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^ 
 
 t 
 
 OF THE 
 
 C A USES 
 
 WHICH HAVE PROGRESSIVELY OPERATED 
 
 TO 
 
 ENHANCE THE PRICE OF PROVISIONS. 
 
 BUT PARTICULARLY OP 
 
 BREAD-CORN. 
 
 WITH 
 
 SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE BEST MEANS OF ALLEVIATING 
 
 THE 
 
 PRESENT DISTRESS, 
 
 AND 
 
 PREVENTING THE RECURRENCE 
 
 OF A 
 
 SIMILAR CALAMITY. 
 
 JLonDon: 
 
 PRINTED FOR VERNOR AND HOOD, 31, POULTRY, 
 BY J D, DEWICK, ALDERSGATE STREET- 
 
 1801. 
 

 ^bbertisfement 
 
 JL HE following Remarks were hastily 
 written in November last, on reading in 
 the Newspapers the Discussions on the 
 King's Speech, when he opened the last 
 Session of his Parliament of Great Britain, 
 which the Reader will please to observe. 
 
 February y 1801. 
 
 m75:3;535 
 
REMARKS, &c. 
 
 1 HOUGH, from the appearance of the crops, in 
 the course of a journey of two hundred miles from 
 the metropoHs, into the North, in the month of 
 Tlugust, I was one of those who thought the har- 
 vest of last year would be abundant, I was soon 
 convinced of my error, in estimating the produce 
 of the kingdom from a partial view of a narrow 
 strip of the country, about a quarter of a mile 
 on each side of the road ; especially as the price 
 of corn was rapidly advancing during the har- 
 vest, arid rose to an amazing high price after the 
 crops were gathered, when farmers could esti- 
 mate the produce not only by the quantity but 
 by the quality of the grain. I was alarmed by 
 the clamour of the public against farmers and 
 dealers in corn and provisions, knowing, from 
 an experience of more than thirty years, that 
 
 B commotions 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 commotions never f^iil to enhance the price 
 and to interrupt the intlux of a regular supply 
 to our markets. 
 
 When the state of the kingdom, with respect 
 to corn, was published from high authority, a 
 deficiency in the crops could not be doubted ; 
 and, therefore, a dearth was to be dreaded. 
 Our gracious sovereign, ever attentive to the 
 wants and comforts of his people, summoned 
 his parliament in order to concert measures for 
 alleviating the distresses of the poor. By his 
 speech from the throne he called the attention 
 of parliament to provide bread for his people : 
 the primary if not the only cause for convening 
 it so early in the season. 
 
 If ever the best of sovereigns deserved the loyal 
 and grateful address of both houses of parliament, 
 and of all his subjects, it was upon this occa- 
 sion. The wisdom of ministry never was more- 
 conspicuous than in the measures they adopted 
 for reducing the price of corn and supplying 
 the markets. One would have thought that 
 there could not be two opinions upon the matter ; 
 but that every individual in parliament w^ould 
 join heartily in measures for providing, as spee- 
 dily as possible, bread for the poor. Tlie dis- 
 cussions upon the subject, however, shew plainly 
 that some of the members unfortunately imped- 
 3 ed 
 
( 3 ) 
 
 ed ratlicr ti^an accelerated the important busi- 
 ness, by enquiring into the causes of the evil 
 without devising a cure. 
 
 Mr. Sheridan's manly candour did him' 
 honour, in spite of the sarcasms of his reputed 
 friends. He lent his hand immediately to save 
 his country from famine ; though, perhaps, as 
 much determined as any upon his side of the 
 house to enquire, at a proper time, into the 
 cause of the high price of provisions. 
 
 Having read, in the newspapers, several of the 
 speeches in parliament, I v/as sorry to see the 
 high price of provisions attributed to a variety 
 of causes, many of which v/ere misapplied, as 
 they operate in a contrary direction, and some 
 of them were quite foreign to the subject. The 
 design, however, was not to relieve the country, 
 but to heap the whole mass of evils, whether 
 real or in:!aginary, upon the shoulders of minis- 
 try. Though the elaborate speeches of the mem- 
 bers in opposition had no influence on the house, 
 yet the tendency of their doctrine is dangerous at 
 a time of public frenzy ; as it is not to be doubted 
 that many of their constituents, to whom they 
 owe their seats in parliament, are converts to their 
 opinions, which besides being maintained with 
 all tlicir rhetoric in their own sphere, descends to 
 t-he honest and undesigning peasantry, who are, 
 
 ?. 2 unfortunately, 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 unfortunately, too apt to be led astray when they 
 feel distressed by dearth, and especially when 
 the cause of that dearth is attributed to any set 
 of men, whether the governors or the govern- 
 ed. I shudder at the consequences, and 
 therefore resolve to check, to the utmost of my 
 abilities, the dissemination of a doctrine that 
 tends to internal disorder and public commo- 
 tions. 
 
 The high prices of provisions are attributed by 
 some of our honourable senators to farmers, 
 millers, and monopolizers — the circulation of 
 country bank notes — the publication of the 
 Duke of Portland's letter — and the report of the 
 Board of Agriculture — war — taxes — and, what is 
 more extraordinary, the suppression of the late 
 riots ; — all — all, and many more, are imputed to 
 ministry, as the ostensible cause of all our 
 distresses. 
 
 It has been strenuously argued that there is 
 no scarcity of corn in the kingdom, and that 
 the high price is the effect of artifice and 
 combination. Surely the state of the country 
 with respect to corn could not be better known 
 than from the high authorities mentioned ; the 
 public should know that government have an 
 opportunity of ascertaining the quantity of corn 
 in the kingdom better than any individual, nay, 
 
 better 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 better than all the rest of the people in a mass. 
 The pubhcation thereof might, perhaps, occa- 
 sion alarm, and consequently a temporary ad- 
 vance ; but that alarm has had a material and 
 very good effect. Merchants and others hav- 
 ing this information from the best authority, 
 were induced to send immediate orders to all 
 parts of the world for large quantities of corn, 
 which v/ill come round in due time. But if, 
 on the contrary, corn dealers had put implicit 
 confidence in Mr. Robson's report of the pro- 
 duce of the harvest, and tlie quantity of corn 
 in the country, what vv'ould the consequence 
 have been ? — Surely, therefore, it was wise to 
 make the scarcity publicly known. — The ho- 
 nourable senator should consider that the wis- 
 dom of parliament is exerted not only to reduce 
 the price of provisions as soon as possible, 
 but, what is of much greater importance, to pro- 
 vide a sufficient quantity to serve after the pro- 
 duce of the kingdom is exhausted. — There is 
 plenty of corn in the country, notwithstanding 
 the deficiency of the crops, to serve for eight or 
 nine months, and even for a longer time ; and, 
 though the present very high price is much 
 to be lamented, yet the total want of bread for 
 a month, a week, or even for one day, would 
 be a calamity such as, I hope in God, this 
 
 country 
 
country will never experience. — The great ob- 
 ject of parliament is to guard against famine ; 
 and the House of Commons has happily adopt- 
 ed the wisest and best measures for accomplish- 
 ing the important purpose. The importers of 
 corn may now speculate upon sure data, espe- 
 cially as parliament is, or will be, pledged to 
 guarantee prices for every kind of corn and 
 meal at rates that no other country in Europe 
 can aiibrd to pay. I am convinced, that many 
 have already ordered corn that never dealt in it 
 before; that the liberal encouragement held out, 
 must draw the attention of all countries in the 
 world, that have corn to spare, to the British 
 markets , it will find its way to our ports even 
 from the countries at war with us; nay, our 
 very enemies will hasten to supply us. They 
 have corn, but v;e have money to pay for it; and 
 they will devise ways and means for establishing 
 a course of exchange. 
 
 The necessity for foreign supplies of corn being 
 admitted, and tlie measures under the delibera- 
 tion of parliament for encouraging importations 
 being approved of, I have now co offer some ob- 
 servations on tiie causes to which the present 
 high price of provisions has been attributed: 
 and first with respect to the operations of far- 
 mers, coru-dealcrS; or factors. 
 ■ • It 
 
( 7 ) 
 It is not to be supposed that any judicious far- 
 mer or importer of corn would run the risk of 
 storing up merely with a view of obtaining 
 a higher price than the present; but circum- 
 stances frequently occur that render it very im- 
 prudent, if not impossible, to bring their corn 
 immediately to market. The farmer, on reaping 
 the harvest, must attend to tillage and the sowing 
 of seed. When this is completed, then he 
 threshes out his corn in proportion to the regular 
 consumption of the straw. The worst of the 
 crop is the first prepared for sale; his own inte- 
 rest will hurry liiuvto get quit of It, as it is in 
 danger of not keeping. After it is threshed 
 out, it is frequently found to be so green and 
 soft, that it would be imprudent to bring it to 
 market urrtil it is dried, upon kilns, which 
 is generally attended with a very considerable 
 expence. When corn is carried by sea, whe- 
 ther coastwise or from a foreign country, it is 
 seldom in a perfectly sound condition; often 
 it is in a state of fermentation and excessive 
 heat, which obliges the iinporter to store it as 
 soon as possible, in order to save it from total 
 destruction. The store-room which corn in that 
 state requires is treble, if not quadruple, what 
 ■M^ould be necessary if it were in sound, good or- 
 der. The operation of landing, turning and airing 
 
 heated 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 heated corn, is attended with a great expcnce, 
 and requires much time to save and make it mer- 
 chantable ; which must be done before it can 
 fairly be exposed to sale. Yet the thoughtless 
 mob estimate the quantity of corn thus stored 
 from necessity by the space it occupies, and 
 improperly pronounce both the farmer and 
 importer to be forestallers, though the delay 
 in bringing it to market is unavoidable, and 
 has frequently been the ruin of importers, and 
 even of farmers who could not borrow money 
 upon their notes to pay the pressing demands 
 upon them. 
 
 In short, it is impossible to reconcile the idea 
 of forestalling to common sense and prudence, at 
 a time when the price of wheat is above 61. 10s. 
 per quarter. But v»'ith respect to farmers, they 
 are surely as much entitled as any set of men in 
 the kingdom to a free and unrestrained trade ; 
 ^ their operations being the most beneficial to the 
 community, as we could not subsist without the 
 produce of their labour. Since none, therefore, 
 can be more deserving of public encouragement, 
 it seems hard that they should not be at liber- 
 ty to dispose of tlieir property as all others do. 
 Why sliould not a farmer have the privilege of 
 borrowing money or bank paper upon his notes, 
 as well as a merchant, a manufacturer, or even a 
 
 landed 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 landed gentleman ? The present enormous price 
 given for provisions, must certainly alFord hand- 
 some profits to farmers, notwithstanding the defi- 
 ciency in their crops. It has seldom, however, 
 been the lot even of English farmers to amass 
 fortunes, in proportion to their industry, equal to 
 those acquired by merchants, traders, and manu- 
 facturers ; yet, they are declaimed against, for 
 avaihng themselves of the advantages which 
 others embrace, for turning the fruits of their 
 labour to the best account. It requires no great 
 accuracy in observation, to discover that there 
 are not a poorer set of people in this kingdom 
 than farmers, their dependents, and labourers. 
 If a few of them have acquired a competency, 
 would it not be bad policy to strip them of that 
 independence, and keep them at all times so poor 
 as to hurry them to market with their produce, 
 and force them to make sales at any price offered? 
 Yet this is the doctrine which prevails too much 
 at present. 
 
 Compare the wealth of farmers with that of ma- 
 nufacturers, and, in proportion to their number, 
 it will be found very far short. Gain is the great 
 and fundamental stimulus to industry and enter- 
 prize, in every branch of trade ; and there is less 
 chicanery and fraud in the trade of farmers than 
 any other. 
 
 c The 
 
( 10 ) 
 
 The dealers in corn are the next in review. — 
 These are middle men betwixt the grower and 
 consumer, and have it more in their power than 
 any other to forestall, engross, and regrate 
 As a farmer's operations are confined to the pro- 
 duce of. his own farm, let us consider how far 
 those middle men aifect the price of corn. 
 They endeavour to enhance the price when 
 they have a stock upon hand ; they use every 
 art in their power to raise and keep it up 
 until they have disposed of their stock ; they 
 may, perhaps, combine in villages where there 
 are but two or three dealers ; but let us trace 
 their operations from the beginning. These 
 men must first lay in a stock of corn ; they 
 grow none of their own ; they must buy the 
 whole. The schemes used in raising the price 
 of provisions 'can be of no benefit to those 
 who attempt a monopoly, until they have laid 
 in a stock; this is the first object, and to 
 obtain it they practise the same tricks and arti- 
 fices to reduce the price of provisions when buy- 
 ing, as they do to raise it when selling. They 
 are frequently caught in their own snare. The 
 goods of the monopolist are often brought to the 
 hammer, by which means, the artificial advance 
 he has occasioned, is more than counterbalanced 
 by the forced sales of his unhallowed stock at re- 
 3 duced 
 
( H ) 
 
 diiced prices. — It has seldom or ever been at- 
 tempted by any society, or man of real fortune, 
 to monopolize any article of merchandize, and 
 it would be the highest folly to attempt it 
 in coiTi. The trade must tend to its natural 
 level, and it is not in the power of all the en- 
 grossers in the kingdom, though combined, to 
 prevent it. 
 
 Though undue speculations are very common 
 in other articles of merchandize, they are seldom 
 attempted in corn ; not because the dealers are 
 less inclined to amass profits than dealers in 
 general are, but that it is attended with much 
 Inore risk, grain being a perishable article, and 
 very expensive in keeping. The principal part of 
 the trade in corn is transacted by factors or agents; 
 their commissions are paid on the quantity at a 
 certain rate per quarter, and not by a per centage 
 on the price. It is evident, therefore, that it is 
 not their interest to protract sales, as they run 
 much less risk when the prices are low than 
 when high; they generally sell for time, and 
 if that time should be only ten days, or even 
 one, it adds greatly to their risk, as they gua- 
 rantee the payment. This risk being in propor- 
 tion to the price, it is clear that their trade is 
 much safer when wheat is at fifty, than when at 
 pne hundred and thirty shillings per quarter ; 
 
 c ^ and 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 and that it is against their interest to keep corn 
 on hand, at any time, whatever the prospect of a 
 rise in price may he. The quicker their sales 
 are, the more they can sell. It is seldom or ever 
 the interest of their constituents to store corn, as 
 I have already ohserved, and this is the reason 
 why consignments in that article are generally ac- 
 companied with orders to sell immediately upon 
 arrival. It is the practice in the port of London, 
 the greatest mart in the kingdom, to sell immedi- 
 ately upon arrival, when the grain is in a saleable 
 condition ; it is likewise the practice in Liver- 
 pool, Hull, and in all the ports upon the Clyde, 
 and in the Frith of Forth, though the com- 
 missions for sales in some of those ports are two 
 and a half per cent, on the gross proceeds. We 
 may ther'efore see, that consignees of corn 
 have the confidence of their employers as much 
 as any factors or agents whatever; nay, they 
 have more of it than agents have in any other 
 trade. Surely it is the interest of the former to 
 sell at a moderate price, whereas that of the 
 latter is the reverse : their reputation, hov/ever, 
 as agents 3 depending on the returns they make, 
 they must at all times endeavour to obtain the 
 current price of the day ; but as it is contrary to 
 orders, and against their interest, we cannot sup- 
 pose they are inclined to store when they have 
 
 it 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 it ill their power to sell. There are factors 
 and agents, who deal upon their own ac- 
 count, which is incompatible with the duty of 
 their profession, as their own interest must pre- 
 dominate to the prejudice of their employers; 
 but as they cannot conceal such dealings long, 
 it is to be imagined there is not one in fifty that 
 would hazard their reputation and income in that 
 Avay. The corn-factor or agent who attempts this 
 nefarious trade is certainly capable of forestall- 
 ing, engrossing, and regrating; and his iniqui- 
 tous operations m.ust affect the market greatly, 
 to the injury of the consumers.. 
 
 There are others whose characters exclude 
 them from consignments ; yet they must be deal- 
 ers. Their trade is to buy corn ; and, after circu- 
 lating stories calculated to enhance theprice, they 
 sell it on the same or following day; nay, they 
 shew samples of corn they have not yet bought, 
 but of which they have ihe option for a day, an 
 hour, or half an hour, at a certain price; in that 
 time, they exercise their ingenuity on the credu- 
 lous retailers, and sell to them, sometimes, at a 
 considerable profit before they make the pur- 
 chase. These men are tlie class that are justly 
 called regraters. The laws of the country pro- 
 hibit such traffic; but it remains to be known 
 whether the punishment be adequate to the 
 
 crime- 
 
( J^ ) 
 
 crime. Though such practices are common, and 
 overlooked in the purchase and sale of. other 
 commodities, yet it is not the less criminal to 
 enhance the price of articles indispensably ne- 
 cessary for subsistence. 
 
 Middle men are extremely necessary in almost 
 every branch of trade, especially in a comaiier- 
 cial country; their utiHty is the same as the divi- 
 sion of labour in mechanics. Those employed 
 to bring provisions from the farmer to the con- 
 sumer, through every stage of carriage, manu- 
 facture, preparing them for immediate use, 
 and bringing them to our doors, are as useful 
 to society as any class of the people; and, not- 
 withstanding there are bad characters among 
 them, there are not more, if so many, as in other 
 classes. If it be allowed that the middle men we 
 have mentioned are useful, surely it will be ad- 
 mitted that the importers of provisions are equal- 
 ly necessary at all times, and never more so than 
 at present. Class the whole dealers in provisions 
 together, from the farmer to the retailer, and it 
 will be found that there is no description of peo- 
 ple in the kingdom more deserving of protection 
 in their lives and properties, and none more en- 
 titled to encouragement in all their operations. 
 It is very unfortunate, that these people are so 
 much exposed to the rage and fury of the 
 
 thoughtless 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 thouglitless mob when there is a scarcity of pro- 
 visions, a time when they should be encouraged 
 to provide for the necessities of the poor. Surely 
 there are few men so wicked as to approve of 
 burning corn and destroying provisions ; yet we 
 have melancholy instances of it daily. If there 
 be an individual in the kingdom so depraved 
 as to wish that the people may be starved, I 
 leave him to God and his own conscience. li^ 
 on the contrary, he wishes for'bread for the poor, 
 his reason and reflection will direct him to avoid 
 joining in riots, and to bev>^are of designing and 
 wicked men. Let him consider whether these 
 riots axe instigated by sober, industrious labour- 
 ers, or by persons who do not work above 
 three or four days in the week, and spend the 
 rest of their time in drinking and revelling, 
 when, perhaps, their wives and children have but 
 a scanty fare at home. Are these reprobates 
 such as an honest man should follow, either in 
 their precepts or example? Yet it is a melan- 
 choly fact, that those are the very men that lead 
 the misguided people to acts of violence, by 
 which they forfeit their lives to the laws of the 
 country, after a great deal of the blood of the 
 thoughtless, thouq.'h innocent multitude of spec- 
 tatoi:s has been shed ; and frequently the harmless 
 wife and children of a riotous hero fall a sacri- 
 fice 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 fice to his folly, in the very act of restraining 
 him by every means in their power, from pro- 
 ceeding in his lawless course. We have seen 
 the intoxicated heroes, the leaders of the mob, 
 skulk to the rear of the multitude when opposed 
 by force ; and I believe it is their common prac- 
 tice, as they have seldom or never been found 
 in the front of the contest either dead or alive; 
 and they have too often defied the vigilance of 
 magistrates to detect them. Woe be to those 
 in superior- stations who are capable of stir- 
 ring up riotous mobs at any time, but especi- 
 ally in times of dearth, and when famine is 
 apprehended, as they know the consequences 
 operate powerfully at all periods and in every in- 
 stance, against reducing the price of provi- 
 sions, and providing a stock against famine? 
 As the laws of the land are not sufiicient to pre- 
 vent riotous mobs without tlic aid of military 
 force, and since every man of the least observa- 
 tion must be sensible that the innocent unde- 
 signing people are led astray by ale-house poli- 
 ticians, whose wages enable them to spend 
 nearly the half of their time in dissipation, 
 it is a pity that the clergy are not generally 
 awai^ of the evil, as they have it in their power 
 to restrain it in a great degree. Their learning, 
 their piety, their functions as ministers of peace, 
 
 cannot 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 cannot fail to influence their audiences so far as 
 to induce the well disposed part of them at least 
 to avoid the company of the propagators of sedi- 
 tion as much as possible, and to detest and ab- 
 hor every symptom of insurrection: nay, it is to 
 be hoped that the clergy may reclaim many of 
 the seditious themselves, and make them good 
 members of society. The clergy all know that 
 they cannot render more essential service to the 
 community, or act more consistently with their 
 duty to their Master, the God of peace and 
 order. 
 
 Let us next consider how far the circulation 
 of country bank notes (which Mr. Eobson is 
 pleased to call fictitious paper) affects the price 
 of provisions. That circulating medium 
 
 ni 
 
 country towns is v^•ell known to facilitate 
 €very operation, not only in commerce and 
 manufactures, \but also in agriculture. It is 
 surely a proof of the stability of banks that 
 the people in their neighbourhood, who have 
 the best opportunity of knowing the bankers, 
 freely and without scruple take their notes 
 in payment ; nor does it argue their being ficti- 
 tious paper, that in many parts of the kingdom 
 they are preferred to gold. It is not the quan- 
 tity of gold and silver deposited in the banker's 
 ^'hest that constitutes ' the stability or credit 
 
 D of 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 of the bank. The landed and visible estates of 
 the partners are what the holders of the notes 
 depend on. It is well known that the quan- 
 tity of specie in any bank is not a fourth 
 part in value of the notes they have in cir- 
 culation; nor is it necessary they should be. 
 An experienced, prudent banker, knows the ex- 
 act proportion, and will not exceed it. But let 
 us suppose, what has frequently happened, that 
 there is an unusual demand on those banks, of 
 specie for their notes ; they cannot, in that 
 case, pay the whole of them at sight; but they 
 can make it appear to the holders of their papeiv 
 that they have the ability to fulfil all their en- 
 gagements. In the year 1793, when credit in 
 general sustained a severe shock, country banks 
 were hard pressed; some of them were obliged 
 to suspend payment ; but in most places, all de- 
 scriptions of traders, merchants, manufacturers, 
 farmers, and even landholders, came forward 
 to support the banks, and restored circulation 
 to the notes, not only by declaring publicly 
 that they would receive them in payment, but 
 that they would indorse them. Is not this a 
 proof that country bank notes were not con- 
 sidered fictitious paper, even at that critical 
 period; that the people knew their utility in 
 promoting commerce, manufactures, and agri- 
 
 4 culture j 
 
(19 ) 
 
 x:ulture; and that without such" a circulatino: 
 medium, those sources of national wealth could 
 not be prosecuted to near their present extent? 
 
 I can tell Mr. Robson, from my own obser- 
 vations for thirty or even forty years past, that 
 there has not been so much capital employed in 
 trade, in any part of the kingdom, of equal 
 security to the traders, as country banks; I 
 mean banks that have issued notes. Even 
 tliough the bank of Air in Scotland was found- 
 ed on erroneous principles, and conducted so 
 unwisely as to oblige it to stop payment for a 
 time; yet none of its creditors sustained any 
 loss of either principal or interest. There are 
 still some annuitants upon tliat bank, which 
 are regularly paid ; and what is more, the sol- 
 vent partners have several millions of pounds 
 remaining, after paying all demands. 
 
 It seems extraordinary, therefore, that a Bri- 
 tish Senator should endeavour to destroy one of 
 the sinews of national prosperity, because a far- 
 mer had it in his power to borrow two hun- 
 dred pounds on his note at two months, and 
 a country banker durst lend so much to a far- 
 mer, whom he probal^ly knew to be worth five 
 times that sum. It is the chief par.t of the 
 trade of a banker to discount bills, and he runs 
 dS as 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 as little risk in accommodating farmers as any 
 set of men. 
 
 Let us suppose a farmer with stock to the value 
 of one thousand pounds, proceeding in agricul- 
 tural improvements till his money or circulating 
 medium is expended, and before he has completed 
 his plan of improvements. If Mr. Robson were his 
 landlord, would he condemn him for borrowing 
 two hundred pounds to enable him to complete 
 his work? Would he not lend him the money 
 in country bank notes, or the means of procur- 
 ing them, rather than stop proceedings so advan- 
 tageous to his own estate? Every thing wliich 
 increases national wealth, tends to the deprecia- 
 tion of the value of money, and consequently to 
 raise the price of provisions. The circulation 
 of bank notes, therefore, must certainly be one 
 of the causes. 
 
 It may now be proper to inquire into the rea-' 
 son for publishing the deficiency in the crops, 
 and the stock of old corn in the country; espe- 
 cially as that measure has been disapproved of. 
 
 Government being alarmed at the high price 
 of provisions, thought fit to collect information 
 as to the state of the nation with respect to 
 corn, even before the harvest was completed. 
 Undoubtedly, they have the best means for ac- 
 quiring 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 quiring sucli information (as I have already ob- 
 served) ; and it cannot answer any political pur- 
 pose, separate from the welfare of the people, to 
 make the deficiency uf the grain thus public, 
 JMinistry are generally charged with concealing 
 the state of the nation from the people, by hold- 
 ing out too flattering a prospect. That cannot 
 be said of them in the present instance ; yet their 
 opponents condemn them for publishing intelli- 
 gence of such public importance. 
 
 The best expedient was to establish the defi- 
 ciency, in order to encourage large and early im- 
 portations. Every man must approve of it, as 
 the sure, and, indeed, the only means by which 
 suf!icient supphes can be procured: and I 
 must again say, that I cannot enough admire 
 this instance of the ^visdom and vigilance of 
 our governors, at a time when they were beset 
 by numerous daring foes abroad, and much more ' 
 dangerous enemies at home. 
 
 Though I do not pretend to judge of the neces- 
 sity or expediency of the w^ar in which we are at 
 present unhappily engaged, and am not competent 
 to decide how far the operations of war enhance 
 the price of provisions; yet I must be allowed to 
 say, and I say it from sincere .conviction, that 
 the war has been the means, by God's good pro- 
 vidence, of saving this country from becommg a 
 
 province 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 pro\ iiice of France. Our internal enemies being 
 rcducetl, I should not now fear though all the 
 powers in Europe were to combine against us. 
 They were the cause of our drawing the sword 
 against their favourites, the declared enemies of 
 all governments. Is there a man in the king- 
 dom capable of observation, who had an oppor- 
 tunity of conversing with the innocent peasantry 
 for ten years b^ick, but must have been sensible 
 of the efforts made to propagate Paine s infernal 
 principles among the lower classes of the people? 
 Even after he fell into disgrace in the only 
 country that would give him shelter, his princi- 
 ples were rehned and made palatable by Jacobini- 
 cal writers, and are still strenuously maintained 
 by many, even in the m.etropolis of this king- 
 dom, notwithstanding the suspension of the Ha- 
 beas Corpus act, and that the lives and liberties 
 of the people are said to be at the mercy of go- 
 vernment. Nay, the very learned and great ora- 
 tors Miio assert that we are deprived of our liber- 
 ties, still exercise the same freedom of speaking, 
 writing, and acting, as they ever enjoyed, whe- 
 ther in or out of parliament. This is not the 
 only proof they have, from time to time, fur- 
 nished us with, of the confidence they have in the 
 wisdom, humanity, and forbearance, of the very 
 men whose measures they uniformly condemn. 
 
 It 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 It u'oulcl be prudent in them not to provoke 
 those, whom they call the arbiters of their li- 
 berties and lives, too much. 
 
 I cannot, however, agree ^vlth those who 
 ;naintain that war does not enhance the price of 
 provisions, notwithstanding the evidence ad- 
 duced in support of that opinion. That the 
 price of corn happened to be as low during some 
 former wars, and even since tfee commencement of 
 this war, as in times of peace, must have been owing 
 to the abundance of the crops: but, w^ithout en- 
 tering into a calculation of the quantity of pro- 
 visions unavoidably destroyed and lost by war, 
 it is not to be doubted that the prices would 
 have been still lower, had part of the men en- 
 gaged in the defence of the country been em- 
 ployed in agriculture. The question, in my opi- 
 nion, ought to be, Whether provisions would 
 have been cheaper, had we embraced the revolu- 
 tionary doctrines of France, at the expence of 
 our constitutional liberties? Whether govern- 
 ment did well in opposing those doctrines ? 
 and whether the difference betwixt the pro- 
 duce of a good and a bad harvest docs not affect 
 the price of bread much more than the opera- 
 tions of war? Let us suppose that the war has 
 been the cause of the high price of provisions ; 
 (a grievous and very distressing calamity;) and 
 
 let 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 let US also suppose, that the only measure by which 
 that high price can be reduced is an immediate 
 peace, as some of our senators have contended: 
 I would ask the nation collectively, the poor as 
 well as the rich. What terms of peace they would 
 accept of? Would they agree to give up all 
 the extensive and valuable terriicnes acquired 6y 
 us this war, together with the French, Spanish, 
 and Dutch navies, and the glorious pre-emi- 
 nence of the British flag, allowed by treaties, 
 and confirmed to us by all the powers in Europe? 
 If Bonaparte should overrun the continent of 
 Europe, and make slaves of the inhabitants ; 
 should that induce any true Briton, who has 
 regard for the liberties he enjoys under a consti- 
 tution M^hich is the envy of the world, to sell 
 those blessings so cheap ? And, even after giv- 
 ing up our conquests, what security could we 
 have for the remaining possessions? Could we 
 depend on the French for a lasting peace and 
 plenty of bread? Undoubtedly not. Our in- 
 ternal peace would be very precarious; and 
 though then- First Consul might, perhaps, go- 
 vern them as well as any other despot, the con- 
 tinuance of his power is uncertain. W^hen the 
 people of this country consider that this, and 
 many other nations, in the full enjoyment of 
 peace, have experienced dearths, and been threat- 
 ened 
 
(25 ) ' 
 
 eiied with famine, 1 am persuaded there is not 
 an honest man among them who would agree to 
 purchase bread upon such terms as we liave sup- 
 posed; especially as we have the means (and 
 measures have already been adopted) of bring- 
 ing supplies from all quarters of the globe, and 
 the legislature v/ill do their utmost to ameli- 
 orate the distresses of the labouring poor. 
 
 Taxes having been mentioned as one of the 
 causes of the high price of provisions, I can- 
 not help observing that, however grievous taxes 
 are, and at all times and in every country have 
 been, yet it must be allowed, that the produce 
 of agriculture is nearly exempted from that bur- 
 then. In this kingdom, the poor pay but icw 
 taxes; they fall chiefly upon those who are sup- 
 posed able to bear them. As corn, potatoes 
 black cattle, and sheep, are not taxed, the bigh 
 price of provisions cannot be attributed to taxes; 
 but, oU the contraiy, as the class of people who 
 pay taxes cannot afford to purchase as many 
 provisions as they could do were not taxes so hea- 
 vy, they must, of necessity, decrease their con- 
 sumption, and thus lower the prices to the level 
 at which the poor can procure them. Though 
 the labouring poor do not complainof taxes, far 
 be it from me to imagine that they are not a 
 grievous burthen upon many classes of the peo- 
 
 E pie, 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 pie, and may be the means, perhaps, of putting 
 it out of the power of several persons to employ 
 the same number of hands in manufactures, 
 buildins^ houses, and decorating their domains. 
 In this view, taxes must affect the labouring 
 poor in a material degree, by throwing them out 
 of employ. But if the labouring man is daily 
 employed, and remunerated in proportion to the 
 price of provisions, (which lie ought at all times 
 to be) he is perfectly independent of taxes. 
 
 Though it is scarcely possible to suggest any 
 thing new on the subject of the national debt 
 and taxes, so long and so ably discussed by great 
 politicians; yet, as taxes are admitted to be ne- 
 cessary for the protection of our laws, liberty, 
 and property, many of those who have spoken 
 and written upon the subject, seem to have over- 
 looked the satisfaction it would afford the people 
 to have the real state of the matter set before 
 them. They are told that the national debt 
 amounts to the enormous sum of four hundred 
 millions of pounds. They conceive this sum to 
 be entailed on about ten millions of people: and 
 they know that scarcely one fifth of that number 
 can, at any time, pay a shiUingof it; they see it 
 annually increasing, and, perhaps, many of them 
 do not consider that the interest of it is in- 
 cluded in the annual taxes, by which alone they 
 
 can 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 can be afft- cted, and not by the payment of the 
 ])rincipal, as they never will be called upon for 
 any part of that, though, I conceive, every indi- 
 vidual in the kingdom is bound for it. 
 
 It is by no means surprising, that the people 
 should be alarmed at every mention of this im^ 
 mense debt, but I apprehend it would ease them 
 much of their anxiety, to hear that the national 
 debt is not owing to foreign countries or to fo- 
 reigners (excepting a small part, about sixteen 
 millions, if I am well informed) but to the mo- 
 nied people in this country, who are always able 
 and wiUing to purchase from foreigners their 
 part of the debt whenever they are disposed to 
 sell it at the market prices. To whom, then, 
 are we indebted? Is it not to our brethren and 
 fellow-subjects? Must it not, therefore, be evi- 
 dent, that the riches of the nation are greater 
 than the national debt? Nay, a comparative 
 small number of the subjects are the national 
 creditors. Should not this incontrovertible fact 
 be sufficient evidence of the wealth of the 
 nation ? Suppose this country owes sixteen 
 miUions of the national debt to foreigners, will 
 it not be admitted that what is owing in fo- 
 reign states to this kingdom is considerably more 
 than the portion of the national debt owing to 
 foreigners? Or, in other words, Does not the 
 
 E 2 British 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 British capital employed in foreigm countries 
 greatly exceed that portion ? Why, then, should we 
 despond? Many in the councils of our enemies 
 know these facts, though it must give them plea- 
 src, not only to hear them contradicted, but to see 
 the amount of the national debt, on all ocasions, 
 held forth as a signal to alarm the people, by 
 those who oppose the ministry, though many of 
 them are, perhaps, the first to step forward, when 
 a loan is wanted, to lend money to the govern- 
 ment. • If we are to believe those men, the na- 
 tion is ruined beyond redemption ; yet there is, 
 no security so acceptable to them as this totter- 
 ing nation. It is to be regretted that they are 
 not the only politicians in the world who act di- 
 rectly contrary to the doctrines they labour tq 
 propagate. But, whatever specious pretence 
 there may be for attributing the high price of 
 provisions to any other circumstances, it can- 
 not possibly serve any good purpose to include 
 the suppression of the late disturbances in the 
 list of the causes. I would still hope it to be an 
 error in the account now before me of Mr. 
 Robson's speech in parliament. He is stated to 
 approve of the proclamation issued by govern- 
 ment, but laments the effect; as it tended to 
 raise the price of provisions. If my source of 
 infonriatiou be correct, may we not infer, that 
 
 he 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 he would rather the mob had not been opposed, 
 but allowed to regulate and govern the markets 
 for provisions? What would the consequence 
 have )been if the tumults had not been checked? 
 They threatened, and wo\dd certainly have exe- 
 cuted, the destruction of many respectable deal- 
 ers in provisions, the people who supply our 
 markets. Their ra^-e was directed asrainst dealers 
 and importers of corn, which occasioned a tem- 
 porary stop to the importation of the very article 
 they were most in need of Few, if any corn- 
 dealers could be found so bold as to run the risk 
 of being branded with the odious name of fore- 
 stallers and regraters, at a time when tliey ap- 
 prehended they were to be judged by a lawless 
 mob. 
 
 Though it is impossible to believe that any 
 member of the British senate could disapprove 
 of the suppression of riots, in the same breath 
 that he extolled government for the early cau- 
 tion given to tlie people, and the orders issued 
 to magistrates to preserve the peace by every 
 means in their power; and though the Honour- 
 able Gentleman might very naturally disregard so 
 ridiculous a representation, as unworthy of his 
 notice, knowing, perhaps, that none in his own 
 sphere could ever (iraw the conclusion; yet, as 
 my design k to caution the inoffensive part of 
 
 my 
 
( so ) 
 
 rny fellow subjects from being led astray by 
 kicked raid designing distui])ers of the peace, 
 I would recommend to those who^ have read the 
 speech to which I allude, not to believe, or even 
 imagine, that the Honourable Gentleman could 
 disapprove of suppressing riotous proceedings. 
 It was impossible, especially upon the subject of 
 speedy relief to the poor; and, though his speeches 
 were not calculated to accelerate the chief de- 
 sign, we cannot doubt but he was, and continues 
 to be, zealous for providing food for the people; 
 not for encouraging tumults, for he knows they 
 would defeat his laudable endeavours. 
 
 The suppression of riots has been at all times, 
 and in all well regulated societies, not only re- 
 commended, but enforced by the laws of God 
 and man. Of course, the exertions of our go- 
 vernment and subordinate magistrates upon the 
 late occasion are deserving of our praise; and 
 every good subject must highly approve of the 
 mild, humane, yet spirited, conduct of the late 
 Lord Mayor of London, and of the gentlemen 
 of the volunteer associations, who so eagerly as- 
 sembled under arms to support his authority, 
 ilc not only dispersed, but actually appeased the 
 furious mobs, which threatened destruction in 
 many parts of the city, without shedding a drop 
 of blood. 
 
 4 Having 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 Having made some observations on the variotis 
 causes to which the high price of provisions has 
 erroneously been attributed, in order to shew 
 that, in most cases, they produced a contrary ef- 
 fect; I have now tp mention the real causes 
 which generally enhance the prices, not only of 
 provisions, but of many articles of hixury. With 
 respect to corn, I must premise that the pro- 
 duce of the kingdom has not, for several years 
 past, been sufficient for the consumption of the 
 people, and that the deficiency has been annu- 
 ally increasing, owing to the following causes: 
 1st. The increase of population. 
 2dly. The accumulation of national v/ealth, 
 in consequence of the rapid and successful im- 
 provements in commerce and manufactures. 
 3dly. The consequent increase of luxury. 
 4thly. The depreciation of the value of mo- 
 ney ; and 
 
 5thly. The neglect of agriculture. 
 1st. That the population of this kingdom has 
 increased considerably of late years, seems to be 
 generally admitted; and, therefore, we need, 
 only remark upon this head, that it would serve 
 many good purposes in political calculations to 
 ascertain the number of the people. 
 
 £dly. The rapid accumulation of the wealth 
 of the nation is much easier ascertained ; and, I 
 
 believe, 
 
( S<2 ) 
 
 btlieve, there arc ftw, or none, in the kingdcmi 
 to whom this is not apparent, owing to the great 
 increase and flourishing state of our commerce 
 and manufactures. Nay, it is annually affirmed 
 in parliament, from documents which have been 
 scrutinized, and is thus establislied in spite of al) 
 those who endeavour to persuade the people to 
 believe the contrary. Our very enemies know 
 it; and not only proclaim it, but make a pretext 
 of our great wealthy to excite the jealousy of ihe 
 different nations in Europe against this king- 
 dom; and I am afraid that Bonaparte will so far 
 succeed, as to make neutral powers either our se- 
 cret or open enemies. Those who ale our secret 
 enemies, wait only for a favourable opportunity 
 to declare- open war against us. Perhaps the 
 Emperor of llusssia, owing to his remote dis- 
 tance, may be the first to hazard drawing the 
 sword against this nation. I must give due ere* 
 dit to the First Consul of France, for publishing 
 to all the world the unbounded wealth of Great 
 Britain. It is a proof he admits that the united 
 efforts of France, Spain, and Holland, cannot 
 effect our overthrow; and therefore he calls upon 
 all other nations to join against us, being the only 
 expedient by which he can hope to force Great 
 Britain to accept of his humiliating terms of 
 peace. It is a novelty in politics; powers at war^ 
 
 and 
 
 I 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 mid especially the Great Nation, seldom or ever 
 acknowledge inferiority in strength or resources; 
 but Bonaparte not only acknowledges but pro- 
 claims the truth, when it suits his designs. He has 
 nothing so much at heart as to subdue this king- 
 dom ; and he could not have fallen upon a more 
 effectual expedient to acquire the assistance he 
 finds necessary, than representing to other 
 states the pre-eminence of this nation, in order 
 to excite their jealousy and induce them to join 
 our implacable enemies. . This kingdom is cer- 
 tainly a subject of envy to the whole world ; 
 and therefore I admire the policy of Bonaparte. 
 When the wealth of this nation is acknowledg- 
 ed by all the world, it is to be hoped that the 
 persons who are in the habit of opposing iinnis- 
 try, will not contradict Bonaparte's account of it. 
 He puts no confidence in the loud assertions of 
 the Jacobins in this country ; nay, he exposes 
 their fallacy in the most public manner. He 
 may use them as tools, though he despises their 
 council. They must allow that our wealth en- 
 hances the price of most articles, and conse- 
 quently of provisions* 
 
 I cannot help remarking here another late in- 
 stance of good and sound policy in the First 
 Consul ; he allows the produce of the Indies 
 to be imported into the ports of France and 
 iiolland from Great Britain^ on paying cer- 
 
 F tain 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 tain duties. Thus he makes a merit of ne- 
 cessity, to enrich his treasury ; as, in spite of 
 all his edicts, the people of those countries 
 could not be restrained from clandestinely pro- 
 curing the commodities. It is not improbable 
 he may see the ^Expediency of admitting British 
 manufactures alsO; subject to duties, as he must 
 know that they find their way, though circuit- 
 ously, into the very metropolis of France. Perhaps 
 it would be good policy in our government to 
 admit wines and several other articles of the pro- 
 duce of France, direct into this kingdom, as it 
 seems impossible to prevent the introduction of 
 goods that are strictly prohibited into almost 
 every part of the country. Though France 
 should be enabled to maintain the war with us 
 for ages, I cannot see any evil that could result 
 to either country by a treaty for exchange of 
 certain articles direct, in ships of both nations. 
 It. would save a great expence in freight paid 
 to neutral states ; and prevent many quarrels 
 respecting the privilege of neutral ships, as 
 those goods are not conveyed by the ships either 
 of Great Britain or France. Such a treaty, 
 allowing British ships to carry British goods 
 to France, and French ships to carry French 
 goods to Britain, under peculiar flags and cer- 
 tain restrictions, limited to one or two ports 
 in each country^ I imagine would not be re- 
 4 pugnant 
 
{ 35 ) 
 
 piignant to the spirit of the navigation act of 
 this kingdom, or the maritime laws of Prance. 
 It is clear that both governments would gain by- 
 it ; and the people, who must at all events, have 
 the goods, would reap considerable advantage, 
 by saving the great expence that attends smug- 
 gling, and the freight and insurance paid to 
 neutral states. The First Consul of France hav- 
 ing admitted some goods from Britain, it is pro- 
 bable he would not object to a commercial 
 treaty of this kind ; and I hope he would permit 
 the exportation of corn and other articles 
 of provision into this kingdom, as one of the 
 terms of the treaty. Though the last consider- 
 ation is my chief motive for suggesting a com- 
 mercial treaty betwixt two powers at war, as it 
 would certainly be much in favour of this coun- 
 try at present, I am far from thinking that an 
 arrangement of this kind might not be made, 
 on such liberal and safe principles as would be 
 agreeable to both powers. It is true Bonaparte 
 knows that we generally want corn from foreign 
 countries, and a larger quantity this year than 
 usual ; yet he also knows that we have the 
 means of procuring it, if to be had in any part 
 of the world ; and he must be sensible, that 
 whatever corn France has to spare, may with 
 much more advantage to that country be 
 allowed to come to us direct, than in a circuit- 
 r 2 ous 
 
( 36 ) 
 
 Oils manner through neutral ports. A plain 
 trade of this kind would have superseded the 
 necessity of banishing his near relation, even to 
 an honourable exile. If he does not permit the 
 exportation of corn, others in France will find 
 ways of doing it. 
 
 The increase of wealth being established, we 
 are now to consider, in the third place, how far it 
 affects the price of provisions. It will be admitted 
 that luxury is the constant attendant on wealth 
 and prosperity. It has been so in all ages and in 
 all countries: all descriptions of persons are in- 
 clined to enjoy the fruits of their industry in 
 comfort and ease ; but the predominance of taste 
 and fashion excites a laudable emulation in ele- 
 gance and grandeur. The happy propensity to 
 cleanliness in this coimtry, is the first step to- 
 wards neatness and elegance in clothing, houses, 
 and furniture. 
 
 Luxury increases in proportion to wealth, and 
 has arrived to a great height in this island, not 
 only in cleanhness, neatness, and grandeur, but 
 in the consumption of provisions by every class 
 of the people. The labouring poor are not now 
 content to live on the coarse, though wholesome 
 fare of our ancestors. In many parts of England 
 the poorest of the people spurn at bread made 
 of oats, barley, and pease, though their fellow- 
 subjects 
 
( S7 ) 
 
 subjects in Scotland and the northern counties 
 of England not only use it, but prefer it to 
 wheaten bread. The price of oatmeal in Scot- 
 land has frequently been 25 per cent, higher 
 than the finest wheaten flour has sold for at 
 the same time. How do our brethren, the 
 labouring poor of Ireland, and of the High- 
 lands of Scotland, subsist? Butter-milk is an 
 article thrown to the hogs in most parts of Eng- 
 land, though an Irish labourer and his family 
 actually subsist a great part of the year upon it 
 and potatoes ; and are not they a healthy, 
 strong race of men, capable of bearing as much 
 fatigue and hardship as any people in the world? 
 The peasantry of England, thirty or forty years 
 ago, lived on such food as those of Ireland and 
 Scotland use now. A Highlander of Scotland, 
 still reckons himself well fed if he has plenty of 
 potatoes and herrings. Luxury is, however, 
 rapidly increasing, even in those countries. The 
 nearer they approach to the English rate of 
 living, the consumption of provisions must in- 
 crease, and, consequently, the prices ; as the ar- 
 ticles of food which serve them at present will 
 hereafter be used only for feeding of horses for 
 pleasure, or fattening cattle for slaughter. Ne- 
 vertheless, the sooner they adopt the English 
 mode of living the better, provided they do not 
 
 forget 
 
( 38 ) 
 
 forget that, in case of necessity, they cannot 
 only subsist, but live well upon oaten bread, po- 
 tatoes, and milk, I hope they never will despise 
 the bounties of Providence in supplying them 
 plentifully with M^holesome, though it may be 
 coarse food; and that, Avhen occasion may re- 
 quire, they will not hesitate to feed for a sea- 
 son, as they do now. May not the labouring 
 people of Ireland and Scotland charge English- 
 men with eifeminacy for murmuring at the use 
 of mixed bread? What would Captain Cook, 
 of immortal memory, have thought of them? 
 Had they sailed round the world with him, the 
 bread, and other articles of food, which they 
 now despise, they would have accounted luxu- 
 ries. In Yorkshire, where the people live sump- 
 tuously, and other parts of England, where they 
 have plenty of the best wheat, of which they 
 make the finest flour for sale, household is pre- 
 ferred to the finest wheaten bread. The working 
 people find it more nutritious, and even the 
 gentlemen reckon it not only so, but more pa- 
 lateable. 
 
 It is probable that the economy, adopted and 
 recommended last year, by the different branches 
 of the legislature, may be recommended this year 
 also. The working people in the metropolis ob- 
 jected to the use of any kiud of bread but what 
 
 was 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 was made of the finest flour, and contended 
 that those who recommended the use of mixed 
 bread, could easily dispense with the use of any- 
 kind of bread, as they can procure a variety of 
 other articles of food, which the labouring peo- 
 ple cannot afford to purchase. But it appears; 
 from the preference given in the best corn coun- 
 ties in England, by labourers and others, to 
 household or mixed bread, that it is the most' 
 nourishing, and, consequently, the fittest for the - 
 laborious part of the community. 
 
 The man who may justly complain, at pre- 
 sent, that his wages do not enable him to pro- 
 cure a sufficiency of food, should certainly be 
 the first to adopt economical plans. He is, un- 
 doubtedly, entitled to be well fed with wholesome 
 food; nay, his earnings should be sufficient for 
 feeding his wife and children as well as himself. 
 Are not these considerations strong inducements 
 to economy, in selecting the cheapest kind of 
 wholesome and nourishing provisions? I should 
 be far from recommending to a working man to 
 stint himself in the quantity of his food, it being 
 absolutely necessary for himself, his family, and 
 employers, that he should have his full meals, 
 otherwise he will not be able to do the same por- 
 tion of work. But, without economy, no quan- 
 tity of wages will be sufficient for him: whereas, 
 
 through 
 
( 40 ) 
 
 through economy, we have seen many vakiable 
 members of society raise themselves, by dint of 
 hard labour, to wealth and eminence. Trace 
 the history of these men to their original obscu- 
 rity, at the shovel, barrow, or plough, and you 
 ivill find that none of them ever were aiders or 
 abettors of riotous mobs. The truth of this 
 remark all men, however low their station, or 
 narrow the circle of their acquaintance, must 
 admit. In every village and hamlet, such re- 
 spectable characters are to be found. Should 
 .not every member of society tread in their steps, 
 as the surest way of attaining the comforts of 
 life? 
 
 If want of frugality in living be prevalent 
 among the poorest of the people, how much 
 more does it prevail in the higher classes ? It 
 is certainly pleasant to observe the cleanliness, 
 neatness, elegance, and even the grandeur that 
 prevail in dress and habitations. The commu- 
 nications opened, by means of the finest roads 
 in the world, not only through England, but 
 to the remotest corners of the Highlands of 
 Scotland, through barren mountains that were 
 impassable for horses, and could only be ascended 
 by Highlanders on foot, who were obhged to 
 carry provisions in their pockets, there not being 
 a hut to shelter them in for many miles together, 
 
 are 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 are -now traversed by gentlemen in carriages, 
 and form a fashionable tour for the nobility and 
 gentry of England. Many of the citizens of 
 London fmd much recreation in" sporting on 
 the Highland hills; there being several inns, 
 placed at convenient distances, that furnish 
 good accommodations. Before the union with 
 Scotland, however, it was common for a 
 Scotchman to settle his affairs and make his 
 will when he undertook a journey to London. 
 All these improvements are the effects of the 
 extension of commerce and manufactures, 
 which afford the means oY paying and main- 
 taining them, though at a great expence. Our 
 ancestors would have reckoned it a great luxury, 
 to traverse the kingdom, seated in carriages, 
 driving day and night at great speed. 
 
 The vast number of horses necessarily em- 
 ployed in travelling must be fed; and, notwith- 
 standing the conveyance of goods by inland navi- 
 gation, (another and aver} important improvi- 
 mentin this country, which we owe totlie Dukc- 
 of BridgeW'atcr's perseverance, and for which lie 
 has little thanks Worn the inhabitants of Liver- 
 pool and Manchester, though they were the fust 
 to reap the benefit, and owe their present opu- 
 lence to his Cirace's canal,) the number of 
 liorses employed in carrying goods do not seem 
 
 G to 
 
( ^2 ) 
 
 to be decreased; an additional proof of the in- 
 crease of trade. The horses employed in tra- 
 velling and carrying are indispensably necessary, 
 thou oh the feedino; of them adds in no small 
 degree, to the consumption of corn. Yet it is 
 to be hoped, that no circumstance can occur 
 >vhich will oblige us to reduce the number of 
 horses so employed. 
 
 But the number of horses kept for pleasure 
 is immense, and may Avell be dispensed with in 
 times of scarcity. They consume a great quan- 
 tity of corn and hay, and the labour of many 
 useful hands is lost in looking after them. The 
 oats, barley, peas, and ])eans, consumed by such 
 horses, M^ould m^ake bread for a great number of 
 the people. The land occupied in raising hay for 
 them, and the labour attending it, would be 
 much better applied to raising of corn for hu- 
 man food. As every kind of luxury occasions 
 labour, it would be prudent to retrench on the 
 appearance of scarcity, and to turn the labourers, 
 so employed, to the spade and the plough. It 
 w^ould be cruel and impolitic to send them 
 adrift in times of dearth; and, therefore, their la- 
 bour should be changed to the benefit of the com- 
 munity. A man who can afford to expend from 
 5001. to lOOOl, anrkuaily, for decorations and or- 
 namenting only, should feel pleasure in employ- 
 
( 43 ; 
 
 ing these labourers In husbandry. Supposing, 
 also, he were for a season to turn a number of 
 the tradesmen he employs, such as masons, 
 bricklayers, and carpenters, to raise corn, even 
 at their former wages, he would be a gainer in 
 the end by the useful cultivation of his estate. 
 All lie could suffer by the change would be a 
 temporary suspension of his schemes of plea- 
 ds u re, until bread becomes plentiful and cheap ; 
 then he may carry on his ornamental improve- 
 ments with alacrity; and, surely, he could not 
 fail to derive much satisfaction from reflecting 
 that he had not only improved his own estate, 
 but rendered the most essential service to his 
 countrv. 
 
 In times of dearth, the wage* of labourers 
 and, artilicers ought to be raised: but contrac- 
 tors and others, who have entered into engage- 
 ments when provisions and wages were low, are 
 in times of dearness frequently under the neces- 
 sity ©f stopping their work and discharging their 
 men. If their wages could procure them only 
 a bare subsistence when employed, how miser- 
 able must their case be when unemployed? In 
 times of dearth they are real objects of charity, 
 worthy of the notice of the wealthy. All they 
 want is to be employed; nay, their case should 
 be made known to men of fortune in their 
 
 G 2 neighbourhood, 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 neighbourhood, such as have been mentioned; 
 and if they cannot find employment for them, 
 application should be made to government in 
 their behalf, to provide them with some employ 
 that might be of national benefit, and thus pre- 
 vent labourers and artificers, who are able and 
 willing to work, from becoming a burthen to the 
 public. It matters not what their trades may 
 be; whether they are masons, bricklayers, car- 
 penters, or even v/eavers; it is better they should 
 till the ground until they find employment in 
 their different vocations, than be turned loose on 
 the public; as they must, at all events, have 
 food. 
 
 It may be of use to remark, that many trades- 
 men are frequently tlu'own out of employ, even 
 when provisions are cheap, through the fluctu- 
 ating demands for different articles of manufac- 
 ture, owing to the change of fashions. The 
 <rood effects of the division of labour in manu- 
 factures are well known; yet, in consequence, 
 the attention of workmen is confined to their 
 respective branches. Suppose that mohair or 
 silk buttons were again to become fashionable, 
 in place of metal buttons, the makers of the 
 latter could find no employment in the art in 
 which they arc expert. Such a change would 
 be a hardship on the artisan; but it is no reason 
 
 why 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 why he should be idle. If he could not resort 
 to the making of the buttons m demand, he 
 must of necessity select some other profession. 
 He would naturally prefer the trade which would 
 brins: him the hio-hest wac-es for the least la- 
 hour, as his former business did not require the 
 exertion of bodilv strenoth. If he should be 
 necessitated to undertake work that requires 
 greater labour, he should not shrink from it ; 
 very probably it may be healthier than his former 
 trade, and it is certain that strength increases by 
 exertion. Let him not lament though he 
 should be obliged to till the ground ; many grea;t 
 men have retired from elevated situations in life 
 to enjoy the wholesome exercise of labouring in 
 the fields. The disappointed tradesman has great- 
 er inducements to prefer farming in this coun- 
 try, in M'hich employ he can never run the risk 
 of being thrown out of bread by the caprice 
 of fashion. His wages cannot be high, yet his 
 employment will be certain whilst the nation con- 
 tinues to be annually in need of large supplies of 
 foreign corn. Though he cannot expect to 
 amass a fortune equal to button makers, yet he 
 will be placed in a situation of all others the 
 least liable to want the necessaries of life. It is 
 this consideration that induces the greatest num- 
 ber of the labouring people to prefer farming, 
 
 even 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 even at vcfy low wages, to other employments 
 at double or triple the pay: a fortunate circum- 
 stance for this country, though farming requires 
 to be encouraged and extended more than ever, 
 as I shall ha\'e occasion to remark afterwards. 
 
 The increase of luxury in this country is evi- 
 dent ; yet it does not exceed the means of sup- 
 porting it, and therefore cannot be called extra- 
 vagance. It v/ould be bad policy to check or 
 discourage the national progress to comfort and 
 ease, in food, raiment, and habitations, and, it is 
 to be hoped, that the poorest of the labouring 
 people, even in the most remote corners of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, ^\ill, ])y their industry, sobri- 
 et}', and a dutiful obedience to the laws by 
 which they are encouraged and protected, be 
 able to procure a much greater portion of the ne- 
 cessaries and comforts of life than those of Lon- 
 don and Middlesex have enjoyed hitherto in 
 years of plenty. But every good subject must 
 deprecate the prosperity which leads to anarchy : 
 and he who cannot quietly and peaceably sub- 
 nut to stint hiniseU' for a season to an allowance 
 of provisions proportioned to the produce of the 
 country, is a bad member of society, and ought 
 never to enjoy plenty and independence. In 
 short, the man who cannot content himself with 
 the use of oaten l)read and potatoes in this year 
 
 of 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 of scarcity, docs not deserve tg partake of the 
 luxuries which England can and does afford in. 
 general to all classes of the people. Is there a 
 nation in the world more inclined or at a greater 
 expence to feed and clothe the poor, than the 
 people of England ? There is not a human being 
 in the country in danger of starving, even ia 
 seasons of the greatest scarcity. No ; the poor 
 are amply provided for, and it is owing to ths 
 mistaken compassion and lenity of the people 
 that our streets are crowded by beggai's, the laws 
 being expressly against begging. 
 
 As it cannot be disputed that luxury of 
 every kind, the natural effects of atiluence, must 
 enhance the price of provisions at all times, we 
 are next to consider, 4thly, How the deprecia- 
 tion of the value of money must advance the 
 money price of every thing as well as provisions. 
 The value of oold and silver has been diminish- 
 ing ever since the discovery of the American 
 mines; but it has fortunately been the fate of the 
 people of this country to draw a great share of 
 those metals into this kingdom in return for our 
 manufactures; and now that our commerce is ex- 
 tended more than ever, the influx of money, or of 
 articles which are equally acceptable to foreigners, 
 in exchange for corn and other produce, enables 
 us to pay more, not only for the necessaries, but 
 
 the 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 the luxuries of life, than any other country in 
 Europe. Though a labouring man pays more than 
 double the price now for bread that he did thirty 
 years ago, he- cannot say that he does not live 
 better than he did then. His wages are advanc- 
 ed in proportion to the depreciation in the value 
 of money. He can afford, by the price of his 
 labour, to purchase more and better provisions 
 than formerly. I hope the labouring man 
 will never forget that we have frequently since 
 that period experienced scarcity, and been 
 threatened with famine. It lias been the fate of 
 all countries in all ages* His case is not harder 
 now than has been experienced in the course of 
 twenty years back. The lower the value of mo- 
 ney is, the better for him ; as his labour must 
 •purchase provisions for him, and generally of a 
 superior kind. I liope he will consider that he 
 is better clothed and better lodged than those 
 who preceded him ; and that he will be thankful 
 liis lot has placed him in the happiest country 
 in the world. It is for the benefit of the poor 
 that I Aviite, and it is to them I endeavour to 
 make my remarks intelligible. I have already 
 observed, that when a labouring man in Eng- 
 land is no longer able to work, he is amply 
 provided in food and clothing by his parish ; and 
 there is not a human creature in the country who 
 
 is 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 is ever reduced to the necessity of begging even 
 in times of the greatest scarcity : yet there are 
 more beggars in the streets of London than in all 
 Scotland, where provision for the poor is neither 
 so ample nor so general. 
 
 It may be proper to consider how it happens 
 that this rich and powerful nation should at any 
 time depend upon other countries for corn. The 
 cause is well known to our legislators, and to 
 every man who has been at the pains to trace the 
 origin and progress of commerce in this or any 
 country. We have already observed, that it is 
 entirely owing to the wealth acquired by the un- 
 precedented extension of commerce and manu- 
 fatures, that the money price of provisions in thisL 
 kingdom is higher than in any other country in 
 Europe; yet the labouring people, notwithstand- 
 ing, live better than atiy labourers in the world. 
 Though we have experienced scarcity of corn in 
 some seasons, and, of late years, oftener than 
 neighbouring nations have done, owing, 5thly, 
 to the neglect or decline of agriculture; still it 
 is no proof of the poverty of the country: the 
 reverse will be found to be the case. Poland 
 produces abundance of corn, which is exported 
 to a great amount annually; yet, before the re- 
 volution, the small province of Holland was 
 richer than the whole of that kingdom. It is 
 
 H " owing 
 
( so ) 
 
 o\ving to the preference given to the niore lucra- 
 tive employments of commerce and manufac- 
 tures that the produce of the corn in this king- 
 dom is not equal to the consumiption of its inha- 
 bitants. The chief trade of England at one 
 time, and not a distant period, was in corn and 
 wool, wh,en the inhabitants were not much more 
 civilized than the Russians are at this day. The 
 export of tliC form.er is still permitted, though 
 that of the latter is proliibited. 
 
 In the year 1791, when a bill was pending in 
 parliament for regulating the importation and 
 exportation of corn, ministry, being desirous of 
 acquiring every information upon the subject 
 that the country could afford, circulated all 
 over the kingdom a report of the Lords of the 
 Committee of his Majesty's Council for Trade, 
 &c. presented to his Majesty in the preceding year. 
 'Jliey represented that the annual export of corn 
 from Great Britain, taken on an average of nine- 
 teen years, from the year 1746 to the year 17^5, 
 inclusive, exceeded the imports 651,0001. and 
 that the imports for 1 8 years, ending in the year 
 1789, exceeded the exports, 291,0001. Hence it 
 is evident, that if agriculture has not declined, 
 the annual consumption of corn in this kingdom 
 in the above period, increased 9-l-2,000l. and 
 since the year 1789 it has increased in an amrz- 
 
( 51 ) 
 
 iiig degree. A sure proof of tiie increase, not 
 only of population, but of opulence. 
 
 If we could at all times depend on other coun- 
 tries for supplies of corn, we might safely go on, 
 without any regard to the quantity of provisions 
 which the kingdom produced, depending entirely 
 upon the more lucrative pursuits of trade and ma- 
 nufactures. The Seven United Provinces of the 
 Netherlands pursued this course. Holland be- 
 came the mart of Europe for corn, though the 
 annual produce of that country was not equal to 
 the consumption of the inhabitants for two 
 months. In general, they had large stores of 
 corn from other countries, as their extensive com- 
 merce brought ,them plenty of money, or paper 
 medium that circulated all over Europe, to pay 
 for provisions. Famines have, however, been 
 more frequent in Holland than in England. The 
 miseries experienced in tliat country by dearth 
 and Amines shew plainly the danger of depend- 
 ing on other countries for the necessaries of life. 
 But we have also experienced the ill effects of 
 trusting to foreign supplies in years of scarcity; 
 therefore, it will be prudent to cultivate internal 
 resources, and as it is impossible to know when 
 they will be most needed, Ave should always be 
 prepared. Last year's dearth may induce farmers 
 to prepare for raising more corn this year than 
 H 2 usual; 
 
C 52 ) 
 
 usual; but that cannot afford us immediate re- 
 lief. The deficiency . in the produce of this 
 kingdom, in proportion to the consumption of 
 the inhabitants, has been increasing annually 
 ever since the year 1765. Even the best crops 
 fall far short of the annual consumption. The 
 evil is now become so alarming, that parliament 
 should carry its views farther than to the making 
 provision for the present pressing demands. 
 There seems to be a necessity for encouraging 
 agriculture; especially as it happens in the dis- 
 pensations of Providence that crops are short in 
 some years not only in Europe, but in America ; 
 and in that case every country must, of neces- 
 sity, depend upon its internal resources. 
 
 I have often thought that the people in Ire- 
 land, blessed with a fertile soil, might be occu- 
 pied to advantage in raising corn and other pro- 
 visions for this country for some time: but the 
 Irish have made greater progress in commerce 
 and manufactures than I reckoned upon thirty 
 years ago, owing to the extensive genius of Mr. 
 Foster, the j)resent Speaker of their House of 
 Commons, who is the promoter of every species of 
 industry among them. His first care was agricul- ^ 
 ture : their corn laws were framed by him, and 
 our parliament adopted his plan, in a great mea- 
 sure, in the act of 17<jl. Though he had not 
 
 mucli 
 
( 53 ) 
 
 much difficulty in carrying his hill through par- 
 liament, his life was in danger from the igno- 
 rance and prejudice of the people; yet he perse- 
 vered, not only in encouraging agriculture, but 
 arts, manufactures, and commerce. He kne>y 
 that the first step towards improvement in the in- 
 fant state of manufactures and commerce was to 
 raise corn; and he set the example on the most 
 barren part of his own estate. The deluded 
 mob, who were ready and eager to sacrifice his 
 life to their resentment when he was returnins: 
 from his duty in parliament to his country seat, 
 were the first, on his return the following ses- 
 sion, to extol his wisdom, draw his carriage 
 through Drogheda, andbear him on their shoul- 
 ders. The exports of corn from Ireland, in con- 
 sequence of Mr. Foster's act, increased amazing- 
 ly; the annual exports from that kingdom for 
 ten years preceding the year 1790, amounted 
 to }6\,925 quarters of oats and oat-meal. 
 
 Mr. Foster paid the greatest attention, not 
 only in parliament, ])ut in private, to the encou- 
 ragement of arts, commerce, and manufactures; 
 and, in consequence of his perseverance, they 
 have prospered beyond example in any former 
 period of the history of that kingdom, notwith- 
 standing their internal disturbances, occasioned 
 by those who wished for the fraternal embrace of 
 
 the 
 
( 54 > 
 
 Trench Jacobins; and now the people desert the 
 plough for more lucrative employments: so that, 
 owing to the progress they have made in com- 
 merce a]]d manufactures, the Irish may soon be 
 in need, not only of corn, but even of beef, 
 butter, and pork, from other countries. 
 
 Happily, Ireland is to be united to Great 
 Britain ; and, it is to be hoped, will soon be as 
 independent as any country in Europe. I have 
 often lamented that the father of Irish prospe- 
 rity should have opposed the union; but the 
 best of men have their hobby-horses, and w^hy 
 should not the great Foster be allowed to have 
 one also? It is not to be doui)ted that he will 
 still persevere in encouraging every thing which 
 tends to the prosperity of Ireland, and that he 
 will assist in the councils of the United Kingdom. 
 
 Having enumerated the causes which have 
 operated in -a progressive degree to enhance the 
 price of provisions for several years past, it may 
 be proper to account for the extraordinary high 
 price of corn at present. 
 
 The produce of this year's harvest being esti- 
 mated at one fourth less than the average of pre- 
 ceding years, and little remaining of the crop of 
 I7S9, a considerable rise in price might natu- 
 rally be expected ; but it never could have 
 amounted to the present enormous height, had 
 3 it 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 it not been for the alarm that generally seizes the 
 people when they apprehend a scarcity, (which 
 operated to an extraordinary degree this season,) 
 and the pernicious effects of tumultuous pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 The alarm which pervades the people when 
 they apprehend scarcity, never fails to enhance 
 the price of provisions. It is generally during 
 the time of harvest that the produce is estimated 
 l)y reports from the country, circulated by far- 
 mers, and others wdiose intevest it is to raise the 
 price: and though never to be depended upon as 
 authentic, those reports being fabricated for the 
 purpose, do frequently aifect the market. When 
 the people see, by their own observation in any 
 quarter of the country, that there is a deficiency 
 in the crop, those who have money or other 
 means, hasten to market to purchase a stock for 
 the consumption of their families, before prices 
 get higher; and this, too, at a time when farmers 
 and millers have little or none read v. The ar- 
 tide wanted being flour or meal only, cannot be 
 furnished inmiediately; this makes tic people 
 eager, and the demand increases as the prices 
 advance. 
 
 If we suppose (a probable case) that a general 
 and pressing demand at an early period of the 
 season were equal to the consumption of all the 
 
 inhabitants 
 
i 56 ) 
 
 inhabitrtnts for one month only, in any year, it 
 will account for the rapid rise of prices in a season 
 of scarcity, when we consider that the sudden 
 demand this year amounts to a ninth part of 
 the annual produce of the kingdom. Those 
 who can afford to lay up a stock of provisions, 
 do not seem aware that the demand becomes ge- 
 neral; that prices become high before they have 
 completed their supplies ; that they generally pay 
 more than the average price of the year; and 
 that they do great injury to the poor, (who can- 
 not lay in more at any time than provisions for a 
 week,) by raising the price, even of the articles 
 necessary for bare subsistence, beyond their reach. 
 Should the provident man apprehend danger of 
 famine, does he better his state by hoarding up 
 to the prejudice of the poor? No; as in the 
 event of such a calamity, I am persuaded that 
 faWj very few men in this country, in anystation, 
 from the king on the throne to the lowest sub- 
 ject, but would participate with their fellow crea- 
 tures in distress. It requires only to give them 
 timely admonition, to direct their attention to 
 the poor at all times, but especially when a scar- 
 city of food is dreaded. 
 
 Persons who can afford to lay up supplies of 
 provisionsTor a year at any price, cannot hesitate 
 for a moment to allow the poor to purchase, from 
 
 week 
 
( 57 ) - 
 
 week to week, at the same price the rich pay« 
 Will they not rather let the poor labouring man 
 be first served? There are many of the people 
 who formerly lived in affluence, and some who 
 had a competency, none of whom have been 
 used to labour, that may justly be reckoned more 
 indigent than the labouring people ; such as wi- 
 dows, clergymen, superannuated officers on half 
 pay, pensioners, and others, whose annuities w^ere 
 sufficient to procure them, not only the neces- 
 saries, but many of the luxuries of life, at the 
 time they were fixed forty or fifty years ago, when 
 money was more than double its present value. 
 Many of these, whose bounty formerly fed the 
 hungry and clothed the naked, are now reduced 
 to the necessity of resorting to Rag-tkir and tlie 
 soup kitchens. I may have occasion to mention 
 their case hereafter. 
 
 The causes of the present high price of pro- 
 visions have been demonstrated, as also the rea- 
 son of the deficiency of the produce of corn in 
 the kingdom, in proportion to the consumption; 
 but, for those national evils, the labouring poor, 
 and othei-s equally destitute, are naturally much 
 more anxious to discover a remedy. It is an 
 easy matter to trace the causes, from experience. 
 Many of our legislators are expert in recounting 
 every malady and misfortune we meet with; but 
 
 T those 
 
( ^8 ) 
 
 those who are most vociferous and artful in shew- 
 ing us our clangers, seldom or never attempt to 
 recommend any other means for averting them 
 than a change of ministry which, it would ap- 
 pear, is the grand cure for all our calamities. If I 
 should fail in my humble endeavours to recom- 
 mend measures for guarding against future scar- 
 city and averting famine, I sliall lament my 
 want of success : but, as I shall enjoy the self ap- 
 probation of doing the best in my power for my 
 country, by mentioning such expedients as occur 
 to me, which is the bounden duty of every good 
 member of society, I do not mean to shelter my- 
 self by the errors of others, nor do I expect pro- 
 tection from such members of parliament as op- 
 pose every thing and propose nothing. 
 
 In the course of the foregoing remarks, I have 
 enumerated several circumstances in order to 
 prove that, as the danger of trusting to foreign 
 countries for supplies is increasing annually, 
 there seems to be great necessity for raising suffi- 
 cient corn and provisions in the kingdom for the 
 consumption of the inhabitants. The cause of 
 the deficiency lias been explained, to the convic- 
 tion, I trust, of those who feel most by the high 
 prices. They may see that it is owing to the in- 
 creased wealth of the nation; yet I hope they 
 would never approve of restraining the free 
 
 course 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 course of trade and manufactures, to which we 
 owe our present pre-eminence; as it is not only 
 possible, but probable, to provide plenty of 
 bread without doing so; and we have already 
 the means for purchasing it, whatever the price 
 may be. 
 
 There is no kind of trade in any country so ge- 
 neral or so extensive as that of corn. Every 
 human creature is interested in it. The least 
 restraint upon it must, of course, be injurious to 
 the people. Therefore the Lords of the Com- 
 mittee of his Majesty's Privy Council for Trade, 
 &c. have, ever since the year 1770, uniformly re- 
 commended the internal commerce in grain to 
 be free and unincumbered. At or about that 
 period the imports w^ere found to exceed the ex- 
 ports; and, in consequence, the Committee re- 
 commended free admission to foreign corn on 
 payment of a small duty. Parliament has enact- 
 ed laws, from time to time, for regulating the 
 trade; but the necessity for encouraging agricul- 
 ture increasing from year to year, rendered it ex- 
 pedient for the legislature to grant a bounty on 
 the exportation, and to lay a duty on the impor- 
 tation of corn. This necessary encouragement 
 given to farmers was attributed, by traders and 
 manufacturers, to tJie landed interest; yet, now 
 J 5 that 
 
( 60 ) 
 
 that we have experienced the increasing want of 
 foreign supplies, we have to regret that those 
 bounties and d^uties have not had the desired 
 effect. They have not been sufficient to mduce 
 farmers to raise corn enough for the consumption 
 of the inhabitants. 
 
 The institution of the Board of Agriculture 
 is certainly of great national benefit. It has 
 been at great pains, and the members deserve 
 the highest praise for their attention to every 
 species of the produce of the country. Much, 
 however, remains to be done to raise a suffici- 
 ency of bread-corn for the consumption of the 
 people. The laudable endeavours of that Board 
 seem to be directed to discover the most profit- 
 able productions of the earth, whether mines, 
 minerals, hemp, flax, or corn, and for improv- 
 ing the bread of cattle. These labours must 
 greatly benefit the nation, more especially if at 
 any time it happens that our foreign trade should 
 decline, oi* be more limited than at present. In 
 their general pursuits they have not neglected 
 the raising of corn; yet it were to be wished 
 that they had confined their attention, in the 
 first instance, to the immediate culture of arti- 
 cles of the first necessity. Other improvements 
 will, under their direction, follow of course. 
 
 When 
 
( 61 ) 
 
 When the people have plenty of bread, these im- 
 provements may be carried on at a much cheaper 
 r-ate. 
 
 We have already observed that the great diffe- 
 rence between the wages paid to farming labour- 
 ers, and those employed by tradesmen and ma- 
 nufacturers, induces the labouring poor to prefer 
 the latter. Though the farmers could afford, 
 during this and the preceding year, to pay high 
 wages to their labourers, yet tlie produce of 
 succeeding harvests being uncertain, they reckon 
 that their general profits will not afford to raise 
 the wages of their servants. 
 
 It should be considered, that notwithstanding 
 the price of corn at present is more than double the 
 ordinary rate even in late years, yet the produce 
 of this year's crop being a fourth less than an 
 average crop, such price does not yield the far- 
 mer more than 25 per cent, above his usual 
 profits. The increased expence of his family, 
 and feeding his horses, in this year of dearth, 
 when taken into the account, will reduce his 
 extra profits, perhaps, to 1 2t per cent 
 
 The jealousy of the trading and manufactur- 
 ing people against the landed interest and far- 
 mers, might, in some cases, be well founded in 
 times of narrow policy and absurd distinctions: 
 but at present, when the prosperity of the latter 
 4 depends 
 
depends on that of tlie formerj it is ridiculous 
 to separate their interests. Surely it is the inte- 
 rest of landholders to encourage trade and ma- 
 nufactures; and it M^ould be the height of folly 
 in traders and manufacturers to discourage farm- 
 ing. Away Avith those pernicious distinctions, 
 which originated in times of ignorance and feu- 
 dal oppression, and have been fostered by family 
 pride. They have unfortunately been the cause 
 of preventing salutary laws for regulating the 
 corn trade of this kingdom; and I am sorry to 
 say, those interruptions have chiefly, if not in- 
 tirely been owing to the landed interest. It is 
 hio'h time thev should see that the restrictions 
 laid by their influence on the corn trade have 
 operated against themselves. It is true that the 
 value of lands has increased greatly, though it 
 is evident that the returns are far short of the 
 profits arising from trade and manufactures. 
 Lands purchased this year in any part of the 
 kingdom will not produce 5 per cent, in the next 
 year, or for some years to come. It cannot be 
 expected while the trade in corn, the chief pro- 
 duce of the land, is cramped. It is certainly 
 bad policy to entertain any idea of a discordant 
 or separate interest between the proprietors of 
 land and the merchants and manufacturers of a 
 commercial country : the latter are more inde- 
 
 pendent 
 
( 63 ) 
 
 pendent of mutual sup|X)rt and eiicomageinent 
 than the landed interest. It is owing to the en- 
 terprize, ingenuity, and industiy of the people 
 that this kingdom has amassed so much wealth, 
 and engrossed more of the trade of the world 
 than any other State ever did. The laws do not* 
 only protect but encourage them ; yet, M^hen any 
 regulations respecting corn are proposed in par- 
 liament, though recommended by the Privy 
 Council, who undoubtedly possess the most au- 
 thentic inforroation, and are best qualified to 
 Judge of the expediency of altering the corn 
 laws, the landholders are tremblirvgly alive to 
 what they reckon their interest; but they mis- 
 take it by opposing the plans suggested, after ma- 
 ture deliberation, by Lords who n:ake them their 
 particular study, and have the best means of in- 
 formation for framing laws for the public good, 
 and who are as much interested in augmenting 
 the value of lands as those who oppose their 
 schemes of national improvement. Thus the pro- 
 gress of agriculture is checked, and consequent- 
 ly the landed interest and farmers are injured, 
 by restraints upon the corn trade. 
 
 By the late corn-laws, the kingdom is divided 
 'into sixteen districts. It frequently happens 
 that corn may be importing into one district at 
 
 the 
 
( 64 ) 
 
 the very time wheli it may ])e exporting fiom the 
 neighbouring district. I have seen corn ex- 
 ported from one side of a small river, not 100 
 yards broad, when imported upon the other side* 
 The bounty on exportation far exceeding the 
 duty on importation, it is impossible to approve 
 of the export of corn, excepting to our colonies, 
 while the nation requires a large importation an- 
 nually. It must certainly appear ridiculous to 
 give a bounty for exporting of corn from Es- 
 sex, for example, at a time when the inhabitajits 
 of Kent are in want, and actually pay t\fOj 
 three, or even four shillings per quarter more for 
 foreign wheat of an inferior quality. But the 
 corn-dealer upon the Essex shore is allured by 
 the bounty of five shillings per quarter, though 
 his returns from foreign countries are frequently 
 precarious, and can never, in any instance, be of 
 advantage to the country; no, not even to far- 
 mers or landholders. When Amsterdam was a 
 mart for corn, the merchants there, in times of 
 peace, when freight and insurance were low, 
 could afford to return our own wheat to us. It 
 is probable they have often received grain on 
 bounty from one district, and returned it imme- 
 diately to another part of this kingdom, where 
 prices must ever fluctuate in consequence of the 
 present system. Doctor 
 
C 6J ) 
 
 Doctor Adam Smith remarked on the last corn- 
 law that, '' with all its imperfections, however, 
 we may perhaps say of it what was said of the 
 laws of Solon, that, though not the best in itself, 
 it is the best which the interest, prejudices, and 
 temper of the times ivould admit of. It ma}^, per- 
 haps, in due time, prepare the way for a better:" 
 and I would fain'hope, that that time is not verv 
 distant. 
 
 It remains now to offer for the consideration 
 of my M\ow subjects, the schemes which have 
 occurred to me, as worth trying at least, for pal- 
 liating dearth and averting famine. I am en- 
 couraged in this attempt by the hopes that, by 
 some accident, these remarks may fall into the 
 hands, and arrest for a moment the attention, of 
 men much more competent than myself for the 
 arduous task. 
 
 It must certainly afford great satisfaction to 
 the people to know, that the Lords of the Com- 
 mittee of his Majesty's Privy Council for Trade, 
 &c. have, on all occasions in my memory, 
 evinced the greatest attention, and recommend- 
 ed the best system of laws for providing bread 
 for them, that could be devised from time to 
 time, notwithstanding the changes and succes- 
 sions in his Alajesty's Councils in the course of 
 five and thirty years. But the people have 
 
 K cause 
 
( Co ) 
 
 cause to regret that the systems recommended 
 liave not been sanctioned by the legislature. 
 
 I propose, in the first place, Thai no 
 bounty whatever should be allowed for ex- 
 porting any kind of corn, meal, or flour; but 
 that the exportation of these articles should be 
 prohibited entirely, and importations be encou- 
 raged. 
 
 Sdly. That a bounty should be granted on 
 
 produce. 
 
 3dly. That every proprietor of land should be 
 obliged to cultivate a certain portion of the ara- 
 ble land upon his estate, annually, either by him- 
 self, his agents, or others. 
 
 4thly. That government should hold, for the 
 use of the public, all the commons in the king- 
 dom, and establish a system for raising corn upon 
 them. 
 
 5thlv. That mao;azines of corn should be coi- 
 lected at the public expence. 
 
 6thly. That the number of horses kept for 
 pleasure should be reduced in times of scarcity. 
 
 7thly. That the wages of labouring farmers 
 should be paid in kind. 
 
 It may be difficult to reduce these suggestions 
 to practice, as compulsory laws must ever be 
 disagreeable; yet the dire necessity for making 
 this nati(m as independent as possible on foreign 
 
 countries 
 
( 67 ) 
 
 countries for articles indispensably necessary for 
 the subsistence of the people, will justify every 
 expedient that seems least objectionable and most 
 practicable. 
 
 Ist. V/itli respect to a bounty on the exporta- 
 tion of corn, &c. enough has been said to evince 
 the propriety of discontinuing it, and of prohi- 
 biting exports and encouraging imports, whilst 
 there is occasion to import a grain. 
 
 The- vast quantity of corn imported annu- 
 ally, is a convincing proof of the necessity 
 for keeping the ports of this kingdoni at all 
 .times open to receive .ev^ry kind of corn and 
 meal; and that no permission for exporting those 
 articles should ever be granted, excepting to 
 our own colonies, and for the maintenance of 
 our garrisons, fleets, and armies, until there is a 
 moral certainty that the produce of the country 
 will be equal to the consumption of the people. 
 The restraints upon imports and the bounty on 
 exports were intended for the encouragemen 
 of aa'riculture, and surelv the deficiencv in the 
 produce justified the atten^pf ; yet we see fi\.'m 
 experience that the present corn-laws have ,not 
 produced the desired effect. 
 
 2dly. A bounty on produce would operate 
 much more powerfully in favour of the landed 
 interest and farmers; it would come immediately 
 
 jc2 u'~ 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 into their coffers, cind enable them to extend the 
 cultivation of 'corn. 
 
 I am aware that it would be impossible to guard 
 altogether against impositions in distributing 
 bounties on cur ovrn produce: but we have rea- 
 son to believe, that it has been equally impossible 
 to prevent impositions in the distribution of the 
 bounties and premium.s v/liich government have 
 occasionally granted for the encouragement of 
 trade; yet we have seen their good effects in 
 fisheries and manufactures. Therefore, though 
 a bounty for encouraging the growth of corn in 
 the kingdom must necessarily be of much greater 
 magnitude than any that has ever been offered to 
 the public, it is practicable; and before it amounts 
 to six millions sterhng, the sum paid to foreign 
 countries for corn imported this year, or even 
 to the average of that paid annually for tlie last 
 ten years, we may hope that the internal produce 
 of corn will be sufficient for the consumption of 
 the inhabitants. Then the public may be eased 
 of the burden occasioned by the bounty. Bur- 
 den, did I call it? It deserves a very different 
 epithet, the bounty proposed being for the relief 
 of tlie poor. It may be reduced by degrees, in 
 proportion to the diminution of foreign sup- 
 plies; but never to the degree of discouraging a 
 constant increase in raising corn. Rather con- 
 
 "^ tinue 
 
< 69 ) 
 
 tinuc the bounty for ever, even at the expence of 
 six millions annually, than allow the farmers to 
 slacken in the culture of grain. It is much bet- 
 ter they should have the bounty than send it to 
 foreio'n countries. It v/ould remain in the coun- 
 try, and after circulating, first through the hands 
 of the labouring servants of farmers, it would re- 
 turn through various channels, diffusing comforts 
 in its circulation, to the pockets of those who con- 
 tributed to it. After enriching the country by 
 agriculture, the farmers would naturally first par- 
 take of the national benefit. I must again say, 
 they are in need of it, and I shall never be con- 
 vinced to the contrary nntil they can afford to 
 pay as high wages to their servants as their 
 neio'hbours do in other trades. The landholders 
 will be more benefited than any other class, in 
 consequence of the improvements upon their 
 lands, which will remain permanent to them and 
 their heirs. Surely, no sensible man in a com- 
 mercial country vvill ever dispute the landlord's 
 title to profits on his capital, proportioned to 
 those of other descriptions of people. We know 
 from experience they nevei- arrive at that rate. 
 
 I reprobate the distinction, too often mention- 
 ed, between the landed and mercantile interest, in 
 an island that depends entirely upon commerce; 
 
 it 
 
( 70 ) 
 
 it Is Impossible to separate them. If that foolish 
 distinction be owing to merchants, they should 
 consider that all of them aim at acquiring land- 
 ed estates, and many of them already possess 
 considerable ones. Let them look back at the 
 changes which have taken place in the proprie- 
 tary of lands in the course of 40 or 50 years, 
 and they will find the entailed estates include 
 but a small portion of the kingdom, and that the 
 greatest part is now in the hands of merchants 
 and manufacturers, or their descendants. 
 
 It is frequently objected, that a man of for- 
 tune keeps too many idle servants about him. 
 These are certainly a burden upon the pubhc ; 
 but it should be considered that w^e all endea- 
 ' vour to acquire ease and comfort in life. Many 
 merchants and manufacturers, several of whom 
 have formerly been in low stations, live in a 
 splendid style, having a variety of superb mansions 
 in town and country, and a large retinue of ser- 
 vants. For my part, it gives me pleasure to see 
 a cork-cutter, or patten-maker, riding at ease in 
 his carriage. 
 
 A bounty on the internal produce of corn can- 
 not reasonably be objected to, by any class of the 
 people. , The necessary arrangements may be 
 diiiicult, but by no means too arduous a task 
 
 for 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 for our present administration, if they approve 
 of it, and have time from other important affairs 
 to attend to it. 
 
 The next measure proposed may perhaps be 
 thought an infringement on the hberty of Bri- 
 tons; but as it \YOuld affect those who, of all 
 others, know best the propriety of private inte- 
 rest giving way to pubh'c good, we may hope that 
 they would not oppose the measure. It is, 
 
 Sdly, That proprietors of land be obliged to 
 raise corn on a certain portion of the arable land 
 upon their estates, annually, either by themselves, 
 their agents, or otherwise. I cannot pretend to 
 say how the quantum ought to be ascertained ; 
 but I should apprehend no risk in carrying on a 
 public plan of this kind to the full extent, with-* 
 out any other clieck than a declaration from each 
 landholder of the quantity of nev/ or waste 
 land which he has covered with corn annually, 
 and the proportion that quantity bears to the 
 waste lands upon his estate. The measure must 
 evidently increase the value of landed estates, 
 and add greatly to agricultural produce. It is to 
 be hoped, therefore, that every landholder would 
 readily acquiesce in a measure calculated to in- 
 crease tl>e culture of corn. It is not my design 
 to enter into particulars, nor am I competent to 
 decide whether this scheme can be put in execu- 
 tion. 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 tion.^ Soiiie landholders have vast tracts of land 
 lying waste in the original state, capable of culti- 
 vation by the plough. There are parts of the 
 kingdom where agriculture is chiefly carried on 
 l)y the slow and laborious process of the spade ; 
 yet they raise corn, not only sufficient to serve 
 themselves, hut sometimes for sale. Others have 
 very little wastelands; somtehave none at all I 
 leave it to the Board of Agriculture, v/ho are the 
 most able to judge of the propriety of the mea- 
 sure, and tlie necessary arrangements,- and parti- 
 cularly the portion of new lands, and even of 
 fields, now used for raising grass and hay. 
 They can best determine the quantity of land, 
 whether waste or under grass, that should be ap- 
 propriated to tillage. 
 
 We are not to suppose that new and waste 
 lands arc not cultivated annually: we see in 
 every part of the country new ground ploughed. 
 The consumption of animal food has increased 
 greatly, owing to the increase of luxury. In 
 proportion to the number of the people, the 
 bread consumed nov/, if it does not fall short 
 of, may not exceed the quantity consumed 
 thirty years ago. The use of animal food de- 
 creases the consumption of bread ; but it is 
 much more expensive than bread at alt times, as 
 the feeding of cc^ttle requires more land and not 
 3 much 
 
( 7.-3 ) 
 
 iiuich less labour. A much greater proportion 
 of cultivated land is now occupied in raising 
 Iiay, turnips, and cabbages, than formerly. It 
 is rare to see corn-fields in the vicinity of cities, 
 towns, or manufacturing villages; those we see 
 are laid down with grass-seed, as the main object 
 for succeeding crops. That agriculture has in- 
 creased is very evident; but the quantity of land 
 used for raising corn being less than formerly, 
 and more bread being required in consequence 
 of the increased population, will account for the 
 increasing deficiency. 
 
 4thly. The expediency of raising corn upon the 
 commons in this kingdom has been insisted on by 
 many persons; yet several objections have been 
 started, all of them founded upon the diflSculties 
 that would occur in arranging a system of compen- 
 sation to the individuals Avho have an exclusive 
 right to theprivilege of those commons; and these 
 opponents say it is impracticable. I have always 
 understood it to be in the power of parliament to 
 encroach upon private property for the good of 
 the public, on making adequate compensation; 
 and the rules practised and sanctioned by law for 
 ascertaining damages in such cases are certainly 
 the most hberal and just that can be devised. 
 The compensation is determined by a jury, com- 
 posed of the neighbours of the claimants, and 
 
 L not 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 not by the government. This is the practice ia 
 carrying on roads, canals, docks, streets, and all 
 undertakings for general advantage. Many va- 
 luable houses are pulled down to make way for 
 public improvements. I cannot conceive, there- 
 fore, ^\]\y waste and uncultivated commons, of 
 very little use to the proprietors, may not be 
 annexed to the public for the benefit of the na- 
 tion, on paying the owners an adequate compen- 
 sation. One act ©f parliament might appropri- 
 ate the Mdiole, which would save the expence, so 
 mucli complained of, which annually attends 
 passing acts for partial inclosures. 
 
 The cultivation of those lands might be per- 
 formed by contract, or various other ways, to 
 prevent the impositions generally practised on 
 government. The chief design is to raise corn. 
 When three crops are got off the land, the value 
 of them might be ascertained; then they could 
 be let off to farmers, or sold after they were in- 
 closed, suixlivided, and comfortable farmrhousc& 
 built upon them. 
 
 Though the next measure I propose be new in 
 this kingdom, it has been adopted in many coun- 
 tries, and, if I mistake not, it is practised in 
 some Eu-ropean states at this day, viz. 
 
 5thly. To collect magazines of corn at the 
 pubhc expence, in all parts of the kingdom, 
 
 and 
 
( 75 ) 
 
 and especially in cities, manufacturing towns, 
 anci villages. When grain falls under the pricey 
 which may be limited by law for the different spe- 
 cies, government should purchase such as offers 
 ill sound condition at or under those prices, and 
 receive it into granaries, either rented or built for 
 the purpose, in proportion to the consumption 
 of the district v/liich it is meant to supply: such 
 corn to be delivered froni those depots, at prices 
 equal to the whole cost, including charges in 
 lock, and interest of money. In this country, 
 grain that has been stored in good order and 
 sound condition may be preserved for three or 
 even four years, by laying it thin in the stores, 
 turnino: it once in fourteen davs, and screening 
 it four times in a year; all which might be done 
 at a certain agreed rate per quarter, under the 
 inspection of the magistrates of those cities, 
 towns, and villages, by such men as they might 
 appoint, and for whom they and their corpora- 
 tions should be responsible. The selling prices 
 might easily be ascertained at any period, and a list 
 of them left with each store-keeper, to regulate 
 the selling price in each month. The value of 
 corn can only be ascertained by the quantity of 
 ilour or meal that it will produce, which might 
 easily be ascertained by the weight per bushel. 
 There are plenty of men in every part of the 
 .L^ kingdom 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 kingdom, competent to judge of the quality, 
 and to ascertain accurately the produce of corn 
 in meal. Tables might be made to shew the 
 produce of every kind of grain. Not a grain 
 should be received into these public depots but 
 what was perfectly sound and in good order. 
 The average prices of the middling qualities of the 
 different kinds of grain in the places where, and 
 the time when they are offered, might regulate 
 the purchase prices, so that the public should not 
 pay more than the rate of the market at the 
 time. 
 
 No kind of foreign corn should be received 
 into the public magazines; nor should any flour 
 or meal, even of the produce of this country, as 
 they are more liable to damage, and cannot be 
 preserved so long. When the public stock in 
 hand shall amount to the quantity necessary, in 
 addition to the produce of the preceding harvest, 
 for the ample consumption of the people (which 
 should be annually computed as soon after the 
 flrst of November as practicable) then it may be 
 expedient to lay a protecting duty on foreign 
 corn and meal, in order to keep up the produce 
 of the country to a reasonable price, for the en- 
 couragement of farmers. Their trade is preca- 
 rious, owing to many causes, but chiefly to the 
 fluctuation in the price of corn. 
 
 It 
 
( 77 ) 
 
 It ^yould be beneficial to the rich as well as to 
 the poor, that corn should always be at a steady, 
 uniform, and medium price, such as to afford 
 constant encouragement to the growers of it, the 
 only means by which we can expect to have plenty 
 of bread-corn of our own raising. We.. do 
 now feci, and have frequently experienced, the 
 pressure of dearth; but in times of plenty, when 
 corn was very clieap, we should have reckoned it 
 a very unpopular measure to" propose in parlia- 
 ment to raise the price to the medium mentioned 
 by any means, and would, perhaps, have repro- 
 bated the idea of proposing a bounty on the pro- 
 duce of subsequent years, or some other compen- 
 sation to farmers, though that measure was as ne- 
 cessary then as it is now, and more so; the very 
 high price at present being a sufficient induce- 
 ment to farmers to extend their tillage next 
 year. How muc:h better would it be for the 
 poor, and all other classes of the people, to have 
 bread of fine flour at all times at eight-pence, or 
 even at ten-pence per quartern loafj than to have 
 it for one, two, or even three years at six-pence, 
 with the dreadful risk of being obliged to pay in 
 the fourth year, or indeed in any year, one shil- 
 ling and six-pence? a price that poor working 
 men cannot afford, as their wages have been pro* 
 
 portioned 
 
( 78 ) 
 
 portioned to the average price of several years ; 
 and what is still worse, many of them in times of 
 dearth cannot get work, owing to the stop of 
 some manufactures. 
 
 The design of the legislature in enacting the 
 corn-law of 1791, was to encourage the farmers 
 and provide for the consumers, by making the 
 price of grain more steady, and less hable to fluc^ 
 tuate than formerly. All parts of the kingdom 
 were provided with copies of the information 
 w^hich government Iiad collected upon the sub- 
 ject; the bill was widely circulated and submit- 
 ted to the consideration of the people, and suffi- 
 cient time given to deliberate upon it. The di- 
 vision of the kingdom into districts, which 
 made a part of the bill, occasioned a jarring of 
 interests; and many pertinent observations were 
 transmitted from various places to their repre- 
 sentatives in parliament; but it was found, im- 
 possible to please them all, and therefore the bill 
 passed with very little alteration. After nine 
 years experience, wc have reason to lament that 
 the operation of that law has been directly cour 
 t.ary to v/hat was intended. Prices were never 
 before so fluctuating as they liave been since, 
 nor did we, in any former period of the liistory 
 of this country, depend so much on supplies af 
 
 corn 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 corn from foreign countries. This shews plainly 
 that there is a necessity for devising other mea- 
 sures for providing bread for the people. 
 
 The doctrine of a medium price at all times 
 for corn, may be thought by several to favour 
 a maximum^ as some memibers of parliament 
 proposed. Far be it from me, however, to re- 
 commend a measure that w^ould be more perni- 
 cious than any which could be devised; and I 
 beg to be understood as an advocate for as much 
 freedom in the corn-trade as possible, consistent 
 with the encouragement necessary for raising 
 sufficient grain for our own consumption, and 
 thus superseding the necessity of depending on 
 foreign countries for bread. It has frequently 
 been dreaded, that the surplus of corn in all 
 other countries in the world, even in some times 
 of peace, would not supply our deficiency ; but 
 how much more reason have we to be afraid in 
 times of war, when our enemies endeavour to 
 prevent our supplies? 
 
 6thly. Nothing could justify any legislative 
 measure to compel the reduction of the number 
 of horses, whether for pleasure or otherwise, but 
 the dire necessity for reserving as much food for 
 the people as possible in this time of scarcity. It 
 seems hard to restrain those who can well afford 
 the expence, from an enjoyment, not only inno- 
 cent, 
 
( so ) ' 
 
 cent, but at most times laudable. To prevent 
 persons who have spent a long tmie in severe in- 
 dustrv, in order to make provision for their fami- 
 lies, and those who have devoted the best of their 
 daystotlie service of their country (many of whom, 
 ac'ordiii^* to the course of nature, have but a few 
 years to enjoy the fruits of their labour) from 
 keeping any number of horses they please, and 
 enjoying the remainder of their days in exercise 
 conducive to health, would, I say, be hard. It 
 would be not less hard upon men of ancient and 
 great estates, avIio have enjoyed those pleasures 
 from their infancy, and can well afford them. Yet, 
 when it is found necessary to adopt every plan 
 for saving human food, it v/ould be ungenerous 
 to suppose such persQus would hesitate a moment 
 to relinquish those enjoyments for a season, when 
 their fellow creatures are so much in need of the 
 corn consumed by horses kept merely for pleasure. 
 I know not what the number of pleasure- 
 horses in the kingdom may be, as I have not at- 
 tended to any estimate on the subject ; but if 
 we reckon at the rate of one horse for every 
 thousand of the people, and calculate the num- 
 ber of the people to be ten millions, the expencc 
 of oats which may be saved, allowing 20l. for 
 each horse, will amount to 200,0001 in a year. 
 This is but a small sum in the national accounts ; 
 3 yet 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 yet it acservcs notice in the great scale of eco- 
 nomy ; arid though it is no more than four-pence 
 and four lifths of a penny per annum for each 
 of the inhabitants, it should not be overlooked ; 
 especially as it may amount perhaps to a fiftieth 
 part of the cost of the foreign supplies required 
 this year. 
 
 7thly. I propose to pay the servants of far- 
 mers in kind instead of money. The payment 
 of rents was formerly in kind in many parts of 
 England ; and I believe it is so at this day in 
 some remote corners of the island. Wliy, there-- 
 fore, may not the Avages of the labouring men 
 employed in farming, be paid in the same man- 
 ner ? They must have the means of subsistence, 
 clothing, and lodging, not only for tliemselves, 
 but their families. It is well known that the 
 poor people who labour at tilling the ground, 
 have not wages sufficient to support them in years 
 of dearth ; nay, it is evident that they are the 
 poorest of the labouring people even when corn 
 is cheap. It is no wonder, therefore, that many 
 of them desert the plough and the spade. But 
 their labour is of the highest importance to the 
 nation; consequently there is a necessity for en- 
 courao-ino' an increase of the number of such 
 labourers, of all others the most useful in any 
 GGuntr)j and especially in this kingdom, where 
 
 M the 
 
( 82 ) 
 
 die produce of com is insufficient for feecling 
 the people. 
 
 The price of provisions is so fluctuating, and 
 the value of money so much decreased, in conse- 
 quence of the national wealth, that the poor la- 
 hourins" servants of farmers, and even the far- 
 mers themselves, reckon the wages enough at 
 double the rate paid twenty or thirty years ago : 
 but they find their mistake when it is too late; 
 and the farmers in general cannot afford to ad- 
 vance their wages. This should convince us of 
 the expediency of maintaining, as much as possi- 
 ble, an uniform steady price for the fruits of their 
 labour, which are the articles of first necessity. 
 To encourage the culture of these articles, it is 
 absolutely necessary to establish a rule for paying 
 the labourer at such a rate as to induce him to 
 prefer the work to which he has been bred, above 
 all others; and I know of no better or more ef- 
 fectual means of doing so, than to pay the wages 
 of labouring farmers in a certain portion of the 
 produce of the farm. It may be high in value 
 in years of dearth; yet he cannot dispense with 
 any of the quantity absolutely necessary for the 
 support of himself and family. When provisions 
 are cheap, the labouring man's wages will be 
 proportionably low : his views, however, are not 
 to amass a fortune, all he wants being the neces- 
 saries 
 
( 83 ) 
 
 saries of life. If by severe economy a single 
 man, or a married man with the assistance of hif 
 wife and family, could, in the course of some 
 years, save as much as would stock a small farm, 
 it would be what his labour entitled /fnti to, as 
 well as of the greatest benefit to the commu- 
 nity ; and, therefore, they should be encouraged 
 by their masters. In short, the wages of men 
 employed in raising corn for the nation should 
 be so ample as to induce them not to desert the 
 work to which they have been bred, and which 
 they will at all times prefer, if not forced from it 
 by necessity. Their labour is certainly the most 
 useful to every class of the people. 
 
 As to the rations of provisions which a farming 
 labourer should have, the kind may diifer in every 
 county, perhaps in every parish, and conse- 
 quently the money price of them. The portion 
 of his wages paid in money may likewise differ, 
 according to his situation ; but he must always 
 have a sufficient quantity of food, clothing, and 
 comfortable lodging, not only for himself, but 
 for his wife and one or two children. The wages 
 of labour will vary as much by this arrangement 
 as they do at present; for it is not to be sup- 
 posed that the wages of a labouring farmer, even 
 by this scheme, will not be more in Kent and 
 Essex, than in the counties of York, North urn- 
 
 M 2 berhnd, 
 
( B4 ) 
 
 berland, Lothian, or Caithness. If the farming 
 labourers all over the kingdom were fed with the 
 same articles, it would be an easy matter to fix a 
 table of rations for them; but as we have seen 
 that in inany parts they are perfectly content with 
 variouckVnds of bread which are rejected in other 
 parts, every county in the kingdom should sti- 
 pulate rates for itself; and surely it is no 
 difficult matter to ascertain the quantity neces- 
 sary for feeding a m.an, whether v.ith potatoe, 
 barley, oaten, or wheaten bread. 
 
 All laws,- however good and salutary, are com- 
 pulsory. They are intended for the public good ; 
 yet it is by experience only that we ascertain 
 their utility. Some are repealed; others become 
 obsolete. The most liberal construction Is put 
 upon the whole (^ode by our judges, who scrupu- 
 lously adhere to the spirit and original intention 
 of the legislature, and not to the words of the 
 law. There can be no danger, therefore, in en- 
 forcing by law an expedient so simple as that 
 which I have suggested; and we may hope that 
 our government will endeavour, by every plan 
 which is practicable and unattended with dan- 
 ger, to encourage the culture of bread-corn. 
 
 As I cannot help frequently repeating the ne- 
 cessity for raising corn in the kingdom suffi- 
 cient, in ordinary seasons, to supply the inhabi- 
 tants 
 
( 85 ) 
 
 tants with bread; I shall, to press the matter 
 farther, mention what has been done in our 
 West India colonics. They were in general 
 plentifully supplied with provisions from the 
 mother countr}^, and they could aiford to pjy a 
 much higher price for them than England. ]s,oy 
 would they ever have employed a single negro 
 to raise provisions, if they could have depended 
 on regular supplies at all times from other coun- 
 tries, as their plantations produce articles that 
 are much more lucrative. Yet they occasion- 
 ally experienced, great distress from the want of 
 them, and found the danger of trusting entirely 
 to otlier countries for articles of sustenance. The 
 planters, therefore, resolved to cultivate provisions 
 on their own plantations, and they have succeeded 
 so far as to become independant for articles of the 
 first necessity. They have even provided as 
 much as possible against the effects of hurri- 
 canes, by planting sucb^roots as are wholesome 
 substitutes for bread, ai^S not so liable to be de- 
 stroyed by tempests. 
 
 I agree with Mr. Ilobson, tharthere are people 
 in the kingdom who are greatly injured by the 
 depreciation of the value of money, as I have al- 
 ready observed. Those are annuitants, such as 
 widov/s, poor clergymen, superannuated officers 
 of the navy, army, and the revenue, whose in- 
 comes 
 
( 86 ) 
 
 comes would have enabled them, forty or fifty 
 years ago, to live in a conifortabie v/ay; though 
 many of them now. cannot procu re the bare ne- 
 cessaries of life. There is not a class of the peo- 
 ple ai ore in need of relief in times of scarcity. 
 Thpy were once in a decent middle class, but now 
 they are the most helpless, and consequently the 
 poorest, of the poor. Whether by any means 
 their case could be ameliorated, especially the 
 aged and infirm, is a subject well worth the atten- 
 tion of political calcidators. As to the poor 
 clergy and superannuated officers, it becomes us 
 to leave their case to the consideration of the 
 church and government. With respect toother 
 classes of the people, societies might be formed in 
 each parish, similar to Doctor Webster's scheme 
 for establishing a fund for the widows of the 
 clergymen of the Church of Scotland. That 
 fund has increased so much since its establish- 
 ment about fifty j^ars '^go, that now it is rich 
 enough to afford to p.^^/ the widows double the 
 original annuities, or to reduce the annual con- 
 tributions by the clergy to half the sum stipu- 
 lated by the plan when instituted. There is 
 scarcely a trade in the kingdom which has 
 not a fund made up of the annual contributions 
 of the members for nearly the same end; and 
 there are many other societies incorporated 
 
 by 
 
( S7 ) 
 
 by voluntary acts and rules peculiar to tlieiii-' 
 selves, for the like purposes. The scheme 
 which I hint at may be more difficult in the ar- 
 rangement, as the society w\\\ be composed of 
 people of different classes and trades, a- \ the 
 funds should be for the benefit not only C'^^ the 
 widows and infant children of subscriber^, ^ ait 
 even for the subscribers them selves, ( ^r -may 
 happen to be reduced to indigent circumstances 
 through age or infirmities, after the lapse of a 
 certain number of years, if, during such period, 
 the subscribers paid the annual rates of their class, 
 in the societv. The laro'e funds accumulated 
 by many societies in the kingdom, and the good 
 effects of them, are sufficient inducements to re- 
 commend the adoption of similar measures in every 
 parish or convenient district. • It is a tax volun- 
 tarily incurred by the subscribers, and seldom, or 
 never fails to raise a considerable fund, though no 
 compulsion is used in the collection. The sub- 
 scribers may discontin r payment when they 
 please, but they must ne* essarily forfeit all claims 
 to the benefit, if they run in arrear above three, 
 four, or five years, as may be fixed by the society- 
 when mstituted: but on paying the arrears within 
 the time prescribed by the charter or contract, they 
 may be re-instated as members. The design is to 
 establish a fund, not only for the paymicnt of the 
 4 stated 
 
( 88 ) 
 
 stated annuities, but extra supplies to the annu- 
 itants jn times of dearth, which the funds may 
 genertilly afford, and may easily be proportioned 
 to the pvice of provisions at the time. The 
 scheitae- is certainly practicable, as there are a va- 
 riet;' of precedents in the kingdom. IMany si- 
 mK^^.' institutions improved by long experience, 
 are indisputable proofs of their utility. The 
 funds of all those societies should be kept for 
 the original design of them, and on no account 
 whatever be applied to any other purpose. 
 
 The mode of collecting tythes is complained 
 of as a grievance, and must ever, on the present 
 plan, be a great bar to agricultural improvements. 
 It is not the quantity, but the manner of levying 
 them, that is decried. The clergy are cheated of 
 their right, iiotwithstan/iing the oppressive mea- 
 sures exercised by then' collectors. Our present 
 administration are capable of removing these 
 grievances, to the satisfaction of church and 
 state. They have accomplished undertakings 
 vv'hich appeared to 1' much n:iore arduous, 
 though there is none of greater importance to the 
 public. 
 
 When the men now necessarily employed in 
 defence of their country, happily return home on 
 the restoration of peace, the waste lands and com- 
 mons may, perhaps, be parcelled out for them as 
 
 a ueward 
 
 1 
 
( 89 ) 
 
 a reward for tlicir services, on condition of tlieit 
 cultivating them. At the conclusion of former 
 wars, grants of lands in the wild, Aj-tVyCnetrable 
 forests of America were given totheariv'i. They 
 cleared and cultivated large tracts. \L/'ds at 
 Iiome Mould probably be more acceptable to 
 them, even at quit rents proportioned to their 
 value. But there is a much greater number of 
 men in Ireland, and in the Highlands of Scot- 
 land, spending their time in idleness and poverty 
 for want of proper encouragement, who might 
 be employed in tillage, much to their own ad- 
 vantage, and greatly to the benefit of the em- 
 pire. If those men were provided with employ- 
 ment at home, it is not to be supposed that so 
 many of them would emigrate to America as have 
 gone of late years, where they have been obliged 
 to labour much harder than the farmers do in 
 England. The great inducement held out to 
 emigrants by the agents employed, is the cer- 
 tainty of their acquirii^S permanent property in 
 the lands ^hey will b'|ve to cultivate. If it 
 were possible to hold out the same" advantages 
 to them in tliis kingdom, and particularly in the 
 fertile soil of Ireland, it would effectually stop 
 emigrations to America, and we should soon 
 have plenty of corn, as in both kingdoms tliere 
 are people enough of the description men- 
 
 N tioned 
 
( 90 ) 
 
 tioned to cultivate it. I think it possible to de- 
 vise a practicable scheme for this very purpose, 
 that wou/^r ^oe acceptable to the landholders, and 
 repay r" vernment the expence of the arrange- 
 ment.^id execution. 
 
 Though Mr. Robson, and others who act with 
 him, exclaim upon all occasions that the country 
 is ruined, it would be no difficult matter to prove 
 that the influx of money in return for our manu- 
 factures, or of property equally valuable, such 
 as sugar, coffee, cotton, and the produce and 
 manufactures of Asia, into this kingdom, (which 
 at present is the mart of Europe for these articles) 
 never, at any period of the history of England, 
 so far exceeded the national expence as it does at 
 present, notwithstanding the high price of provi- 
 sions, the vast increase of luxury, and the enor- 
 mous expence of the war. They likewise say, 
 it is impossible the present ministers can bring 
 about a peace, and therefore they cry vehemently 
 for their removal, merej,v with a view to make 
 way for themselves and tP'ir friends. But I trust 
 in God our present government will continue to 
 act with the unparalleled wisdom and fortitude 
 they have so eminently evinced during the war, 
 more alarming and dangerous from internal com- 
 motions and Jacobinism than from forei2:n foes, 
 and not give way in the smallest degree to cla- 
 4- jnour, 
 
i 91 ) 
 
 mour, even though it should become popular. It 
 has been the means used at different periods for 
 removing ministers, especially at the , .;e of peace, 
 and to which many respectable characters had un- 
 fortunately given way, owing generally to some 
 differences in the cabinet. It is to be hoped 
 the present ministry will shew the ^vorici that 
 it is by no means necessary to follow that 
 practice. They have conducted the ship of 
 state through a perilous voyage of nine or ten 
 years. She is now lying to in a calm and per- 
 fect security, and though a small parf of the crew 
 should again attempt to mutiny, they are able to 
 crush it. They are ready to proceed when the 
 breeze springs up; and the world cannot produce 
 a set of men so fit for conducting her in honour 
 and safety to her desired haven — Peace. 
 
 Printed by J. D. Dewick, Aldersgate Street. 
 
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