^: \ ;r y* ^^^^^^^^g LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE r^^ LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE y?'>^ ..^•n^*"-.. ^ ^^ ^A^ ^ i OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARl Y OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRAR I M \ OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRAR Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/briefreviewofcauOOIondrich ^ t OF THE C A USES WHICH HAVE PROGRESSIVELY OPERATED TO ENHANCE THE PRICE OF PROVISIONS. BUT PARTICULARLY OP BREAD-CORN. WITH SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE BEST MEANS OF ALLEVIATING THE PRESENT DISTRESS, AND PREVENTING THE RECURRENCE OF A SIMILAR CALAMITY. JLonDon: PRINTED FOR VERNOR AND HOOD, 31, POULTRY, BY J D, DEWICK, ALDERSGATE STREET- 1801. ^bbertisfement JL HE following Remarks were hastily written in November last, on reading in the Newspapers the Discussions on the King's Speech, when he opened the last Session of his Parliament of Great Britain, which the Reader will please to observe. February y 1801. m75:3;535 REMARKS, &c. 1 HOUGH, from the appearance of the crops, in the course of a journey of two hundred miles from the metropoHs, into the North, in the month of Tlugust, I was one of those who thought the har- vest of last year would be abundant, I was soon convinced of my error, in estimating the produce of the kingdom from a partial view of a narrow strip of the country, about a quarter of a mile on each side of the road ; especially as the price of corn was rapidly advancing during the har- vest, arid rose to an amazing high price after the crops were gathered, when farmers could esti- mate the produce not only by the quantity but by the quality of the grain. I was alarmed by the clamour of the public against farmers and dealers in corn and provisions, knowing, from an experience of more than thirty years, that B commotions ( 2 ) commotions never f^iil to enhance the price and to interrupt the intlux of a regular supply to our markets. When the state of the kingdom, with respect to corn, was published from high authority, a deficiency in the crops could not be doubted ; and, therefore, a dearth was to be dreaded. Our gracious sovereign, ever attentive to the wants and comforts of his people, summoned his parliament in order to concert measures for alleviating the distresses of the poor. By his speech from the throne he called the attention of parliament to provide bread for his people : the primary if not the only cause for convening it so early in the season. If ever the best of sovereigns deserved the loyal and grateful address of both houses of parliament, and of all his subjects, it was upon this occa- sion. The wisdom of ministry never was more- conspicuous than in the measures they adopted for reducing the price of corn and supplying the markets. One would have thought that there could not be two opinions upon the matter ; but that every individual in parliament w^ould join heartily in measures for providing, as spee- dily as possible, bread for the poor. Tlie dis- cussions upon the subject, however, shew plainly that some of the members unfortunately imped- 3 ed ( 3 ) ed ratlicr ti^an accelerated the important busi- ness, by enquiring into the causes of the evil without devising a cure. Mr. Sheridan's manly candour did him' honour, in spite of the sarcasms of his reputed friends. He lent his hand immediately to save his country from famine ; though, perhaps, as much determined as any upon his side of the house to enquire, at a proper time, into the cause of the high price of provisions. Having read, in the newspapers, several of the speeches in parliament, I v/as sorry to see the high price of provisions attributed to a variety of causes, many of which v/ere misapplied, as they operate in a contrary direction, and some of them were quite foreign to the subject. The design, however, was not to relieve the country, but to heap the whole mass of evils, whether real or in:!aginary, upon the shoulders of minis- try. Though the elaborate speeches of the mem- bers in opposition had no influence on the house, yet the tendency of their doctrine is dangerous at a time of public frenzy ; as it is not to be doubted that many of their constituents, to whom they owe their seats in parliament, are converts to their opinions, which besides being maintained with all tlicir rhetoric in their own sphere, descends to t-he honest and undesigning peasantry, who are, ?. 2 unfortunately, ( 4 ) unfortunately, too apt to be led astray when they feel distressed by dearth, and especially when the cause of that dearth is attributed to any set of men, whether the governors or the govern- ed. I shudder at the consequences, and therefore resolve to check, to the utmost of my abilities, the dissemination of a doctrine that tends to internal disorder and public commo- tions. The high prices of provisions are attributed by some of our honourable senators to farmers, millers, and monopolizers — the circulation of country bank notes — the publication of the Duke of Portland's letter — and the report of the Board of Agriculture — war — taxes — and, what is more extraordinary, the suppression of the late riots ; — all — all, and many more, are imputed to ministry, as the ostensible cause of all our distresses. It has been strenuously argued that there is no scarcity of corn in the kingdom, and that the high price is the effect of artifice and combination. Surely the state of the country with respect to corn could not be better known than from the high authorities mentioned ; the public should know that government have an opportunity of ascertaining the quantity of corn in the kingdom better than any individual, nay, better ( 5 ) better than all the rest of the people in a mass. The pubhcation thereof might, perhaps, occa- sion alarm, and consequently a temporary ad- vance ; but that alarm has had a material and very good effect. Merchants and others hav- ing this information from the best authority, were induced to send immediate orders to all parts of the world for large quantities of corn, which v/ill come round in due time. But if, on the contrary, corn dealers had put implicit confidence in Mr. Robson's report of the pro- duce of the harvest, and tlie quantity of corn in the country, what vv'ould the consequence have been ? — Surely, therefore, it was wise to make the scarcity publicly known. — The ho- nourable senator should consider that the wis- dom of parliament is exerted not only to reduce the price of provisions as soon as possible, but, what is of much greater importance, to pro- vide a sufficient quantity to serve after the pro- duce of the kingdom is exhausted. — There is plenty of corn in the country, notwithstanding the deficiency of the crops, to serve for eight or nine months, and even for a longer time ; and, though the present very high price is much to be lamented, yet the total want of bread for a month, a week, or even for one day, would be a calamity such as, I hope in God, this country country will never experience. — The great ob- ject of parliament is to guard against famine ; and the House of Commons has happily adopt- ed the wisest and best measures for accomplish- ing the important purpose. The importers of corn may now speculate upon sure data, espe- cially as parliament is, or will be, pledged to guarantee prices for every kind of corn and meal at rates that no other country in Europe can aiibrd to pay. I am convinced, that many have already ordered corn that never dealt in it before; that the liberal encouragement held out, must draw the attention of all countries in the world, that have corn to spare, to the British markets , it will find its way to our ports even from the countries at war with us; nay, our very enemies will hasten to supply us. They have corn, but v;e have money to pay for it; and they will devise ways and means for establishing a course of exchange. The necessity for foreign supplies of corn being admitted, and tlie measures under the delibera- tion of parliament for encouraging importations being approved of, I have now co offer some ob- servations on tiie causes to which the present high price of provisions has been attributed: and first with respect to the operations of far- mers, coru-dealcrS; or factors. ■ • It ( 7 ) It is not to be supposed that any judicious far- mer or importer of corn would run the risk of storing up merely with a view of obtaining a higher price than the present; but circum- stances frequently occur that render it very im- prudent, if not impossible, to bring their corn immediately to market. The farmer, on reaping the harvest, must attend to tillage and the sowing of seed. When this is completed, then he threshes out his corn in proportion to the regular consumption of the straw. The worst of the crop is the first prepared for sale; his own inte- rest will hurry liiuvto get quit of It, as it is in danger of not keeping. After it is threshed out, it is frequently found to be so green and soft, that it would be imprudent to bring it to market urrtil it is dried, upon kilns, which is generally attended with a very considerable expence. When corn is carried by sea, whe- ther coastwise or from a foreign country, it is seldom in a perfectly sound condition; often it is in a state of fermentation and excessive heat, which obliges the iinporter to store it as soon as possible, in order to save it from total destruction. The store-room which corn in that state requires is treble, if not quadruple, what ■M^ould be necessary if it were in sound, good or- der. The operation of landing, turning and airing heated ( 8 ) heated corn, is attended with a great expcnce, and requires much time to save and make it mer- chantable ; which must be done before it can fairly be exposed to sale. Yet the thoughtless mob estimate the quantity of corn thus stored from necessity by the space it occupies, and improperly pronounce both the farmer and importer to be forestallers, though the delay in bringing it to market is unavoidable, and has frequently been the ruin of importers, and even of farmers who could not borrow money upon their notes to pay the pressing demands upon them. In short, it is impossible to reconcile the idea of forestalling to common sense and prudence, at a time when the price of wheat is above 61. 10s. per quarter. But v»'ith respect to farmers, they are surely as much entitled as any set of men in the kingdom to a free and unrestrained trade ; ^ their operations being the most beneficial to the community, as we could not subsist without the produce of their labour. Since none, therefore, can be more deserving of public encouragement, it seems hard that they should not be at liber- ty to dispose of tlieir property as all others do. Why sliould not a farmer have the privilege of borrowing money or bank paper upon his notes, as well as a merchant, a manufacturer, or even a landed ( 9 ) landed gentleman ? The present enormous price given for provisions, must certainly alFord hand- some profits to farmers, notwithstanding the defi- ciency in their crops. It has seldom, however, been the lot even of English farmers to amass fortunes, in proportion to their industry, equal to those acquired by merchants, traders, and manu- facturers ; yet, they are declaimed against, for avaihng themselves of the advantages which others embrace, for turning the fruits of their labour to the best account. It requires no great accuracy in observation, to discover that there are not a poorer set of people in this kingdom than farmers, their dependents, and labourers. If a few of them have acquired a competency, would it not be bad policy to strip them of that independence, and keep them at all times so poor as to hurry them to market with their produce, and force them to make sales at any price offered? Yet this is the doctrine which prevails too much at present. Compare the wealth of farmers with that of ma- nufacturers, and, in proportion to their number, it will be found very far short. Gain is the great and fundamental stimulus to industry and enter- prize, in every branch of trade ; and there is less chicanery and fraud in the trade of farmers than any other. c The ( 10 ) The dealers in corn are the next in review. — These are middle men betwixt the grower and consumer, and have it more in their power than any other to forestall, engross, and regrate As a farmer's operations are confined to the pro- duce of. his own farm, let us consider how far those middle men aifect the price of corn. They endeavour to enhance the price when they have a stock upon hand ; they use every art in their power to raise and keep it up until they have disposed of their stock ; they may, perhaps, combine in villages where there are but two or three dealers ; but let us trace their operations from the beginning. These men must first lay in a stock of corn ; they grow none of their own ; they must buy the whole. The schemes used in raising the price of provisions 'can be of no benefit to those who attempt a monopoly, until they have laid in a stock; this is the first object, and to obtain it they practise the same tricks and arti- fices to reduce the price of provisions when buy- ing, as they do to raise it when selling. They are frequently caught in their own snare. The goods of the monopolist are often brought to the hammer, by which means, the artificial advance he has occasioned, is more than counterbalanced by the forced sales of his unhallowed stock at re- 3 duced ( H ) diiced prices. — It has seldom or ever been at- tempted by any society, or man of real fortune, to monopolize any article of merchandize, and it would be the highest folly to attempt it in coiTi. The trade must tend to its natural level, and it is not in the power of all the en- grossers in the kingdom, though combined, to prevent it. Though undue speculations are very common in other articles of merchandize, they are seldom attempted in corn ; not because the dealers are less inclined to amass profits than dealers in general are, but that it is attended with much Inore risk, grain being a perishable article, and very expensive in keeping. The principal part of the trade in corn is transacted by factors or agents; their commissions are paid on the quantity at a certain rate per quarter, and not by a per centage on the price. It is evident, therefore, that it is not their interest to protract sales, as they run much less risk when the prices are low than when high; they generally sell for time, and if that time should be only ten days, or even one, it adds greatly to their risk, as they gua- rantee the payment. This risk being in propor- tion to the price, it is clear that their trade is much safer when wheat is at fifty, than when at pne hundred and thirty shillings per quarter ; c ^ and ( 12 ) and that it is against their interest to keep corn on hand, at any time, whatever the prospect of a rise in price may he. The quicker their sales are, the more they can sell. It is seldom or ever the interest of their constituents to store corn, as I have already ohserved, and this is the reason why consignments in that article are generally ac- companied with orders to sell immediately upon arrival. It is the practice in the port of London, the greatest mart in the kingdom, to sell immedi- ately upon arrival, when the grain is in a saleable condition ; it is likewise the practice in Liver- pool, Hull, and in all the ports upon the Clyde, and in the Frith of Forth, though the com- missions for sales in some of those ports are two and a half per cent, on the gross proceeds. We may ther'efore see, that consignees of corn have the confidence of their employers as much as any factors or agents whatever; nay, they have more of it than agents have in any other trade. Surely it is the interest of the former to sell at a moderate price, whereas that of the latter is the reverse : their reputation, hov/ever, as agents 3 depending on the returns they make, they must at all times endeavour to obtain the current price of the day ; but as it is contrary to orders, and against their interest, we cannot sup- pose they are inclined to store when they have it ( 13 ) it ill their power to sell. There are factors and agents, who deal upon their own ac- count, which is incompatible with the duty of their profession, as their own interest must pre- dominate to the prejudice of their employers; but as they cannot conceal such dealings long, it is to be imagined there is not one in fifty that would hazard their reputation and income in that Avay. The corn-factor or agent who attempts this nefarious trade is certainly capable of forestall- ing, engrossing, and regrating; and his iniqui- tous operations m.ust affect the market greatly, to the injury of the consumers.. There are others whose characters exclude them from consignments ; yet they must be deal- ers. Their trade is to buy corn ; and, after circu- lating stories calculated to enhance theprice, they sell it on the same or following day; nay, they shew samples of corn they have not yet bought, but of which they have ihe option for a day, an hour, or half an hour, at a certain price; in that time, they exercise their ingenuity on the credu- lous retailers, and sell to them, sometimes, at a considerable profit before they make the pur- chase. These men are tlie class that are justly called regraters. The laws of the country pro- hibit such traffic; but it remains to be known whether the punishment be adequate to the crime- ( J^ ) crime. Though such practices are common, and overlooked in the purchase and sale of. other commodities, yet it is not the less criminal to enhance the price of articles indispensably ne- cessary for subsistence. Middle men are extremely necessary in almost every branch of trade, especially in a comaiier- cial country; their utiHty is the same as the divi- sion of labour in mechanics. Those employed to bring provisions from the farmer to the con- sumer, through every stage of carriage, manu- facture, preparing them for immediate use, and bringing them to our doors, are as useful to society as any class of the people; and, not- withstanding there are bad characters among them, there are not more, if so many, as in other classes. If it be allowed that the middle men we have mentioned are useful, surely it will be ad- mitted that the importers of provisions are equal- ly necessary at all times, and never more so than at present. Class the whole dealers in provisions together, from the farmer to the retailer, and it will be found that there is no description of peo- ple in the kingdom more deserving of protection in their lives and properties, and none more en- titled to encouragement in all their operations. It is very unfortunate, that these people are so much exposed to the rage and fury of the thoughtless ( 15 ) thouglitless mob when there is a scarcity of pro- visions, a time when they should be encouraged to provide for the necessities of the poor. Surely there are few men so wicked as to approve of burning corn and destroying provisions ; yet we have melancholy instances of it daily. If there be an individual in the kingdom so depraved as to wish that the people may be starved, I leave him to God and his own conscience. li^ on the contrary, he wishes for'bread for the poor, his reason and reflection will direct him to avoid joining in riots, and to bev>^are of designing and wicked men. Let him consider whether these riots axe instigated by sober, industrious labour- ers, or by persons who do not work above three or four days in the week, and spend the rest of their time in drinking and revelling, when, perhaps, their wives and children have but a scanty fare at home. Are these reprobates such as an honest man should follow, either in their precepts or example? Yet it is a melan- choly fact, that those are the very men that lead the misguided people to acts of violence, by which they forfeit their lives to the laws of the country, after a great deal of the blood of the thoughtless, thouq.'h innocent multitude of spec- tatoi:s has been shed ; and frequently the harmless wife and children of a riotous hero fall a sacri- fice ( 16 ) fice to his folly, in the very act of restraining him by every means in their power, from pro- ceeding in his lawless course. We have seen the intoxicated heroes, the leaders of the mob, skulk to the rear of the multitude when opposed by force ; and I believe it is their common prac- tice, as they have seldom or never been found in the front of the contest either dead or alive; and they have too often defied the vigilance of magistrates to detect them. Woe be to those in superior- stations who are capable of stir- ring up riotous mobs at any time, but especi- ally in times of dearth, and when famine is apprehended, as they know the consequences operate powerfully at all periods and in every in- stance, against reducing the price of provi- sions, and providing a stock against famine? As the laws of the land are not sufiicient to pre- vent riotous mobs without tlic aid of military force, and since every man of the least observa- tion must be sensible that the innocent unde- signing people are led astray by ale-house poli- ticians, whose wages enable them to spend nearly the half of their time in dissipation, it is a pity that the clergy are not generally awai^ of the evil, as they have it in their power to restrain it in a great degree. Their learning, their piety, their functions as ministers of peace, cannot ( 17 ) cannot fail to influence their audiences so far as to induce the well disposed part of them at least to avoid the company of the propagators of sedi- tion as much as possible, and to detest and ab- hor every symptom of insurrection: nay, it is to be hoped that the clergy may reclaim many of the seditious themselves, and make them good members of society. The clergy all know that they cannot render more essential service to the community, or act more consistently with their duty to their Master, the God of peace and order. Let us next consider how far the circulation of country bank notes (which Mr. Eobson is pleased to call fictitious paper) affects the price of provisions. That circulating medium ni country towns is v^•ell known to facilitate €very operation, not only in commerce and manufactures, \but also in agriculture. It is surely a proof of the stability of banks that the people in their neighbourhood, who have the best opportunity of knowing the bankers, freely and without scruple take their notes in payment ; nor does it argue their being ficti- tious paper, that in many parts of the kingdom they are preferred to gold. It is not the quan- tity of gold and silver deposited in the banker's ^'hest that constitutes ' the stability or credit D of ( 18 ) of the bank. The landed and visible estates of the partners are what the holders of the notes depend on. It is well known that the quan- tity of specie in any bank is not a fourth part in value of the notes they have in cir- culation; nor is it necessary they should be. An experienced, prudent banker, knows the ex- act proportion, and will not exceed it. But let us suppose, what has frequently happened, that there is an unusual demand on those banks, of specie for their notes ; they cannot, in that case, pay the whole of them at sight; but they can make it appear to the holders of their papeiv that they have the ability to fulfil all their en- gagements. In the year 1793, when credit in general sustained a severe shock, country banks were hard pressed; some of them were obliged to suspend payment ; but in most places, all de- scriptions of traders, merchants, manufacturers, farmers, and even landholders, came forward to support the banks, and restored circulation to the notes, not only by declaring publicly that they would receive them in payment, but that they would indorse them. Is not this a proof that country bank notes were not con- sidered fictitious paper, even at that critical period; that the people knew their utility in promoting commerce, manufactures, and agri- 4 culture j (19 ) x:ulture; and that without such" a circulatino: medium, those sources of national wealth could not be prosecuted to near their present extent? I can tell Mr. Robson, from my own obser- vations for thirty or even forty years past, that there has not been so much capital employed in trade, in any part of the kingdom, of equal security to the traders, as country banks; I mean banks that have issued notes. Even tliough the bank of Air in Scotland was found- ed on erroneous principles, and conducted so unwisely as to oblige it to stop payment for a time; yet none of its creditors sustained any loss of either principal or interest. There are still some annuitants upon tliat bank, which are regularly paid ; and what is more, the sol- vent partners have several millions of pounds remaining, after paying all demands. It seems extraordinary, therefore, that a Bri- tish Senator should endeavour to destroy one of the sinews of national prosperity, because a far- mer had it in his power to borrow two hun- dred pounds on his note at two months, and a country banker durst lend so much to a far- mer, whom he probal^ly knew to be worth five times that sum. It is the chief par.t of the trade of a banker to discount bills, and he runs dS as ( 20 ) as little risk in accommodating farmers as any set of men. Let us suppose a farmer with stock to the value of one thousand pounds, proceeding in agricul- tural improvements till his money or circulating medium is expended, and before he has completed his plan of improvements. If Mr. Robson were his landlord, would he condemn him for borrowing two hundred pounds to enable him to complete his work? Would he not lend him the money in country bank notes, or the means of procur- ing them, rather than stop proceedings so advan- tageous to his own estate? Every thing wliich increases national wealth, tends to the deprecia- tion of the value of money, and consequently to raise the price of provisions. The circulation of bank notes, therefore, must certainly be one of the causes. It may now be proper to inquire into the rea-' son for publishing the deficiency in the crops, and the stock of old corn in the country; espe- cially as that measure has been disapproved of. Government being alarmed at the high price of provisions, thought fit to collect information as to the state of the nation with respect to corn, even before the harvest was completed. Undoubtedly, they have the best means for ac- quiring ( 21 ) quiring sucli information (as I have already ob- served) ; and it cannot answer any political pur- pose, separate from the welfare of the people, to make the deficiency uf the grain thus public, JMinistry are generally charged with concealing the state of the nation from the people, by hold- ing out too flattering a prospect. That cannot be said of them in the present instance ; yet their opponents condemn them for publishing intelli- gence of such public importance. The best expedient was to establish the defi- ciency, in order to encourage large and early im- portations. Every man must approve of it, as the sure, and, indeed, the only means by which suf!icient supphes can be procured: and I must again say, that I cannot enough admire this instance of the ^visdom and vigilance of our governors, at a time when they were beset by numerous daring foes abroad, and much more ' dangerous enemies at home. Though I do not pretend to judge of the neces- sity or expediency of the w^ar in which we are at present unhappily engaged, and am not competent to decide how far the operations of war enhance the price of provisions; yet I must be allowed to say, and I say it from sincere .conviction, that the war has been the means, by God's good pro- vidence, of saving this country from becommg a province ( 22 ) pro\ iiice of France. Our internal enemies being rcducetl, I should not now fear though all the powers in Europe were to combine against us. They were the cause of our drawing the sword against their favourites, the declared enemies of all governments. Is there a man in the king- dom capable of observation, who had an oppor- tunity of conversing with the innocent peasantry for ten years b^ick, but must have been sensible of the efforts made to propagate Paine s infernal principles among the lower classes of the people? Even after he fell into disgrace in the only country that would give him shelter, his princi- ples were rehned and made palatable by Jacobini- cal writers, and are still strenuously maintained by many, even in the m.etropolis of this king- dom, notwithstanding the suspension of the Ha- beas Corpus act, and that the lives and liberties of the people are said to be at the mercy of go- vernment. Nay, the very learned and great ora- tors Miio assert that we are deprived of our liber- ties, still exercise the same freedom of speaking, writing, and acting, as they ever enjoyed, whe- ther in or out of parliament. This is not the only proof they have, from time to time, fur- nished us with, of the confidence they have in the wisdom, humanity, and forbearance, of the very men whose measures they uniformly condemn. It ( 23 ) It u'oulcl be prudent in them not to provoke those, whom they call the arbiters of their li- berties and lives, too much. I cannot, however, agree ^vlth those who ;naintain that war does not enhance the price of provisions, notwithstanding the evidence ad- duced in support of that opinion. That the price of corn happened to be as low during some former wars, and even since tfee commencement of this war, as in times of peace, must have been owing to the abundance of the crops: but, w^ithout en- tering into a calculation of the quantity of pro- visions unavoidably destroyed and lost by war, it is not to be doubted that the prices would have been still lower, had part of the men en- gaged in the defence of the country been em- ployed in agriculture. The question, in my opi- nion, ought to be, Whether provisions would have been cheaper, had we embraced the revolu- tionary doctrines of France, at the expence of our constitutional liberties? Whether govern- ment did well in opposing those doctrines ? and whether the difference betwixt the pro- duce of a good and a bad harvest docs not affect the price of bread much more than the opera- tions of war? Let us suppose that the war has been the cause of the high price of provisions ; (a grievous and very distressing calamity;) and let ( 24 ) let US also suppose, that the only measure by which that high price can be reduced is an immediate peace, as some of our senators have contended: I would ask the nation collectively, the poor as well as the rich. What terms of peace they would accept of? Would they agree to give up all the extensive and valuable terriicnes acquired 6y us this war, together with the French, Spanish, and Dutch navies, and the glorious pre-emi- nence of the British flag, allowed by treaties, and confirmed to us by all the powers in Europe? If Bonaparte should overrun the continent of Europe, and make slaves of the inhabitants ; should that induce any true Briton, who has regard for the liberties he enjoys under a consti- tution M^hich is the envy of the world, to sell those blessings so cheap ? And, even after giv- ing up our conquests, what security could we have for the remaining possessions? Could we depend on the French for a lasting peace and plenty of bread? Undoubtedly not. Our in- ternal peace would be very precarious; and though then- First Consul might, perhaps, go- vern them as well as any other despot, the con- tinuance of his power is uncertain. W^hen the people of this country consider that this, and many other nations, in the full enjoyment of peace, have experienced dearths, and been threat- ened (25 ) ' eiied with famine, 1 am persuaded there is not an honest man among them who would agree to purchase bread upon such terms as we liave sup- posed; especially as we have the means (and measures have already been adopted) of bring- ing supplies from all quarters of the globe, and the legislature v/ill do their utmost to ameli- orate the distresses of the labouring poor. Taxes having been mentioned as one of the causes of the high price of provisions, I can- not help observing that, however grievous taxes are, and at all times and in every country have been, yet it must be allowed, that the produce of agriculture is nearly exempted from that bur- then. In this kingdom, the poor pay but icw taxes; they fall chiefly upon those who are sup- posed able to bear them. As corn, potatoes black cattle, and sheep, are not taxed, the bigh price of provisions cannot be attributed to taxes; but, oU the contraiy, as the class of people who pay taxes cannot afford to purchase as many provisions as they could do were not taxes so hea- vy, they must, of necessity, decrease their con- sumption, and thus lower the prices to the level at which the poor can procure them. Though the labouring poor do not complainof taxes, far be it from me to imagine that they are not a grievous burthen upon many classes of the peo- E pie, ( 26 ) pie, and may be the means, perhaps, of putting it out of the power of several persons to employ the same number of hands in manufactures, buildins^ houses, and decorating their domains. In this view, taxes must affect the labouring poor in a material degree, by throwing them out of employ. But if the labouring man is daily employed, and remunerated in proportion to the price of provisions, (which lie ought at all times to be) he is perfectly independent of taxes. Though it is scarcely possible to suggest any thing new on the subject of the national debt and taxes, so long and so ably discussed by great politicians; yet, as taxes are admitted to be ne- cessary for the protection of our laws, liberty, and property, many of those who have spoken and written upon the subject, seem to have over- looked the satisfaction it would afford the people to have the real state of the matter set before them. They are told that the national debt amounts to the enormous sum of four hundred millions of pounds. They conceive this sum to be entailed on about ten millions of people: and they know that scarcely one fifth of that number can, at any time, pay a shiUingof it; they see it annually increasing, and, perhaps, many of them do not consider that the interest of it is in- cluded in the annual taxes, by which alone they can ( 27 ) can be afft- cted, and not by the payment of the ])rincipal, as they never will be called upon for any part of that, though, I conceive, every indi- vidual in the kingdom is bound for it. It is by no means surprising, that the people should be alarmed at every mention of this im^ mense debt, but I apprehend it would ease them much of their anxiety, to hear that the national debt is not owing to foreign countries or to fo- reigners (excepting a small part, about sixteen millions, if I am well informed) but to the mo- nied people in this country, who are always able and wiUing to purchase from foreigners their part of the debt whenever they are disposed to sell it at the market prices. To whom, then, are we indebted? Is it not to our brethren and fellow-subjects? Must it not, therefore, be evi- dent, that the riches of the nation are greater than the national debt? Nay, a comparative small number of the subjects are the national creditors. Should not this incontrovertible fact be sufficient evidence of the wealth of the nation ? Suppose this country owes sixteen miUions of the national debt to foreigners, will it not be admitted that what is owing in fo- reign states to this kingdom is considerably more than the portion of the national debt owing to foreigners? Or, in other words, Does not the E 2 British ( 28 ) British capital employed in foreigm countries greatly exceed that portion ? Why, then, should we despond? Many in the councils of our enemies know these facts, though it must give them plea- src, not only to hear them contradicted, but to see the amount of the national debt, on all ocasions, held forth as a signal to alarm the people, by those who oppose the ministry, though many of them are, perhaps, the first to step forward, when a loan is wanted, to lend money to the govern- ment. • If we are to believe those men, the na- tion is ruined beyond redemption ; yet there is, no security so acceptable to them as this totter- ing nation. It is to be regretted that they are not the only politicians in the world who act di- rectly contrary to the doctrines they labour tq propagate. But, whatever specious pretence there may be for attributing the high price of provisions to any other circumstances, it can- not possibly serve any good purpose to include the suppression of the late disturbances in the list of the causes. I would still hope it to be an error in the account now before me of Mr. Robson's speech in parliament. He is stated to approve of the proclamation issued by govern- ment, but laments the effect; as it tended to raise the price of provisions. If my source of infonriatiou be correct, may we not infer, that he ( 29 ) he would rather the mob had not been opposed, but allowed to regulate and govern the markets for provisions? What would the consequence have )been if the tumults had not been checked? They threatened, and wo\dd certainly have exe- cuted, the destruction of many respectable deal- ers in provisions, the people who supply our markets. Their ra^-e was directed asrainst dealers and importers of corn, which occasioned a tem- porary stop to the importation of the very article they were most in need of Few, if any corn- dealers could be found so bold as to run the risk of being branded with the odious name of fore- stallers and regraters, at a time when tliey ap- prehended they were to be judged by a lawless mob. Though it is impossible to believe that any member of the British senate could disapprove of the suppression of riots, in the same breath that he extolled government for the early cau- tion given to tlie people, and the orders issued to magistrates to preserve the peace by every means in their power; and though the Honour- able Gentleman might very naturally disregard so ridiculous a representation, as unworthy of his notice, knowing, perhaps, that none in his own sphere could ever (iraw the conclusion; yet, as my design k to caution the inoffensive part of my ( so ) rny fellow subjects from being led astray by kicked raid designing distui])ers of the peace, I would recommend to those who^ have read the speech to which I allude, not to believe, or even imagine, that the Honourable Gentleman could disapprove of suppressing riotous proceedings. It was impossible, especially upon the subject of speedy relief to the poor; and, though his speeches were not calculated to accelerate the chief de- sign, we cannot doubt but he was, and continues to be, zealous for providing food for the people; not for encouraging tumults, for he knows they would defeat his laudable endeavours. The suppression of riots has been at all times, and in all well regulated societies, not only re- commended, but enforced by the laws of God and man. Of course, the exertions of our go- vernment and subordinate magistrates upon the late occasion are deserving of our praise; and every good subject must highly approve of the mild, humane, yet spirited, conduct of the late Lord Mayor of London, and of the gentlemen of the volunteer associations, who so eagerly as- sembled under arms to support his authority, ilc not only dispersed, but actually appeased the furious mobs, which threatened destruction in many parts of the city, without shedding a drop of blood. 4 Having ( 31 ) Having made some observations on the variotis causes to which the high price of provisions has erroneously been attributed, in order to shew that, in most cases, they produced a contrary ef- fect; I have now tp mention the real causes which generally enhance the prices, not only of provisions, but of many articles of hixury. With respect to corn, I must premise that the pro- duce of the kingdom has not, for several years past, been sufficient for the consumption of the people, and that the deficiency has been annu- ally increasing, owing to the following causes: 1st. The increase of population. 2dly. The accumulation of national v/ealth, in consequence of the rapid and successful im- provements in commerce and manufactures. 3dly. The consequent increase of luxury. 4thly. The depreciation of the value of mo- ney ; and 5thly. The neglect of agriculture. 1st. That the population of this kingdom has increased considerably of late years, seems to be generally admitted; and, therefore, we need, only remark upon this head, that it would serve many good purposes in political calculations to ascertain the number of the people. £dly. The rapid accumulation of the wealth of the nation is much easier ascertained ; and, I believe, ( S<2 ) btlieve, there arc ftw, or none, in the kingdcmi to whom this is not apparent, owing to the great increase and flourishing state of our commerce and manufactures. Nay, it is annually affirmed in parliament, from documents which have been scrutinized, and is thus establislied in spite of al) those who endeavour to persuade the people to believe the contrary. Our very enemies know it; and not only proclaim it, but make a pretext of our great wealthy to excite the jealousy of ihe different nations in Europe against this king- dom; and I am afraid that Bonaparte will so far succeed, as to make neutral powers either our se- cret or open enemies. Those who ale our secret enemies, wait only for a favourable opportunity to declare- open war against us. Perhaps the Emperor of llusssia, owing to his remote dis- tance, may be the first to hazard drawing the sword against this nation. I must give due ere* dit to the First Consul of France, for publishing to all the world the unbounded wealth of Great Britain. It is a proof he admits that the united efforts of France, Spain, and Holland, cannot effect our overthrow; and therefore he calls upon all other nations to join against us, being the only expedient by which he can hope to force Great Britain to accept of his humiliating terms of peace. It is a novelty in politics; powers at war^ and I ( 33 ) mid especially the Great Nation, seldom or ever acknowledge inferiority in strength or resources; but Bonaparte not only acknowledges but pro- claims the truth, when it suits his designs. He has nothing so much at heart as to subdue this king- dom ; and he could not have fallen upon a more effectual expedient to acquire the assistance he finds necessary, than representing to other states the pre-eminence of this nation, in order to excite their jealousy and induce them to join our implacable enemies. . This kingdom is cer- tainly a subject of envy to the whole world ; and therefore I admire the policy of Bonaparte. When the wealth of this nation is acknowledg- ed by all the world, it is to be hoped that the persons who are in the habit of opposing iinnis- try, will not contradict Bonaparte's account of it. He puts no confidence in the loud assertions of the Jacobins in this country ; nay, he exposes their fallacy in the most public manner. He may use them as tools, though he despises their council. They must allow that our wealth en- hances the price of most articles, and conse- quently of provisions* I cannot help remarking here another late in- stance of good and sound policy in the First Consul ; he allows the produce of the Indies to be imported into the ports of France and iiolland from Great Britain^ on paying cer- F tain ( 34 ) tain duties. Thus he makes a merit of ne- cessity, to enrich his treasury ; as, in spite of all his edicts, the people of those countries could not be restrained from clandestinely pro- curing the commodities. It is not improbable he may see the ^Expediency of admitting British manufactures alsO; subject to duties, as he must know that they find their way, though circuit- ously, into the very metropolis of France. Perhaps it would be good policy in our government to admit wines and several other articles of the pro- duce of France, direct into this kingdom, as it seems impossible to prevent the introduction of goods that are strictly prohibited into almost every part of the country. Though France should be enabled to maintain the war with us for ages, I cannot see any evil that could result to either country by a treaty for exchange of certain articles direct, in ships of both nations. It. would save a great expence in freight paid to neutral states ; and prevent many quarrels respecting the privilege of neutral ships, as those goods are not conveyed by the ships either of Great Britain or France. Such a treaty, allowing British ships to carry British goods to France, and French ships to carry French goods to Britain, under peculiar flags and cer- tain restrictions, limited to one or two ports in each country^ I imagine would not be re- 4 pugnant { 35 ) piignant to the spirit of the navigation act of this kingdom, or the maritime laws of Prance. It is clear that both governments would gain by- it ; and the people, who must at all events, have the goods, would reap considerable advantage, by saving the great expence that attends smug- gling, and the freight and insurance paid to neutral states. The First Consul of France hav- ing admitted some goods from Britain, it is pro- bable he would not object to a commercial treaty of this kind ; and I hope he would permit the exportation of corn and other articles of provision into this kingdom, as one of the terms of the treaty. Though the last consider- ation is my chief motive for suggesting a com- mercial treaty betwixt two powers at war, as it would certainly be much in favour of this coun- try at present, I am far from thinking that an arrangement of this kind might not be made, on such liberal and safe principles as would be agreeable to both powers. It is true Bonaparte knows that we generally want corn from foreign countries, and a larger quantity this year than usual ; yet he also knows that we have the means of procuring it, if to be had in any part of the world ; and he must be sensible, that whatever corn France has to spare, may with much more advantage to that country be allowed to come to us direct, than in a circuit- r 2 ous ( 36 ) Oils manner through neutral ports. A plain trade of this kind would have superseded the necessity of banishing his near relation, even to an honourable exile. If he does not permit the exportation of corn, others in France will find ways of doing it. The increase of wealth being established, we are now to consider, in the third place, how far it affects the price of provisions. It will be admitted that luxury is the constant attendant on wealth and prosperity. It has been so in all ages and in all countries: all descriptions of persons are in- clined to enjoy the fruits of their industry in comfort and ease ; but the predominance of taste and fashion excites a laudable emulation in ele- gance and grandeur. The happy propensity to cleanliness in this coimtry, is the first step to- wards neatness and elegance in clothing, houses, and furniture. Luxury increases in proportion to wealth, and has arrived to a great height in this island, not only in cleanhness, neatness, and grandeur, but in the consumption of provisions by every class of the people. The labouring poor are not now content to live on the coarse, though wholesome fare of our ancestors. In many parts of England the poorest of the people spurn at bread made of oats, barley, and pease, though their fellow- subjects ( S7 ) subjects in Scotland and the northern counties of England not only use it, but prefer it to wheaten bread. The price of oatmeal in Scot- land has frequently been 25 per cent, higher than the finest wheaten flour has sold for at the same time. How do our brethren, the labouring poor of Ireland, and of the High- lands of Scotland, subsist? Butter-milk is an article thrown to the hogs in most parts of Eng- land, though an Irish labourer and his family actually subsist a great part of the year upon it and potatoes ; and are not they a healthy, strong race of men, capable of bearing as much fatigue and hardship as any people in the world? The peasantry of England, thirty or forty years ago, lived on such food as those of Ireland and Scotland use now. A Highlander of Scotland, still reckons himself well fed if he has plenty of potatoes and herrings. Luxury is, however, rapidly increasing, even in those countries. The nearer they approach to the English rate of living, the consumption of provisions must in- crease, and, consequently, the prices ; as the ar- ticles of food which serve them at present will hereafter be used only for feeding of horses for pleasure, or fattening cattle for slaughter. Ne- vertheless, the sooner they adopt the English mode of living the better, provided they do not forget ( 38 ) forget that, in case of necessity, they cannot only subsist, but live well upon oaten bread, po- tatoes, and milk, I hope they never will despise the bounties of Providence in supplying them plentifully with M^holesome, though it may be coarse food; and that, Avhen occasion may re- quire, they will not hesitate to feed for a sea- son, as they do now. May not the labouring people of Ireland and Scotland charge English- men with eifeminacy for murmuring at the use of mixed bread? What would Captain Cook, of immortal memory, have thought of them? Had they sailed round the world with him, the bread, and other articles of food, which they now despise, they would have accounted luxu- ries. In Yorkshire, where the people live sump- tuously, and other parts of England, where they have plenty of the best wheat, of which they make the finest flour for sale, household is pre- ferred to the finest wheaten bread. The working people find it more nutritious, and even the gentlemen reckon it not only so, but more pa- lateable. It is probable that the economy, adopted and recommended last year, by the different branches of the legislature, may be recommended this year also. The working people in the metropolis ob- jected to the use of any kiud of bread but what was ( 39 ) was made of the finest flour, and contended that those who recommended the use of mixed bread, could easily dispense with the use of any- kind of bread, as they can procure a variety of other articles of food, which the labouring peo- ple cannot afford to purchase. But it appears; from the preference given in the best corn coun- ties in England, by labourers and others, to household or mixed bread, that it is the most' nourishing, and, consequently, the fittest for the - laborious part of the community. The man who may justly complain, at pre- sent, that his wages do not enable him to pro- cure a sufficiency of food, should certainly be the first to adopt economical plans. He is, un- doubtedly, entitled to be well fed with wholesome food; nay, his earnings should be sufficient for feeding his wife and children as well as himself. Are not these considerations strong inducements to economy, in selecting the cheapest kind of wholesome and nourishing provisions? I should be far from recommending to a working man to stint himself in the quantity of his food, it being absolutely necessary for himself, his family, and employers, that he should have his full meals, otherwise he will not be able to do the same por- tion of work. But, without economy, no quan- tity of wages will be sufficient for him: whereas, through ( 40 ) through economy, we have seen many vakiable members of society raise themselves, by dint of hard labour, to wealth and eminence. Trace the history of these men to their original obscu- rity, at the shovel, barrow, or plough, and you ivill find that none of them ever were aiders or abettors of riotous mobs. The truth of this remark all men, however low their station, or narrow the circle of their acquaintance, must admit. In every village and hamlet, such re- spectable characters are to be found. Should .not every member of society tread in their steps, as the surest way of attaining the comforts of life? If want of frugality in living be prevalent among the poorest of the people, how much more does it prevail in the higher classes ? It is certainly pleasant to observe the cleanliness, neatness, elegance, and even the grandeur that prevail in dress and habitations. The commu- nications opened, by means of the finest roads in the world, not only through England, but to the remotest corners of the Highlands of Scotland, through barren mountains that were impassable for horses, and could only be ascended by Highlanders on foot, who were obhged to carry provisions in their pockets, there not being a hut to shelter them in for many miles together, are ( 41 ) are -now traversed by gentlemen in carriages, and form a fashionable tour for the nobility and gentry of England. Many of the citizens of London fmd much recreation in" sporting on the Highland hills; there being several inns, placed at convenient distances, that furnish good accommodations. Before the union with Scotland, however, it was common for a Scotchman to settle his affairs and make his will when he undertook a journey to London. All these improvements are the effects of the extension of commerce and manufactures, which afford the means oY paying and main- taining them, though at a great expence. Our ancestors would have reckoned it a great luxury, to traverse the kingdom, seated in carriages, driving day and night at great speed. The vast number of horses necessarily em- ployed in travelling must be fed; and, notwith- standing the conveyance of goods by inland navi- gation, (another and aver} important improvi- mentin this country, which we owe totlie Dukc- of BridgeW'atcr's perseverance, and for which lie has little thanks Worn the inhabitants of Liver- pool and Manchester, though they were the fust to reap the benefit, and owe their present opu- lence to his Cirace's canal,) the number of liorses employed in carrying goods do not seem G to ( ^2 ) to be decreased; an additional proof of the in- crease of trade. The horses employed in tra- velling and carrying are indispensably necessary, thou oh the feedino; of them adds in no small degree, to the consumption of corn. Yet it is to be hoped, that no circumstance can occur >vhich will oblige us to reduce the number of horses so employed. But the number of horses kept for pleasure is immense, and may Avell be dispensed with in times of scarcity. They consume a great quan- tity of corn and hay, and the labour of many useful hands is lost in looking after them. The oats, barley, peas, and ])eans, consumed by such horses, M^ould m^ake bread for a great number of the people. The land occupied in raising hay for them, and the labour attending it, would be much better applied to raising of corn for hu- man food. As every kind of luxury occasions labour, it would be prudent to retrench on the appearance of scarcity, and to turn the labourers, so employed, to the spade and the plough. It w^ould be cruel and impolitic to send them adrift in times of dearth; and, therefore, their la- bour should be changed to the benefit of the com- munity. A man who can afford to expend from 5001. to lOOOl, anrkuaily, for decorations and or- namenting only, should feel pleasure in employ- ( 43 ; ing these labourers In husbandry. Supposing, also, he were for a season to turn a number of the tradesmen he employs, such as masons, bricklayers, and carpenters, to raise corn, even at their former wages, he would be a gainer in the end by the useful cultivation of his estate. All lie could suffer by the change would be a temporary suspension of his schemes of plea- ds u re, until bread becomes plentiful and cheap ; then he may carry on his ornamental improve- ments with alacrity; and, surely, he could not fail to derive much satisfaction from reflecting that he had not only improved his own estate, but rendered the most essential service to his countrv. In times of dearth, the wage* of labourers and, artilicers ought to be raised: but contrac- tors and others, who have entered into engage- ments when provisions and wages were low, are in times of dearness frequently under the neces- sity ©f stopping their work and discharging their men. If their wages could procure them only a bare subsistence when employed, how miser- able must their case be when unemployed? In times of dearth they are real objects of charity, worthy of the notice of the wealthy. All they want is to be employed; nay, their case should be made known to men of fortune in their G 2 neighbourhood, ( 44 ) neighbourhood, such as have been mentioned; and if they cannot find employment for them, application should be made to government in their behalf, to provide them with some employ that might be of national benefit, and thus pre- vent labourers and artificers, who are able and willing to work, from becoming a burthen to the public. It matters not what their trades may be; whether they are masons, bricklayers, car- penters, or even v/eavers; it is better they should till the ground until they find employment in their different vocations, than be turned loose on the public; as they must, at all events, have food. It may be of use to remark, that many trades- men are frequently tlu'own out of employ, even when provisions are cheap, through the fluctu- ating demands for different articles of manufac- ture, owing to the change of fashions. The y that the first step towards improvement in the in- fant state of manufactures and commerce was to raise corn; and he set the example on the most barren part of his own estate. The deluded mob, who were ready and eager to sacrifice his life to their resentment when he was returnins: from his duty in parliament to his country seat, were the first, on his return the following ses- sion, to extol his wisdom, draw his carriage through Drogheda, andbear him on their shoul- ders. The exports of corn from Ireland, in con- sequence of Mr. Foster's act, increased amazing- ly; the annual exports from that kingdom for ten years preceding the year 1790, amounted to }6\,925 quarters of oats and oat-meal. Mr. Foster paid the greatest attention, not only in parliament, ])ut in private, to the encou- ragement of arts, commerce, and manufactures; and, in consequence of his perseverance, they have prospered beyond example in any former period of the history of that kingdom, notwith- standing their internal disturbances, occasioned by those who wished for the fraternal embrace of the ( 54 > Trench Jacobins; and now the people desert the plough for more lucrative employments: so that, owing to the progress they have made in com- merce a]]d manufactures, the Irish may soon be in need, not only of corn, but even of beef, butter, and pork, from other countries. Happily, Ireland is to be united to Great Britain ; and, it is to be hoped, will soon be as independent as any country in Europe. I have often lamented that the father of Irish prospe- rity should have opposed the union; but the best of men have their hobby-horses, and w^hy should not the great Foster be allowed to have one also? It is not to be doui)ted that he will still persevere in encouraging every thing which tends to the prosperity of Ireland, and that he will assist in the councils of the United Kingdom. Having enumerated the causes which have operated in -a progressive degree to enhance the price of provisions for several years past, it may be proper to account for the extraordinary high price of corn at present. The produce of this year's harvest being esti- mated at one fourth less than the average of pre- ceding years, and little remaining of the crop of I7S9, a considerable rise in price might natu- rally be expected ; but it never could have amounted to the present enormous height, had 3 it ( 55 ) it not been for the alarm that generally seizes the people when they apprehend a scarcity, (which operated to an extraordinary degree this season,) and the pernicious effects of tumultuous pro- ceedings. The alarm which pervades the people when they apprehend scarcity, never fails to enhance the price of provisions. It is generally during the time of harvest that the produce is estimated l)y reports from the country, circulated by far- mers, and others wdiose intevest it is to raise the price: and though never to be depended upon as authentic, those reports being fabricated for the purpose, do frequently aifect the market. When the people see, by their own observation in any quarter of the country, that there is a deficiency in the crop, those who have money or other means, hasten to market to purchase a stock for the consumption of their families, before prices get higher; and this, too, at a time when farmers and millers have little or none read v. The ar- tide wanted being flour or meal only, cannot be furnished inmiediately; this makes tic people eager, and the demand increases as the prices advance. If we suppose (a probable case) that a general and pressing demand at an early period of the season were equal to the consumption of all the inhabitants i 56 ) inhabitrtnts for one month only, in any year, it will account for the rapid rise of prices in a season of scarcity, when we consider that the sudden demand this year amounts to a ninth part of the annual produce of the kingdom. Those who can afford to lay up a stock of provisions, do not seem aware that the demand becomes ge- neral; that prices become high before they have completed their supplies ; that they generally pay more than the average price of the year; and that they do great injury to the poor, (who can- not lay in more at any time than provisions for a week,) by raising the price, even of the articles necessary for bare subsistence, beyond their reach. Should the provident man apprehend danger of famine, does he better his state by hoarding up to the prejudice of the poor? No; as in the event of such a calamity, I am persuaded that faWj very few men in this country, in anystation, from the king on the throne to the lowest sub- ject, but would participate with their fellow crea- tures in distress. It requires only to give them timely admonition, to direct their attention to the poor at all times, but especially when a scar- city of food is dreaded. Persons who can afford to lay up supplies of provisionsTor a year at any price, cannot hesitate for a moment to allow the poor to purchase, from week ( 57 ) - week to week, at the same price the rich pay« Will they not rather let the poor labouring man be first served? There are many of the people who formerly lived in affluence, and some who had a competency, none of whom have been used to labour, that may justly be reckoned more indigent than the labouring people ; such as wi- dows, clergymen, superannuated officers on half pay, pensioners, and others, whose annuities w^ere sufficient to procure them, not only the neces- saries, but many of the luxuries of life, at the time they were fixed forty or fifty years ago, when money was more than double its present value. Many of these, whose bounty formerly fed the hungry and clothed the naked, are now reduced to the necessity of resorting to Rag-tkir and tlie soup kitchens. I may have occasion to mention their case hereafter. The causes of the present high price of pro- visions have been demonstrated, as also the rea- son of the deficiency of the produce of corn in the kingdom, in proportion to the consumption; but, for those national evils, the labouring poor, and othei-s equally destitute, are naturally much more anxious to discover a remedy. It is an easy matter to trace the causes, from experience. Many of our legislators are expert in recounting every malady and misfortune we meet with; but T those ( ^8 ) those who are most vociferous and artful in shew- ing us our clangers, seldom or never attempt to recommend any other means for averting them than a change of ministry which, it would ap- pear, is the grand cure for all our calamities. If I should fail in my humble endeavours to recom- mend measures for guarding against future scar- city and averting famine, I sliall lament my want of success : but, as I shall enjoy the self ap- probation of doing the best in my power for my country, by mentioning such expedients as occur to me, which is the bounden duty of every good member of society, I do not mean to shelter my- self by the errors of others, nor do I expect pro- tection from such members of parliament as op- pose every thing and propose nothing. In the course of the foregoing remarks, I have enumerated several circumstances in order to prove that, as the danger of trusting to foreign countries for supplies is increasing annually, there seems to be great necessity for raising suffi- cient corn and provisions in the kingdom for the consumption of the inhabitants. The cause of the deficiency lias been explained, to the convic- tion, I trust, of those who feel most by the high prices. They may see that it is owing to the in- creased wealth of the nation; yet I hope they would never approve of restraining the free course ( 59 ) course of trade and manufactures, to which we owe our present pre-eminence; as it is not only possible, but probable, to provide plenty of bread without doing so; and we have already the means for purchasing it, whatever the price may be. There is no kind of trade in any country so ge- neral or so extensive as that of corn. Every human creature is interested in it. The least restraint upon it must, of course, be injurious to the people. Therefore the Lords of the Com- mittee of his Majesty's Privy Council for Trade, &c. have, ever since the year 1770, uniformly re- commended the internal commerce in grain to be free and unincumbered. At or about that period the imports w^ere found to exceed the ex- ports; and, in consequence, the Committee re- commended free admission to foreign corn on payment of a small duty. Parliament has enact- ed laws, from time to time, for regulating the trade; but the necessity for encouraging agricul- ture increasing from year to year, rendered it ex- pedient for the legislature to grant a bounty on the exportation, and to lay a duty on the impor- tation of corn. This necessary encouragement given to farmers was attributed, by traders and manufacturers, to tJie landed interest; yet, now J 5 that ( 60 ) that we have experienced the increasing want of foreign supplies, we have to regret that those bounties and d^uties have not had the desired effect. They have not been sufficient to mduce farmers to raise corn enough for the consumption of the inhabitants. The institution of the Board of Agriculture is certainly of great national benefit. It has been at great pains, and the members deserve the highest praise for their attention to every species of the produce of the country. Much, however, remains to be done to raise a suffici- ency of bread-corn for the consumption of the people. The laudable endeavours of that Board seem to be directed to discover the most profit- able productions of the earth, whether mines, minerals, hemp, flax, or corn, and for improv- ing the bread of cattle. These labours must greatly benefit the nation, more especially if at any time it happens that our foreign trade should decline, oi* be more limited than at present. In their general pursuits they have not neglected the raising of corn; yet it were to be wished that they had confined their attention, in the first instance, to the immediate culture of arti- cles of the first necessity. Other improvements will, under their direction, follow of course. When ( 61 ) When the people have plenty of bread, these im- provements may be carried on at a much cheaper r-ate. We have already observed that the great diffe- rence between the wages paid to farming labour- ers, and those employed by tradesmen and ma- nufacturers, induces the labouring poor to prefer the latter. Though the farmers could afford, during this and the preceding year, to pay high wages to their labourers, yet tlie produce of succeeding harvests being uncertain, they reckon that their general profits will not afford to raise the wages of their servants. It should be considered, that notwithstanding the price of corn at present is more than double the ordinary rate even in late years, yet the produce of this year's crop being a fourth less than an average crop, such price does not yield the far- mer more than 25 per cent, above his usual profits. The increased expence of his family, and feeding his horses, in this year of dearth, when taken into the account, will reduce his extra profits, perhaps, to 1 2t per cent The jealousy of the trading and manufactur- ing people against the landed interest and far- mers, might, in some cases, be well founded in times of narrow policy and absurd distinctions: but at present, when the prosperity of the latter 4 depends depends on that of tlie formerj it is ridiculous to separate their interests. Surely it is the inte- rest of landholders to encourage trade and ma- nufactures; and it M^ould be the height of folly in traders and manufacturers to discourage farm- ing. Away Avith those pernicious distinctions, which originated in times of ignorance and feu- dal oppression, and have been fostered by family pride. They have unfortunately been the cause of preventing salutary laws for regulating the corn trade of this kingdom; and I am sorry to say, those interruptions have chiefly, if not in- tirely been owing to the landed interest. It is hio'h time thev should see that the restrictions laid by their influence on the corn trade have operated against themselves. It is true that the value of lands has increased greatly, though it is evident that the returns are far short of the profits arising from trade and manufactures. Lands purchased this year in any part of the kingdom will not produce 5 per cent, in the next year, or for some years to come. It cannot be expected while the trade in corn, the chief pro- duce of the land, is cramped. It is certainly bad policy to entertain any idea of a discordant or separate interest between the proprietors of land and the merchants and manufacturers of a commercial country : the latter are more inde- pendent ( 63 ) pendent of mutual sup|X)rt and eiicomageinent than the landed interest. It is owing to the en- terprize, ingenuity, and industiy of the people that this kingdom has amassed so much wealth, and engrossed more of the trade of the world than any other State ever did. The laws do not* only protect but encourage them ; yet, M^hen any regulations respecting corn are proposed in par- liament, though recommended by the Privy Council, who undoubtedly possess the most au- thentic inforroation, and are best qualified to Judge of the expediency of altering the corn laws, the landholders are tremblirvgly alive to what they reckon their interest; but they mis- take it by opposing the plans suggested, after ma- ture deliberation, by Lords who n:ake them their particular study, and have the best means of in- formation for framing laws for the public good, and who are as much interested in augmenting the value of lands as those who oppose their schemes of national improvement. Thus the pro- gress of agriculture is checked, and consequent- ly the landed interest and farmers are injured, by restraints upon the corn trade. By the late corn-laws, the kingdom is divided 'into sixteen districts. It frequently happens that corn may be importing into one district at the ( 64 ) the very time wheli it may ])e exporting fiom the neighbouring district. I have seen corn ex- ported from one side of a small river, not 100 yards broad, when imported upon the other side* The bounty on exportation far exceeding the duty on importation, it is impossible to approve of the export of corn, excepting to our colonies, while the nation requires a large importation an- nually. It must certainly appear ridiculous to give a bounty for exporting of corn from Es- sex, for example, at a time when the inhabitajits of Kent are in want, and actually pay t\fOj three, or even four shillings per quarter more for foreign wheat of an inferior quality. But the corn-dealer upon the Essex shore is allured by the bounty of five shillings per quarter, though his returns from foreign countries are frequently precarious, and can never, in any instance, be of advantage to the country; no, not even to far- mers or landholders. When Amsterdam was a mart for corn, the merchants there, in times of peace, when freight and insurance were low, could afford to return our own wheat to us. It is probable they have often received grain on bounty from one district, and returned it imme- diately to another part of this kingdom, where prices must ever fluctuate in consequence of the present system. Doctor C 6J ) Doctor Adam Smith remarked on the last corn- law that, '' with all its imperfections, however, we may perhaps say of it what was said of the laws of Solon, that, though not the best in itself, it is the best which the interest, prejudices, and temper of the times ivould admit of. It ma}^, per- haps, in due time, prepare the way for a better:" and I would fain'hope, that that time is not verv distant. It remains now to offer for the consideration of my M\ow subjects, the schemes which have occurred to me, as worth trying at least, for pal- liating dearth and averting famine. I am en- couraged in this attempt by the hopes that, by some accident, these remarks may fall into the hands, and arrest for a moment the attention, of men much more competent than myself for the arduous task. It must certainly afford great satisfaction to the people to know, that the Lords of the Com- mittee of his Majesty's Privy Council for Trade, &c. have, on all occasions in my memory, evinced the greatest attention, and recommend- ed the best system of laws for providing bread for them, that could be devised from time to time, notwithstanding the changes and succes- sions in his Alajesty's Councils in the course of five and thirty years. But the people have K cause ( Co ) cause to regret that the systems recommended liave not been sanctioned by the legislature. I propose, in the first place, Thai no bounty whatever should be allowed for ex- porting any kind of corn, meal, or flour; but that the exportation of these articles should be prohibited entirely, and importations be encou- raged. Sdly. That a bounty should be granted on produce. 3dly. That every proprietor of land should be obliged to cultivate a certain portion of the ara- ble land upon his estate, annually, either by him- self, his agents, or others. 4thly. That government should hold, for the use of the public, all the commons in the king- dom, and establish a system for raising corn upon them. 5thlv. That mao;azines of corn should be coi- lected at the public expence. 6thly. That the number of horses kept for pleasure should be reduced in times of scarcity. 7thly. That the wages of labouring farmers should be paid in kind. It may be difficult to reduce these suggestions to practice, as compulsory laws must ever be disagreeable; yet the dire necessity for making this nati(m as independent as possible on foreign countries ( 67 ) countries for articles indispensably necessary for the subsistence of the people, will justify every expedient that seems least objectionable and most practicable. Ist. V/itli respect to a bounty on the exporta- tion of corn, &c. enough has been said to evince the propriety of discontinuing it, and of prohi- biting exports and encouraging imports, whilst there is occasion to import a grain. The- vast quantity of corn imported annu- ally, is a convincing proof of the necessity for keeping the ports of this kingdoni at all .times open to receive .ev^ry kind of corn and meal; and that no permission for exporting those articles should ever be granted, excepting to our own colonies, and for the maintenance of our garrisons, fleets, and armies, until there is a moral certainty that the produce of the country will be equal to the consumption of the people. The restraints upon imports and the bounty on exports were intended for the encouragemen of aa'riculture, and surelv the deficiencv in the produce justified the atten^pf ; yet we see fi\.'m experience that the present corn-laws have ,not produced the desired effect. 2dly. A bounty on produce would operate much more powerfully in favour of the landed interest and farmers; it would come immediately jc2 u'~ ( 68 ) into their coffers, cind enable them to extend the cultivation of 'corn. I am aware that it would be impossible to guard altogether against impositions in distributing bounties on cur ovrn produce: but we have rea- son to believe, that it has been equally impossible to prevent impositions in the distribution of the bounties and premium.s v/liich government have occasionally granted for the encouragement of trade; yet we have seen their good effects in fisheries and manufactures. Therefore, though a bounty for encouraging the growth of corn in the kingdom must necessarily be of much greater magnitude than any that has ever been offered to the public, it is practicable; and before it amounts to six millions sterhng, the sum paid to foreign countries for corn imported this year, or even to the average of that paid annually for tlie last ten years, we may hope that the internal produce of corn will be sufficient for the consumption of the inhabitants. Then the public may be eased of the burden occasioned by the bounty. Bur- den, did I call it? It deserves a very different epithet, the bounty proposed being for the relief of tlie poor. It may be reduced by degrees, in proportion to the diminution of foreign sup- plies; but never to the degree of discouraging a constant increase in raising corn. Rather con- "^ tinue < 69 ) tinuc the bounty for ever, even at the expence of six millions annually, than allow the farmers to slacken in the culture of grain. It is much bet- ter they should have the bounty than send it to foreio'n countries. It v/ould remain in the coun- try, and after circulating, first through the hands of the labouring servants of farmers, it would re- turn through various channels, diffusing comforts in its circulation, to the pockets of those who con- tributed to it. After enriching the country by agriculture, the farmers would naturally first par- take of the national benefit. I must again say, they are in need of it, and I shall never be con- vinced to the contrary nntil they can afford to pay as high wages to their servants as their neio'hbours do in other trades. The landholders will be more benefited than any other class, in consequence of the improvements upon their lands, which will remain permanent to them and their heirs. Surely, no sensible man in a com- mercial country vvill ever dispute the landlord's title to profits on his capital, proportioned to those of other descriptions of people. We know from experience they nevei- arrive at that rate. I reprobate the distinction, too often mention- ed, between the landed and mercantile interest, in an island that depends entirely upon commerce; it ( 70 ) it Is Impossible to separate them. If that foolish distinction be owing to merchants, they should consider that all of them aim at acquiring land- ed estates, and many of them already possess considerable ones. Let them look back at the changes which have taken place in the proprie- tary of lands in the course of 40 or 50 years, and they will find the entailed estates include but a small portion of the kingdom, and that the greatest part is now in the hands of merchants and manufacturers, or their descendants. It is frequently objected, that a man of for- tune keeps too many idle servants about him. These are certainly a burden upon the pubhc ; but it should be considered that w^e all endea- ' vour to acquire ease and comfort in life. Many merchants and manufacturers, several of whom have formerly been in low stations, live in a splendid style, having a variety of superb mansions in town and country, and a large retinue of ser- vants. For my part, it gives me pleasure to see a cork-cutter, or patten-maker, riding at ease in his carriage. A bounty on the internal produce of corn can- not reasonably be objected to, by any class of the people. , The necessary arrangements may be diiiicult, but by no means too arduous a task for ( 71 ) for our present administration, if they approve of it, and have time from other important affairs to attend to it. The next measure proposed may perhaps be thought an infringement on the hberty of Bri- tons; but as it \YOuld affect those who, of all others, know best the propriety of private inte- rest giving way to pubh'c good, we may hope that they would not oppose the measure. It is, Sdly, That proprietors of land be obliged to raise corn on a certain portion of the arable land upon their estates, annually, either by themselves, their agents, or otherwise. I cannot pretend to say how the quantum ought to be ascertained ; but I should apprehend no risk in carrying on a public plan of this kind to the full extent, with-* out any other clieck than a declaration from each landholder of the quantity of nev/ or waste land which he has covered with corn annually, and the proportion that quantity bears to the waste lands upon his estate. The measure must evidently increase the value of landed estates, and add greatly to agricultural produce. It is to be hoped, therefore, that every landholder would readily acquiesce in a measure calculated to in- crease tl>e culture of corn. It is not my design to enter into particulars, nor am I competent to decide whether this scheme can be put in execu- tion. ( 72 ) tion.^ Soiiie landholders have vast tracts of land lying waste in the original state, capable of culti- vation by the plough. There are parts of the kingdom where agriculture is chiefly carried on l)y the slow and laborious process of the spade ; yet they raise corn, not only sufficient to serve themselves, hut sometimes for sale. Others have very little wastelands; somtehave none at all I leave it to the Board of Agriculture, v/ho are the most able to judge of the propriety of the mea- sure, and tlie necessary arrangements,- and parti- cularly the portion of new lands, and even of fields, now used for raising grass and hay. They can best determine the quantity of land, whether waste or under grass, that should be ap- propriated to tillage. We are not to suppose that new and waste lands arc not cultivated annually: we see in every part of the country new ground ploughed. The consumption of animal food has increased greatly, owing to the increase of luxury. In proportion to the number of the people, the bread consumed nov/, if it does not fall short of, may not exceed the quantity consumed thirty years ago. The use of animal food de- creases the consumption of bread ; but it is much more expensive than bread at alt times, as the feeding of cc^ttle requires more land and not 3 much ( 7.-3 ) iiuich less labour. A much greater proportion of cultivated land is now occupied in raising Iiay, turnips, and cabbages, than formerly. It is rare to see corn-fields in the vicinity of cities, towns, or manufacturing villages; those we see are laid down with grass-seed, as the main object for succeeding crops. That agriculture has in- creased is very evident; but the quantity of land used for raising corn being less than formerly, and more bread being required in consequence of the increased population, will account for the increasing deficiency. 4thly. The expediency of raising corn upon the commons in this kingdom has been insisted on by many persons; yet several objections have been started, all of them founded upon the diflSculties that would occur in arranging a system of compen- sation to the individuals Avho have an exclusive right to theprivilege of those commons; and these opponents say it is impracticable. I have always understood it to be in the power of parliament to encroach upon private property for the good of the public, on making adequate compensation; and the rules practised and sanctioned by law for ascertaining damages in such cases are certainly the most hberal and just that can be devised. The compensation is determined by a jury, com- posed of the neighbours of the claimants, and L not ( 74 ) not by the government. This is the practice ia carrying on roads, canals, docks, streets, and all undertakings for general advantage. Many va- luable houses are pulled down to make way for public improvements. I cannot conceive, there- fore, ^\]\y waste and uncultivated commons, of very little use to the proprietors, may not be annexed to the public for the benefit of the na- tion, on paying the owners an adequate compen- sation. One act ©f parliament might appropri- ate the Mdiole, which would save the expence, so mucli complained of, which annually attends passing acts for partial inclosures. The cultivation of those lands might be per- formed by contract, or various other ways, to prevent the impositions generally practised on government. The chief design is to raise corn. When three crops are got off the land, the value of them might be ascertained; then they could be let off to farmers, or sold after they were in- closed, suixlivided, and comfortable farmrhousc& built upon them. Though the next measure I propose be new in this kingdom, it has been adopted in many coun- tries, and, if I mistake not, it is practised in some Eu-ropean states at this day, viz. 5thly. To collect magazines of corn at the pubhc expence, in all parts of the kingdom, and ( 75 ) and especially in cities, manufacturing towns, anci villages. When grain falls under the pricey which may be limited by law for the different spe- cies, government should purchase such as offers ill sound condition at or under those prices, and receive it into granaries, either rented or built for the purpose, in proportion to the consumption of the district v/liich it is meant to supply: such corn to be delivered froni those depots, at prices equal to the whole cost, including charges in lock, and interest of money. In this country, grain that has been stored in good order and sound condition may be preserved for three or even four years, by laying it thin in the stores, turnino: it once in fourteen davs, and screening it four times in a year; all which might be done at a certain agreed rate per quarter, under the inspection of the magistrates of those cities, towns, and villages, by such men as they might appoint, and for whom they and their corpora- tions should be responsible. The selling prices might easily be ascertained at any period, and a list of them left with each store-keeper, to regulate the selling price in each month. The value of corn can only be ascertained by the quantity of ilour or meal that it will produce, which might easily be ascertained by the weight per bushel. There are plenty of men in every part of the .L^ kingdom ( 76 ) kingdom, competent to judge of the quality, and to ascertain accurately the produce of corn in meal. Tables might be made to shew the produce of every kind of grain. Not a grain should be received into these public depots but what was perfectly sound and in good order. The average prices of the middling qualities of the different kinds of grain in the places where, and the time when they are offered, might regulate the purchase prices, so that the public should not pay more than the rate of the market at the time. No kind of foreign corn should be received into the public magazines; nor should any flour or meal, even of the produce of this country, as they are more liable to damage, and cannot be preserved so long. When the public stock in hand shall amount to the quantity necessary, in addition to the produce of the preceding harvest, for the ample consumption of the people (which should be annually computed as soon after the flrst of November as practicable) then it may be expedient to lay a protecting duty on foreign corn and meal, in order to keep up the produce of the country to a reasonable price, for the en- couragement of farmers. Their trade is preca- rious, owing to many causes, but chiefly to the fluctuation in the price of corn. It ( 77 ) It ^yould be beneficial to the rich as well as to the poor, that corn should always be at a steady, uniform, and medium price, such as to afford constant encouragement to the growers of it, the only means by which we can expect to have plenty of bread-corn of our own raising. We.. do now feci, and have frequently experienced, the pressure of dearth; but in times of plenty, when corn was very clieap, we should have reckoned it a very unpopular measure to" propose in parlia- ment to raise the price to the medium mentioned by any means, and would, perhaps, have repro- bated the idea of proposing a bounty on the pro- duce of subsequent years, or some other compen- sation to farmers, though that measure was as ne- cessary then as it is now, and more so; the very high price at present being a sufficient induce- ment to farmers to extend their tillage next year. How muc:h better would it be for the poor, and all other classes of the people, to have bread of fine flour at all times at eight-pence, or even at ten-pence per quartern loafj than to have it for one, two, or even three years at six-pence, with the dreadful risk of being obliged to pay in the fourth year, or indeed in any year, one shil- ling and six-pence? a price that poor working men cannot afford, as their wages have been pro* portioned ( 78 ) portioned to the average price of several years ; and what is still worse, many of them in times of dearth cannot get work, owing to the stop of some manufactures. The design of the legislature in enacting the corn-law of 1791, was to encourage the farmers and provide for the consumers, by making the price of grain more steady, and less hable to fluc^ tuate than formerly. All parts of the kingdom were provided with copies of the information w^hich government Iiad collected upon the sub- ject; the bill was widely circulated and submit- ted to the consideration of the people, and suffi- cient time given to deliberate upon it. The di- vision of the kingdom into districts, which made a part of the bill, occasioned a jarring of interests; and many pertinent observations were transmitted from various places to their repre- sentatives in parliament; but it was found, im- possible to please them all, and therefore the bill passed with very little alteration. After nine years experience, wc have reason to lament that the operation of that law has been directly cour t.ary to v/hat was intended. Prices were never before so fluctuating as they liave been since, nor did we, in any former period of the liistory of this country, depend so much on supplies af corn ( 79 ) corn from foreign countries. This shews plainly that there is a necessity for devising other mea- sures for providing bread for the people. The doctrine of a medium price at all times for corn, may be thought by several to favour a maximum^ as some memibers of parliament proposed. Far be it from me, however, to re- commend a measure that w^ould be more perni- cious than any which could be devised; and I beg to be understood as an advocate for as much freedom in the corn-trade as possible, consistent with the encouragement necessary for raising sufficient grain for our own consumption, and thus superseding the necessity of depending on foreign countries for bread. It has frequently been dreaded, that the surplus of corn in all other countries in the world, even in some times of peace, would not supply our deficiency ; but how much more reason have we to be afraid in times of war, when our enemies endeavour to prevent our supplies? 6thly. Nothing could justify any legislative measure to compel the reduction of the number of horses, whether for pleasure or otherwise, but the dire necessity for reserving as much food for the people as possible in this time of scarcity. It seems hard to restrain those who can well afford the expence, from an enjoyment, not only inno- cent, ( so ) ' cent, but at most times laudable. To prevent persons who have spent a long tmie in severe in- dustrv, in order to make provision for their fami- lies, and those who have devoted the best of their daystotlie service of their country (many of whom, ac'ordiii^* to the course of nature, have but a few years to enjoy the fruits of their labour) from keeping any number of horses they please, and enjoying the remainder of their days in exercise conducive to health, would, I say, be hard. It would be not less hard upon men of ancient and great estates, avIio have enjoyed those pleasures from their infancy, and can well afford them. Yet, when it is found necessary to adopt every plan for saving human food, it v/ould be ungenerous to suppose such persQus would hesitate a moment to relinquish those enjoyments for a season, when their fellow creatures are so much in need of the corn consumed by horses kept merely for pleasure. I know not what the number of pleasure- horses in the kingdom may be, as I have not at- tended to any estimate on the subject ; but if we reckon at the rate of one horse for every thousand of the people, and calculate the num- ber of the people to be ten millions, the expencc of oats which may be saved, allowing 20l. for each horse, will amount to 200,0001 in a year. This is but a small sum in the national accounts ; 3 yet ( 31 ) yet it acservcs notice in the great scale of eco- nomy ; arid though it is no more than four-pence and four lifths of a penny per annum for each of the inhabitants, it should not be overlooked ; especially as it may amount perhaps to a fiftieth part of the cost of the foreign supplies required this year. 7thly. I propose to pay the servants of far- mers in kind instead of money. The payment of rents was formerly in kind in many parts of England ; and I believe it is so at this day in some remote corners of the island. Wliy, there-- fore, may not the Avages of the labouring men employed in farming, be paid in the same man- ner ? They must have the means of subsistence, clothing, and lodging, not only for tliemselves, but their families. It is well known that the poor people who labour at tilling the ground, have not wages sufficient to support them in years of dearth ; nay, it is evident that they are the poorest of the labouring people even when corn is cheap. It is no wonder, therefore, that many of them desert the plough and the spade. But their labour is of the highest importance to the nation; consequently there is a necessity for en- courao-ino' an increase of the number of such labourers, of all others the most useful in any GGuntr)j and especially in this kingdom, where M the ( 82 ) die produce of com is insufficient for feecling the people. The price of provisions is so fluctuating, and the value of money so much decreased, in conse- quence of the national wealth, that the poor la- hourins" servants of farmers, and even the far- mers themselves, reckon the wages enough at double the rate paid twenty or thirty years ago : but they find their mistake when it is too late; and the farmers in general cannot afford to ad- vance their wages. This should convince us of the expediency of maintaining, as much as possi- ble, an uniform steady price for the fruits of their labour, which are the articles of first necessity. To encourage the culture of these articles, it is absolutely necessary to establish a rule for paying the labourer at such a rate as to induce him to prefer the work to which he has been bred, above all others; and I know of no better or more ef- fectual means of doing so, than to pay the wages of labouring farmers in a certain portion of the produce of the farm. It may be high in value in years of dearth; yet he cannot dispense with any of the quantity absolutely necessary for the support of himself and family. When provisions are cheap, the labouring man's wages will be proportionably low : his views, however, are not to amass a fortune, all he wants being the neces- saries ( 83 ) saries of life. If by severe economy a single man, or a married man with the assistance of hif wife and family, could, in the course of some years, save as much as would stock a small farm, it would be what his labour entitled /fnti to, as well as of the greatest benefit to the commu- nity ; and, therefore, they should be encouraged by their masters. In short, the wages of men employed in raising corn for the nation should be so ample as to induce them not to desert the work to which they have been bred, and which they will at all times prefer, if not forced from it by necessity. Their labour is certainly the most useful to every class of the people. As to the rations of provisions which a farming labourer should have, the kind may diifer in every county, perhaps in every parish, and conse- quently the money price of them. The portion of his wages paid in money may likewise differ, according to his situation ; but he must always have a sufficient quantity of food, clothing, and comfortable lodging, not only for himself, but for his wife and one or two children. The wages of labour will vary as much by this arrangement as they do at present; for it is not to be sup- posed that the wages of a labouring farmer, even by this scheme, will not be more in Kent and Essex, than in the counties of York, North urn- M 2 berhnd, ( B4 ) berland, Lothian, or Caithness. If the farming labourers all over the kingdom were fed with the same articles, it would be an easy matter to fix a table of rations for them; but as we have seen that in inany parts they are perfectly content with variouckVnds of bread which are rejected in other parts, every county in the kingdom should sti- pulate rates for itself; and surely it is no difficult matter to ascertain the quantity neces- sary for feeding a m.an, whether v.ith potatoe, barley, oaten, or wheaten bread. All laws,- however good and salutary, are com- pulsory. They are intended for the public good ; yet it is by experience only that we ascertain their utility. Some are repealed; others become obsolete. The most liberal construction Is put upon the whole (^ode by our judges, who scrupu- lously adhere to the spirit and original intention of the legislature, and not to the words of the law. There can be no danger, therefore, in en- forcing by law an expedient so simple as that which I have suggested; and we may hope that our government will endeavour, by every plan which is practicable and unattended with dan- ger, to encourage the culture of bread-corn. As I cannot help frequently repeating the ne- cessity for raising corn in the kingdom suffi- cient, in ordinary seasons, to supply the inhabi- tants ( 85 ) tants with bread; I shall, to press the matter farther, mention what has been done in our West India colonics. They were in general plentifully supplied with provisions from the mother countr}^, and they could aiford to pjy a much higher price for them than England. ]s,oy would they ever have employed a single negro to raise provisions, if they could have depended on regular supplies at all times from other coun- tries, as their plantations produce articles that are much more lucrative. Yet they occasion- ally experienced, great distress from the want of them, and found the danger of trusting entirely to otlier countries for articles of sustenance. The planters, therefore, resolved to cultivate provisions on their own plantations, and they have succeeded so far as to become independant for articles of the first necessity. They have even provided as much as possible against the effects of hurri- canes, by planting sucb^roots as are wholesome substitutes for bread, ai^S not so liable to be de- stroyed by tempests. I agree with Mr. Ilobson, tharthere are people in the kingdom who are greatly injured by the depreciation of the value of money, as I have al- ready observed. Those are annuitants, such as widov/s, poor clergymen, superannuated officers of the navy, army, and the revenue, whose in- comes ( 86 ) comes would have enabled them, forty or fifty years ago, to live in a conifortabie v/ay; though many of them now. cannot procu re the bare ne- cessaries of life. There is not a class of the peo- ple ai ore in need of relief in times of scarcity. Thpy were once in a decent middle class, but now they are the most helpless, and consequently the poorest, of the poor. Whether by any means their case could be ameliorated, especially the aged and infirm, is a subject well worth the atten- tion of political calcidators. As to the poor clergy and superannuated officers, it becomes us to leave their case to the consideration of the church and government. With respect toother classes of the people, societies might be formed in each parish, similar to Doctor Webster's scheme for establishing a fund for the widows of the clergymen of the Church of Scotland. That fund has increased so much since its establish- ment about fifty j^ars '^go, that now it is rich enough to afford to p.^^/ the widows double the original annuities, or to reduce the annual con- tributions by the clergy to half the sum stipu- lated by the plan when instituted. There is scarcely a trade in the kingdom which has not a fund made up of the annual contributions of the members for nearly the same end; and there are many other societies incorporated by ( S7 ) by voluntary acts and rules peculiar to tlieiii-' selves, for the like purposes. The scheme which I hint at may be more difficult in the ar- rangement, as the society w\\\ be composed of people of different classes and trades, a- \ the funds should be for the benefit not only C'^^ the widows and infant children of subscriber^, ^ ait even for the subscribers them selves, ( ^r -may happen to be reduced to indigent circumstances through age or infirmities, after the lapse of a certain number of years, if, during such period, the subscribers paid the annual rates of their class, in the societv. The laro'e funds accumulated by many societies in the kingdom, and the good effects of them, are sufficient inducements to re- commend the adoption of similar measures in every parish or convenient district. • It is a tax volun- tarily incurred by the subscribers, and seldom, or never fails to raise a considerable fund, though no compulsion is used in the collection. The sub- scribers may discontin r payment when they please, but they must ne* essarily forfeit all claims to the benefit, if they run in arrear above three, four, or five years, as may be fixed by the society- when mstituted: but on paying the arrears within the time prescribed by the charter or contract, they may be re-instated as members. The design is to establish a fund, not only for the paymicnt of the 4 stated ( 88 ) stated annuities, but extra supplies to the annu- itants jn times of dearth, which the funds may genertilly afford, and may easily be proportioned to the pvice of provisions at the time. The scheitae- is certainly practicable, as there are a va- riet;' of precedents in the kingdom. IMany si- mK^^.' institutions improved by long experience, are indisputable proofs of their utility. The funds of all those societies should be kept for the original design of them, and on no account whatever be applied to any other purpose. The mode of collecting tythes is complained of as a grievance, and must ever, on the present plan, be a great bar to agricultural improvements. It is not the quantity, but the manner of levying them, that is decried. The clergy are cheated of their right, iiotwithstan/iing the oppressive mea- sures exercised by then' collectors. Our present administration are capable of removing these grievances, to the satisfaction of church and state. They have accomplished undertakings vv'hich appeared to 1' much n:iore arduous, though there is none of greater importance to the public. When the men now necessarily employed in defence of their country, happily return home on the restoration of peace, the waste lands and com- mons may, perhaps, be parcelled out for them as a ueward 1 ( 89 ) a reward for tlicir services, on condition of tlieit cultivating them. At the conclusion of former wars, grants of lands in the wild, Aj-tVyCnetrable forests of America were given totheariv'i. They cleared and cultivated large tracts. \L/'ds at Iiome Mould probably be more acceptable to them, even at quit rents proportioned to their value. But there is a much greater number of men in Ireland, and in the Highlands of Scot- land, spending their time in idleness and poverty for want of proper encouragement, who might be employed in tillage, much to their own ad- vantage, and greatly to the benefit of the em- pire. If those men were provided with employ- ment at home, it is not to be supposed that so many of them would emigrate to America as have gone of late years, where they have been obliged to labour much harder than the farmers do in England. The great inducement held out to emigrants by the agents employed, is the cer- tainty of their acquirii^S permanent property in the lands ^hey will b'|ve to cultivate. If it were possible to hold out the same" advantages to them in tliis kingdom, and particularly in the fertile soil of Ireland, it would effectually stop emigrations to America, and we should soon have plenty of corn, as in both kingdoms tliere are people enough of the description men- N tioned ( 90 ) tioned to cultivate it. I think it possible to de- vise a practicable scheme for this very purpose, that wou/^r ^oe acceptable to the landholders, and repay r" vernment the expence of the arrange- ment.^id execution. Though Mr. Robson, and others who act with him, exclaim upon all occasions that the country is ruined, it would be no difficult matter to prove that the influx of money in return for our manu- factures, or of property equally valuable, such as sugar, coffee, cotton, and the produce and manufactures of Asia, into this kingdom, (which at present is the mart of Europe for these articles) never, at any period of the history of England, so far exceeded the national expence as it does at present, notwithstanding the high price of provi- sions, the vast increase of luxury, and the enor- mous expence of the war. They likewise say, it is impossible the present ministers can bring about a peace, and therefore they cry vehemently for their removal, merej,v with a view to make way for themselves and tP'ir friends. But I trust in God our present government will continue to act with the unparalleled wisdom and fortitude they have so eminently evinced during the war, more alarming and dangerous from internal com- motions and Jacobinism than from forei2:n foes, and not give way in the smallest degree to cla- 4- jnour, i 91 ) mour, even though it should become popular. It has been the means used at different periods for removing ministers, especially at the , .;e of peace, and to which many respectable characters had un- fortunately given way, owing generally to some differences in the cabinet. It is to be hoped the present ministry will shew the ^vorici that it is by no means necessary to follow that practice. They have conducted the ship of state through a perilous voyage of nine or ten years. She is now lying to in a calm and per- fect security, and though a small parf of the crew should again attempt to mutiny, they are able to crush it. They are ready to proceed when the breeze springs up; and the world cannot produce a set of men so fit for conducting her in honour and safety to her desired haven — Peace. Printed by J. D. Dewick, Aldersgate Street. ^: .>: 9 ^\. pJJGHt/'^J- ^- LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. m 3 i ^ 9 0^ ^ v:m7Vi '%m REC'D UO m 9^9^^ ?r0ct'62A6 ^v>"ucij(\ REC'D U? 0CT2919fi^ -TSWi 620W I^^C fi/Ol^ ^U^ 2ji m 29Jaay'63RV z 7 wuj LD 2]A-50>ii-4,'60 (A9562sl0)476B General Libfarr UniTenity of California Berkeley ipi il^ J ^/t i I CALIFORNIA IBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA i^^^^p^ i ^^^^i^dMia, IVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNI ^^^^gl ^^^g<>^^ffl IIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN DIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN