Bull of 1344, 160. 
 Colmenero, Fernandez, 116. 
 Columbus, Bartholomew, at Hispaniola with his brother, 
 
 r* I7S * 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, 17, 31, 33, 45, 51, 55 ; inter 
 view with Joao II., i, 2, 5 ; only claims to have 
 landed in India, 8-10; when he arrived at the Spanish 
 court, II ; his account of the first voyage, 13, 14; 
 ordered by Spain not to come within 100 leagues of 
 Guinea, 37, 38; his second voyage, 56; hears that 
 the Portuguese have sailed out, 60 ; requested to send 
 the latitudes and longitudes of his discoveries, and 
 does not reply, 62, 73 ; requested to measure oiF the 
 
Index 221 
 
 allotted 370 leagues, 82 ; never assented to the 
 extension of the boundary beyond 100 leagues, 83, 
 84 ; deprived of his share of the profits from Brazil, 
 84; his Epistola, 159; writes a book on the Demarca 
 tion Line, 172. 
 
 Columbus, Fernando, II, 12 ; copied by Las Casas, II ; 
 says it was his father who suggested to appeal to the 
 pope, 12; rejects the opinions of Aristotle, Strabo, 
 Eratosthenes, etc., concerning the size of the globe, 
 136-137. 
 
 Consenino, A., 164. 
 
 Constantine, Emperor, edict of, 1 6, 42. 
 
 Coriana, coast of, 206. 
 
 Coro, settlement of, 206. 
 
 Corte-Real, Caspar, inscribes Newfoundland within the 
 Demarcation Line, 84. 
 
 Corumberger s map added to his edition of Peter Martyr, 
 190. 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la, omits the Demarcation Line, 98. 
 
 Cosco, Leandro de, translator of Columbus s Epistola, 1 3. 
 
 Cosenza, Archbishop of, fabricates spurious Bulls, 173. 
 
 DEGREE, length of, with the old cosmographers, 87 ; in 
 Enciso, 104; at Badajoz, 138; in Eratosthenes, 178. 
 
 Demarcation Line, 32 ; in the Azores and Cape Verde, 
 38; intention to make it latitudinal, on the parallel 
 of the Canary Islands, 56; where fixed, 78; in 
 Portuguese maps, 100-102; in Spanish maps, 142; 
 in different localities, 152-1 54 and map; on a Por 
 tuguese globe, 207 ; in Ribeiro, 209-212; in Oviedo, 
 215. 
 
 Desimoni, Signer Cornelio, 172. 
 
 Diaz, Bartholomew, 7, 67, 161. 
 
 Diaz or Diis, Pero, 59, 71. 
 
 Duran, Thomas, 138. 
 
222 Index 
 
 ECCARD, 170. 
 
 Edward IJL, daughter of, 47. 
 
 Edward IV., prohibits his subje&s from trading in 
 Guinea, 169. 
 
 Embassy of obedience from Spain, 50. 
 
 Enciso, Martin Fernandez de, 118, 122, 130, 136, 192- 
 200 ; his Demarcation Line, circumference of the 
 earth, equatorial league, degree and Suma, 104, 108. 
 
 England, 40; her right over Ireland, 41-48. 
 
 Eratosthenes estimate of the circumference of the earth, 
 92 ; his stade and degree, 178. 
 
 Esclavos, Cabo de los, 214. 
 
 Este, Hercules d , the map made for him, its Demarca 
 tion Line, 100, 101. 
 
 FABIAN, William, 169. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, 8, 12, 14, 20, 37, 39, 45; their 
 notion of the Demarcation Line, 31 ; they send an 
 embassy of obedience to Alexander VI., 50. 
 
 Ferdinand of Aragon dispatches Lope de Herrera to 
 Lisbon, 56. 
 
 Fernandez, the brothers, grantees of letters patent from 
 Henry VII., 48. 
 
 Ferrer de Blanes, Jaime, sent for by Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, 61, 89 ; his understanding of the Treaty of 
 Tordesillas, 69, 91 ; sends a globe, 174; conferences 
 with his sovereigns to determine the Demarcation 
 Line, 89 ; gives four different lengths for his league, 
 92 ; his diameter of the earth, 96 ; where his Demar 
 cation Line should pass, 178-190. 
 
 Fiske, Mr. John, concerning Velasco s oration of obedi 
 ence, 161. 
 
 Florence, news of the discovery in, 13. 
 
 Fogo, starting meridian, 94, 97, 105-107, 180, 181, 
 1 88, 196, 197. 
 
Index 223 
 
 Fonseca, Bishop, 60. 
 Fortunate Islands, the, 53. 
 Frio, Cape, 95. 
 
 Furna Grande, locality of the Demarcation Line in 
 Spanish maps, 143, 144. 
 
 GALLETI, Domenico, 19, 24, 165. 
 
 Garcia, Cristobal, 116. 
 
 Genoa, the Portuguese and Spanish ambassadors wait for 
 
 Charles VIII. at, 29. 
 Gesio, Juan Bautista, cosmographer, 176. 
 Gigli of Lucca, Giovanni, 45. 
 
 Globe, the terrestrial, not divided in two parts, 74. 
 Gomara, unreliable, 161, 162. 
 Good Hope, Cape of, 62. 
 Gracian de Aldrete, Diego, 64, 172. 
 Guiana, invokes the Bull of Demarcation, 40, 41. 
 Guinea, 4, 5, 6, 22, 63 ; its coast, 169. 
 
 HAGENRUTHER, Cardinal, 167. 
 
 Hakluyt, quotes Garcia de Resende, 169. 
 
 Haro, Diego Lopez de, 50 ; censures the pope s con- 
 dud, 51. 
 
 Henry II. of England, receives from the pope the 
 sovereignty of Ireland, 41, 43. 
 
 Henry of Portugal, prince, intends to discover a maritime 
 route to India, 6. 
 
 Henriquez, Henrique, 73. 
 
 Henry VII. sends embassies of obedience, 71 ; and John 
 Cabot to discover Cathay, 45, 46. 
 
 Heredia, Gonzalvo Fernandez de, ambassador to Alex 
 ander VI., 50. 
 
 Herrera, Antonio de, has consulted no original docu 
 ments for his first Decade, 34 ; erroneous statements 
 
224 Index 
 
 concerning the Demarcation Line, 37, 57, 162 ; 
 ascribes an inexact date to a Bull, 172. 
 
 Herrera, Lope de, dispatched to Lisbon, 56, 59, 171, 172. 
 
 Heywood, Mr. J. C., his edition of the Bulls, 163. 
 
 Higueras, Puerto de las, western limit reached in the 
 days of Enciso, 104, 130. 
 
 Humboldt, 158 ; his mistaken surmise of the origin of 
 the first Demarcation Line, 38 ; descriptions of the 
 Rio Paranahyba, Rio Meary (i.e. Mearim), the Mar- 
 anham and Mascaret (or Prororoca), 205. 
 
 INDIA, regions of, 7. 
 
 " Indos, usque ad," 4. 
 
 Infessura, 47, 170. 
 
 Innocent VIII., 161, 169 ; renders a great service to 
 
 Henry VII., 46 ; his Bull of Sept. 12, 1484, 8. 
 Ireland, origin of the right of England over, 41. 
 Isabella of Castille, negotiates the Treaty of 1472, 2. 
 Isabella, wife of Charles V. orders Fernando Columbus 
 
 to construct a new padron, or model chart, 145. 
 
 JANEIRO, rio de, 95. 
 
 Joao II., interview with Columbus, I, 2 ; obtains from 
 the pope confirmation of the Treaty of 1479, 4 ; 
 considers himself as the exclusive sovereign of an 
 immense portion of the earth and seas, 9, 10 ; the 
 third Bull not issued at his demand, 27 ; sends an 
 embassy of obedience, 29, 30 ; called by Isabella " the 
 perfect prince," 57; governed Portugal since 1475, 
 
 155. 
 
 Juan and Ulloa, 158. 
 
 Julius II., 47 ; excommunicates Cardinal Carvajal, 52 ; 
 confirms the Treaty of Tordesillas, 175. 
 
 KING chart, the, 190. 
 Kunstmann, 190. 
 
Index 225 
 
 LABRADOR, 48. 
 
 La Cosa s planisphere when drawn, 98, 113. 
 
 Lancaster, House of, 44. 
 
 Las Casas, n, 34, 159, 160, 166. 
 
 Laurentiana mappemonde, 124. 
 
 League, the, according to Ferrer, 92, 182 ; according to 
 Enciso, 193, 198, 200 ; according to Fernando Colum 
 bus, 136. 
 
 Lemos, Caspar de, brings to Portugal the news of the 
 discovery of Brazil, by Cabral, 99, 
 
 Leo XIII., text of the tablet erefted by him in the 
 Vatican archives, 167. 
 
 Lepe, Diego de, 99, 115. 
 
 Letronne s Metrology, 207. 
 
 Litter <e communes, 1 8. 
 
 Louis of Spain, 160. 
 
 London Times, 168, 192. 
 
 Lur . . . (?), Johannes, 164. 
 
 Lusitano-Germanic cartography, 100. 
 
 MACROBIUS, [his estimate of the circumference of the 
 
 earth, 92. 
 
 Madrid, Treaty of, 86. 
 
 Magellan, discovers a route to the Spice Islands, 134-35, 
 Magiollo s map, 128, 129, 205. 
 Mainard s Bullarium, 158. 
 Malacca, city of, 1 34. 
 Maldonado de Talavera, Rodrigo, 73. 
 Malipiero, Domenico, 114, 116. 
 Mantua Planisphere, the, 124, 142. 
 Mar Duke, of Pinzon, 123, 125 ; different from the 
 
 Maranon, 128, 129, 203. 
 Maracasume, Bay of, 97. 
 Marajo Island, 122. 
 Maranon, Rio, 109 ; Maragnon, native name of the 
 
 Q 
 
226 Index 
 
 Amazona, ill; called by the Spaniards Mar Dulce, 
 and Rio de la Mar Dulce, 116. 
 
 Maranhao, Gulf of, different from the Maranon, 124, 
 125. 
 
 Margallo, Pedro, 206. 
 
 Marie Tambour, a passiflora, 201. 
 
 Marinatabal = Marino Tambulo = Marina Tambula, 
 Mariatambal, a native name, no, in, 201 ; first in 
 scribed in Schoner s globe, 202, 203. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, his description of the discovery of the 
 Mar Dulce by Pinzon, no, 114. 
 
 Mauro, Fra, his map, 7. 
 
 Mearim river, 127. 
 
 Medicean portolano, 7. 
 
 Medina, Ruiz de, 13, 16, 30. 
 
 Medina-Sidonia, Duke of, 59, 60, 169. 
 
 Mendoza, Cardinal de, 6 1. 
 
 Mendoza, Lope Hurtado de, in. 
 
 Mina,La, = St. George of the Gold Mine, 5, 22, 63, 157. 
 
 Monim river, 127. 
 
 Moluccas Islands, 134, 140. 
 
 Montravel, de, 205. 
 
 Moran, Cardinal, 170. 
 
 Muccialis = Mucciarelli, Antonio, 164, 165. 
 
 Muiioz, 34. 
 
 NAVARRETTE, 35, 155, 157, 162, 172, 173, 192. 
 
 Navidad, Rio de, 121. 
 
 Newfoundland, English voyages to, 48. 
 
 Nicholas V., 6, 36. 
 
 Nilis, Johannes, 19, 24. 
 
 Norgate, Miss Kate, 168. 
 
 North, not mentioned in the Demarcation Bulls, only 
 
 "Occidentem et Meridiem," 75. 
 Noun, Cape, 3. 
 
Index 22 j 
 
 OLIVES, Bartholomew, 204. 
 
 Onesecrito, cited by Fernando Columbus, I 59. 
 
 Orellana, Francisco de, 147, 204. 
 
 Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de, 1 60 ; his description of 
 Pinzon s discovery of the Mar Dulce, 112 ; of the 
 eastern mouth of the Amazona, 121 ; his Demarcation 
 Line, 1 50 ; what Pinzon told him, 203, 204 ; his 
 nomenclature, 212-214. 
 
 Oviedo y Banos, 206. 
 
 PADRON General and Padron Real, 121, 145. 
 
 Palatina portolano, 7. 
 
 Palos, Columbus arrives at, II. 
 
 Para river, 97. 
 
 Paranahyba river, 95, 126, 205. 
 
 Paricura = Paricora = Parisura = Prororoca (?), Ill, 126, 
 129, 202 ; Coast of, 126, 129, 205. 
 
 Passarelli, Giacomo, sent to London, 47. 
 
 Pecan, Juan de, 137. 
 
 Philip II., 94 ; his secretary, 64 ; his cosmographer, 1 76. 
 
 Pina, Ruy de, his interpretation of the Treaty of 1479, 
 2-5 ; what he says about Da Sylva, 29 ; plagiarized, 
 33, 155 ; sent as ambassador to Spain, 58, 59 ; what 
 he relates concerning Edward IV., 169. 
 
 Pinzon, Vincente Yanez, 99 ; his letters patent of 1501, 
 no, 113, 121. 
 
 Pinzon, Arias, no. 
 
 Piper, additions to Burchard, 170. 
 
 Piracaua, bay of, 97. 
 
 Plantagenets, 44. 
 
 Podochatari, Ludovico, 164, 165. 
 
 Ponce, Dr. Felipe, 171. 
 
 Ponce, Vargas, 175. 
 
 Porcio, Jerome, 45, 169. 
 
 Priatinga, bay of, 139. 
 
228 Index 
 
 Propaganda anonymous mappemonde, 142. 
 
 Ptolemy, 137 ; did not use the Phileterian stade, 207. 
 
 RASTELLO, in the Tagus, 12. 
 
 Raynaldi, 18, 32, 161. 
 
 Resende, Garcia de, 33, 71, 165, 169. 
 
 Ribero, or Ribeiro, Diego, 96, 125, 141, 142, 207, 212. 
 
 Rio Branco, Baron de, 176. 
 
 Rio grande de la Mar Dulce = Amazona, 102; Rio 
 grande in the maps of Cantino, Canerio and Ruysch, 
 114; description by eye-witnesses, 115 ; by Enciso, 
 117. 
 
 Robertson, Dr., 169. 
 
 Rodriguez, Juan, 115. 
 
 Roque, Cape St., 101. 
 
 Rossi, Tribaldo Americo de, 1 60. 
 
 Rostro Hermoso, Ho. 
 
 Ruysch s mappemonde, 114. 
 
 Rymer, 42, 170. 
 
 SAIGEY, his Olympic Stade, 207. 
 
 Salinas Bay, 197. 
 
 Salisbury, John of, his Meta/ogicus, 41, 42. 
 
 Sanchez, Gabriel, 14. 
 
 Sande, Ruy de, 55, 171. 
 
 Santa Cruz, Alonso de, 146. 
 
 Santa Maria de la Consolacion, lio, 201. 
 
 Santa Maria de la Mar Dulce, HO, 201. 
 
 Sanuto, Marin, 7, 160, 167. 
 
 Saragossa, Treaty of; its Demarcation Line in the east, 
 
 where it would have passed in the west, 140. 
 Scheffer-Boichorst, 168. 
 Schoner s globe, 201. 
 Seville, Columbus arrives at, II. 
 Sherwood, Bishop of Durham, John, 45. 
 
Index 229 
 
 Sixtus IV., 4, 8, 36. 
 
 Solorzano, Johannes de, r 1 63, 164, 173, 174; his com 
 ments on the Bull Laudabiliter, 170. 
 
 Souza, Diego de, 30. 
 
 Souza, Joao de, 72. 
 
 Spice Islands, 135. 
 
 Spratz, Francis de, 31, 49, 50. 
 
 Stade, the Olympic, 177, 180, 185, 186, 195, 208 ; its 
 exaft size, 92 ; according to Macrobius and Strabo, 1 77. 
 
 Stade, the Phileterian, 207. 
 
 Stevens, Benjamin Franklin, his edition of Columbus s 
 Codex^ 164. 
 
 Strabo s estimate of the circumference of the earth, 92. 
 
 Sumatra = Cumatra, eastern Line of Demarcation made 
 to pass in, 209. 
 
 Sylva, Pedro da, 29. 
 
 Sylvester, pope, 16. 
 
 TAGUS river, Columbus arrives in the, I. 
 
 Tapicura river, 127. 
 
 Tarragona, Simon, 207. 
 
 Tebit, 137. 
 
 Ternate, meridian of, 208. 
 
 Thomassy, 209. 
 
 Thome, San, 130. 
 
 Thuasne, Louis, his valuable edition of Burchard, 161, 
 
 165, 169, 170. 
 Tintam, John, 169. 
 Tituli) kind of papal bulls, 17. 
 Tordesillas, Treaty of, 69, 73, 85, 135, 140, 141 ; basis 
 
 of, 77 ; notified to Columbus, 80 ; not confirmed by 
 
 the pope until January 24, 1506, 175 ; always ignored 
 
 by Columbus, 83, 84. 
 
 Toreno, Nuno Garcia de, his Demarcation Line, 209. 
 Torres Vedras, council held at by Joao II., 58. 
 
230 
 
 Index 
 
 Torres, Antonio de, 80. 
 
 Toscanelli, 75- 
 
 Treaty of 1479, 4, 155. 
 
 Treaty of Madrid, 86. 
 
 Treaty of the pope with Venice and Milan, 49. 
 
 Trevisan, Angelo, 114 ; his letter to Malipiero, 202. 
 
 Turyassu Bay, 151. 
 
 VALDOVINOS, Manuel de, his Rio grande, 202. 
 
 Valle (Luis del), 115. 
 
 Valparaiso, Joao II. s country seat, I. 
 
 Vaz, Estevam, 72. 
 
 Velasco, Fernando, his oration of obedience, 161. 
 
 Venezuela, invokes the Line of Demarcation, 40, 41. 
 
 Venezuela, gulf of, 94. 
 
 Venice, receives the news of the discovery, 13. 
 
 Verde Islands, Cape, 4 ; starting meridian, 78. 
 
 Verrazzano Planisphere, 205. 
 
 Vespuccius, Juan, 103, 138. 
 
 WEIMAR maps, 124, 125, 141, 142. 
 Wolfenbiittel map B, 125, 142, 205. 
 
 YORK, House of, 44. 
 
 ZUAZO, Alonso de, his Demarcation Line and letter to 
 
 Charles V., 133,^134. J 74 r 75- 
 Zuiiiga, Diego Ortiz de, 170. 
 Zurita, Geronimo de, 33, 34, 57, 58, 70, 71, 171. 
 
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BY THE SAME AUTHOR: 
 
 BIBLIOTHECA BARLOWiANA. New York, 1864; small 
 8vo (privately printed, four copies only). 
 
 LETTERS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS DESCRIBING HIS 
 FIRST VOYAGE TO THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 
 TEXTS AND TRANSLATIONS. New York, 1865 ; folio, 
 with facsimiles (privately printed, ten copies only). 
 
 NOTES ON COLUMBUS. New York, 1866; folio, with 
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 BIBLIOTHECA AMERICANA VETUSTISSIMA. A DESCRIP 
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 1866 ; 4to, and large 8vo, with facsimiles. 
 
 D. FERNANDO COLON, HISTORIADOR DE su PADRE; 
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 BIBLIOTHECA AMERICANA VETUSTISSIMA. ADDITIONS. 
 Paris, 1872 ; 4to, and large 8vo, with facsimiles. 
 
 NOTES POUR SERVIR A L HISTOIRE, A LA BIBLIOGRAPHIE 
 
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 INTRODUCCION DE LA IMPRENTA EN AMERICA, CON 
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 FERNAND COLOMB, SA VIE, SES CEUVRES. ESSAI CRI 
 TIQUE. Paris, 1872; large 8 vo. 
 
LES COLOMBO DE FRANCE ET D !TALIE, FAMEUX MARINS 
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 Paris et de Venise. Memoire hi a 1 Academic des 
 inscriptions et belles-lettres dans ses seances des i er 
 et 15 mai 1874. Paris, 1874; 410. 
 
 L HISTOIRE DE CHRISTOPHE COLOMB ATTRIBUTE A 
 SON FILS FERNAND. EXAMEN CRITIQUE. Paris, 1875; 
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 la Societe de Geographie). 
 
 LE VOYAGE DE VERRAZZANO (critical review of the 
 work of the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, with new docu 
 ments, in the Revue Critique). Paris, 1876; 8vo. 
 
 Los RESTOS DE DON CRISTOVAL COLON. DISQUISICION. 
 Seville, 1878; small 4to. 
 
 LES SEPULTURES DE CHRISTOPHE COLOMB. REVUE 
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 JEAN ET SEBASTIEN CABOT, LEUR ORIGINE ET LEURS 
 VOYAGES. ETUDE D HISTOIRE CRITIQUE, SUIVIE 
 D UNE CARTOGRAPHIE, D UNE BIBLIOGRAPHIE ET 
 D UNE CHRONOLOGIE DES VOYAGES AU NORD-OUEST, 
 DE 1497 A 1559. D apres des documents inedits. 
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 Paris, 1813; 8vo. 
 
 LES CORTE-REAL ET LEURS VOYAGES AU NOUVEAU- 
 MONDE. D apres des documents nouveaux ou peu 
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carte nautique portugaise de 1 annee 1502, reproduite 
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 i er juin 1883. Paris, 1883 ; large 8vo, with facsimile 
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 toire critique. Paris, 1 884 ; 2 thick volumes, large 
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 critique et documentaire. Paris, 1885; 8vo. 
 
 GRANDEUR ET DECADENCE DE LA COLOMBINE. Paris, 
 1885 ; 8vo (privately printed). 
 
 LA COLOMBINE ET CLEMENT MAROT. Paris, 1886; 
 8vo (privately printed). 
 
 GRANDEZA Y DECADENCIA DE LA COLOMBINA (transla 
 tion, and controversial articles reprinted from the 
 Spanish papers). Seville, 1886; i2mo. 
 
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 cents pieces gothiques, franchises, italiennes et latines 
 du commencement du xvi e siecle, non decrites 
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 lence le Ministre de Flnstruction publique du 
 royaume d ltalie. Par un Citoyen Americain. 
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 SES "MEMORIE." Etudes d histoire critique et 
 documentaire. Genoa, 1887 ; 8vo. 
 
 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS AND THE BANK OF SAINT 
 GEORGE. New York (London), 1888; large 4to, 
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 CHRISTOPH COLUMBUS IM ORIENT. Leipzig, 1888; 
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 Centralblatt fur Bibliotheksweseri). 
 
 CRISTOFORO COLOMBO E GLI ORIENTALI. Genoa, 
 1889; 8vo (separate issue of an Italian version 
 of the above, published in the Giornale Ligusttco). 
 
 DOCUMENT INEDIT CONCERNANT VASCO DA GAMA. 
 Relation adressee a Hercule d Este, due de Ferrare. 
 Paris, 1889; 8vo (Per Nozze^ privately printed). 
 
 THE LATE SAMUEL LATHAM MITCHILL BARLOW. In 
 troduction to the Catalogue of his American Library. 
 New York, 1889 ; 8vo (separate issue, with correc 
 tions, and portrait). 
 
 CHRISTOPHE COLOMB, LES CORSES ET LE GOUVERNE- 
 MENT FRANCAIS. Paris, 1890 ; 8vo. 
 
 CRISTOFORO COLOMBO E IL BANCO DI S. GIORGIO. 
 Saggio storico-critico sui rapporti del grande navi- 
 gatore con quell istituto ; sull uffizio e sulle opera- 
 zioni di banco nel medio evo e dimostrazione docu- 
 mentata dell origine di Colombo dalla citta di 
 Geneva sulla base di inediti o poco noti document!. 
 Genova, a spese del Municipio, 1890; folio, with 
 plates and facsimiles. (For private distribution by 
 the City Council of Genoa.) 
 
NOUVELLES RECHERCHES SUR L HISTOIRE DE 
 
 L AMERIQUE. Paris, 1890; 8vo (separate issue 
 of an article published in the Revue Historique). 
 
 QUI A IMPRIM^ LA PREMIERE LETTRE DE CHRISTOPHE 
 
 COLOMB? Leipzig, 1892; 8vo (separate issue of a 
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 THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA. A Critical, 
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 including descriptions of Two Hundred and Fifty 
 Maps or Globes, existing or lost, constructed before 
 the year 1536. To which are added a Chronology 
 of One Hundred Voyages Westward, Projected, 
 Attempted, or Accomplished between 1431 and 
 1504 ; Biographical Accounts of the Three Hundred 
 Pilots who first crossed the Atlantic ; and a copious 
 List of the Original Names of American Regions, 
 Caciqueships, Mountains, Islands, Capes, Gulfs, 
 Rivers, Towns, and Harbours. Paris, H. Welter, 
 1892 ; large 4to, with twenty-three facsimiles of 
 ancient charts and globes. 
 
 CHRISTOPHE COLOMB DEVANT L HISTOIRE. Paris, 
 1892 j 8vo. 
 
 COLOMB N EST PAS N A SAVONE (article in the Revue 
 Historique, November-December, 1892). 
 
 CHRISTOPHE COLOMB ET SES HISTORIENS ESPAGNOLS. 
 Paris, 1892 ; 8vo (separate issue of an article pub 
 lished in the Revue Critique). 
 
 AUTOGRAPHES DE CHRISTOPHE COLOMB RECEMMENT 
 
 DECOUVERTS. Paris, 1893 ; 8vo (separate issue of 
 an article published in the Revue Historique}. 
 
 COLOMB ET TOSCANELLI. Paris, 1893; 8vo (separate 
 issue of an article published in the Revue Critique]. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS S OWN 
 BOOK OF PRIVILEGES, 1502, compiled and edited by 
 B. F. Stevens. London, 1893; folio (separate issue ; 
 only twenty copies printed, for distribution). 
 
 THE EARLY PARIS EDITIONS OF COLUMBUS S FIRST 
 " EPISTOLA." Leipzig, 1893; 8vo (separate issue 
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 wtsen). 
 
 A PROPOS D UN MANUSCRIT DU MINISTERS DES 
 
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 8vo and folio, with additions, of an article published 
 in the Revue Critique], 
 
 CHRISTOPHECOLOMB ET LES ACADEMICIENS ESPAGNOLS. 
 
 Notes pour servir a Thistoire de la science en 
 Espagne au xix e siecle. Paris, 1894 ; small 8vo. 
 
 SEBASTIEN CABOT, NAVIGATEUR VENITIEN. Paris, 
 
 1895 ; 8vo (separate issue of a series of articles 
 published in Drapeyron s Revue de Geographic}. 
 
 PRO ACADEMIA HISPANIENSI. Paris, 1895; 8vo 
 (separate issue of an article in the Revue Critique). 
 
 AMERICUS VESPUCCIUS, A Critical and Documentary 
 Review of two recent English Books concerning 
 that Navigator. London, 1895 : B. F. Stevens, 
 Publisher ; fcap. 4to. 
 
 JOHN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA, 
 AND SEBASTIAN HIS SON. A Chapter of the Mari 
 time History of England under the Tudors. London, 
 
 1896 : B. F. Stevens, Publisher; 8vo. 
 
 UN NOUVEAU GLOBE VERRAZANIEN. Paris, 1895 ; 
 
 8vo (separate issue of an article published in Drape 
 yron s Revue de Geographie). 
 
LA CARTOGRAPHIE VERRAZANIENNE. Paris, 1896 ; 
 
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 same review). 
 
 L ABB PREVOST. Histoire de sa vie et de ses oeuvres. 
 Paris, 1896; i2mo. 
 
 UN AMERICANUM RARISSIME. Paris, 1897 ; 8vO 
 
 (separate issue of an article published in the Bulletin 
 du Bibliophile). 
 
 ENCORE LA BIBLIOTHEQUE COLOMBINE. Paris, 1897 ; 
 8vo (separate issue of an article published in the 
 Revue Critique). 
 
 SEBASTIEN CABOT CONSIDERS COMME CARTOGRAPHE. 
 Paris, 1897; 8vo (separate issue of an article pub 
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 THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA BY JOHN CABOT. 
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 THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA BY JOHN CABOT. 
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 THE DATE OF CABOT S DISCOVERY OF THE AMERICAN 
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