■jiitli II i 
 
 liillili! 
 
 ii ,iiii||||| 
 
 Ml. 
 
 liiliiiii' 
 
 1 1 
 
 iit 
 
 il'l t 
 
 i 1 flil HI ( ilillil 
 
 IHiiiiii- 
 i' 
 
 i iillliliiHiniiiiiiliir 
 
 i 
 
 ||tj;i|j!'|:'iii!- 
 
 iHi'S'ti',' ' 
 
 !i!!l!!!l:i"!.'."J 
 ! If 
 
 Hill 
 
 lliilil 1 [ I ll !UHt 
 
 
 ^!ili 
 
 IKiill 
 
 
 illliliflij' 
 
 Til 
 
 ^ipiililiiiii III 
 
 ^imllh 
 
 ,„ ,Ji 
 
 i Ii ipiliil 
 
 it 11(1"" 
 
 !li!!'.!!:"r 
 
 |i,lllniii 
 
 jlii'li'M', 
 
 iiiiiiii 
 
 • 'I' 
 
 I'"!; If ,' ii'i'i 
 
 
 r\ 
 
 wmim 
 
11 
 
 BIOLOGY 
 UBRARy 
 
Ilip 
 
 ^'7 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
MEMORIES OF 
 
 SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 A RECORD OF THIRTY-FIVE YEARS' SERVICE 
 IN THE INDIAN MEDICAL DEPARTMENT IN 
 INDIA, CHINA, EGYPT, AND THE SUDAN, By 
 
 JAMES HOWARD THORNTON 
 
 C.B., M.B., B.A. 
 
 DEPUTY SURGEON-GENERAL INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE (rETIREd) 
 LATE PRINCIPAL MEDICAL OFFICER, PUNJAB FRONTIER FORCE 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 A. EGMONT HAKE 
 
 AUTHOR OF ' THE STORY OF CHINESE GORDON,' ETC., AND EDITOR OF 
 ^ GENERAL GORDOn's JOURNALS AT KHARTUM ' 
 
 Illustrated by 
 
 EDWARD THORNTON, A.R.I.BA. 
 
 AND KATHERINE MARGARET THORNTON 
 
 (K)e0fntin0(etr 
 
 ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. 
 1895 
 
^^^:i 
 
 
 Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty 
 
DEDICATED BY PERMISSION TO 
 H.R.H. THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT AND STRATHEARN, 
 
 K.G., ETC. 
 
 428512 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction, . . . . . . . . xvii 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 My medical education — I obtain an appointment as assistant-surgeon in the 
 East India Company's service — My voyage to India round the Cape — 
 First impressions of Calcutta — Brief sketch of the city — My journey up 
 the country — Description of Benares — I pass the language examination 
 and obtain medical charge of a native infantry regiment — My march to 
 Allahabad and back — Dak bungalows — I am transferred to a battery of 
 artillery, ......... i 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Commencement of the Indian Mutiny — Its causes— Alarm at Benares — Fire in 
 the native lines — We are reinforced from Dinapore — Outbreak at Benares 
 ending in repulse of the mutineers — Arrival of General Havelock — Good 
 conduct of the native servants in 1857 — News of the fall of Cawnpore — 
 I am ordered down to Calcutta and attached to H.M. 5th Fusiliers — 
 I accompany their first detachment, proceeding up the Ganges by steamer 
 and flat — We reach Dinapore the day after the mutiny there — We land 
 at Buxar and join Major Vincent Eyre — Defeat of the mutineers near 
 Arrah and relief of the garrison — Capture of Jugdispore — We return to 
 Buxar and resume our voyage up the Ganges — Cholera among our men 
 — Incident at Mirzapore — We reach Allahabad, where I am laid up for 
 some time from the effects of an accident, . . . . .13 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 On recovery I proceed to Cawnpore with troops — My impressions there — 
 Action of Sooraj pore— Our march to the Alum Bagh — We are besieged 
 there for some weeks — Relief of Lucknow by Sir Colin Campbell, the 
 commander-in-chief— I am attached to H.M. 90th Light Infantry, and 
 placed in medical charge of the fort of Jellalabad — Engagement at the 
 Alum Bagh — Capture of Lucknow, ..... 28 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 I join the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers — We march to Chinhut to oppose 
 an expected advance of the rebels, and suffer much from heat — We are 
 
viii MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 subsequently stationed at Durriabad— I accompany a party of convalescent 
 soldiers to Fyzabad and Sultanpur — Adventures on the way — Engagement 
 near Durriabad — A narrow escape — I obtain temporary medical charge of 
 the regiment — We proceed to Bhyram Ghat on the River Gogra — Incident 
 there — I am relieved by Dr. Harrison and appointed to the ist Sikh 
 Irregular Cavalry at Gonda — Final operations against the rebels in 1859 
 — The war is ended, and we return to quarters at Lucknow, . . 44 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 News of the Peiho disaster — Rumour of war with China — We go down to 
 Calcutta, where I am transferred to the 15th Punjab Infantry — We embark 
 for China, and touch at Singapore and Hongkong — Our landing and 
 encampment at Talien-whan Bay — We again embark, and steam across to 
 the coast of Pecheli— Our landing near Pehtang, and occupation of that 
 town — We advance and defeat the Chinese forces at Sinho — Capture of 
 the Taku Forts — Our gunboats enter the Peiho River, . . -57 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 Suspension of hostilities — Visit to the Taku Forts — We march to Tientsin and 
 encamp near the city — Our advance northward — Treacherous capture 
 of the political officers by the Chinese— We attack and defeat the Chinese 
 army on the 17th and 21st of September, and occupy the suburbs of 
 Peking — Capture of the Imperial Summer Palace by the French and our 
 cavalry — Surrender of Peking — Cruel treatment of the captives by the 
 Chinese — Destruction of the Summer Palace ordered by way of punish- 
 ment — Our visits to Peking— The treaty of peace is signed, and we march 
 back to Tientsin — We re-embark in the Beniinck, and meet with a severe 
 storm — Our arrival at Hongkong — We land and encamp at Kowloon — 
 My visit to Canton — Incidents during our stay at Kowloon — We resume 
 our voyage, and reach Calcutta in February 1861, . • • 72 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 I obtain six months' leave of absence and proceed to England — My marriage 
 — My wife and I start for India, and reach Calcutta in September 1861 — 
 I am ordered to Jessore — A fatiguing night ride — A fever-stricken station 
 — I return to Calcutta — My appointment to the 28th Native Infantry, 
 proceeding on active service to Sylhet — Rebellion among the Khasia and 
 Jyntia Hill Tribes — Causes which led to it — I part from my wife, who 
 remains with friends in Calcutta, and join the left wing 28th Native 
 Infantry — Our voyage through the ' Sundarbans ' — The Burrisal guns — 
 We land at Luckaie and march across country to Sylhet — Our march 
 towards Cherra Poonjee — My attack of sunstroke — We are ordered to 
 Nongtalong in the Jyntia Hills — Our difficult and dangerous march across 
 country — We reach Jyntiapur and ascend the mountains to Nongtalong — 
 I accompany Captain Robinson in a reconnaissance, during which we are 
 attacked by the enemy and nearly cut off^Assault and capture of the 
 
CONTENTS ix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 enemy's stockade at Ooksai — I am wounded in action next day— Captain 
 Robinson and I visit the headquarters of the regiment at Jyntiapur, and 
 are badly scared while returning — I am appointed to the 44th Native 
 Infantry, and join them at Jowai, . . , . . .90 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Our military operations in the country around Jowai — Arrival of General 
 Showers, C.B., with full civil and military powers — I am sent to Cherra 
 Poonjee with our sick and wounded — My wife joins me there in June— 
 A false alarm — Prodigious rainfall at Cherra Poonjee — Return of the 
 general and temporary cessation of military operations — Close of the rainy 
 season — Grand scenery at Cherra — The Moosmai Falls — Coal Mine Hill 
 and its caves — I am ordered to Jowai in October — A body of the rebels 
 destroy Terria and threaten to attack Cherra — Alarm of the residents — 
 Military operations recommenced in January 1863 — We attack and destroy 
 the rebel stockades at Oomkoi and Nongbarai, .... 105 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 We reconnoitre the stockade at Oomkrong, and nearly fall into a trap — 
 Capture of the stockade — Colonel Richardson severely wounded — We 
 return to Jowai — I accompany a detachment to Barato, and return with 
 a small escort by way of Nurtiung — Curious bridge and stone monuments 
 there— Similar monuments at Cherra and elsewhere in these hills — I 
 accompany Colonel Richardson to Cherra, and rejoin the field force at 
 Surtiong — Coal at Satoonga — Two officers wounded — Operations against 
 the rebels in the north-east country — Close of the rebellion — Our heavy 
 losses — We return to Cherra — One of our detachments struck by lightning 
 — I build a house on the verge of the great ravine — Splendid views from 
 our windows — Some adventures with tigers — Difficulties of tiger-shooting 
 at Cherra — Characteristics of the Khasias and Jyntias, . . .119 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 Difficulties with Bhootan — Our mission maltreated, and a disgraceful treaty 
 extorted by the Bhootias — War with Bhootan — Early successful operations 
 — The Bhootias surprise our posts — Disaster at Dewangiri — Fresh troops 
 sent up and General Tombs appointed to the chief command — I accompany 
 the left wing of my regiment to the seat of war — Our march to Koom- 
 reekatta — We force the Durrunga Pass — Assault and capture of Dewan- 
 giri — We remain at Koomreekatta, and suffer severely from malarious 
 fever — Our withdrawal to Gowhatty- — I return to Cherra on two months' 
 sick leave — News of a fresh invasion of Bhootan in the cold weather — I 
 rejoin my regiment at Gowhatty in October, .... 132 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 We march into Bhootan and re-occupy Dewangiri — A false alarm — Our 
 reconnaissance to Rydang — We explore the country and visit a Buddhist 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 monastery — Our men grow sickly, and we are sent down to a camp at 
 the entrance of the Durrunga Pass — We re-occupy Dewangiri in February 
 1866, while Colonel Richardson advances into the interior — End of the 
 Bhootan war — We return to Cherra — Excessive sickness and mortality 
 in the Bhootan Field Force — Removal of the 44th Native Infantry from 
 Cherra to Shillong in 1867— Scenery and climate of Shillong — We build 
 a house there — Our dog carried off by a leopard — Earthquakes in the 
 Khasia Hills — Their probable cause— Cricket at Shillong — The Eurasian 
 Battery — I am promoted, and apply for two years' furlough to England 
 — We proceed to Calcutta and embark in the Superb — Incidents of our 
 voyage— We reach home in February 1868, , . . .145 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 I return to India in 1870, and am appointed to the 2nd Native Infantry — We 
 go by train to Sahibgunge, cross the Ganges by steamer, and march to 
 Julpigoree — Description of the station — I am appointed to the medical 
 charge of the civil establishments there — The rainy season at Julpigoree — 
 Snakes — Hunting excursions in the cold weather — The commander-in- 
 chief inspects the regiment — I apply for civil employ, and am appointed 
 civil surgeon of Shahabad — I am relieved of my duties at Julpigoree 
 and proceed to Arrah — Description of the town and district — Indian 
 hospitality — My duties as civil surgeon and superintendent of the district 
 jail — Employment of the prisoners — Jail manufactures — Municipal work — 
 Police cases — Quarrels and fights among the peasantry, . . .158 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 I take a house at Arrah — My wife joins me there — Station society — Croquet 
 parties — Gardens — Climate of Arrah — The cold weather there — The hot 
 weather — Kuskus tatties — The rainy season — Snakes — Remarkable case 
 of snake-bite — My visits to the branch dispensaries — Jugdispore — Doom- 
 raon — The Maharajah's garden and jungle — His hospitality — Sasseram 
 — Mausoleum of Shere Shah — Subterranean passages — Dehree — Sone 
 irrigation works — My visit to Rhotasgarh — Tradition respecting the 
 capture of that fortress — Its extent and fortifications— Our unsuccessful 
 beat — An indigo planter killed by a tiger near Rhotas — My visits to 
 Bhubooah and Buxar, . . . . . . .172 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 An outbreak of cholera at Arrah — The prisoners suffer severely, and are re- 
 moved into camp — Good result of this measure — Cessation of the epidemic 
 — The Behar famine in 1874 — My wife is obliged to return to England — I 
 start a ' chummery ' — The rat nuisance at Arrah — I pass a bad quarter of 
 an hour— Visit of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to India— I attend the 
 Durbar at Bankipore — My visit to the Sonepur fair — I apply for furlough 
 to Europe in 1877 — My week at Bombay — I visit the rock-hewn temple 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 of Elephanta, and go over the ironclad turret-ship Ma^dala— Ilex defence- 
 less state — My voyage home — I pass eighteen months with my wife and 
 family, and return to India in 1878 — I am warned for field service in 
 Afghanistan, but not sent up to join the army — Completion of the Sone 
 canals — Effects on the climate produced by irrigation — Poppy cultiva- 
 tion in Shahabad — The Opium Question, . . . . .185 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 My promotion to brigade surgeon — I am transferred to Monghyr — Description 
 of the station — I volunteer for field service in Egypt — My appointment 
 to the Indian contingent — I proceed to Bombay, and embark for Egypt in 
 the Tenassefhn — A rough passage — I land at Suez, and receive charge 
 of the general hospital — Transfer of the general hospital to the P. and O. 
 steamer Hydaspes in Suez docks — Hospital arrangements on board — 
 Sanitary precautions — News of the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, the occupation 
 of Cairo, and the end of the war — I return to Bombay in the Avoca, 
 and rejoin my civil appointment at Monghyr — Irrigation works at 
 Khurruckpur — The Seetakund hot springs — Singular change in their 
 temperature— Private practice at Monghyr — Reluctance of the natives to 
 pay medical fees — Their extraordinary credulity — Snakes at Monghyr — 
 I meet with a serious accident, ...... 200 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Successes of the Mahdi — Appointment of General Hicks to command the 
 Egyptian forces in the Sudan — I am inclined to apply for employment 
 there, but refrain from doing so — News of the Mahdist victory at Kasghil 
 — I volunteer for service with Indian troops in the Sudan — Extension of 
 the Mahdist movement — Rising of the Arabs around Suakin — Mission 
 of General Gordon — General Sir G. Graham's first expedition to Suakin 
 — Siege and fall of Khartoum — Death of Gordon — Despatch of another 
 expedition to Suakin — I am appointed principal medical officer of the 
 Indian contingent, and proceed to Bombay — Strength of the Indian brigade 
 — Its hospital provision and ambulance transport — Embarkation of the 
 force — We reach Suakin — Description of the town and country — Our 
 camps near Suakin — Night attacks by the Arabs — Our hospital ship — 
 We lend part of our ambulance transport to the British troops — 
 Reconnaissance towards Hashin — Battle of Hashin, . . . . 215 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Battle of Tofrik — Repulse of the enemy with great slaughter — Severe loss on 
 our side — Destruction of a great number of our transport animals — I 
 accompany a force to the scene of action next day, and return with the 
 wounded to Suakin — Daily convoys to the zeriba — Attacks on them by 
 the enemy — Loss of a hundred laden camels — Captive balloon employed 
 — Arrival of the New South Wales contingent — We march towards Tamai 
 — Destruction of the captive balloon — Our bivouac disturbed by the enemy 
 
xii MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 — Action of Tamai — We march back to Suakin— Our camp again shifted — 
 Extension of the railway to Otao — Advertising extraordinary — The heat 
 increases fast — The plague of flies — Heavy duties — I wear a green silk 
 veil to protect my eyes — We all suflfer in health more or less from hard 
 work and exposure — Arrival of Lord Wolseley — lie inspects the troops 
 and hospitals — An expedition to catch Osman Digna is proposed but 
 countermanded — The water difficulty — Great danger of the contemplated 
 march from Suakin to Berber owing to the scarcity of water, . .231 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Termination of active operations — The field force broken up — Garrison left at 
 Suakin — I am appointed principal medical officer of the garrison — Posi- 
 tions occupied by the troops — The garrison hospitals— General Hudson 
 and the staff move into the ' New House ' — Insanitary state of Suakin and 
 its environs — I endeavour to improve matters — Climate of Suakin — Its 
 effect on the troops — Prevalence of enteric fever among the British troops 
 — Remarkable immunity of the Indians — A risky anchorage — We visit the 
 Cushie Doo — Our supplies of ice and drinking water are curtailed — I 
 obtain privilege leave to England, and start for Suez in the lona — I meet 
 General Dormer in the Tanjore—Y{\^ tragic death — I travel to London 
 vid Brindisi — My name appears in the Gazette as a C.B. — I leave England 
 in the Kot7ie — We engage a steam launch at Port Said, and so reach 
 Ismailia — I go on to Suakin in the Romeo — Changes during my absence 
 — The rainy season — Report of Osman Digna's death — I volunteer for 
 service in Burma — Farewell order by Sir John Hudson on my departure 
 from Suakin — Remarks on sickness and mortality among the troops and 
 followers of the Indian contingent during the occupation of Suakin, . 243 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 I return to India in the Nowskera, and await orders at Allahabad — My tem- 
 porary appointment to Bankura — Visit to Bishenpur — I am appointed 
 civil surgeon of Tirhoot, and proceed to Mozufferpur in February 1886 — 
 The Mozufferpur * meet ' — I chum with an old friend — My work at 
 Mozufferpur— Castor-oil manufacture in the jail — Singular case of cholera 
 — I am promoted, and appointed to the Punjab Frontier Force — My 
 journey to Abbottabad— Description of the station — Distribution of the 
 Punjab Frontier Force — My house at Abbottabad — Description of the 
 Hazara district — I visit Thandiani — Magnificent scenery — I go to Man- 
 sehra on inspection duty — Pali inscriptions there — Groeco-Bactrian coins 
 found in Hazara — Ruined bridges on Mansehra road : anecdote regarding 
 them — My visit to Haripur, ...... 256 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 Severity of the winter at Abbottabad— I start on my tour of inspection — 
 Murdan— Abazai— The Swat Canal — We shoot the rapids of the Swat 
 River — Our trip to Takht-i-Bahi — Discovery of sculptures in Swat and 
 
CONTENTS xiii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Yusufzai — I visit Peshawur and Attock^My journey to Kohat — The 
 station and its surroundings — The water supply of Kohat — The Fort of 
 Mahomedzai — Disaster near it in 1868 — I go on to Edwardesabad, halting 
 for the night at Banda and at the fort of Bahadur Kheyl — Description 
 of Edwardesabad and the valley of Bunnoo — Pacification of the district 
 by Sir Herbert Edwardes — I proceed to Dera Ismail Khan — The station 
 described — ^Jubilee celebration there, . . . . .270 
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 I resume my journey, and arrive at Dera Ghazi Khan — Description of the 
 station — I visit the posts at Khur and Rukhni on the Pishin Road — 
 Account of my journey — Sanitarium of Fort Munro — Scenery in the 
 Suleiman mountains — I return to Dera Ghazi Khan — My fatiguing journey 
 to Rajanpur — I cross the Indus, and reach the railway at Khanpur — Halt 
 at Mooltan — I visit Lahore, and stay with Dr. and Mrs. Dallas — Return 
 to Abbottabad — I receive a good-service pension from the Government of 
 India — My visit to Murree — Scenery along the Abbottabad Murree Road 
 — The ' Gullies ' — Murree — An outbreak of cholera on the frontier — A 
 narrow escape, ........ 285 
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 My trip to Oghi and Balakot — A leper village — Garhi HabibooUa — My second 
 journey down the frontier — The Commander-in-chief inspects the Kohat 
 garrison — I visit Shaikh Budin — My ride to Kingri and back — The Com- 
 mander-in-chief visits Abbottabad — I proceed again to Oghi, and ascend 
 the Black Mountain — Major Battye, Captain Urmston, and some Sepoys 
 are set upon and killed by the hillmen — Account of this disaster given by 
 one of the survivors of the party— Order issued by General M 'Queen on 
 this occasion — Cholera on the frontier— Orders received for an expedition 
 to the Black Mountain under the command of General M 'Queen — I 
 am appointed principal medical officer — Strength of the force — Medical 
 arrangements for the expedition — Ambulance transport— Lady nurses — 
 Description of the Black Mountain and adjacent country, . . , 299 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Advance of the Hazara Field Force from Oghi and Derband — Action of 
 Kotkar — Charge of the Ghazis — Death of Captain Beley — Colonel Crook- 
 shank severely wounded — Subsequent operations — Submission of the 
 Hassanzais and Akazais — Hardships endured by the troops — I visit 
 the spot where Battye and Urmston were killed — The general and 
 staff join the first column and descend into the Tikaree Valley — 
 Operations against the Parari Sayads — Death of one of our men from 
 snake bite — Visit of his Excellency the Commander-in-chief— Our march 
 to Thakot — We are fired at from the opposite bank of the Indus — 
 The enemy's tower shelled — We march up Chaila and enter Allai by 
 the Ghorephir Pass — Difficulty of the ascent — W^e attack and destroy 
 
xiv MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Pokul, and are followed up by the enemy on our retirement — We with- 
 draw from AUai — Gallant conduct of Surgeons Heuston and Melville — 
 End of the campaign — I visit the river column at Derband — Bad weather 
 sets in — Losses of the force during the campaign— Gratifying acknow- 
 ledgment of my services by the military and medical authorities, . . 313 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 My third annual tour of inspection — I visit some ruins near Kohat — A motley 
 escort — Dogs and mules — I go through the Kohat Pass with the Lieutenant- 
 Governor of the Punjab and his party — The Pass Afridis — My first visit 
 to Simla — I inspect the cavalry in October 1889 — Narrow escape at Dera 
 Ghazi Khan — Similar incident at Abbottabad — Asoka's tower — My fourth 
 annual inspection tour — I visit the posts in the Suleiman hills — The new 
 road — Sakhi Sarwar and its shrine — We are warned of Gola, but do not 
 meet him — My adventure near Peyzu — I visit Sultan Jan at Kohat — 
 Account of my journey to Ranigat — Inscriptions on rocks at Shahbazgarhi 
 — We are hospitably received by the Khan of Shiwa — The fortress of 
 Ranigat — The Umbeyla Pass and the Crag Picket, . . . 327 
 
 CHAPTER XXV 
 
 I obtain leave of absence and set out for Khagan — Earthquake at Balakot — The 
 Kunhar River — Kowai — The Forest Officer's house at Malkandi — Scenery 
 in the valley — Rude bridges — My camp at Jared — We cross the Shikara 
 nullah with difficulty, and meet herds of cattle — Our arrival at Khagan 
 — Visit of Sayad Ahmad Ali Shah — Some of his relatives accompany me 
 onwards — Scenery on the way — We arrive at Narang — Our visit to Saifool 
 Maluk Lake — Grand scenery around it — A local legend — The Sayad s 
 hasten my return — Bad weather sets in — Dangerous bridges — A snake 
 adventure — I return to Abbottabad, ..... 339 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 Expedition to the Black Mountain in October 1890 — We encamp at Oghi — 
 Heavy storms — We ascend the Black Mountain — Our bivouac attacked 
 by the hillmen during the night — The expedition withdrawn — General 
 Sir John M'Queen resigns the command of the Punjab Frontier Force — 
 His farewell order — He is succeeded in the command by General Sir 
 William Lockhart — My last tour of inspection — Visit to Akra — My term 
 of office as principal medical officer of the Punjab Frontier Force comes 
 to an end — Owing to my having missed promotion I am obliged to retire 
 from the service — Conclusion of my Indian career — Remarks on the 
 Indian Medical Service and on the preservation of health in India, . 351 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Benares, from the Ganges, ..... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 9 
 
 A Mendicant, ....... 
 
 II 
 
 Massacre Ghat, Cawnpore, ..... 
 
 19 
 
 The Arrah House, ...... 
 
 24 
 
 A Fanatic at Bay, . ..... 
 
 32 
 
 Jellalabad Fort, ....... 
 
 36 
 
 The Baillie Guard Gateway, Entrance to the Residency, Lucknow, 
 
 40 
 
 Muzbee Sikhs, ....... 
 
 58 
 
 Exterior of Taku Fort, . . . . . . 
 
 68 
 
 Chinese Guns, ....... 
 
 69 
 
 Interior of Taku Fort after Capture, .... 
 
 70 
 
 The Taku Forts at the mouth of the Peiho River, 
 
 73 
 
 Barracks in Taku Forts, ...... 
 
 74 
 
 Pagoda at Tungchow, ...... 
 
 77 
 
 Bridge near Peking, ...... 
 
 7S 
 
 The Wall of Peking, . . . . . 
 
 79 
 
 Pagoda in the grounds of the Summer Palace, near Peking, . 
 
 80 
 
 Ornament of Shop Front, Peking, .... 
 
 82 
 
 Temple of Heaven, Peking, .....' 
 
 83 
 
 A Sikh Sepoy, . 
 
 
 87 
 
 Sphinx and Pyramid, 
 
 
 
 91 
 
 Egyptian Ladies, 
 
 
 
 91 
 
 Minaret in Cairo, 
 
 
 
 92 
 
 Ascent of the Pyramid, 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 Gibraltar, 
 
 
 
 94 
 
 Cairo, 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 Cherra Poonjee, . 
 
 
 
 108 
 
 Near Cherra Poonjee during the Rains, . . . . 
 
 no 
 
 The Living Bridge, below Cherra Poonjee, . . . . 
 
 - 112 
 
 Terria Ghat, below Cherra Poonjee, 
 
 1x6 
 
 Our House at Cherra Poonjee, ..... 
 
 128 
 
 Group of Khasias, 
 
 
 . 
 
 130 
 
XVI 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 The KoUong Rock, Khasia HUh 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 
 . 134 
 
 The Durrunga Pass, Bhootan, . 
 
 
 
 
 • 139 
 
 Dewangiri, Bhootan, 
 
 
 
 
 
 142 
 
 The Bishop's Fall, Shillong, 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 152 
 
 My House at Julpigoree, 
 
 
 
 
 
 162 
 
 Our Bungalow at Arrah, 
 
 
 
 
 
 173 
 
 A Palki and Bearers, 
 
 
 
 
 
 178 
 
 Entrance of Temple at Elephant 
 
 a. 
 
 
 
 
 . 193 
 
 Rock-hewn Temple, Elephanta, 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 195 
 
 Steamers in the Suez Canal, 
 
 
 
 
 
 196 
 
 The Fish Market, Suez, . 
 
 
 
 
 
 203 
 
 An Arab Spearman, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 216 
 
 Khartoum, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 218 
 
 Suakin, . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 221 
 
 A Street in Suakin, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 222 
 
 View in Suakin, . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 223 
 
 House Front, Suakin, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 224 
 
 An Arab Sheikh, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 225 
 
 Sudanese Spearmen, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 227 
 
 A Sikh Subadar, . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 240 
 
 The Indian Commissariat at Suakin, 
 
 
 
 
 . 241 
 
 View from my Garden, Abbottabad, 
 
 
 
 
 . 261 
 
 My first Residence at Abbottabad, 
 
 
 
 
 . 262 
 
 Bridge over the Dor, 
 
 
 
 
 294 
 
 A Black Mountaineer, . 
 
 
 
 
 . 306 
 
 Chittabut Peak, Black Mountain, where Maj( 
 
 )r Batt 
 
 ye and 
 
 Captair 
 
 
 Urmston were killed. 
 
 
 
 
 315 
 
 Bilandkot, Black Mountain, 
 
 
 
 
 316 
 
 A Parari Sayad, .... 
 
 
 
 
 317 
 
 The Indus near Thakot, . 
 
 
 
 
 320 
 
 Burning of the Tower of Lora, . 
 
 
 
 
 321 
 
 AnEkka, . . . . . 
 
 
 
 
 325 
 
 A Black Mountaineer, . 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 353 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 It would be difficult to find a more interesting period in the modern 
 history of our Empire than that at which the author of these 
 Memoirs began his career as a military surgeon. Dr. Thornton, 
 recently appointed as a medical officer to the Bengal army, had 
 only passed a few months in the discharge of the duties assigned 
 to him at Benares when the news was spread through India that 
 the native army was in open revolt. The two years which followed, 
 during which the Mutiny lasted, were years of severe apprenticeship 
 in the service of his country. It was an experience which proved 
 in many respects profitable to him. His duties at Cherra Poonjee 
 which followed almost immediately upon his return from the famous 
 expedition to Peking demanded the practical knowledge which the 
 fortunes of war had bestowed. The grave responsibility which 
 devolves upon medical officers at military stations in India is well 
 exemplified in this work. Such an appointment often comprises 
 the medical charge of the jail, the police, and other civil establish- 
 ments of the station, in addition to military obligations. Besides 
 being arduous in the extreme, such a position frequently proves 
 perilous to the health of the officer. During the summer months 
 rain often falls in torrents, and in spite of every precaution the 
 officer in medical charge of a hill station gets wet through fre- 
 quently, and is sometimes laid up by illness. Rain is indeed one 
 of the most relentless foes in tropical climates against which 
 the soldier has to contend. In many an expedition, when the 
 rainy season begins, the men come into hospital every day by 
 
 h 
 
xviii MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 dozens, as it happened in Assam, attacked with malarious fever. 
 At one time during the Bhootan war, so picturesquely described 
 by Dr. Thornton, scarcely a soldier remained in camp who was fit 
 for duty. This Bhootan expedition was indeed remarkable among 
 frontier wars in India for the excessive amount of sickness among 
 the troops. It was quite sufficient, as Dr. Thornton observes, to 
 convince the most sceptical of the existence of some special agent, 
 commonly called malaria, as the chief cause of intermittent and 
 remittent fevers. The fact that the ' chill ' theory was discarded 
 by most, if not all, the medical officers who served with the Bhootan 
 Field Force, is the most incontrovertible argument that can be 
 brought forward. While Dr. Thornton had charge of the station 
 at Julpigoree, his duties were even more arduous than at Cherra 
 Poonjee ; and his practical recommendation of a month's holiday 
 each year to every medical officer, in order to prevent a breakdown 
 in health and the consequent application for leave of absence to 
 Europe on medical certificate, appears well worth consideration at 
 headquarters. 
 
 Another foe against which the military surgeon has to take 
 prompt action is cholera, and Dr. Thornton's account of the out- 
 break of this disease at Arrah in 1873, during the season of intense 
 heat, is extremely suggestive. His plan of placing his cholera 
 patients in empty sheds, at a short distance from the station, was 
 attended with marked success. A supply of pure water is no doubt 
 one of the chief means of preventing these outbreaks ; and where 
 improvements in the water supply to Indian stations have been 
 carried out, it is gratifying to learn from this work that the result 
 has proved satisfactory. 
 
 During the rebellion in Egypt headed by Arabi Pasha, the 
 general hospital of the Indian Division at Suez was admirably 
 managed by Dr. Thornton. The manner in which the beds were 
 
INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 arranged on board the P. and O. steamer in Suez docks showed 
 excellent judgment and foresight. The ship was moored close to 
 the sea wall, and thus presented her broadside to the prevailing 
 wind. Complete ventilation was obtained, and the sanitary state 
 of this floating hospital was perfect from first to last. While Dr. 
 Thornton occupied the position of principal medical officer of the 
 Indian contingent at Suakin he wisely adopted the same plan. 
 A hospital ship was moored in the southern harbour near the shore. 
 Excellent work was done at Suakin, not only in his superintendence 
 of the hospitals, but in the improvement of the sanitary condition 
 of the camps as well as the environs of the town. Lord Wolseley, 
 at the time of his visit to Suakin, spoke of the order and cleanli- 
 ness of the hospitals in the highest terms. Indeed this praise was 
 well deserved, for at that time there had only been six deaths 
 reported in the hospitals of the Indian contingent, two cases being 
 from wounds received in action and four from disease, out of more 
 than 1000 sick and wounded, admitted and treated there since the 
 landing at Suakin. In Lord Wolseley 's despatches relative to the 
 Nile and Suakin expeditions. Dr. Thornton's name was among the 
 list of officers whose services were considered deserving of special 
 mention. 
 
 The value of the recorded experiences in India of men like 
 Dr. Thornton can hardly be overrated ; for they serve admirably 
 to acquaint the British nation with the immense importance of our 
 Indian Possessions, as well as with the overwhelming responsibility 
 such Possessions involve. 
 
 The fact that the British Indian Empire was not established 
 by the democracy which now governs it, nor by any of the monarchs 
 or statesmen who preceded the democracy, goes a long way to 
 explain the surprising indifference regarding these enormous posses- 
 sions displayed by the average Briton and by the various represen- 
 
XX MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 tatives of the British people, be it in Parliament or in the Press. 
 The Indian Empire was the result of the intelligence, the pluck, 
 the enterprise, of a handful of British individuals, and now stands 
 among the many monuments bearing witness to the immense 
 potency of our national character, and to the capabilities of private 
 initiative when unhampered by State interference. If the transfer 
 of the management of our Indian Possessions from the East India 
 Company to the British Government has not evoked a keener interest 
 in them on the part of the British people, the cause must be sought 
 in the turn taken by the political aspirations of the nation during 
 the past half century. In Great Britain, as in most other civilised 
 countries, the progress of art, literature, science, and popular edu- 
 cation fostered irresistible aspirations towards greater political 
 liberty, and, by a long succession of reforms, the masses of Europe 
 have acquired a large share in government. The transference of 
 political power from the classes to the masses has in Great Britain 
 been more complete, more rapid, and especially more peaceful, than 
 in any other country. Theoretically the people had the power since 
 the time of Cromwell, though existing legal restrictions, privileges, 
 and above all political corruption, prevented the masses from turning 
 it to practical account. Thanks to the British Constitution, it 
 was natural that all reforms should be asked for in the name and 
 carried through the influence of the masses. Hence it became 
 necessary for those politicians who were anxious to pass political 
 reforms, or to assume prominent positions, to espouse such causes 
 as really, or apparently, furthered the interests of the masses, and 
 to discard measures, however important to the country, which 
 appeared at all recondite, remote, or abstruse. In this way the 
 parish pump became the all-absorbing object of political attention. 
 The immense importance to the English people of our Colonial 
 Empire, and still more of India, was not a subject that lent itself 
 
INTRODUCTION xxi 
 
 to platform orations. If our Eastern Empire was referred to at 
 the hustings, it was done more frequently with the object of 
 holding it up as a source of weakness and corruption than with any 
 other intent. It was frequently asserted that India had an interest 
 only for the aristocracy, the official and the military classes, who 
 there found the means of enriching themselves, and a pretext for 
 imposing themselves on the British Nation. ' Perish India ' was 
 almost a Party cry, and the Little England Party was almost a 
 power. 
 
 During the last twenty years many events have happened which 
 should have, and no doubt to some extent have, opened the eyes 
 of the parish pump politicians. The experience of almost every 
 civilised State, including those of North and South America, has 
 proved beyond the possibility of doubt the fallaciousness of the 
 supposition that national and democratic government does not 
 suffice to secure prosperity, and that, so far — from no inherent 
 fault in nationalities or democracies, but in consequence of ignor- 
 ance, prejudice, and corruption — economic misery for the masses 
 has been the result. With the examples of Italy, France, the 
 Argentine Republic, and the United States before the world, no 
 sensible man would counsel us to leave India to herself in order to 
 increase her prosperity and our trade. 
 
 The universal Free Trade which was to be the outcome of 
 progress, of general enlightenment, is as far off as ever, and the 
 obstacles to the export of British products have been enormously 
 increased. The few markets that we have under our own control 
 have therefore acquired immense importance. 
 
 Other powerful Continental nations who, some time ago, had no 
 ambition for colonial expansion, now seek to counteract the evil 
 consequences of their foolish economy by aiming at monopolising 
 colonial markets, and there is an universal scramble both for 
 
xxii MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 continents and islets. Many of our self-governed colonies seem 
 fatally bound to repeat all the errors of the old countries, and, 
 by every conceivable economic mistake, to keep down trade with 
 England to a ludicrously small fraction of what it ought to be. 
 The high Protective duties, bad as they are, represent only a part 
 of the obstacles that block the way to British commerce. Far 
 greater evils are the reduced consumption of the colonial popula- 
 tions, the artificial arrest of progress, the bar to healthy immigra- 
 tion, the ruinous indebtedness, the chronic financial troubles ; and 
 many similar effects of perverted economic legislation tend to 
 render the colonies poor markets for British goods. 
 
 It is under such circumstances that the value of a possession 
 like India begins to stand out prominently. It does so all the more 
 when we bear in mind that our present trade with India is entirely 
 in its infancy, and that this immense source of wealth and prosperity 
 is hardly yet essayed. I know that this statement will be looked at 
 askance by those who know India simply by superficial reports, or 
 by those who have visited the country and carried away no other im- 
 pression save that of its apparent poverty. Those who wish to form 
 an adequate idea of what India might be to England, should study 
 that dependency in the light of economy. A time will come when 
 the question of the trade and. prosperity of the British people will 
 take precedence of all the barren Party questions which now mono- 
 polise the best brains of the country, and then the resources of our 
 Indian Empire and how to utilise them will be adequately con- 
 sidered. It would be premature and bootless to enter upon a 
 question of such magnitude. It will suffice to remind those who 
 are interested in economic questions that in India dwell nearly 
 300,000,000 of industrious, frugal, intelligent, honest human 
 beings, eager to produce wealth and to consume British manufac* 
 tured goods to the full extent that their economic conditions 
 
INTRODUCTION xxiii 
 
 permit; that this easily governed population has a strong ten- 
 dency to increase ; that in spite of these enormous numbers, there 
 are in India immense tracts of land waiting for cultivation and 
 irrigation ; that the soil is fertile, the climate intensely fructifying, 
 and the products of the highest value. 
 
 When the British nation is aware of the economic and commer- 
 cial results which may be achieved by a closer and free co-operation 
 between India and these Islands, when India is freed from such 
 obstacles to her prosperity as Protection Duties, the Salt Tax, 
 State money-borrowing, and the ruinous usury system, the life- 
 work of such men as Dr. Thornton will be appreciated at its full 
 value. The doing and daring of such men is made doubly useful 
 when they record in a work like the present one their experience 
 and their observation. For every word that can be written or 
 spoken with the view to evoking a greater interest among our 
 people in our Eastern Empire is invaluable. 
 
 It is natural that different minds should receive different 
 impressions, and that consequently there should be a slight diver- 
 gence in views and appreciations between the many works that 
 have been written in connection with India. As far as I can judge. 
 Dr. Thornton's work acquires a special value from the freedom from 
 prejudice with which he has recorded his views and his observations. 
 As a proof of this it will suffice to call attention to his remarks on 
 the opium question. As a military officer, as a medical man, and 
 as one intimately acquainted with many districts of India, his 
 opinions should carry great weight with many thinking men. 
 Students of sociology will rejoice to find that, on entirely practical 
 grounds. Dr. Thornton's conclusions harmonise completely with 
 those arrived at by their own abstract reasoning. It was to be 
 expected that that class of reasoners who swell our teetotal 
 ranks would cry out for prohibition of the opium traffic in India 
 
xxiv MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 as a panacea against the opium-consuming proclivities of the 
 Hindoo. It was not likely that they would listen to the irrefutable 
 sociological arguments, nor to the conclusions drawn from almost 
 universal experience, all tending to, show that Government prohibi- 
 tion against the use of any article of consumption invariably inten- 
 sifies and vitiates the use of it. It would have been useless to 
 try to convince our fanatical prohibitionists that the tabooing of 
 opium in India on the part of alien rulers, and the application 
 of such supervision as, at the cost of many millions, could be 
 applied to the vast Indian Empire, would unfailingly produce not 
 only a largely increased consumption of opium, but the worst forms 
 of abuse. But the stubborn facts which Dr. Thornton calmly 
 places before the world must convince the prohibitionists that 
 this important question has other aspects than those of senti- 
 mentalism. 
 
 The prohibitionists are not the only faddists to whom India 
 presents the temptation of a vast virgin field for mischievous cant. 
 To judge from certain platform utterances, the long distance 
 which separates England from India alone deprives the latter 
 country of the benefit of an invasion on the part of agitators 
 in favour of all sorts and kinds of social nostrums. As it is, 
 efforts are being made to create in India a demand for repre- 
 sentative Local Government, national Parliaments, and even Home 
 Rule. The impracticability and the danger of fostering such 
 aspirations are clear to all who have a practical or theoretical 
 knowledge of Indian circumstances. But, unfortunately, the ad- 
 vocates of such reforms seem to have as little knowledge of India 
 as they have of the real nature of the panaceas about which they 
 preach. They belong, as a rule, to that school of politicians who, 
 even in Great Britain and Ireland, are bringing about an economic 
 and social retrogression — a school eager to multiply what they 
 
liNTRODUCTION xxv 
 
 mean to be democratic and paternal administrators, but what turn 
 out to be bureaucratic authorities. If these men would only stop 
 to consider the mission of the new governing bodies they are 
 so anxious to create, if they would realise for themselves that 
 the mission of all authorities should be to protect liberty and 
 prosperity, they would considerably modify their doings at home, 
 and understand that these objects could be attained for India 
 through British rule, but never through Socialism in India. 
 
 To incite the natives of India to take the government of the 
 comitry into their own hands would be to emulate the French 
 revolutionary socialists who preach revolution for revolution''s 
 sake, without having a definite programme for reform. A revolu- 
 tion in France would simply bring back the Monarchy or the 
 Empire, but a successful revolt against British rule in India would 
 mean chaos. Dr. Thornton's interesting account of his experiences 
 during the Mutiny, as well as the history of that dreadful period, 
 should deter every true Briton from fanning into a flame any 
 spark of discontent that may show itself. 
 
 It has often been predicted, and especially by England's 
 enemies, that one day India must escape from the leading-strings 
 of Great Britain. It has been pointed out that causes tending 
 towards this result are at work every day. The contact of natives 
 with Europeans, the spread of education, the fading of caste pre- 
 judices, the arising of new sects and religious movements, the grow- 
 ing power of the native press, the increased self-reliance among 
 the native troops springing from flattery, military distinctions, 
 and employment outside the dependency, and the assimilation of 
 socialistic doctrines by the niunerous young Indians who come 
 to complete their education in these Islands — all these facts may 
 well be supposed to pave the way for an independent Indian 
 Empire in the distant future. On the other hand, those who 
 
xxvi MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 believe in the endurance of our Eastern Empire say that these 
 very signs of progress in India tend to strengthen England's hold, 
 because with more enlightenment, with more freedom from pre- 
 judice, the natives will better appreciate the advantages of British 
 rule, and wisely recommend the gradual removal of all causes of 
 poverty, suffering, and discontent with our Government. Such 
 an aim has no doubt been pursued by the successive British 
 administrations, but, strange to say, there is one great fundamental 
 cause of widespread misery and untold suffering among the natives, 
 the removal of which seems never to have been taken into con- 
 sideration by either Englishmen or Anglo-Indians — I refer to the 
 atrocious usury system which crushes the producers in India, which 
 renders their life a burden, which compels British officials and 
 British soldiers to act the part of extortionists against the poor 
 debtors on behalf of the merciless usurers. 
 
 That Dr. Thornton, a military and medical man, has not paid 
 any special attention to this vile system of usury or its ruinous 
 effect on the natives, on Indian finances, and on British trade, can well 
 be understood. But that the administrators of India, experienced 
 English financiers, university economists, pragmatical philan- 
 thropists, merchants and shipowners in search of business, should 
 have paid hardly any attention to the fundamental cause of 
 poverty in India is at the least, be it said, surprising. 
 
 It seems that Anglo-Indians look upon the usury system not 
 as the outcome of bad economic legislation and pernicious State- 
 meddling, but as an indispensable feature of civilisation on Indian 
 soil. Even when forcibly brought under their notice, they seem 
 to say, ' Kismet, kismet,' and think no more about it. Thus, for 
 instance, an old retired Anglo-Indian who in conversation enumer- 
 ated the causes of discontent among the Indian people did not 
 refer to usury at all. When asked whether the system was not 
 
INTRODUCTION xxvii 
 
 a most pernicious one, he said it certainly was, and that even his 
 success in life had been marred by it. He then told how once, in 
 an up-country station, he was obliged to raise a large amount in 
 cash, and how the native money-lender charged him fifty per cent, 
 interest per annum, and thus rendered the repayment of the capital 
 with the interest an extremely slow and difficult matter. He is 
 probably not the only Englishman who has thus been severely struck 
 by a calamity which he is in part instrumental in perpetuating 
 among the struggling natives. 
 
 It is strange that in times like these the great majority of 
 Anglo-Indian officials who have seen their income dwindle in 
 consequence of the fall in silver, should not have looked to the 
 abolition of the usury system as the most practical means for the 
 redress of this great grievance. They have a moral right to a 
 nominal increase in their emoluments, and, if they do not get 
 it, it is because the Indian Budget does not allow of it, the 
 prosperity of the dependency standing at too low an ebb. Once 
 the usury system is superseded by more rational financing, the 
 prosperity of India will permit justice to be done to the officials, 
 and enable British merchants to realise profits large enough to 
 stand such fluctuations in the rates of exchange as henceforth are 
 probable. 
 
 But, instead of any such attempt to strike at the chief cause 
 of bad Budgets, it is exasperating to find that our Government has 
 thought fit to fall back on American currency tamperings at the 
 very time when the evil consequences of such manoeuvres have 
 been made manifest to the whole civilised world. Havino: said 
 this much on Indian finance, I feel bound to add that Dr. 
 Thornton merits the gratitude of his readers in having carefully 
 avoided any reference to this vexed and much bemuddled rupee 
 question. 
 
xxviii MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 If politicians, financiers, and business men, connected with 
 India, would expend the same amount of thought and observation 
 within their spheres, as Dr. Thornton has in his, we should witness 
 a prosperity in India which would outstrip anything experienced 
 either in ancient or modern States. 
 
 A. EGMONT HAKE. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 My medical education — I obtain an appointment as assistant-surgeon in the East 
 India Company's service — My voyage to India round the Cape — First impres- 
 sions of Calcutta — Brief sketch of the city — My journey up the country- 
 Description of Benares — I pass the language examination and obtain medical 
 charge of a native infantry regiment — My march to Allahabad and back — Dak 
 bungalows — I am transferred to a battery of artillery. 
 
 I ENTERED OS a medical student at King's College, London, in 
 the spring of 1851, and matriculated at the University of London 
 the same year. After going through the usual courses of lectures^ 
 and hospital attendance for two years, I passed the first examina- 
 tion for the degree of M.B. A year later I took the degree of 
 B.A. with honoui-s, thanks chiefly to the excellent education I had 
 received as a boy at Chatham House, Ramsgate. In 1855 I passed 
 the examination for the membership of the Royal College of 
 Surgeons of England, and on the completion of my professional 
 studies at King's College, I was made an associate of that in- 
 stitution. 
 
 I then began to look about me for employment. Circumstances, 
 as well as inclination, prompted me to enter some branch of the 
 public medical service, at home or abroad, and at that time the 
 Indian Medical Service was by far the most attractive. Accord- 
 ingly I applied for an appointment as assistant-surgeon on the 
 Bengal Medical Establishment, which had been placed at the dis- 
 posal of the Council of King's College by one of the Directors of 
 the East India Company. 
 
 I was so fortunate as to be selected by the Council out of 
 
 A 
 
• » » • 
 • . • • • V 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 several applicants for that appointment, but for some months I was 
 unable to take it up, as I had not reached the age of twenty-two, 
 below which no one could be admitted into the service. I took 
 advantage of the delay by passing the second and final examina- 
 tion for the degree of M.B. at the University of London in 
 November 1855. 
 
 Having taken up my appointment, I embarked at Gravesend for 
 Calcutta in the ship Contest, on the 16th of March 1856. The 
 vessel was not a regular passenger ship, and there were only two 
 passengers besides myself, both of them young officers proceeding 
 to join their regiments. The voyage to Calcutta occupied about 
 three months and a half, and but little occurred to vary its 
 monotony. We sighted land only once. On that occasion we 
 were becalmed, and lay for several hours off the island of Tristan 
 da Cunha, in the South Atlantic Ocean, midway between South 
 America and the Cape of Good Hope. Tristan da Cunha is a 
 rocky mountain rising abruptly from the sea to a height of nearly 
 8000 feet, with a mass of cloud generally resting upon its summit. 
 It is sterile, rugged, and inaccessible, except at one or two points, 
 where a landing can sometimes be effected. It is often visited by 
 severe storms, and, indeed, a more forbidding and inhospitable 
 spot could hardly be found in any part of the world. 
 
 Although we lay off the island for several hours, we were not 
 permitted to land, as our captain expected a gale to spring up 
 shortly. However, several of the European settlers, whose white 
 cottages we could distinguish near the landing-place, came off to 
 us in a boat with fish and vegetables, in return for which we gave 
 them sundry stores, clothes, etc., of which they stood in need. 
 For such necessaries they appeared to depend in a great measure 
 upon the visits of passing ships, though a vessel was sent to them 
 from the Cape once or twice a year. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS S 
 
 A few miles distant was Inaccessible Island, less lofty than 
 Tristan da Cunha, but surrounded on all sides by towering cliffs, 
 which seemed to render a landing almost impossible. Never- 
 theless, two German sailors are said to have somehow gained access 
 to the island, and to have lived there for a time. After leaving 
 these islands we had a fine run towards the Cape. We did not 
 touch there, however, but passed round four or five hundred miles 
 to the southward. The weather now became very cold, and the 
 ship was attended by numbers of gulls, albatrosses, and other sea 
 birds, which gradually fell off and disappeared as we turned our 
 course northward and sailed into warmer latitudes. The rest of 
 the voyage was uneventful ; fine weather prevailed, and we arrived 
 at the mouth of the Hooghly River on the 28th of June 1856. 
 
 Several of us went ashore at Kedgeree in one of the ship's 
 boats, while she lay at anchor waiting till the tide should serve 
 for going up the river. When we started to return, both wind 
 and tide were against us, and it was only with great difficulty and 
 after a long weary pull that we at length regained our vessel. We 
 then continued on our way up the muddy waters of the Hooghly, 
 anchored at Diamond Harbour on the 29th, and reached Calcutta 
 on the 30th of June. 
 
 I was much struck by the beauty of the river banks for some 
 distance below Calcutta, the Botanical Gardens and Bishop''s 
 College occupying the right bank, while the mansions of Garden 
 Reach were scattered at intervals along the left. The appearance 
 of the city from the river was very imposing, and at a distance it 
 seemed indeed a ' City of Palaces.' A closer view, however, pro- 
 duced a very different impression, and we were disappointed as 
 well as disgusted with the state of the city, where foul odours and 
 loathsome sights met us at every turn. At that time the river 
 was used by the natives for the disposal of their dead, and coi-pses 
 
4 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 in different stages of decay were continually floating about, with 
 vultures devouring them. The drains of the city were exposed, 
 refuse of all sorts remained in the streets, there was no proper 
 water-supply, and hardly any attempt at sanitation. Scavenging 
 was partly performed by the gigantic storks {Leptoptilus argala), 
 popularly termed 'adjutants.' These immense birds, five or six feet 
 high, were to be seen in all directions walking about the streets, or 
 perched on the buildings, where they would often stand motionless 
 for hours on one leg. They speedily disposed of dead animals and 
 offal, and so useful were they found that a legal enactment was 
 passed for their protection, and any person destroying one of them 
 was rendered liable to a fine of fifty rupees. Of late years they 
 have mostly left Calcutta, probably owing to the improvement in 
 the sanitary state of the city, and it is rather rare to see any of 
 them there. Numbers of jackals and 'pariah" dogs were also to 
 be met with about the city, the former usually appearing in the 
 evening and making night hideous by their unearthly cries. The 
 latter prowled about the streets in the daytime in search of food, 
 or lay curled up, sleeping on the heaps of dust and refuse lying 
 about in all directions. They took no notice of the natives among 
 whom they lived, but the appearance of any one in European dress 
 was quite sufficient to provoke their hostility and raise a chorus of 
 shrill angry barks. These animals performed an important part 
 in consuming the offal and refuse of the city, in conjunction with 
 the 'adjutants,'' kites, and crows, which abounded everywhere. 
 
 Calcutta was founded in 1686 by Governor Charnock, whose 
 name is still preserved in 'Achanak,' the native appellation of 
 the neighbouring station of Barrackpore. By 1700 the place had 
 increased in importance, in consequence of the Mogul Emperor 
 Aurungzebe having granted the Company three villages around 
 their factories. These were fortified and named Fort William, in 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 5 
 
 honour of King William iii. The settlement continued to increase 
 in population and importance until 1756, when it was suddenly 
 attacked by the forces of Suraj-ood-Daula,^ Nawab of Bengal, and 
 taken after a brief defence, which was rendered unavailing by the 
 cowardly desertion of the Governor. Most of the garrison 
 perished in a room, since known as the ' Black Hole,** where they 
 were confined during the night, and Calcutta remained in the 
 power of the Nawab for several months, when it was retaken by 
 Clive and Admiral Watson. From that time its progress was 
 rapid and unchecked, and in 1772 it became the seat of the 
 Supreme Government of British India. The population, including 
 that of Howrah and the other suburbs, is now in all probability 
 little short of a million. 
 
 The city extends for several miles along the banks of the River 
 Hooghly, and is connected with Howrah by a splendid bridge. 
 It contains many fine buildings, notably Government House, the 
 residence of the Viceroy of India, built in the beginning of this 
 century by the Marquis Wellesley, the Cathedral, the High Court, 
 the Medical College, Post Office, Museum, etc. A prominent 
 feature of Calcutta is the 'Maidan,' an extensive grassy plain 
 lying between the city and the river. In this plain, near the 
 river, stands Fort William, the largest and most important fortress 
 in India, covering a space of about two square miles. A broad 
 road, the Esplanade, stretches along the bank of the river, passing 
 Fort William and the Eden Gardens ; it is continuous with the 
 Strand, which is carried on for a considerable distance further 
 between the city and the river. On the land side the ' Maidan ' is 
 bounded by another fine thoroughfare called Chowringhee Road, 
 containing many of the best houses in Calcutta. In front of this 
 
 ^ The British soldiers of the period are said to have turned the Nawab's name 
 into Sir Roger Dowler ! 
 
6 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 road are seen, in different parts of the ' Maidan,'' the Presidency 
 Jail, the Cathedral, and a lofty column erected in honour of 
 General Sir David Ochterlony, the conqueror of Nepaul. Facing 
 the 'Maidan^ to the north are the High Court, Government 
 House, and other imposing buildings, while to the south are seen 
 the General Hospital, the Lunatic Asylums, and the suburb of 
 Kidderpore. East of Chowringhee Road are many streets, consist- 
 ing chiefly of European residences, and to the north of Govern- 
 ment House lies the business quarter of Calcutta, containing 
 handsome shops, large hotels, splendid banks, and extensive houses 
 of business of every description. Beyond these is the large and 
 densely populated native city, with its crowded lanes and busy 
 markets, and surrounding the whole is Circular Road, which may 
 be regarded as the boundary of the city on the land side. 
 
 Calcutta has been vastly improved in many respects since I 
 landed there in 1856, and perhaps the most important and valu- 
 able alteration was the introduction of a supply of excellent drink- 
 ing water in 1865. Previously cholera had always been very 
 prevalent and fatal in the city, but since that measure was carried 
 out the disease became less frequent and less severe, and a steady 
 improvement took place in the general health of the population. 
 
 On landing I at once reported my arrival to the military and 
 medical authorities, and received orders to do duty in the General 
 Hospital of Calcutta, where quarters were provided for newly 
 joined medical officers. I accordingly took up my abode there 
 and commenced my duties, which at first consisted merely in 
 visiting the wards with the resident medical officers of the hospital, 
 observing their practice, and making myself acquainted with Indian 
 hospital routine. I also engaged a ' moonshee "* (native teacher of 
 languages), and set to work to learn Hindustani, in which I had 
 to pass an examination before I could hold any native medical 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 7 
 
 appointment. As I had taken a few lessons in the language before 
 leaving home, and had worked at it during the voyage, I soon 
 made satisfactory progress, and by the time I quitted Calcutta I 
 was nearly ready to pass the colloquial examination in Hindu- 
 stani, which at that time qualified Indian medical officers for native 
 charges. 
 
 After remaining at the General Hospital for about two months, 
 I received orders to proceed to Benares, and to report myself to 
 the superintending surgeon (administrative medical officer) of that 
 circle for duty. I left Calcutta by train in company with a 
 brother officer of my own standing who was also ordered to 
 Benares. At that time railway construction had but recently 
 commenced in India, and the East Indian Railway, by which we 
 travelled, did not extend beyond Raneegunge, a distance of about 
 120 miles. Crowds of natives assembled to witness the arrival and 
 departure of the trains, and hung over the bridges to see them 
 pass. The prevailing notion among them on the subject of 
 railways appeared to be that the British were powerful magicians, 
 who had demons imprisoned in the engines, and compelled by 
 enchantments to run the trains in obedience to their masters' will I 
 
 A few hours' journey through the rice fields and palm groves 
 of Bengal brought us to Raneegunge, then the terminus of the 
 railway, where we had to leave the train and do the rest of our 
 journey in a four-wheeled conveyance known as a ' palki-gharry."* 
 This resembled a large palanquin on wheels, and accommodated 
 two persons, who could lie at full length side by side without in- 
 convenience. The baggage was placed on the roof, and in a well 
 below the centre of the carriage, covered by a stiff cushion, which 
 with two others formed a bed for the travellers. The conveyance 
 was drawn by a pair of ponies, usually half starved and in wretched 
 condition. When the ponies were harnessed and put in it was 
 
8 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 often very difficult to get them to start. They would back, rear, 
 lie down, and play all manner of tricks to avoid starting, so that 
 for some minutes the united efforts of the driver and several other 
 men would be unavailing. At last the ponies would spring 
 forward with a jerk that occasionally snapped the traces, and 
 would tear away along the road at the top of their speed with the 
 heavy carriage swaying and jolting behind them in a way that was 
 rather trying to the nerves of the passengers, though as a matter 
 of fact accidents very rarely happened. This speed was often kept 
 up for the whole stage, the ponies only stopping when the next 
 halting place was reached. There the panting, perspiring animals 
 were unharnessed and turned loose to graze, while a fresh pair was 
 brought forward to take their place. 
 
 Three days of such travelling brought us to Benares, where I 
 was kindly received and put up with the old-fashioned hospitality 
 then prevailing in India by Dr. Brougham, the surgeon of the 
 37th Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry, to which corps I was 
 attached for duty. At that time the garrison of Benares consisted 
 of the 37th and 67th Regiments of Bengal Native Infantry, the 
 Loodhiana Regiment (chiefly consisting of Sikhs), the 13th Ir- 
 regular Cavalry, and the Second company. Third Battalion of 
 Bengal Artillery (British soldiers). The cantonment of the 
 troops, the Courts of Justice, the Treasury, and the residences of 
 the civil and military officers were situated on a plain called 
 Secrole, a little distance to the north of the city, which extended 
 for several miles along the north bank of the Ganges. 
 
 Benares is one of the most ancient cities in the world, and was 
 founded in prehistoric times. It is known to have been a large 
 and populous city twenty-five centuries ago. For several centuries 
 it was the centre of Buddhism, but subsequently Brahmanism 
 gained the upper hand, and ever since Benares has been the chief 
 
10 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 seat of that religion. Hiouen Thsaiig, the Chinese pilgrim who 
 visited Benares in the seventh century a.d., described it as contain- 
 ing thirty Buddhist monasteries with three thousand monks, and 
 about one hundred Hindu temples. It now contains considerably 
 more than two hundred thousand inhabitants, four-fifths of whom 
 are Hindus. The buildings are mostly constructed of Chunar 
 stone, the houses are several stories high, and the streets are 
 narrow and winding, so that wheeled conveyances cannot pass, 
 and it is often difficult to ride. There are a great number of 
 Hindu temples, often profusely decorated with carvings of flowers, 
 palm branches, animals, and scenes from Hindu mythology. One 
 of these temples has its domes covered with gold leaf, presenting 
 a dazzling appearance. The monkey temple is, perhaps, the most 
 remarkable of all; it contains innumerable monkeys, which are 
 continually receiving food from the crowds of worshippers who 
 come to pay their devotions to the monkey god, Hanuman. There 
 are also many Mohammedan mosques in the city, the principal one 
 being the celebrated mosque of Aurungzebe, whose lofty minarets, 
 150 feet high, overlook the whole city, and are visible at a great 
 distance. At the base of this mosque are many carved stones 
 taken from Hindu temples, which were built into the foundation 
 of the mosque by order of the Mogul Emperor to signify the 
 triumph of Islamism over Hinduism. 
 
 The appearance of Benares from the Ganges is very imposing ; 
 the city rises from the river in the form of an amphitheatre with 
 many fine 'ghats,' or flights of stone steps, descending into the 
 water. These are generally crowded with bathers and worshippers. 
 The streets of the city present a busy and animated scene, being 
 thronged with buyers and sellers, religious mendicants of every 
 sort, and pilgrims from all parts of India. Brahminy bulls, set 
 free as a meritorious act by pious Hindus, wander slowly through 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 11 
 
 the streets, eating their fill from the baskets of the grain dealers, 
 who dare not prevent them, but humbly entreat them to pass on, 
 saying, ' O great king, be pleased to depart from me ' ! Benares is 
 a wealthy city and has a consider- 
 able trade. Silk, shawls, brass ware, 
 lacquered toys, gold filigree work, 
 and embroidered cloths are manu- 
 factured there, and quantities of 
 English piece goods are sold. There 
 is also a large trade in the saltpetre, 
 indigo, and sugar produced in the 
 surrounding district. Many rich a mendicant 
 
 Hindus in the decline of life retire to Benares to spend their 
 remaining days in this holy spot and to wash away their sins in 
 the sacred Ganges. They give away much money in charity, and 
 so attract numbers of religious mendicants from all parts of the 
 country. 
 
 Soon after my arrival at Benares I passed the colloquial 
 examination in Hindustani, and as Dr. Brougham had taken 
 leave of absence, I obtained the temporary medical charge of the 
 37th Native Infantry and the Brigade Staff. At the close of the 
 year I was transferred to the 67th Native Infantry, which was 
 about to march to Agra in course of relief. I proceeded with this 
 regiment as far as Allahabad, where I was relieved by another 
 medical officer and directed to return to Benares. I returned by 
 regular marches, taking my baggage with me in a bullock cart, 
 and halting for the night at the dak bungalows, or travellers^ 
 rest houses, along the road. These dak bungalows have been 
 built at regular stages along all the principal roads in India, and 
 many of the district roads also. They usually contain separate 
 accommodation for two persons, and are provided with bedsteads. 
 
12 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 tables, chairs, crockery, glass, knives, forks, and spoons, and cook- 
 ing utensils, all of which are in charge of a ' khansama,' or butler, 
 who receives travellers, shows them their rooms, and prepares their 
 meals. Bedding is not provided in these establishments, as it is 
 the custom in India for travellers to use their own. The daily 
 charge for a room in any dak bungalow is one rupee, and it is 
 customary to give a small present to the khansama on leaving. No 
 traveller is allowed to remain beyond twenty-four hours if his room 
 should be required for a later arrival, but generally a compromise 
 is effected and the room shared. 
 
 On reaching Benares I was placed in temporary medical charge 
 of the Regiment of Loodhiana, an irregular corps principally com- 
 posed of Sikhs, but also containing in its ranks a considerable 
 number of Hindustanis. I remained with this regiment until the 
 arrival of the medical officer who had been permanently posted to 
 it, and who proved to be Dr. H. D. Jones, an old King's College 
 man, whom I had known when we were both students at that 
 institution. I was then appointed to the medical charge of the 
 Second company, Third Battalion Bengal Artillery, with which 
 corps I remained for the rest of my stay at Benares. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Commencement of the Indian Mutiny — Its causes— Alarm at Benares — Fire in the 
 native lines — We are reinforced from Dinapore — Outbreak at Benares ending in 
 repulse of the mutineers — Arrival of General Havelock — Good conduct of the 
 native servants in 1857 — News of the fall of Cawnpore — I am ordered down to 
 Calcutta and attached to H.M. 5th Fusiliers — I accompany their first detach- 
 ment, proceeding up the Ganges by steamer and flat — We reach Dinapore the 
 day after the mutiny there — We land at Buxar and join Major Vincent Eyre — 
 Defeat of the mutineers near Arrah and relief of the garrison — Capture of 
 Jugdispore — We return to Buxar and resume our voyage up the Ganges — 
 Cholera among our men — Incident at Mirzapore — We reach Allahabad, where 
 I am laid up for some time from the effects of an accident. 
 
 In the meantime the preparations for the great outbreak of 
 mutiny in the native army had been going on quietly for several 
 months. They were conducted with such secrecy that our Govern- 
 ment had no suspicion of what was impending, although the 
 mutiny of the 19th Bengal Native Infantry at Berhampore, and 
 that of the 34th at Barrackpore a little later, ought to have 
 opened their eyes to the real state of the native army. These 
 events, which happened several months before the general out- 
 break, astonished me considerably and roused an uneasy feeling in 
 my mind, though I had no idea of what was coming. 
 
 Various causes have been assigned for this singular upheaval, 
 such as the great preponderance of Brahmans in the ranks of the 
 native army; its great superiority in numbers over the British 
 forces in India; the impairment of its discipline by injudicious 
 curtailment of the powers of commanding officers ; the withdrawal 
 of various privileges previously enjoyed by the native soldiers ; the 
 injury to our prestige caused by the disasters in Afghanistan in 
 
14 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 1842 ; the alleged wrongs of certain native chiefs ; the supposed 
 interference of the British Government with the right of adoption ; 
 the annexation of Oudh ; and lastly the introduction of the greased 
 cartridges, which raised a suspicion among the native soldiers that 
 the Government were plotting to destroy their caste. All these 
 causes, no doubt, had their share in bringing about the Indian 
 Mutiny, but they would scarcely have done more than produce 
 discontent, or perhaps one or two isolated outbreaks, had they 
 not been cleverly taken advantage of by Mohammedan conspirators, 
 who succeeded in producing a temporary union with the Hindus, 
 both parties sinking their respective differences in order to destroy 
 British rule. This combination met with a large measure of 
 success, and would doubtless have been still more successful had 
 not the outbreak of mutiny at Meerut taken place several weeks 
 before the appointed time, and so upset the plans of the con- 
 spirators, who had arranged that the native troops should mutiny 
 simultaneously at every station on the same day. 
 
 The news of the mutinies at Meerut and Delhi on the 10th 
 and 11th of May 1857, and the massacre of so many of our people 
 without distinction of age or sex, came upon us at Benares like a 
 thunderclap, and showed us at once the peril of our own position. 
 We had three native regiments at Benares, the 37th Native 
 Infantry, the Regiment of Loodhiana, and the 13th Irregular 
 Cavalry, while to hold them in check we only had the British 
 battery to which I was attached, and half of this had been sent to 
 Dinapore a short time before. However, it was hoped that the 
 Sikhs of the Loodhiana Regiment would remain faithful and pre- 
 vent any rising among the other native troops. The anxiety and 
 alarm among the British residents at Benares during this period of 
 suspense may be readily imagined. Some took a very gloomy view 
 of our situation, and I remember one of them remarking, ' It is 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 15 
 
 a mere question of time ; we shall be all massacred.' The station 
 was full of European women and children, and there was no fort 
 or strong position where they could be placed in safety and success- 
 fully defended. Any attempt to fortify a house for this purpose 
 would very likely have precipitated the outbreak, so we could do 
 nothing but await British reinforcements, which it was hoped 
 would arrive from Dinapore in time to prevent or suppress any 
 hostile movement among the native troops. 
 
 One night a fire broke out in the native lines, and as this was 
 generally the precursor of mutiny, we quite expected that our turn 
 had come ; indeed there could not have been a better opportunity, 
 as most of the British officers of the garrison assembled at the 
 scene of the fire, and might have been easily disposed of. Fortu- 
 nately for us no outbreak took place and the night ended quietly. 
 
 For ten days we were literally at the mercy of the native 
 troops, but dissensions among them most probably delayed the 
 mutiny and so saved the British residents at Benares from a 
 general massacre. At length, to our great relief, we were rein- 
 forced by about 200 British soldiers from Dinapore, chiefly men of 
 the 10th Foot. Colonel Neill arrived from Calcutta a day or two 
 after with a few men of his regiment, the 1st Madras Fusiliers, and 
 he induced Brigadier Ponsonby, who commanded the station, to 
 order a parade on the following day for the purpose of disarming 
 the native troops. The necessary arrangements were made and 
 the parade was held on the afternoon of the 4th of June 1857, 
 but as soon as the men of the 37th Native Infantry perceived that 
 they were to be disarmed, they broke out into open mutiny and 
 fired upon their officers and the British troops. A sharp engage- 
 ment followed ; the fire of the British infantry and guns soon 
 drove the mutineers into the shelter of their lines, where they 
 maintained themselves until the thatched roofs were set on fire, 
 
16 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 and the mud huts thus rendered untenable. Then they retreated 
 from tlie station by the Jaunpore road, most likely with the inten- 
 tion of marching into Oiidh and joining the mutineers in that 
 province. In the meantime the Loodhiana Regiment and the 
 13th Irregular Cavalry also mutinied ; the former shot several 
 officers and charged the guns, but were repulsed by volleys of grape, 
 and at last retreated from the station, taking the Jaunpore road. 
 The Irregular Cavalry killed their commanding officer^ plundered a 
 few houses, and then left the station. 
 
 As medical officers had not been ordered to attend the parade 
 I had remained at home, but on hearing the firing I knew what 
 had happened and started immediately, in company with another 
 medical officer, to join the British troops. Before we had gone 
 half way to the barracks we met numbers of the 37th Sepoys 
 retreating from the scene of action, and we were thus compelled 
 to take refuge in the house of Colonel Gordon, commandant of 
 the Loodhiana Regiment, where we found several ladies and other 
 people assembled under the protection of a Sikh guard. We had 
 to remain there until the mutineers had quitted the station, and 
 then we proceeded to the barracks of the British soldiers, where 
 most of the European residents had already collected. I found 
 that several men of my battery had been wounded in the action, 
 and that some officers of the garrison had also been wounded, one 
 of them dangerously. Attending to them kept me employed up to 
 a late hour, and it was near midnight before I could think of sleep. 
 Then I lay down to rest in a masonry gutter outside the barracks, 
 having fortunately found a piece of a kus-kus tattie ^ which served 
 me as a mattress, and slept soundly till daybreak. 
 
 Next day and for some time afterwards we remained at the 
 barracks, and the ladies of the station with their families were 
 
 ^ See p. 174. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 17 
 
 collected at the Mint under a guard, as it was not considered safe 
 for them to remain in houses at a distance from the quarters of 
 the British troops. The country around Benares was in a state of 
 anarchy, and frequently we saw in the distance the flames of burning 
 villages which had been set on fire by bands of robbers. However, 
 no attack was made upon the station, though there were frequent 
 reports describing an attack as imminent, and it was soon ascer- 
 tained beyond a doubt that the Benares mutineers had marched 
 into Oudh to join the rebel army in that province. 
 
 Shortly after the occurrence of the mutiny at Benares, General 
 Havelock arrived there from Calcutta. He reviewed the troops 
 and gave them great praise for their gallant conduct on the 4th 
 of June in repulsing and driving from the station a rebel force so 
 greatly superior in numbers. The general soon after went on to 
 Allahabad, to which point all available British troops were being 
 pushed on as rapidly as possible. 
 
 A prophecy had long been current among the natives, declaring 
 that the dominion of the East India Company would come to an 
 end in a century from the date of the battle of Plassey, 23rd of 
 June 1757. As the 23rd of June 1857 drew near, a report became 
 prevalent in the Benares garrison that the native cooks and table 
 servants had formed a plot to poison the British officers and soldiers 
 on that day. Some actually believed this and altogether abstained 
 from food and drink on the appointed day. The great majority, 
 however (including myself), took their meals as usual and re- 
 mained unharmed, so that the plot evidently never existed save in 
 the imagination of some alarmists. The credit of the prophecy 
 was considered to have been saved by the transfer of the govern- 
 ment of India to the Crown of Great Britain in 1858, which put 
 an end to the rule of the East India Company. 
 
 I must here pay a tribute of praise to the admirable conduct of 
 
18 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the majority of native domestics in the service of Europeans in 
 India during this crisis. With few exceptions they remained 
 faithful to their employers, and in many cases they displayed 
 great courage and devotion at the risk of their own lives. During 
 the night which followed the mutiny at Benares it would have 
 been easy for the native servants to have plundered the houses of 
 the British residents (who were collected at the barracks) and to 
 have speedily decamped, but they all remained at their posts and 
 took care of their masters' property. 
 
 About the beginning of July we received the first intelligence 
 of the fall of Cawnpore and the destruction of its unfortunate 
 defenders. Intense and painful excitement was caused by the 
 magnitude of the disaster and the horrors by which it was 
 attended. The massacre of nearly a thousand people, more than 
 half of them women and children, was an appalling catastrophe 
 which overshadowed all others and cast a deep gloom over the 
 whole Anglo-Indian community. 
 
 In the early part of July I received orders to go down at once 
 to Calcutta, medical officers being required there for duty with 
 British troops proceeding up country to join General Havelock's 
 force. I was accompanied by Dr. Hayes, a brother officer who 
 had received similar orders, and we travelled to Raneegunge by 
 palki-gharry. The journey down was attended with consider- 
 able risk, as the whole country was in a disturbed state, and 
 armed bands of rebels were prowling about in different directions. 
 However, we had to take the risk, as no escort could be spared to 
 go with us, and after several alarms, which fortunately proved 
 groundless, we arrived safely at Raneegunge, and went on by train 
 to Calcutta. There we found a discreditable panic prevailing 
 among the European residents, many of whom actually lived on 
 board the ships in the river, not thinking themselves safe on shore! 
 
J . 
 
 u 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 CL, 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 "; 
 
 ^ 
 
 •</ 
 
 < 
 
 i'.w 
 
 H 
 
 ^ 1 '. 
 
 <: 
 
 ' •■ '■ 
 
 ffi 
 
 ' 
 
 o 
 
 If 
 
 
 f.-. 
 
 <: 
 
 ■■.j^|m. 
 
 
 <j 
 
 ■ ■ '■'■^i.i' 
 
 S 
 
9,0 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 They would hardly believe that we had come down from Benares 
 by ourselves in a palki-gharry. 
 
 After staying a day or two at Calcutta, I was directed to do 
 duty with H.M. 5th Fusiliers at Chinsura, a few miles north of 
 Calcutta, and I joined the same evening. After two or three days 
 I left Chinsura with the first detachment of that regiment, 160 
 strong, which was sent up the Ganges to Allahabad in a flat towed 
 by the river steamer James Hume. The party was commanded by 
 Captain L'Estrange (mortally wounded at the relief of Lucknow 
 soon afterwards), and accompanied by five other officers. The 
 rainy season had set in, and the river was full, so that we had no 
 difficulty from sandbanks or shoal water. But the strength of the 
 current delayed us considerably, and sometimes our steam power 
 was insufficient to tow the heavy flat against it, so that we were 
 actually at a standstill, or even slowly forced back, though steam- 
 ing our hardest. On one or two occasions of this kind we were 
 compelled to anchor, or to avoid the main current of the river by 
 using other channels, or by passing across the inundated plains on 
 either side of the river. 
 
 On reaching Caragola Ghat in the Purneah district, we 
 received an urgent application for help from the residents of the 
 station of Purneah, and a small party of our men were accordingly 
 sent to their assistance. After this nothing of any consequence 
 occurred until we reached Dinapore, at that time the headquarters 
 of a division of the Bengal army. We found the station in a 
 state of great excitement and confusion on account of the mutiny 
 of the native troops (the 7th, 8th, and 40th Regiments of Bengal 
 Infantry), which had occurred the day before. The mutineers had 
 got off* without any loss, and had taken the road to the River Sone, 
 intending to cross into the Shahabad district. The James Hume^ 
 with part of our detachment, was sent round into the Sone (which 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 21 
 
 falls into the Ganges a few miles to the west of Dinapore) to 
 prevent the rebels from crossing, but unfortunately we could not 
 go up the Sone far enough owing to the shallowness of the water, 
 and we were forced to return, after seeing the mutineers crossing 
 the river in great numbers and burning the houses of some 
 European planters and engineers that stood near. Next day we 
 left Dinapore, and continued on our way up the Ganges, making 
 rather slow progress in consequence of the strength of the current. 
 
 On reaching Buxar we found another steamer there with a 
 half battery of Bengal Artillery, under the command of Major 
 Vincent Eyre. That officer at once entered into communication 
 with Captain L''Estrange, and an expedition was concerted to 
 relieve the residents of Arrah, who were still closely besieged in a 
 fortified house, the relieving force from Dinapore having been 
 completely defeated by the enemy. We accordingly set out from 
 Buxar the same evening, the strength of our little force being 
 about 140 British infantry, 40 artillerymen, and perhaps 20 
 mounted volunteers, in all about 200 men, with two 9-pounder 
 guns and a 24-pounder howitzer drawn by bullocks. We took 
 hardly any baggage with us except tents, bedding, and com- 
 missariat stores for the expedition. 
 
 We made three marches towards Arrah, which is about forty- 
 five miles distant from Buxar, without seeing anything of the 
 enemy, except one of their spies, who was pursued and killed by the 
 volunteer cavalry. But soon after we had quitted our encamping 
 ground, early on the morning of the fourth day of our march, we 
 encountered the enemy in force near the village of Guj raj gunge, a 
 few miles to the west of Arrah. The road passed through a flat 
 country, thickly studded with groves of mango trees, which were 
 occupied by the enemy on every side, so that as our little force 
 advanced, we were soon attacked on both flanks as well as in front. 
 
22 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 A heavy fire of musketry was opened upon us from the woods, but 
 fortunately it was ill directed and produced little effect. We 
 replied with a steady artillery fire of shell and round shot, which 
 cleared the woods near us, and our infantry, disposed in skirmish- 
 ing order, kept up a fire with their Enfield rifles upon such bodies 
 of the enemy as were in sight. As we advanced along the road, 
 the rebels closed in upon our rear, capturing the elephants that 
 carried our tents and baggage, which we were unable to protect 
 with our scanty force. 
 
 We were soon completely surrounded by large masses of the 
 enemy, including the 7th, 8th, and 40th Regiments of Bengal 
 Native Infantry, who had mutinied at Dinapore, the irregular 
 forces of Kooer Singh, an insurgent landholder of the district, and 
 great numbers of pensioners and sepoys on leave of absence, 
 making up an armed multitude of about 6000 men, many of 
 whom had Enfield rifles, which they had taken from the un- 
 fortunate Dinapore force. Our position was very critical, and had 
 the enemy made a proper use of their immense superiority of 
 numbers and boldly closed in upon us, we must have been over- 
 whelmed. Fortunately for us they had no artillery, and our three 
 guns, which were admirably served, made such havoc among them 
 that they did not attempt to close, but kept up a heavy fire of 
 musketry upon us on every side. We suffered from their fire 
 much less than might have been expected, and we continued to 
 advance in the direction of Arrah until our progress was arrested 
 by a small river, the bridge over which was broken, while the 
 village of Beebeegunge, on the opposite side, was occupied by the 
 enemy in force. 
 
 As this position appeared too strong to be carried without heavy 
 loss, Major Eyre ordered a movement to our right in order to gain 
 the railway embankment, distant about a mile, and proceed along 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 23 
 
 it to Arrah. This movement was masked at first by the artillery 
 fire, which occupied the attention of the enemy, but as soon as 
 they perceived what we were doing, they hurried to intercept us, 
 and came up with us near the railway. Having occupied some 
 woods and broken ground through which we had to pass, they 
 opened a heavy fire upon us, and made several attempts to capture 
 the guns. This was the most critical moment of the day : the 
 enemy surrounded us and were gradually drawing nearer under 
 cover of the trees, the fire of our artillery and rifles failed to drive 
 them back, and several of our men were killed and wounded. At 
 this crisis Major Eyre ordered the infantry to charge with the 
 bayonet, and this charge was decisive. The enemy, completely 
 repulsed, fell back on all sides and abandoned the field of battle, 
 while our force, gaining the railway embankment, marched along 
 it towards Arrah. 
 
 The action had lasted nearly ten hours, and at its close I felt 
 greatly exhausted, having been unwell since we left Buxar. I 
 became seriously affected by heat and exertion, my head swam, 
 and my senses seemed to be leaving me, when fortunately I saw a 
 ' bheestie,' or water-carrier, belonging to the force. He came at 
 my call, and poured the contents of his mussuck (water-skin) over 
 my head. This greatly refreshed me, and in all probability saved 
 me from sunstroke. 
 
 We were unable to reach Arrah that evening owing to an un- 
 bridged stream which crossed our way, so we halted there for the 
 night, and marched into the station next morning. On arriving 
 there we found that the enemy, discouraged by their defeat and 
 the heavy losses they had sustained, had retreated to Jugdispore, a 
 place about sixteen miles distant, where they resolved to make a 
 stand. The surprise and joy of the little band who defended the 
 Arrah House, on seeing the enemy leave the station, may be more 
 
24 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 easily imagined than described, particularly as they had despaired 
 of rescue after the defeat of the relieving force sent from Dina- 
 pore a few days before. Our victory saved them from speedy and 
 inevitable destruction, for the enemy had run a mine under a 
 corner of the building occupied by the defenders, and in a day or 
 two it would have been fired and the house destroyed. The small 
 party, consisting of 15 civilians and 45 men of Rattray's Sikh 
 Police, had made a noble defence, and they were warmly thanked 
 and well rewarded by the Government of India. Strange to say. 
 
 ^s..^- 
 
 ;!^mm>,t4^^^''"f 
 
 THE ARRAH HOUSE 
 
 From a phoio^raph by the Rev. H. Sealy, M..4., Chaplain of Arrah. 
 
 however, nothing has ever been done for the force that so gallantly 
 saved them, though a clasp might well have been granted to 
 signalise a victory which not only rescued the garrison of Arrah, 
 but crushed the rebellion in the province of Behar. 
 
 We remained at Arrah for a few days to rest the men and to 
 await reinforcements from Dinapore before marching against the 
 enemy at Jugdispore. After several days we were joined by the 
 expected reinforcements, consisting of 200 men of H.M. 10th 
 Foot and about 100 Sikhs. Our force was thus raised to about 
 500 men, and on the 10th of August we marched from Arrah 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 25 
 
 towards Jugdispore, passing the late battlefield on our way, and 
 halting for the night on a plain a few miles from the enemy^s 
 position, which was a very strong one, being surrounded and con- 
 cealed by a thick jungle presenting great difficulties to the move- 
 ments of regular troops. Early on the following morning the 
 force advanced against the enemy's entrenchments, which extended 
 across the road covering the approach to Jugdispore. They were 
 carried after a faint resistance, and the rebels, closely followed up, 
 were driven in rout and confusion through the town and fled 
 southward in the direction of Sasseram. Kooer Singh was nearly 
 taken, but managed to escape from the town and accompanied the 
 flying rebels, who still acknowledged him as their chief and kept 
 together under his leadership. They made no further stand 
 against us in Behar, but soon effected their retreat from the 
 province, marching in a north-westerly direction to reach Oudh. 
 
 This body of rebels held together under Kooer Singh in an 
 extraordinary manner. After the capture of Lucknow by the 
 British army under Lord Clyde in March 1858 they returned to 
 Behar, crossed the Ganges into Shahabad, and made a last stand 
 in the jungle around Jugdispore. The brave old chief Kooer 
 Singh was mortally wounded while crossing the river, but his 
 followers defeated with heavy loss a small force sent against them 
 from Arrah under Captain Le Grand of H.M. 35th Foot, who was 
 killed in the action. They were eventually dislodged from their 
 stronghold and finally broken up by the protracted operations of 
 a considerable force under the command of Brigadier-General 
 Douglas. 
 
 In a few days our force left Jugdispore, after blowing up Kooer 
 Singh's palace and some other buildings, and marched back to 
 Arrah, where it was broken up, the Dinapore troops returning to 
 that station, while the artillery and my detachment of infantry 
 
26 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 proceeded to Buxar. During our return march to Buxar a slight 
 accident happened to me : one evening in camp I tripped and fell, 
 cutting my left leg on a broken bottle. The injury was apparently 
 trifling, but it would not heal, owing to my indifferent state of 
 health and the hardships I was undergoing (e.g: no tents, no 
 bedding, coarse food, bad water, etc.). After we had reached 
 Buxar I was so unfortunate as to receive another slight injury to 
 the same leg lower down, and this also would not heal. At 
 Buxar we re-embarked in our steamer and flat, which had waited 
 there for us, and continued our voyage towards Allahabad. Our 
 marching and other privations were now over for a time, and had 
 I been able, like the other officers, to take rest and keep quiet, I 
 should probably have been all right in a little time. But unfor- 
 tunately our men were sickly and required much attention, several 
 cases of cholera occurred among them, I got no rest day or night, 
 and the consequence was that the wounds on my leg grew worse 
 every day and the performance of my duties became more painful 
 and difficult. 
 
 After passing Benares the steamer grounded on a sandbank 
 and the flat she was towing ran into her, doing a little damage. 
 This was soon remedied, and we went on, shortly arriving at 
 Mirzapore, a large town on the south bank of the Ganges, where a 
 more serious accident befel us. The steamer and flat were moored 
 under the bank of the river, which was of considerable height, and 
 was supported by a wall. This had been undermined by the rapid 
 current, and suddenly next morning a great part of it came down. 
 Fortunately the steamer and flat had just before been moved out a 
 few yards from the bank, otherwise they would have been much 
 damaged, if not sunk. Even as it was, part of the falling mass of 
 masonry struck the steamer, almost laying her on her beam ends 
 and doing much injury to the vessel. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 27 
 
 A few days after we arrived at Allahabad and found a con- 
 siderable force assembled there and about to march to Cawnpore 
 under the command of Major-General Sir James Outram, G.C.B. 
 Among these troops were the headquarters of H.M. 5th Fusiliers, 
 and on landing we joined them at once. By this time the wounds 
 on my leg were in such an aggravated state that I could hardly 
 stand and was quite unable to walk. Nevertheless I accompanied 
 the regiment (carried in a doolie) on its first march towards Cawn- 
 pore, but as it then became evident that I should not be fit for 
 duty for a long time, I was sent back to Allahabad and took up 
 my quarters in the fort. I was obliged to remain there on the 
 sick list for nearly six weeks, during which time we heard the news 
 of the capture of Delhi by the British army under General Sir 
 Archdale Wilson, and the relief of the garrison of Lucknow by the 
 force under Generals Havelock and Outram. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 On recovery I proceed to Cawnpore with troops — My impressions there — Action of 
 Soorajpore— Our march to the Alum Bagh — We are besieged there for some 
 weeks — Relief of Lucknow by Sir Colin Campbell, the commander-in-chief — 
 I am attached to H.M. 90th Light Infantry, and placed in medical charge of the 
 fort of Jellalabad — Engagement at the Alum Bagh — Capture of Lucknow. 
 
 I WAS impatient to move on to the front, but it was not until 
 October that I was sufficiently recovered to return to duty. I was 
 then appointed to the medical charge of a detachment of ninety 
 men proceeding to Cawnpore to join their respective regiments. I 
 received the order at half-past one on the 10th of October, and we 
 commenced our journey the same evening, travelling up the Grand 
 Trunk Road in covered carts drawn by bullocks (usually called the 
 ' Bullock Train '). On the second day after leaving Allahabad we 
 received an express message from Futtehpore (a station between 
 Allahabad and Cawnpore) urging us to push on with the utmost 
 expedition, as a large force of the rebels was in the neighbourhood 
 and was preparing to attack the station. We accordingly went on 
 as fast as possible and reached Futtehpore by midnight, when we 
 found that the alarm was false and everything was quiet. On the 
 14th we entered Cawnpore, passing the ruined buildings in which 
 General Sir Hugh Wheeler and the British garrison made their 
 stand. On reporting my arrival I was ordered to do duty at the 
 General Hospital, and I put up with an old college friend, Dr. 
 Kendall, who very kindly invited me to share his tent as I did 
 not possess one. I took the earliest opportunity of visiting the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 29 
 
 shattered buildings where the small British force had defended an 
 untenable position for several weeks against the overwhelming 
 numbers of the rebels. At the time of my visit the intrenchment 
 surrounding the buildings was so low that any one could easily 
 jump over it, and it could evidently have afforded very little pro- 
 tection to the defenders. The two buildings were completely 
 riddled with shot, and filled with heaps of debris, consisting of 
 broken brickwork, shattered beams and rafters, splintered doors 
 and window frames, pieces of shell, etc. Among this wreck were 
 fragments of clothing, some of them covered with dark stains 
 which told too plainly the fate of their last possessors. 
 
 As I gazed upon this scene of desolation I felt impressed with 
 deep sympathy for the unfortunate victims of Nana Sahib's 
 treachery, and profound astonishment at their having taken up 
 so completely untenable a position. Had they occupied the 
 magazine containing the guns and ordnance stores, which was 
 situated on the river bank and surrounded by a lofty wall, it is 
 very probable that their defence would have been successful, or at 
 any rate that most of them would have been able to escape down 
 the river. As it was, they abandoned the magazine to the enemy 
 with all its artillery and munitions of war, and they occupied a 
 position commanded on all sides by the guns of the rebels, which 
 inflicted terrible losses and soon made the intrenchment untenable. 
 
 From this spot I went to the house where the women and 
 children, who were brought back from the boats, had been con- 
 fined, and subsequently massacred by order of Nana Sahib the day 
 before General Havelock's force entered Cawnpore. The walls and 
 floor of this building still showed traces of the massacre, and 
 fragments of women's and children's clothing stained with blood 
 were scattered about the place. Filled with horror at the sight 
 and sick at heart I quitted the spot, but the recollection of it 
 
30 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 haunted me for many years, and indeed it was a sight which could 
 never be forgotten. 
 
 I had not been many days at Cawnpore when news arrived that 
 a large body of the enemy with several guns were in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Bithoor, a place about eighteen miles west of Cawn- 
 pore. A force under the command of Brigadier-General Wilson 
 marched out to meet them, and I accompanied it as a field 
 assistant-surgeon (that is, not attached to any particular regi- 
 ment, but to the field hospital of the force). We started at 
 2 A.M. on the 18th of October, and after a long and fatiguing 
 march we encountered the enemy near the village of Soorajpore. 
 Their guns were in position to the right of the road in a field of 
 Indian corn, which concealed them from observation, and as we 
 were marching in a dense column along the road we suddenly 
 received a discharge which killed and wounded several men and 
 caused some confusion as it was still dark. An indecisive engage- 
 ment ensued ; the enemy attempted to hold the village, but were 
 soon driven out of it, and, drawing off their guns, retreated in a 
 westerly direction along the Grand Trunk Road. There was 
 hardly any pursuit owing to the exhausted state of our infantry 
 and our want of cavalry; hence the result of the action was unsatis- 
 factory, as the enemy retired with slight loss and carried off their 
 guns, while we had suffered equal loss and gained no material 
 advantage. 
 
 Next day the force marched towards Bithoor, and on the way 
 surrounded and burned a village, the inhabitants of which were 
 known to have taken part in the Cawnpore atrocities. The place 
 was full of men who made a desperate defence, but their resist- 
 ance was of no avail. During this terrible scene I rescued two 
 native women from a burning hut; they were crouching in a 
 comer and seemed paralysed with terror, so that I had to drag 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 31 
 
 them forcibly out. We reached Bithoor in the afternoon without 
 encountering the enemy, and on the following day we returned to 
 Cawnpore. 
 
 A few days after a force of about five hundred men, composed 
 of detachments from different regiments, was placed under the 
 command of Major Barnston, H.M. 90th Light Infantry, to escort 
 a large convoy of provisions to the Alum Bagh, and to reinforce 
 the garrison of that post. My friend Dr. Kendall and I received 
 orders to accompany the party. We left Cawnpore on the 21st of 
 October, crossed the bridge of boats which had been thrown over 
 the Ganges, and marched along the Lucknow road as far as Mun- 
 gulwar, the scene of one of Havelock^s victories, where we en- 
 camped for the night. As this march had been a very short one 
 I went with Dr. Kendall to a village not far from our camp to see 
 if we could procure some supplies for our mess. We found the 
 village deserted, and while exploring it we discovered in one of the 
 houses a quantity of European furniture and other articles which 
 had evidently been plundered. Among these things was the cover 
 of a parcel addressed to a young lady who had perished in the 
 massacre at Cawnpore. 
 
 A false alarm occurred in the course of the night, and great 
 confusion prevailed for a time among the soldiers suddenly roused 
 from their sleep by the tumult. Order was at length restored, 
 and then it was found that some baggage animal had got loose 
 and wandered among the sleeping soldiers, who sprang up shouting 
 that the enemy were upon us. 
 
 We made two more marches without seeing anything of the 
 enemy, but on the fourth day, when we expected to reach the 
 Alum Bagh, we were attacked on the line of march. The rebels 
 were in considerable force, swarms of cavalry appeared on both 
 sides of the road, and some infantry and guns to our right opened 
 
3S 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 fire upon us. A few shots from our guns dispersed the cavalry 
 and made them keep at a respectful distance, while a party of our 
 men soon drove off the rebel infantry, who withdrew their guns 
 before we could reach them. One of the enemy, probably drugged 
 with bhang (a mixture of opium and Indian hemp), stood at bay, 
 defying us to come on. An officer of H.M, 90th L.I. attacked the 
 fanatic, sword in hand, but was wounded 
 and disabled, and would most likely have 
 been killed, had not another officer saved 
 him by shooting his opponent. For the 
 remainder of our march the enemy^s cavalry 
 hovered round us, and the length of our 
 convoy, which extended along the road for 
 several miles, gave them many opportunities 
 for attack, which nevertheless they failed to 
 take advantage of. When we were close to 
 the Alum Bagh the enemy were reinforced 
 and attacked us again, but they were repulsed 
 with loss, and we nearly succeeded in captur- 
 ing one of their guns. After this skirmish 
 we entered the Alum Bagh and brought in the convoy without 
 having sustained any material loss. 
 
 The Alum Bagh was a garden belonging to the late King of 
 Oudh, and was surrounded by a masonry wall seven or eight feet 
 high. The enclosure was about four hundred yards square, and at 
 the centre of it there stood a large two storied house, which was 
 used during the siege as the hospital for the sick and wounded of 
 the force and the residence of the commanding officer (Major 
 M'Intyre, H.M. 78th Regiment) and his staff. The Alum Bagh 
 lay to the right of the Lucknow road, and on the left of it was a 
 mosque then occupied by a picket of our men. When Generals 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 33 
 
 Havelock and Outram advanced in September to the relief of the 
 Lucknow garrison, they left their sick and wounded, baggage, 
 transport, and camp followers with a small body of troops in the 
 Alum Bagh. After a time the garrison became very short of 
 provisions and forage, which they could not obtain from without 
 as they were closely blockaded. By the time we arrived from 
 Cawnpore they had been reduced to great straits, and many of the 
 baggage animals and camp followers had perished from starvation 
 and disease. On our arrival with the convoy of supplies this 
 scarcity was partially relieved, but the place was excessively 
 crowded with men and animals, and had the enemy's artillery been 
 well served our losses must have been terrible. Fortunately for us 
 their firing was very inaccurate, and they had only a few guns in 
 position from which we received any particular annoyance, namely 
 a 32-pounder about three-quarters of a mile away near the canal, 
 and two 24-pounders at a house on the Lucknow road about eight 
 hundred yards distant. These guns often sent their shot into the 
 enclosure and nearly always caused some casualties, owing to the 
 crowded and unprotected state of the place. Occasionally round 
 shot from these guns passed through the hospital, killing and 
 wounding some of the patients. Our guns replied, but being only 
 light fieldpieces they could not silence the hostile artillery. Cannon 
 firing went on, in a desultory and intermittent sort of way, day 
 and night, but we soon grew quite accustomed to it, and unless on 
 duty we hardly noticed it at all. 
 
 The day after our arrival a sortie was made in order to procure 
 forage for the transport animals, many of which were in a starving 
 condition. The enemy were taken by surprise and driven out of 
 some of the neighbouring villages, where large quantities of grain 
 and forage were captured. The rebels, however, were speedily 
 reinforced and obliged us to retire into the Alum Bagh, which we 
 
34 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 regained without serious loss. The post was surrounded on all 
 sides by bodies of the enemy, and they frequently intercepted and 
 cut to pieces our native camp followers who ventured out to get 
 food for themselves and grass for the cattle. An officer of the 
 garrison was nearly cut off one day, and was saved only by his own 
 coolness and the cowardice of the enemy. He had gone out very 
 early in the morning to a pool of water about a mile from our 
 post, hoping to shoot some snipe or duck. He was mounted, but 
 his syce (native groom) was with him on foot, so that when he 
 perceived a party of the rebel cavalry trying to cut him off, he 
 could not trust to the speed of his horse, as his servant would 
 have been left to the mercy of the enemy. He therefore put a 
 bold face on it, and returned slowly towards the Alum Bagh, 
 sometimes halting and levelling his gun at the enemy, who, to the 
 astonishment of us all, did not venture to approach too closely 
 and allowed him to retire safely. 
 
 After some time a party was sent from our garrison to Cawn- 
 pore with most of the baggage animals and camp followers, the 
 blockade having been considerably relaxed by the enemy. My 
 friend Dr. Kendall was ordered to accompany this party, and 
 before leaving he asked me to do what I could to assist his wife 
 (who was in the Lucknow Residency) when the expected relief of 
 the garrison took place. Soon after this portions of the army 
 under Sir Colin Campbell, the commander-in-chief, arrived from 
 Cawnpore, and encamped on the plain behind our post, putting an 
 end to the state of siege which had kept us confined within its 
 walls for several weeks. Nevertheless the enemy still held their 
 positions in our front, and cannonaded us as usual from their guns 
 at the canal and the Yellow House, particularly when the com- 
 mander-in-chief and his staff went up to the roof of the hospital 
 to view the country. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 35 
 
 As soon as the army was concentrated at the Alum Bagh, Sir 
 Colin Campbell prepared to advance to the relief of the garrison 
 of Lucknow. Some of the troops occupying our post were with- 
 drawn and attached to the relieving army. I was at first in 
 hopes of accompanying this detachment, but a senior officer was 
 appointed instead of me, and much to my disappointment I had 
 to remain on duty with the Alum Bagh garrison. However, we 
 were considered as a part of the relieving force, and so became 
 entitled to the clasp granted for the relief of Lucknow. 
 
 On the departure of the army we were again surrounded by 
 parties of the enemy. For some time we could trace the progress 
 of the relieving force towards Lucknow by clouds of dust raised by 
 the advancing troops. Soon heavy firing was heard in the direc- 
 tion of the city, and a tremendous cannonade ensued, continuing 
 almost without intermission for several days. Then the com- 
 mander-in-chief and his army returned, bringing with them the 
 rescued garrison of Lucknow and all those who had been shut up 
 in the Residency with them. A large camp was now formed in 
 rear of the Alum Bagh, and the plain was everywhere covered 
 with tents, carts, horses, and baggage animals of all kinds. I 
 went to the encampment without delay to look for Mrs. Kendall 
 and to help her if she required assistance. After searching for 
 some time I found her in a covered cart with another lady whose 
 husband had been killed in the siege. They were very badly off 
 in every respect, so I procured for them what they required and 
 informed Mrs. Kendall that she would probably meet her husband 
 at Cawnpore. 
 
 In a day or two the army was divided into two parts, one of 
 which, numbering about 4000 men under the command of General 
 Sir James Outram, G.C.B., remained at the Alum Bagh to watch 
 and hold in check the rebel forces in Lucknow. The remainder, 
 
36 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 under the commander-in-chief in person, marched towards Cawn- 
 pore, escorting the numerous families and other non-combatants 
 who had been brought away from the Residency. I remained 
 behind, having been attached to H.M. 90th Light Infantry, which 
 formed part of General Outram's force. The position we occupied 
 was too extensive for adequate defence by our numbers, but it was 
 materially strengthened by an intrenched village and embankment 
 on our left with the Alum Bagh post in front. Extensive swamps 
 lay to the rear, and an old fort stood on our right, besides abatis 
 and earthworks wherever they seemed necessary. 
 
 JELLALABAD FORT 
 
 I was detached from my regiment and placed in medical 
 charge of the. garrison of Jellalabad, as the above mentioned fort 
 on our right was named. The enemy in Lucknow from time to 
 time made desultory attacks upon different parts of our position, 
 but they were always easily repulsed and they never made any 
 serious impression. Their cavalry, however, ranged over the 
 country all round us, and rendered it extremely dangerous for 
 any one to venture far from our lines. I had a narrow escape on 
 one occasion when I had gone out with a friend in the hope of 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 37 
 
 shooting some game for our mess. We were, of course, well 
 armed, and my companion had taken his orderly (a soldier acting 
 in that capacity) with him. We had gone about a mile from our 
 fort when a party of the enemy''s cavalry suddenly appeared, issuing 
 from a wood about 200 yards from us. Knowing that we had no 
 chance of escape by flight, as we were on foot, we stood our ground 
 and fired upon them, when to our astonishment and relief they at 
 once took to flight. 
 
 I spent several weeks on duty in Jellalabad Fort and then 
 rejoined the headquarters of my regiment in camp. Soon after- 
 wards I was sent down to Cawnpore in charge of a detachment of 
 sick and wounded soldiers. On the way I met my friend Dr. 
 Brougham, who had put me up on my first arrival at Benares. I 
 reached Cawnpore (which seemed to have suff*ered considerably 
 from the attack of the Gwalior mutineers in November 1857), 
 made over my charge, and was soon on my way back without any 
 escort, as the road was supposed to be safe, owing to the large 
 number of troops passing up to join the army for the expected 
 attack upon Lucknow. Still the journey was not without risk for 
 a single traveller, as the hostile cavalry were all over the country 
 and frequently crossed the road. However I reached our camp at 
 the Alum Bagh without seeing anything of them. 
 
 On the day following my return the enemy attacked us all 
 along the line, bringing forward field guns on both flanks of our 
 position. They were everywhere repulsed, and on the right flank 
 our cavalry made a splendid charge, capturing two of their guns. 
 Late in the afternoon they renewed the attack, directing their chief 
 efforts towards our left. The 90th Light Infantry were ordered to 
 line the embankment covering our left flank and to assist in the 
 defence of a fortified village at that point. I was sent with the 
 former detachment. The enemy at first came on boldly and 
 
38 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 opened a heavy fire of cannon and musketry upon us, but with 
 little effect as we were well sheltered by the embankment. The 
 troops in the village, being more exposed, suffered some loss, but 
 maintained their position successfully. Night came on and the 
 action still continued ; the scene being constantly illuminated by the 
 flashes of cannon and small arms and the explosions of shells, while 
 the din caused by the firearms and the shouts and yells of the 
 combatants resounded on all sides. At length the enemy, having 
 lost heavily and gained no advantage, withdrew their troops and 
 gave us a chance of getting food and rest, of which we were much 
 in need. A few hours later our wearied soldiers were again turned 
 out and kept under arms to repel a fresh attack, as the rebels had 
 opened a heavy cannonade and sent some round shot through the 
 camp. Our men were much harassed by these frequent alarms, and 
 all eagerly looked forward to the arrival of the commander-in- 
 chief to lead the army to the assault of the rebel stronghold at 
 Lucknow. 
 
 This city became the capital of the kingdom of Oudh in 1775, 
 and rapidly increased in extent and importance from that time. 
 It is said to have contained upwards of half a million inhabitants 
 at the time of the British annexation of Oudh in 1856, but the 
 removal of the native court, the long siege, and the subsequent 
 demolitions greatly diminished the population, which now prob- 
 ably falls below 300,000 persons. The native sovereigns of Oudh 
 erected many splendid buildings at Lucknow, and though some were 
 destroyed or injured during the siege, most of them still remain. 
 The most remarkable, perhaps, is the Great Imambara, which was 
 built at enormous cost by the Nawab Asf-ood-Daula. The Shah 
 Nujeef, the mausoleum of Ghazi-ood-deen-Haidar, the first king 
 of Oudh, is a massive and imposing structure. It was strongly 
 held by the rebels in November 1857 against the relieving army, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 39 
 
 who very nearly suffered a repulse there, but at last it was stormed 
 and taken by the 93rd Highlanders. The ruins of the famous 
 Residency still exist, and have been preserved as far as possible as 
 they existed at the termination of the siege. The Baillie Guard 
 Gateway (so called after a former Resident) was the principal 
 entrance to the Residency, and was held throughout the whole 
 siege by a small band of faithful sepoys of the 13th Native 
 Infantry under Lieutenant Aitken. 
 
 By the end of February the commander-in-chief had collected 
 a very large force for the attack on Lucknow, and on the 2nd 
 of March 1858 the advance commenced. The Dil Khusha 
 Palace was occupied after slight resistance, and batteries were 
 then erected to silence the enemy^s fire from their works beyond 
 the canal, and to cannonade the Martiniere College, a large and 
 solid building held in force by the rebels. After the occupation 
 of the Dil Khusha position, a considerable force under the com- 
 mand of General Sir James Outram, G.C.B., was sent across the 
 River Goomtee, to act against the rebels in that direction, and 
 to co-operate with the main army in its attack upon the enemy's 
 works by taking them in flank. After the Martiniere had been 
 cannonaded for some time without effect, the 93rd Highlanders 
 were ordered to storm the position, and the 90th Light Infantry 
 (to which corps I was still attached) were directed to support 
 them. As we descended the hill from the Dil Khusha we sus- 
 tained some loss from the fire of the enemy''s first line of works, 
 but the advance was not checked, and in a very short time the 
 Martiniere was carried by the 93rd Highlanders and our men. On 
 the following morning the cannonade was renewed, and in a short 
 time the whole of the first line of works was taken, the enemy having 
 evacuated them without showing much fight. This was mainly 
 due to the operations of the troops under Sir James Outram on 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 41 
 
 the other side of the river, who had made such progress in that 
 quarter that these works were outflanked, and the enemy, having 
 prepared no flanking defences, were forced to evacuate them. 
 Had it not been for this very efficient co-operation we should 
 doubtless have sustained heavy loss in capturing these earthworks, 
 which were of astonishing strength and solidity. 
 
 No time was lost in commencing the attack on the second line 
 of the enemy's defensive works, which included a strongly fortified 
 building called the Begum's Palace. A heavy and well-directed 
 cannonade was kept up for some hours until a breach was made 
 in the gateway of the palace, when the 93rd Highlanders, sup- 
 ported by the 90th Light Infantry, were ordered to the assault. 
 At this moment I was with a detachment of the 90th occupying 
 some houses facing the palace to keep down the musketry fire of 
 the enemy, and I saw the assault delivered. The storming party 
 rushed on through a heavy musketry fire, surmounted all obstacles, 
 and poured in through the breach with irresistible force, while my 
 detachment leaving the houses followed them in support. The 
 fight was nearly over when we passed through the breach and 
 entered the palace. The enemy had made a desperate resistance 
 in an enclosure surrounded with small dark rooms. Being unable 
 to retreat in time, they had crowded into these recesses which were 
 afterwards found to be heaped with their dead bodies. Our own 
 loss was rather severe, as several officers and a considerable number 
 of men were killed and wounded in the assault, besides others 
 (including the famous Captain Hodson of Hodson's Horse) who 
 were killed after the capture of the place by shots from those of 
 the enemy who still remained in hiding. Next day I was sent 
 with three companies of the 90th to the Secundra Bagh, where we 
 remained for two days, while a heavy bombardment was kept up 
 by our batteries and those of Sir James Outram's force upon the 
 
42 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 enemy''s third line of defences and the Kaiser Bagh, an extensive 
 range of strongly fortified palaces. The buildings between the 
 Begum''s Palace and the Kaiser Bagh were taken without much 
 difficulty, and then, to the astonishment of all, the Kaiser Bagh 
 itself was occupied with but trifling loss by the 90th Light 
 Infantry, Brasyer's Sikhs, and a few other troops. Our three 
 companies at the Secundra Bagh had been ordered up to join in 
 the attack, and we entered the Kaiser Bagh soon after the other 
 troops. Terrible scenes were enacted in the palaces and courts of 
 the Kaiser Bagh after its capture. Discipline became lax, and the 
 soldiers hurried in search of plunder, dispersing themselves through 
 the magnificent rooms, slaying every rebel they encountered, seiz- 
 ing the more portable valuables they found, and smashing the 
 gorgeous furniture, splendid mirrors, and costly vases and statues 
 with the butts of their muskets, or hurling them into a bonfire 
 which had been kindled in one of the courts. The roar of cannon, 
 the rattle of musketry, and the shouts of the combatants were 
 heard on all sides and formed a fitting accompaniment to the 
 dreadful spectacle. A band of desperate rebels attempted to 
 blow up the great magazine which contained many tons of gun- 
 powder, but they were (fortunately for us) intercepted and slain 
 by the Sikhs. The enemy were not cleared out of the Kaiser 
 Bagh for several days, and several of our men fell by the bullets 
 of hidden foes who were lurking in the recesses of the palace and 
 the surrounding buildings. After the capture of this stronghold 
 the enemy in Lucknow made little further resistance, but evacuated 
 the city in large bodies and retreated in different directions. 
 Scattered parties of rebels, however, still remained in some 
 quarters, and it was not till the 21st of March that the city 
 was finally cleared of them. 
 
 After remaining three days in the Kaiser Bagh the 90th 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 43 
 
 Regiment was relieved by another corps, and returned to its 
 camp near the Dil Khusha Palace. Being desirous to see what 
 was going on in the front, I obtained leave of absence for a few 
 hours and went down into the city to visit our advanced posts, 
 but somehow missed my way and wandered into a quarter still in 
 the possession of the enemy. A volley of musketry from one of 
 their pickets gave me the first intimation that I had gone astray. 
 I fortunately escaped untouched, and took refuge in an empty 
 house, whence after a short delay I succeeded in effecting a safe 
 retreat to our lines. Two officers lost their lives at that time 
 under very similar circumstances ; having ventured, like myself, too 
 far into the city before it was completely cleared of the rebels, 
 they were surrounded and killed by a party of the enemy. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 I join the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers — We march to Chinhut to oppose an 
 expected advance of the rebels and suffer much from heat — We are subsequently 
 stationed at Durriabad — I accompany a party of convalescent soldiers to Fyzabad 
 and Sultanpur — Adventures on the way — Engagement near Durriabad — A narrow 
 escape — I obtain temporary medical charge of the regiment — We proceed toBhyram 
 Ghat on the River Gogra — Incident there — I am relieved by Dr. Harrison and 
 appointed to the ist Sikh Irregular Cavalry at Gonda — Final operations against 
 the rebels in 1859 — The war is ended and we return to quarters at Lucknow. 
 
 I WAS now transferred to the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, 
 one of the most distinguished of the local European regiments in 
 the service of the East India Company. They were stationed at 
 the Hoosseinabad Imambara at Lucknow, and on joining them I 
 was pleased to find that my friend Dr. Brougham was the surgeon 
 of the regiment. In a few days they received orders to march to 
 the old cantonment, a few miles from the city, and join, a field 
 force which was to operate against a body of rebels in the neigh- 
 bourhood. I was left behind in charge of about seventy sick and 
 wounded soldiers until the return of the regiment to Lucknow, 
 when I rejoined it, and we then had quarters assigned us in an ex- 
 tensive building near the Begum's Palace. 
 
 In May 1858 we again took the field, and marched to Chinhut, 
 a place a short distance from Lucknow, where a force was assembled 
 to oppose the rebel army at Nawabgunge, a few miles distant, which 
 was reported to be preparing for an advance on Lucknow. We 
 remained at this place for some days, and suffered greatly from the 
 intense heat. Our camp was pitched on a sandy plain, and the 
 heat in the tents was almost insupportable, so that men were seen 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 45 
 
 lying under bedsteads and tables in order to get some shelter from 
 the burning rays of the sun, which seemed to strike through the 
 tents like fiery arrows. Every one was prostrated by this heat in 
 the daytime, and could do nothing until the shades of the evening 
 brought a little relief. The temperature in the tents often 
 exceeded 120°, and many fatal cases of heat apoplexy occurred 
 among the soldiers. After some days it became evident that the 
 rebels at Nawabgunge had no intention to take the offensive, and 
 to our great relief we were ordered back to Lucknow, where we 
 remained in our quarters for some weeks. The heat was still very 
 great, and the solid masonry buildings occupied by our men were 
 like so many ovens, as they were heated throughout by the sun''s 
 rays during the day, and they had not time to cool at night, so 
 that the men were continually in an overheated atmosphere, and 
 many deaths resulted. 
 
 Towards the end of July 1858 my regiment was ordered to 
 march to Nawabgunge, from which the rebels had lately been dis- 
 lodged by a force under Major-General Sir Hope Grant. We 
 found the 90th Regiment there, and encamped beside them for 
 some days, when we received orders to march to Durriabad and fix 
 our camp there. By this time the rainy season had set in, and 
 much rain had fallen, so that the country was in an unfavourable 
 state for marching. The road was a mere track, full of ruts and 
 holes, and every now and then deep pools of water were met with, 
 through which the soldiers had to wade as best they might. The 
 baggage animals plodded slowly along under their heavy loads, the 
 camels frequently slipped and fell down, and the bullock carts 
 stuck fast in the mire. However, the distance was not great, and 
 in due time we arrived at our destination, where we pitched our 
 camp and made ourselves as comfortable as our surroundings 
 permitted. 
 
46 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Two bodies of rebels of considerable strength, and possessing 
 artillery, were reported to be in the neighbourhood a few miles off, 
 but they never ventured to attack our camp. The troops of our 
 ally, the Kapurthala Raja, who were encamped at Durriabad at 
 the time of our arrival, had a slight skirmish with a party of 
 rebels who had come down to plunder the commissariat carts 
 which were continually passing along the road with supplies for 
 the army, but the enemy soon retired into the jungle, and little 
 harm was done on either side. 
 
 Shortly after our arrival at Durriabad, a party of convalescent 
 soldiers came from Lucknow on their way to join their re- 
 spective regiments with the field force. The officers who had 
 accompanied this party from Lucknow to Durriabad made them 
 over to us, and were replaced by myself and two other officers of 
 the 1st Bengal Fusiliers. We received orders to take the men on 
 to Fyzabad, distant about forty miles, and we reached that station 
 in four easy marches. We then found that the field force had 
 gone on to Sultanpur, about forty miles further, leaving a garrison 
 to hold Fyzabad, from which the rebels had lately been expelled. 
 We halted there a few days to rest our men, and during the halt 
 we visited Fyzabad, a very interesting town, which previous to 
 1775 was the capital of Oudh, and a very large and important 
 place. Close by is the site of Ajodhya, the ancient capital of 
 King Dasaratha, the father of Rama, the hero of the celebrated 
 Hindu epic poem, the Ramayana. According to tradition, 
 Ajodhya was once a very great city, covering nearly 100 square 
 miles, but now hardly a trace of it remains. There is, however, a 
 modern town, full of Hindu temples and Brahman priests. 
 
 At a short distance from Fyzabad we saw a fine Hindu temple 
 which had been built by Man Singh, a wealthy and powerful chief 
 of that part of the country, who had recently come over to the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 47 
 
 side of the British Government. We also visited the Hanuman 
 Garhi, a temple devoted to the worship of Hanuman, the monkey 
 god, who is described in the Ramayana as aiding Rama to conquer 
 Havana, the demon king of Lanka (Ceylon). It was a massive 
 and imposing edifice, more like a fortress than a temple, with 
 lofty walls and towers, all loopholed for musketry, and the only 
 approach to it was a long and steep flight of steps which could 
 have been easily defended. Images of the monkey god abounded 
 in the temple, and the surrounding wood was full of monkeys, 
 which were very tame, coming up to us boldly as we were taking 
 our lunch under the trees. 
 
 On the following morning we intended to resume our march, 
 but heavy rain delayed us for one or two days. A singular 
 incident occurred at our first encampment. Just as we were about 
 to march off", a convalescent soldier, who had passed the night in a 
 doolie, was discovered to be dead, and on a close examination I 
 found that he had been bitten in two places by some venomous 
 snake, and had died in the night without calling for help. Most 
 likely the poor fellow thought he had merely been bitten by a rat, 
 and so raised no alarm. 
 
 When about half way between Fyzabad and Sultanpur, we 
 came upon the charred remains of a number of hackeries (country 
 carts drawn by bullocks) which had evidently been quite recently 
 burnt, and the dead body of a man who had been shot through 
 the head. Presently two wounded men were brought to us from a 
 neighbouring village, with the information that this had been done 
 by a party of the enemy the previous day. A spy who came in 
 told us that the enemy, about 2000 strong, were four miles off, 
 and intended to attack us during the night. We now held a sort 
 of council of war to consider whether we should go and attack 
 them or not, and at last our commander decided not to do so, as 
 
48 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 our numbers were very small, and our men still rather weak 
 from their late illnesses. We accordingly pursued our march with 
 great caution to guard against a sudden attack, but we saw 
 nothing of the enemy, and reached the camp of the field force at 
 Sultanpur without any further adventure. There we made over 
 our men to their respective corps, and prepared to set out on our 
 return. We could only get an escort of six sowars (native cavalry), 
 notwithstanding the dangerous state of the road from the close 
 proximity of the rebels, so we had to push on as rapidly as possible, 
 and by doing so we fortunately slipped past the enemy's position 
 without discovery, and after some days we rejoined our regiment 
 at Durriabad. 
 
 Soon after this adventure I accompanied an expedition led 
 by our commanding officer against a body of rebels who had 
 approached within a few miles of our camp. Our ally, the Rajah 
 of Kapurthala, joined our force with some of his native troops led 
 by British officers. We left our camp at a very early hour, and 
 encountered the enemy at daybreak. After a slight engagement 
 they were put to flight, with trifling loss on our side, but many of 
 the rebels were killed, and two of their guns were taken by our 
 cavalry. We then had breakfast, and after our meal we lay down 
 under the trees to get a little repose before commencing our march 
 back to the camp. I was lying half asleep on the grass when I be- 
 came conscious of something under my leg, and on putting my hand 
 to the spot, my fingers touched the cold clammy body of a snake ! 
 It operated like an electric shock. I bounded from the ground and 
 gained my feet, and then saw how narrowly I had escaped death, for 
 on the spot I had just quitted was a krait {Burigarus cceruleus), one 
 of the most deadly of the Indian venomous snakes. Had it bitten 
 me a fatal result would have speedily followed ; as it was, I remained 
 untouched, and seizing a stick, I quickly demolished the reptile. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 49 
 
 In October 1858 my friend Dr. Brougham, the surgeon in medical 
 charge of the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, received an appointment 
 at Lucknow, and quitted the regiment. His successor, Dr. Harrison, 
 was with the 73rd Native Infantry at Julpigoree, in Bengal, and 
 could not join immediately, so as I was the senior assistant- 
 surgeon with the corps, the medical charge temporarily devolved 
 upon me. This was a piece of unexpected good fortune, as I had 
 not then been three years in the service. The 1st European Bengal 
 Fusiliers were stationed at Durriabad from August to December 
 1858, and did excellent service in clearing the surrounding country 
 of the enemy. The regiment many times marched out and 
 defeated bodies of the rebels, captured about twenty guns from 
 them, and so terrified them that at last they would not come any- 
 where near the station. 
 
 In December the regiment was ordered to march to Bhyram 
 Ghat on the river Gogra, to protect the bridge of boats which was 
 in process of construction there. We covered the distance, twenty 
 miles, in one march, and it was fortunate we did so, as heavy rain 
 set in the day after our arrival and continued for some time. 
 There was nothing to do here, as no rebels remained in the 
 neighbourhood, so we amused ourselves by boating on the river 
 and shooting crocodiles. These huge reptiles were in the habit of 
 lying on the sandbanks, where we used to stalk them, but though 
 nearly always hit, and often badly wounded, they almost invariably 
 succeeded in reaching the water, where, of course, we lost them. 
 Wolves were very common in the vicinity of our camp. One 
 night when playing at whist in my tent we heard a gurgling noise 
 outside, and on rushing out we saw a large wolf making off: it had 
 seized a goat which was tied up close to the tent, and tried un- 
 successfully to drag it off. The wolf, of course, escaped, the goat 
 died, and so for some time we had no milk for our morning tea. 
 
 I) 
 
50 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 A tragical event occurred during our stay at Bhyram Ghat. A 
 soldier of the regiment had been reprimanded on parade for some 
 trifling fault, and the public reproof affected him to such a degree 
 that he determined to destroy himself. When the parade was 
 over he returned to his tent, loaded his rifle, and deliberately shot 
 himself through the head by placing the muzzle of the rifle in his 
 mouth and pulling the trigger with his toe. We were at breakfast 
 when this occurred, and were startled by the report of the rifle and 
 the whizz of the bullet, which passed over the mess-tent, after 
 having traversed the head of the wretched suicide. 
 
 Early in 1859 we left our station at Bhyram Ghat, crossed the 
 River Gogra, and marched northward past the town of Baraitch 
 towards Nepal, as bodies of rebels who had taken refuge there were 
 reported to be again advancing into our territory. A singular 
 incident happened during one of our marches. The regiment had 
 halted in a grove of trees to rest the men, and presently we were 
 assailed by a swarm of bees, which, having been somehow disturbed, 
 attacked us with such fury and pertinacity that all took to flight, 
 and officers, men, camp followers, horses, and baggage animals 
 were scattered over the plain in all directions. When we had 
 made several marches, the Himalaya mountains were dimly seen, 
 9.nd after a shower of rain the snowy range became visible, and in 
 particular one magnificent peak far to the eastward, which rose 
 high above the other snowy mountains. After some unimportant 
 operations in the vicinity of the Raptee River, the 1st European 
 Bengal Fusiliers were relieved and ordered to proceed to Dugshai, 
 near Simla, where the corps was to be stationed. I accompanied 
 them as far as Seetapur, where Dr. Harrison joined, and took 
 over from me the medical charge of the regiment. 
 
 I then found that I was appointed to the medical charge of 
 the 1st Sikh Irregular Cavalry (now the 11th Bengal Lancers) at 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 51 
 
 Gonda, and was ordered to join at once. Accordingly I took 
 leave of my friends in the 1st Fusiliers, and proceeded by regular 
 marches towards Bhyram Ghat, taking my baggage with me. 
 After crossing the River Gogra at Bhyram Ghat, I turned to the 
 right and marched towards Gonda. On my way I passed through 
 the ruins of Secrora, one of the stations which had been occupied 
 by the Oudh Irregular Force. My friend Dr. Kendall was at this 
 place with his regiment when the mutinies broke out, and he and 
 the other officers were made prisoners by their own men, who con- 
 fined them in their bungalows. Fortunately all the ladies had 
 been sent to Lucknow a little time before, and the officers, watch- 
 ing their opportunity, contrived to slip away, mounted their horses, 
 and escaped to Gonda, and subsequently to Goruckpur, whence 
 they made their way to Benares, thinking themselves fortunate in 
 having saved their lives, though they had lost all their property. 
 
 I reached Gonda in one march from Secrora, and joined my 
 regiment, which was then commanded by the late Colonel L. B. 
 Jones. It was a very fine body of native cavalry, principally 
 composed of Sikhs, and it had done excellent service during the 
 campaigns of 1857-58 under the command of Major Wale, who 
 raised the corps, and was killed at its head during the operations 
 against Lucknow. The native officers were nearly all men of very 
 good family, and one of them had been a brigadier-general in the 
 army of Ranjit Singh, the former ruler of the Punjab. I found 
 my brother officers and the other residents of the station still 
 living in tents, but houses and barracks were in course of con- 
 struction. For some time after my arrival I had little to do ; the 
 men were very healthy, and we remained in camp as nothing had 
 been heard of the enemy. Towards the end of March 1859 we 
 were ordered out after a body of rebels who were reported to be 
 in the neighbourhood of Gonda. We were out for some days 
 
52 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 scouring the country, but we could not find the enemy, as they 
 took refuge in a dense j ungle where cavalry could do nothing. 
 
 Early in April we again marched into the district in company 
 with H.M. 20th Regiment, the whole force commanded by Colonel 
 Cormick of that corps. After several marches we surprised a party 
 of the enemy who were concealed in the jungle, and were cooking 
 their food when we came upon them. They fled after firing a few 
 shots, and left their cooking utensils and food behind them. On 
 the following day we encountered a different enemy in the shape 
 of a swarm of hornets, which having been accidentally disturbed, 
 attacked us with great fury and forced us to make a hasty retreat. 
 One of our officers was so severely stung on the face that he was 
 quite disabled and had to be placed in a doolie, and a horse was 
 stung to death. On the morning of the 13th of April we came in 
 sight of a large body of the enemy, consisting chiefly of the regi- 
 ments that mutinied at Cawnpore, the 1st, 53rd, and 56th Native 
 Infantry and the 2nd Light Cavalry. The 1st Sikh Cavalry, being 
 in advance, had to halt under fire to let the infantry and guns 
 come up, as they were a good way behind. We could not make 
 out the strength of the enemy, as they were concealed behind 
 brushwood and broken ground, whence they kept up a heavy but 
 ill-directed fire upon us. Presently our artillery appeared on the 
 scene and opened fire upon the enemy's position, but did not 
 succeed in dislodging them. 
 
 At length our commander, perceiving that the artillery fire was 
 ineffective, that the British infantry were still some way behind, 
 and that the enemy were endeavouring to draw off*, ordered the 
 cavalry to charge. On we went over very rough ground full of 
 holes, banks, and wells into which some of our men nearly fell, and 
 in spite of a heavy volley of musketry which killed and wounded 
 many of our men and horses, we broke the enemy, who were not 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 53 
 
 in any regular formation, and drove them back into the Puttra 
 Nuddee, a shallow stream full of rushes and high grass in rear of 
 their position. We followed and crossed the stream to cut off 
 their retreat, while the guns and infantry coming up opened fire 
 upon the disordered masses of the enemy, who soon broke up and 
 fled across country in different directions pursued by our cavalry. 
 The furious gallop through clouds of dust and smoke, the whizzing 
 of musket balls through our ranks, the fall of wounded men and 
 horses, the shouts and cries on every side, and the confused melee 
 among the broken ranks of the enemy, all made up a scene that 
 could never be forgotten. This was my first experience of a 
 cavalry charge, and although we were successful it showed me 
 plainly that a square of good steady infantry may laugh at cavalry 
 charges so long as their ammunition lasts. 
 
 This action inflicted a well-merited retribution upon the 
 Cawnpore mutineers. They had treacherously attacked and 
 massacred the remains of the British garrison of Cawnpore at the 
 Sati Chowra Ghat in June 1857, violating the capitulation and 
 slaying indiscriminately men, women, and children, and now they 
 received the just punishment for mutiny and murder. More than 
 500 of them were left dead on the field, and the rest completely 
 broken up and dispersed. The loss on our side was severe, 
 and it fell almost entirely upon the cavalry, as the British infantry 
 coming up at th^ end of the action had only two or three men 
 wounded. 
 
 After collecting our wounded and attending to them as well 
 as circumstances would admit, we marched back to Gonda. 
 Several of our men were very badly wounded in this affair ; two 
 of them were shot through the lungs but eventually recovered. 
 We also had a good many horses with bullet and bayonet wounds, 
 which required much attention, so that for some time I had my 
 
54 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 hands full of work. I must here explain that as there was no 
 veterinary surgeon with the regiment I had to look after the 
 wounded horses as well as the men. 
 
 Towards the end of April we again marched from Gonda with 
 the 20th Regiment, and some other troops, to attack a mud fort 
 in a jungle about ten miles off, in which Gujadhur Singh, a noted 
 rebel leader, had taken refuge with a body of his followers. It 
 was arranged that the British infantry should storm the fort 
 while the cavalry watched the approaches, to intercept the rebels 
 should they attempt to escape. As the fort was situated in the 
 midst of a dense jungle this was no easy task; however, our men 
 were disposed around the jungle which concealed the enemy's 
 position, and we remained on the watch for the greater part of the 
 day. Late in the afternoon the infantry having made their way 
 through the jungle with considerable difficulty, attacked the fort 
 and took it by storm. The rebel leader was killed with many of 
 his followers, but a considerable number of them made their escape 
 from the fort and presently issued from the jungle near us. We 
 immediately charged them ; but although they were in full retreat 
 they suddenly came to a stand, gave us a volley of musketry which 
 did considerable execution, and received our charge at the point of 
 the bayonet. As they were a confused body without any regular 
 formation, they were broken and put to flight, most of them 
 escaping over a nullah (watercourse) which our horses could not 
 cross. We had a good many men and horses wounded by bullets 
 and bayonet thrusts, and I nearly came to grief myself, as the 
 troop horse I was riding bolted with me during the charge and I 
 had some difficulty in regaining control of him. 
 
 After this engagement we returned to Gonda for a short time, 
 but in May we again took the field as part of a force under the 
 command of Major-General Sir Hope Grant, who was to operate 
 against the rebels on the Nepal frontier, and, if possible, clear our 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 55 
 
 territory of them. We marched from Gonda to Bulrampur, 
 crossed the Raptee River, and proceeded eastward into the 
 Goruckpur district, where we joined a force under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Pinckney, consisting of H.M. 73rd Regiment, 
 a detachment of the Sikh Regiment of Ferozepur, two guns, and 
 a part of the Bengal Yeomanry Cavalry. We now made long 
 marches in different directions along the foot of the hills, but we 
 saw nothing of the enemy except a few of their horsemen, who 
 always managed to get away. We passed through immense grassy 
 plains abounding in deer and wild cattle, which were so free from 
 fear that they could be closely approached without their taking 
 the alarm. Had we not been making very long and fatiguing 
 marches we could have had capital shooting in these parts, but as 
 it was we were generally much too wearied after our marches to 
 go in quest of game. 
 
 After some time spent in this kind of work, the 1st Sikh 
 Cavalry were ordered to rejoin the force under General Grant, as 
 an action with the rebels was imminent and our services were 
 required. We made forced marches, hoping to arrive in time, but 
 unfortunately we were a day too late. We heard the sound of 
 cannonading when we were still many miles from the field, and we 
 could not eff'ect our junction till the following morning. This 
 action was the closing scene of the campaign ; the enemy were 
 driven back to the hills and retreated through the Jerwah Pass 
 into Nepal. Our force soon afterwards marched back towards 
 Lucknow, and the troops composing it proceeded to their respec- 
 tive stations. My regiment returned to Gonda, but were almost 
 immediately ordered to Lucknow^, and stationed in the old canton- 
 ment, from whence, after some weeks, we were moved to a posi- 
 tion on the banks of the Goomtee River, close to the Chukkur 
 Kothi, or Yellow House, and nearly opposite to the Secundra Bagh, 
 two spots where severe conflicts liad occurred during the war. 
 
56 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 So ended my experiences of the Indian Mutiny Campaigns. 
 They comprised two years' continuous service in the field, during 
 which I had done much hard marching, had seen many actions, 
 and had been for several weeks a member of a besieged garrison, 
 thus acquiring much valuable professional experience and becom- 
 ing thoroughly versed in the multifarious duties of a military 
 surgeon in time of war. Though I was unavoidably under fire on 
 all these occasions, owing to the paucity of our forces and the over- 
 whelming numbers of the enemy, I escaped without a wound, and 
 also kept my health fairly well throughout the progress of the war. 
 I received (after some years) the medal granted for the Indian 
 Mutiny Campaigns, with the clasps for the relief and capture of 
 Lucknow, as well as a grant of one year''s service towards pension. 
 This might have been a great boon had failing health or any other 
 cause compelled me to retire before completing my prescribed 
 period of service for pension, but as events turned out it was of no 
 use to me at all. I also received the 'batta,' or allowance of 
 money which is usually granted by the Government of India to 
 the troops engaged in any severe and long-continued campaign as 
 some compensation for the losses which they unavoidably sustain 
 during these operations. I further obtained my share of the 
 Lucknow prize money, but although an enormous amount of 
 valuable property was taken and sold by auction for the benefit of 
 the prize fund, yet the proceeds, owing to causes which I need not 
 here particularise, were unexpectedly small, and a subaltern officer's 
 share was only three hundred rupees. It had been anticipated with 
 good reason that the shares would be much larger, and the feelings 
 of a disappointed speculator who had purchased beforehand the 
 share of one of his brother officers for a thousand rupees, and found 
 it worth only three hundred, may be readily imagined. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 News of the Peiho disaster — Rumour of war with China — We go down to Calcutta, 
 where I am transferred to the 15th Punjab Infantry — We embark for China, and 
 touch at Singapore and Hongkong — Our landing and encampment at Talien-whan 
 Bay — We again embark and steam across to the coast of Pecheli— Our landing 
 near Pehtang, and occupation of that town — We advance and defeat the Chinese 
 forces at Sinho — Capture of the Taku Forts — Our gunboats enter the Peiho 
 River. 
 
 Soon after our return to Lucknow we read in the newspapers 
 accounts of the disastrous and unsuccessful attack on the Taku 
 forts by the British squadron under Admiral Hope, in which two 
 of our gunboats were sunk and six or seven hundred men were 
 killed and wounded. It was speedily rumoured that there was to 
 be an expedition to China next year, and that the 1st Sikh 
 Irregular Cavalry was to be one of the regiments composing the 
 force. These reports eventually proved correct, and in February 
 1860 my regiment left Lucknow, and marched by way of Sultanpur 
 to Benares, where we halted a few days. Resuming our march we 
 crossed the Ganges, and proceeded down the Grand Trunk Road 
 to Raneegunge, where we took the train for Calcutta. Our men 
 had never seen anything of the kind before, and were greatly 
 astonished at the engines and the rapid motion of the train. 
 
 On our arrival at Calcutta we encamped on the extensive 
 grassy plain around Fort William, and I then found that I had 
 been transferred to the 15th Regiment of Punjab Infantry (now 
 the 23rd Pioneers), while Dr. Macaulay, a surgeon considerably 
 senior to me, had been appointed to the 1st Sikh Cavalry. I 
 
58 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 joined my new regiment at once, as it had already reached 
 Calcutta, and was encamped close by. The corps consisted 
 almost entirely of Muzbee Sikhs, and was very strong, numbering 
 nearly 1100 men. It was commanded by Captain Shebbeare, an 
 able and experienced officer, who had served with distinction at 
 Delhi and elsewhere during the Indian Mutiny campaigns. Both 
 men and officers were eager to start for China, but there was much 
 delay, and some weeks elapsed before we finally embarked. 
 
 '^'- '^ \'^ 
 
 MUZBEE SIKHS 
 
 The regiment was distributed among three transports, the 
 headquarters with about 700 men going in the capacious old 
 paddle steamer Bentinck^ which had previously been a passenger 
 ship in the ' Peninsular and . Oriental '' line. I of course accom- 
 panied the headquarters of the regiment, and Dr. Harris, an 
 assistant-surgeon doing duty with the corps under me, embarked 
 with another detachment in the steamer Viscount Canning. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 59 
 
 While we were making our way down the River Hooghly we 
 suffered slightly from cholera, which had already attacked some 
 of the troopships of the expedition, but when we got out to sea 
 the disease soon disappeared, and the men became very healthy. 
 They had never seen the sea before, hence their astonishment may 
 be imagined when they beheld the boundless ocean around them, 
 sometimes as smooth and shining as a bright mirror, at others 
 swelling with white crested billows, and tossing the great ship 
 about like a toy boat. 
 
 During the voyage to Singapore an accident occurred which 
 might have been very serious. One night we were obliged to 
 stop suddenly, something having gone wrong with our engines, 
 and the two transports we were towing very nearly ran into us, 
 one of them, indeed, coming so close as to crush a boat which 
 hung at our stern. 
 
 We reached Singapore in ten days or so after leaving Calcutta, 
 and anchored there for a short time to coal and take in supplies. 
 I was much pleased with the appearance of this place ; the general 
 situation was enchanting, the beautiful bay was studded with 
 wooded islands and crowded with vessels of all sorts from Chinese 
 junks to British warships, the houses of the town looked neat and 
 clean, the streets and roads were wide and well kept, and the 
 lovely forest-clad hills of the island formed a charming back- 
 ground to the whole scene. Although only a degree and a half 
 from the equator Singapore seemed to possess a comparatively 
 cool climate, as there was always a sea breeze blowing, and it was 
 frequently cloudy with slight rain. 
 
 The town contained a considerable population, amounting even 
 then to about 70,000 people, mostly Chinese and Malays ; there 
 were also many European merchants and traders as well as natives 
 of India. Since that time Singapore has greatly increased in 
 
60 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 population and importance, and now contains about 200,000 
 inhabitants, quite half of them being Chinese, a large proportion 
 Malays, and a good many natives of India. It is now one of 
 our principal coaling stations and naval depots, and it possesses 
 extensive dock accommodation. The city contains many fine 
 public buildings, including two cathedrals and a number of Chinese 
 joss houses, Hindu temples, and Mohammedan mosques. Singapore 
 is now provided with an extensive and elaborate system of defence, 
 which renders it practically secure against attack. 
 
 After some days we left Singapore, towing two large transports 
 and a gunboat in addition, and continued our voyage towards 
 Hongkong, where we arrived without accident in about a fortnight. 
 Hongkong is a mountainous island of irregular shape, and about 
 thirty square miles in extent, lying off the southern coast of China, 
 and separated from the peninsula of Kowloon by a strait only half 
 a mile wide. The arm of the sea between Hongkong and the 
 Chinese coast is so well sheltered by mountains on every side that 
 it forms an extensive natural harbour, and on our arrival we found 
 a large number of vessels lying in it, most of them transports and 
 men-of-war employed in the China expedition, as well as merchant 
 ships and Chinese junks (piratical or mercantile). Part of the 
 army had been disembarked on the mainland, near a place called 
 Kowloon, and their camps were scattered over the country, near 
 the landing place. As a move to the north was to be made 
 almost immediately, we did not disembark our men, but we visited 
 the camps at Kowloon and the city of Victoria in Hongkong 
 several times before our departure. 
 
 Victoria is built on the lower slopes of a hill about 1800 feet 
 in height which rises close behind, and it extends for a considerable 
 distance along the shore. It is perhaps the principal trade centre 
 in Eastern Asia, and it is also a very important naval station and 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 61 
 
 coaling depot. The city is of considerable size and contains several 
 fine buildings, in particular the cathedral. It has a large popula- 
 tion, consisting chiefly of Chinese, but there are also a great many 
 European officials, merchants, traders, and professional men. The 
 curiosity shops at this place are worth a visit : they contain all 
 sorts of curious ornaments in carved ivory, sandal wood, and 
 tortoise shell, lacquered ware of all kinds, Chinese pictures, 
 puzzles, etc. The climate of Hongkong is hot, damp, and re- 
 laxing. Malarial fevers were very prevalent there at the time 
 of my visit, and seemed to be caused by emanations proceeding 
 from the disintegrating granite of which the whole island con- 
 sisted. I was informed that when the granite was cut into for the 
 foundation of any new building it was necessary to leave the build- 
 ing unoccupied for several months, otherwise the inmates would 
 certainly suffer from fever. 
 
 The weather had been getting rather squally, and the day we 
 left Hongkong with two transports in tow it became so boisterous 
 that we could make hardly any way at all, and after struggling 
 slowly on for a few miles, we had to give up the attempt and 
 return to our anchorage between Victoria and Kowloon. While 
 returning we again collided with one of the ships we were towing, 
 and this time the results were more serious. One of our boats was 
 smashed, part of the mizzen-rigging destroyed, and the mizzen- 
 mast itself nearly carried away, while the ship that fouled us lost 
 her jib-boom, besides receiving other damage. In a day or two 
 the weather improved, and we again started with better success, 
 and continued our voyage to the north. Nothing of any interest 
 occurred, except a meeting with a Russian frigate cruising in 
 Chinese waters, and after a voyage of nine days, we arrived at 
 Talien-whan Bay, in the province of Liautung (Lat. 39° N., Long. 
 122° E.), which had been selected as the rendezvous of the British 
 
62 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 expedition. Meanwhile the French had assembled at Chefoo, in 
 the province of Shantung. 
 
 No better place could have been chosen for our concentration ; 
 the spacious bay, having several islands at its entrance, was almost 
 completely landlocked, and formed a natural harbour capable of 
 sheltering any number of vessels, while the gentle slopes of the 
 hills around it afforded suitable sites for the encampments of the 
 troops. At the time of our arrival there were about forty sail of 
 men-of-war and transports lying in the bay, and most of the troops 
 had landed and w^ere encamped at various places along the shore. 
 The surrounding country appeared to be bare, rocky, and sterile ; 
 it consisted of endless ranges of low hills covered with a scanty 
 vegetation, but hardly any trees or shrubs were to be seen except 
 here and there in the valleys. There was great difficulty in pro- 
 curing water, as no streams could be found near the camps, and 
 numerous working parties had to be employed in digging wells. 
 The natives of the country, who were Tartars rather than Chinese, 
 had driven away their cattle into the interior in obedience to the 
 orders of their headmen, who had forbidden them to give us any 
 assistance or sell us any supplies, so that we could at first get 
 nothing from the neighbouring villages, and had to depend 
 entirely upon our own resources. Subsequently, however, the 
 country people became more friendly, as they found that they were 
 not molested, and that no plundering was allowed. 
 
 A few days after our arrival at Talien Bay, our other two 
 transports came in with the rest of the regiment, and having 
 received orders to disembark, we landed and pitched our camp on 
 the slope of the hills about a mile from the beach. We remained 
 in camp at this place for about three weeks, and found it an 
 agreeable change, after having been pent up on board ship for 
 more than two months. We passed our spare time very pleasantly 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS . 63 
 
 in rambling about the country and along the beach, bathing in 
 the sea, and paying visits to the ships and to the other regiments 
 of our division. Our camp consisted of bell tents both for officers 
 and men. Each regimental commanding officer was allowed a 
 tent to himself, but the other officers had to live three in a tent. 
 The three beds formed a triangle round the tent-pole, and, as may 
 be imagined, there was very little space for baggage, and none at 
 all for the ordinary tent furniture. Fortunately we each had in 
 addition one of the French tentes d'^abri, which served to shelter 
 our servants and baggage. A considerable number of Chinese 
 coolies had been brought up from Hongkong to carry the tents, 
 stores, and baggage of the army, but many of them had deserted, 
 and the 'transport' was now so inadequate that it seemed probable 
 we should hardly be able to take anything with us for the cam- 
 paign but a bundle of bedding. However, I succeeded in purchas- 
 ing a good mule for forty dollars at a village some distance inland, 
 and having thus obtained my own transport, I was quite in- 
 dependent. 
 
 Towards the end of July we received orders for embarkation, 
 and we soon reoccupied our old quarters in the Bentincl:. The 
 steamers took the sailing vessels in tow, and the whole fleet 
 directed its course across the Gulf of Pecheli towards the mouth of 
 the Peiho River. On the way we were joined by the French fleet 
 from Chefoo, conveying their contingent. The combined fleet 
 now presented a truly magnificent spectacle, the ocean all round 
 us being crowded witli men-of-war and transports almost as far as 
 the eye could reach. The sea was calm and the weather beautiful, 
 so that we were able to enjoy this grand sight to our hearts' 
 content. We soon arrived off* the coast of Pecheli, and anchored 
 several miles from land on account of the shallowness of the water. 
 
 Preparations were now made for the landing which was to take 
 
64 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 place near the town of Pehtang, a few miles to the north of the 
 Peiho River. The second brigade of the first division (to which 
 my regiment belonged), and some of the French troops, had the 
 honour of being the first to disembark. We were transferred from 
 the troopships to several gunboats and a number of large launches 
 towed by them. All of us, both officers and men, were in heavy 
 marching order, and we all carried three days' provisions in our 
 haversacks. In addition to this load we had each a waterproof 
 sheet (to sleep on) over our shoulders, and the usual encumbrances 
 of a sword, revolver, and flask of brandy. 
 
 The gunboats steamed on, and as we approached the land we 
 came in sight of the forts defending the entrance of the Pehtang 
 River. They were situated on both sides of the river, and seemed 
 formidable obstacles to our landing. The shore was everywhere 
 low and flat, and appeared to be literally a bank of mud. The 
 gunboats anchored in a line about half a mile from the shore, and 
 perhaps a mile from the nearest fort, which remained silent, 
 though we every moment expected it to open fire upon us. We all 
 crowded into the boats and pulled inshore until they grounded, 
 when we had to get out and wade the rest of the way. Hoping to 
 reach the shore dry, I got on the back of a powerful Sepoy who had 
 offered to carry me, but after a few steps he slipped and fell, so 
 that we both got drenched. No enemy appeared except a few 
 horsemen in the distance, who watched the landing, but did not 
 venture to approach. The mud was our worst enemy, and greatly 
 impeded our movements : we sank over our ankles at every step, 
 and sometimes over our knees, so that we could now understand 
 the difficulties our men had to contend against at the Peiho in 
 1859, when they made the gallant, though unsuccessful, attempt to 
 capture the Taku Forts. 
 
 As each regiment landed, the men formed up as well as they 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 65 
 
 could, and floundered through the mud until they reached firmer 
 ground, where they halted for a time. When the whole force had 
 disembarked, we marched on towards the town of Pehtang, until 
 we reached a road raised a few feet above the wet, muddy ground, 
 and there we made our bivouac for the night, spreading our water- 
 proof sheets on the road and lying down on them, wet as we were. 
 Luckily the weather was warm and fine, so this exposure did not 
 harm us. During the night we were twice roused up by alarms. 
 On one occasion a small party of the enemy''s cavalry came round 
 our flank, but when fired upon by the 60th Rifles, they fled, carry- 
 ing off* with them one of their number who had fallen. 
 
 In the morning we took regular possession of the town and 
 forts, which had been evacuated by the enemy on the previous 
 day, and the gunboats were brought into the river and anchored 
 under the forts. The latter contained no guns, only a few 
 dummies (wooden imitations of guns), but a great number of very 
 well-constructed mines were discovered by our engineers. I w^ent 
 back to the Bentinc'k in a gunboat, together with another officer, to 
 bring on shore our baggage and medical stores. We had to spend 
 the night on board and return the following day. On getting 
 back to Pehtang I found the officers of my regiment comfortably 
 located in a pawnbroker's shop, which was a large establishment 
 and afforded ample accommodation for all of us, and for many of 
 our men as well. Some of the rooms were filled with goods left in 
 pledge, chiefly articles of clothing. 
 
 The whole of the allied army — British, French, and Indian — 
 amounting to more than 15,000 men, together with their camp 
 followers, were crowded into this small town, and its narrow streets 
 soon became ankle deep in mud, from the rain and the incessant 
 traffic. My regiment, being a pioneer corps, was told off^ in work- 
 ing parties to clear the streets of the mud and refuse with which 
 
66 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 they were obstructed. This unpleasant work was done, but the 
 stench while it was going on was almost unbearable, and several of 
 the officers superintending the work were quite upset by it. Our 
 men, however, continued very healthy, and hardly any of them 
 were in hospital. 
 
 After remaining about ten days in Pehtang we received orders 
 to advance, and on the 12th of August the allied army, leaving a 
 garrison of 1000 men in the town, moved out and marched inland 
 along the causeway previously mentioned. We followed this 
 road for several miles before we found the enemy in our front : 
 they were holding intrenched camps on both sides of the road, but 
 were speedily driven out of them by the fire of our artillery. 
 They retired upon their main body, which occupied a position at 
 the village of Sinho — a place defended by formidable intrenchments 
 and cannon, while their cavalry hovered in large numbers on both 
 flanks. Our force was now disposed for attack, and the second 
 division was sent against the left flank of the Chinese, while the 
 first division (including my regiment) advanced against the in- 
 trenchments in front. These were speedily carried without much 
 loss, and we then pursued the flying enemy through the village of 
 Sinho, while the French division on our left followed them up to 
 the fort of Tangku, from which the enemy opened an artillery fire 
 upon the French troops and forced them to retire. 
 
 On the right our second division had been equally successful, 
 in spite of the swarms of Tartar cavalry that hovered about them, 
 and sometimes essayed an attack. My regiment halted and made 
 their bivouac on the field a little beyond the village of Sinho ; our 
 pickets were attacked during the night, but held their positions 
 successfully. Early next morning I was so fortunate as to secure 
 a loose mule which had belonged to the enemy's cavalry and had 
 strayed near our camp. As I already had the mule I purchased at 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 67 
 
 Talien Bay, this fresh acquisition provided me with ample means 
 of transport for my belongings. The mules were both fine strong 
 animals, and I kept them in use all through the campaign. I 
 subsequently contrived to procure a couple of light carts to which 
 the mules were harnessed, and driven by my two servants, so that 
 I was enabled to take with me as many things as I required. 
 
 The day after the action of Sinho we marched in the direction 
 of the enemy's intrenchments, and halted for the night just out of 
 range of their cannon. Early on the following morning we were in 
 motion and marched across the plain which borders the Peiho River 
 to attack the Fort of Tangku, a massive earthwork surrounded by 
 a wet ditch and other obstacles. Our first division and part of the 
 French troops were employed in this operation. As we advanced 
 the enemy opened fire upon us from some war junks in the river 
 and from a battery of several guns on the other side. Upon this 
 Captain Willes, of H.M.S. Chesapeake^ crossed the river in a boat 
 with some sailors and set fire to the junks. The battery on the 
 other bank still kept up its fire and some of our guns were sent 
 to the river side to silence it. In the meantime we had been 
 approaching the enemy's fortified position at Tangku, and they 
 opened an ill^directed fire upon us from a good many guns of 
 various calibres placed at intervals along the wall. Our batteries 
 replied, and a heavy cannonade from about fifty guns (British and 
 French) was kept up for nearly two hours, by which time the 
 enemy's fire was entirely subdued. Our infantry then advanced 
 and entered the fort without having to fire a shot, as the garrison 
 had been driven out by our cannonade, which had dismounted 
 most of their guns and killed many of their men. The Armstrong 
 segment shells were especially destructive, and caused a general 
 panic among the Chinese soldiers. 
 
 Our loss in this affair was about thirtv killed and wounded. 
 
68 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 The enemy retired into the other forts and set to work to 
 strengthen them as much as possible. We, on the other hand, 
 busied ourselves in getting up our heavy guns and ammunition 
 from Pehtang before attacking the remaining forts, and several 
 days were spent in these preparations. In the meantime a detach- 
 ment of troops was sent across the river and drove the enemy out 
 of a succession of gardens and orchards on the other side, and 
 captured a battery mounting several guns. My regiment mean- 
 
 EXTERIOR OF TAKU FORT 
 
 while returned to camp, which was pitched on some low ground 
 near the Peiho River. An inundation occurred soon after, owing 
 to a sudden rise of the river, and our camp was flooded. We had 
 much difficulty in keeping the water out of our tents, but we 
 managed to do so by throwing up banks of earth around them. 
 
 By the 21st of August everything was ready for the attack of 
 the next fort, which was about a mile from Tangku and nearer the 
 mouth of the river. It was smaller but much stronger than the 
 fort already taken, and it contained a strong garrison and many 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 69 
 
 guns, most of which, however, were pointed towards the sea ; for 
 the Chinese had expected us to attack from that direction and 
 never supposed we would march round and attack the forts from 
 the land side. The attacking force on this occasion consisted of 
 our second division with some of the French troops, while the first 
 division, much to our disappointment, remained in camp. This 
 time the Chinese troops made a much better defence than they did 
 at Tangku, but it was of no avail. The principal magazine of the 
 fort was blown up by a shell from one of our gunboats which 
 co-operated in the attack. The shock of the explosion was 
 
 
 
 CHINESE GUNS 
 
 ■v:«#^ 
 
 sensibly felt in our camp more than two miles distant, and we 
 saw a dense mass of black smoke rise high into the air above the 
 fort. Our troops suffered heavy loss while approaching the walls 
 and passing the ditches, thick set spikes, abatis, and other obstacles 
 in their way. At length they made good their entrance, and a 
 terrible slaughter of the garrison took place, only a few of them 
 making their escape to the next fort. 
 
 The loss on our side, including that of the French, was about 
 400 men killed and wounded ; that of the enemy was far heavier, 
 and their commander-in-chief was among the slain. This victory 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 71 
 
 produced such an effect upon the Chinese, that although they 
 were still in possession of four strong forts, two of which com- 
 pletely commanded the mouth of the river, their hearts failed 
 them and they evacuated all their remaining fortifications without 
 further resistance, and retired into the interior of the country. 
 Thus all these formidable works, which contained upwards of 600 
 cannon of various calibres, fell into our hands, and were occupied 
 by our troops. On the day following the attack the sailors of the 
 fleet arrived in boats and removed all the obstacles, such as booms, 
 stakes, etc., which the Chinese had placed across the river to 
 obstruct its entrance, and the gunboats and small steamers imme- 
 diately came up as far as our camp and anchored abreast of it. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Suspension of hostilities — Visit to the Taku Forts — We march to Tientsin and enc 
 
 near the city — Our advance northward — Treacherous capture of the political 
 officers by the Chinese — We attack and defeat the Chinese army on the 17th 
 and 2 1st of September and occupy the suburbs of Peking — Capture of the 
 Imperial Summer Palace by the French and our cavalry — Surrender of Peking 
 — Cruel treatment of the captives by the Chinese — Destruction of the Summer 
 Palace ordered by way of punishment — Our visits to Peking — The treaty of peace 
 is signed and we march back to Tientsin — We re-embark in the Bentinck and 
 meet with a severe storm — Our arrival at Hongkong — We land and encamp at 
 Kowloon — My visit to Canton — Incidents during our stay at Kowloon — We 
 resume our voyage and reach Calcutta in February 1861. 
 
 The capture of the Taku Forts terminated hostilities for a time, 
 and it was thought by many that the object of the expedition had 
 been fully attained, and that peace would soon be concluded and 
 the troops re-embarked. We remained in our camp on the banks 
 of the Peiho River, and I took advantage of this quiet time to pay 
 many visits to the captured forts, which were objects of great 
 interest to every one. There were six forts, three on the north 
 side of the river, and three on the south. The largest and 
 strongest were the two at the mouth of the river, and it was in 
 attacking them that our squadron under Admiral Hope met with 
 such a disastrous repulse in 1859. A very large number of guns 
 of various sizes were mounted in these forts, and I noticed in par- 
 ticular some of our own 68-pounders, which had been taken by the 
 Chinese from the disabled gunboats the year before. Another 
 object of interest was a large piece of ordnance constructed entirely 
 of copper ; the value of the metal in this gun was estimated at 
 i^l500. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 73 
 
 The forts at the mouth of the river were enormous earthworks, 
 and were strongly defended by double ditches, abatis, sharp 
 stakes, and the soft mud forming the shore in which the seamen 
 and marines of Admiral Hope's squadron sank up to their waists 
 when they landed to storm the forts. The mouth of the Peiho 
 River had been obstructed, and in fact everything had been done 
 to repel a front attack upon the forts from the direction of the 
 sea. All these preparations, however, were rendered useless by our 
 landing at a distance and marching round to attack the forts on 
 the land side, where no assault had been expected. 
 
 THE TAKU FORTS AT THE MOUTH OF THE PEIHO RIVER 
 
 After a time the force was ordered to march to Tientsin, a large 
 city 30 or 40 miles up the Peiho river. We left our camping ground 
 on the 30th of August, and after crossing the river we marched 
 northward along a very good road passing through a rich and 
 fertile country abounding in gardens and orchards, fields of Indian 
 com, and large populous towns and villages. Our tents and 
 baggage did not come up that day, for, soon after we had crossed 
 the river, the pontoon bridge was carried away by a gunboat 
 running against it, and some hours were required to re-establish 
 the communication. We usually encamped near a town or village, 
 
74 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 and as no plundering was allowed, we always had a market formed 
 close to the camp, where the country people brought all manner of 
 supplies, particularly meat, poultry, fruit, and vegetables, and sold 
 them at very reasonable rates. Even ice was often to be had, and 
 grapes, peaches, apples, and pears were always to be found in 
 abundance. 
 
 After a few days'* march, during which no opposition was 
 encountered, we arrived at Tientsin, and encamped on a spacious 
 plain about a mile from the city. Some troops had already 
 arrived, others followed, and soon the plain was covered with an 
 
 BARRACKS IN TAKU FORTS 
 
 extensive camp, presenting a gay and animated scene. Tientsin, 
 which some years after was the scene of a cruel massacre of 
 Europeans by a Chinese mob, was at this time as safe as any town 
 in Europe, the presence of the allied army being a sure warrant 
 against violence. The city was of considerable extent and contained 
 a large population. Part of it was surrounded by a massive wall, 
 between thirty and forty feet high, with a loopholed parapet on 
 the top and bastions at intervals. The portion of the city thus 
 enclosed formed a square, and had four gates, one in the centre of 
 each face of the square. A large part of the city was outside the 
 walls, and extended down to the river and alpng its banks for a 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 75 
 
 considerable distance. The place contained many good shops, and' 
 I saw great quantities of Manchester and Birmingham goods, such 
 as prints, cottons, cutlery, slop jewellery, etc., exposed for sale. 
 Provisions of all kinds were abundant and cheap, particularly 
 excellent fruit, such as pears, apples, walnuts, melons, grapes, 
 peaches, etc., which we found a great treat. The weather was 
 still very warm, and iced drinks were most grateful and refreshing. 
 The ice was kept in subterranean receptacles throughout the hot 
 season. 
 
 After a stay of some days at Tientsin, the allied army marched 
 northward along the road to Peking. All the sick and the heavy 
 baggage were left behind under a suitable guard, as the peace 
 negotiations had failed, and we expected to encounter the Chinese 
 forces before reaching the capital. On the 17th of September, 
 after we had made several marches from Tientsin, we found the 
 Chinese army in our front, occupying an extensive position among 
 villages and woods, and we perceived their intrench men ts stretching 
 away on both sides of the road. Our troops were then halted, and 
 communication having been opened with the enemy, a deputation 
 of political officers and others, with a small escort, proceeded on 
 the following morning to their position to resume the peace 
 negotiations. While this was going on we had breakfast, and most 
 people thought that the Chinese would agree to our terms of peace, 
 and that there would be no more fighting. Suddenly we saw some 
 officers and men of the escort galloping back to us, and when they 
 came up we heard that Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch, the political 
 officers, had been treacherously seized by the Chinese, together with 
 Captain Brabazon, R.A., Lieutenant Anderson, Mr. Bowlby, the 
 Times correspondent, and others who were with them. 
 
 On this we immediately prepared to attack the enemy's position, 
 their artillery opened fire upon us, and the battle commenced. My 
 
76 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 regiment advanced in support of our guns, and soon became ex- 
 posed to the fire of one of the enemy^s batteries, by which we had 
 several men killed and wounded. In a short time, however, this 
 battery was silenced, and we continued our advance, driving the 
 enemy before us. At length we reached a town, which was un- 
 defended, and after marching through it, we came suddenly upon 
 a large encampment of the enemy. They were engaged in cooking 
 their food, and were completely taken by surprise. They fled at 
 our appearance, leaving their camp with all their provisions, 
 baggage, and eighteen guns in our possession. We then halted, 
 and established ourselves in the deserted camp, where our men 
 found all sorts of provisions in abundance, particularly some 
 excellent mutton. In other parts of the field our troops had 
 been equally successful, and the engagement ended in the complete 
 defeat of the Chinese army, with the loss of their camps, artillery, 
 and baggage. They retreated in the direction of Peking, and took 
 up another position near the town of Tungchow. 
 
 The day after the action of the 18th of September an officer, 
 with an escort and a flag of truce, was sent to the enemy ""s position 
 to request the liberation of the officers who had been treacherously 
 captured on the previous morning, but as they approached the 
 Chinese camp they were fired upon, and compelled to retire. On 
 the 21st of September the allied army again advanced, and 
 attacked the enemy in their new position, which was speedily 
 forced, their camps and artillery taken, and their troops driven in 
 confusion from the field, leaving their capital uncovered. After a 
 short halt we advanced towards Peking, which was only a few 
 miles distant. The French contingent and our cavalry were on 
 our right, and by some accident they lost their way and missed 
 Peking altogether, perhaps owing to the country being thickly 
 wooded. Towards evening they arrived at the Summer Palace of 
 
PAGODA AT TUXGCHOW 
 
78 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the Emperor of China, five miles to the north of Peking, and find- 
 ing it unguarded, the French immediately entered the palace and 
 plundered to their hearts^ content. 
 
 Meanwhile the bulk of the army, after a slight skirmish, had 
 occupied the suburbs of Peking on its northern side. The city, 
 however, was surrounded by lofty and massive walls, and appeared 
 determined to hold out, so preparations were forthwith commenced 
 to establish breaching batteries near the An-ting Gate. The next 
 day our camp was full of reports of the plunder got by the French 
 in the Summer Palace, and all who could obtain leave were soon 
 
 BRIDGE NEAR PEKING 
 
 on their way thither to see the place. I went among the rest, and 
 on arriving there I was filled with astonishment and regret that so 
 lovely a scene should have been ruined by plunder and devastation. 
 I wandered through a beautiful and well-timbered park several 
 miles in circumference, with numerous ornamental buildings of 
 various kinds scattered through it. There were palaces, temples 
 garden houses, etc., all of which had been filled with articles of 
 value, such as splendid furniture, exquisite wood carvings, delicate 
 ornaments in jade stone, ivory, etc., curious works of art in 
 old enamel on copper, embroidered dresses, rich silks, valuable 
 furs, and, in short, every conceivable variety of ' loot.** Many of 
 
80 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 these things had been carried off*, but much still remained, and 
 great numbers of valuable articles, such as china vases, etc., had 
 been wantonly destroyed. Everything taken by the British officers 
 and soldiers on this occasion was made over to the prize agents, 
 
 sold by public auction, and the 
 proceeds divided among the 
 troops as prize money. 
 
 In the meantime a battery 
 had been got ready to breach 
 the wall of Peking, but the 
 Chinese authorities averted 
 further hostilities by surren- 
 dering the An-ting gate of 
 Peking to the allies, and giving 
 up their surviving prisoners. 
 They had already liberated 
 Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch, the 
 political officers, and they now 
 gave up some men of the escort 
 who had been captured with 
 them, as well as the dead bodies 
 of Captain Brabazon, R.A., 
 Lieutenant Anderson of Fane's 
 Horse, Mr. De Norman of the 
 Consular Service, Mr. Bowlby, 
 the Times correspondent, a sol- 
 dier of the King's Dragoon 
 Guards, and several sowars of the escort. From the accounts 
 given by the survivors, it appeared that these unfortunate men 
 had been literally tortured to death wliile in the hands of the 
 Chinese. They had been tightly bound hand and foot, and 
 
 A PAGODA IN THE GROUNDS OF THE 
 SUMMER PALACE, NEAR PEKING 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 81 
 
 repeatedly flogged, and their guards actually gave them boiling 
 water to drink when they were almost dying from thirst. Most 
 of the survivors had to be taken to hospital as soon as they 
 reached our camp, and several had quite lost the use of their limbs 
 from the tortures to which they had been subjected. When all 
 this became known throughout the army, a general feeling of in- 
 dignation was excited, and it was hoped that condign punishment 
 would be inflicted upon the authors of these atrocities. Our 
 political and military authorities, however, merely demanded a 
 pecuniary compensation for the families of the murdered officers 
 and soldiers, and gave orders for the destruction of the Summer 
 Palace by way of punishment. 
 
 The bodies of the unfortunate victims were buried in the 
 Russian cemetery, and the funeral was attended by nearly all the 
 British and by many French officers. Next day the whole of the 
 first division and the cavalry marched down to the Summer Palace 
 to carry out the order for its destruction. For two days it was 
 given up to plunder, and on the evening of the second day the 
 different buildings were set on fire, and the force returned to camp, 
 leaving nothing but blackened smoking ruins to mark the spot 
 where these palaces and temples had once existed. I have always 
 considered the burning of the Summer Palace as a regrettable and 
 useless act of vandalism. It involved the destruction of many 
 beautiful buildings and priceless works of art, and it was altogether 
 futile and ineffectual as a punishment for the treachery and cruelty 
 of the Chinese. 
 
 After our return to camp I made frequent visits to the city of 
 Peking, and explored it throughout. The city was surrounded by 
 a massive wall about fifty feet high, sixty feet thick at the base, 
 and forty feet at the top, consisting of earth faced on both sides 
 by courses of brick masonry. The part of the city close to which 
 
82 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 we were encamped was a square, measuring about four miles in 
 each direction : it was called the Tartar City, and it contained 
 the Emperor's Winter Palace, situated in an extensive park and 
 surrounded by a wall. There were several gates on each side of 
 the city, and above each gate and each corner of the square there 
 was a lofty structure serving as barracks for the Chinese soldiers, 
 and carrying a number of dummy guns, apparently intended to 
 terrify an approaching enemy. From each gate a broad street ran 
 through the city. The houses were mostly only one story high, 
 and those of the better sort were in the form of a quadrangle, with 
 a courtyard in the centre containing plants and flowers. The 
 better class of houses were well furnished, very much in European 
 
 sty e, and contained chairs, tables, 
 ^ couches, mirrors, book-cases, and 
 various other articles. Many of 
 the shops had fronts highly orna- 
 mented with carvings in wood, 
 
 ORNAMENT OF SHOP FRONT, PEKING 
 
 and the goods exposed for sale 
 were frequenty of a very superior description. I saw some beautiful 
 sables and other furs, and also many curious ornaments and 
 works of art in jade, agate, onyx, etc., as well as old enamel on 
 copper. 
 
 The other division of Peking, styled the Chinese or Outer City, 
 was oblong, and about five miles in length by two in breadth ; it 
 was surrounded and divided from the Tartar City by the wall 
 previously mentioned. It contained, near the southern wall, an 
 imposing structure surrounded by marble terraces and steps, and 
 provided with three roofs, covered with dark blue tiles, which pro- 
 duced a striking effect. This building, we were informed, was the 
 Temple of Heaven. It was accidentally destroyed by fire a few 
 years ago. Both divisions of Peking seemed populous, but from 
 
THE TEMPLE OF HEAVEN, PEKING 
 
84 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the width of the streets and the large space occupied by the 
 grounds of the Imperial Winter Palace and by private gardens, it 
 appeared to me improbable that the population of the city could 
 amount to a million persons, much less three millions, as stated in 
 old works on geography. Peking is a very ancient city, and its 
 origin is lost in the mists of antiquity. It would appear to have 
 been founded earlier than the twelfth century, b.c. At first sight 
 its appearance is very grand and imposing, but a closer view 
 reveals the ruinous and dilapidated state of the buildings and the 
 dirty and insanitary condition of the streets. Like most Oriental 
 cities Peking is best seen from a distance, which, in such cases, 
 assuredly lends enchantment to the view. 
 
 Towards the end of October the weather became much colder, 
 and we were glad of all the coverings we could procure for our 
 beds at night. During our occupation of the suburbs of Peking we 
 lived in the deserted houses, most of which had a singular con- 
 trivance for keeping the inmates warm during the cold winter 
 nights. The bed places were built of masonry, and contained 
 arrangements for keeping up fires so as to heat the whole mass of 
 brickwork forming the bed, which would retain the warmth for 
 many hours. I used one of these masonry bed places, and often 
 had a fire under me when the nights grew cold. We found them 
 most comfortable, and it was easy to regulate the fire so as to 
 maintain a moderate degree of heat. 
 
 The treaty of peace with the Chinese Government was signed 
 on the 24th of October, and early in November we quitted Peking 
 and commenced the march back to our ships. We found the 
 little bell tents very cold at night, and although three of us were 
 together in a single tent we could not keep warm except by means 
 of the somewhat dangerous expedient of burning a charcoal fire in 
 the tent all night. In the middle of the day the sun was still 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 85 
 
 powerful, and our men felt it a good deal on the line of march. 
 We arrived at Tientsin without mishap, and found, to our great 
 satisfaction, that we were to embark on board the gunboats in the 
 river, and go down to our transports by that route, instead of 
 continuing our march to the Taku forts. 
 
 After disposing of our mules and carts as best we could, we 
 embarked with our baggage, and in a few hours reached the mouth 
 of the Peiho River, where we anchored for the night. Next day 
 we crossed the bar after some tossing about, and in the afternoon 
 we were transferred from the little gunboat, where we had been so 
 crowded that there was hardly space to move at all, to the capa- 
 cious Bentinck with her large saloon and roomy cabins. In the 
 evening we proceeded on our return voyage, after taking in tow a 
 sailing ship which had a part of our regiment on board. There 
 had been a good deal of wind when we came out in the gunboat, 
 and during the night it became very stormy, so that we were 
 forced to cast off the vessel we were towing. 
 
 In the morning it was blowing a gale, and we experienced a 
 heavy sea. The old Bentinck laboured very much and rolled 
 frightfully, so that most of us felt very ill, and one was so bad 
 that he took to his berth and remained there all day. Towards 
 noon the weather became worse, hardly any sail could be carried 
 owing to the violence of the storm, and heavy seas frequently 
 broke over the ship. At length a tremendous sea struck her bows, 
 smashing the bulwarks and sweeping overboard the boxes contain- 
 ing the officers' horses. A deluge of sea water descended like a 
 cataract into the engine-room and extinguished the fires, so that 
 steam could no longer be kept up, and the ship began to drift in 
 the direction of the land. Our situation was now full of peril as 
 all command over the ship was lost, every sail having been split or 
 carried away by the furious wind. The Gulf of Pecheli is every- 
 
86 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 where shallow, and large vessels cannot approach within several 
 miles of the coast, so that we were in imminent danger of being 
 driven to some point where the ship would have grounded, and 
 would soon have been beaten to pieces by the waves, when all on 
 board must have perished. Happily for us the storm abated 
 towards evening, and we were then able to get up steam again and 
 resume our course. After this the weather became fine, and in a 
 few days we arrived at Hongkong, where we had to remain for 
 some weeks, as the old ship had suffered so severely during the 
 storm as to require extensive repairs. 
 
 The troops were accordingly landed at Kowloon, opposite the 
 city of Victoria, and we encamped on a grassy slope close to the 
 sea. I took this opportunity to pay a visit to Canton, to see an 
 old acquaintance who was quartered there, and, having obtained 
 leave of absence for a few days, I embarked at Hongkong in the 
 Willamette, a very fast steamer, built like the American river 
 steamers, and fitted out with the greatest comfort and elegance. 
 On our way up the Canton River I saw the ruins of the celebrated 
 Bogue Forts, which were intended to close the way to Canton by 
 the river, but had been destroyed some time before by the British 
 squadron. Further on the land on each side of the river was 
 intersected by numerous creeks which at that time afforded cover 
 and refuge to swarms of pirates. In the afternoon we passed the 
 town of Whampoa, where many ships and great numbers of junks 
 were lying. Another hour's steaming brought us to Canton, and 
 the steamer cast anchor amid a multitude of boats of all shapes 
 and sizes. 
 
 The city extended densely along both banks of the river and 
 looked almost as large as Peking itself. I landed on the northern 
 bank, where the bulk of the city lay, and made my way through 
 the narrow winding streets to the ' Heights,' the designation given 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 87 
 
 to some rising ground beyond the walls, where the British troops 
 were stationed. There I found my friend Captain Hallowes of the 
 87th Fusiliers, and was hospitably received by him. I stayed a 
 couple of days with him, and saw as much as I could of Canton in 
 that time. The city was closely packed with houses, many of 
 them several stories high, intersected by narrow and tortuous 
 streets, or rather lanes, and surrounded by a wall about thirty feet 
 higli, which was quite lost among the buildings. This wall was 
 entirely useless as a means of defence, for the houses of the 
 suburbs overlooked it in many places. The population appeared 
 to me greater than that of Peking, and it was certainly more 
 crowded, being contained in a smaller area. The river which ran 
 through the city was everywhere covered with boats, and a con- 
 siderable part of the population 
 — more than 100,000 persons I 
 was informed — lived permanently 
 in them. The shops were of a 
 very superior description, and 
 were well worth visiting, especi- 
 ally those dealing in curiosities, 
 which were full of beautiful works a sikh sepoy 
 
 of art in ivory, sandal wood, and tortoise shell, embroidered crape 
 shawls, lacquered boxes and cabinets, and other curious and 
 interesting objects. The skill of the Chinese workmen is really 
 wonderful, especially in carving, and a small fortune might easily 
 be spent at Canton in purchasing specimens of it. 
 
 After my return from Canton we remained for some weeks 
 longer in camp at Kowloon, as the repairs of the BentincJc took 
 longer than had been expected. The country near our camp was 
 in a disturbed state, and one of our men, who had gone about half 
 a mile from camp, was suddenly attacked by six or seven Chinese 
 
88 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 armed with swords, and received several severe wounds before he 
 could do anything in self-defence. But though unarmed and very 
 badly hurt, the brave fellow wrested a sword from one of his 
 assailants and wounded him, upon which they all fled, and he was 
 just able to regain the camp, where he was taken to hospital 
 almost in a dying state, but, I am glad to say, eventually recovered. 
 A party of our men was immediately sent in pursuit of the 
 perpetrators of this outrage, but they could not be found, 
 nor was any attempt ever made (so far as I heard) by the 
 authorities at Hongkong to discover them and bring them to 
 justice. 
 
 Those authorities, however, acted very differently in another 
 case that happened about this time. A collision had occurred 
 during the night between a party of men of the 8th Punjab 
 Infantry, who were patrolling the vicinity of the camp at Kowloon, 
 and a band of Chinese pirates or robbers prowling about in search 
 of plunder. Two of the latter were killed, and although the 
 guard had acted only in self-defence, the Hongkong authorities 
 ordered their arrest and trial, and incredible as it may appear, the 
 unfortunate men were sentenced to four years'* imprisonment ! This 
 sentence excited general astonishment and indignation throughout 
 the army, particularly as a Chinaman, convicted of piracy and 
 murder about the same time, received the same punishment as was 
 inflicted upon these innocent men, merely for obeying their orders 
 and defending their lives! The Hongkong judges and juries at 
 that time seemed to act upon the principle that if a Chinaman 
 killed a foreigner it was hardly a crime at all, but that if a 
 foreigner killed a Chinaman it was wilful murder. The same kind 
 of thing may often be observed in India, where some officials seem 
 to be possessed by the idea that they cannot be just towards the 
 natives unless they are unjust to foreigners. When the repairs 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 89 
 
 of the Bentiiick were completed we re-embarked and after a 
 pleasant and prosperous voyage we arrived at Calcutta early 
 in February 1861, and encamped on the 'maidan** near Fort 
 William, preparatory to going up the country to our appointed 
 station. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 I obtain six months' leave of absence and proceed to England — My marriage — My 
 wife and I start for India and reach Calcutta in September 1861 — I am ordered to 
 Jessore — A fatiguing night ride — A fever-stricken station — I return to Calcutta — 
 My appointment to the 28th Native Infantry proceeding on active service to 
 Sylhet — Rebellion among the Khasia and Jyntia Hill Tribes — Causes which led 
 to it — I part from my wife, who remains with friends in Calcutta, and join the left 
 wing 28th Native Infantry — Our voyage through the * Sundarbans' — The Burrisal 
 guns — We land at Luckaie and march across country to Sylhet — Our march 
 towards Cherra Poonjee — My attack of sunstroke — We are ordered to Nongta- 
 long in the Jyntia Hills — Our difficult and dangerous march across country — We 
 reach Jyntiapur and ascend the mountains to Nongtalong — I accompany Captain 
 Robinson in a reconnaisance during which we are attacked by the enemy and 
 nearly cut off — Assault and capture of the enemy's stockade at Ooksai — I am 
 wounded in action next day — Captain Robinson and I visit the headquarters of 
 the regiment at Jyntiapur and are badly scared while returning — I am appointed 
 to the 44th Native Infantry, and join them at Jowai. 
 
 About the middle of March 1861 I obtained six months' leave of 
 absence on urgent private affairs, and left Calcutta for England by 
 the P. and O. Company's steamer Malta. At that time a trip 
 from India to England and back by P. and O. steamer was an 
 expensive business, a single first-class passage from Calcutta to 
 Southampton costing no less than c£*117. Since then the P. and O. 
 fares have been greatly reduced, and in course of time they will no 
 doubt be brought still lower by the pressure of competition, as 
 there are now several other lines of steamers providing good 
 accommodation and an excellent table for passengers at very 
 moderate rates. 
 
 The overland route was new to me as I had come to India 
 via the Cape, and I was much interested by all I saw at Madras, 
 Point de Galle, Aden, and especially in Egypt, where we were 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 91 
 
 SPHINX AND PYRAMID 
 
 delayed for several days, so that I was able to visit the Pyramids 
 and to see a good deal of Cairo and Alexandria. I continued my 
 homeward journey by 
 steamer to Marseilles 
 throutjh the straits of 
 Messina and Bonifacio, 
 passing Caprera, the 
 island home of Gari- 
 baldi, who was then at 
 the zenith of his fame. 
 I stayed a couple of 
 
 days at Marseilles and visited Toulon, where I saw part of 
 the French fleet, including the famous ironclad La Gloire and 
 some floating batteries which had been used in the Crimean war 
 
 and were dinted by Russian 
 shot. I then travelled by 
 train to Paris, and after 
 spending a couple of days 
 there in seeing all I could 
 of the beautiful city, I went 
 on to London by way of 
 Dieppe and Newhaven. 
 
 I had little more than 
 three months at home, and 
 my time was fully taken up 
 in paying visits to different 
 relatives and friends. In 
 June 1861 I married Miss 
 Mary Astor, youngest daughter of the late Joseph Astor, Esq., 
 of Jersey, and niece of the late John Jacob Astor of New 
 York, and in the beginning of August my wife and I started 
 
 EGYPTIAN LADIES 
 
92 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 from Southampton on our voyage to India by P. and O. steamer. 
 We had a pleasant journey, and saw a good deal of Gibraltar, 
 Malta, and the other places where the steamers stopped to coal. 
 One day some excitement was caused by a Lascar falling over- 
 board ; the sea was pretty calm and the man was able to keep up 
 until rescued by a boat from the steamer. His accident did not 
 seem to have done him any harm, for on being brought on board 
 
 again he immediately asked for food. 
 We arrived at Calcutta early in Sep- 
 tember, and remained there for some 
 time, as there was no appointment 
 immediately available for me. 
 
 Being thus unoccupied, I resumed 
 the study of Hindustani with the assist- 
 ance of a moonshee, and early in 
 November I passed the language exami- 
 nation then known as the P.H. (' passed 
 in Hindustani *). A day or two after I 
 received a sudden order to proceed at 
 once to Jessore, a civil station some 
 distance north-east of Calcutta, to take 
 the duty of Dr. Morgan, the civil 
 surgeon, who was dangerously ill. As 
 the order was urgent and admitted or 
 no delay, my wife went to stay for a 
 time with some friends in Calcutta, while I started for Jessore 
 alone. I travelled for some distance by palanquin, but on arriving 
 at a place about forty-five miles from Jessore I received a letter 
 from the magistrate of the district, urging me to come on as 
 quickly as possible and telling me horses had been sent out for 
 It was growing dusk, and a ride in the darkness over a road 
 
 MINARET IN CAIRO 
 
 me 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 93 
 
 .A. 
 
 which had been cut up by the rains was anything but safe or easy. 
 Still the case was urgent, so I mounted and started ofF, and after 
 a very fatiguing and risky ride I reached Jessore a little after mid- 
 night, and then found that my unfortunate predecessor had died 
 several hours before. In the morning I assumed temporary medical 
 charge of the station, and went to live with Mr. Dale, judge of the 
 small cause court, who had very kindly offered to take me in. 
 
 Jessore was at that time a very unhealthy station ; it was 
 surrounded by swamps and rice-fields and inter- 
 sected by a stagnant river, which generally 
 exhaled a horribly offensive odour. The in- 
 habitants of the station and district, 
 both natives and foreigners, suffered re- 
 peatedly from malarious fever, and 
 I had several attacks of the prevail- 
 ing malady during my short resi- 
 dence there ; indeed I never felt well 
 throughout my stay at Jessore. To 
 my great satisfaction I was relieved 
 at the end of January 1862 by 
 another medical officer who had 
 been permanently appointed to the 
 station, and I at once returned to 
 Calcutta. 
 
 A few days after I found myself appointed to the medical charge 
 of the left wing 28th Regiment Native Infantry, which was under 
 orders to proceed to Sylhet, by steamer, to assist in suppressing 
 a rebellion which had broken out among the tribes inhabiting the 
 Khasia and Jyntia Hills in Eastern Bengal. I was thus com- 
 pelled a second time to part from my wife, who was unable to 
 accompany me, as I was going on active service. She accordingly 
 
 ASCENT OF THE PYRAMID 
 
94 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 remained at Calcutta with some friends, and I joined the wing to 
 which I had been appointed. 
 
 The rising of these hill tribes was mainly due to the ill-advised 
 action of the Bengal Government in imposing the income-tax (then 
 first introduced into India by Mr. Wilson, the Finance Minister) 
 upon the simple inhabitants of the hills, who had no incomes in 
 the proper sense of the term and could not understand the mean- 
 ing of such a tax. It so happened that, at this very time, the 
 Sylhet Light Infantry Battalion, stationed at Cherra Poonjee in 
 
 -"MrrjBxartr 
 
 ^#-.S5a*^ 
 
 
 
 GIBRALTAR 
 
 the Khasia Hills, was being reduced in strength with a view to its 
 conversion from an irregular local corps into a regular regiment of 
 the Bengal Native Army. The hillmen, in their ignorance and 
 simplicity, believed this regiment to be the only force at the 
 disposal of Government, and, seeing it considerably reduced in 
 numbers, imagined that the ruling power was growing weak and 
 might be successfully resisted. The Bengali tax-collectors and 
 other subordinate officials began in their customary way to prac- 
 tise oppression and extortion upon the hillmen, and so, in the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 95 
 
 beginning of 1862, a revolt began, which continued for fifteen 
 months, caused heavy losses, and was finally suppressed, with much 
 difficulty and great expense, by the employment of 5000 or 6000 
 troops and police. 
 
 
 
 *':"tff^ . , zi. 
 
 
 CAIRO 
 
 The day after I joined the wing of the 28th Native Infantry we 
 started from Calcutta in a river steamer, towing a flat with our 
 men on board, and proceeded down the Hooghly River in order to 
 reach the ' Sundarbans,' through which our course lay. This name 
 is applied to the curious maze of islands and channels lying be- 
 
96 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 tween the Hooghly on tlie west and the Megna on the east, a 
 distance of more than 150 miles. Through these innumerable 
 channels the waters of the great rivers Ganges and Brahmaputra 
 find'their way to the ocean. The islands are covered with dense 
 jungle down to the water's edge, and are the home of the tiger, 
 buffalo, rhinoceros, etc. Wild pig, deer, monkeys, and serpents 
 abound in these islands, and the channels between them swarm 
 with crocodiles. We took several days to traverse this intricate 
 network of channels, which in some places were so narrow as hardly 
 to admit of the passage of the steamer and flat abreast, and so 
 tortuous that in turning some of the bends we touched the bank 
 on both sides. Several times we grounded or ran ashore, and once 
 or twice we collided with native boats, but no great damage was 
 done, and on the 10th of February we reached Burrisal, and re- 
 mained there the rest of the day waiting for a pilot. 
 
 Burrisal is a small civil station in the Sundarbans, the centre 
 of a district in which communication is almost entirely carried on 
 by water. It is chiefly remarkable on account of the curious and 
 hitherto unexplained phenomenon known as ' the Burrisal guns."* 
 These are noises resembling the distant reports of heavy cannon 
 which are occasionally heard in this district. The cause producing 
 these sounds has never been discovered, and various opinions have 
 been put forward regarding them. Some think the sounds are 
 caused by the fall of large masses of the river bank, others believe 
 them to be due to submarine explosions caused by volcanic action, 
 but the phenomenon is not satisfactorily explained by either 
 theory, and its nature and cause still remain matters of conjecture. 
 
 We left Burrisal on February 11th, and though frequently 
 aground through the carelessness or ignorance of our pilot, we 
 succeeded in reaching Dacca, the chief city of Eastern Bengal, on 
 the following day. This was once a place of great extent and 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 97 
 
 importance, as the governors of Bengal under tlie Mogul emperors 
 made it their residence and seat of government. Extensive ruins 
 buried in the surrounding jungles still attest its former magnifi- 
 cence, but its prosperity departed during the troublous times of 
 the last, and the beginning of the present century, and its trade 
 and population became very much diminished. After staying a 
 day at Dacca we continued our voyage, but the river grew shallow, 
 and on February 15th we were obliged to land at a place called 
 Luckaie and march across country to Sylhet, a distance of about 
 fifty miles. At Luckaie we received a letter from the magistrate 
 of Sylhet, urging us to march on with all possible speed, as the 
 rebels had come down from the hills and burned a police outpost, 
 killing several police and villagers. Our march occupied several 
 days and was very fatiguing on account of the number of rivers 
 and streams we had to cross, and the state of the country, which 
 in most parts resembled the bottom of a dried-up cattle pond. 
 Supplies for our men and ourselves were obtained with great 
 difficulty, as the country people, unaccustomed in this remote 
 district to the passage of troops, deserted their villages at our 
 approach and fled to the jungle, as if we had been an invading 
 enemy. 
 
 On the 22nd of February we crossed the Soorma River and 
 reached the station of Sylhet, where we found that we were to 
 march up to Cherra Poonjee, in the Khasia Hills, as that station 
 had been almost entirely denuded of troops, its ordinary garrison 
 having taken the field against the rebels. We were detained at 
 Sylhet several days by difficulties of transport and by heavy rain, 
 but we commenced our march on the 25th, and on the following 
 day we passed through a dense jungle consisting of grass and reeds 
 ten or twelve feet high, with a few trees here and there, until we 
 reached a place called Companygunge. From thence the Khasia 
 
98 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Mountains were plainly visible stretching east and west, like a 
 gigantic wall of rock, seamed here and there by magnificent water- 
 falls and covered in many parts by luxuriant vegetation. 
 
 As I had charge of the officers' mess, I went into a neighbour- 
 ing village immediately after our arrival, in order to purchase 
 supplies. The sun was very hot, and though my head was well 
 guarded by a felt helmet, I had imprudently taken off my coat, so 
 that my back was insufficiently protected, and I soon began to feel 
 sick and giddy. I was just able to regain the mess tent when I 
 fell insensible to the ground, much to the astonishment and dismay 
 of my comrades. The application of cold water to my head soon 
 brought me round, and in a day or two I quite recovered from the 
 effects of this slight attack of sunstroke. 
 
 Heavy rain fell during the night and wetted our tents, so we 
 could only make a short march on the 27th, and we encamped at 
 Pundua, a place a few miles nearer the hills. It was surrounded 
 by swamps, and looked as if it must be a very hotbed of malarious 
 fever, yet none of our men fell sick, and though I visited Pundua 
 subsequently on several occasions, I never contracted fever there. 
 It appears that, for some unexplained reason, the country lying 
 below the southern border of the Khasia and Jyntia Hills is far 
 less unhealthy than that extending along their northern margin. 
 The remarkable immunity of Pundua from fever was noticed by 
 Sir Joseph Hooker, K.C.S.I., and was recorded in his well-known 
 work, Himalayan Journals^ p. 480. 
 
 At Pundua an order reached us from Colonel Richardson, who 
 commanded the troops in the field, desiring our commanding 
 officer to send one company up to Cherra Poonjee, and to join 
 him at Nongtalong, in the Jyntia Hills, with the remainder of the 
 wing as speedily as possible. Upon this Captain Robinson, who 
 commanded us, determined to march eastward across country to 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 99 
 
 the point indicated, instead of returning to Sylhet and proceeding 
 by the regular road. We took this line accordingly, but met 
 with great difficulties from the nature of the country, which was 
 traversed by numerous rivers and streams from the hills swollen by 
 the recent heavy rain, all of which we had to cross by boat or by 
 fording, as they were at right angles to our line of march. One 
 night our camp was nearly inundated by a stream which suddenly 
 rose more than twenty feet in consequence of a storm. During 
 one of our marches we had to ford a mountain torrent about four 
 feet deep, running with a force and rapidity that would have 
 instantly swept any single man off his legs. We were only able 
 to wade across by linking arms and thus opposing the united 
 strength of ten or twelve men to the force of the torrent. 
 
 The country in many parts was so swampy that we were unable 
 to proceed, and were forced to traverse the skirts of the hills to 
 avoid the morasses. On one occasion we nearly lost one of our 
 baggage elephants in a deep bog ; the great beast sank up to its 
 belly and seemed unable to extricate itself, till large branches of 
 trees were cut and thrown within its reach. The elephant seized 
 these branches with its trunk and thrust them beneath its body 
 and legs, so that eventually it got firm footing and dragged itself 
 out of the bog. At length, after having spent a week in marching 
 a distance of about forty miles, and endured much toil and many 
 hardships and privations, we arrived at the old town of Jyntiapur, 
 situated at the foot of the hills and only a few miles from our place 
 of rendezvous. The Rajah of Jyntiapur was formerly the ruler of 
 a considerable territory in this part of India, and had his residence 
 and seat of government in this old town. It was in a very decayed 
 and ruinous condition when I saw it, and contained hardly any- 
 thing worthy of notice except some enormous stones, over 20 feet 
 in length, which had been set up in past ages, possibly for sacri- 
 
100 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 ficial purposes, or to commemorate some distinguished man or 
 some important event. 
 
 On the 7th of March we left Jyntiapur and proceeded in boats 
 up a river for some distance, then across a ' jheel," or shallow lake 
 formed by the late heavy rains, and then tlirough a narrow channel 
 barely wide enough for small boats, with high grass jungle on 
 botli sides, sometimes meeting overhead. The water became very 
 shallow as we approached the hills, and at length we had to leave 
 the boats and march along a pathway that soon brought us to the 
 foot of these hills, which rise abruptly from the plain. A very 
 steep ascent for about 1500 feet through the forest covering the 
 hillside was succeeded by several slight ups and downs, ending in a 
 stiff climb of a few hundred feet. This climb brought us to the 
 plateau on which was perched the village of Nongtalong. We took 
 up our quarters in this village, a very commanding position on the 
 edge of a precipice, for it overlooked the plains at an altitude of 
 about 2500 feet. The people of the village were friendly, but they 
 would most probably have been forced to join the rebels had we 
 not arrived to protect them. Major Rowlatt, the chief civil officer 
 of the Khasia and Jyntia Hills, and Colonel Richardson of the 
 44th Regiment Native Infantry, with a party of his men, met us 
 at this place, and arrangements were made for a combined attack 
 upon a strong stockade erected by the enemy in a difficult posi- 
 tion at Ooksai, a few miles distant. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 9th of March, Captain Robinson 
 with about thirty men left Nongtalong to reconnoitre the enemy''s 
 stockade at Ooksai, and I accompanied the party. We marched 
 in single file along a narrow path which ran through dense jungle 
 in a westerly direction, and after many ascents and descents we 
 reached a narrow valley more than 1000 feet deep, the sides of 
 which were so steep that in some places we had to let ourselves 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 101 
 
 down holding trees and creepers, and in going up the other side 
 we were sometimes forced to climb hand over hand. A dense 
 forest covered the hills and obstructed our view, but soon after we 
 had passed the ravine we became aware of the presence of the 
 enemy, who sent a flight of arrows at us from the cover of the 
 jungle. No one was hit, and a volley of musketry from our men 
 drove off the rebels. It was evident, however, that they were all 
 round us in numbers, as we could hear them calling to each other 
 from the neighbouring hill tops, so Captain Robinson determined 
 not to advance any further. We accordingly commenced our 
 retreat, followed by the enemy, who attacked us in flank just as 
 we reached the ravine, but were driven back by a few shots from 
 my rifle and the muskets of our men. As we descended the steep 
 hill side our movements were quickened by a shower of rocks 
 which came crashing like round shot through the jungle. When 
 we reached the bottom, the enemy assailed us with arrows and 
 stones from both sides of the ravine, and raised yells of triumph, 
 evidently thinking they had caught us in a trap. It was plainly 
 impossible to return by the direct path in the face of the enemy, 
 so after a hurried consultation we struck off* to the right, and after 
 much difliculty and many narrow escapes from the masses of rock 
 which the enemy incessantly precipitated upon us, we at length 
 succeeded in reaching the top of the steep ascent and extricating 
 ourselves without loss from this dangerous spot. Then the enemy 
 drew off*, and we reached our camp without any further molesta- 
 tion. It was most fortunate that no one in our little party was 
 disabled on this occasion, for every man had to fight, and it would 
 have been equally impossible to carry on with us any badly 
 wounded men, or to abandon them, so that the affair might have 
 ended in the complete destruction of our little party. 
 
 On the following morning we marched with nearly all our men 
 
102 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 to co-operate in the attack on the enemy's stockade at Ooksai, as 
 previously arranged. We crossed the ravine without opposition 
 and soon arrived in front of the stockade, which was built of stout 
 palisades about nine feet high, bristling everywhere with sharp 
 bamboo spikes. It was carried across a neck of level ground 
 with a precipice on each side which effectually prevented any 
 attempt on our part to turn the defences, and the ground in front 
 of it was everywhere stuck full of 'panjees' — lancet-shaped bamboo 
 spikes several inches long, which would penetrate the upper leathers 
 of our stout walking boots. As we came up we heard the sound 
 of musketry on the other side of the stockade, showing that 
 Colonel Richardson had already commenced his attack. The 
 rebels seemed confused by an assault from two opposite points, 
 and we met with only slight resistance on our side. We soon 
 entered the stockade by scrambling over the palisades, and pre- 
 sently met our friends, who had been equally successfull, though 
 their loss had been greater than ours. A few of the enemy were 
 killed, but most of them escaped by going down the precipices 
 where our men could not follow them. A small detachment was 
 left to hold the captured stockade, and the remainder of the troops, 
 after a halt for rest and food, took the roads to their respective 
 camps. During our return to Nongtalong, while crossing the 
 deep ravine already mentioned, we were again attacked by the 
 enemy with arrows and large masses of rock, and several of our 
 men were wounded. 
 
 Next morning we marched towards Ooksai with a supply of 
 provisions for the party left there, and met with no opposition 
 until we were ascending the further side of the ravine. We had 
 got about half way up when a crashing noise was heard in the 
 jungle above, and the next instant some large masses of rock 
 came down upon us. The men in front of me managed to get 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 103 
 
 out of the way in time, but I was less fortunate, and before I 
 could do anything to avoid it I was struck down senseless by a 
 large fragment of rock. When I regained consciousness I found 
 myself lying in the jungle in rather a sorry plight. My head was 
 dizzy from the blow it had sustained, my body and limbs were 
 badly bruised, and I presently found that the last joint of the 
 middle finger of my left hand was completely crushed. My felt 
 helmet (one of Ellwood^s) was quite flattened : it must have borne 
 the weight of the blow, and most probably it saved my life. I 
 rose with some difficulty and made my way to the top of the 
 ascent where the rest of the party were assembled. The enemy 
 had disappeared, and after a short rest we went on to Ooksai, 
 where I had my wound dressed by a native medical subordinate, 
 and as it was rather late we remained there for the night. On 
 the following morning we returned to our camp at Nongtalong by 
 a different route, so as to avoid the dangerous ravine where we had 
 been so often attacked. 
 
 Soon after this the right wing of the 28th Regiment Native 
 Infantry, under the command of Colonel Dunsford, C.B., arrived 
 at Jyntiapur, and Captain Robinson, taking me with him, went 
 down to see them and to obtain orders as to our future proceed- 
 ings. We spent the day with them very pleasantly, and Dr. 
 Jowett, the surgeon of the regiment, after examining my wound, 
 reassured me by deciding that amputation of the injured finger 
 was not required. Next morning we started on our return to 
 Nongtalong, having an elephant to convey us as far as the foot of 
 the hills. As we approached the ascent we were startled to per- 
 ceive a party of men apparently waiting for us about half way up. 
 This made us very uneasy, as, although bands of rebels were known 
 to be near our post, we had imprudently neglected to bring arms 
 with us, and the two Sepoys who accompanied us were also un- 
 
104 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 armed. However, there was no help for it, so we armed ourselves 
 with heavy sticks which we cut in the jungle, and then proceeded 
 on our way. On reaching the spot where the men had been 
 observed, we found, to our great relief, that they were some of 
 our own coolies, engaged in carrying stores up to our post. Had 
 they been a party of rebels we should most likely have lost our 
 lives in consequence of our carelessness. 
 
 In a few days more I received orders to proceed to Jowai in the 
 interior of the Jyntia Hills, and to take medical charge of the 
 44th Regiment Native Infantry, which was vacant, as the medical 
 officer of the corps had received the appointment of Political 
 Agent of Manipur. I accordingly quitted Nongtalong on March 
 17th, with my baggage and a small escort who were to accompany 
 me to Umwai Poonjee, where I should receive a guard of the 44th 
 to take me on to Jowai. I saw nothing of the enemy on this 
 journey, but while passing through some dense jungle I perceived 
 the tail of a python or rock snake hanging down the side of a large 
 rock which overtopped the bush. As we came up it glided over 
 the rock and was lost to view on the other side. I found Major 
 Rowlatt, the Deputy-Commissioner, at Umwai Poonjee, and went 
 on with him to Jowai, where we arrived rather late in the evening, 
 and I joined my new regiment, which consisted chiefly of Goorkhas, 
 and had been an irregular corps styled the ' Sylhet Light Infantry 
 Battalion.' It had remained faithful during the mutinies of 1857, 
 and had defeated and broken up a body of mutineers who entered 
 the Sylhet district. When the native army was reorganised, 
 this corps was included as the 44th Regiment of Bengal Native 
 Infantry. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Our military operations in the country around Jowai — Arrival of General Showers, 
 C.B., with full civil and military powers — I am sent to Cherra Poonjee with our 
 sick and wounded — My wife joins me there in June— A false alarm — Prodigious 
 rainfall at Cherra Poonjee — Return of the general and temporary cessation of 
 military operations— Close of the rainy season — Grand scenery at Cherra — The 
 Moosmai Falls — Coal Mine Hill and its caves — I am ordered to Jowai in 
 October — A body of the rebels destroy Terria and threaten to attack Cherra — 
 Alarm of the residents — Military operations recommenced in January 1863 — We 
 attack and destroy the rebel stockades at Oomkoi and Nongbarai. 
 
 On the following morning a force consisting of part of the 28th 
 and 44th Regiments, mider the command of Colonel Dunsford, 
 marched out to examine some of the neighbouring villages and to 
 destroy the stockades which the enemy were reported to have 
 built there. Leaving the plateau on which Jowai is situated, we 
 descended into the valley of the Montadoo River which winds 
 round it, and continued our march, following the river for some 
 distance, after which we ascended the other side of the valley and 
 entered a large village which was nearly deserted. Two or three 
 miles further on we found the village of Latoobir, where the 
 enemy had erected stockades but had not stayed to defend them. 
 We destroyed these abandoned stockades, and returned to Jowai 
 by the Montadoo valley. The hills we had traversed were very 
 bare of trees and covered with short grass, the villages were few 
 and of small size, and the country seemed to be very thinly 
 peopled. 
 
 Next day we again marched from Jowai, taking the same 
 direction, but keeping along the valley until the Montadoo River 
 
106 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 turned southward. Then we continued our march towards the 
 east over undulating hills with isolated groups of pine trees 
 scattered over them, and towards evening we arrived at the village 
 of Shamfong, where one of the enemy's stockades had been recently 
 taken by a party of the 44th under Colonel Richardson. At this 
 place, which was quite deserted, we passed the night, though not 
 without disturbance, as there was a party of the enemy in a j ungle 
 close by who sent arrows and matchlock balls at us as we sat 
 round a fire after dinner, and also shot at our sentries during the 
 night, but fortunately did no mischief In the morning we 
 marched on to a village called Ralliong, and as we advanced the 
 scenery became finer and the hills more thickly wooded. We 
 crossed a deep ravine, and on reaching the crest of the hill we saw 
 Ralliong in front of us at a short distance. It was stockaded and 
 occupied by the enemy, who opened fire upon us as soon as we 
 came within range. An immediate assault was ordered, and the 
 stockades were carried in a short time with trifling loss on our 
 side. The enemy mostly escaped into the jungle which surrounded 
 the place, but they remained in close proximity to us, and gave 
 some annoyance during the night by shooting at our sentries. 
 
 Next day we halted and destroyed the stockades at Ralliong, 
 while a reconnaissance was pushed forward towards a village called 
 Munsoo, which was reported to be strongly fortified and held by 
 the enemy in force. As our party on their return confirmed this 
 report, the whole force marched to Munsoo on the following 
 morning, expecting to meet with considerable resistance, but to 
 our surprise the rebels, after firing a few shots, abandoned their 
 stockades and escaped into the jungle. Our only casualty was 
 the commanding officer'*s dog : the poor animal received a bullet 
 through his face and had to be destroyed. We occupied the 
 village and its defences, and next day marched back to Jowai, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 107 
 
 leaving a small garrison in Munsoo to prevent its re-occupation 
 by the enemy, which had already occurred more than once. To 
 my great satisfaction I now learned that I had been permanently 
 appointed to the medical charge of the 44th Regiment Native 
 Infantry in general orders by the commander-in-chief, so that 
 I could remain with the regiment as long as it suited me to 
 do so. 
 
 Soon after our return to Jowai, General Showers, C.B., arrived 
 to take command of all the troops in the field and direct the opera- 
 tions. He had also received from the Government of Bengal the 
 civil powers of a commissioner (or chief civil officer of a division), 
 so that his authority was supreme both in civil and military 
 matters. As my wound was still very painful and my left hand 
 quite disabled from it, the general allowed me to go to Cherra 
 Poonjee, the permanent station of my regiment, with the sick 
 and wounded of our force, and I accordingly left Jowai on March 
 29th in company with Captain Buist, the adjutant of the 44th 
 Native Infantry, who had been appointed by the general to act as 
 commissariat officer to the field force. 
 
 We left Jowai early in the morning, taking with us the sick 
 and wounded and a suitable guard, and crossing the Montadoo 
 River we continued our march along the undulating hills until we 
 reached the deep valley of the Mungut, into which we descended, 
 and crossing the river pursued our way to the west along a ravine 
 flanked on both sides by lofty and precipitous hills. Emerging 
 from the ravine we reached our halting place at Dingling, and put 
 up in a shed which had been built on the bleak hill side for the 
 accommodation of travellers. Next day we made a long march 
 of about eighteen miles over an undulating country, very bare of 
 trees and apparently thinly inhabited. About half way we passed 
 the Rablong Hill, one of the highest points in the country. We 
 
108 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 halted for the night at the village of Lailiiigkot, remarkable for its 
 iron works, and on the following day we made another long march 
 of nineteen miles to Cherra Poonjee, passing through some grand 
 and beautiful scenery on the way. The country was intersected by 
 huge ravines with steep precipitous sides, which in some instances 
 fell perpendicularly for several hundred feet. 
 
 As we approached the station the road passed along the side of 
 a forest-clad hill on which stood the Khasia village, or ' Poonjee,' 
 of Cherra, and after winding round some lower hills, on which we 
 saw the Mission Station and the European cemetery, emerged 
 
 CHERRA POONJEE 
 
 upon a plateau about three miles in length and two miles in 
 breadth, upon which the station was spread out before us. The 
 lines of the native troops, the regimental hospital, and the huts of 
 the grain dealers, oil sellers, and other petty tradespeople, who 
 supplied the wants of the soldiers, lay to our right ; the white 
 houses of the European residents, some of them prettily situated 
 among trees and shrubberies, were scattered over the plateau in 
 different directions ; and in the centre stood the church with its 
 lofty spire overlooking the settlement. 
 
 On our arrival Captain Buist and his wife very kindly invited 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 109 
 
 me to stay with them until I could take a house for myself ; they 
 had a charming residence embosomed in trees and reminding one 
 of English homes far more than houses in India generally do. I 
 was now appointed to the medical charge of the jail, police, and 
 other civil establishments at the station, in addition to my military 
 medical duties. In many Indian stations the medical officers of 
 the Indian service hold civil appointments as extra charges, in 
 addition to their regimental duties, and of course this is necessarily 
 the case at places where only a single medical officer is stationed. 
 These combined civil and military appointments are much appre- 
 ciated, not only on account of their extra allowances and emolu- 
 ments, but also on account of the greater opportunities of medical 
 and surgical practice which they afford. 
 
 After a time I moved into a small house near the regimental 
 hospital, and proceeded to get it ready for my wife's arrival. She 
 had remained with friends in Calcutta, and came up by steamer as 
 soon as I was ready to receive her. In June I went down to 
 Chattuck, where the river steamers stopped, met my wife there, 
 and brought her up to my little house at Cherra, where we settled 
 down very comfortably. 
 
 In July we were alarmed by a report that a body of the rebels 
 had reached the village of Moflong, about eighteen miles distant, 
 and intended to attack the station during the night. The danger 
 appeared serious, as most of our troops were absent, and there were 
 only a few Sepoys of the 44th and some native police available for 
 the protection of the station, which was far too extensive to be 
 properly guarded by so small a number. In this unlooked-for 
 emergency we armed our native servants and kept on the watch 
 during the greater part of the night. All remained quiet, how- 
 ever, and in the morning we ascertained that it had been a 
 false alarm. 
 
no 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 The rains set in early in this part of India, and the rainfall is 
 really prodigious, as the southern face of the Khasia and Jyntia 
 Hills receives the contents of the heavy clouds which come up from 
 the Bay of Bengal. They break upon this rocky wall, 4000 feet 
 high, in torrents of rain, which, from the commencement of the 
 rains in April to their termination in September, amount to some 
 hundreds of inches, and are probably unequalled in any other part 
 of the world. Sir Joseph Hooker, during his visit to Cherra, 
 
 NEAR CHERRA POONJEE DURING THE RAINS 
 
 recorded a rainfall of 30 inches in one day and night, and upwards 
 of 500 inches during the seven months of his residence there 
 (Hooker's Himalayan Journals^ p. 491). This enormous rainfall 
 has swept away most of the soil on the Cherra plateau, so that 
 large areas of bare rock are to be seen in many places. The 
 numerous streams are raised many feet in a few hours, and become 
 raging torrents precipitating themselves over the sides of the 
 plateau at different points, and carrying off the deluge of rain so 
 completely that an hour or two after the rain ceases the roads are 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 111 
 
 dry enough for comfortable walking. The setting in of the rains 
 is generally accompanied by violent storms in which the thunder 
 and lightning are incessant, and the wind so strong that even 
 buildings of solid masonry may be felt to tremble under it ! 
 
 During the rainy season the military operations against the 
 rebels were necessarily discontinued, and the general with his staff 
 returned to Cherra, leaving the troops to occupy certain selected 
 positions in the Jyntia Hills until the cessation of the rains should 
 permit the resumption of active operations. I may here explain 
 that the sick of my regiment were sent to Cherra as opportunities 
 occurred, and were treated by me in the regimental hospital : this 
 was the only practicable arrangement, as the corps was split up 
 into many separate detachments to garrison different points in the 
 J3^tia Hills. As my duties compelled me to go out every day, 
 and frequently several times a day, I was much exposed to the 
 weather. During June, July, and August it rained in torrents 
 almost incessantly, and in spite of (so called) waterproof clothing I 
 generally got wet through at least once a day. This exposure at 
 last affected my health and I was laid up for several weeks. 
 
 About the end of September the rains ceased, and the weather 
 became very fine, so that we could fully enjoy the views of 
 the splendid scenery around us.' Towards the east the rocky 
 plateau of red sandstone on which the station was situated sank 
 abruptly into a magnificent ravine 3000 feet deep ; its sides were 
 almost everywhere clothed with forest, but in some parts they 
 were sheer walls of rock for hundreds of feet. During the rains 
 many cascades fell down the sides of this ravine, uniting at the 
 bottom to form a river which pursued its rapid course to the 
 plains. This river was spanned in one spot by what was called 
 ' the living bridge," which was formed by the interlaced and united 
 roots of two fine banyan or Indian fig-trees, one of which grew on 
 
in 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 each bank of the stream. This was just below the station, but a 
 descent of 3000 feet had to be made to reach it. Nevertheless it 
 was occasionally visited, and a more charming spot for a picnic 
 was not to be found in the neighbourhood of Cherra. Numerous 
 pathways intersected the sides of the ravine and were used by the 
 natives of the country, who carried heavy loads on their backs up 
 and down with perfect ease and security, though in some places 
 the only pathway was a bamboo ladder tied to the face of a per- 
 pendicular cliff. 
 
 THE LIVING BRIDGE, BELOW CHERRA POONJEE 
 
 To the south the Cherra plateau was bounded by another 
 similar ravine in which were some very remarkable waterfalls called 
 the Moosmai Falls. During the rains these falls were a magni- 
 ficent spectacle, but they could very seldom be seen owing to clouds 
 and mist. On rare occasions they became visible, and then many 
 great bodies of water would be seen falling into the ravine at 
 different points, bounding from ledge to ledge, dashing over 
 immense masses of rock, and finally falling down a tremendous 
 precipice more than 1000 feet into the valley below. So great 
 was the fall that the water was dispersed in mist and spray before 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 113 
 
 it reached the bottom. The Khasia village of Moosmai was 
 situated at the head of this ravine, and the road from Cherra to 
 the plains passed through the village. 
 
 To the west of the station was a long wooded eminence 
 commonly called the Coal Mine Hill. It consisted chiefly of lime- 
 stone, and contained some curious caves, which I took pleasure in 
 exploring. One of these caves was a circular hole in the limestone 
 rock, about 30 feet in diameter and 100 feet deep, and had 
 apparently been formed by the action of a small stream of water 
 which trickled down one side of it. The floor of this cave could 
 be reached from below by an opening in the rock, and it was a 
 favourite spot for picnics, although the surrounding jungle was 
 infested by tigers. During the rains these animals were driven by 
 inundations from their usual haunts in the plains, and came up 
 into the hill country. They found shelter in the numerous forest- 
 clad valleys, and frequently made their way into the station, 
 where they prowled about the roads, killed and devoured any stray 
 cattle they found, and sometimes even preyed upon the natives 
 themselves. They were occasionally caught in traps built of stout 
 logs, with a sliding door at one end, which was so contrived as to 
 fall behind the tiger after he had entered the trap and seized the 
 animal (usually a goat) which had been tied up inside to serve 
 as a bait. 
 
 The Coal Mine Hill derived its name from a large seam of coal 
 existing there close to the surface of the ground. It was worked 
 in a rude fashion by the Khasias, partly for their own use and 
 partly on account of the European residents, to whom the coal 
 was sold at a very cheap rate (Rs. 8 per 100 maunds of coal, or 
 about four shillings a ton). The coal was reached by horizontal 
 borings into the hill side, wherever the mineral showed itself. It 
 was present in considerable quantities and its quality was excellent. 
 
114 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 This seam of coal apparently extended along the southern border 
 of the Khasia and Jyntia Hills for a great distance, as I met with 
 it subsequently at Satoonga more than sixty miles to the east of 
 Cherra. We thus had close at hand an abundant supply of cheap 
 and excellent fuel, and were able to keep up coal fires in our 
 houses all through the year. They were especially necessary in 
 the rainy season on account of the excessive humidity of the air at 
 that time. 
 
 A pleasant walk over the grassy hills to the west of the Sepoy 
 lines led to the Khasia village of Mamloo, situated on the edge of 
 a magnificent valley with perpendicular cliffs of red sandstone 
 seamed by numerous cascades. Mamloo was closely surrounded 
 by trees and defended by a stone wall, beneath, which a sort of 
 tunnel through the rock gave entrance to the village. The great 
 valley which lay below extended down to the plains of Sylhet, and 
 contained many plantations of orange trees. At its entrance was 
 the large village of Chela perched on the steep hill side just above 
 the Boga Panee River, which there enters the plains. Chela is an 
 important trading mart of these parts, and it contains a consider- 
 able population. A great trade is carried on there in lime, 
 oranges, potatoes, betel nut, and other produce of the Khasia hills 
 and valleys. 
 
 The neighbourhood of Cherra is remarkable for the richness of 
 its flora, and it is a paradise for the collectors of ferns and orchids. 
 Sir Joseph Hooker found more than 2000 flowering plants within 
 ten miles of the station, besides 150 varieties of ferns and a 
 profusion of orchids, mosses, lichens, and fungi (Hooker^s Hima- 
 layan Journals^ p. 490). There are no rhododendrons at Cherra, 
 but several species occur in the interior of the hills further north. 
 English garden plants for the most part do not thrive there, owing 
 to the excessive humidity of the air in the rainy season and the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 115 
 
 rarity of sunshine. We did our best to make a garden, but 
 owing to these causes we met with very indifferent success. The 
 scarlet salvia, however, grew luxuriantly, and petunia, chrysan- 
 themum, and fuchsia also did well. Most garden plants left 
 out were destroyed by the deluge which came down upon them 
 during the rainy season, and even when placed in pots and boxes 
 under cover they would often rot from the amount of moisture in 
 the air. 
 
 Towards the end of October orders were received directing 
 several officers, myself among the number, to proceed to Jowai in 
 the Jyntia Hills, and join the troops in the field, as the rebels still 
 held out and fresh operations were about to be undertaken for 
 their suppression. We accordingly left Cherra on the 4th of 
 November, and on reaching Jowai, after a pleasant three days'" 
 march, we found nothing going on, as Colonel Dunsford, who had 
 been appointed to command all the troops in the hills, had not yet 
 arrived. About a fortnight after I was sent with an escort to inspect 
 a detachment of the 33rd Regiment Native Infantry, stationed 
 at Munsoo, which had been garrisoned since its last capture to 
 prevent the rebels from reoccupying and stockading it, as they had 
 done more than once before. I found the detachment in a very 
 bad state, nearly all the men having been attacked with malarious 
 fever and so debilitated that they were quite unfit for military 
 duty. They had lost several men by the fire of the enemy who 
 still lurked in the jungles about the place, and they were so 
 weakened and demoralised that they could not have resisted a 
 serious attack upon their post had any been made. On my return 
 I reported the sickly state of the detachment, and it was at once 
 relieved and withdrawn. 
 
 About this time the residents at Cherra Poonjee, most of whom 
 were ladies and children, were seriously alarmed by the movements 
 
116 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 of a body of rebels, who, having contrived to elude the troops in 
 the Jyntia Hills, made their way as far as Terria Ghat, at the/oot 
 of the Khasia Hills, and only ten miles from the station. They 
 surprised and burned the place, killing some of the inhabitants, 
 several police, and two or three unfortunate Bengali traders (called 
 ' box wallahs ') who were on their way up to Cherra to sell their 
 wares. It was feared that the rebels would come up the hill and 
 
 TERRIA GHAT, BELOW CHERRA POONJEE 
 
 attack the station during the night, and had they done so they 
 might easily have plundered and burned the houses and killed 
 many of the residents, for the scanty garrison of Sepoys and police 
 was quite insufficient for the protection of the whole station, the 
 houses being widely scattered over the plateau. Fortunately the 
 rebels did not make the attempt, but one night a false alarm was 
 raised, and one of the residents, an old lady of eighty-eight, was 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 117 
 
 hurriedly taken out of bed by her friends, wrapped in a blanket, 
 and carried away for protection to the regimental quarter-guard. 
 She had previously been kept in ignorance of the rebellion, and 
 the shock and exposure of that night were too much for her, so 
 that she died very soon after. As already stated, I had joined the 
 troops in the field before this incident occurred, and my wife, being 
 quite alone in the house, was naturally frightened. Our Khasia 
 ayah, Kapoo, tried to reassure her by promising to dress her in 
 native clothes and take her into the jungle if the rebels attacked 
 the station, but this alternative was almost equally alarming, as 
 the jungles in the neighbourhood of the station were infested by 
 tigers. 
 
 By the end of December a considerable force was assembled at 
 Jowai, the 21st Regiment Native Infantry, under Major Thelwall, 
 and the Eurasian Battery of Artillery, under Captain Cordner, 
 having recently arrived. In the beginning of January 1863 the 
 whole force, under the command of Colonel Dunsford, C.B., 
 marched to Umwai, and thence to a village called Padoo, in the 
 neighbourhood of which the rebels had built several stockades. 
 One of these was distinctly visible from our camp. It was situated 
 on a wooded hill opposite to us, but separated by a deep and 
 almost impassable valley, with wooded and precipitous sides. 
 We could even see some of their men observing us, and we tried a 
 few shots with a long range rifle, which caused them to vanish in 
 the j ungle. 
 
 Next morning we marched to attack the enemy"'s stockades at 
 Oomkoi and Nongbarai. The path was in some parts exceedingly 
 difficult, and I was astonished at the elephants carrying the guns 
 being able to get on at all in some places. At last we approached 
 the stockaded villages, which were situated among thick jungle, in 
 very broken and difficult ground. They were shelled by the 
 
118 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 artillery for some time without much effect, and then the infantry 
 attacked and carried them with trifling loss, the defenders as usual 
 escaping into the jungle. After destroying the stockades we 
 returned to camp. On our way back the enemy fired upon us 
 from the jungle, but without effect. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 We reconnoitre the stockade at Oomkrong and nearly fall into a trap — Capture of 
 the stockade — Colonel Richardson severely wounded — We return to Jowai — I 
 accompany a detachment to Barato and return with a small escort by way of 
 Nurtiung — Curious bridge and stone monuments there— Similar monuments at 
 Cherra and elsewhere in these hills — I accompany Colonel Richardson to Cherra 
 and rejoin the field force at Surtiong — Coal at Satoonga — Two officers wounded — 
 Operations against the rebels in the north-east country — Close of the rebellion — 
 Our heavy losses — We return to Cherra — One of our detachments struck by 
 lightning — I build a house on the verge of the great ravine — Splendid views from 
 our windows — Some adventures with tigers — Difficulties of tiger-shooting at 
 Cherra — Characteristics of the Khasias and Jyntias. 
 
 On the following day we marched to reconnoitre the stockade at 
 Oomkrong, opposite to our camp. To reach it we were forced to 
 make a long detour, as the intervening valley was almost im- 
 passable from its depth and steepness. We therefore passed round 
 the head of it, and marched along the spur on which the stockade 
 was situated until we reached it, when we found it deserted. The 
 ground in front of it was thickly covered with 'panjees,** and there 
 were several ingeniously concealed pitfalls, which might have 
 proved very troublesome and dangerous in the hurry of an assault. 
 We clambered over the stockade, and, seeing nothing of the enemy, 
 concluded that they had dispersed, so we set to work getting the 
 stockade destroyed, and proposed to have lunch afterwards. Mean- 
 while I and two other officers, being fond of exploring unknown 
 regions, took a stroll along a pathway which ran down the spur. 
 The hill was covered with high grass reaching above our heads, so 
 that we could not see where we were going, and a turn in the 
 path suddenly brought us in front of a formidable stockade. 
 
120 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 For a moment we thought it was empty, but shots were imme- 
 diately fired at us, and loud yells arose within. We were fortun- 
 ately untouched, and made a hasty retreat to our party, who were 
 quiety eating their lunch without any idea that the enemy were so 
 near them. Our commander, on hearing what had occurred, 
 advanced with the whole party, but after viewing the stockade, he 
 decided that an immediate assault was unadvisable, and that it 
 would be best to retire and bring a stronger force, with artillery, 
 to attack the place next morning. We accordingly retreated, 
 followed by the yells of the enemy, who seemed to think they had 
 beaten us off. 
 
 In the morning the whole force, including the artillery, marched 
 to attack the enemy's position. Colonel Richardson of the 44th 
 commanded on this occasion, as Colonel Dunsford was indisposed 
 and could not leave camp. We followed the same path as on the 
 previous day, and on approaching the stockade we found it still 
 occupied by the enemy. The troops were then halted, and the 
 guns were got into position to shell the stockade. A heavy 
 bombardment was kept up for about an hour, but no impression 
 was made, and several of our men were wounded by the enemy's 
 fire. Colonel Richardson then ordered the infantry to attack and 
 carry the stockade, and he led them on to the assault himself, but 
 fell severely wounded and was carried to the rear. Major Thelwall 
 then took the command, and after some further resistance the 
 stockade was taken. The defenders mostly got away before our 
 men had effected an entrance, and aided by the jungle and the 
 precipitous sides of the hill, they easily made their escape. The 
 space within the stockade was full of immense masses of granite 
 with hollows under them, in which the enemy had evidently taken 
 shelter while the bombardment was going on. On both sides of 
 the spur were precipitous slopes covered with jungle and high 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 121 
 
 grass, whicli afforded ample cover. After destroying the stockade 
 we returned to camp with our wounded, whose safe transport was a 
 matter of some difficulty owing to the extremely rugged and 
 broken country we had to traverse. 
 
 In a day or two we marched back to Umwai, as there were no 
 more stockades near Padoo, and resistance seemed to have ceased 
 in that part of the country. After a few days'* stay at Umwai to 
 rest the wounded, we returned to Jowai. Colonel Richardson's 
 wound was very severe : a musket ball had struck him close to the 
 knee, while his leg was bent in the act of running, and had passed 
 completely through the whole length of the calf of the leg, coming 
 out near the ankle. I had considerable trouble and difficulty with 
 his case, but he got on slowly and eventually made a good recovery, 
 though at first his condition looked rather unpromising, considering 
 his age and long service in India. 
 
 Soon after my return to Jowai I was ordered to accompany a 
 detachment of troops, under the command of an officer of the 21st 
 Regiment Native Infantry, to an outpost at Barato, about thirty- 
 five miles from Jowai, in a north-easterly direction. Our first 
 march was to Munsoo, where we halted and passed the night in an 
 open spot, taking every precaution against an attack, as parties of 
 the enemy were known to be in the neighbourhood. The night 
 ended quietly, and in the morning we resumed our march, passing 
 through Munsoo, which apparently was quite deserted. We then 
 descended into a deep valley and crossed a mountain torrent, after 
 which a few miles' march through an undulating thickly-wooded 
 country brought us to a village called Shilliang-montong, then 
 occupied by a party of the 44th under an officer of that corps. 
 We passed the night there, and continued our march next morn- 
 ing, traversing extensive forests of oak, and reaching Barato in a 
 few hours. There I quitted the detachment and returned with a 
 
122 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 small escort to Shilliang-montong, where I spent the night. On 
 the following morning I set out on my return to Jowai by a 
 different route, as the Munsoo road was not considered safe for a 
 small party. I proceeded very cautiously for some miles through a 
 broken and thickly-wooded country, from which we at length 
 emerged into open ground, consisting of grassy undulating hills 
 almost completely bare of trees. A few miles' march then brought 
 us to the large village of Nurtiung, where I met Colonel Haughton, 
 Commissioner of Assam, Colonel Dunsford, and other officers of our 
 force. 
 
 There was not much to be seen at Nurtiung, which was as dirty 
 and as full of pigs as most Khasia villages, but at a short distance 
 stood a curious old bridge which deserves mention. It consisted of 
 three enormous blocks of stone, the middle one upwards of 20 
 feet in length, the other two rather less ; the stones were placed 
 upon smaller ones set upright in the bed of the stream to serve as 
 piers. There was a somewhat similar bridge on the road between 
 Jowai and Umwai, but the stones in that instance were not quite 
 so large as those of the bridge near Nurtiung. There were also 
 around the village a great number of the curious stone monuments 
 so common everywhere in these hills, consisting of enormous flat 
 slabs of stone placed upon several upright stones like a table on 
 its legs, with gigantic head stones (some nearly 30 feet high) 
 standing behind them. It seems probable that these stones were 
 set up as memorials of great events, or of distinguished men, whose 
 ashes were sometimes deposited near them. 
 
 Groups of similar stones of various dimensions were to be seen 
 all over the Khasia and Jyntia Hills. They generally consisted of 
 a row of five or seven upright stones, the middle one being the 
 largest, and usually there were also flat ones below, as at Nurtiung. 
 On a hill above Cherra there were a great many of these stone 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 123 
 
 monuments, and one great slab I particularly remember, as its 
 dimensions were so enormous that we used to have picnics upon it, 
 twenty people or more being able to sit on it comfortably. It 
 must have been upwards of 20 feet in diameter each way, and 
 more than 2 feet thick, and it was supported by several short 
 stones sunk in the ground, above which this huge slab was 
 elevated only 2 or 3 feet. Nearer the station there was 
 another remarkable stone, which had been used as a bridge over a 
 narrow chasm. It was about 20 feet long, 4 feet broad, and 2 
 feet thick, and it rested securely for about a foot upon the edge 
 of the chasm on each side. It is extraordinary that a people like 
 these hill men, possessing no knowledge of the mechanical arts, 
 should nevertheless have been able to erect such remarkable 
 monuments, and to place in accurate position stones of such pro- 
 digious size and weight. 
 
 Next morning, after a rather tedious and uninteresting march 
 of ten or twelve miles through an undulating country very bare of 
 trees, I arrived at Jowai and found Colonel Kichardson consider- 
 ably better, so that after a few more days he was able to bear the 
 journey to Cherra. I accompanied him to the station and remained 
 there with him for a few days, when I was obliged to return to the 
 field force. On reaching Jowai I found that Colonel Dunsford and 
 the greater part of the force had marched to attack some stockades 
 which the rebels had built at the village of Surtiong, about thirty 
 miles distant in an easterly direction, and I followed them, availing 
 myself of a guard that was escorting supplies for the troops. Our 
 road for several miles lay along the valley of the Montadoo River ; 
 then we left the valley and continued our march in an easterly 
 direction over many miles of an undulating country, very bare of 
 trees, until we reached the village of Satoonga, where we halted 
 for the night. The seam of coal previously mentioned made its 
 
124 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 appearance near this place, and being quite superficial, was used as 
 fuel by the villagers around. 
 
 Next morning we continued our march, and after passing a 
 beautiful little lake formed by the Kopili River, we ascended a 
 ridge, and then gained a view of an extensive valley, in which the 
 camp of our force was plainly visible. Nearly in the midst of the 
 valley was a curious eminence entirely covered with trees, among 
 which thatched roofs and jutting points of rock were visible here 
 and there. This was the stockaded village of Surtiong, and on 
 reaching the camp I found to my disappointment that it had 
 been attacked and taken on the previous day. I went to see the 
 place and found that the hill was a mass of limestone rock, covered 
 with forest and pierced with numerous caves and hollow ways. 
 The village was on the summit and could only be approached by 
 very narrow and intricate passages through the limestone. These 
 roads had been strongly barricaded, and trunks of trees had 
 been suspended above them to be let fall, at the proper moment, 
 upon the crowd of embarrassed assailants. But the fire of our 
 artillery rendered all these preparations useless and caused such a 
 panic among the defenders that they soon abandoned all resist- 
 ance and took refuge in the caves, where they remained until night 
 gave them the opportunity of escape. Our troops occupied the 
 place with trifling loss, but had it not been for the guns there 
 would doubtless have been serious resistance and many casualties. 
 An officer of the 21st Native Infantry fell into a concealed pit full 
 of sharp spikes, one of which penetrated his leg, inflicting a severe 
 wound. This device was employed by the hill tribes of the 
 Eastern Frontier both in hunting and in war, and we lost several 
 men in this manner during the campaign. 
 
 After a few days we returned to Jowai, where we found that 
 Lieutenant Collett, of the 21st Native Infantry, the officer with 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 125 
 
 whom I had gone to Barato a short time before, had been brought 
 in very severely wounded by a shot from the jungle. The bullet 
 had struck him a little above the ankle and had completely 
 shattered the larger bone of the leg. Our efforts to save his 
 leg were successful, but he was laid up for a long time, and 
 eventually obliged to take sick leave to England. 
 
 By this time (March 1863) the rebellion was almost at an end, 
 but a few parties of rebels were still in arms in the wild jungly 
 country around Barato and Nongfloot in the north-eastern part of 
 the Jyntia Hills, and an expedition was sent against them consist- 
 ing chiefly of men of the 21st and 44th Regiments Native Infantry 
 under the command of Major Thelwall. We left Jowai early in 
 March, taking the road to Nurtiung and from thence to Shilliang- 
 montong and Barato, where the force was divided into several 
 detachments with the view of thoroughly scouring the country 
 and dispersing any bodies of armed rebels that might still remain. 
 A large detachment with several officers, including myself, was 
 sent forward to Phlong, a village lying some distance away to the 
 north-east. The country we passed through was covered with 
 thick forest, and there appeared to be very few inhabitants. We 
 met with no opposition and soon arrived at Phlong, where we 
 established ourselves comfortably. 
 
 We remained there about a week, and during this period we 
 were occupied every day in making marches through the country 
 in different directions, the detachment having been broken up into 
 several distinct parties for this purpose. The country around was 
 a vast jungle of forest trees and bamboos, intermixed with all sorts 
 of creepers and small shrubs. Here and there we found small 
 clearings for cultivation, and sometimes a deserted hut or two. 
 Occasionally we sui'prised and dispersed parties of rebels, who fled 
 into the jungle at our approach. On one occasion we marched for 
 
126 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 many miles in an easterly direction, and found ourselves in a 
 labyrinth of hills covered with bamboo jungle, in which no tracks 
 but those of wild elephants and other animals could be found. 
 The result of our combined operations was that the enemy were 
 completely demoralised and disheartened, and abandoned all idea 
 of further resistance. We then marched back to Jowai the way 
 we had come, arriving there about the end of March 1863, and 
 thus the tedious operations against the insurgent hill tribes were 
 at last brought to a close, after having continued, off and on, for 
 fifteen months. 
 
 The losses of the troops and police employed in the suppression 
 of the rebellion were very heavy. My regiment (the 44th Native 
 Infantry) which took part in the operations from first to last, had 
 four officers wounded and about two hundred men killed and 
 wounded in its various engagements, besides a large number of 
 men whose health broke down from exposure and privations. 
 Nevertheless no medal, or reward of any kind, was granted to 
 the troops in recognition of their services in this trying cam- 
 paign. 
 
 The field force was now broken up, the 21st Regiment Native 
 Infantry remaining at Jowai, while the 44th returned to its old 
 quarters at Cherra, and the other troops departed to their respec- 
 tive stations. I left Jowai with a part of my regiment in April 
 and reached Cherra in two days, very pleased to find myself at 
 home again. Another detachment of our men, who left Jowai a 
 day or two after us, were overtaken at the first halting place by 
 one of the terrible storms which usher in the rainy season in the 
 Khasia and Jyntia Hills. The hut they occupied was struck by 
 lightning, and two soldiers, several camp followers, and a number 
 of baggage animals were killed on the spot, and many others 
 injured. The officer in command of the party was himself struck 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 127 
 
 down, and though not fatally injured he suffered for a long time 
 from the effects of the severe shock his system had sustained. 
 
 After the termination of this long protracted campaign we had 
 a considerable period of peace and quietness, and we lived a happy 
 life in our pleasant little hill station. In the beginning of 1864 I 
 built a house on the edge of the great ravine to the eastward of 
 the station, where I had taken up a piece of land for the purpose. 
 The view from our windows was magnificent, including the great 
 valley, 3000 feet deep, the undulating country for many miles 
 beyond, and to the south the plains of Sylhet, which in the rainy 
 season resembled a sea dotted with innumerable green islands. 
 Further south still were seen the hills of Tipperah and the country 
 of the Lushais. Our house was built upon a rocky eminence ; in 
 front of it was a small space which was laid out as a garden, and 
 beyond this was a steep declivity with grassy slopes, the commence- 
 ment of the great valley. At a very short distance from the house 
 was found the jungle, which in most places covered the sides of the 
 valley and gave ample shelter to tigers and other wild animals 
 which frequently prowled round the house during the night, leav- 
 ing their footmarks in the mould of the garden. 
 
 One morning we found, close behind our house, the carcass of 
 a cow which had been killed by a tiger during the night. Know- 
 ing that the animal would most probably return during the follow- 
 ing night to finish its meal, I remained with some friends in the 
 back verandah of the house, intending to shoot it. The tiger 
 came, as we expected, but unfortunately the night was so dark 
 that although we could hear the beast tearing the carcass of the 
 cow, we could not see it and could take no aim. At length some 
 shots were fired almost at random, and the tiger went off un- 
 touched. Tigers were so common in the neighbourhood of 
 Cherra that I once saw one lying asleep on a rock in the jungle. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 129 
 
 just below the regimental mess house, and on another occasion, as 
 I was riding along the Assam road a few miles from the station, I 
 saw a tiger walking leisurely over the hills about a hundred yards 
 to my left ; he was pursued at a very respectful distance by a mob 
 of shouting natives, and presently disappeared over the brow of the 
 hill. 
 
 One day a report was brought in that a boy, the son of one of 
 our Sepoys, had been seized by a tigress and carried into the jungle, 
 so I started in pursuit in company with another officer and several 
 of our men. We followed the trail into a jungle so dense and 
 thorny that walking was impossible, and we could only get through 
 it by crawling on the ground under the bush. At last we came 
 upon the mangled and lifeless body of the unfortunate lad, which 
 our approach had forced the tigress to drop. As we were too late 
 to save him, and as it was useless to search further for the tigress 
 in that horrible jungle, which was so dense that we could hardly 
 see a yard in any direction, we returned to the station bringing 
 with us the body of the boy. Although tigers were so common we 
 rarely got a chance of killing one, except in a trap, as it was im- 
 possible to use elephants owing to the nature of the ground, and to 
 go after tigers on foot in dense and almost impenetrable jungle was 
 too dangerous to be attempted except on such an occasion as the 
 above when we had a slight hope of saving human life. 
 
 Tigers were occasionally caught in the traps previously men- 
 tioned, several of which had been placed at likely spots around the 
 station. One of these traps was movable, being on wheels, and I 
 remember once a tiger being caught in it and then dragged round 
 the station by a throng of excited natives, who could not refrain 
 from thus triumphing over their dreaded enemy and loading him 
 and his race with unsparing abuse. The Khasias had a curious idea 
 about tigers somewhat similar to the werewolf superstition which 
 
130 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 prevailed in Europe during the middle ages. They believed that 
 certain persons possessed the power of transforming themselves into 
 tigers, in which guise they would prowl about during the night 
 seeking prey, while in the day time they would appear and, behave 
 as human beings. 
 
 The inhabitants of the Khasia and Jyntia Hills belong to the 
 Indo-Chinese race : they are really the same people, though there 
 are differences of dialect and custom. They are, like most of the 
 hill men on the eastern frontier of India, short in stature, but 
 very sturdy and muscular, with highly-developed calves, narrow 
 
 eyes, and flat noses. They 
 have no caste prejudices, like 
 the Hindus, but consume all 
 kinds of food, except milk, to 
 which they have an extraordi- 
 nary and unaccountable aver- 
 sion. They are very supersti- 
 tious, believing in the existence 
 of countless demons who are 
 supposed to haunt particular 
 localities, but they have no 
 religion, in the strict sense of the word, and hence the missionaries, 
 who have been settled at Cherra for many years, have been very 
 successful and have a large following. The Khasia language is 
 monosyllabic and is quite unlike the other languages of India. It 
 has been studied and reduced to writing by the missionaries, who 
 have published a grammar and dictionary of it, as well as a 
 translation of the New Testament, and other works. 
 
 The Khasias cultivate rice, millet, potatoes, etc., very success- 
 fully. They carry quantities of produce down to Chela, Terria 
 Ghat, and other places along the foot of the hills, where a brisk 
 
 GROUP OF KHASIAS 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 131 
 
 trade is carried on with the Bengahs of the plains. In their 
 villages they keep goats and cattle, as well as plenty of pigs and 
 fowls, but they use the eggs only for purposes of divination. They 
 are very fond of chewing a mixture of betel nut, lime, and pepper 
 leaves called ' Pan,** which reddens their saliva and leaves unmis- 
 takable traces on the paths they follow. They carry very heavy 
 loads up and down the hills in wicker baskets which rest on their 
 backs and are supported by a broad plaited strap passing round 
 the basket and across the forehead of the carrier. Most of our 
 wounded men were carried along in this way during the campaign 
 in these hills, as the nature of the country rendered the employ- 
 ment of the ordinary means of transport impracticable. When 
 men were so badly wounded as to be unable to sit upright it 
 became necessary to make rough litters for them with bamboos 
 and branches of trees, and they were thus carried along with much 
 difficulty by a number of men. The Khasias are fond of archery, 
 and I used sometimes to attend their meetings and watch their 
 shooting. They appeared to be indifferent marksmen, and their 
 shooting range was only fifty or sixty yards. In hunting they 
 have recourse to traps, pitfalls, and snares of various kinds, some 
 of which devices they employed against us during the campaign. 
 The Khasia women are almost as ugly as the men ; they are very 
 fond of ornaments, and on certain festive occasions they appear 
 loaded with gold and silver coronets, necklaces, bangles, and other 
 ornaments, and keep up a slow, ungraceful kind of dance, while 
 the men move more rapidly round them. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Difficulties with Bhootan— Our mission maltreated, and a disgraceful treaty extorted 
 by the Bhootias — War with Bhootan— Early successful operations— The Bhootias 
 surprise our posts — Disaster at Dewangiri — Fresh troops sent up and General 
 Tombs appointed to the chief command— I accompany the left wing of my 
 regiment to the seat of war — Our march to Koomreekatta — We force the Dur- 
 runga Pass — Assault and capture of Dewangiri — We remain at Koomreekatta 
 and suffer severely from malarious fever — Our withdrawal to Gowhatty — I 
 return to Cherra on two months' sick leave — News of a fresh invasion of Bhootan 
 in the cold weather — I rejoin my regiment at Gowhatty in October. 
 
 Early in 1864 we began to hear rumours about difficulties with 
 Bhootan, a wild mountainous country lying between Assam and 
 Thibet, and it was reported that the mission which our Govern- 
 ment had sent to that country had met with an unfriendly recep- 
 tion. At length it became known that the members of the 
 mission had been grossly insulted and maltreated by the Bhootias, 
 who had compelled the envoy (the late Sir Ashley Eden) to sign a 
 treaty ceding a large tract of our territory to Bhootan. War 
 with Bhootan was of course unavoidable after this, and prepara- 
 tions for the campaign were forthwith commenced. It was decided 
 that the field force should consist of two separate columns, the 
 right column under Brigadier-General Mulcaster, having its base 
 of operations at Gowhatty in Assam, while the left column under 
 Brigadier-General Dunsford, C.B., was to operate from Julpigoree 
 in Bengal against the western part of Bhootan. These forces were 
 to occupy certain posts in the mountains of Bhootan, and it was 
 expected that this occupation of part of their territory would 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 133 
 
 compel the Bhootias to make a treaty of peace on satisfactory 
 terms. 
 
 As the Eurasian Battery of Artillery and a wing of the 44th 
 Regiment Native Infantry were ordered down to Gowhatty to 
 join the right column of the Bhootan Field Force, I fully expected 
 to receive orders to accompany them. I was, however, directed to 
 remain at Cherra with the other wing of the regiment and the 
 civil establishments until further orders. 
 
 The Bhootan war commenced, as is well known, with the easy 
 capture and occupation of Bala and Dhalimkote by the left column, 
 and of Dewangiri and Bishen Sing by the right column, after 
 which it was generally believed that the campaign was over and 
 peace close at hand. The Bhootias, however, had at first been 
 unprepared, and the advance of our troops took them by sur- 
 prise, but now finding that we made no further advance, and 
 that the garrisons of the captured positions used little vigilance, 
 they assembled in considerable bodies, under the Penlow of Tongso 
 and other leaders, and prepared to take the offensive. Suddenly 
 and almost simultaneously the positions in the hills occupied by 
 our troops were attacked all along the line. At Bishen Sing, which 
 was garrisoned by the 44th Native Infantry, the Bhootias were 
 repulsed with severe loss, but at Bala and Dewangiri they were 
 successful, and the officers commanding at those posts were com- 
 pelled to evacuate them and retreat into the plains. 
 
 The affair at Dewangiri was a serious disaster, as two guns fell 
 into the hands of the enemy, besides the sick and wounded of the 
 garrison, and all their stores and baggage. Measures were at once 
 taken by Government to reinforce the troops in the field; fresh 
 regiments, including a wing of H.M. 55th Foot, were sent up to 
 Assam, and Major-General Sir Henry Tombs, V.C, K.C.B., who 
 had highly distinguished himself in the mutinies, was appointed to 
 
134 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the chief command. Our wing at Cherra was now ordered to 
 march down to Gowhatty to join the force assembhng there for 
 the recapture of Dewangiri, and I of course accompanied the wing 
 after making over my civil charges to the medical officer of the 
 39th Native Infantry, a regiment that came up to take our place. 
 
 After some days of needful preparation we left our pleasant 
 little hill station on the 14th of March 1865, and commenced our 
 march towards Assam. We traversed the beautiful forest-clad hill 
 of CheiTa, rounded the head of the great Temshung valley, and 
 
 after a steep ascent we 
 came to a stretch of bare 
 open country about 5000 
 feet in elevation. Several 
 miles further on we 
 crossed the steep and 
 narrow ravine of theKala- 
 panee (Black water) River, 
 and entered a beautiful 
 valley where the over- 
 hanging masses of rock 
 on either side presented a 
 very wild and picturesque appearance. Beyond this we reached 
 the great valley, 1000 feet deep, in which the Boga-panee River 
 pursues its course to the plains, and a very steep ascent from it 
 brought us to our halting place, Moflong, eighteen miles from 
 Cherra. This place is at an elevation of 6000 feet, and commands 
 a beautiful view of the snowy mountains of Bhootan, which are seen 
 to the northward. 
 
 From Moflong a march of about sixteen miles over a succession 
 of grassy undulating hills brought us next day to My rung. A few 
 miles to thte south-west is an enormous mass of red granite called 
 
 THE KOLLONG ROCK, KHASIA HILLS 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 135 
 
 the Kollong Rock, which rises in the form of a dome 500 or 600 
 feet above the level of the surrounding hills, and apparently must 
 have been forced up by volcanic action through the sandstone of 
 which they are composed. During our next day's march from 
 Myrung to Nunklow more trees were seen, the country gradually 
 declined towards the north, and the streams ran in that direction, 
 indicating that we were approaching the northern slopes of the 
 range. On reaching Nunklow, a village eight or nine miles from 
 Myrung, we found that a steep descent lay before us, as the whole 
 range of hills appeared to sink abruptly at this point to a much 
 lower level. We halted at this place and visited a monument 
 erected close by to the memory of Lieutenants Bedingfeld and 
 Burl ton, of the Bengal Artillery, who were murdered by the 
 Khasias at Nunklow in 1829, and of Assistant- Surgeon Bead on, 
 who was killed in action near Myrung the same year. A splendid 
 view of the Bhootan Himalaya is' obtained from the vicinity of 
 Nunklow ; the snow-clad mountain chain is seen stretching east 
 and west for a great distance, and far away to the east are three- 
 gigantic pyramidal mountains which are apparently far loftier than 
 the rest of the snowy range. 
 
 Early next morning we resumed our march, and after descend- 
 ing the slopes beyond Nunklow by a succession of zig-zags carried 
 through the dense forest which covered the hills at this point, we 
 arrived at the Bor-panee, a considerable stream, which we crossed 
 by a handsome iron suspension bridge. We then found ourselves 
 traversing an open country consisting of grassy undulating hills 
 almost devoid of trees. This continued for several miles, and then 
 we entered a dense jungle, chiefly bamboo, which appeared to 
 cover the hills in every direction towards the north. The road 
 was in many places obstructed by masses of fallen bamboos, which 
 bad to be cut through before we CQuld pass. After a long and 
 
136 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 fatiguing march we reached Oomloor, where we found a rest house, 
 built of wood, and a small collection of native huts. We halted 
 there for the night and next morning resumed our march, passing 
 through the same interminable jungle, in which hardly any signs 
 "of the presence of man were to be seen. 
 
 Wild elephants appeared to be common in this forest, as their 
 tracks were frequently seen on both sides of the road. The next 
 halting place was Jyrung, a small village buried in the jungle, but 
 on arriving there we received an order to push on with the utmost 
 expedition to join the army under General Tombs. We therefore 
 pressed on, and after marching some miles further we arrived at 
 the limits of the hills, and descending their last slopes found our- 
 selves in the valley of Assam. We pitched our camp near an 
 extensive tea garden close to the foot of the hills, and towards 
 evening we all had to turn out to beat back a bush fire which had 
 crept up through the dry grass and jungle rather close to our camp. 
 After a good deal of hard work we succeeded in extinguishing the 
 fire in our vicinity and saving our camp, which at first appeared to 
 be in considerable jeopardy. 
 
 Next day we marched into Gowhatty, a distance of seventeen or 
 eighteen miles, and encamped on the parade ground there. This 
 was the principal station of Lower Assam, and extended for some 
 distance along the south bank of the great River Brahmaputra which 
 flows through that province. The appearance of Gowhatty from the 
 river was exceedingly beautiful, but at that time the station was 
 one of the most unhealthy in Assam, probably owing to an exten- 
 sive marsh which lay behind it. The lower ranges of the Khasia 
 Hills were only a few miles distant, and the intervening space was 
 a low swampy tract almost impassable in the rainy season. After 
 remaining a few days at Gowhatty to rest the men and procure 
 supplies and transport, we crossed the river and marched on 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 137 
 
 towards Koomreekatta, where the army under General Tombs 
 was assembling. We arrived there in a few days and found a 
 large encampment covering the plain. The force included a wing 
 of H.M. 55th Foot, two batteries of artillery, the 12th, 29th, 43rd, 
 and 44th Regiments of Bengal Native Infantry, and some cavalry, 
 sappers, etc., forming a body of more than 4000 men. The camp 
 was pitched on a grassy plain six or seven miles from the foot of 
 the Bhootan mountains, which extended east and west in a succes- 
 sion of ranges. The ridge on which Dewangiri was situated was 
 distinctly visible, and at night the camp fires of the enemy occupy- 
 ing the position illuminated the hills in that direction. We found 
 that the five passes leading up to Dewangiri were in the possession 
 of the Bhootias, who had strongly stockaded them, and were 
 expected to offer a serious resistance when the force advanced. 
 Parties were frequently sent up the passes to reconnoitre, and m 
 order to deceive the enemy a small camp was established in front 
 of the Soobunkatta Pass, though it was not intended to take that 
 route to Dewangiri. 
 
 Soon after our arrival a reconnoitring party, consisting of 
 some of our men and some of the 12th Native Infantry, was sent 
 up the Durrunga Pass ; they returned after some hours'* absence 
 with twelve wounded, most of whom were men of the 12th, who 
 were very conspicuous in their scarlet coats, while the 44th men, 
 being dressed in dark green, were much less noticeable and had 
 fewer casualties. Nevertheless one of our men was mortally 
 wounded on this occasion, and died in hospital a day or two after. 
 In a short time orders were issued for a general advance. A body 
 of about 700 men, consisting of a party of H.M. 55th Foot, 
 detachments from several native regiments, and some guns, the 
 whole under the command of Colonel Richardson, were to advance 
 first and capture the stockades in the Durrunga Pass, After 
 
138 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 getting througli the narrow and difficult part of the pass they 
 were ordered to halt at an open space below the enemy''s position 
 at Dewangiri, and await the arrival of the main body of the force. 
 Accordingly, on the morning of the 1st of April 1865, the force 
 under Colonel Richardson (which I accompanied as senior medical 
 officer) began its march at a very early hour and reached the 
 entrance of the Durrunga Pass about daybreak. After a short 
 halt we entered the pass, which was about a quarter of a mile wide 
 at its mouth, but soon became narrower, so that we were frequently 
 obliged to cross and recross the mountain stream which flowed 
 down the pass, and sometimes we had to wade up it for a con- 
 siderable distance. The sides of the gorge were at first a succes- 
 sion of sloping grassy hills with a few trees and shrubs scattered 
 over them. Further on the hills became more abrupt and thickly 
 clothed with jungle, and in some parts the pass was overhung by 
 precipices from which great masses of rock had fallen into the bed 
 of the river. 
 
 We pursued our way up the pass for several miles without 
 meeting the enemy, but on reaching a very narrow part, shut in 
 on both sides by precipitous walls of rock, we were fired upon, and 
 found that the pass was obstructed with logs of wood and other 
 impediments, and that the enemy were posted in a stockade upon 
 a little eminence which completely commanded the narrow defile 
 up which we were advancing. Their position was very strong, and 
 we must have suffered heavy loss in taking it had it been well 
 defended. A few shells from our guns, however, speedily dislodged 
 the enemy, who fled up the pass, while we continued our advance, 
 scrambling over the logs and abatis in our way, and entered the 
 stockade without any loss. Beyond this point the pass became 
 wider and was no longer shut in by precipices. We found no 
 more stockades, and a little further on we reached the level space 
 
THE DURRUNGA PASS, BHOOTAN 
 
140 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 where we had been directed to halt and wait for the rest of 
 the army. 
 
 We had thus got through the formidable Durrunga Pass 
 without losing a man, and we were struck with astonishment that 
 the Bhootias should have allowed us to advance thus far with such 
 very trifling opposition. The natural difficulties of the pass were 
 so great that it would have been almost impregnable had the 
 enemy defended it with vigour and resolution. In some parts it 
 was only a few yards wide with perpendicular precipices on both 
 sides, so that by merely rolling rocks over the verge the defenders 
 might have stopped our advance, particularly as, owing to the 
 nature of the country, it was very difficult if not impossible for us 
 to reach the summit of the cliffs flanking the pass. General 
 Tombs and the main body of the force came up in the afternoon, 
 and it was decided that the enemy's position on the ridge of 
 Dewangiri should be attacked on the following morning. The 
 general, desiring to reconnoitre the position of the Bhootias, 
 ascended the hill above our camp until he got clear of the jungle 
 and was within gunshot of the enemy, who fired several shots at 
 the party. It was then ascertained that a great stockade had 
 been built in the centre of the ridge and several smaller ones to 
 the right and left of it, and from what we could see the enemy 
 appeared to be in considerable force. A picket was left at this 
 point and we then returned to camp. 
 
 Early next morning the force was in motion, passing up the 
 narrow pathway which led to the spot where the picket was 
 stationed. The ground beyond that point was open, and a steep 
 ascent led up to the Bhootia stockades. The wing of H.M. 55th 
 Foot and the Native Infantry were sent forward in skirmishing 
 order, while the artillery were directed to shell the stockades, and 
 if possible drive out the defenders. The artillery fire, however. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 141 
 
 was very wild, and nearly all the shells either burst short or went 
 over the stockades, producing no effect whatever. This was pro- 
 bably due to the position of the guns, which were posted on 
 uneven ground far below the objects aimed at. The infantry 
 skirmishers, nevertheless, pressed rapidly forward, keeping up a 
 brisk fire, and the whole hill side was soon dotted over with the 
 scarlet coats of H.M. 55th Foot and the 12th Native Infantry, the 
 dark green uniforms of the Goorkhas, and the ' Khakee,"* or dust- 
 coloured ones of the Punjabis. Thei enemy's fire soon slackened, 
 many of their men having been shot through the loopholes of the 
 stockades by the skirmishers of H.M. 55th, whose aim Vas most 
 accurate and deadly. 
 
 A column of attack was now formed to storm the principal 
 stockade ; it advanced up the mountain, surrounded the enemy'^s 
 stronghold, and in a few minutes carried it by escalade with slight 
 loss. The other stockades were also taken after a feeble resistance, 
 and the remains of the enemy's army fled from the scene of action, 
 escaping without difficulty in the surrounding jungles. After the 
 termination, of the engagement, which had cost us less than a 
 hundred men killed and wounded, part of our force was ordered to 
 encamp on the ridge of Dewangiri, while the rest were sent back 
 to the camp in the valley below. The wounded, including those 
 of the enemy, were sent off in doolies to the field hospital, which 
 had been established near the mouth of the Durrunga Pass. 
 
 I returned with Colonel Richardson and the 44th Native Infantry 
 to the camp in the valley, where we remained several days, suffering 
 great hardships and privations, as we had neither tents nor baggage 
 with us. We had to sleep on the ground, sheltered only by small 
 huts roughly made with branches of trees and grass, and we 
 received rations from the Commissariat Department, as no supplies 
 from our regimental mess stores could be procured where we were. 
 
142 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 The weather changed and rain began to fall, which rendered our 
 situation much worse. One night heavy rain fell, so we had to 
 leave our beds, roll them up in waterproof sheets to keep them 
 dry, wrap ourselves in our cloaks, and sit in the rain round a fire 
 till day broke. The health of the men as well as our own began 
 to suffer from these hardships, but fortunately after some days it 
 was decided to withdraw the force from Dewangiri, and we were 
 ordered to march back to our camp at Koomreekatta, where our 
 
 DEWANGIRI, BHOOTAN 
 
 tents and baggage had been left. Soon after this the force began 
 to break up : the British troops were sent away almost immedi- 
 ately after the capture of Dewangiri and the others followed, 
 until at length my regiment, the 44th Native Infantry, alone 
 remained in the almost deserted camp. 
 
 In the meantime much rain had fallen and the country became 
 swampy and very unhealthy. Notwithstanding the utmost care 
 and the daily administration of quinine as a prophylactic to every 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 143 
 
 soldier and follower, our men came into hospital by dozens every 
 day with malarious fever. They had been strong and. healthy 
 when they came down from the Khasia Hills in March, but in a 
 month's time more than half of them had fallen sick, and the rest 
 were so debilitated as to be hardly fit for any duty. Owing to the 
 departure of the other troops it became necessary to take some 
 defensive measures in case of an attack by the enemy, and accord- 
 ingly an old fort close to the camp was occupied and all the sick 
 were moved into it. As the season advanced rain became more 
 frequent, and at length the whole plain around us became a vast 
 swamp covered with rank vegetation and reeking with malaria. 
 Sickness increased among the troops and camp-followers to such 
 an extent that hardly any remained fit for duty. For some time 
 I was the only officer able to do duty, but at last I was quite worn 
 out with incessant labour and anxiety, and was myself laid up 
 with the prevailing fever for several days. Our miserable condi- 
 tion may be realised when I state that I was left entirely to myself 
 during this illness, all the other officers, my two native assistants, 
 and even our private servants being ill at the same time, but 
 thanks to my strong constitution I soon pulled through. 
 
 I had written to the military authorities some time before this, 
 reporting the increasing sickness among the men, and strongly 
 recommending the withdrawal of the regiment from this unhealthy 
 spot. At last orders came for us to move to Rungeah, a post 
 some distance further back on the road to Gowhatty, and after 
 obtaining the large amount of transport required (few of our men 
 being able to walk) we left Koomreekatta and proceeded to our 
 new post. At this place some bamboo houses, with raised floors 
 and thatched roofs, had been built for the officers, and barracks 
 and hospital of the same description for t\\e native troops. The 
 change did us all much good and many of the sick recovered, but 
 
144 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 it still gave me a hard morning's work to go round the regimental 
 hospital. While stationed at Rungeah we felt slight shocks of 
 earthquake on several occasions, but no mischief was done. 
 
 After remaining about six weeks at this station we were 
 ordered to march to Gowhatty and take up our quarters there for 
 the rest of the rainy season. As my health had suffered consider- 
 ably from hard work and exposure, as well as repeated attacks of 
 malarious fever, I obtained two months'* leave of absence on 
 medical certificate, and set out for Cherra in the beginning of 
 September 1865. I was so weak that at starting I could hardly 
 sit on my pony, and I accomplished the first two or three marches 
 with the greatest difficulty. But when I reached Nunklow and 
 began to breathe the pure invigorating air of the hills, I felt 
 myself a different man. Three more marches brought me to 
 Cherra, where I soon regained my health and became almost as well 
 and strong as ever. After spending some delightful weeks at home 
 I prepared to rejoin my regiment, giving up several days of my 
 leave of absence as I had received notice that there was to be a 
 fresh invasion of Bhootan as soon as the cold season was sufficiently 
 advanced for military operations. My return journey was rapid 
 and uneventful, and on arriving at Gowhatty I found that the 
 12th and 44th Regiments Native Infantry, under the command of 
 Colonel Richardson, were to march into Bhootan in the course of 
 the next few days and reoccupy Dewangiri. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 We march into Bhootan and re-occupy Dewangiri — A false alarm — Our reconnais- 
 sance to Rydang — We explore the country and visit a Buddhist monastery — Our 
 men grow sickly and we are sent down to a camp at the entrance of the 
 Durrunga Pass — We re-occupy Dewangiri in February 1866, while Colonel 
 Richardson advances into the interior — End of the Bhootan war — We return to 
 Cherra — Excessive sickness and mortality in the Bhootan Field Force — Removal 
 of the 44th Native Infantry from Cherra to Shillong in 1867— Scenery and 
 climate of Shillong — We build a house there — Our dog carried off by a leopard 
 — Earthquakes in the Khasia Hills — Their probable cause— Cricket at Shillong — 
 The Eurasian Battery — I am promoted and apply for two years' furlough to 
 England — We proceed to Calcutta and embark in the Superb — Incidents of our 
 voyage— We reach home in February 1868. 
 
 The short time still remaining was spent in preparations for the 
 expedition, and on the 24th of October we crossed the river and com- 
 menced our march northward. At Koomreekatta we joined the 12th 
 Regiment Native Infantry, and next day the united force, under the 
 command of Colonel Richardson, marched up to Dewangiri by the 
 Durrunga Pass. On this occasion we encountered no opposition, 
 and Dewangiri itself was found quite deserted and overgrown with 
 jungle, which had to be cleared away before our tents could be 
 pitched. The first few days after our arrival were spent in clearing 
 the plateau of brushwood, arranging tlie camp, searching for water, 
 and bringing up supplies for the troops. There were no signs of 
 the enemy, though one night we were suddenly aroused from sleep 
 by what proved to be a false alarm. The excellent discipline of 
 our men was well shown on this occasion : they formed up quietly 
 under their officers, there was no noise or confusion, and not a 
 single shot was fired. 
 
146 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 After some days we made an expedition into the interior of 
 the country with a view to ascertain whether the enemy were 
 collecting forces in our neighbourhood or not. We descended 
 into a deep valley north of our position and followed it for several 
 miles in an easterly direction, then turning northward we ascended 
 the mountains till we reached the village of Rydang, whence after a 
 short halt we marched back to camp. The country was for the most 
 part an endless succession of steep and lofty ridges thickly covered 
 with forest. Few villages were seen, and only small patches of 
 cultivation here and there. It appeared from this reconnaissance 
 that the Bhootias had no force anywhere near us, and that no 
 attack upon our position was likely to be made. Soon afterwards 
 our political officer contrived to open communication with the 
 Bhootia rulers, and commenced negotiations with a view to the 
 recovery of the lost guns and the conclusion of peace. Finding 
 that there was no probability of any hostile proceedings on the 
 part of the Bhootias for the present, we began to explore the 
 country around our position more freely. In company with an 
 officer of my regiment, whose tastes were similar to my own, I 
 took many long walks and went over much of the neighbouring 
 country. It was almost completely covered with forest except in 
 some of the valleys where high grass was the only vegetation. The 
 ridges were singularly abrupt, and often quite precipitous, so 
 that it was no easy matter to climb them. They frequently 
 ended in veritable knife edges with a precipitous slope on each 
 side, and a flat space only a foot or so broad on the summit. To 
 the right of our position was a lofty wooded mountain rising to a 
 height of about 5000 feet, and on this commanding position stood 
 a Buddhist monastery which overlooked the plains and the lower 
 intervening ranges. One day we had a picnic at this spot, and 
 most of the officers of the force joined in the excursion. We 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 147 
 
 followed a steep and rugged footpath carried in zigzags through 
 the dense forest covering the mountain, and after a long and 
 fatiguing climb we reached the place. The view from the summit 
 was magnificent, extending far over the grassy plains of Assam to 
 the Brahmaputra River and the Khasia Hills in the distance 
 beyond. The monastery itself was not in any way remarkable ; it 
 accommodated a considerable number of monks and contained a 
 large image of Buddha. 
 
 In the meantime the men of my regiment, who had not com- 
 pletely recovered from the effects of their previous sickness and 
 privations, had been rapidly falling ill and were suffering greatly 
 from scurvy owing to the impossibility of procuring supplies of 
 milk and fresh vegetables. Lime juice and potatoes had been 
 supplied by the commissariat department on my recommendation, 
 but proved insufficient to maintain the health of the men under 
 the existing conditions. In December, therefore, it was decided 
 that the regiment should be sent down to a camp at the entrance 
 of the Durrunga Pass, where a commissariat depot had been 
 formed. I went forward with the sick and the hospital stores, 
 and the regiment followed a day or two after. We remained at 
 this camp for some weeks, and the health of our men improved 
 considerably, as they had very little work and were able to procure 
 supplies from the neighbouring villages. The surrounding country 
 abounded with game of various kinds, and as the commissariat 
 elephants were stationed at our camp w^e often made use of them 
 in hunting expeditions. They were indeed indispensable for this 
 purpose, as the pUin around our camp was covered with grass 
 8 or 10 feet high and could not be traversed by men on foot. 
 Visitors from the force at Dewangiri often came down to see us, 
 and sometimes we returned their visits or met them at picnics 
 half way up the pass. 
 
148 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 While we remained in this camp several fresh regiments came 
 up to reinforce Colonel Richardson, and as the Bhootias had not 
 yet come to terms it was resolved to penetrate some distance into 
 the country so as to compel them to accept the conditions of 
 peace proposed by our Government. Accordingly in February 
 1866 we were ordered up to Dewangiri again to garrison the post, 
 while Colonel Richardson with a considerable force advanced into 
 the interior, and after a trifling skirmish occupied Saleeka and the 
 bridge over the Monass River below. This demonstration was 
 decisive and at once put an end to the hesitation and delays of 
 the Bhootias. They immediately sent in the two guns which had 
 been lost by the garrison of Dewangiri more than a year before, 
 and agreed to our terms of peace, which included the cession to us 
 of their territory in the plains, generally called the Bhootan 
 Dooars. The force under Colonel Richardson then returned to 
 Dewangiri and was soon broken up. We received orders, much to 
 our satisfaction, to return to Cherra Poonjee forthwith, and w^e 
 lost no time in commencing our return march. After a short halt 
 at Gowhatty we journeyed to Cherra by the Nunklow road, and 
 reached our station in March 1866, heartily glad at the termina- 
 tion of a campaign which had been so full of sickness, privation, 
 and suffering. 
 
 The Bhootan war was remarkable, among the many little 
 wars which have taken place on our Indian frontiers, for the 
 excessive amount of sickness that occurred among the troops com- 
 posing the field force. My regiment, about 750 strong, which 
 took the field in the highest state of health and efficiency, had 
 more than 3000 admissions into hospital during the campaign 
 and lost upwards of 100 men, nearly all of whom died from 
 disease, very few having been killed in action. All the troops in 
 the field suffered in a similar way, some of them much more 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 149 
 
 severely than we did. One regiment in particular, which had 
 been stationed at a very unhealthy place called appropriately 
 'Putla Kowa^ (the lean crow), lost no less than 250 men from 
 disease, and became quite unfit for duty owing to the extra- 
 ordinary prevalence of malarious fever. The troops kept fairly 
 well during the cold season, but sickness appeared among them 
 as soon as rain began to fall. It seemed, indeed, as though some 
 noxious agent had been liberated from the ground by the rain, for 
 as soon as rain came down, the troops, who had remained healthy 
 up to that time, began coming to hospital in continually increas- 
 ing numbers with malarious fever, so that in a few weeks hardly 
 any of them remained fit for duty. The officers suffered almost as 
 much, and there was hardly one of them who did not break down 
 from sickness sooner or later during this very trying campaign. 
 Our experience was quite sufficient to convince the most sceptical 
 person of the existence of some special agent, commonly called 
 Malaria, as the chief cause of intermittent and remittent fevers. 
 The ' chill ' theory entirely failed to account for the facts, and it 
 was, I believe, discarded by all or most of the medical officers who 
 served with the Bhootan Field Force. 
 
 In 1867 it was decided to move the 44th Regiment Native 
 Infantry from Cherra Poonjee to Shillong, which had already been 
 selected as a new site for the civil station, and had been occupied 
 for some time by the chief civil officer and his subordinates. The 
 site chosen for the new station was in the centre of the Khasia 
 Hills, about thirty miles north and a little east of Cherra, and 
 consisted of a series of undulating hills thickly covered with pine 
 trees. The elevation was about 4900 feet, and to the south and 
 west extended a range over 6000 feet high, which culminated at 
 its western end in Shillong Hill, 6660 feet high. The view from 
 this summit is truly magnificent, as fully 30,000 square miles of 
 
150 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 country can be seen, from the distant peaks of the Himalaya 
 Mountains in the north to the delta of the Ganges in the south- 
 west, and from the Garrow Hills in the west to those of Northern 
 Cachar on the east. The country lying between Moflong and- 
 Shillong was a grassy undulating plateau about 6000 feet high, 
 with scattered pine trees here and there, and rhododendrons on 
 the banks of the numerous streams flowing down the hollows 
 between the hills. At a distance of about a mile and a half from 
 Shillong the country subsided rather abruptly, and a long descent 
 led down to the station more than 1000 feet below. 
 
 The right wing of our regiment left for Shillong in February 
 and the left wing and the artillery followed in October. We all 
 chose suitable sites at the new station, and commenced house 
 building with as little delay as possible. Having received orders 
 to remain at Cherra for the present w^ith the left wing of the 
 regiment and the Eurasian Battery of Artillery, I had to commit 
 the building of our new house at Shillong to Pyrbad Sing, an 
 excellent Khasia servant, who had been with us several years, and 
 was thoroughly trustworthy, but I went over from time to time to 
 see the progress of the work. During this time, owing to the 
 paucity of British officers at Cherra, I was frequently put on court 
 martial duty for the trial of men of the Eurasian Battery of 
 Artillery, who were treated as British soldiers. I mention this 
 merely to show the multifarious duties which Indian medical 
 officers may sometimes be called upon to perform. 
 
 In June I was ordered to Shillong, and in July my wife and 
 children joined me there, although the house was not nearly ready 
 and we had to live in the kitchen and cow-shed. Leopards 
 swarmed in the jungle, which had as yet been very little cleared, 
 and one afternoon, as we were sitting at tea outside the cow-shed, 
 a leopard bounded from the jungle close by and carried off our 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 151 
 
 little dog from beside us. We had to watch our children care- 
 fully and shut them up as soon as evening approached, for there 
 was serious danger from leopards when we first settled at Shillong. 
 Our house was finished before the end of the year, and by that time 
 we were very comfortably settled at our new station. The jungle 
 had been mostly cut down, and the leopards destroyed or scared away. 
 Broad roads, as nearly level as possible, had been made throughout 
 the station, many private houses had been built, and the courts of 
 justice, barracks for the troops, regimental and battery hospitals, and 
 various other public buildings, were in course of construction. 
 
 Gardens were started by many of the residents and were 
 generally very successful. Geranium, fuchsia, salvia, petunia, 
 heliotrope, hydrangia, and other flowers too numerous to mention, 
 grew luxuriantly and flowered freely in the open air, where they 
 could be safely left all the year round owing to the mildness 
 of the climate and the comparatively moderate amount of rain. 
 The rainfall at Shillong was very much smaller than that of 
 Cherra ; indeed it amounted to less than 100 inches in the year. 
 This extraordinary difference was probably due to the clouds 
 having previously parted with most of their rain along the 
 southern border of the Khasia Hills, and on the lofty range of 
 hills to the south of the station. Owing to this greatly diminished 
 rainfall there were many more fine days at Shillong than at 
 Cherra, and the temperature at the former in the hot season was 
 considerably higher than at the latter. The country in the 
 vicinity of Shillong was in some parts extremely pretty, though 
 not on the grand scale of the scenery at Cherra. Two small rivers 
 ran through the station, and at a short distance to the north they 
 formed two beautiful waterfalls, one being an unbroken fall of 
 about 300 feet, while the other consisted of several successive 
 waterfalls of smaller depth. 
 
152 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 During our residence in the Khasia Hills, both at Cherra 
 Poonjee and at Shillong, we frequently experienced earthquake 
 shocks, which were usually slight, but occasionally rather severe. 
 In 1869, not long after our departure from Shillong, an earth- 
 quake of more than ordinary violence occurred, which cracked the 
 walls of some of the houses and threw down the regimental maga- 
 
 THK BISHOPS FALL, SHILLONG 
 
 zine.^ It is a curious circumstance that shocks of earthquake, which 
 are rarely, if ever, felt in the plains of India, are comparatively 
 frequent on both the north-eastern and the north-western frontier. 
 Those felt in tlie former quarter are probably due, as Sir Joseph 
 Hooker remarks, to the volcanic forces operating in the Bay of 
 Bengal and the Malay peninsula. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 153 
 
 An excellent cricket ground had been formed on the smooth 
 and level floor of a valley within the boundaries of the station, 
 and cricket was played several times a week by the officers and men 
 of the 44th Regiment Native Infantry and the Eurasian Battery of 
 Artillery. The Goorkhas are very fond of games like cricket and 
 football, and sometimes excel in them. I have seen one of these 
 •sturdy little hillmen score thirty runs against good bowling with- 
 out giving a chance. The men of the battery were Eurasians of 
 every shade, some as fair as any European, and others darker than 
 most natives. Several of these men were keen cricketers, and 
 always took part in our matches. It seems a pity that this battery 
 and a regiment recruited from the same class of men could not be 
 retained on the strength of the Indian army, as employment was 
 thus provided for a considerable number of Eurasians, who other- 
 wise would probably have been wandering about the country in a 
 state of destitution, as so many persons of that class do now. I 
 never served with the Eurasian Regiment, and cannot, therefore, 
 say anything as to their military efficiency. But I was in medical 
 charge of the Eurasian Battery of Artillery for several years, and 
 witnessed their behaviour in two campaigns, and I can affirm that 
 they were most efficient and excellent soldiers both in peace and 
 in war. Unfortunately these troops were expensive : they were 
 treated as British soldiers in most respects, and cost almost as 
 much ; so first the regiment, and subsequently the battery, were 
 disbanded, and the experiment of employing Eurasians as soldiers 
 of the Indian army was given up. 
 
 In 1868, having completed twelve years' service from the date 
 of my commission, I was promoted to the rank of surgeon (with 
 the relative rank of major), and as my health had become some- 
 what impaired from the hardships and privations of several years 
 of active service in the field, I applied for two years'* furlough to 
 
154 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 England, to which I was by this time entitled, provided that my 
 services could be dispensed with. While my furlough application 
 was pending we disposed of our houses, furniture, and all superfluous 
 effects, and we made all necessary preparations for the journey to 
 England, whither we had determined to proceed by the Cape 
 route, which, previous to the opening of the Suez Canal, was 
 considerably cheaper than the overland route by Suez and Alex- 
 andria. At length, after much delay, my furlough was granted 
 and my successor appointed, and in October 1868 we left Shillong 
 for Calcutta, travelling by way of Moflong to Cherra, whence we 
 descended into the plains and went on by boat to Chattuck. We 
 began this boat journey in the evening, and suffered much from 
 the attacks of legions of hungry mosquitoes, by which the poor 
 children were sadly victimised. From Chattuck we proceeded by 
 river steamer to Kooshtea, and thence by the Eastern Bengal Rail- 
 way to Calcutta. Our agents had taken two cabins for us in the 
 Superb, one of Messrs. Green''s ships, which was to sail for London 
 in a few days, and we spent the little remaining time in necessary 
 preparations for the long voyage that lay before us. 
 
 The Superb was a full-rigged sailing ship of 1700 tons, with 
 poop and forecastle and a deep waist with lofty bulwarks. The 
 poop contained the saloon and the cabins of the ship's officers and 
 those of the passengers. The forecastle accommodated the crew, 
 and the rest of the ship was filled with cargo and stores. We 
 embarked on the 28th of October ; our party consisted of myself 
 and wife, our three children, a friend's son, aged eight, going home 
 in our charge, and lastly, a native nurse. There were some other 
 passengers, but the cabins were not all occupied, and those at the 
 stem of the ship were completely filled up with tea chests, which 
 afterwards proved a very fortunate circumstance for all of us. 
 
 The first two months of the voyage were not marked by any 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 155 
 
 incident worth notice, save the deaths of several passengers who 
 had come on board at Calcutta almost in the last stage of disease, 
 in the faint and delusive hope that a long sea voyage might effect 
 a cure. One of these unfortunate persons died from abscess of the 
 liver a few days after the commencement of our voyage, and the 
 others did not survive much longer. We sighted the African coast 
 on December 17th, and passed the Cape of Good Hope on the 
 21st. Three days later some excitement was caused by the capture 
 of a large shark. This was witnessed by our eldest son, then a little 
 boy only three years old, and the scene made such an impression 
 upon him that he never forgot it. 
 
 On the 2nd of January 1869 we arrived at St. Helena, and 
 anchored there for the day. From the sea this island appeared as 
 a black volcanic rock with perpendicular cliffs, which seemed to 
 forbid a landing. The town lay in a cleft in the black rocks, and 
 at a distance it could easily be overlooked. On landing we were 
 surprised to see the ravages committed by white ants in the wood- 
 work of the houses. I was informed that these destructive insects 
 had been introduced accidentally from India, and had increased 
 exceedingly and caused immense damage in the island. We 
 visited Longwood, the residence of the Emperor Napoleon I. 
 during his exile in St. Helena, and could well understand that, 
 for such a man as he was, death would have been far preferable to 
 perpetual imprisonment in that gloomy and forbidding spot. The 
 whole island appeared to be a sterile volcanic rock, with very little 
 vegetation except in the interior, where there was scanty herbage 
 in the valleys and small plantations of trees round some of the 
 houses of the residents. All vegetation, unless artificially pro- 
 tected, was speedily eaten down by the numerous flocks of goats 
 which roamed over the interior of the island. 
 
 After leaving St. Helena we had favourable winds and made a 
 
156 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 fine run northward, passing the island of Ascension on the night of 
 January 6th. On the morning of the 8th our third son (the illus- 
 trator of this narrative) was born. Once or twice the wind failed 
 and we were nearly becalmed, but generally there was a. steady 
 and favourable breeze until the 28th of January, when the weather 
 changed and some heavy squalls occurred, in which several of our 
 sails were split. On the 29th the wind and sea increased consider- 
 ably, the barometer fell, and some violent squalls occurred, in which 
 some of our sails were blown to ribbons. Next day the weather 
 became worse, the ship rolled dreadfully, and some heavy seas 
 came on board, inundating the saloon and several of the cabins. 
 
 At about 3 A.M. on the 31st, when we were near the Azores, 
 the ship was struck in rapid succession by three enormous 
 waves, which smashed the saloon skylight and nearly filled the 
 main deck. As the ship's bows rose the vast body of water filling 
 her waist rushed with irresistible force against the bulkheads of the 
 saloon and nearest starboard cabin. These at once gave way, and 
 the sea carrying away with it the wreck, the contents of the cabin, 
 and the saloon dining-table (which was torn from its fastenings), 
 completely demolished every cabin on the starboard side of the 
 ship, except the stern cabins, which were full of chests of tea. But 
 for this fortunate circumstance, the sea- water would have forced its 
 way out at the stern of the ship, sweeping away the stern windows 
 and thus leaving us exposed to fresh inroads of the waves. Aroused 
 by the crash, I jumped out of my berth and went into the saloon, 
 which was more than knee-deep in water, and helped to extricate 
 the unlucky occupants of the starboard cabins, some of whom 
 were half-drowned and all more or less bruised and injured. The 
 medical officer of the ship had been jammed in his hammock by a 
 chest of drawers against the deck above, and was so severely 
 crushed and bruised that I had to take his duty for the rest of the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 157 
 
 voyage. In this catastrophe we happily escaped, for as the ship 
 lay over to starboard, our cabins, being on the port side, were only 
 partially inundated. 
 
 Very fortunately no more heavy seas came on board after this, 
 the water in the saloon and waist of the ship was soon got rid of, 
 the wreck cleared away, and those who had lately inhabited the 
 demolished cabins were put up by those whose cabins remained 
 uninjured. In the morning the sea was still running mountains 
 high, and presented a grand and awful spectacle. We were running 
 before it, and every billow as it overtook the ship rose high above 
 our poop, threatening to break and overwhelm us. But the ship 
 was well handled and behaved admirably. No more waves broke 
 over us, and as the day wore on the wind and sea moderated 
 slightly. In a day or two more the storm had abated, and we 
 then had fine weather and a favouring breeze which carried us 
 on rapidly. We passed the Lizard light on the morning of Feb- 
 ruary 6th, and arrived at Blackwall on the 9th. There we made 
 over our friend's son to his relatives, who came on board to receive 
 him, and we landed ourselves at Greenwich, and went to the house 
 of some of our relatives who resided at Blackheath. 
 
 I 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 I return to India in 1870 and am appointed to the 2nd Native Infantry — We go by 
 train to Sahibgunge, cross the Ganges by steamer, and march to Julpigoree — 
 Description of the station — I am appointed to the medical charge of the civil 
 establishments there — The rainy season at Julpigoree — Snakes — Hunting excur- 
 sions in the cold weather — The commander-in-chief inspects the regiment — I 
 apply for civil employ and am appointed civil surgeon of Shahabad — I am 
 relieved of my duties at Julpigoree and proceed to Arrah — Description of the 
 town and district — Indian hospitality — My duties as civil surgeon and superin- 
 tendent of the district jail — employment of the prisoners — Jail manufactures — 
 Municipal work — Police cases — Quarrels and fights among the peasantry. 
 
 After spending nine or ten months at home in recruiting my 
 health and paying visits to sundry relatives and friends, I found it 
 expedient for me to return to India and go to work again. My 
 wife remained at home in charge of our children, and, after bidding 
 them farewell, I proceeded to Southampton and embarked in the 
 P. and O. steamer Ripon on November 26th, 1868. I had a pleasant 
 and prosperous voyage, and at Malta I visited some of my relatives 
 who were wintering in the island. I arrived at Alexandria on 
 December 12th, travelled by railway to Suez, and there embarked 
 in the Surat for Calcutta, where I landed on the 8th of January 
 1870, and reported my arrival to the military and medical authori- 
 ties in the usual manner. After a few days'* stay at Calcutta, I was 
 appointed to the medical charge of the 2nd Regiment of Bengal 
 Native Infantry, which was under orders to proceed, in the ordi- 
 nary course of relief, from Calcutta to Julpigoree in Northern 
 Bengal. This regiment was raised, in 1796, as the Slst Bengal 
 Native Infantry, and had served with distinction throughout many 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 159 
 
 campaigns during the first half of this century. It not only 
 remained faithful during the crisis of 1857, but attacked and 
 defeated two native corps which had mutinied at Sagur, in Central 
 India. As a reward for this service the regiment was placed 
 second on the list of Bengal native infantry regiments when the 
 native army was reorganised after the mutiny. 
 
 I had little time for preparation, as the regiment was to start 
 on the day following my appointment, so I took over charge 
 immediately and made all necessary arrangements for departure. 
 I joined my new corps at the Howrah railway station, the 
 Calcutta terminus of the East Indian Railway, on the evening of 
 the 13th of January, and we proceeded by special train to Sahib- 
 gunge, where we arrived next morning. There we left the train 
 and halted for a day, waiting for a river steamer, which was to 
 take us across the Ganges. At this point the last spurs of the 
 Rajmahal Hills approach the river, which soon after passing 
 Sahibgunge turns southward in its course to the sea. Our sick, 
 medical stores, and baggage were placed in sheds on the river 
 bank to be ready for immediate embarkation, and on the morning 
 of January 15th the steamer arrived with a battery of artillery 
 proceeding from Darjeeling to Calcutta. 
 
 Some time was occupied in landing the battery with their 
 guns, stores, and baggage, and when this was accomplished we 
 commenced our embarkation. This was rather a long job, and it 
 was past 3 p.ai. before we left Sahibgunge. The steamer was 
 very much crowded and heavily laden, though carrying only a part 
 of the regiment. She seemed top-heavy and rolled unpleasantly, 
 so our men were ordered to sit down on the deck and move about 
 as little as possible. The landing-place was some miles further 
 up the river, and as the current was very powerful we could onlv 
 proceed slowly. When about half way across we ran aground on a 
 
160 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 sandbank, but got off almost immediately, and continued our 
 voyage, reaching Caragola Ghat in the district of Purneah at 
 about 8 P.M. The work of disembarkation was at once com- 
 menced, but there was much to be done, and it gave us six hours'* 
 hard work to get everything landed and the tents pitched. The 
 steamer left early in the morning and returned in the afternoon 
 with the rest of the regiment which had been left at Saliibgunge. 
 
 During our halt at Caragola Ghat I picked up a capital pony 
 for Rs. 120, and had him in almost constant use for the next seven 
 years. On the afternoon of January 18th, having received from 
 the commissariat department a number of elephants and bullock 
 carts for the transport of the regimental baggage, we commenced 
 our march towards Julpigoree, following the Darjeeling road, 
 which passes through the Purneah District in a north-easterly 
 direction. It was very hot and dusty, as no rain had fallen for 
 some time and the country looked parched and burned up. There 
 were not many trees until we had gone some distance from the 
 river, then the country became well wooded and the road was 
 bordered on both sides with fine trees, which afforded a pleasant 
 shade to weary travellers. On the 20th we arrived at the station 
 of Purneah, where we lialted a day to rest the men and the 
 transport animals, and to enable us to attend a ball to which we 
 had been invited by the residents of Purneah. 
 
 We resumed our march on the 22nd, and next day we crossed 
 a large river, the Mahanadi (great river), by means of boats on 
 which the men, horses, and loaded carts were embarked, while the 
 bullocks swam over and the elephants waded across. On the 25th 
 we reached Kishengunge, a considerable town in the northern part 
 of the Purneah district, where we received intelligence that tlie 
 India Medal was to be granted to the troops who had been 
 engaged in the Bhootan war of 1864-66. As we advanced 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 161 
 
 northward the climate became more humid and the vegetation 
 more luxuriant, and we caught sight of ferns and mosses on all 
 sides. Long sheds for the cultivation of pepper plants were 
 frequently seen. On the 29th we reached Titalya, where we 
 quitted the Darjeeling road, and, turning eastward, marched 
 towards Julpigoree by a rough unmetalled road, which passed 
 through a rather wild and jungly country thinly inhabited. 
 
 We arrived at Julpigoree on the 1st of February, and occupied 
 the empty barracks and houses which had been tenanted by our 
 predecessors. The station was situated on the west bank of the 
 Teesta, a large river coming from the Sikkim Himalaya, and at 
 that time it consisted of the lines of the native regiment stationed 
 there, the houses of the officers, the courts of justice, jail, police 
 lines and hospital, and the houses of the civil officers of the 
 district. Colonel Haughton, C.S.I., the commissioner or chief 
 civil officer of the Cooch Behar Division, resided at Julpigoree and 
 held his court there. The station was divided into two parts by a 
 considerable stream, which joined the Teesta at a point nearly 
 opposite the regimental mess house, and was crossed near its 
 junction by a wooden bridge. The dwelling-houses of the resi- 
 dents, as well as the Sepoy lines and hospital, and all the other 
 public buildings, were at that time of the most primitive descrip- 
 tion, being simply huts built of wood and bamboo, with walls of 
 matting, and roofs thatched with grass. They were all raised 
 several feet from the ground on account of the excessive rainfall 
 and the danger of inundation from the swollen rivers during the 
 rainy season. 
 
 To the best of my recollection there was not at that period a 
 single brick building in Julpigoree. By far the best house in the 
 place was that of Colonel Haughton, upon which a good deal of 
 money had been spent. It had glass windows, wooden doors, cloth 
 
 L 
 
162 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 ceilings, and whitewashed walls, and it was a very comfortable 
 residence even in bad weather. I had bought a small house from 
 my predecessor for Rs. 400, but found on taking possession that it 
 was a mere shed which would scarcely keep out the rain, and 
 which admitted the wind freely through crevices in the mat walls 
 and chinks in the boarded floor. There were no glass windows or 
 wooden doors, but merely openings in the mat walls which could 
 
 ./rSlf-' 
 
 
 MY HOUSE AT JULPIGOREE 
 
 be closed by shutters and doors of the same material, and of course 
 there were no cloth ceilings. I also found that the two massive 
 wooden posts, which mainly supported the roof, were not firmly 
 fixed in the ground, so that in a storm the whole building would 
 sway backwards and forwards like a ship at sea ! 
 
 On our arrival at Julpigoree I was immediately put in medical 
 charge of the civil establishments there, in addition to my other 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 163 
 
 duties. These civil charges comprised a small jail with about 
 a hundred prisoners, a charitable dispensary for indoor and outdoor 
 patients under charge of a native medical subordinate, a small 
 hospital for the sick of the district police, and the medical charge 
 of the civil officers of the division and district with their families 
 and subordinates. As I was the only commissioned medical officer 
 at Julpigoree all the medical arrangements, both civil and military, 
 were in my charge, and I had also to pay visits of inspection to 
 two outlying dispensaries, one at Titalya and the other at Boda, 
 each about thirty miles distant from the station. I had plenty 
 of work, professional and miscellaneous, in this appointment ; so 
 much indeed that although I was very anxious to visit Darjeeling, 
 the chief hill station of Bengal, which was only a little way oif, I 
 was never able to do so, there being no one at Julpigoree com- 
 petent to take my duties during my absence. 
 
 Indian medical officers are not unfrequently placed in a similar 
 predicament, and are compelled to go on working year after year 
 without cessation simply because there happens to be no one 
 available to take their duties while they take rest and change. 
 They are thus perpetually chained to their posts, and it too often 
 happens that they go on working until their health breaks down 
 completely and they have to be sent on sick leave to Europe for a 
 long period. A month's holiday each year would in most cases 
 prevent this disastrous collapse, and such a period of leave should, 
 if possible, be granted yearly to every medical officer. 
 
 The rainy season commenced early at Julpigoree, and was 
 ushered in by heavy storms with violent wind and rain and much 
 thunder and lightning. The river Teesta rose rapidly and soon 
 became a vast and turbid flood carrying down with it quantities 
 of drift wood, logs, fallen trees, and other debris. Notwithstand- 
 ing the swift and powerful current, our men were continually 
 
164 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 plunging into the river to secure the drifting logs and thus 
 provide themselves with firewood gratis. The river water almost 
 reached the top of the broad embankment which protected the 
 station from being inundated, and sometimes it seemed as though 
 the swollen river would overpass this barrier. Had it done so, not 
 only the station but much of the surrounding country would have 
 been submerged. The rain came down in torrents and no less 
 than forty-two inches fell during the month of June. The ground 
 was nearly everywhere a sheet of water, even under our houses, and 
 it was impossible to go anywhere without getting wet. During 
 this season we endured great discomfort owing to the houses being 
 unfit to resist such weather. If we closed every opening we were 
 in darkness, and if a door or window were opened to admit light, 
 the violent wind immediately burst in, bringing the rain with it 
 and making the house almost uninhabitable. 
 
 Of course the heavy rainfall soon brought the snakes out of 
 their holes, and they sought the houses as the only dry places left. 
 We were obliged to carry lanterns at night when going to mess or 
 proceeding on any duty, and it was quite a common thing on these 
 occasions to find snakes of various kinds lying on the drier parts 
 of the path we were pursuing. Most of these reptiles were harm- 
 less, but sometimes we came across the cobra (Nqja tripudians), 
 krait {Bungarus cceruleus), and RusselFs viper (Daboia Russellii), 
 all of them exceedingly venomous and deadly. 
 
 When the rains were ceasing towards the end of September 
 we began to get magnificent views of the snowy range of the 
 Himalaya. The great mountain Kinchinjunga near Darjeeling, 
 upwards of 28,000 feet high, was especially remarkable, being 
 nearer than the others, and it almost seemed to overhang the 
 plains. In November the cold weather commenced and the 
 climate of Julpigoree became very pleasant. We made up shoot- 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 165 
 
 ing parties from time to time, as the surrounding country abounded 
 with game, especially towards the east and north, in which direc- 
 tions were immense plains covered with grass ten feet high, which 
 afforded cover to the tiger, buffalo, rhinoceros, wild boar, and deer 
 of various kinds. We used the commissariat elephants in our 
 hunting excursions, as it would have been impossible to traverse 
 this heavy grass jungle in any other way ; indeed even when 
 mounted on the elephants we sometimes found the grass above 
 our heads. 
 
 Hardly a mile from the station there was a piece of swampy 
 ground covered with high grass and reeds, and intersected by 
 watercourses ; this was the abode of a very wary and sagacious 
 tiger who preyed upon the cattle of the neighbouring villagers, 
 but never ventured far from his stronghold. Many a time we 
 pursued him, and sometimes fired a hurried shot at him as he 
 disappeared in the high grass, but though his tracks were always 
 to be found we very rarely got even a glimpse of him, and we 
 never succeeded in killing him. We had some exciting hunts 
 after buffalo and rhinoceros, and on one occasion my elephant was 
 charged and put to flight by a rhinoceros I had fired at and 
 wounded, but not disabled. 
 
 In the beginning of 1871 Lord Napier of Magdala, then com- 
 mander-in-chief of the Indian army, visited Julpigoree with his 
 staff, and made an inspection of the regiment, after which they 
 dined at the mess as our guests, in accordance with the general 
 custom in the Indian army on such occasions. I did not remain 
 much longer in military employ. I had previously sent up an 
 application for civil employ in Bengal, considering that a settled 
 appointment would now suit me better than regimental duty, and 
 in April I was offered and accepted the civil surgeoncy of Shahabad, 
 a district in the province of Behar. It did not take me long to 
 
166 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 wind up my affairs at Julpigoree ; my successor arrived early in 
 May, and, after making over charge of my duties to him and 
 bidding farewell to all friends in the station, I travelled by way of 
 Titalya, Purneah, and Caragola Ghat to Sahibgunge, where I took 
 tlie train, and arrived at Arrah, the principal station of the 
 Shahabad district, on the afternoon of May 12th. 
 
 This district comprised an area of about 4000 square miles and 
 was bounded on the north by the Ganges, on the east and south 
 by the Sone, and on the west by the Kurumnasa Rivers. The 
 population were mainly agricultural and raised abundant crops 
 of rice, wheat, barley, Indian com, etc., while here and there 
 European indigo planters had established factories and cultivated 
 indigo more or less successfully. At least three-fourths of the 
 district was a fertile plain of alluvial soil, the remaining fourth 
 being taken up by the Kymore Hills, a low range under 2000 feet 
 in elevation, an offshoot of the Vindhya Mountains. The chief 
 town was Arrah, which at that time contained a population of 
 nearly 40,000 persons, and was the place of residence of the 
 principal European officers of the district. Though nearly fourteen 
 years had elapsed since I went to Arrah with Vincent Eyre's force 
 during the mutinies, I found little sign of change, except the 
 completion of the railway, which had taken place in the interval. 
 The native town and the residences of the European officials 
 presented much the same appearance as before, but a memorial 
 church and parsonage had been built, and the small two-storied 
 house in which the residents defended themselves in 1857 had since 
 been repaired and showed no traces of the famous siege. 
 
 There were no particular features of interest to be met with in 
 the native town ; it contained several fairly good streets, and was 
 intersected by the road from Buxar to Dinapore. The houses 
 occupied by the wealthier classes, such as merchants, shopkeepers, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 167 
 
 money-lenders, lawyers, etc., were several stories high, built of 
 brick, with whitewashed walls and flat roofs. The dwellings of 
 the lower classes, such as small shopkeepers, agriculturists, artisans, 
 etc., were mud huts one story high, with sloping tiled roofs, and 
 these formed the greater part of the town. They were intersected 
 by narrow lanes, which were filthy and insanitary in the highest 
 degree, as up to that time little had been done in the way of 
 sanitation in Indian country towns. Through the town from 
 north to south extended a shallow ' nullah ** or watercourse, which 
 was nearly or quite dry most part of the year and was then under 
 cultivation, but during the rainy season it was filled by the flood 
 water from the Ganges, and it then seemed a considerable river. 
 The Buxar-Dinapore road was carried over this nullah by means of 
 a masonry bridge of several arches. 
 
 The railway station, the courts of justice, the police lines and 
 hospital, the district school, the church, the cemetery, and the 
 houses of the European residents were situated just outside the 
 town to the west and south. Broad well-kept roads ran through 
 the station in every direction, and fine trees were planted on each 
 side of them, forming pleasant shady avenues. Each European 
 residence stood in its own ' compound '' or enclosure, which also 
 contained a range of servants'' houses, stables and coachhouse, flower 
 and vegetable gardens, and a grass field of greater or less extent 
 beyond. The compound of the judge's house was far larger than 
 any of the others, and must have contained eighty or a hundred 
 acres ; it was planted with many beautiful trees, and presented 
 quite a park-like appearance. 
 
 On my arrival at Arrah I was very kindly and hospitably 
 received by Mr. W. H. D''Oyly, the magistrate of the district, who 
 put me up till I could get a house of my own. Up to the mutiny 
 time this kind of hospitality was almost always extended by Indian ^ 
 
168 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 officials, not only to each other, but also to any stranger arriving 
 at their stations. Since then, however, owing to the great influx 
 of Europeans of all classes into India, the steadily growing cost of 
 living there, the depreciation of the rupee, and, lastly, the great 
 increase in the number of hotels and boarding-houses, this profuse 
 hospitality has been greatly restricted, and travellers in India can 
 no longer expect to be put up wherever they go, as in the old 
 times. 
 
 The day after my arrival I took over my duties, which included 
 the management of the district jail, containing more than four 
 hundred prisoners, as well as the superintendence of the Arrah 
 dispensary, and several branch dispensaries in different parts of the 
 district, the medical charge of the district police and other civil 
 establishments, and a fair amount of private practice in the station 
 and neighbourhood. 
 
 The jail work took up a great deal of my time, as much of it 
 was new to me, and I had to make myself acquainted with it as 
 quickly as possible. The whole superintendence and management 
 of the jail was in my hands, and every detail in the discipline, 
 employment, feeding, and clothing of the prisoners had to be 
 arranged by me, of course in conformity with the orders and regu- 
 lations on the subject issued by the Inspector- General of Jails in 
 Bengal. An unpleasant duty which occasionally devolved upon me 
 as the officer in executive charge of the jail was the superintendence 
 of executions, but fortunately these were rare, capital punishment 
 being seldom inflicted, and only in the worst cases. I will say 
 nothing more on the subject but this, that I always took the 
 utmost care and precaution against the occurrence of accidents, and 
 so I never had any. 
 
 My ordinary moming**s work, after visiting the sick in the 
 police and jail hospitals, was to walk round the jail and see all the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 169 
 
 prisoners and their employment, inspecting at the same time the 
 various jail buildings, work sheds, yards, and gardens (where vege- 
 tables were grown for the use of the prisoners, or for sale). Then 
 I went to the jail office, superintended the reception of new pri- 
 soners and the release of those whose terms had expired, heard the 
 jailors'* reports, and, after due inquiry, inflicted suitable punish- 
 ments upon such prisoners as were proved guilty of idleness, 
 breaches of discipline, or other jail offences. This done, I got 
 through official correspondence and returns, and inquired into the 
 state of the jail manufactures, and the sales of the different manu- 
 factured articles. These consisted for the most part of carpets, 
 druggets, rugs, sheets, blankets, towels, dusters, and various articles 
 of prison clothing. In some of the larger jails, containing more 
 than a thousand prisoners, these manufactures were carried on 
 profitably and successfully, but this was rarely the case in the 
 district jails, on account of the impossibility of securing a sufficient 
 supply of skilled artisans among their limited and fluctuating 
 prison population. Brick and tile-making, pottery, basketwork, 
 and gardening also gave employment to many of the prisoners, and 
 were fairly remunerative. The manufacture of mustard oil from 
 crushed mustard seed provided a sufficient amount of severe labour 
 for the requirements of the Arrah jail, including the punishment of 
 refractory prisoners. 
 
 After doing all I had to do at the jail, or as much of it as time 
 permitted, I went on to the dispensary, where there would usually 
 be several police cases and surgical operations awaiting my arrival. 
 A native medical subordinate of considerable standing and experi- 
 ence was medical officer of the dispensary, and carried on the work 
 of the institution under my superintendence. I paid a visit of 
 inspection every morning and performed some of the more im- 
 portant surgical operations. On finishing my work there I used to 
 
170 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 visit private patients, and then return home to a late breakfast, 
 after which I sometimes had to go to the jail again in the after- 
 noon, and to pay other professional visits to people in or near the 
 station. 
 
 In addition to the various duties pertaining to the office of 
 civil surgeon which have been already described, I was one of the 
 municipal commissioners of the town of Arrah, in which capacity I 
 was sometimes charged with assessment duty in the town, and I 
 frequently had to inquire into cases of alleged encroachment, 
 nuisance, and other breaches of municipal regulations. I had also 
 to attend the municipal meetings, and to serve on various sub- 
 committees connected with the municipal government of the town. 
 For a time I was a member of the municipal bench appointed for 
 the trial of persons charged with offences against the municipal 
 laws and regulations. I was also a member of the district school 
 committee : I paid visits of inspection to the school from time to 
 time, and occasionally took part in the examinations of the boys. 
 
 I was, eoc officio, police surgeon, and all examinations of police 
 cases, as well as post mortem examinations, had to be performed by 
 me, or (if I were otherwise engaged) by my assistant, the native 
 medical officer in charge of the Arrah dispensary. Quarrels and 
 fights about boundaries, water, straying cattle, grazing rights, and 
 many other disputed matters were so common in that part of India, 
 that nearly every day I had to examine persons who had been injured 
 in these conflicts. The peasantry all had ' lathis '' (heavy bamboo 
 staves, often bound with iron), and could use them with great 
 effect. Their agrarian disputes generally ended in lathi blows, 
 causing severe bruises and often fracture of bones. Not unfre- 
 quently men were brought to the dispensary in an insensible state 
 from lathi blows on the head, and sometimes these injuries caused 
 death. All these cases involved my subsequent attendance in the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 171 
 
 different courts of justice for the purpose of giving medical 
 evidence. 
 
 It will thus be seen that the time of a ci\dl surgeon in India is 
 pretty well occupied, even in an ordinary station like Arrah. In a 
 large station like Patna, where the civil surgeon has in addition a 
 lunatic asylum under his charge, and a medical school to superin- 
 tend, the work is much heavier, and some of it must necessarily be 
 left in the hands of subordinates. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 I take a house at Arrah — My wife joins me there — Station society — Croquet parties — 
 Gardens — Climate of Arrah — The cold weather there — The hot weather — Kus- 
 kus tatties — The rainy reason — Snakes — Remarkable case of snake-bite — My 
 visits to the branch dispensaries — ^Jugdispore — Doomraon — The Maharajah's 
 garden and jungle — His hospitality — Sasseram — Mausoleum of Shere Shah — 
 Subterranean passages — Dehree — Sone irrigation works — My visit to Rhotas- 
 garh — Tradition respecting the capture of that fortress — Its extent and fortifi- 
 cations — Our unsuccessful beat — An indigo planter killed by a tiger near Rhotas 
 — My visits to Bhubooah and Buxar. 
 
 Soon after my arrival at Arrah I took a commodious bungalow 
 near the church, which had been the residence of my predecessor ; 
 it suited me very well, and was my home for six years. This house 
 was a typical Indian bungalow, such as may be seen in most of the 
 stations in the plains of Bengal. It had a sloping tiled roof and 
 contained twelve rooms, namely, drawing-room, dining-room, two 
 small offices or writing-rooms, four bedrooms, and four dressing- 
 rooms, and there was a small bathroom at each corner of the 
 house. These rooms were all on the same floor, which was raised 
 two or three feet above the level of the ground. The house was 
 whitewashed inside and out, with the exception of the drawing- 
 room and dining-room, which were colour-washed, with some 
 attempt at decoration. All the rooms had cloth ceilings, and 
 were provided with punkahs for use in the hot weather. At the 
 front entrance was a large porch, capable of sheltering a carriage, 
 and at the back of the house was a long verandah, below which 
 lay the flower garden. Near the house was the usual range of 
 outhouses, comprising stable, coachhouse, kitchen, and servants^ 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 173 
 
 houses. The ' compound,'* or enclosure, was pretty large, and con- 
 tained some very fine trees ; one splendid banyan, or Indian fig- 
 tree (Fkus mdka\ in particular. 
 
 In November 1871 my wife, having placed our children in her 
 sisters' charge, came out by the Suez Canal route to Calcutta and 
 joined me. The society at our station, though not large, was very 
 cheerful and pleasant, and people used to meet several times a 
 week at croquet or badminton parties, and other social gatherings, 
 at the different houses. The judge and his wife were both good 
 
 OUR BUNGALOW AT ARRAH 
 
 croquet players, and they had a very smooth and well-kept lawn, 
 where the game could be played under the most favourable con- 
 ditions. Several of the residents had similar lawns and paid great 
 attention to them, having them frequently mown, watered, and 
 rolled. Some of the people at Arrah had beautiful gardens, par- 
 ticularly Mr. Levinge, the superintending engineer of the Sone 
 irrigation works, who devoted much care and attention to rose 
 cultivation, and every season had a splendid show of many choice 
 varieties, such as Marshal Niel, Cloth of Gold, Gloire de Dijon, 
 
174 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Black Prince, Souvenir de Malmaison, etc. I never saw finer roses 
 than his in any part of the world, not even in England. 
 
 The climate of Arrah during the cold season was, at that time, 
 very dry, healthy, and pleasant. It was colder in the houses than 
 outside, so that fires in the sitting-rooms were necessary in the 
 mornings and evenings, and sometimes all through the day. Warm 
 clothing and plenty of bedding were required during the cold 
 season, and brisk exercise during the day was both agreeable and 
 beneficial. The district officials spent a great part of the cold 
 weather in travelling through the district, paying visits of inspec- 
 tion, and inquiring into the state of the crops, the condition of the 
 people, and all other matters about which the Government required 
 information. This pleasant time of the year lasted during the 
 months of November, December, January, and February. 
 
 In March the temperature rose rapidly ; the hot wind from the 
 west set in, and it became necessary to shut up our houses in the 
 day time and resort to punkahs. Flies appeared in swarms in the 
 day time and caused great annoyance, while mosquitoes at night 
 prevented sleep, unless kept out by mosquito curtains or driven off 
 by strong currents of air from the punkah. The hot wind blew 
 vigorously from morning till evenmg, and sometimes at night also. 
 It was an intensely dry, hot blast, and it produced a very un- 
 pleasant sensation of choking in those who were directly exposed 
 to it. All vegetation withered under it, and the grass assumed a 
 brownish hue. The atmosphere was filled with clouds of dust, 
 which penetrated into the houses and covered everything with a 
 dusty film. The extreme heat and dryness of the air caused paper 
 to curl up and ink to dry rapidly, so that writing became a matter 
 of difficulty and discomfort. 
 
 Some people kept their rooms cool at this time by the use of 
 what were called kus-kus tatties ; these were screens of the fragrant 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 175 
 
 grass kus-kus {Andropogon muricatus) which were fixed in the 
 door or window openings and watered outside continually through- 
 out the day by men employed for the purpose. The hot wind was 
 cooled by passing through the wet grass, and diffused a delightful 
 coolness through the house. But though its immediate effect 
 was very pleasant, this method of cooling houses was somewhat 
 dangerous to health, being apt to cause sudden chills, and to 
 bring on severe colds, rheumatism, neuralgia, and other derange- 
 ments. Hence, after one or two trials, we gave it up and resorted 
 only to the punkah as a slight alleviation of the intense discomfort of 
 the Indian hot weather, which went on increasing during April and 
 May, with only an occasional temporary alleviation by a dust storm. 
 
 Towards the end of June the rainy season set in and brought 
 great relief to the exhausted dwellers in these burning plains. 
 Heavy storms with thunder and lightning ushered in the rains, 
 the temperature fell considerably, the hot wind ceased, and all 
 nature became animated and joyous. The frogs began to croak 
 loudly, insects appeared in swarms, and the kites, crows, mynas, 
 and other birds flew briskly about, evidently enjoying the change 
 in the weather. Tlie air soon became charged with moisture, 
 clothes felt damp, and boots were apt to become mildewed. This 
 state of things continued till October, when the rain ceased and 
 the weather became cooler, though the sun still had great power, 
 and punkahs were not discontinued till the end of the month. 
 
 During the rainy season the snakes were driven from their 
 holes and sought shelter in the houses to the great peril of the 
 inmates. These reptiles were not so common at Arrah as in 
 many other parts of India, but every now and then the cobra or 
 the krait would be met with, and usually when least expected. 
 On one occasion a cobra was found and killed while actually 
 coming up the steps in front of our house to avoid the rain. 
 
176 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Another time, when I was in my bath I saw a krait on the floor 
 of the bathroom, and several times during my residence at Arrah 
 kraits were found in different places about the house and out- 
 houses. But though several persons had narrow escapes at 
 different times no European resident was bitten while I was 
 at Arrah. Great numbers of natives, however, perished from 
 snake bite, mostly during the rains. 
 
 One case which occurred soon after I came to Arrah was very 
 striking, as it showed the value of a tight ligature in preventing 
 the absorption of the venom. The ' syce," or groom, of one of the 
 European residents having been bitten in the hand by some snake 
 (probably a krait) at 6 p.m. or thereabouts, was brought to his 
 master, who at once applied a tight ligature above the bitten part, 
 gave the man a dose of ammonia, and then let him go to his home, 
 without informing me of the accident. The man remained appar- 
 ently well during the night, but in the morning, feeling his hand 
 painful, he removed the ligature, and in a very short time symptoms 
 of poisoning set in. His friends, finding him growing rapidly 
 worse, brought him to me, but by that time he was at the point 
 of death, and he expired a few minutes after I saw him. In this 
 instance the ligature effectually prevented the absorption of the 
 venom, and if the bitten part had been amputated above the 
 ligature the man"'s life would probably have been saved. When I 
 saw him it was too late to do anything. 
 
 Several times a year I had to pay visits of inspection to the 
 branch dispensaries throughout the district, and these excursions 
 formed a very agreeable change from the regular routine of station 
 life. One of these branch dispensaries was established at Jugdis- 
 pore, a small town about fifteen miles distant, where the rebels 
 under Kooer Singh fought against us in 1857. At that time 
 the town was buried in a vast forest which extended for many 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 177 
 
 miles in every direction. After the restoration of order this 
 forest was almost entirely cleared away and the land brought 
 under cultivation. It was fertile and produced abundant crops, 
 and many fine trees were still remaining, as relics of the 
 great forest which had formerly covered the country. When 
 visiting this dispensary I generally travelled by train to Beheea, 
 the next station west of Arrah, and then drove in a dogcart to 
 Jugdispore along a straight and well-kept road which passed 
 through the remains of the intrenchments thrown up by the rebels 
 in 1857. The dispensary was in the centre of the town, and was 
 in the charge of a native hospital assistant of some standing and 
 experience. It was well attended by the people of the town and 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 Another branch dispensary under my superintendence was situ- 
 ated at Doomraon, a considerable town on the railway, about thirty- 
 five miles west of Arrah. This dispensary had been built and was 
 maintained by the Maharaja of Doomraon, a wealthy native noble- 
 man who possessed large estates in different parts of Behar, and 
 usually resided at Doomraon. A native assistant-surgeon was in 
 charge of the dispensary, which appeared to be popular and well 
 attended. The Maharaja had also built and furnished a large 
 house in a beautiful garden close to the town for the reception 
 and accommodation of European visitors, and the district officials 
 generally went there when they visited Doomraon. The garden 
 was extensive and was kept in excellent order ; it contained some 
 very fine trees and many beautiful flower beds. The native 
 gardeners had formed the words (in English) ' God bless the 
 garden '' in colossal letters on a lawn in front of the house, the 
 grass having been cut so as to shape the letters. Adjoining the 
 garden was a large piece of land covered with jungle, which was 
 kept by the Maharaja as a preserve for deer and other wild animals, 
 
 M 
 
178 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 which, however, were never hunted or shot. This jungle had 
 several good roads passing through it, and visitors to the ' Garden 
 House ' were usually invited to drive along these pleasant shady 
 avenues in carriages provided iby the kindly and hospitable Maharaja. 
 
 A good deal of indigo was cultivated near Doomraon ; the 
 factory and the manager^s residence were on the Buxar Road, about 
 a mile from the town. 
 
 An important branch dispensary under me was situated at 
 Sasseram, a large town on the Grand Trunk Road in the south of 
 the Shahabad district. Sasseram was a very interesting place on 
 account of its antiquity and its ancient importance, and I always 
 enjoyed my visits there, though the palki journey of sixty miles 
 
 A PALKI AND BEARERS 
 
 was anything but pleasant. I usually started from Arrah in the 
 afternoon so as to get through the journey by the next morning, 
 and had I been left undisturbed I should have slept through it 
 comfortably. But at every stage, when the relays of palki bearers 
 were changed, they woke me up with clamorous demands for 
 ' bakshish ' (a present), so that I had to get up and satisfy them with 
 some coppers, and then get to sleep again as best I could. Sasseram 
 was the headquarters of one of the four sub-divisions into which 
 the district was divided, and two or three European officers were 
 generally stationed there. The dispensary was in the charge of a 
 native assistant-surgeon, who also had medical charge of the police, 
 the lock-up, etc. Sasseram was a very old town, and appeared to 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 179 
 
 have been at one time a place of some importance, from the 
 nmnber of ruined buildings in and around it. The town lay in a 
 forest of palm trees close to the Kymore Hills, the last spurs of which 
 come down to the Grand Trunk Road between Dehree and Sasseram. 
 Close to the town on the west side was a large tank, in the 
 middle of which stood the magnificent mausoleum of Shere Shah, 
 the Afghan chief, who w as Viceroy of Bengal under the Emperor 
 Baber four centuries ago, and who revolted against Humayun, the 
 son and successor of Baber, defeated and expelled him, and became 
 Emperor of Hindustan in his room. The tombs of Shere Shah 
 and several members of his family were to be seen under an 
 immense dome which rose in the centre of the building and was 
 the habitation of innumerable pigeons. A causeway extended 
 from the north side of the tank to the mausoleum, and had an 
 imposing but ruinous pile of buildings at its entrance. The banks 
 of the tank were covered with ruins, which had evidently been 
 imposing structures in their day. Tradition asserted that a 
 subterranean passage existed, passing from the mausoleum beneath 
 the tank and under the principal street of the town to the palace 
 of the governor ; I visited the ruins of the palace, and found some 
 subterranean rooms, but they were nearly filled with sand which 
 had drifted in through crevices, and I could find no passage lead- 
 ing out of them in the direction of the mausoleum. There must 
 have been such a passage, nevertheless, as certain openings in the 
 pavement of the principal street were pointed out to me which 
 evidently communicated with an underground passage. Each 
 opening was covered with a circular stone, and when that was 
 removed an aperture was seen, through which a slim person could 
 descend. I felt strongly inclined to explore, but was deterred by 
 the serious risks to life from foul air and venomous snakes, both of 
 which are often found in such places. 
 
180 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Dehree on the Sone, ten miles east of Sasseram, was at that 
 time the headquarters of the Sone irrigation works, which had 
 been commenced by order of Government with the view of pre- 
 venting faikn-es of the crops in Southern Behar by the construction 
 of a system of canals for irrigation to be supplied with water from 
 the great river Sone at Dehree. An immense and massive wall, 
 about two miles long, was built across the Sone at Dehree in order 
 to retain sufficient water for the canals which were being con- 
 structed on both sides of the river through the districts of Shaha- 
 bad, Gaya, and Patna. These vast and important works took 
 several years for their completion, and during the time they were 
 in progress Dehree presented a busy and animated appearance. 
 Extensive workshops had been established, and a large number of 
 engineers and artificers were maintained there for a considerable 
 time. A large convict camp was kept at Dehree, the convicts 
 being employed as unskilled labourers chiefly in the work of 
 excavation. Another medical officer was in charge of the convict 
 camp and the Dehree irrigation works, but sometimes I was sent 
 for to meet him in consultation, and generally during my periodical 
 inspections at Sasseram I used to pay a short visit to my colleague 
 at Dehree. Subsequently, after the completion of the canals, I 
 often travelled from Arrah to Sasseram, by way of Dehree, in a 
 small passenger steamer which us6d to ply regularly on certain 
 days between Arrah and Dehree, and did the distance — sixty 
 miles — in a few hours. This was a very pleasant way of travelling 
 and much to be preferred to palki journeys. 
 
 On one occasion I made a very interesting excursion to Rhotas- 
 garh, an ancient fortress on a spur of the Kymore Hills about 
 twenty-four miles south-west from Dehree. The hills at this point 
 are under 15C0 feet in height, but their sides in some parts are 
 perpendicular precipices for many hundred feet, and they present a 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 181 
 
 very grand and imposing appearance. Below the precipices are 
 jungle-covered slopes descending towards the Sone River, which 
 flows near the southern border of the Kymore range. The hills 
 consist of a great mass of sandstone lying upon beds of limestone, 
 which crops up below at various points. The spur of Rhotas 
 is partially isolated from the main range, and being nearly every- 
 where surrounded by precipices, it must have been an almost im- 
 pregnable stronghold in the times when firearms were unknown. 
 The summit of the spur is fairly level, and is about twenty-five 
 miles in circumference, so that the garrison must have been able 
 to cultivate extensively and perhaps grow sufficient grain and 
 vegetables for their own consumption. 
 
 Tradition relates that some centuries ago a Mohammedan chief 
 captured this impregnable fortress by an ingenious stratagem from 
 a Hindu Raja who possessed it. He informed the Raja that he 
 was about to march on an important expedition, and asked his 
 permission to send the ladies of his harem and the wives and 
 daughters of his followers to the fortress of Rhotas for safety 
 during his absence. Permission was given, and at the appointed 
 time a long procession of palanquins ascended the hill by the steep 
 and difficult track, and reached the gate of the fortress. The Raja 
 seems to have had some suspicion of treachery, for he examined the 
 first three palanquins. This search had been anticipated by the 
 wily Mohammedan, and only women were found in them, so that 
 the Rajahs suspicions were dispelled, and he permitted all the rest 
 to pass in without any examination. But all the other palanquins 
 contained armed men, who suddenly attacked and overpowered the 
 guard at the gate, admitted their friends who were in readiness 
 outside, and speedily got entire possession of the fortress. 
 
 Rhotas was a favourite stronghold of the Afghan chief Shere 
 Shah, and he built very strong and solid fortifications at every 
 
182 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 point tliat was not sufficiently defended by precipices. He formed 
 the design of isolating Rhotas by cutting through the narrow neck 
 which joins the spur to the main range of hills, and he actually 
 commenced the work and cut through the rock for some 20 or 
 30 feet in depth and still more in breadth, but then gave it up, 
 having, I suppose, recognised the practical impossibility of fully 
 carrying out his plan. The marks left on the rock by the tools of 
 the workmen are still plainly visible, notwithstanding the lapse 
 of several centuries. The fortifications of Rhotas are now in a 
 ruinous condition in many places, but I saw some massive walls 
 and towers which had successfully resisted the ravages of time, and 
 looked as if they had been only j ust built. The palace is situated 
 in the interior of the Rhotas plateau, some distance from the 
 gateway of the fortress. It is very extensive, and though now in a 
 ruinous condition it bears distinct evidences of its former grandeur 
 and magnificence. 
 
 Towards the south and east the Rhotas plateau ends abruptly 
 in stupendous precipices overhanging the Sone valley and com- 
 manding extensive views of the country beyond the river in the 
 Gaya district. I visited a ruined Hindu temple at the southern 
 edge of the plateau overlooking the valley ; it was evidently of 
 great antiquity and had been built long before the Mohammedan 
 occupation of Rhotas, as a small mosque had been erected close to 
 it, resting upon part of the verandah of the temple. This mosque, 
 though of much more recent date, was more dilapidated and ruinous 
 than the temple it was intended to supplant. Game used to be 
 abundant in the neighbourhood of Rhotas in former days ; tigers, 
 bears, leopards, wild dogs, wild cats, and deer of various kinds 
 were found on the plateau and the slopes of the hills. At the 
 time of my visit (about twenty years ago) they had grown scarcer, 
 and I spent some hours with a friend vainly hoping to get a shot 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 183 
 
 at something, while a number of beaters swept through the jungle 
 towards us; but nothing came in sight and we had to return 
 empty-handed. A year or two before my visit an indigo planter 
 of the neighbourhood was killed by a tiger near Rhotas ; he was 
 posted in a tree at a safe distance from the ground, but rashly 
 descended to a lower branch in order to get a better view. The 
 tiger, furious from wounds, made a prodigious bound and reached 
 the unlucky sportsman, inflicting severe injuries which proved fatal 
 in the course of a few days. 
 
 From Sasseram I used to travel in a westerly direction along 
 the Grand Trunk Road to visit Bhubooah, the chief town of a 
 subdivision which comprised the south-western part of the district. 
 At Jehanabad I had to leave the main road and follow a cross 
 country track for many miles, crossing several rivers and streams 
 by boat or by fording, as none of them were bridged. In the 
 rainy season, when they were in flood, it was sometimes neither 
 safe nor easy to cross these rivers, particularly as the only ferry- 
 boat was a leaky and clumsy dug-out, so narrow that I had to 
 hold both sides of it to keep my balance. Sometimes the boatmen 
 failed to reach the regular landing place, the boat being swept 
 past it by the strong current, and once or twice when this accident 
 happened I had to scramble up the muddy bank as best I could. 
 There was nothing of any interest to be seen at Bhubooah ; it was 
 an ordinary native town of small size and population. The civil 
 officer in charge of the subdivision resided and held his court 
 there, and in addition there was a police station, a lock-up, and a 
 small dispensary in charge of a native hospital assistant. From 
 this place I generally returned by striking northward to the Kur- 
 umnasa, crossing that river, and then reaching Zamaniah, a station 
 on the East Indian Railway, whence I travelled comfortably by 
 train to Arrah. 
 
184 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 In passing up the Grand Trunk Road from Sasseram I noticed 
 an old bridge at some distance on the right, which from its style 
 of architecture appeared to have been built in the time of the 
 Mogul Emperors of Hindustan. I went up to it and found that 
 the river over which it had been built had changed its course and 
 left the bridge high and dry and completely isolated, as the road 
 embankment on each side had been swept away by rain and floods. 
 But the massive masonry of the bridge was as hard as rock and 
 still remained almost intact as a monument of the skill of the 
 native architects and the excellence of their materials and con- 
 struction. Not far from this ancient bridge I found a ruined 
 mosque with an inscription setting forth that it had been built in 
 the reign of the Mogul Emperor Jehangir, about the beginning of 
 the seventeenth century. 
 
 I occasionally visited Buxar, a town situated on the Ganges, in 
 the north-west of my district. This place was not in my charge, 
 another medical officer being stationed there, but I sometimes was 
 called for a consultation. Buxar was once a place of some import- 
 ance, and the headquarters of a division of the Bengal army. In 
 1765 it was the scene of a great victory gained by the British 
 army under Major Munro over the forces of Kasim Ali and the 
 Nawab Vizier of Oudh. In 1857 it was the starting point of 
 Major Vincent Eyre's little force for the relief of the Arrah 
 garrison. It possessed a small fort resting on the river, with a 
 moat and high turfed ramparts. The native town was small and 
 unimportant, but there was a large central jail containing about a 
 thousand prisoners. Buxar was the headquarters of a subdivision 
 and possessed a court of justice, police station, lock-up, and a small 
 dispensary, as well as a station on the East Indian Railway. 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 An outbreak of Cholera at Arrah — The prisoners suffer severely and are removed into 
 camp—Good result of this measure — Cessation of the epidemic — The Behar 
 famine in 1874 — My wife is obliged to return to England — I start a ' chummery ' 
 — The rat nuisance at Arrah — I pass a bad quarter of an hour — Visit of H.R.H. 
 the Prince of Wales to India — I attend the Durbar at Bankipore — My visit 
 to the Sonepur fair — I apply for furlough to Europe in 1877 — My w^eek at 
 Bombay — I visit the rock-hewn temple of Elephanta and go over the ironclad 
 turret-ship Magdala — Iler defenceless state — My voyage home — I pass eighteen 
 months with my wife and family and return to India in 1878 — I am warned for 
 field service in Afghanistan, but not sent up to join the army — Completion of the 
 Sone Canals — Effects on the climate produced by irrigation — Poppy cultivation 
 in Shahabad — The Opium Question. 
 
 In 1873 the rainy season set in unusually late, and no rain fell at 
 Arrah till the 9th of July. The heat was intense and the sanitary 
 condition of the town exceedingly bad, in spite of all we could do 
 to improve it. I fully expected an outbreak of cholera, and my 
 expectations were soon realised. The epidemic commenced in 
 June, and before the end of the month a great number of cases 
 had occurred in the town, and the prisoners in the jail had been 
 attacked, although I had done everything in my power to isolate 
 them. As fresh cases occurred each day and many proved fatal, 
 I shortly decided, after consultation with the magistrate of the 
 district, to move all the prisoners out of the jail and to place them 
 for a time in some empty sheds at a little distance from the town. 
 This measure was carried out nine days after the first appearance 
 of cholera in the jail, and it was attended with complete success, 
 as no fresh cases occurred after the removal, although the whole of 
 the prisoners, including those still suffering from cholera, were 
 
186 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 confined in the sheds. After remaining there for a fortnight, 
 during which time the jail buildings were thoroughly cleaned, 
 fumigated with sulphur, and newly whitewashed, the prisoners 
 were brought back, and no recurrence of the disease took place. 
 The epidemic in the town subsided when the rains set in and 
 soon ceased altogether. No European was attacked during this 
 epidemic, but while it lasted nearly every one in the station (myself 
 included) felt more or less unwell. 
 
 The beneficial result which followed the removal of the prisoners 
 into camp was very striking, especially as the cholera patients 
 could not be effectually separated from the others. It has long 
 been understood by the authorities in India that removal from 
 the affected locality is the most serviceable measure that can be 
 adopted when cholera attacks a body of troops, or a jail, school, 
 lunatic asylum, etc., and accordingly there are standing orders 
 directing this step to be taken in all serious outbreaks of cholera, 
 the details as to time, place, etc., being of course left to the 
 discretion of the local authorities. But for the general population 
 this plan is impracticable, and special sanitary measures must be 
 relied on with a view to the prevention of cholera outbreaks. 
 Chief among these measures is the provision of a pure and uncon- 
 taminated water supply, and I am strongly of opinion that, could 
 this inestimable blessing be everywhere secured, we should hear 
 little more of cholera. A good deal has already been done to 
 improve the water supply of the Presidency towns and of many 
 other Indian stations, and wherever a supply of good water has 
 been provided the result has been most gratifying, both as regards 
 the prevention of cholera and the improvement of the general 
 health of the troops and population. Another important matter 
 to which attention has been paid for some time is the due regula- 
 tion and sanitation of great gatherings of people, such as the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 187 
 
 Hurdwar and Sonepur fairs, where disease has frequently originated 
 and whence it has been disseminated over a wide extent of country. 
 The sanitation of Indian towns and villages is a work of such 
 magnitude that little more than a beginning has as yet been 
 effected, and many years must elapse before their sanitary condi- 
 tion can be brought up to the European standard. 
 
 In 1873 the rains in Behar not only set in late but were less 
 than usual in amount and ceased earlier. In consequence of this 
 deficiency in the rainfall there was a partial failure of some of the 
 crops, particularly the rice crop, which requires much moisture, and 
 in 1874 there was some scarcity and distress in the northern parts 
 of Behar, amounting to a positive famine in certain portions of the 
 districts of Tirhoot and Chumparun. In this emergency the Indian 
 Government acted Avith energy and promptitude : a civil officer of 
 high rank was appointed to superintend the famine campaign, relief 
 works were started, grain was poured into the distressed districts, 
 and every effort was made to save the people and to prevent such 
 disasters as formerly occurred in Indian famines. Unhappily an 
 exaggerated estimate of the situation was formed, a lavish and 
 unnecessary outlay took place, and a prodigious waste of money 
 resulted. In my district there never was any distress at all, yet we 
 were constrained to do something, as otherwise we should have been 
 regarded as careless and inefficient. So we collected a lot of beggars 
 (plenty of whom are always to be found in every district in India) 
 and fed them for several months as a famine relief measure. 
 
 After some years' residence at Arrah my wife's health began to 
 suffer from the severe and long-continued hot weather of Behar, 
 and in 1875 she returned to England with our infant daughter. 
 These painful separations in families are perhaps the worst feature 
 of an Indian career, but under existing circumstances they are 
 apparently unavoidable. European children, as a rule, cannot 
 
188 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 long endure the climate of the plains of India without injury to 
 their health ; they must be sent home or to one of the Indian hill 
 stations, and for many reasons the former alternative is preferable. 
 When the children are sent home it becomes a doubtful question 
 whether their mother should accompany them or remain with her 
 husband in India. This question must be decided according to the 
 circumstances of each case, but it is in every case a choice of evils. 
 If both father and mother remain in India, the children are liable 
 to forget them and grow up strangers to them — a very distressing 
 result for the parents. If the children are accompanied by their 
 mother, and she remains with them at home, then it is a hard case 
 for the husband, who is deprived of the society of his wife and has 
 to rub on alone as best he may. We adopted the second alter- 
 native, as the state of my wife^s health rendered it necessary for 
 her to go home in 1875, and circumstances prevented her from 
 again returning to India. 
 
 Finding myself thus left alone in a large house, I started what 
 in India is commonly called a ' chummery ,"* by getting a friend to 
 come and live with me and share expenses. After a time another 
 friend joined us and at last a third, who however had to sleep in a 
 tent as there was no spare bedroom for him in the house. This 
 was a very pleasant, as well as a very economical arrangement ; I 
 had the management of the establishment, and my friends left 
 everything in my hands, declaring that they had never lived so 
 well and so cheaply before. 
 
 At many Indian stations the houses are infested by rats, which 
 do much damage, gnawing their way into storerooms and side- 
 boards, devouring everything edible they can discover, and even 
 eating holes in boots, clothing, etc., which they find lying about. 
 Arrah was as bad in this respect as any Indian station I ever saw, 
 and my house, having a sloping roof and cloth ceilings, harboured 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 189 
 
 more rats than the rest, which were mostly flat-roofed houses. 
 They were continually scampering about the roof, and few nights 
 passed without my being disturbed by the horrid rasping noise 
 caused by their gnawing the furniture or the woodwork of the 
 house. On such occasions I often used to rise and light a candle, 
 and then carefully close every door and window before I looked for 
 the intruder. If the rat happened to be in my bedroom I generally 
 managed to kill it after an exciting chase, during which it would 
 fly round the room, run up the doors, hide behind boxes, and 
 conceal itself wherever there was a chance of concealment. I had a 
 black and tan terrier and a yellow cat that had been brought up 
 together ; these two animals used to hunt the rats in concert, and 
 seldom failed to catch them unless a hole or other place of refuge 
 were close at hand. But they could not reach the rats that lived 
 in the roof of the house ; these were secure from all enemies except 
 snakes, which sometimes gain access to the roofs of houses and 
 then continue to live there and feed on the rats. These animals 
 can easily come down from the roof into the rooms of a house by 
 gnawing holes in the cloth ceilings, and then, descending the ropes 
 by which the punkahs are suspended, they spring down upon 
 any article of furniture that may be below. I have actually seen a 
 rat do this even though the punkah was being pulled at the time. 
 
 One night after my wife's departure to England I was aroused, 
 while sleeping soundly in bed, by a sharp bite on one of my fingers. 
 I started up, struck a light, and looked round the room, but could 
 see nothing. I then examined my finger and found two punctures, 
 which looked rather like those generally inflicted by the bite of a 
 venomous snake. Still I could not make sure about it, and I 
 waited with some uneasiness till a quarter of an hour had passed, 
 when, as I experienced no unpleasant symptoms of any kind, I 
 concluded that the bite had been inflicted by a rat, and not by a 
 
190 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 snake. My hand had probably been hanging down outside the 
 bed, and some foraging rat had mistaken it for something eatable. 
 It gave me a very bad quarter of an hour, and my feelings towards 
 the rats may be readily imagined. 
 
 In January 1876 I attended a durbar, or reception, held at 
 Bankipore, the chief civil station of Behar, by His Royal Highness 
 the Prince of Wales during his Indian tour, and I had the honour 
 of being one of the officers presented to His Royal Highess on that 
 occasion. The durbar was held in a large ' shamiana,^ or flat-roofed 
 tent, which had been pitched in a suitable spot for the occasion, 
 and it was attended by the native nobility of most of the Behar 
 districts, as well as by all the Government officers who were not 
 unavoidably kept away by duty or sickness. When the time of 
 the Princess arrival drew near, H.M. 109th Regiment (which 
 had marched over from the neighbouring station of Dina- 
 pore to take part in the ceremony) formed in two lines on each 
 side of the approach to the durbar tent, and behind each line of 
 soldiers there was a line of elephants belonging to different rajas 
 and landowners of Behar. There were about five hundred elephants 
 present on this occasion, all splendidly caparisoned and painted on 
 their foreheads and trunks in various devices. Some of them had 
 ivory or silver howdahs, and trappings of cloth of gold covering 
 their bodies and almost reaching the ground. : 
 
 A royal salute from a battery of artillery announced the 
 Prince's arrival at the Bankipore railway station, where he was 
 received by Sir Richard Temple, Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, 
 and some of the principal officials. He came to the durbar tent 
 in a carriage, escorted by the Behar Light Horse, a fine body of 
 volunteer cavalry almost entirely composed of the European indigo 
 planters of Behar. As the Prince drove up the British troops 
 presented arms, and the double row of elephants saluted him by 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 191 
 
 raising their trunks at the command of their mahouts or drivers. 
 The durbar was a magnificent spectacle, the spacious tent being 
 crowded with native chiefs in the most gorgeous costumes and 
 British officers in full-dress uniform of every description. The 
 native princes, nobles, and gentlemen were presented first, and then 
 the British civil and military officers according to their rank. The 
 presentation was soon over, and the assemblage broke up, as the 
 Prince's party were pressed for time and had to resume their 
 journey up country without delay. 
 
 In November 1876 I visited the celebrated Sonepore fair, an 
 immense gathering of natives which is held annually at Sonepore, 
 in the Sarun district, where the River Gunduk falls into the 
 Ganges, nearly opposite Patna. The spot where the two rivers 
 meet is believed by Hindus to be peculiarly sacred, and many 
 thousands of them come there to bathe every day while the fair 
 continues. The fair is held a short distance from the river bank, 
 and is a very busy and lively scene. It is attended by multitudes 
 of people of all trades and occupations. At the time of my visit 
 there were, it was computed, more than two hundred thousand persons 
 assembled at Sonepore, busily engaged all day long in bathing and 
 worshipping, buying and selling. There were endless rows of tem- 
 porary mat huts filled with goods of every description, including 
 furniture, clothing, lamps and shades, glass and crockery, brass and 
 copper work, mirrors, cutlery, saddlery and leather goods, and 
 many other miscellaneous articles. Tents were sold in one part of 
 the fair, carriages and carts in another ; the quarter reserved for 
 horses contained hundreds of fine animals of various breeds, from 
 the beautiful high -caste Arab to the hardy country-bred horse. 
 In another place I saw great numbers of splendid bullocks 
 tethered in rows, while elsewhere camels and elephants were offered 
 for sale. The ' Chiriya-khana," or bird-sellers'* quarter, exhibited 
 
192 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 for sale a large stock of parrots, cockatoos, canaries, hawks, and 
 many other birds. Notwithstanding the immense concourse of 
 people from all parts of India there were no disturbances, and 
 perfect order prevailed everywhere. 
 
 Not far from the fair were the racecourse and ballroom, and 
 the camps of the various European officials and visitors from 
 all parts of the country. This fair is held during certain Hindu 
 holidays, when the courts of justice are closed and most civil 
 officers are able to leave their posts for a few days, so that all who 
 can get away resort to Sonepore as a pleasant relaxation. Balls 
 and parties, races, cricket, and lawn tennis, with occasional strolls 
 through the fair and visits to the sacred bathing place, make the 
 time fly fast, and an officer's holiday comes to an end when it 
 seems to have only just begun. 
 
 In 1875 and 1876 I suffered rather severely from boils, and I 
 felt that my health was somewhat impaired by the seven hot 
 seasons I had passed continuously in the plains. I therefore 
 applied for furlough to Europe in the beginning of 1877, and left 
 my station in March. On my way home I stayed a week at 
 Bombay and saw all I could of the city, which is remarkable for the 
 magnificence of its public edifices. These, as well as many other 
 buildings in the city, are built of stone and embellished with. 
 elaborate carving, polished granite and marble columns, and all 
 kinds of ornamentation. The public markets are admirable ; they 
 are exquisitely clean and orderly, and have lovely gardens culti- 
 vated with the utmost care. The streets are broad, well paved, 
 capitally lighted by gas lamps, and provided with tramways. 
 I went over Malabar Hill, a delightful suburb of Bombay, 
 full of splendid mansions, most of them the residences of 
 wealthy Parsee merchants or bankers. The Governor of Bombay 
 has a charming place at the end of the hill, where it juts out 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 193 
 
 into the ocean, so that his grounds are washed by the sea on 
 three sides. 
 
 I visited the celebrated rock-hewn temple in the island of 
 Elephanta, and enjoyed the trip exceedingly! The distance 
 across Bombay harbour to the island is five or six miles, and the 
 
 ENTRANCE OF TEMPLE AT ELEPHANTA 
 
 views around are most beautiful and picturesque. The shore is 
 everywhere broken by hills, which often have houses perched on 
 them, the wide expanse of the harbour is full of ships of all kinds 
 and innumerable native boats. The city of Bombay covers all the 
 eastern shore for several miles, and beyond there is forest, rock, and 
 hill in endless variety. I landed on the island by a long causeway 
 
 N 
 
194 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 built of blocks of concrete, and ascended the hill in which the 
 tenij)le was excavated by a good road constructed of large blocks 
 of stone fitted together. Having paid an entrance fee of four 
 annas (sixpence at that time), I entered the temple and found 
 myself in a spacious cave hewn out of the solid rock, which had 
 been shaped into enormous pillars and colossal figures representing 
 various Hindu deities, such as Siva, Vishnu, Ganesh (with anele- 
 ])hant's trunk), and many others. 
 
 These sculptures must have been beautifully executed, but the 
 ^^hole place had been so much defaced and injured that only one 
 of the colossal figures had escaped mutilation, and some of the 
 massive pillars even had been destroyed. The smaller figures had 
 also suffered sadly, and very few of them remained uninjured. 
 These damages are supposed to have been done in the first instance 
 by the Mohannnedans, and subsequently by the Portuguese, both 
 of whom were filled with iconoclastic zeal and never spared idols 
 when they had power to destroy them. The Portuguese are said 
 to have shattered the massive pillars of the temple with cannon 
 shot, and this seems probable, as they could hardly have been 
 demolished in any other way. Our countrymen, too, seem to have 
 done some damage by their inveterate habits of carrying away 
 relics and of cutting their names. I saw the name John Elliott, 
 with the date 1742, cut upon one of the large figures. 
 
 While at Bombay I visited the Magdala, one of the two iron- 
 clad turret ships permanently stationed there for the defence of the 
 port. I foimd this powerful vessel left without a crew, from con- 
 siderations of economy ! She was in the charge of a British (quarter- 
 master and five or six native seamen, and I was informed that the 
 sister ship, the Abyssinia, was in precisely the same condition. 
 The quartennaster showed me over the ship, and explained that, in 
 the event of war with any naval ])ower, these ships would be 
 
196 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 manned by scratch crews taken from the other men-of-war of the 
 East Indian squadron. This appeared to me a very hazardous and 
 uncertain sort of arrangement, as the two ships were quite unde- 
 fended and were liable to be captured any dark night by an armed 
 boat from a hostile cruiser, in the event of a sudden and unex- 
 pected declaration of war ; while, even if no such accident haj)- 
 j)ened, it is obvious that the vessels could not be worked with ease 
 and efficiency by crews altogether unaccustomed to them. 
 
 •h-' 
 
 Ifii 
 
 
 STEAMERS IN THE SUEZ CANAL 
 
 I left Bombay on March 26th in the P. and O. steamer 
 Mongolia^ and after a pleasant and uneventful voyage we arrived 
 at Southampton on April 22nd. I spent a very happy time 
 with my wife and children, who were residing in West Brighton, 
 and I paid visits to many friends and relatives whom I had not 
 seen for years. In October 1878 I parted from my family and 
 went to Southamj)ton, where I embarked for India in the P. and O. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 19T 
 
 steamer Cathay. I met several acquaintances on board, and en- 
 joyed the voyage very much. At Madras I paid a visit to my 
 brother, Colonel Thornton, R.A., who was then in command of 
 the artillery there. I was grieved to find him far from well, but 
 I little thought that in a few months' time he would be no more. 
 He died at Malta, on his way home, in February 1879, a victim to 
 the Indian climate. I arrived at Calcutta on the 10th of November, 
 and rejoined my civil appointment at Arrah a few days after. 
 
 The Afghan Avar had only just commenced, and I fully ex- 
 pected to receive orders to join the army, as military medical 
 officers, temporarily employed in civil posts, are always liable to be 
 sent back to military duty should their services be required. In 
 1880 I was officially instructed to hold myself in readiness to pro- 
 ceed and join the force in the field immediately on receiving orders 
 to do so. I accordingly purchased a charger and provided myself 
 with a camp kit. But time passed on and no orders reached me, 
 and in a few months the war came to an end ; so that, to my 
 great disappointment, I had no opportunity of taking part in that 
 campaign. 
 
 After my return to Arrah from furlough I found that the Sone 
 irrigation works had been completed during my absence and that 
 irrigation was in full swing in most parts of the district, sugar-cane 
 and other crops requiring much water being grown extensively by 
 the natives. The result was that the climate of the district, which 
 had been dry and hot, but fairly healthy, became humid and 
 insalubrious, and ague, rheumatism, and other complaints prevailed 
 among the native population to a much greater extent than they 
 had before. A similar result has been observed in other parts of 
 India where in'igation from canals has been introduced ; and this 
 state of things has been largely due to the profuse irrigation prac- 
 tised by the natives when they can get the water easily. When 
 
198 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 they have to draw the water from wells the severe labour of draw- 
 ing it acts as a salutary check and prevents them from taking 
 more than is absolutely necessary for the crops. But when they 
 can get the water without an effort from the irrigation channels 
 they literally flood their lands and make the whole country damp 
 and unhealthy. It thus appears that canal irrigation in India, 
 though beneficial in preventing famines, is harmful by inducing 
 disease, and I am much disposed to think that the multiplication 
 of wells, and the construction of numerous reservoirs for storing 
 water, would have been a better, and certainly a cheaper, policy 
 than the vast schemes of canal irrigation which have been carried 
 out in India hitherto at such great expense. 
 
 Poppy cultivation was extensively carried on in the neighbour- 
 hood of Arrah and throughout the Shahabad district generally, 
 and a large quantity of opium was sent to the Government opium 
 factory at Patna, where it was prepared for the market. I may here 
 state that during my long service in India I saw many habitual 
 oj)ium-eaters who not only sustained no injury, but actually derived 
 benefit from the drug. In malarious tracts it is very serviceable as 
 a prophylactic against ague, and it was vised for this purpose in 
 the fen country of Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire in former 
 times. The value of opium in warding off malarious fevers is 
 doubtless due to the narcotine it contains. This alkaloid is an im- 
 portant febrifuge remedy, and I have frequently employed it in cases 
 of malarious fever with excellent effect. What may be termed 
 habitual but moderate o})ium-eating is very extensively practised 
 throughout India, particularly by the Sikhs, who are a very fine 
 race and furnish many of the best soldiers of the Indian army. 
 The Sikhs insist on having their opium under all circumstances, so 
 that Government found it expedient to order opium to be supplied 
 as a daily ration to the Sikh soldiers when they were on foreign 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 199 
 
 service and could not procure it for themselves. Were opium- 
 eating in moderation prejudicial to health, its injurious effects 
 would be very noticeable in the Sikhs, but, as it is, no such evil 
 "result has been recorded. Hence I do not hesitate to express my 
 conviction that this practice, instead of being injurious, as some 
 persons imagine, is harmless and even beneficial under certain 
 circumstances, unless carried to excess. Even when used immo- 
 derately the injury to health is far less grave than that caused by 
 the excessive use of alcoholic drinks, and besides, the injury in- 
 flicted is more easily repaired. There is, therefore, no valid reason 
 for interference with the manufacture and sale of opium in India, 
 notwithstanding the outcry that has been raised aganist it by 
 certain well-meaning but ill-informed and prejudiced persons in 
 this country. Not only would such interference be unnecessary, 
 but also extremely dangerous to the peace and prosperity of India 
 and the stability of British rule, for any attempt to deprive the 
 Sikhs of their opium would undoubtedly provoke a rebellion. 
 
CHAPTER XV^ 
 
 My promolion to brigade surgeon — I am transferred to Monghyr — Description of the 
 station — I volunteer for field service in Egypt — My appointment to the Indian 
 contingent — I proceed to Bombay and embark for Egypt in the Tenasserim — 
 A rough passage — I land at Suez and receive charge of the general hospital — 
 Transfer of the general hospital to the P. and O. steamer Hydaspes in Suez 
 docks — Hospital arrangements on board — Sanitary precautions — News of the 
 battle of Tel-el-Kebir, the occupation of Cairo, and the end of the war — I re- 
 turn to Bombay in the Avoca, and rejoin my civil appointment at Monghyr — 
 Irrigation works at Khurruckpur — The Seetakund hot springs — Singular change 
 in their temperature — Private practice at Monghyr — Reluctance of the natives to 
 pay medical fees — Their extraordinary credulity — Snakes at Monghyr — I meet 
 with a serious accident. 
 
 Ix A})ril 188^ I was promoted to the rank of brigade surgeon, 
 and was transferred soon after to Monghyr, a station situated 
 on the right bank of the Ganges, some distance below Patna. 
 iVIonghyr was a place of considerable importance in past times, 
 and in the last century Mir Kasim Ali, the last Nawab of Bengal, 
 made it his capital in place of Murshidabad, which he considered 
 too near Calcutta, the seat of the British power. When war broke 
 out between Mir Kasim Ah and the British the troops of the 
 former, after several defeats, made a stand in the formidable 
 fortress of Monghyr, a stronghold built on a rocky eminence 
 washed by the waters of the Ganges, and believed to be impreg- 
 nable. It was, nevertheless, taken by storm by the British army 
 under Major Adams, and the defenders, leaving the fort by the 
 western gate, retreated hurriedly to Patna. The walls, towers, 
 and gateways of the fort still exist, but it now contains a number 
 of houses occupied by the district officials and other Europeans 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 201 
 
 residing at Monghyr. Some of the old buildings of the palace 
 occupied by the Mohammedan governors in the times of the Mogul 
 Emperors still remain and form part of the district jail. Many 
 ruined buildings exist in and about Monghyr testifying to the 
 wealth and importance of the place during the period of Moham- 
 medan supremacy, and there are some remarkable subterranean 
 rooms and passages like those at Sasseram. I explored several of 
 them which were below the jail buildings, but made no important 
 or interesting discoveries, and had to give it up on account of the 
 great risk from foul air and from deadlv snakes which abounded at 
 Monghyr. 
 
 The native city was of considerable size and contained nearly 
 sixty thousand inhabitants. It was formerly noted for its iron 
 manufactures, and particularly for its fireaniis, in which there was a 
 large trade. It Avas traversed by a few fairly wide streets, and it con- 
 tained some good brick houses several stories high, the residences of 
 wealthy natives. But the great mass of the town consisted of the 
 usual mud huts with tiled roofs, and a network of narrow lanes 
 intersecting them. There were hardly any public buildings of any 
 note except the dispensary, which faced the southern wall of the 
 fort, and had been built by Mr. Dear, a wealthy timber merchant 
 of Monghyr, at his own expense. This gentleman had also built a 
 chapel in the fort, and had greatly improved the area within the 
 walls by buying up and clearing away some unsightly native huts 
 which were crowded together near the western gateway. He 
 subsequently built, at his own expense, a clock tower at the 
 southern gateway of the fort facing the town. 
 
 Besides the district officials, a considerable number of Europeans 
 resided at Monghyr, having settled there on account of the salubrity 
 of the climate. Their residences were mostly situated in the fort, 
 on the bank of the river, and in a beautiful shady avenue which 
 
202 .AlEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 ran parallel with the western wall of the fort. When I arrived at 
 the station I did not take a house, but put up at Mrs. Hooley's 
 well-known boarding establishment, where I lived very comfortably 
 and at the same time economically during the whole of my resi- 
 dence at Monghyr. A branch line of railway six miles long con- 
 nected Monghyr with Jumalpore, a large and important station of 
 the East Indian Railway, containing extensive workshops for the 
 manufacture and repair of locomotives and carriages. In this 
 place there resided a large number of Europeans and natives in 
 the railway employ. The appearance of Monghyr when viewed 
 from the river was truly charming : the walls and towers of the 
 fort rising above the Ganges and ending in a curious Hindu temple 
 on a point of rock jutting out into the river, the white houses of 
 the European residents, and the masses of foliage around some of 
 the buildings, all united to form a picture which I have never seen 
 surpassed. 
 
 Soon after my arrival at Monghyr the disturbances in Egypt 
 commenced, and we heard the news of the riots at Alexandria, the 
 bombardment of the forts by the British fleet, and the preparations 
 of the British Government for the despatch of an expedition to 
 Egypt to suppress the rebellion headed by Arabi Pasha. In June 
 I volunteered for employment with the Indian contingent under 
 orders for service in Egypt, and towards the end of July I received 
 orders to proceed to Bombay, and to report myself to the military 
 and medical authorities of the force destined for the Egyptian 
 campaign. I had previously made my preparations, and so was 
 able to start for Bombay on the following morning. On my 
 arrival there I duly reported myself and put up in the Esplanade 
 Hotel. I was informed by Deputy Surgeon-General Colvin Smith, 
 the principal medical officer of the Indian contingent, that I 
 should have charge of the general hospital of the force on landing 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 203 
 
 in Egypt, and after a few days I received orders to embark in the 
 transport Tenasserim, with a cavalry regiment belonging to the 
 force and a few staff officers. The west wind was blowing strongly 
 and we had a very rough passage across to Aden ; then it became 
 calm and we had a hot time of it in the Red Sea, but we reached 
 Suez without mishap on the 23rd of August. 
 
 THE FISH MARKET, SUEZ 
 
 The commander of the Indian Expedition, General Sir Herbert 
 Macpherson, V.C., K.C.B., and part of the army had already arrived, 
 and I found that the general hospital of the force was established 
 in the buildings of the Victoria Hospital at Suez, and was to 
 remain there for the reception of sick and wounded sent back from 
 the field hospitals accompanying the troops in their advance, so 
 that I had no chance of going to the front in this campaign. I 
 
^04 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 at once took over cliarge of the general hospital in accordance with 
 ordei-s to that effect which I received from tlie general and the 
 P.M.O. ; there were then only thirty sick, ten of them being 
 British soldiers of the 2nd Battalion Seaforth Highlanders, and 
 the rest natives. The Victoria Hospital was situated at a little 
 distance from the town of Suez, and consisted of spacious 
 wooden buildings one story high arranged in the form of a square 
 with a pretty garden in the centre. The buildings were raised 
 several feet from the ground by means of iron pillars, and were 
 furnished with suitable doors, glass windows, fire-places, bath- 
 rooms, lavatories, and verandahs on both sides. There were also 
 the necessary kitchen ranges, pipes for water supply, and other 
 conveniences. My appointment was mainly of an administrative 
 character : at first I had a single medical officer doing duty under 
 me, and subse(}uently several others were appointed to the hospital 
 under my orders. 
 
 After a few days I received instructions to remove the general 
 hospital to the P. and O. steamer Hydaspes in Suez docks, as the 
 situation of the Victoria Hospital was deemed too exposed after 
 the departure of the army, and liable to attack from parties of the 
 enemy near Suez. The Hydaspes had brought over cavalry, and 
 was altogether unprepared to receive sick, as the horse fittings had 
 not yet been removed from her main deck. Through the kindness 
 of Captain Hext, R.N., Superintendent of Naval Transport at 
 Suez, I obtained the services of some carpenters, who at once pro- 
 ceeded to remove the horse fittings and to fit out the main deck 
 with beds, etc., in accordance with my directions. The sick were 
 kept on deck as much as possible while this work was going on. 
 
 The Hydaspes was a steamer of nearly 3000 tons, 375 feet in 
 length and 38 feet broad ; she had a flush deck fore and aft with 
 plenty of s[)ace, and a main deck provided with numerous large 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 205 
 
 ports admitting free ventilation. A considerable portion of the 
 main deck was occupied by the engine room and boilers, but there 
 was a large space available in front and on each side. This space 
 was used for the hospital, and one hundred wooden beds were con- 
 structed in it of such height as to place the occupants almost on a 
 level with the ports, so as to derive the utmost advantage from the 
 breeze blowing through them. A certain number of these beds, 
 on the port side of the ship, were entirely separated from the rest, 
 and were devoted to the use of the sick European soldiers and 
 their attendants, while the remainder were reserved for the native 
 sick. The orlop decks, fore and aft, were also placed at my dis- 
 posal, but were only used as store rooms, as they were unsuited for 
 hospital purposes, having no ventilation except through the hatch- 
 ways. A small dispensary was constructed on the main deck close 
 to the fore hatchway and a table for operations was made. This 
 was surrounded by canvas curtains, so as to form a room for opera- 
 tions, examination of patients, and such like purposes. When not 
 required the ciu'tains were rolled up so as not to interfere with 
 ventilation. 
 
 The situation of the ship was very convenient : she was moored 
 close to the sea wall on the south side of the Suez docks, and presented 
 her broadside to the prevailing wind, which blew through her large 
 ports, ventilating the main deck so thoroughly that even at night, 
 when every bed was occupied, I found on visiting the hospital, that 
 the air was sweet and not the slightest odour perceptible. As 
 the vessel was close to the quay and was provided with suitable 
 gangways, I made arrangements for all cooking being done on 
 shore, as well as everything else that might injuriously affect 
 the sanitary condition of the hospital. By these means, and by 
 the liberal use of disinfectants in the hospital, the sanitary state 
 of the ship remained perfectly good from first to last. The only 
 
^06 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 nuisance whicli could not be prevented was the plague of flies. 
 These horrible insects swarm everywhere throughout the land of 
 Egypt, especially in the towns and villages, and though the ship 
 was a mile and a half from Suez they found us out in a very short 
 time. They were bolder, more active, and more persistent than I 
 ever found them in Europe or in Asia, and it became necessary to 
 ])rovide the patients and attendants with fans or whisks to keep 
 the flies off" them ; but in spite of everything that could be done 
 they caused great annoyance during the whole time we remained at 
 Suez. 
 
 An ample supply of condensed water of good quality was 
 supplied to the hospital from the ship's condensers. The rations 
 furnished by the commissariat department for the use of the sick 
 were of good quality throughout, and I had no occasion to find 
 fault with anything. The heat in the daytime was considerable, 
 the thermometer on deck frequently indicating a temperature of 
 100°, but the nights were cool and pleasant, and the climate 
 appeared to be very healthy. The sick and wounded improved 
 rapidly, and hardly any cases took an unfavourable course. At 
 one time it was proposed to bring the Hydaspes up to Ismailia, 
 where she would have been nearer the scene of military operations, 
 but, taking into consideration the superiority of the climatic and 
 sanitary conditions at the Suez docks, and the convenient situation 
 of the ship, I recommended that she should be allowed to remain 
 where she was, and that the sick and wounded should be sent down 
 to her. This was accordingly done. In a short time the available 
 space in the hospital ship was all taken up, and the patients sub- 
 sequently received were accommodated in tents which were pitched 
 on the shore a short way off. 
 
 Meanwhile the military operations progressed rapidly, and on 
 September 13tii we received intelligence of the battle of Tel-el- 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 207 
 
 Kebir, and soon after we heard of the surrender of Arabi Pasha, 
 the occupation of Cairo, and the end of the campaign. About the 
 same time we heard of some of the earlier successes of the Mahdi 
 in the Sudan, but these reports were somewhat vague, and attracted 
 Httle notice, as no one anticipated the extraordinary development 
 which the Mahdist movement subsequently attained, and the un- 
 precedented success it ultimately achieved. Early in October 
 ordei*s were received for the removal of the hospital from the 
 Hydaspes^ as the vessel was recjuired for the transport of cavalry 
 returning to India. Additional tents were accordingly obtained, 
 and the hospital was removed from the ship to the tents, where it 
 remained until all the sick and wounded soldiers were disposed of 
 by transfer to their respective corps as they arrived at Suez on 
 their way back to India. The sick native camp followers, ninety- 
 four in number, were placed on board the transport Avocci, under 
 my charge, for conveyance to Bombay. They nearly all re- 
 covered during the voyage, and the few sick remaining on arrival 
 at Bombay were sent to the hospitals of that city. 
 
 I may here mention an incident which occurred in connection 
 with the landing of these sick. On our arrival in Bombay harbour 
 the commander of the Avoca received an order from the port 
 authorities to land the sick by placing them in boats and sending 
 them to the nearest landing-place. I remonstrated against this 
 arrangement on account of the discomfort and exposure to which 
 the sick would be subjected, and I proposed that the ship should 
 be taken into Prince's dock and placed alongside the quay, so that 
 the sick might be landed easily and comfortably. The captain of 
 the Avoca stated the orders he had received, but at the same time 
 expressed his willingness to take the ship into the dock if I would 
 consent to take upon myself the responsibility for this deviation 
 from the terms of his orders. I at once agreed to do so, and the 
 
^08 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 .sliip was then taken into tlie clock, where she was placed alongside 
 tiie ijuay, and as soon as the necessary doolies and bearers could 
 be procured the sick were landed without the least difficulty, and 
 were at once conveyed to hospital. I reported what I had done, 
 and as I never heard anything to the contrary, I presume my action 
 was approved. 
 
 The number of officers, soldiers, and camp followers treated in 
 the general hospital of the Indian division from August 25th to 
 October 13th, 1882, the })eriod during which I held charge, was 
 323, and only one case terminated fatally. This very favourable 
 result was mainly due to the healthiness of the climate and surround- 
 ings, and to the strict enforcement of needful sanitary regulations. 
 
 Shortly after my return to Bombay I travelled by train to 
 Allahabad, and there awaited orders from the Bengal Government 
 as to my destination. In a few days I received instructions to 
 proceed again to Monghyr, and to resume the duties of civil 
 surgeon of that district. I accordingly went down by the next 
 tram, put up at Mrs. Hooley's as before, and took over charge 
 from the officer who had acted during my absence in Egypt. My 
 duties at Monghyr were similar to those I performed at Arrah, 
 some account of which has already been given. The greatei* part 
 of Monghyr lay to the south of the Ganges, but the district also 
 extended for some distance to the north of that I'iver, and this 
 northern portion contained many indigo factoi-ies, generally worked 
 by European planters and then- assistants, who sometimes applied 
 to me for medical aid for themselves and their families. The 
 southern part of the district was hilly, but the hills were of no 
 great elevation. They stretched away east and west through the 
 district, a few miles south of the Ganges, which they closely 
 approached at some points, the fort of Monghyr being built ui)on 
 ime of their outlying spurs. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 209 
 
 There were several branch dispensaries in the district which I 
 had to inspect periodically ; one of these was situated at a place 
 called Khurruckpur, about twenty miles from Monghyr in a south- 
 easterly direction and very near the hills. Not far from this place 
 a rather remarkable engineering work had been executed for the 
 purpose of providing the means of irrigating the low-lying country 
 between the hills and the Ganges. Advantage had been taken 
 of the conformation of the hills to collect the water brought 
 down by several small hill streams, and thus to form an extensive 
 artificial lake or reservoir by building a solid and massive embank- 
 ment across a gap by which the water would otherwise have 
 escaped. A beautiful lake had thus been formed ; it was of 
 considerable extent, of very irregular outline, and surrounded by 
 hills wooded down to the water's edge. We sometimes had picnics 
 at this lovely spot, and rowed about the lake and up the little 
 rivers that ran into it. On one of these occasions we found a large 
 crocodile lying asleep on the bank, which sloped rather steeply down 
 to the water, and pulling gently towards it we managed to approach 
 within 30 yards before it was disturbed. Then it woke up and 
 with a hoarse roar precipitated itself into the water and was seen 
 no more. This crocodile had made its way across country from 
 the Ganges, probably during some flood when the low plain 
 between the river and the hills was covered with water, and it 
 had remained in the lake ever since. It had often been seen by 
 people visiting the lake, and it was believed to be alone there. 
 
 A few miles east of Monghyr were some remarkable hot springs 
 called Seetakund (the springs of Seeta). The water was clear and 
 almost chemically pure ; its temperature was about 104°, and it 
 issued from a number of crevices in a rocky basin surrounded by a 
 wall and railing with a flight of steps leading down to it. This 
 water was believed by the Hindus to owe its purity and excellence 
 
 o 
 
210 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 to the ablutions of Seeta, the wife of Rama, the heroine of the 
 great Hindu epic, the ' Ramayana of Valmiki.' The Seetakund 
 water was largely used by the European and native residents of 
 Monghyr and Jumalpur, and it was extensively employed in the 
 manufacture of soda water and other aerated drinks. The water 
 seemed to come from a great depth, for close by were some cold 
 springs, fed no doubt by the river which is at no great distance. 
 A colony of Brahmans was settled at Seetakund, and received 
 plenty of ' bakshish ' from the European and native visitors to the 
 sacred place. 
 
 While I was at Monghyr a very curious temporary change took 
 place in the temperature of the water of Seetakund. At the very 
 time when the great volcanic eruption occurred which destroyed 
 the island of Krakatoa, between Sumatra and Java, in 1883, the 
 Seetakund water, usually so hot that the hand cannot be borne in 
 it for more than a few seconds, became much cooler and after re- 
 maining little more than lukewarm for some weeks, to the astonish- 
 ment and terror of the Brahmans, who thought their deity and 
 their emoluments were botli departing, it gradually regained its 
 original temperature. This would seem to show that the volcanic 
 convulsion which destroyed Krakatoa had an immense range and 
 affected regions many hundreds of miles distant from the principal 
 seat of the disturbance. There are many other hot springs in the 
 hills of the Monghyr and Bhagalpur districts, as well as in the 
 country of the Santhals, but none of them have attained the 
 celebrity of Seetakund. 
 
 There was a fair amount of private practice at Monghyr which 
 was usually shared between the civil surgeon and his assistant, 
 the native medical officer in charge of the dispensary. The 
 civil surgeon was, of course, employed by the European resi- 
 dents of the station and district, and sometimes by the wealthier 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 211 
 
 natives, while the practice of the assistant-surgeon was almost 
 entirely among the natives. In both instances a clever and 
 popular man was able to make a very welcome addition to the 
 pay and allowances of his appointment, without in any way 
 neglecting his official duties. It is customary for European 
 residents in India to pay for medical attendance upon their wives 
 and families by annual arrangements, a certain fixed sum being 
 paid for a year'*s medical attendance irrespective of the number of 
 visits, and even when there has been no illness and the doctor has 
 not once visited the family professionally. On the other hand if 
 there should be much sickness, and if the doctor should have to 
 attend several times a day for months, he would be entitled to no 
 more than the sum originally agreed upon for the year's attend- 
 ance. This plan has obvious advantages, as it not only saves much 
 trouble by rendering doctors'* bills unnecessary, but it gives the 
 doctor a direct interest in curing his patients as soon as possible 
 and in keeping them well afterwards as long as possible. 
 
 The natives of India seldom make arrangements of this kind 
 with medical men ; indeed, they often display a singular reluctance 
 to pay medical fees at all, even for the most valuable professional 
 services. On one occasion a wealthy native who had consulted me 
 sent me a letter in which he tried hard to prove, with the help of 
 numerous quotations from the Bible, that it was my duty as a 
 Christian to give him medical attendance gratuitously. Many times 
 I have been told by rich and well-to-do natives that they were 
 very poor men and could not afford to pay anything for medical 
 advice and treatment. It appeared that they had a kind of fixed 
 idea that doctors should work for nothing, since they were liberal 
 enough in their dealings with other professional men, especially 
 lawyers. I could not blame the natives much for this notion about 
 doctors, for the same idea is widely prevalent in England, where 
 
212 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 people ought to know better. Rich and respectable natives 
 frequently came to the dispensary for advice and treatment, 
 just as people in this country, who can well afford to pay, resort 
 to hospitals in order to save the doctor's fees. An extraordinary 
 instance of meanness of this kind came to my knowledge while I 
 was at Monghyr. An exceedingly wealthy man from a neighbour- 
 ing district was staying at Monghyr on business, and being unwell 
 he neither sent for me nor for my assistant, but attended at the 
 dispensary among the native out-patients at an hour when he 
 knew I should not be there, and received advice and medicine 
 gratis from my assistant, who was overawed by his great wealth 
 and did not venture to refuse. This man was said to be worth at 
 least c^500,000 ! 
 
 Nothing is more extraordinary than the credulity of the natives 
 of India; they are ready to believe any story, no matter how 
 exaggerated or absurd, if it agrees with their preconceived ideas. 
 About the time when I left Monghyr it was proposed to build a 
 large bridge over the Hooghly River at Calcutta, and somehow or 
 other a rumour spread abroad among the natives in Bengal that a 
 large number of human heads were required by Government to 
 form the foundation of this bridge ! One of the Monghyr officials, 
 while travelling in the district with his son, was actually set upon 
 by the country people, who believed they had come to collect 
 heads for this purpose on behalf, of Government. In one of the 
 Bengal Administration Reports a curious incident is related show- 
 ing the ignorance and credulity prevalent even among natives 
 of wealth and position. A lawsuit had been going on between 
 two rich landowners about some disputed estate, and the case, after 
 having been carried through the Indian courts was finally appealed 
 to the Privy Council in England. One of the litigants conceived 
 the idea that a human sacrifice would secure victory to his side, so 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 213 
 
 he caught a harmless hmatic wandering about the country, and 
 having taken him to the top of a hill, sacrificed him there to pro- 
 pitiate the divinities of the Privy Council ! The most extraordi- 
 nary delusion I ever heard of, and certainly the drollest, was one 
 which grew up during the Franco-German war of 1870-71, when 
 many natives believed that, by order of the British Government, 
 their young men were to be kidnapped and sent to Europe to 
 marry the widows of the French soldiers who had been killed in the 
 war! 
 
 When paying professional visits at Monghyr after dark I was 
 always careful to carry a lantern and to walk slowly and heedfully 
 on account of deadly snakes which abounded there, and which were 
 often found lying in the roads. On several occasions I had narrow 
 escapes in spite of my precautions, and once, when I had desired 
 my servant to light the lantern which stood in a corner of my 
 bedroom, the man on taking it up instantly dropped it declaring 
 that there was a snake upon it. On a light being brought we 
 found that a krait about 2 feet long had coiled itself round the 
 handles of the lantern and still remained there. The man must 
 have touched it on taking up the lantern, and it was certainly sur- 
 prising that he escaped being bitten. The reptile was quickly 
 destroyed, but it was not so easy to banish the sense of insecurity 
 it had excited. It might have coiled itself under my pillow, or in 
 one of my boots, as easily as on the lantern. 
 
 While at Monghyr I purchased a tricycle and used it a good 
 deal for work in the station where the roads were good. On one 
 occasion I met with a rather serious accident on this machine. I 
 was i-eturning to breakfast when in turning a corner too rapidly 
 the machine upset, and I came down upon my right shoulder with 
 such force that my arm was dislocated downwards. On getting 
 home I sent for my native assistant, who came and tried to reduce 
 
214 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the dislocation but without success. I then got a friend (a very 
 powerful man) to grasp my right forearm and make forcible 
 extension while the assistant-surgeon manipulated the dislocated 
 bone. In a few moments I felt the head of the bone slip back into 
 its place, and I experienced the greatest relief, both mental and 
 physical. I completely recovered in a few weeks from the effects 
 of this accident, which fortunately caused no permanent injury of 
 the part. Subsequently I was again upset by colliding with a 
 native, who, after going to one side of the road to avoid me, 
 suddenly darted across again in front of me. He was knocked 
 down and I upset, but no great harm was done to either of us. 
 Once or twice I was chased by cattle, and only escaped by going 
 as fast as it was possible for me to drive the machine. On another 
 occasion I was very nearly upset by running over a cow'*s tail, which 
 I had not perceived, as it was getting dark : the animal was lying 
 down but instantly rose as I passed and almost overthrew me. In 
 short I had so many accidents and narrow escapes during my use of 
 this machine for less than two years that I was not sorry to part 
 with it. 
 
 4 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Successes of the Mahdi — Appointment of General Hicks to command the Egyptian 
 forces in the Sudan — I am inclined to apply for employment there, but refrain 
 from doing so — News of the Mahdist victory at Kasghil — I volunteer for service 
 with Indian troops in the Sudan — Extension of the Mahdist movement — Rising 
 of the Arabs around Suakin — Mission of General Gordon — General Sir G. 
 Graham's first expedition to Suakin — Siege and fall of Khartoum — Death of 
 Gordon — Despatch of another expedition to Suakin — T am appointed principal 
 medical officer of the Indian contingent and proceed to Bombay — Strength of 
 the Indian brigade — Its hospital provision and ambulance transport— Embarka- 
 tion of the force — We reach Suakin — Description of the town and country — Our 
 camps near Suakin— Night attacks by the Arabs— Our hospital ship — We lend 
 part of our ambulance transport to the British troops — Reconnaissance towards 
 Hashin— Battle of Hashin. 
 
 During the latter part of 1882 and the beginning of 1883 the 
 Mahdi and his followers gained several important victories over the 
 Egyptian forces in the Sudan, and captured El Obeid, the capital 
 of the province of Kordofan. This led to the appointment of 
 General Hicks, of the Bombay Staff Corps, to the command of the 
 Egyptian army in the Sudan, with several European officers on his 
 staff. On hearing of this I was at first much inclined to apply for 
 employment there on the strength of my previous war services and 
 Egyptian experience. After mature consideration, however, I 
 refrained from doing so, and gave up the idea, chiefly because I 
 had no confidence in the Egyptian troops on account of the want of 
 courage and steadiness before the enemy which they had shown on 
 many occasions. It was very fortunate for me that I was not appointed 
 to the expedition, for after transient success against the rebels in 
 Sennar, General Hicks and his whole army were surrounded by 
 the forces of the Mahdi at Kasghil, near El Obeid in Kordofan. 
 
216 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGxNS 
 
 towards the end of October 1883, and were completely annihilated. 
 When this disastrous intelligence was received in India it was 
 generally believed that a British expedition, with a large con- 
 tingent of Indian troops, would be sent to the Sudan at once to 
 suppress the rebellion and restore order. Influenced by this belief 
 
 I volunteered for ser- 
 vice with any Indian 
 force sent to the 
 Sudan, but was in- 
 formed in reply that 
 no orders had arrived 
 from home for the 
 despatch of troops to 
 that country. 
 
 The Mahdist vic- 
 tory at Kasghil gave 
 a great impetus and 
 extension to the move- 
 ment, and was soon 
 followed by a general 
 rising of the Arab 
 tribes around Suakin, 
 and by an advance of 
 the Mahdist armies 
 towards Khartoum 
 and Berber. The 
 British Government 
 having decided upon the evacuation of the Sudan, sent General 
 Gordon in January 1884 to carry out this policy, and to 
 arrange for the removal of the Egyptian officials and garrisons 
 with their families. But when Gordon arrived at Khartoum in 
 
 AN ARAB SPEARMAN 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 217 
 
 February he soon found that the task imposed upon liim was 
 impracticable, owing to the rapid progress of the rebellion, which 
 gave him neither time nor opportunity to make arrangements for 
 the evacuation of the Sudan by the Egyptian officials and garrisons, 
 and the crowds of women, children, and non-combatants of every 
 sort connected with them. In fact the Mahdist forces appeared 
 before Khartoum in March and in a few weeks the place was 
 completely invested and all communication cut off. The defeat of 
 Baker Pasha's force near Trinkitat in January 1884, followed in 
 February by the fall of Sinkat and the massacre of its garrison, led 
 to the despatch of a British force to Suakin under the command of 
 General Sir G. Graham, V.C., K.C.B., who inflicted two severe 
 defeats at El Teb and Tamai upon the Arabs under Osman 
 Digna, the insurgent leader. No Indian troops accompanied this 
 expedition, hence I had no chance of going with it ; and I did not 
 much regret this, as the expedition was soon withdrawn after 
 having gained no permanent advantage. 
 
 The siege of Khartoum commenced in March 1884, and con- 
 tinued without intermission for 317 days, until the 26th of 
 January 1885, when, just as relief was at hand, the city was taken 
 by the Mahdists, through treachery as some believe, or perhaps 
 through tlie weakness of the garrison, who had been greatly 
 reduced by constant toil and insufficient food. The usual massacre 
 of the garrison and inhabitants ensued, and with them perished 
 the heroic Gordon. Whatever may be thought of Gordon's 
 religious and political views, his protracted defence of Khartoum 
 will for ever remain an imperishable monument of his great 
 military genius and resources. Surrounded by the hosts of the 
 Mahdi, flushed with victory and confident of success, he yet main- 
 tained the defence of Khartoum for more than ten months, though 
 his garrison consisted only of black troops disheartened by defeat 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 219 
 
 and despairing of succour. With treachery at work everywhere 
 around him, with no British officer to assist him after the 
 departure of Colonel Stewart, with supplies failing and starvation 
 steadily and surely approaching, he never gave way to despair, but 
 held out resolutely till succour was at hand. His gallant and 
 skilful defence of Khartoum, and the fall of the place when the 
 relieving army was so near, form one of the saddest but most 
 interesting episodes in history, and show plainly the supreme 
 value of time in war. Had the Nile expedition arrived a week or 
 two sooner there is no doubt whatever that Gordon and Khartoum 
 would have been saved. 
 
 To effect a diversion it was decided to send a mixed force of 
 British and Indian troops to Suakin, and in February 1885 I was 
 appointed principal medical officer of the Indian brigade detailed 
 for service in the Eastern Sudan, consisting of the 9th Bengal 
 Cavalry, 15th Sikhs, 17th Bengal Native Infantry, 28th Bombay 
 Native Infantry, and F Company Madras Sappers and Miners, 
 under the command of Brigadier- General Hudson, C.B. (late 
 General Sir John Hudson, K.C.B., commander-in-chief of the 
 Bombay army). Having already made necessary preparations, I 
 left Monghyr the day after receiving my instructions, and pro- 
 ceeded by train to Bombay, where I arrived on February 20th, 
 and, after reporting my arrival, I at once commenced to discharge 
 the various duties which devolved upon me in connection with the 
 equipment and despatch of the expedition. 
 
 The strength of the Indian brigade was about 3250 officers and 
 men, and a considerable number of camp followers. For this- 
 force hospital provision was made on the estimate of twelve per 
 cent, of sick for the troops, and three per cent, for the followers,, 
 giving the following accommodation, namely, two field hospitals 
 of 100 beds each, and one general hospital of 288 beds. The rate 
 
220 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 of twelve per cent, for the troops was fixed on the understanding 
 that such sick as were not likely to be fit for duty in the field 
 would be sent back to India every fortnight. The equipments 
 and stores for the hospitals were got ready at Bombay, and were 
 sliipped under my superintendence, and, after my departure, 
 under the supervision of the next senior officer (Brigade-Surgeon 
 Morice), who remained at Bombay for this purpose, and came on 
 in the last transport. The troops had previously been inspected 
 by the regimental medical officers and weeded of all weak and 
 sickly men, and previous to embarkation they were again inspected 
 by me, and, after my departure for Suakin on February 24th, by 
 the next senior officer. Due care was also taken that each 
 transport should be provided with a medical officer or medical 
 subordinate, and a suitable supply of medical stores and comforts 
 for the voyage. 
 
 The amount of ambulance transport provided was at the rate 
 of five per cent, for troops and one per cent, for followers, and it 
 was intended that the whole should consist of Lushai dandies, 
 which are lighter and more manageable, though less comfortable, 
 than the old-fashioned doolies. By some mistake, however, it 
 happened that twelve doolies were sent from Bombay in addition 
 to the dandies. These, with the kahars (bearers), in the propor- 
 tion of six per doolie and five per dandy, with their proper 
 number of sirdars and mates (headmen), all under the transport 
 department, were distributed among the ships, care being taken 
 that no transport had less than two dandies and ten kahars. 
 
 The expedition left Bombay in seventeen transports, the first 
 three starting on February 22nd, and the last on March 2nd. I 
 accompanied General Hudson and his staff in the Clive, which also 
 conveyed part of the 17th Bengal Native Infantry. The voyage 
 from Bombay to Suakin took about ten days, and the troops were 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 221 
 
 all landed there in good health and condition between the 4th and 
 12th of March 1885. One case of infectious disease (smallpox) 
 occurred during the voyage in a Sepoy of the 28th Bombay Native 
 Infantry on board the Chanda. The case, however, was recognised 
 and promptly isolated by the medical officer in charge, and when 
 the ship arrived at Suakin the man was placed with an attendant 
 on a raft in the harbour, and so isolated until his recovery. 
 
 The town of Suakin is situated on the west coast of the Red 
 Sea, about half way between Suez and Aden, in latitude 19° 17' N. 
 
 ^r^:' » 
 
 
 - - --I • I--*. i • •j, 
 
 and longitude 37° 20' E. 
 
 It is reached by a narrow 
 
 channel which breaks the 
 
 continuity of the coral reef 
 
 extending along the coast, 
 
 and after a short course suakin 
 
 ex:pands into a harbour of considerable size. The town is on an 
 
 island in the harbour ; it contains many large houses several 
 
 stories high, built of blocks of white coral, and numerous shops, 
 
 both European and native, with ample supplies of all kinds. 
 
 There is a considerable trade with Jeddah and other places on 
 
 the Red Sea littoral, and with the interior also in peaceful times. 
 
 The space in the harbour is still further diminished by another 
 
 island of considerable size called Quarantine Island, which was 
 
 occupied during our expedition by a detachment of British troops 
 
222 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 and the Madras Sappers and Miners. These islands are both 
 connected with the mainland by causeways; that of Quarantine 
 Island leading to the fortified position then known as H Redoubt, 
 while the Suakin causeway leads to the extensive suburb called 
 El Kaf, inhabited chiefly by Arabs of the Bishareen and Haden- 
 dowa tribes, who in time of peace are carriers of goods from the 
 interior to Suakin. 
 
 ■#"'^*;''i 
 
 'mm ^^^fm^ -r- 
 
 
 K,^v-"*-^"-i1 
 
 A STREET IN SUAKIN 
 
 The inhabitants of Suakin are a very mixed community, com- 
 prising Europeans of several nationalities (chiefly Italians and 
 Greeks), Egyptians, Levantines, and Arabs of various tribes. The 
 suburb El Kaf is protected by a chain of forts joined together by 
 a wall. The surrounding country is a stony desert plain, with 
 heavy sand here and there ; it extends with a gentle rise from the 
 coast to the Waratab Mountains, a distance of eight or ten miles 
 inland. This plain is bare near the sea, but further inland it is 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 223 
 
 thickly covered with bushes of the thorny mimosa, 6 or 8 feet 
 high, and other prickly plants, which greatly impede the move- 
 ments of troops and render cavalry almost useless. The plain is 
 traversed in many places by hollows, which in the rainy season 
 doubtless become watercourses. One of the largest of these comes 
 down between two advanced forts (a little distance to the west of 
 
 n 
 
 I:;. 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 -3f;>?^ 
 
 VIEW IN SUAKIN 
 
 the suburb El Kaf) called the Water Forts, and it contains a large 
 tree and several smaller ones. 
 
 The whole of this plain is evidently part of the coral reef 
 running along the coast, as almost anywhere the coral may be 
 reached by digging down a few feet below the surface. Hares and 
 sand grouse abound on the plain, and deer are not uncommon. 
 
224 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Snakes are met with occasionally, and some of them are said to be 
 venomous, but I have no certain knowledge of this, as no case of 
 snake bite occurred during the expedition. Just outside the 
 western gate of El Kaf there are a few cotton and palm trees with 
 
 /^vt^^,- 
 
 - -^^^^ 
 
 -:,;,^' - - :.^--.- ■■■-;, 
 
 HOUSE FRONT, SUAKIN 
 
 other vegetation forming what was then called Osman Digna^s 
 garden, and a little further on, near the Water Forts, are some 
 patches of cultivated ground, doubtless due to the above-men- 
 tioned watercourse, which, though usually dry on the surface, 
 contains water a little distance below. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 225 
 
 After our arrival at Suakin on March 5th my first care was to 
 collect the stores and equipment of the hospitals in order to get 
 them started as soon as possible. No. 1 field hospital was opened 
 on March 9th and the sick of the regiments were taken over, 
 together with] their hospital establishments, leaving them only 
 the establishment al- 
 lowed on field ser- 
 vice by regulations, 
 namely, one hospital 
 assistant and one 
 ward servant for 
 each corps. Our 
 troops were en- 
 camped on an ele- 
 vated piece of ground 
 on the south side of 
 Suakin harbour: it 
 was simply part of 
 an extensive coral 
 reef covered with 
 sand and debris, but 
 it was high and dry, 
 and it formed a 
 better encamping 
 ground than any 
 other spot in the 
 
 immediate vicinity of Suakin. The camp was protected by a 
 number of small redoubts, which were occupied every night, and 
 also by a chain of pickets and sentries, but very soon the troops 
 began to be harassed by parties of the enemy prowling about at 
 night. During the night of March 10th two followers with a sick 
 
 AN ARAB SHEIKH 
 
226 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 horse were set upon and speared, and on the next night a sentry 
 of the 15th Sikhs was killed in a similar manner after shooting 
 one of his assailants. 
 
 Our men were now very hard worked : they had to furnish 
 fatigue parties during the day for unloading stores at the different 
 piers and bringing them up to camp, and they had to supply 
 numerous guards and sentries for the protection of the camp at 
 night. In addition to all this they had their rest disturbed by 
 night attacks. I represented this state of affairs to General 
 Hudson, and recommended that hired labour should be employed 
 as far as possible in the work of unloading stores, instead of 
 fatigue parties from the regiments. This proposal was agreed to 
 and carried out, but the amount of hired labour procurable at 
 Suakin was so small that very little relief could be obtained in 
 this way. 
 
 The camps of the British troops, which were pitched on the 
 plain to the west of El Kaf, were for some time continually 
 disturbed by night attacks : the Arabs crawled along the ground 
 in the darkness, thus eluding the sentries, and rushed through the 
 first tents they came to, stabbing the sleeping soldiers with their 
 spears. Several British soldiers were killed and wounded in this 
 manner, and much confusion and wild firing occurred in conse- 
 quence. The plain around the camps was frequently swept by the 
 electric search lights of the warships in the harbour and the forts in 
 El Kaf, but generally with little result, as the Arabs instantly 
 remained motionless on the ground till the light had passed, 
 and so escaped notice or were mistaken for bushes. At first the 
 Arabs were much alarmed by the electric search lights, but Osman 
 Digna was reported to have reassured them by saying that it was 
 only the light of ten thousand candles which the British, who were 
 very wealthy, had provided in order to light up their camps at 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 227 
 
 night. If the enemy had persevered with their night attacks the 
 consequences might have been serious, as the troops were greatly 
 harassed by them, and signs of nervousness and demoralisation 
 
 SUDANESE SPEARMEN 
 
 were beginning to show themselves. Fortunately one of the Arab 
 leaders was slain in a night attack on the British camp, and after 
 this incident the enemy entirely abandoned this method of attack. 
 
228 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 On the 13th of March the sailing transport Czarevitch^ which 
 had been fixed upon as the hospital ship for the Indian contingent, 
 arrived at Suakin. She was examined by a committee of survey 
 and pronounced fit for the purpose, after which the work of 
 removing her horse-fittings, cleaning her decks, and improving 
 their ventilation by removing planks from the ship's sides, was 
 taken in hand at once under the superintendence of Brigade- 
 Surgeon Morice, in medical charge of the general hospital, and the 
 officers doing duty under him. There was much work to be done 
 as the ship had brought over horses and mules, and nothing had 
 been done at Bombay to fit her for the purposes of a hospital 
 ship. In about ten days, however, she was ready for the reception 
 of patients, her maindeck having been cleared, purified, and fitted 
 up with 125 beds. The accommodation thus provided for the 
 native sick was excellent, but unfortunately that available for 
 sick European officers was inferior, the cabins of the ship being 
 small, close, and badly ventilated, besides being poorly supplied 
 with furniture and necessaries. These deficiencies were subse- 
 quently remedied as far as possible, but the cabins were always close 
 and uncomfortable in hot weather. Profiting by my experience 
 at Suez in 1882 I advised that the hospital ship should be moored 
 near the shore in the southern part of the harbour, with her 
 broadside exposed to the prevailing wind. A movable stage, 
 which could be pulled backwards and forwards between the ship 
 and the shore, was provided in order to enable the patients, 
 hospital servants, and others to go ashore when they required to 
 do so for their cooking arrangements and other purposes. 
 
 On the 16th of March the second field hospital was opened 
 and received the sick of the 15th Sikhs and 17th Bengal Native 
 Infantry. It was afterwards moved into a building in Fort 
 Euryalus, one of the forts protecting El Kaf, and remained there 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 229 
 
 permanently, in consequence of the military operations being con- 
 fined to the neighbourhood of Suakin. On the 17th and 18th of 
 March the camp of the Indian brigade was shifted to ground to 
 the west of Suakin, close to the right water fort and on the left of 
 the British camp. This ground was stony, dirty, and uneven ; it 
 was very inferior in every respect to our first encamping ground, 
 but its occupation was a military necessity which could not be 
 avoided. As active operations were now about to commence, the 
 principal medical officer of the British force requested assistance 
 in the shape of ambulance transport, and accordingly, with the 
 sanction of General Hudson, I sent him four doolies and fifty-six 
 dandies, the transport department supplying 300 kahars to carry 
 them. These were of the greatest possible use in conveying the 
 sick and wounded of the British troops in the operations that 
 followed. 
 
 On the 19th of March the Indian brigade, with the British 
 cavalry and mounted infantry, made a reconnaissance for several 
 miles in the direction of Hashin, where the enemy were reported 
 to be in considerable force. The weather was cool and pleasant, 
 and the men showed no signs of fatigue. For some distance we 
 marched in a westerly direction across the sandy and stony plain 
 covered with mimosa bushes and other scrub, which became thicker 
 as we approached the mountains. After proceeding about seven 
 miles we came to a group of small isolated hills, on which parties 
 of the enemy were seen, who retreated on our approach. A little 
 further on was a steep and rugged ridge about a mile long quite 
 bare of vegetation : this was Dihilbat or Hashin Hill. To the 
 north of this eminence was a lower hill, behind which lay the 
 village of Hashin, a cluster of miserable huts surrounded by 
 mimosa jungle. The village was occupied by our cavalry without 
 resistance, most of the enemy having retreated towards the west. 
 
230 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Parties of them, however, still remained on the neighbouring hills 
 and maintained a desultory fire, by which one British cavalry 
 soldier was killed, and an officer and a sergeant were wounded, but 
 there were no casualties among the Indian troops. The force with- 
 drew a little after 10 a.m., and reached camp at half-past twelve. 
 
 Next day General Sir G. Graham advanced towards Hashin 
 with the bulk of the force, numbering about 8000 officers and men, 
 and a sharp engagement ensued. The enemy, after an obstinate 
 resistance, were driven from their positions on the hills near 
 Hashin by the British infantry supported by the Indian troops, 
 and the cavalry followed in pursuit, but could do little owing to 
 the nature of the ground, which was covered everywhere with 
 thick scrub which effectually concealed the movements of the 
 enemy. The 9th Bengal Cavalry were suddenly attacked by the 
 Arab spearmen, while one squadron was dismounted for the 
 purpose of firing volleys, and they sustained a loss of one native 
 officer and eleven men killed, and one British officer and fourteen 
 men wounded. Their medical establishment was also attacked in 
 the thick bush, several men were killed and some medical stores 
 lost. In the afternoon the force began to retire towards Suakin, 
 leaving the East Surrey Regiment to garrison some redoubts and a 
 ' zeriba ' (fence of thorns), which had been rapidly constructed by 
 the Royal Engineers and Madras Sappers and Miners on the low 
 hills to the east of Hashin. As the force withdrew the enemy 
 reoccupied Dihilbat Hill and other eminences, from which they 
 had been driven in the beginning of the action, and kept up a 
 heavy fire upon the retiring troops, which caused some loss before 
 it could be silenced. The force returned to the camp at Suakin 
 at 6 P.M. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Battle of Tofrik — Repulse of the enemy with great slaughter — Severe loss on our side 
 — Destruction of a great number of our transport animals — I accompany a force 
 to the scene of action next day and return with the wounded to Suakin — Daily 
 convoys to the zeriba — Attacks on them by the enemy — Loss of a hundred laden 
 camels — Captive balloon employed — Arrival of the New vSouth Wales contingent 
 — We march towards Tamai— Destruction of the captive balloon — Our bivouac 
 disturbed by the enemy — Action of Tamai — We march back to Suakin — Our 
 camp again shifted — Extension of the railway to Otao — Advertising extraordinary 
 — The heat increases fast — The plague of flies — Heavy duties — I wear a green 
 silk veil to protect my eyes — We all suffer in health more or less from hard work 
 and exposure — Arrival of Lord Wolseley — He inspects the troops and hospitals — 
 An expedition to catch Osman Digna is proposed but countermanded — The 
 water difficulty — Great danger of the contemplated march from Suakin to Berber 
 owing to the scarcity of water. 
 
 On the 22nd of March a combined British and Indian force under 
 General Sir John M'Neill and General Hudson marched from 
 Suakin to establish a post in the desert which should serve as an 
 intermediate depot for water and supplies required for the intended 
 advance to Tamai, where Osman Digna was reported to be with 
 the main body of his followers. The force marched in two great 
 squares, one formed by the British and the other by the Indian 
 troops. The artillery, ammunition, water-carts, and transport 
 animals (1500 camels and mules), carrying food, water, etc., were 
 placed within these squares, while the cavalry went ahead and 
 acted as scouts. Parties of the enemy were seen, but they retired 
 in the direction of Tamai without offering any opposition. Very 
 slow progress was made owing to the thorny jungle covering the 
 plain, which terribly impeded the movements of the baggage 
 animals and often caused their loads to fall off, necessitating 
 
232 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 frequent halts. When the force liad arrived at an open space known 
 as Tofrik, about six miles from Suakin, the generals decided to 
 halt and establish the post there, after which the Indian troops 
 were to march back to Suakin, taking the transport animals with 
 them, while the British were to remain and garrison the post. 
 
 Between 2 and 3 p.m. the British soldiers were busily engaged 
 in cutting down the bush and making the three zeribas, which 
 were nearly completed by that time, and the Indian troops were 
 drawn up in readiness for the return march, while the transport 
 animals had been unloaded in the central zeriba and brought out 
 for the same purpose. About half-past two the enemy, who had 
 been collecting under the cover of the jungle, advanced rapidly to 
 the attack, driving before them the cavalry scouts. A scene of 
 indescribable confusion ensued, the transport animals were stam- 
 peded, the kahars dropped their dandies, and, with other camp 
 followers, fled in all directions, trying to make their way to Suakin 
 instead of seeking shelter in the zeribas, so that great numbers of 
 them were overtaken and killed. The enemy attacked the troops 
 with the most desperate courage and determination, and forced 
 their way into the zeribas, where more than a hundred of them 
 were killed. But their fanatical valour was of no avail against the 
 tremendous rifle fire directed upon them. The engagement lasted 
 less than half an hour, when the remnant of the Arabs withdrew, 
 leaving some 1500 dead on the field of battle. The 15th Sikhs 
 bore the brunt of the attack in this engagement and highly dis- 
 tinguished themselves. 
 
 As I was not very well that morning I was ordered by General 
 Hudson to remain in camp, but when the firing began I went with 
 some other officers to the summit of a tower near our camp and 
 watched the scene of action, which was only six miles distant. We 
 could easily distinguish the zeribas surrounded by a ring of smoke, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 233 
 
 while the sound of the firing was distinctly heard, and a dense 
 cloud of dust coming in our direction marked the line of retreat 
 of the camp followers and other fugitives, who in an hour or so 
 began to come in. I had already ordered all necessary preparations 
 for receiving wounded to be made at the field hospitals, and I then 
 went out a short distance with a medical officer and some dandies 
 and bearers to pick up any wounded fugitives who might arrive. 
 We collected and brought in twenty-four wounded men who had 
 managed to drag themselves so far and to escape the spears of the 
 pursuing Arabs. Several of the British cavalry scouts galloped past 
 us into camp in a frantic state of excitement, declaring that the 
 whole force was cut to pieces, and that they were the sole survivors. 
 The most alarming rumours prevailed in camp and a night attack 
 was expected, so we all slept in our clothes, but no disturbance 
 took place. 
 
 Early next morning I joined a convoy and escort proceeding to 
 the scene of action, taking with me a number of dandies and 
 bearers, under the charge of a medical officer, for the conveyance 
 of our wounded to Suakin. We reached our destination unopposed 
 after a slow and fatiguing march, in square formation, over a stony 
 plain, thickly covered with umbrella-shaped bushes of the thorny 
 mimosa. The track for a considerable distance was strewn with 
 the bodies of our unfortunate camp followers and transport 
 animals, and the ground around the zeribas was thickly covered 
 with corpses, mostly those of the enemy. On arrival I found that 
 the loss of our force the previous day in killed, wounded, and 
 missing, amounted to nearly 300 fighting men and 176 followers. 
 The transport had suffered terribly, as about 500 camels and a 
 considerable number of mules had been killed or taken. One of 
 the best of our medical subordinates was missing (doubtless killed), 
 and a quantity of medical stores were lost on this occasion. The 
 
234 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 wounded were placed in dandies and brought back to the camp at 
 Suakin ; there they were admitted into the field hospitals and 
 treated with all possible care and attention. They were sub- 
 sequently sent to the hospital ships, where they remained until 
 their recovery or transfer to England or India. 
 
 For about ten days after this no further military operations 
 took place, except convoys of water and stores, which were sent 
 out to the zeribas at Tofrik nearly every day and returned empty 
 in the evening. These convoys were sometimes attacked by the 
 enemy, who, on one occasion, killed or captured more than a 
 hundred laden camels, which by some mismanagement had got 
 outside the square. A captive balloon was used in these expedi- 
 tions to obtain information of the enemy's movements, for which 
 purpose this contrivance is very effective when the conditions are 
 favourable. But the high winds which prevailed at the time were 
 much against this means of observation, and eventually caused its 
 destruction. On the 25th of March the posts near Hashin were 
 demolished, as they were no longer required, and their garrisons 
 rejoined the army. The New South Wales contingent, 500 strong, 
 arrived at Suakin on the 29th of March ; they were received with 
 hearty cheers by the rest of the troops, and were inspected by 
 General Sir G. Graham, who welcomed them with a few well 
 chosen words. 
 
 On the 2nd of April a force of about 7000 men, under the 
 command of General Sir G. Graham in person, marched from camp 
 at 4 A.M. in the direction of Tamai, where the enemy under Osman 
 Digna were reported to be in large force. I accompanied the 
 Indian troops with several medical officers and a section of a field 
 hospital, together with a proper amount of ambulance transport. 
 We moved on very slowly in the usual square formation, with 
 frequent stoppages, and after several hours'* slow fatiguing march, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 235 
 
 the stench from unburied corpses warned us that we were approach- 
 ing the scene of the battle of March 22nd, and presently we sighted 
 the look-out place (or crow's nest as it was called) in one of the 
 zeribas. A short halt was made for rest and food, and then the 
 force resumed its march towards Tamai. The wind was very 
 strong, and the captive balloon, which accompanied the force held 
 by two stout ropes, was blown down upon the thorny jungle 
 through which we were passing. The consequence was that the 
 silk of the balloon was caught and torn by the thorns, the gas 
 escaped, and the balloon collapsed. We were deploring this mis- 
 fortune when one of the party threw us into fits of laughter by 
 the remark that it did not matter, as there was gas enough among 
 the Head Quarters Staff to inflate a dozen balloons. 
 
 We marched on slowly for seven or eight miles further with- 
 out perceiving any sign of the enemy, and entered a narrow plain 
 between two hills which were immediately occupied by our troops. 
 There we halted for the night and constructed a fence of thorns to 
 protect our bivouac. After our hot, dusty, and very fatiguing 
 march we were all glad to get some refreshment and rest. We 
 had come without tents and almost without baggage. I had 
 nothing with me but my military overcoat, a waterproof sheet, 
 and an old tweed wrapper, all of which had been rolled up and 
 strapped to my saddle, so I put on the overcoat, gave the wrapper 
 to my syce (groom) who had nothing to cover him, spread the 
 waterproof sheet on the sand, and lay down upon it as I was, 
 using a sandy bank as a pillow. We had a pretty quiet night ; a 
 few shots, however, were fired by the enemy at long ranges, costing 
 us one British soldier killed and two wounded. I heard several 
 bullets pass overhead, and one struck a metal water-keg close by 
 with great force, but fortunately no one belonging to the Indian 
 brigade was hit. Part of our force remained under arms all 
 
236 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 night, in readiness to repel night attacks, but the enemy kept 
 aloof. 
 
 Early in the morning everything was ready for the advance to 
 Tamai, and the force moved forward, passing through several Arab 
 encampments which had been recently deserted. Then we came to 
 some rugged hills, on ascending which we became exposed to a 
 dropping fire from parties of the enemy, who skirmished so well 
 that I never got sight of one of them, but only saw the puffs of 
 smoke from their rifles as they fired. We marched on across 
 several low hills and a deep sandy valley, but it soon became 
 evident that the bulk of the enemy's forces had withdrawn, and 
 that there were only a few skirmishers in our front. When this 
 had been clearly ascertained our force retired, burning the enemy''s 
 camps on the way back, and so ended the long-expected action of 
 Tamai. We had about a dozen men wounded ; what loss the 
 enemy sustained I do not know, as I never saw one of them, dead 
 or alive, that day. At one time their fire upon us was rather 
 heavy, and as we were in large masses it is surprising that our 
 casualties were not more numerous. 
 
 We returned to our bivouac of the night before, feeling much 
 disappointed that after all our preparations the enemy had eluded 
 us in this way. After rest and refreshment we again set out and 
 marched back to Tofrik, where we halted, made a temporary 
 zeriba, and established our bivouac for the night. We were 
 closely jammed together, the space being very confined. I lay 
 down on the sand close to my horse, whose head was almost over 
 mine. The air was poisoned by the stench proceeding from the 
 unburied or partially buried corpses of men and animals killed in 
 the action of March 22nd, and we passed a most unpleasant night. 
 Next morning our force marched back to the camp at Suakin, 
 leaving a garrison at Tofrik, which was soon after withdrawn. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 237 
 
 On the 9th of April the camp of the Indian contingent was 
 shifted to a position on the railway near West Redoubt, on the 
 left of the British camp, and there it remained for more than a 
 month. During that time detachments were pushed forward to 
 Tambuk, about twenty-five miles from Suakin on the road to 
 Berber, and posts were established at different points to protect 
 the railway works, but no military operations took place except a 
 few reconnaissances and an expedition against a body of the 
 enemy at Takool, eighteen miles west of Suakin, in which 
 no loss was sustained by the Indian troops and hardly any by the 
 British. 
 
 The works of the (so-called) Suakin-Berber Railway, which 
 had been commenced at Quarantine Island by the engineers and 
 workmen employed by Messrs. Lucas and Aird, were pushed on to 
 Handub and finally to Otao, twenty miles from Suakin. I made 
 several trips along the railway to Handub and Otao while those 
 posts were held by our troops. The line was very roughly made ; 
 the rails were not secured by chairs and fish-plates in the usual 
 manner, but were merely placed on the sleepers end to end and 
 fastened by large nails of this shape , which were driven into 
 the sleepers so as to catch and fix the rails on each side. Of 
 course the trains were driven at a very low rate of speed. The 
 line, starting in Quarantine Island, traversed the causeway, and 
 ran along the plain in a north-westerly direction, gradually 
 approaching the hills. The thorny bushes were cut down for a 
 considerable distance on each side of the railway, and posts were 
 established at intervals with watch towers from which an approach- 
 ing enemy might be seen while still a good way off. 
 
 The original intention regarding this railway was that it should 
 be carried from Suakin to Berber on the Nile, a distance of 270 
 miles, but this could only have been done had the power of the 
 
238 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Mahdi been destroyed and the Sudan entirely reconquered. As 
 it was, the railway never got beyond Otao, and in a very few weeks 
 it was abandoned, owing to the reduction of our force and the 
 abolition of all posts beyond West Redoubt. The consequence 
 naturally followed that the enemy immediately reoccupied Tam- 
 buk, Otao, and Handub, and destroyed the railway by pulling up 
 the rails and burning the sleepers. 
 
 At a point near the line of railway between Handub and Otao 
 there was an isolated rock which rose from the plain to a height 
 of 20 feet or more. One day when passing this spot we were 
 astonished to see the words 'PEARS^ SOAP IS THE BEST' 
 painted in gigantic capital letters upon the flat surface of the rock. 
 Whether this was a honajide advertisement of the famous firm of 
 Pears & Co., or whether it was done as a joke by some waggish 
 individual in our force, I do not know. It must have been 
 a very perplexing mystery to the Arabs, who most likely as- 
 cribed it to the magic of the white men, and carefully avoided 
 the spot. 
 
 The weather became much hotter during the month of April, 
 and the high wind, clouds of dust, and swarms of flies rendered our 
 camp life very trying and unpleasant. The innumerable flies in 
 particular were an awful plague ; their activity and pertinacity 
 were almost preternatural, it was impossible to keep them off* our 
 food and drink, and they tormented us incessantly from morning 
 till night, when, fortunately for us, they desisted from their attacks 
 and went to sleep. They were an intolerable nuisance in the 
 hospitals, and no doubt did much mischief there in spite of all our 
 care and attention. The sick and wounded and their attendants 
 were provided with fly whisks, which were an absolute necessity 
 under the circumstances, and cleanliness was strictly maintained in 
 all the hospitals. Disinfectants were freely used, and everything 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 239 
 
 was done that experience could suggest to abate the plague of flies 
 in the hospitals as far as possible. 
 
 The duties of the officers and soldiers of the Suakin Field Force 
 were very arduous, and tried their strength severely. Many work- 
 ing parties had to be furnished for unloading stores and various 
 other purposes, and in addition there were many pickets, sentries, 
 convoys, camp and other miscellaneous duties, and the average 
 number of nights in bed was often very low. As my own duties 
 included a daily inspection of all the camps and hospitals of the 
 Indian brigade, I had to ride every morning after breakfast several 
 miles across the hot sandy plain and round the harbour of Suakin 
 to the spot where our hospital ship was moored. The glare from 
 the heated sand was almost unbearable, and after trying goggles as 
 a protection to the eyes and discarding them as hot and uncom- 
 fortable, I at length resorted to a green silk veil which was fastened 
 round my helmet and tied under my chin. I found this contriv- 
 ance very comfortable, and most effectual in preserving the face 
 and eyes from heat and glare, and also from the annoyance of 
 flies, and I strongly recommend it to the attention of travellers in 
 hot countries. 
 
 Besides this inspection duty I had a certain amount of office 
 work to get through every day, and I had to preside at all medical 
 boards assembled to report on sick or wounded officers, or for 
 other purposes. I also had to see the general daily and keep him 
 well informed of everything affecting the health of the troops and 
 the sanitary condition of the camps and hospitals. All this hard 
 work and privation affected the health and condition of the force 
 to a considerable extent ; there was a good deal of sickness among 
 the Indian troops, and, as was to be expected, much more among 
 the British soldiers who had come from England, and were quite 
 unaccustomed to such a trying climate as that of the Eastern 
 
240 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Sudan. The officers also suffered ; some had to be sent to England 
 on sick leave, and there was hardly one of them who was not in- 
 disposed at one time or another. 
 
 In the beginning of May General Lord Wolseley arrived at 
 Suakin and inspected the troops and hospitals. He was much 
 pleased with our base hospital on board the Czarevitch, and com- 
 plimented us on the order and cleanliness of the hospital, which he 
 said was ' perfection." This was high praise, and in my opinion it 
 was well deserved, as this hospital was admirably organised and 
 worked by Brigade-Surgeon J. C. Morice and the medical officers 
 serving under him. In order to show how successfully the hos- 
 pitals of the Indian contingent were worked I may mention that 
 up to this time there had been only six deaths, 
 two from wounds received in action and four 
 from disease, out of more than 1000 sick and 
 wounded men who had been admitted and 
 treated since our landing at Suakin. 
 
 I witnessed the inspection parade of the 
 whole force under Lord Wolseley on the 8th 
 of May. It was a grand and striking spec- 
 tacle ; the march past was very fine and the troops presented 
 a splendid appearance, especially the Guards and the 15th Sikhs, 
 whose companies looked like solid walls as they moved past. On 
 the 4th of May we were warned to be in readiness to march to 
 Tamanib, a distance of twenty-five miles from Suakin, to surprise 
 the rebel leader, Osman Digna, who was reported to be there with 
 a few followers. The force was to consist of the 15th Sikhs, 
 28th Bombay Native Infantry, and a detachment of British troops 
 mounted on camels, the whole under the command of General 
 Hudson. Every one concerned was delighted, but our enthusiasm 
 was speedily damped as the expedition was countermanded. We 
 
 A SIKH SUBADAR 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS ^1 
 
 heard that Lord Wolseley disapproved of it, and he was probably 
 right, as Osman Digna would almost certainly have received 
 warning of our approach from his scouts, and would have had 
 plenty of time to make his escape before we arrived. He had, 
 indeed, many friends and sympathisers in Suakin itself, and it 
 would have been very difficult, if not impossible, to take him by 
 surprise. 
 
 Moreover the water difficulty was an almost insurmountable 
 obstacle to military operations in the Sudan during the hot 
 
 THE INDIAN COMMISSARIAT AT SUAKIN 
 
 season. There was then hardly any water to be found in the 
 country except at a few widely-separated springs, which in most 
 instances yielded a scanty and precarious supply only sufficient for 
 a small number of men and animals. If a force took with it an 
 adequate water supply the movements of the troops were liable to 
 be hampered and their presence betrayed by the large number of 
 transport animals required to cany the water. If, on the other 
 hand, a force had marched into the desert during the hot season 
 with only a little water, the consequences might have been very 
 serious or perhaps even fatal. This dilemma always confronted us 
 
 Q 
 
242 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 during the military operations in the Sudan, and doubtless this 
 consideration induced the British Government to select the Nile 
 route for the expedition sent for the relief of Khartoum. 
 
 On our first arrival at Suakin, when it was fully believed that 
 we should march across the desert to Berber to co-operate with 
 Lord Wolseley''s force in the expected advance against the Mahdi 
 at Khartoum, an elaborate plan was drawn up by the officers of the 
 quartermaster-generaFs department for the supply of water to a 
 force of 5000 fighting men and a suitable proportion of camp 
 followers, while marching from Suakin to Berber, by means of 
 caravans of water-bearing camels sent from Suakin in a particular 
 order. I went over this scheme very carefully, but could not help 
 noticing that the success of the arrangement would depend entirely 
 upon its never being interfered with by the enemy, and also that if 
 it failed from any cause the force would be in great danger of 
 perishing from thirst, as the amount of water found at a few 
 points along the Suakin-Berber road is very scanty, and would 
 only suffice for a few hundred men at most. Under these circum- 
 stances I was not sorry when all idea of this march was given up. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Termination of active operations — The field force broken up — Garrison left at Suakin 
 — I am appointed principal medical officer of the garrison — Positions occupied 
 by the troops — The garrison hospitals— General Hudson and the staff move into 
 the ' New House ' — Insanitary state of Suakin and its environs — I endeavour to 
 improve matters — Climate of Suakin — Its effect on the troops — Prevalence of 
 enteric fever among the British troops — Remarkable immunity of the Indians — A 
 risky anchorage — We visit the Cushie Doo — Our supplies of ice and drinking water 
 are curtailed — I obtain privilege leave to England, and start for Suez in the lona — 
 I meet General Dormer in the Tanjore — His tragic death — I travel to London 
 vid Brindisi — My name appears in the Gazette as a C.B. — I leave England in 
 the Rome — We engage a steam launch at Port Said and so reach Ismailia — I go 
 on to Suakin in the Romeo — Changes during my absence — The rainy season — 
 Report of Osman Digna's death — I volunteer for service in Burma — Farewell 
 order by Sir John Hudson on my departure from Suakin — Remarks on sickness 
 and mortality among the troops and followers of the Indian contingent during 
 the occupation of Suakin. 
 
 Active operations in the field were considered at an end by May 
 14th5 when the force assembled at Suakin began to break up, most 
 of the British troops returning to England, and the Australians to 
 their own country. About 1000 British and 2500 Indian troops 
 remained to form the garrison of Suakin and to occupy several 
 fortified positions outside the walls. In consequence of the 
 departure of Deputy Surgeon- General Hinde, C.B., on the 5th 
 of June I was appointed principal medical officer of the Suakin 
 garrison, with the local rank of deputy surgeon-general, and this 
 order was subsequently confirmed by the Government of India. On 
 the 9th of June the camp was broken up, and the troops com- 
 posing the garrison of Suakin took up the following positions. 
 
 The British troops were distributed in three positions as 
 
244 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 follows. A detachment of the Shropshire Light Infantry, the 
 Royal Artillery, and B company Mounted Infantry were quartered 
 in H Redoubt, a fortified position on a rising ground, defending 
 the approaches to Quarantine Island from the west and to El Kaf 
 and Suakin from the north. These troops were accommodated in 
 European privates'* tents with mat shelters erected over them. A 
 smaller detachment of the Shropshire Light Infantry with detach- 
 ments of Royal Engineers and other corps were stationed in wooden 
 huts in Quarantine Island. The Headquarters Shropshire Light 
 Infantry, with details of other corps, were posted at Graham's 
 Point, a narrow strip of land at the south side of the entrance of 
 Suakin harbour. 
 
 The distribution of the Indian troops was as follows. The 15th 
 Sikhs occupied three intrenched posts, namely, West Redoubt (a 
 fortified position on the railway about a mile and a half from El Kaf 
 in the direction of Handub), the Sandbag Redoubt, and a fortified 
 camp about 1200 yards north-west of H Redoubt. The 28th 
 Bombay Native Infantry were encamped on the south side of 
 Suakin harbour, between the Quarry Fort and the commissariat 
 yard. The men of both regiments were accommodated in European 
 privates' tents with mat shelters. The 17th Bengal Native Infantry 
 were stationed in the forts around the suburb El Kaf, and the 
 Madras Sappers and Miners were quartered in European privates'* 
 tents in Quarantine Island. The 9th Bengal Cavalry were sent 
 back to India, with the exception of one squadron which was 
 posted in the commissariat yard, close to the transport lines. 
 
 The hospital arrangements for the garrison were as follows. 
 For the British troops remaining at Suakin two station hospitals 
 were established, one on Quarantine Island and the other at Graham'^s 
 Point. The former was located in a large building roofed with 
 wood and matting (previously used by Messrs. lAicas and Aird), 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 245 
 
 and in two wooden huts covered with matting. The situation and 
 surroundings of this hospital were unsatisfactory, but its occupa- 
 tion was a matter of necessity at the time. The other station 
 hospital was estabhshed in well-constructed wooden huts at the 
 extremity of Graham's Point, the most salubrious situation that 
 could have been selected anywhere about Suakin. These hospitals 
 were originally designed for sixty patients each, but by taking into 
 use additional huts they were subsequently enabled to accommo- 
 date many more. They were regularly dieted as station hospitals 
 and provided with all necessaries for the use and comfort of the 
 sick, including a sufficient supply of ice. The general and field 
 hospitals of the Indian contingent were still maintained as before ; 
 the general hospital on board the transport Czarevitch, No. 1 field 
 hospital on some level ground between the harbour and the camp 
 of the 28th Bombay Native Infantry, and No. 2 field hospital in 
 Fort Euryalus, one of the forts around the suburb El Kaf. At 
 the same time General Hudson and his staff took up their resi- 
 dence in a large building in the town of Suakin called the 
 ' New House,** where our whole party found roomy and convenient 
 quarters. I had a large room at the top of the house command- 
 ing a fine view of the harbour and the sea beyond. 
 
 My first care, on being appointed principal medical officer of 
 the garrison, was to try and bring about some improvement 
 in the sanitary condition of Suakin and its environs, the state 
 of which was indescribably filthy. The whole plain which 
 had been occupied by the army and the transport animals 
 was in a most insanitary state, owing to the neglect of proper 
 arrangements for disposing of filth and refuse and the bodies of 
 dead animals. An order had been issued that the latter should be 
 buried at a distance of two miles from the camp, but this order 
 was frequently disregarded, and dead animals were buried far too 
 
246 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 near the camp. It actually happened on one occasion, when the 
 camp was shifted a few hundred yards, that an officer found a 
 dead camel buried just below the spot where his tent was pitched. 
 The truth is that the conservancy establishments were insufficient 
 for the wants of the large number of troops, followers, and trans- 
 port animals assembled round Suakin, and I conclude that it was 
 found impossible to keep the place clean with the means available. 
 The Britisli troops should have been supplied with a corps of 
 sweepers from India to keep their camps clean, and the sweepers 
 should have been placed under some steady and intelligent non- 
 commissioned officers, who would have directed their work and 
 have generally looked after the conservancy of the camps under 
 the supervision of the sanitary officer. 
 
 If the sanitary condition of the camps was bad, the town of 
 Suakin was little better in this respect, and El Kaf and Quarantine 
 Island were much worse. These places were crowded with people 
 who had no idea of cleanliness and were under very little control, if 
 any. Quarantine Island was full of graves, many of which had fallen 
 in or were on the point of doing so. An officer stationed there was 
 leaning back in his chair one evening after dinner, when suddenly 
 the ground gave way under him and he fell down. On rising and 
 examining the spot he found that he had broken through into a 
 grave. All along the margin of the harbour was a belt of black 
 fetid mud which exhaled the most offensive odour when uncovered 
 by the sea, while pools of filthy water and abominations of all 
 kinds poisoned the air in every direction. In short the whole 
 place was an Augean stable and demanded the labours of a 
 Hercules to clean and purify it. 
 
 However, considerable improvement was effected after a time. 
 A number of labourers were employed to clean the worst parts, 
 and numerous truck loads of sand and stones were brought from 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 247 
 
 the desert and laid down along the shores of Quarantine Island 
 and in other places in order to cover the accumulations of 
 filth which were in such quantities as to preclude the possi- 
 bility of removal. Pools of foul stagnant water were filled up, 
 and the low-lying shores of the harbour were in several places 
 reclaimed from the sea and converted into firm, dry ground. 
 The bodies of dead animals were burned, and all stable litter 
 and refuse destroyed in the same way. In short, everything 
 possible under the circumstances was done to improve the sani- 
 tary condition of the town and the various positions around it 
 occupied by the British and Indian troops forming the Suakin 
 garrison. 
 
 When the troops arrived at Suakin in March the climate was 
 not unpleasant. The sun had considerable power in the middle of 
 the day, but the strong winds made it quite bearable, and the 
 nights were cold enough to render blankets necessary. In April 
 and May the weather was much the same, but the power of the 
 sun was sensibly increased. Towards the end of May several 
 storms occurred, in one of which there was a rather heavy fall of 
 rain with much thunder and lightning. The heat increased 
 greatly during the month of June, but it was occasionally 
 tempered by a comparatively cool sea breeze. Dust storms, 
 of short duration compared with those of India, were of frequent 
 occurrence. In July the heat became greater and the nights were 
 extremely still and oppressive, so that it was difficult to obtain 
 sleep. When there was any wind, it generally came from the 
 desert and was like the blast from a furnace, but occasionally there 
 was a sea breeze loaded with moisture. The temperature in the 
 tents, huts, and houses frequently exceeded 100°, and in the mess 
 hut of the Royal Engineers in Quarantine Island (a very hot 
 comer) it reached 120°. On going to my room one night at ten 
 
248 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 o'clock I found that the temperature was 1 08° ; the air was 
 suffocating and everything felt hot to the touch. 
 
 This intense heat told severely upon the health of the garrison, 
 particularly the British portion, and several British officers and 
 soldiers were found dead in their beds from heat apoplexy, while 
 many others were attacked by enteric fever which often proved fatal. 
 The Indian troops naturally bore the climate better, but neverthe- 
 less they looked sickly and exhausted, and many of them, with 
 several of their British officers, had to be sent away on sick leave 
 at different times. The immunity of the Indian soldiers and their 
 British officers from enteric fever during this campaign was a very 
 remarkable circumstance and has never (so far as I know) been 
 satisfactorily explained. They had not a single case of this 
 disease from first to last, while the British force, including the 
 officers, suffered severely from it, although the surroundings and 
 general conditions in both cases were precisely the same. The only 
 difference was that the Indian officers and soldiers were mostly 
 older men than the British, and more accustomed to campaigning 
 in hot climates, but although this gave the former a certain 
 advantage it hardly accounts for the absolute immunity which 
 they enjoyed in the midst of the most insanitary and trying 
 conditions. 
 
 A singular incident, which might have been very tragic, occurred 
 early in July, and deserves mention here. A wealthy Australian, 
 who had been going about in his steam yacht for some months, 
 visiting different parts of the world, resolved to see Suakin, but on 
 his way down from Suez he ran short of fuel when about twenty 
 miles north of Suakin. Being totally unsuspicious of danger he 
 anchored his yacht close to the shore, and came on to Suakin in a 
 small boat with a few men to procure a supply of coal. It was felt 
 that he had done a very imprudent and risky thing in leaving the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 249 
 
 yacht anchored so near the shore, and accordingly arrangements 
 were at once made for the despatch of a steam launch on the 
 following morning with an armed party in case of need. Several 
 officers, myself included, accompanied the party, and a barge with 
 a supply of coal was towed by the steam launch so that our progress 
 was slow and several hours passed before we reached our destination. 
 We found the yacht anchored literally within a stone's throw of the 
 shore ; they had been in this dangerous situation for two days, and 
 a lady who was on board had actually landed with others of the 
 party and rambled about as though they had been in a peaceful 
 and friendly country. We told them that had any Arabs been in 
 the neighbourhood and seen them land, they would in all proba- 
 bility have fallen into the hands of the enemy and would have 
 been massacred or carried off into slavery. They were very much 
 astonished, and said they thought there was no danger so near 
 Suakin, so we told them it was not safe to go even one mile out- 
 side the forts and camps around the town. 
 
 The yacht was a fine vessel of 350 tons named the Cushie Doo, 
 with a saloon right across in the fore part of the ship and the 
 cabins in front of it. The engine and boilers, as well as the 
 quarters of the crew, were in the after part of the vessel. We had 
 lunch on board, and stayed with them till they had taken in their 
 coal and got up steam. One of the seamen of the yacht, who was 
 dissatisfied for some reason or other, asked to be landed at once, 
 and was vainly assured that it would be certain death, either from 
 hunger and thirst, or from the spears of the Arabs. He seemed 
 unable to take it in, and still insisted on going ashore, so that he 
 had to be forcibly prevented from doing what would have been 
 equivalent to an act of suicide. In the afternoon we said good- 
 bye and set off on our return, and soon after starting we saw the 
 yacht under steam heading to the eastward for Jeddah on the 
 
250 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Arabian coast, as the owner had given up his intention of visiting 
 Suakin. On our way back the weather became very squally, and 
 our little steamer (a craft of only forty or fifty tons) jumped about 
 in a very lively way, taking clouds of spray over her bows and 
 wetting us through. The coal barge towing astern pitched 
 tremendously and took in a good deal of water, so that we feared 
 she would be swamped, but at length we reached the entrance of 
 Suakin harbour and presently got into smooth water. 
 
 Just about this time we found ourselves deprived of ice owing 
 to the departure of the Bidimba, our principal ice ship, which was 
 believed to have been removed by orders from the Admiralty in 
 order to effect some paltry saving. The Amethyst^ our remaining 
 ice ship, made only twelve or fifteen hundredweight of ice daily, 
 and as this amount was all required for the hospitals, there was 
 none available for the different messes, and no more cool drinks 
 could be had. Subsequently two ice machines were sent to Suakin, 
 and were set up on No. 4 Pier at Quarantine Island, but they were 
 very liable to get out of order, and in a short time only one of 
 them continued working. Another misfortune happened to us 
 about this time. Since our arrival at Suakin the whole force had 
 been supplied with condensed water for drinking and cooking, and 
 this water was made by several ships kept in the harbour for the 
 purpose. The condensing machinery of one of these vessels, the 
 Edinhurgh, got out of order and could not be used for a time, so 
 that the supply of water to the force was seriously diminished. 
 The consumption of the garrison, including followers, amounted to 
 60,000 gallons of condensed water daily, and of that amount the 
 Edinburgh made about 24,000 gallons. The condensed water was 
 generally of good quality, but occasionally it was rendered very 
 nauseous in consequence of salt water and oil from the machinery 
 having by some accident got into the condensers. To add to our 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 251 
 
 troubles, the mails to and from England, which had been weekly, 
 were now despatched only once a fortnight, so that every one was 
 dissatisfied and thought the authorities at home were treating us 
 very shabbily. 
 
 In August I was granted privilege leave to England, and after 
 making over charge of my office to Brigade-Surgeon Morice, the 
 next senior officer, I left Suakin on the 13th in the lona for Suez. 
 The heat was almost unbearable during the voyage, which fortu- 
 nately lasted only four days. On landing at Suez I at once took 
 the train and went on to Alexandria, arriving there late in the 
 evening. Next morning I took my passage for London, via 
 Brindisi, and embarked on board the P. and O. steamer Tanjore in 
 the afternoon. One of my fellow passengers was General Dormer, 
 then commanding the British army in Egypt, and late commander- 
 in-chief of the Madras army. This distinguished officer met his 
 death recently in a very tragic manner, having been so seriously 
 injured by a wounded tiger which he had imprudently followed up 
 on foot that he expired shortly after. 
 
 After a prosperous voyage of three days' duration we arrived at 
 Brindisi, and I left by train at 8 p.m. I reached Calais at 7 p.m. 
 next day, crossed the Channel during the night, and arrived in 
 London early on the following morning, very happy to find myself 
 at home once more. Two days after my arrival the London Gazette 
 of August 25th, 1885, containing Lord Wolseley's despatches 
 relative to the Nile and Suakin expeditions, was published, and I 
 had the great satisfaction of finding my name in the list of officers 
 . whose services were considered deserving of special mention, and of 
 seeing my appointment as a Companion of the Military Division of 
 the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, a high distinction which 
 very few Indian medical officers are fortunate enough to obtain. 
 
 After a short stay at home with my wife and family I left 
 
^52 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 England on September 30th to return to my post at Suakin. I 
 was unable to travel via Brindisi, as the Egyptian International 
 Sanitary Board had imposed seven days quarantine on arrivals 
 from Italy, so I went round by way of the Straits of Gibraltar in 
 the P. and O. steamer Rome. A good many of the passengers 
 besides myself had to land in Egypt, and we were anxious to be 
 disembarked at Alexandria, but the captain of the Rome refused 
 our request, and on arrival at Port Said, at the entrance of the 
 Suez Canal, we had to make our own arrangements to reach the 
 railway at Ismailia. Fortunately we were able to engage a steam 
 launch for 500 francs (or about one pound each person) which took 
 our whole party as well as our baggage from Port Said to Ismailia, 
 where we arrived early in the morning. My companions all left 
 at once for Cairo by a special train they had wired for, but as I 
 was going in the opposite direction I had to wait for my train till 
 the afternoon, when I continued my journey and reached the Suez 
 Hotel in time for dinner. I found the steamer Romeo in Suez 
 docks about to start for Suakin, and took my passage by her, 
 arriving at my destination on the evening of October 19th, and 
 resuming charge of my duties on the following morning. 
 
 During my absence the British troops in garrison had been 
 reduced to about 500 men, and the greater part of the Indian 
 contingent had left Suakin, having been relieved by other native 
 regiments from Madras and Bombay. I found that the 17th 
 Bengal Native Infantry were to leave Suakin in November, and 
 that I was to return to India with them, my place as principal 
 medical officer of the Suakin garrison being taken by Brigade- 
 Surgeon lloberts, Madras Medical Service. 
 
 By this time the weather had become much cooler, and towards 
 the end of October there were several storms and heavy falls of 
 rain, by wliich the low-lying grounds in El Kaf and the vicinity of 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 25S 
 
 H Redoubt were flooded and a good deal of damage was done to 
 the walls. The climate in November was not unlike that of the 
 rainy season in India ; the maximum temperature on the maindeck 
 of the hospital ship Czarevitch was 88° and at Quarantine Island 
 94°. In the middle of the day the sun still had great power but 
 the nights were cool and pleasant. 
 
 Soon after my return we heard that our old enemy Osman 
 Digna had been slain, with a large number of his followers, in a 
 battle with the Abyssinians, but this subsequently proved to be a 
 false report. A sanguinary battle indeed took place near Kassala 
 between the Mahdist and Abyssinian forces, but Osman Digna, 
 according to his usual practice, kept well out of harm's way. 
 News also reached us of the commencement of the Burmese war^ 
 and of an expedition under General Prendergast having been 
 despatched to Mandalay. As I knew that my period of service 
 at Suakin was nearly over I volunteered for service with the 
 Burma expedition, but my application was unsuccessful. 
 
 On the 13th of November the steamer Noivshera arrived with 
 some native troops to relieve the 17th Bengal Native Infantry, 
 who were ordered to return in her to India. I made preparations 
 to return with them and made over charge of my office on the 
 15th to Brigade-Surgeon Roberts of the Madras Medical Service. 
 The following very flattering farewell order was published by 
 General Sir John Hudson, K.C.B., on this occasion, showing how 
 highly he appreciated my services and those of the medical officers 
 serving under me : — 
 
 ' Deputy Surgeon-General J. H. Thornton, C.B., having been 
 relieved of his duties as principal medical officer of the Indian 
 contingent and Suakin garrison, the brigadier-general command- 
 ing cannot allow this officer to leave his command without placing 
 on record the high estimation in which he holds Dr. Thornton's 
 
254 MEMORIES OF SEVERN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 services with the Indian contingent. His constant and anxious 
 care in watching over the sanitary condition of the garrison, and 
 all details affecting the health and comfort of the troops, has been 
 most successful, and has materially contributed to the efficiency of 
 the force. During Dr. Thornton''s absence in England his admini- 
 strative duties were most ably carried on by Brigade-Surgeon J. C. 
 Morice, whose previous services in medical charge of the general 
 hospital on board the Czarevitch^ whereon in the earlier stages of 
 the campaign a large number of wounded were treated, deserve 
 special acknowledgment. To both these officers as well as to those 
 who worked so unremittingly and zealously under them, Sir John 
 Hudson tenders his warmest thanks for the cordial support they 
 have invariably afforded him on the many occasions on which he 
 has sought their advice and assistance.' 
 
 A few remarks upon the sickness and mortality among the 
 native troops and followers during the occupation of Suakin may 
 not be out of place here. The prevailing disease was dysentery, 
 which caused more than a third of the total number of admissions 
 into hospital. It was of a very mild type and was chiefly due to 
 hard work, chills from exposure, insufficiently cooked food, and 
 climatic influences. The 17th Bengal Native Infantry suffered 
 from this complaint in larger proportion than any other regiment, 
 probably in consequence of the men not taking time enough to 
 cook their food properly. There were a considerable number of 
 admissions from fevers, chiefly ague : most of these were slight 
 cases caused by chills from exposure, but some were severe and 
 several proved fatal. There were eighty-one cases of scurvy among 
 the troops and 132 among the followers; these mostly occurred 
 in the months of August, September, and October, and were 
 doubtless due to the want of fresh vegetables, a sufficient supply of 
 which could not be procured. The 15th Sikhs suffered most from 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 255 
 
 this disease, having thirty-six cases, four of which proved fatal. 
 The tendency to scurvy was prevented, as far as possible, by the 
 issue of fresh meat, lime juice, rum, sugar, and fresh vegetables 
 when procurable, but unfortunately the latter could not be 
 obtained regularly or in sufficient quantities. There was more 
 sickness among the men of the Madras Sappers and Miners, in 
 proportion to their strength, than in any of the other corps ; this 
 was probably owing to the hard work they had to perform 
 throughout the whole period since their arrival at Suakin. The 
 total number of native soldiers treated in the field hospitals of the 
 Indian contingent during the whole period they were stationed at 
 Suakin was 2584, including 105 cases of wounds received in action, 
 and ten cases proved fatal, including two wounded cases. The 
 total number of camp followers treated during the same period was 
 1421 (including thirty wounded cases) of whom thirteen died, one 
 of them from wounds received in action. 
 
 Taking into consideration the very trying climate of the Sudan, 
 the severe duties, and the hardships and privations which both 
 troops and followers had to undergo, it is surprising that the 
 sickness and mortality were not far greater. It was a matter for 
 congratulation that, w ith the exception of those killed in action, 
 not a single commissioned officer of the Indian contingent died 
 during the campaign and the occupation that followed. This very 
 favourable result was mainly due to the promptitude with which 
 the sick officers were granted leave and sent away as soon as it 
 became evident that a change of climate was necessary for their 
 recovery. Several officers would certainly have died had they 
 been detained at Suakin during the hot season. The sick of the 
 native troops and followers also were invalided to India whenever 
 there were opportunities of sending them, and doubtless many 
 lives were thus saved. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 I return to India in the Nowshera and await orders at Allahabad — My temporary- 
 appointment to Bankura — Visit to Bishenpur — I am appointed civil surgeon of 
 Tirhoot and proceed to Mozufferpur in February 1886 — The Mozufferpur ' meet ^ 
 — I chum with an old friend — My work at Mozufferpur — Castor oil manufacture 
 in the jail — Singular case of cholera — I am promoted, and appointed to the 
 Punjab Frontier Force — My journey to Abbottabad — Description of the station 
 — Distribution of the Punjab Frontier Force — My house at Abbottabad — 
 Description of the Hazara district — I visit Thandiani — Magnificent scenery — 
 I go to Mansehra on inspection duty — Pali inscriptions there — Graeco-Bactrian 
 coins found in Hazara — Ruined bridges on Mansehra road, anecdote regarding 
 them — My visit to Ilaripur. 
 
 On the morning of November 16tli, 1885, we embarked on board the 
 Nowshera, said farewell to the general and our other friends who were 
 to remain at Suakin, and commenced our voyage to Bombay, where 
 we arrived on the 27th. After spending a few days there in the 
 transaction of official business connected with my late appointment, 
 I left by train for Allahabad, where I had been directed to await 
 orders as to my future destination and employment. I reached 
 Allahabad on December 3rd, and put up in Laurie's Hotel. After 
 some delay, in consequence of there being no vacancy among the 
 civil medical charges in Bengal, I was appointed, as a temporary 
 arrangement, to the civil station of Bankura in Lower Bengal, and 
 left Allahabad by train on December 24th, arriving at Kanee- 
 gunge next day. There I had to leave the train and continue my 
 journey to Bankura by mail cart, which was to start at midnight, 
 so I spent a dull and cheerless Christmas at the hotel. Early on 
 the following morning I arrived at Bankura and put up for a day 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 257 
 
 or two with the district magistrate, Mr. Tayler, and his family, 
 who received me with the greatest kindness and hospitality. The 
 station was a small one, and there was not a house to be had, so, 
 knowing that in all probability I should be there only a few weeks, 
 I took a room in the circuit house. 
 
 In the last century, and in the early part of the present century, 
 Bankura was a military cantonment, and troops were required there 
 to protect Lower Bengal from incursions of the Mahratta cavalry, 
 the bands of freebooters called Pindaris, and the wild tribes (Santals, 
 Kols, etc.) inhabiting the neighbouring hills. The troops were re- 
 moved many years ago, and the only traces of their presence 
 remaining at the time of my visit were a few small masonry build- 
 ings in which the soldiers had kept their arms, a cemetery con- 
 taining the tombs of various officers, and the house occupied by 
 Mr. Tayler and his family which had been the officers' mess. My 
 duties at Bankura were similar to those I had previously discharged 
 at Arrah and Monghyr, but considerably lighter, as there was 
 very little private practice. The country was undulating, and the 
 station was situated on rising ground at an elevation of more than 
 1000 feet above the sea. The soil was of a reddish colour, being 
 largely composed of laterite. The native town was of small size 
 and not remarkable in any respect. I visited two branch dis- 
 pensaries in the district ; one of these was at Bishenpur, some 
 miles away to the south on the Midnapur Road. At this place I 
 saw some very ancient and curious temples built of blocks of 
 laterite, and I noticed several rusty old cannon lying on the 
 ground, which, I was informed, had formerly been used agamst the 
 roving bands of Mahratta and Pindari horsemen, who used to go 
 all over India in past times on plundering expeditions. 
 
 In February I was appointed civil surgeon of Tirhoot, and I 
 quitted Bankura on the 9th, arriving at Raneegunge in the after- 
 
258 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 noon. There I got the train in the evening and arrived at 
 Mozufferpur, the chief station of Tirhoot, on the afternoon of the 
 following day. Mozufferpur is a large and important station, and 
 may be styled the capital of the indigo districts of Behar. The 
 native city is extensive and populous, and there are a great many 
 European residents, consisting of government officials, railway em- 
 ployes, indigo planters, barristers, and others, whose houses are 
 widely scattered round about the city. At the time of my 
 arrival the Mozufferpur ' meet,' or annual gathering of Europeans 
 from the surrounding districts, was just coming to an end, but the 
 visitors had not yet departed, and their white tents were standing 
 round almost every European residence in the station. Two or 
 three hundred people, mostly indigo planters, visit Mozufferpur for 
 a week or so at this annual gathering, and have a very good time 
 of it. Races, cricket, lawn tennis, balls, and. festivities of all sorts 
 go on continually, varied sometimes by a parade of the Behar 
 Light Horse, who are usually inspected at this time every year by 
 the general commanding the Allahabad division of the Bengal 
 army. 
 
 At the time of my arrival it was difficult to get a house, and 
 rents were very high. For a short time I lived in a tent, and then 
 I was very kindly invited by an old friend, Mr. Irvine, district 
 superintendent of police, to chum with him. I gladly accepted his 
 proposal, and lived with him during the remainder of my residence 
 at Mozufferpur. Had it not been for his kindness, which I here 
 gratefully acknowledge, I should very likely have been compelled 
 to spend the hot season of 1886 in a tent, which would not have 
 conduced either to my health or my comfort. 
 
 I was well occupied during my stay at Mozufferpur, and 
 although there were two other medical men besides myself, one 
 attending the plantei^ and the other the railway establishments. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 259 
 
 yet there was work for all three of us. I had charge (executive as 
 well as medical) of a large jail which required much supervision. 
 The prisoners were chiefly employed in the manufacture of castor 
 oil, which was sold in large quantities to the railways and to the 
 diiFerent indigo factories for use in the machinery. The oil was 
 extracted from the castor seeds by iron roller presses worked by the 
 prisoners with long handspikes, and the labour required for this 
 work was very severe. I also had to superintend a large dispensary 
 in the station, and to visit several branch dispensaries in different 
 parts of the district, in addition to my work as police surgeon, 
 and a fair amount of private practice among Europeans and natives 
 in the station and district. 
 
 During my stay at Mozufferpur a curious case occurred which 
 appeared to me to throw considerable doubt upon Roche's ' comma 
 bacillus' theory of cholera. A female prisoner, who had been 
 several months in jail, was suddenly attacked at night with illness 
 which appeared to be cholera, all the characteristic symptoms of 
 that disease being unmistakably present. No other case occurred in 
 the jail, and there was no cholera at the time, so far as I could 
 ascertain, among the population of the district. I made a very 
 close inquiry into all the circumstances of this case, but could find 
 out nothing of any consequence except the fact that the woman 
 had eaten a quantity of food which the other female prisoners had 
 left unconsumed. When I saw her first the patient was in a state 
 of profound collapse, all the usual symptoms of cholera were pre- 
 sent, and any one familiar with that disease, on seeing the case, 
 would at once have pronounced it to be a case of cholera. Those 
 who believe in Koch's view would, I suppose, deny this, but in that 
 case they would be bound to state what this woman's illness was, 
 and to call it * cholera nostras ' would, in my opinion, be a mere 
 evasion of the difficulty. I have seen some other cases of a similar 
 
260 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 kind at different times during my residence in India, but this was 
 the most striking, and the impression it left on my mind was that 
 we have not yet got to the bottom of the question of the nature 
 and causation of cholera. 
 
 At the end of July I received a telegram from the head of my 
 department informing me that I was to be promoted immediately 
 to the administrative grade, and a day or two after my promotion 
 to the rank of deputy surgeon-general was announced in the 
 Gazette of India. Very shortly I received orders to make over 
 charge of my duties at Mozufferpur and to proceed at once to 
 Abbottabad, in the Punjab, as principal medical officer of the 
 Punjab Frontier Force. Accordingly, after winding up my affairs 
 at Mozufferpur (which did not take me long), I started by train on 
 August 7th. On the following day I reached Arrah, and broke 
 the journey there in order to spend a day with an old friend. 
 Then I resumed my travelling, and after a railway journey of three 
 days and two nights I arrived at Hassan Abdal about midnight, 
 and found a special tonga in readiness to take me up to Abbott- 
 abad, which was forty-two miles distant. 
 
 This conveyance was a heavy two -wheeled cart drawn by two 
 ponies ; it was fitted with an awning, and was capable of carrying 
 three passengers in addition to the driver. These tongas are used 
 on most of the hill roads in the north of India; they are very 
 strongly and solidly built, as they have to stand much rough usage 
 and many violent shocks from the boulders in the beds of unbridged 
 streams through which the tongas are driven at a sharp trot or 
 sometimes even at a gallop. My tonga brought me to Abbottabad 
 early in the morning, after a journey of about six hours. The 
 road ran through a broad valley for some thirty-five miles, and 
 was very good in most parts, but two unbridged rivers and a 
 number of smaller streams had to be crossed, and the jolting there 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 261 
 
 was dreadful while the heavy tonga was being dragged over the 
 stones and boulders, some of which seemed large enough to upset 
 it. After the last river (the Dor) had been crossed, the road 
 entered a narrow pass between two mountains with very steep 
 sides, and ascended the pass by a series of zigzags and bends which 
 presently brought me in sight of the station lying embosomed in 
 trees in a beautiful valley, bounded towards the north by mountain 
 ranges exceeding 8000 feet in height. 
 
 This valley is about 4000 feet above the sea at its lowest part ; 
 it is bounded on the east by Siriban, an isolated mountain rising 
 very abruptly to a 
 height of about 6000 
 feet, and on the west 
 by ranges of hills cul- 
 minating in Habiba, 
 a rounded summit 
 about 5700 feet in 
 elevation. The ground 
 rises gradually from 
 the base of Siriban 
 towards the west, and 
 
 on this slope are situated the native town (which is of small size), 
 the courts of justice, the jail, dispensary, and district school, the 
 houses of the European residents, the barracks and hospitals of 
 the troops, and the church, which stands nearly in the centre of the 
 station. Excellent driving roads have been carried through and 
 around the station in various directions, and are always kept in 
 good order. 
 
 Abbottabad, so named after Major Abbott, the first British 
 administrator of the district of Hazara, was occupied about forty 
 years ago, the site having been selected by the late Sir Herbert 
 
 VIEW FROM MY GARDEN, ABBOTTABAD 
 
262 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Edwardes, who succeeded Abbott as chief civil officer of Hazara. 
 As time went on many houses were built and great numbers of 
 trees were planted round them, as well as along the roads and in 
 all the open spaces. These have long since grown up and make 
 the station very shady and pleasant. The houses are mostly built 
 of stone, and are very pretty and picturesque ; indeed they are 
 much more like English villas than Indian bungalows. Most of 
 them are surrounded by a variety of beautiful trees, such as pine, 
 oak, walnut, chestnut, and cypress trees, Himalayan cedars (deodar), 
 
 Australian gum 
 trees, and others, 
 while their veran- 
 dahs are covered by 
 a profusion of climb- 
 ing roses, gerani- 
 ums, passion flower, 
 honeysuckle, etc., 
 and their gardens 
 contain lovely roses 
 and other flowers 
 too numerous to 
 mention. From a little distance the station of Abbottabad, with 
 its abundant foliage crowned by the spire of the church, much 
 resembles in appearance some small country town in England. The 
 barracks of the troops are situated to the north of the station, on 
 each side of the main road passing through it, and just below them 
 is a large open space used for parades and drills, as well as for 
 polo, cricket, football, and golf 
 
 As soon as possible after my arrival I took over charge of my 
 duties from the officer who had preceded me in the post. My 
 appointment was purely administrative, that is to say I had to 
 
 MY FIRST RESIDENCE AT ABBOTTABAD 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 263 
 
 superintend the medical officers and hospitals of the Punjab 
 Frontier Force, a division of about 14,000 native troops disposed 
 along the north-west frontier of India, from Kashmir in the north 
 to Sindh in the south, and in addition I had to supervise the civil 
 medical arrangements at the different stations occupied by the 
 troops. These stations were Abbottabad, the headquarters of 
 the force, where the general commanding and his staff officers 
 resided ; Murdan in Yusufzai, occupied by the Queen'^s Own Corps 
 of Guides ; Kohat, close to the Afridi Hills, held by the largest 
 garrison of the force; Bunnoo or Edwardesabad, situated in a 
 fertile valley, where peace and order were first established by 
 Edwardes in 1846 ; Dera Ismail Khan on the Indus, opposite to 
 the Waziri Hills and the remarkable mountain called Takht-i- 
 Suleiman or Solomon'^s Throne ; Dera Ghazi Khan, further down 
 the river ; and lastly Rajanpur, not far from the frontier of Sindh. 
 The troops of the Punjab Frontier Force, consisting of twelve 
 battalions of infantry, five regiments of cavalry, four mountain 
 batteries, and one garrison battery, are disposed along the frontier 
 at these stations and at numerous outposts and forts established at 
 various points near the hills to protect our territory and to prevent 
 the raids of the hill tribes. Annual inspections of the troops and 
 establishments at the different stations and outposts are made by 
 the general officer commanding the force, and the medical and 
 sanitary arrangements are inspected annually by the deputy 
 surgeon-general of the division. 
 
 Soon after my arrival at Abbottabad I was fortunate enough 
 to secure a very pretty and comfortable house, conveniently situated 
 close to the church, and only a little way from the garrison mess 
 house. It stood in a good-sized piece of ground well stocked with 
 trees, and had a large vegetable garden, behind which were the 
 stables and coach house, and a range of servants' houses. The 
 
264 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 porch and verandahs of the house were covered with honeysuckle, 
 passion flower, and climbing roses, and the approaches were bordered 
 by hedges of white and yellow roses, 5 or 6 feet high, which in 
 April were covered with hundreds of blossoms making a splendid 
 show. In front of the house were two magnificent cypress trees, 
 and all around were pines, gum trees, walnut and chestnut trees, and 
 the ' chenar '' or Kashmir sycamore. I was so well pleased with this 
 residence that I rented it until I finally left Abbottabad in 1891. 
 
 The district of Hazara is a mountainous tract of country 
 between Kashmir and the River Indus, inhabited by a Mohammedan 
 population. The central and southern parts contain some exten- 
 sive valleys, but the country becomes more and more mountainous 
 and rugged towards the north and east. The northern extremity 
 of Hazara is the Khagan Valley, a narrow gorge between lofty 
 mountains extending along the west and north of Kashmir for 
 about 100 miles. In winter this valley is quite impassable from 
 snow. The River Indus forms the. western boundary of Hazara for 
 some distance, but a little north of Derbund the boundary leaves 
 the river and follows the crest of the Black Mountain for several 
 miles, then bending towards the east and meeting the Khagan 
 Valley near Balakot. This district is full of splendid mountain 
 scenery, several summits, near Abbottabad, exceeding 8000 feet m 
 height, and one mountain, Miajani, almost reaching 10,000 feet. 
 In Khagan there are many mountains of 14,000 and 15,000 feet, 
 and one falling little short of 18,000, so that persons fond of moun- 
 taineering had ample opportunities of gratifying their taste in that 
 direction. I devoted as much time as I could spare from my 
 official duties to exploring the country around Abbottabad, and 
 there were few hills in the neighbourhood that I had not ascended 
 when I finally left the country. 
 
 Soon after my arrival I paid a visit to a friend who was 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 265 
 
 spending a short period of leave at Thandiani, a charming little 
 station situated at an elevation of nearly 9000 feet on the lofty 
 range to the north of Abbottabad. At this spot are about a 
 dozen houses, which are generally full in the summer months, but 
 unoccupied in winter, when the place is buried under many feet of 
 snow. Starting after breakfast, I rode for three miles along the 
 Murree Road, a shady avenue of willow, mulberry, and other trees. 
 Beyond the third milestone I left the road, and passing a large 
 village, I crossed a hill stream, and began to ascend a steep ridge 
 by a path which curled round the spurs and zigzagged up the 
 steep places. On reaching the top of this ridge I saw Thandiani a 
 good way above me on the other side of a wooded gorge into 
 which the path I was following now descended. Through this 
 gorge ran a brawling hill stream called the Kala Panee (Black- 
 water), strongly reminding me of the scenery in the Khasia Hills. 
 The road went down the hill obliquely for several miles to the 
 river, which it crossed by a substantial bridge. On the other side 
 was the dak bungalow, or travellers'* rest house, where travellers 
 could obtain accommodation and refreshment if required. From 
 this point the road ascended the steep forest-clad side of the 
 mountain by a series of zigzags for six or seven miles, and brought 
 me about dusk to the top of the ridge, when, a little further on, I 
 reached my friend's house and received a hearty welcome. 
 
 Early next morning I got up and enjoyed a truly magnificent 
 view of the snow-clad mountains which surrounded us on three 
 sides. From the south-east to the north-west extended an almost 
 uninterrupted succession of snowy peaks, many of which exceeded 
 20,000 feet in elevation. To the east, south-east, and north-east 
 were the mountains of Kashmir, one of which called Nanga Purbut, 
 or the naked mountain, is nearly 27,000 feet high. The south 
 side of this mountain is a sheer precipice for 10,000 feet, so that 
 
266 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 snow cannot lie on it, whence the name. To the north were the 
 mountains of Khagan, Chilas, and the Swat country, and to the 
 north-west and west could be seen the mountains of Bajaur, 
 Kafiristan, and Afghanistan. I doubt if a more extensive and 
 magnificent panorama of mountain scenery is to be found in any 
 other part of the world. 
 
 The ridge on which the little station is situated consists of 
 limestone and is several miles in length but very narrow at the 
 summit, where it becomes, in some places, a veritable knife edge 
 only a few inches wide. The houses, which are mostly built of 
 wood, are scattered along the summit of the ridge wherever space 
 could be found for them. The tiny church, the bazaar, the post- 
 office, and the travellers' rest house are at the very edge of an 
 abrupt and precipitous declivity which forms the eastern face of 
 the mountain. The whole extent of the ridge, a few bare spots 
 excepted, is clothed with a magnificent forest of pine, deodar, 
 chestnut, oak, holly, and other trees, among which the climbing 
 white and pink rose, clematis, honeysuckle, ivy, etc., are frequently 
 seen, and the white peony, violets, primroses, and other wild 
 flowers abound everywhere throughout the forest. There is an 
 excellent walking and riding road through the forest from the 
 Kala Panee dak bungalow to the summit of the ridge, and similar 
 roads have been carried through and around the station in different 
 directions, so that a great many beautiful walks and rides may be 
 taken and an infinite variety of lovely and magnificent scenery may 
 be enjoyed. 
 
 Towards the east the ridge of Thandiani sinks very abruptly 
 into an immense ravine, beyond which is a similar but loftier 
 mountain called Miajani. To the south are seen the wooded hills 
 known as the ' Gullies,' and beyond them the forest-clad ridge of 
 Murree, thickly dotted with houses. A few miles off to the south- 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 267 
 
 west are the valley and station of Abbottabad, and the lower hills 
 immediately surrounding them, while to the west rises a precipitous 
 ridge nearly as high as Thandiani and connected with it by a spur 
 a few hundred feet lower. The mountains and vales of Kashmir 
 are seen towards the east, and due north stretches the deep valley 
 of the Kunhar River, descending from the mountains of Khagan. 
 In a north-westerly direction is the extensive Pakli Plain, full of 
 rice fields, and beyond it are the Susal Pass, the Oghi Valley, and 
 the Black Mountain, the theatre of several frontier campaigns 
 since our occupation of Hazara. 
 
 After spending a few days very pleasantly at this charming 
 spot, I returned to Abbottabad. My duties included the inspec- 
 tion of the civil dispensaries in the various districts occupied by 
 the Punjab Frontier Force, and I took an early opportunity of 
 visiting the dispensary at Mansehra, a town about sixteen miles 
 north of Abbottabad. The medical officer in charge of the civil 
 medical duties of the district accompanied me, and we travelled in 
 a light cart drawn by a pair of mules. For several miles the road 
 was excellent and almost level, as it traversed a plain extending 
 northward from Abbottabad. Then it skirted the foot hills of the 
 Thandiani ranges, crossed three ravines, wound in and out among 
 some low hills, and then ran down a long descent to the town of 
 Mansehra, which stands on an eminence overlooking the Pakli 
 plain. 
 
 When I had finished my inspection of the dispensary we 
 breakfasted at the travellers' rest house, and then walked about 
 the town, which is of some size and was, in ancient times, a place 
 of considerable importance, being on the way to Kashmir. Close to 
 it is a small hill covered with large granite boulders, several of 
 which bear Pali inscriptions, which have been ascertained to be 
 portions of the edicts of Asoka, a great Buddhist sovereign who 
 
268 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 reigned about 250 b.c, and whose dominion extended over the 
 greater part of India. Coins of the Graeco-Bactrian kings (suc- 
 cessors of Alexander the Great), and of the Indo-Scythian kings 
 who followed them, are often found in Hazara and in other parts 
 of the Punjab by the natives, while digging wells or cultivating 
 their fields, and may occasionally be got from the moneylenders 
 or grain dealers, into whose possession they are pretty sure to pass 
 soon after their discovery. During my stay at Abbottabad I 
 picked up a considerable number of these old coins by inquiring 
 for them in remote villages and purchasing them from the villagers. 
 Among the coins thus obtained were some fine specimens of the 
 coinage of the Graeco-Bactrian kings, Apollodotus, Antimachus, 
 Menander, Hermaeus, etc., and of the Indo-Scythian kings, Azes, 
 Gondophares, Kadphises, and others; also coins of the Hindu 
 sovereigns of Kabul and Kashmir, of the early Mohammedan 
 invaders of India (in particular Mahmud of Ghazni) and of the 
 later Mohammedan sovereigns down to our own time. Coin collect- 
 ing, however, is a risky amusement, as the scarcer and more 
 valuable coins are now extensively forged at Rawal Pindi, and an 
 inexperienced and unwary purchaser is sure to be taken in. 
 
 On the road to Mansehra I noticed the ruins of several bridges 
 in the ravines we crossed, and my companion related the following 
 anecdote about them. These bridges, he said, had been built 
 many years before by the district engineer, but as he had not made 
 sufficient allowance for the force of the hill torrents, his bridges 
 were soon carried away, leaving some ruins which have remained 
 up to the present time. Vears passed, and the officer responsible 
 for this blunder had long left the district and had become the 
 superintending engineer of the circle, when he received a report 
 from the officer then occupying his old post to the effect that he 
 had discovered some interesting Buddhist remains on the Kashmir 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 269 
 
 Road. He was asked to describe them, and when he had done so it 
 became evident that he had mistaken the ruins of his predecessor''s 
 bridges for Buddhist remains ! The feelings of the superintending 
 engineer, when this became clear to him, may be readily imagined. 
 Early in October I visited another dispensary in the Hazara 
 district at Haripur, a considerable town about half way between 
 Abbottabad and Hassan Abdal. During the period of Sikh 
 domination the governor of Hazara resided at Haripur and used 
 to go round the country with a strong body of Sikh cavalry to 
 collect the revenue. The town of Haripur is buried among trees 
 and gardens and has many streams of water flowing through it. 
 The broad valley around is highly cultivated, and the people seem 
 prosperous and contented, which they certainly were not under the 
 rule of the Sikhs, who, like most Orientals, were hard and rather 
 tyrannical masters. A considerable body of Sikh troops was 
 stationed at this place, and when the Sikh army revolted in 1848 
 the troops at Haripur naturally followed suit. An Italian officer 
 who commanded the Sikh artillery was killed in the attempt to 
 defend his guns, and there is a monument to his memory by the 
 roadside at the spot where he fell, not far from the Haripur dak 
 bungalow. The British administrator, Major Abbott, was unable 
 to resist the revolted troops, but he succeeded, by the assistance of 
 the Mohammedan population of the district, in maintaining himself 
 in the neighbouring hills until the revolt was finally crushed by 
 the crowning victory of Goojerat m 1849. 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 
 Severity of the winter at Abbottabad — I start on my tour of inspection — Murdan — 
 Abazai — The Swat Canal — We shoot the rapids of the Swat River — Our trip to 
 Takht-i-Bahi — Discovery of sculptures in Swat and Yusufzai — I visit Peshawur 
 and Attock — My journey to Kohat — The station and its surroundings — The 
 water supply of Kohat — The Fort of Mahomedzai — Disaster near it in 1868 
 • — I go on to Edwardesabad, halting for the night at Banda and at the fort of 
 Bahadur Kheyl — Description of Edwardesabad and the valley of Bunnoo — 
 Pacification of the district by Sir Herbert Edwardes— I proceed to Dera Ismail 
 Khan — The station described — ^Jubilee celebration there. 
 
 In November the weather at Abbottabad became rather wintry, 
 and snow fell on Thandiani and the higher ranges. We found it 
 necessary to have fires in our houses, and every one put on winter 
 clothing. In December it became much colder, and in the begin- 
 ning of January 1887 a good deal of snow fell at Abbottabad, 
 while the surrounding mountains were thickly covered. I now 
 made preparations for my tour of inspection along the frontier and 
 started by tonga pn the 15th of January. Travelling was not 
 pleasant, as the snow was melting and the road in a very bad state. 
 In crossing one of the unbridged streams the ponies could hardly 
 drag the heavy tonga up the steep ascent, and for a few moments 
 I thought we should roll back into the water. On arriving at the 
 railway station at Hassan Abdal I had to wait several hours for 
 the train, so that it was 5 a.m. by the time I reached Nowshera, a 
 small military station between Attock and Peshawur. There I 
 left the train, and after an hour''s delay I got a seat in the mail 
 tonga going to Murdan, the first station I had arranged to visit. 
 The road crossed the Kabul River by a bridge of boats very soon 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 271 
 
 after leaving Nowshera; it was then carried through a chain of 
 low hills, from which a fine description of marble has since been 
 excavated, and for the rest of the distance it ran northward to 
 Murdan through a level plain where few trees and little cultivation 
 were to be seen. 
 
 Murdan is permanently occupied by the Queen''s Own Corps 
 of Guides, a distinguished native regiment nearly 1500 strong, 
 of which H.R.H. the Prince of Wales is honorary colonel. This 
 station is situated in the extensive plain of Yusufeai (literally the 
 place of Yusuf or Joseph) which is bounded by the river Indus to 
 the east, the mountains of Buner and Swat to the north, and 
 those of Afghanistan to the west. When this position was first 
 taken up, a mud fort was built for the protection of the garrison, 
 but as years passed away, new barracks, houses, and other buildings 
 were erected around the fort, and now by far the larger part of the 
 station is outside the fortifications. I remained several days at 
 Murdan engaged in the medical inspection of .the regiment, its 
 barracks, hospital, etc., and the civil dispensary, which was well 
 managed and largely attended. I also had to preside at the 
 annual invaliding committee appointed for the examination of all 
 soldiers reported by the regimental authorities to be unfit for 
 further service owing to disease or injuries. 
 
 Having finished my work at the station, I proceeded, in 
 company with the medical officer of the Guides, to visit a detach- 
 ment of the corps stationed at Abazai, about thirty miles from 
 Murdan and close to the hills of Swat. We drove out in a light 
 cart drawn by a pair of mules, taking our revolvers, as the road 
 was not always safe and there was a standing order forbidding 
 any one to go there unarmed. The road ran in a north-westerly 
 direction passing a rugged chain of hills on which are the ruins of 
 an ancient Buddhist monastery known as Takht-i-Bahi. Then 
 
272 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the road followed the Swat Canal for some miles, and at length it 
 brought us into the fort of Abazai, which is on the Swat River 
 and only a mile or two from the hills. At the time of my visit 
 the fort contained the barracks and hospital of the detachment of 
 troops, quarters for their officers, and a bungalow for the canal 
 engineer, who resided there. 
 
 Here I must explain that the government, at considerable cost, 
 had constructed a canal for irrigation, the water being taken from 
 the Swat River just where it issues from the hills. The canal was 
 carried through the plain to Murdan and for some distance beyond. 
 Channels from this canal were constructed in different directions 
 through the plain, and the irrigation has already gone far towards 
 transforming it from a barren waste into a fertile and well-culti- 
 vated tract of country. It was hoped not only to fertilise an exten- 
 sive and previously barren district, but to induce the people of the 
 Swat and Buner Hills to come down and settle in the plain and to 
 give up their turbulent and predatory habits. So great a change, 
 however, could only be expected to come about very gradually. 
 
 I inspected the barracks and hospital in the fort, and after 
 breakfast we walked up to the head of the canal where the water 
 of the Swat River enters it. This point was strongly fortified by 
 massive masonry walls and towers, and not far off stood a strong 
 fortress built to keep the hill tribes in check. These defences were 
 garrisoned by the border militia, and the fort of Abazai, less than 
 two miles off, served as a support. Just beyond this point the 
 Swat River issues from the hills ; it is a fine, clear, rushing stream 
 about 150 yards wide, with rapids in many places. Our territory 
 ends here, and beyond rise the rugged hills of Swat, range after 
 range, with snow-clad peaks appearing in the distance. 
 
 After seeing all that was to be seen we went down to the river 
 bank and embarked on a raft supported by inflated mussucks 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 273 
 
 (water skins) for our return to Fort Abazai. . We soon got into 
 the first rapid, and our raft was whirled round and tossed about 
 in the most exciting way. This was followed by some smooth 
 water and then came another rapid, and so on till we had shot 
 several of them, and presently found ourselves floating in calm 
 water abreast of the fort. We returned to Murdan on the follow- 
 ing day, and then visited the interesting ruins of Takht-i-Bahi pre- 
 viously mentioned. These are supposed to be the remains of a 
 large Buddhist monastery founded more than 2000 years ago; 
 they are extensive and cover a considerable portion of the hill on 
 which they stand. When first discovered these ruins were in 
 better preservation than at present, and they contained many 
 curiously carved statues and sculptures of various kinds, but these 
 have mostly been removed to different museums, and the whole 
 place has been dug up in quest of antiquities, so that now there is 
 nothing to be seen but ruined walls, excavations, and heaps of 
 debris, among which some broken fragments of sculptures or 
 statues may sometimes be found. 
 
 In the mess house of the Guides at Murdan there are several 
 very fine statues, which I believe were dug up in some other part 
 of the district; they are nearly perfect and show unmistakable 
 traces of Greek art. A great number of statues and sculptures of 
 various kinds, mostly executed in a dark slaty stone, have been 
 discovered in different parts of Yusufzai, and have been sent to the 
 museums in India and elsewhere, but unfortunately most of them 
 were damaged owing to the iconoclastic zeal of the Mohammedans, 
 who defaced them under the impression that they must be idols. 
 An officer of the Guides showed me some beautiful and well-pre- 
 served sculptures which had been brought to him from the Swat 
 country, but unluckily the man he employed was ultimately 
 detected by the people of the country, who smashed the sculptures 
 
274 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 he carried, and threatened to kill him if he took away any 
 more. 
 
 On leaving Murdan I drove to the railway station at Nowshera, 
 hoping to catch the afternoon train to Peshawur, where I had to 
 inspect the civil dispensary, but I only arrived in time to see the 
 train steaming out of the station. Having to wait till the follow- 
 ing morning for the next train, I visited my old Suakin friends, 
 the 15th Sikhs, who were in garrison at Nowshera, and spent a 
 pleasant evening with them. Early in the morning I got the 
 train, and arrived at Peshawur in time for breakfast. After 
 inspecting the dispensary, which was well attended and admirably 
 managed, I walked through the principal streets of the town, a 
 large and populous place containing more than 80,000 inhabi- 
 tants. Peshawur is a kind of trade emporium for Central Asia, 
 and it is visited by people from all parts. Persians, Afghans, 
 hillmen of various clans, traders from the central Asian states, from 
 Yarkand, Kashgar, and Kashmir, and people from most parts of 
 India throng the streets, and the shops exhibit all manner of 
 wares, the productions of these different countries. 
 
 During the rule of the Sikhs, and in the early period of British 
 government, Peshawur was a very unsafe place of residence for any 
 European, and several assassinations occurred, notably that of 
 Colonel Mackeson, the commissioner of the division, who was 
 fatally stabbed in his own court in 1853 by a Mohammedan 
 fanatic, who approached him under the pretence of delivering a 
 petition. Until a comparatively recent period it was unsafe for 
 any European to go about the streets of the city, and the canton- 
 ment of the garrison and the officers'* houses were guarded as. 
 though they had been in an enemy's country. Thefts of arms, 
 horses, and other property were frequent, and even now they some- 
 times occur in spite of all precautions. Nevertheless the state of 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 275 
 
 things at Peshawur has considerably improved, and the European 
 traveller may now go about th^ city in security, without fearing 
 that at any momejit some Mohammedan fanatic may stab him ' for 
 the love of God,"* as would have been very likely to happen thirty 
 or forty years ago. 
 
 In the afternoon I again took the train for Attock, where I 
 had to inspect another dispensary. After traversing the plain of 
 Yusufzai and passing Nowshera the train entered the hills near 
 Attock, and went through a tunnel and some deep cuttings before 
 reaching the Indus, which was crossed by a fine iron bridge pro- 
 tected against the rush of the river by massive stone piers built in 
 front of the iron work and intended to serve as breakwaters. 
 The scenery at this point is very striking. The Indus, reinforced 
 by the Kabul River, which falls into it a little higher up, is confined, 
 on entering the hills at Attock, in a rather narrow channel with 
 high rocky banks, and rushes down with great velocity. On either 
 side is a succession of bare rugged hills, and the town and fortress 
 of Attock are seen on the eastern bank nearly opposite to the point 
 of junction of the Kabul River and the Indus. 
 
 The fortress of Attock was built in the sixteenth century by 
 the great Mogul Emperor Akbar, and at that time it would no 
 doubt have proved an effectual barrier against any enemy attempt- 
 ing to cross the Indus at that point. But it is commanded by 
 higher hills on both sides of the river, and it could offer little 
 resistance in these days to a well-appointed army. The gates still 
 retain the iron spikes with which they were studded as a protec- 
 tion against the butting of war elephants, and the whole place 
 bears an appearance of considerable antiquity. Some twenty or 
 thirty years ago a tunnel was carried under the Indus at Attock 
 with the object of keeping open communications at all seasons, as 
 the bridge of boats, which was then used for this purpose, was 
 
276 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 frequently carried away. The tunnel was completed, but it proved 
 useless, as owing to the nature of the rock, the water of the river 
 could not be excluded, and the tunnel was at last completely 
 flooded by it. 
 
 On leaving Attock I travelled by train to Rawal Pindi, passing 
 through a chain of hills on which stands an obelisk erected in 
 memory of General John Nicholson, who was killed at the storming 
 of Delhi in 1857. Rawal Pindi is an important military station 
 between Lahore and Peshawur ; it is the headquarters of a division 
 of the army and contains one of the largest garrisons in India. I 
 had no official business there, and merely stayed a day on my way 
 to Kohat. Leaving Rawal Pindi in the morning I proceeded by 
 train along a branch line of railway to Khushalgarh, a place on the 
 Indus some way below Attock. There the railway ended, and I 
 continued my journey by tonga, descending into the rocky gorge 
 of the Indus and crossing that river by a bridge of boats. Then 
 we rattled on along an excellent road through a wild and jungly 
 country till we approached a range of hills where the road was un- 
 finished, and the work of cutting the rock, levelling inequalities of 
 ground and bridging the streams was still going on. There we 
 had to drive slowly and carefully, but in a short time we got 
 through the hills, and entered the plain of Kohat, arriving at the 
 station between four and five in the afternoon after a tonga 
 journey of thirty-two miles. 
 
 Kohat is a considerable station, having a garrison of more 
 than 3000 men, consisting of three infantry regiments, a wing 
 of cavalry, and two batteries of artillery, all belonging to the 
 Punjab Frontier Force. The barracks and hospitals of the troops, 
 the houses of the civil and military officers, the courts of justice, 
 the church, post-office and cemetery, the native town and the 
 fort, all stand close together on the plain, and are but a few miles 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 277 
 
 from the Afridi hills, through which the Kohat Pass, about 
 twenty miles in length, leads northward towards Peshawur, which 
 is about forty miles distant from Kohat. The entrance of the 
 Pass is about four miles from Kohat, and is marked by a low ridge 
 on which stands a blockhouse occupied by a few of the border 
 militia. To the west of this point the hills rise abruptly and 
 attain considerable elevation, culminating in a peak commonly 
 known as the ' Old Woman^s Nose,' and really bearing some resem- 
 blance to a human face. These hills are inhabited by the Bezoti 
 Afridis and other hill tribes, while those to the east of the pass 
 are the home of the Jowaki Afridis. These tribes have often been 
 turbulent and hostile, and several expeditions have been sent 
 against them from time to time, not always with satisfactory 
 results. 
 
 I stayed several days at Kohat, as there was a great deal of 
 inspection and invaliding work to be done there. I may here 
 mention that an annual inspection report in duplicate, comprising 
 answers to some fifty or sixty printed questions regardmg the 
 health of the troops and the sanitary condition of their barracks, 
 hospitals, etc., had to be sent in for every regiment and battery of 
 the Punjab Frontier Force, and a separate report upon the conduct 
 and qualifications of every medical officer with the force had also to 
 be forwarded. Office copies of all these reports had, of course, to 
 be kept for future reference. In addition to the military medical 
 establishments, I had to inspect and report upon the civil dispensary 
 and the police hospital, and to inquire generally into the sanitary 
 condition of the town, the quality of its water-supply, and, in short, 
 all matters affecting the health of the native population. 
 
 The Kohat water-supply is in some respects very remarkable, 
 and deserves to be noticed here. Both the town and the canton- 
 ment are supplied with water by springs which rise in the Afridi 
 
278 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 hills several miles to the north. The water is conveyed to the 
 station in natural subterranean channels in the limestone rock, and 
 it gushes out in full clear streams from various little caverns near 
 the fort of Kohat, and it is thence distributed to the town and 
 throughout the station according to requirements. These springs 
 are of the utmost importance to Kohat, the water is of excellent 
 quality, and has never been known to fail, even in very dry seasons. 
 The supply is abundant, and much of it is employed in irrigating 
 the fields and gardens in the immediate vicinity of Kohat. 
 
 Being so near the Afridi hills, Kohat has always been much 
 exposed to the raids of the hillmen. The native town is sur- 
 rounded by a wall and the gates are closed at night, but the 
 cantonment is unprotected except by pickets and sentries posted 
 at various points during the night. Robberies in the cantonment 
 frequently took place in former times, and even now they occur 
 sometimes, though the state of affairs is much improved. Just 
 before leaving Kohat I walked out to the fort of Mahomedzai, 
 about three and a half miles off, at the mouth of a pass leading 
 into the hills inhabited by the Bezoti Afridis. This fort is garri- 
 soned by about twenty men from one of the Kohat regiments, 
 under a non-commissioned officer ; they always have to be on their 
 guard, as if they had the enemy in front of them. They have a 
 beacon ready to be lighted in case of an attack by night, and a 
 large white flag to be hoisted if they are attacked in the daytime ; 
 these signals would be seen at Kohat, and assistance would be sent 
 immediately. The Sepoys pointed out to me the scene of the 
 disaster in 1868 when Captain Ruxton and many of his men were 
 slain while trying to storm an almost inaccessible position held by 
 the Bezotis. This disaster is said to have been due to a miscon- 
 ception of orders. 
 
 On the 5th of February I left Kohat in one of the regimental 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 279 
 
 mule carts and proceeded towards Bunnoo or Edwardesabad, 
 which was the next station I had to visit. For some miles the 
 road was excellent ; it ran in a southerly direction along the plairt, 
 avoiding the hills as much as possible by curving round th^ spurs, 
 and taking advantage of the valleys between them. At length 
 the road crossed some considerable spurs which could not be 
 avoided ; at these points there had been much cutting and blast- 
 ing of rocks, and work of this kind was still going on in many 
 places. In the afternoon I arrived at Banda, thirty-four miles 
 from Kohat, and put up in a comfortable rest house, inside k 
 fortified enclosure, where a party of Punjab cavalry were quartered. 
 Not far off was the road engineer'*s house, fortified in the same way. 
 
 Tlie mule cart could go no further, so next morning I con- 
 tinued my journey on horseback, accompanied by one of the 
 troopers as escort. We crossed a river soon after starting, and I 
 saw that preparations for bridging it were in progress. We then 
 ascended some bare and rugged hills beyond, and presently came 
 down into a veritable valley of desolation, where a salt stream 
 Howed sluggishly along. After following this valley for some 
 miles the road ran up the side of the hills on our left, and after 
 crossing* these hills descended into a broader valley, which at first 
 seemed as barren and desolate as the one we had already traversed. 
 As we proceeded, however, the country became less barren, a few 
 trees and patches of cultivation appeared, and at length a large 
 square stone building came in sight, which I found to be the 
 police station of Bahadur Kheyl. The fort where I was to put 
 up was a mile or so further on, and after my long and fatiguing 
 ride I was very glad to reach it and to obtain rest and refreshment. 
 
 The fort of Bahadur Kheyl is very solidly built, and is quite 
 impregnable so far as the hill tribes are concerned. It is gar- 
 risoned by a detachment of fifty men from Kohat under a native 
 
280 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 officer. Formerly cannon were mounted on the ramparts, but 
 they have been removed. I put up in the dak bungalow, which is 
 inside the fort, and found to my astonishment that even in this 
 remote place the khansama (butler) in charge had tinned soups 
 and other stores, soda water, spirits, beer, and claret for sale. I 
 went all over the fort and inspected the detachment hospital, 
 which was empty, as there were no sick. The ramparts com- 
 manded an extensive view over the broad valley, which was shut in 
 at its western end by a very curious hill called by the natives 
 'Kafir Kot,' or the InfidePs Fort. The sides of this hill are 
 precipitous and apparently inaccessible, and at a distance it presents 
 the appearance of a stupendous and impregnable fortress. 
 
 Early next morning I mounted and left Bahadur Kheyl with 
 my escort. After crossing a deep and rugged ravine we came to a 
 tunnel which had been cut in the solid rock through a range of 
 steep hills which here blocks the way. We rode through this 
 tunnel, which is about two hundred yards long, and entered a most 
 curious and interesting valley beyond, where the hills were almost 
 entirely composed of rock salt. I saw a great many men employed 
 in cutting out large blocks of the salt and loading camels and asses 
 with them. They have to pay a small tax to our Government for 
 the privilege of cutting the salt. On emerging from this valley we 
 found a stretch of fairly level country, and then we came to a tre- 
 mendous gorge into which the road descended by many zig-zags. A 
 great deal of blasting and cutting was going on still, and we found 
 the frequent explosions rather trying to the nerves of our horses. 
 
 After following this gorge for several miles the road left it and 
 passed over a fairly level country to a place called Letemma, where 
 I found a mule cart which had been sent from Bunnoo to bring me 
 in. Between Bahadur Kheyl and Letemma the road passes close 
 to the border and used to be very unsafe. About thirty years ago 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 281 
 
 a sick officer going away on leave was attacked by the hillmen 
 and murdered not far from Letemma. He had an escort of police, 
 but they fled and left him to his fate. Thanks to the excellence 
 of the mules, I took little more than two hours in driving from 
 Letemma to Bunnoo, a distance of about twenty miles. Just 
 before reaching the station we crossed the Koorum River, which 
 comes down the valley of that name from the Afghan mountains. 
 There was very little water in the river, so that we drove through 
 it quite easily, but in the rainy season it becomes an impassable 
 flood a mile or so broad. A splendid bridge has since then been 
 constructed across this river, so that communication is now unin- 
 terrupted. 
 
 On reaching Bunnoo I went to the fort and put up with the 
 senior medical officer of the garrison. The fort was built by Sir 
 Herbert Edwardes, the first British administrator of the Bunnoo 
 district. It is like the fort at Kohat, but considerably larger, so 
 that both the infantry regiments of the garrison are quartered in 
 it, and it also contains their hospitals and the residences of some 
 of the officers. The cavalry and artillery lines and hospitals, the 
 court house, post-office, etc., and the residences of most of the 
 officers, civil and military, are outside the fort and to the west of 
 it, while the native town of Bunnoo is to the east. There are 
 some very pretty public gardens containing within their enclosure 
 the church, the public library, and the lawn tennis courts of the 
 station. As at the other stations on the Punjab frontier there is 
 a gari'ison mess, where all the unmarried officers take their meals. 
 The married ones generally dine at the mess on guest nights, once 
 a week. 
 
 The country around Edwardesabad (as the station was called 
 after its founder) is highly cultivated and well irrigated by 
 channels from the Koorum River. The mountains inhabited by 
 
282 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the WazirivS are only a few miles distant, and raids by these wild 
 hillmen sometimes occur. To the east lie the hills of the 
 Khuttucks, and to the south the low range of hills culminating 
 in Shaikh Budin, about 4000 feet high, on the summit of which 
 , is a little station which serves as a most useful sanitarium for the 
 inhabitants of these frontier stations. It has been the means of 
 saving many lives which would certainly have been lost had there 
 been no escape from the terrible hot weather in these burning 
 plains. 
 
 ■ Previous to the establishment of British rule the extensive 
 plain of Bunnoo was full of forts, and was in a state of perpetual 
 civil war. This miserable state of things had continued from time 
 immemorial in spite of the efforts of successive governors (Mogul 
 and Sikh) to reduce the turbulent population, but it was at length 
 terminated by the extraordinary ability, tact, and patience of Sir 
 Herbert Edwardes, the first British administrator of this district. 
 Without the employment of force, and simply by his own personal 
 influence and noble character, he at last succeeded in getting the 
 people of Bunnoo to demolish their forts and to give up fighting 
 among themselves. How he accomplished this apparent miracle 
 is fully described in his most interesting work, entitled, A Year on 
 the Punjab Frontier, a book that deserves to be attentively studied 
 by every Indian administrator. 
 
 The garrison of Edwardesabad was considerably smaller than 
 that of Kohat, so I got my inspection and invaliding work over in 
 a shorter time, and after inspecting the civil dispensary, the police 
 hospital, and the native town, I was ready to resume my journey, 
 I started by a special tonga on February 12th, taking my servant 
 and baggage with me. For the first fifteen miles the road was 
 good, but further on the country became poor and sandy, and the 
 road in many places was very heavy. Towards evening we drew 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 283 
 
 near the hill of Shaikh Budin and entered the low chain of hills 
 connecting it with the Waziri mountains. A great deal of 
 blasting and rock cutting had been done in carrying the road 
 through these hills. Immediately after getting through the hills 
 we reached the dak bungalow at Peyzu, fifty-two miles from 
 Edwardesabad, and halted there for the night. Early next 
 morning we loaded the tonga and resumed our journey to Dera 
 Ismail Khan. The road was very bad and our progress was slow, 
 so that we did not get over the remaining thirty-seven miles before 
 2.30 p.m. 
 
 Dera Ismail Khan has a larger garrison and is altogether a 
 more important place than Edwardesabad, being the headquarters 
 of the commissioner (chief civil officer) of the Derajat division. 
 The station is well wooded, and the houses of the residents are 
 pleasantly situated in large enclosures, many of them having very 
 pretty gardens, thanks to the irrigation channels which convey 
 water from the Luni River. A considerable native town adjoins 
 the cantonment, and both are surrounded by a beautiful circular 
 road, planted on each side with fine trees forming a shady avenue. 
 The roads through the station and its vicinity are excellent and 
 well kept, and there are some pretty public gardens. At a short 
 distance from the station stands a fort of considerable size con- 
 taining European barracks, in which a detachment of British 
 troops used to be quartered. They were withdrawn some years 
 ago owing to the unhealthiness of the fort, and since then it has 
 had no regular garrison. 
 
 The town and station of Dera Ismail Khan are situated on the 
 extensive plain of the Derajat, a little to the west of the Indus 
 and some forty miles or so from the Suleiman mountains, which 
 are seen stretching north and south in an unbroken chain, cul- 
 minating in the remarkable mountain called ' Takht-i-Suleiman,' 
 
284 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 or Solomon's Throne, over 11,000 feet high. The Gomal Pass, 
 one of the principal trade routes between Afghanistan and India, 
 is nearly opposite Dera Ismail Khan. This important pass has 
 recently been brought under British influence, so that the trading 
 caravans can now come down safely, instead of being subjected to 
 the alternative of being plundered or paying blackmail, as fre- 
 quently happened in past times. About sixty miles north-west 
 from Dera Ismail Khan is Tank, a town of some size and import- 
 ance, which was attacked and burned by the Mahsud Waziris some 
 years ago in one of their raids. This led to an expedition being 
 sent against them which occupied their chief town and soon 
 compelled them to submit and agree to our terms. 
 
 During my stay of a week at Dera Ismail Khan the Jubilee 
 celebration took place, and we had illuminations, fireworks, a 
 grand parade of the troops under the general, a durbar or recep- 
 tion by the commissioner of the Derajat, and a dinner and ball at 
 the garrison mess house. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 I resume my journey and arrive at Dera Ghazi Khan — Description of the station — I 
 visit the posts at Khur and Rukhni on the Pishin Road— Account of my journey 
 — Sanitarium of Fort Munro— Scenery in the Suleiman mountains— I return to 
 Dera Ghazi Khan — My fatiguing journey to Rajanpur — I cross the Indus and 
 reach the railway at Khanpur — Halt at Mooltan — I visit Lahore and stay with 
 Dr. and Mrs. Dallas — Return to Abbottabad — I receive a good-service pension 
 from the Government of India — My visit to Murree — Scenery along the Abbotta- 
 bad Murree Road — The ' Gullies ' — Murree — An outbreak of cholera on the 
 frontier — A narrow escape. 
 
 I FINISHED all my work at Dera Ismail Khan by February 20th, 
 and on that evening I started by the mail cart for Bukkur, a 
 railway station twenty-five miles distant on the other side of the 
 Indus. It was very dark, as there was no moon, and I could not 
 understand how the driver managed to keep on the road, but he 
 drove on as easily as if it had been broad daylight. The Indus 
 was here broken up into several branches, and we drove over no 
 less than six bridges of boats in getting across to the other side. 
 The sandy tracts between these channels delayed us greatly, and it 
 was 2 A.M. before we reached the railway station at Bukkur. My 
 train was there, but was not to start till 7 a.m., so I entered a 
 first-class carriage and got a refreshing sleep before the journey 
 began. After starting the train ran so slowly that it did not 
 reach Mahmud Kot, the station where I had to get out, till 2 p.m., 
 though the distance was scarcely a hundred miles. On leaving the 
 train I had to make my way across a wide stretch of sand to the 
 bank of the Indus, which I was obliged to recross in order to reach 
 my destination, Dera Ghazi Khan. 
 
286 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 This town stands in a forest of date palms on the west bank of 
 the Indus about a hundred miles due south of Dera Ismail Khan. 
 It is so near the river as to be sometimes in danger from floods or 
 changes in the direction of the river currents, and a few years ago 
 a considerable sum of money was expended in works designed to 
 protect the town against the encroachments of the river. At the 
 time of my visit a garrison of two regiments of infantry and one of 
 cavalry occupied the station, but a strong detachment of infantry 
 and a squadron of cavalry had been sent up into the Suleiman 
 mountains, sixty or seventy miles to the westward, to protect the 
 labourers employed on the new road which was being constructed 
 to Pishin and Quetta. The barracks and hospitals of the troops, 
 the houses of the officers, the jail, courts of justice, and other civil 
 establishments of the station lie to the west of the town, and are 
 traversed by the main road going north to Dera Ismail Khan and 
 south to Rajanpur. Dera Ghazi Khan is smaller than most of the 
 frontier stations, but it possesses a garrison mess, a public library, 
 with lawn tennis courts near it, a tiny church, a pretty public 
 garden, and an extensive parade ground, where races and tent- 
 pegging often take place. The station is well wooded and the 
 trees are full of crows and green parrots which make a deafening 
 noise. - 
 
 I soon finished my work at Dera Ghazi Khan, and started on 
 the 26th of February to inspect the Pishin Road detachments in 
 the Suleiman hills. My conveyance was a rickety cart drawn by a 
 pony which had the appearance of being in poor condition, but 
 nevertheless it took me fourteen miles along the Rajanpur road to 
 Kot Chutta at a very good rate. There I got a fresh horse and 
 drove on for nine miles along a wretched cross country road to a 
 town of some size called Choti Zerin, where I put up for the night 
 in the dak bungalow, which was fairly comfortable. I received a 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 287 
 
 visit from the local Nawab, a Belooch chief, who was a pleasant, 
 well-informed man, and talked much about his travels and what he 
 had seen at Lahore, Bombay, and other places. I told him he 
 should go to England and see London, and he was much astonished 
 on hearing from me of its great extent and population. All the 
 people in these parts are Beloochees, and are very quiet and 
 courteous in their demeanour. Those I met in my journeys always 
 saluted me courteously with a ' Salaam, Sahib,' and appeared pleased 
 to see me. They were nearly all armed with sword and shield, and 
 sometimes with matchlock and pistol also. I believe our forward 
 movement a few years ago to Quetta and the intermediate posts 
 has been very useful to the Beloochees by protecting them from 
 the destructive raids of their deadly enemies the Pathan hill tribes 
 to the north. 
 
 Next morning I rose early and mounted a troop horse, which had 
 been sent out for me, as the cart could go no further. My baggage 
 and servant came along on mules, and an escort of three troopers 
 of the 3rd Punjab Cavalry accompanied me. On leaving Choti 
 Zerin all signs of cultivation ceased, and we rode for many miles 
 over a desolate wilderness where I hardly saw a living thing 
 except a crowd of vultures feasting on a dead camel. The plain 
 was bare and sandy; a few stunted bushes were scattered over it, 
 and around their roots were many rat holes, in some of which I 
 caught a glimpse of the rats. At length we came to some culti- 
 vated ground and one or two villages on the banks of a broad river 
 bed which was then perfectly dry. The furthest of these villages 
 was Choti Bala, and there we halted after a fatiguing march of 
 nearly twenty miles. I put up as before in the dak bungalow and 
 rested for the remainder of the day. 
 
 Early next morning we started again, and crossing the broad 
 sandy river bed we entered the plain beyond and soon reached the 
 
28a MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 first range of hills, which were low and seemed to consist almost 
 entirely of boulders and stones embedded in a sort of hard tenacious 
 clay. On passing through a gap in this chain of hills we found our- 
 selves in a plain several miles broad extending to the foot of the 
 main range of the Suleiman mountains. The plain was very thickly 
 covered with boulders, and a road had been made by clearing them 
 away and piling them on each side. This road could be seen 
 running across the plain for miles like a narrow ribbon, and it 
 seemed as if we should never come to the end of it. At length we 
 reached the dak bungalow at Zaradun, twelve miles from Choti 
 Bala, where I had some refreshment and changed horses, escort, 
 and baggage animals. Then I began the ascent to Khur, ten miles 
 further on, where the infantry detachment was posted. The road 
 was carried by zig-zags up the steep ascent ; the hills were very bare 
 and ugly, and there was no vegetation to be seen except a stunted 
 wild olive tree here and there. The rocks in many places looked 
 as if they had been fused by intense heat, and even at that time of 
 year they were actually too hot to be touched by the hand. The 
 heat and glare were very distressing, and I was glad to ride up the 
 steepest part of the ascent. This was followed by a more gradual 
 slope up the side of a long ravine ; then the road passed over a 
 narrow saddle with a precipice on each side, and after meandering 
 through a succession of rocky hills and vales, it at length entered 
 the valley of Khur and ,the encampment of the troops appeared in 
 sight. 
 
 The camp was in the middle of the valley at an elevation of 
 about 5300 feet ; the troops were accommodated in tents and huts 
 and seemed to be very healthy. A short time before, I was told, 
 the cold had been intense, but when I arrived it was very hot and 
 the thermometer indicated 85° in the shade. Such extraordinary 
 variations in temperature rendered the climate rather trying. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 289 
 
 Next morning I rode to Rukhni, about ten miles distant, in 
 company with the medical officer of the posts, to inspect the 
 squadron of cavalry stationed there. We proceeded in a westerly 
 direction, continually descending till within three miles of the 
 camp, when we entered the valley of Rukhni, which extends north 
 and south some twenty or thirty miles. It appeared quite barren 
 and desolate, but the ruins of several villages, which had been 
 destroyed by the Pathan marauders, showed that at one time there 
 had been inhabitants and cultivation. The cavalry camp was in 
 the southern part of the valley at an elevation of about 3700 feet. 
 The men had hutted themselves, but as wood of proper length was 
 very scarce and difficult to procure, they had made their huts very 
 low and had dug out the floors to some depth so as to increase the 
 space within. The sanitary condition of this camp, as well as its 
 situation and surroundings, were decidedly inferior, and the troops 
 were not so healthy as those at Khur. 
 
 We left the camp at 2.30 p.m. on our return to Khur ; our 
 horses bounded up the steep ascent like deer and brought us back 
 m about an hour. After a short rest and afternoon tea we walked 
 up to Fort Munro, situated on the top of the range to the south 
 of Khur and about 1000 feet above the camp. This place is a 
 sanitarium for the residents of Dera Ghazi Khan and Rajanpur ; 
 there are a few bungalows scantily furnished, but very few trees, 
 though many have been planted, as there is hardly any water on 
 the hill-top. The spot is bare, bleak, and forbidding in appear- 
 ance, but it affords welcome relief from the intense heat of the 
 plains during the summer months. The views from Fort Munro 
 are grand and far reaching, but the absence of vegetation all over 
 these mountains detracts much from their beauty. 
 
 Next day, having finished my work, I left Khur on my return, 
 accompanied part of the way by the medical officer of the posts. 
 
^0 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 We walked down the line taken bj the new road which was in 
 course of construction, and after descending a deep ravine for a 
 few miles we came to an extraordinary ' gap "* where the precipitous 
 sides of the gorge approached each other very closely. For some 
 distance beyond this point the valley opened out considerably, and 
 then became very narrow, winding, and precipitous. The work on 
 the road was in full swing and much blasting was going on. Large 
 numbers of labourers were employed, the clank of their iron crow- 
 bars and pickaxes was heard all down the pass, and every now and 
 then a loud report and the crash of falling masses of rock indicated 
 that an explosion had taken place. We had to proceed very 
 cautiously, and make our escort shout to the workmen to stop 
 their operations till we had passed. At length we reached a point 
 where it was no longer possible to follow any track along the 
 bottom of the gorge, so we had to ascend a narrow path, get above 
 the precipice, and descend again further on. 
 
 The heat in this rocky gorge was intense, and we were quite 
 exhausted by the time we gained the mouth of the pass and reached 
 the tent of the engineer in charge of the works. After a wash, 
 refreshment, and rest, which were very welcome, I borrowed a 
 pony, parted from my friends, and rode five miles along a rough 
 track near the foot of the hills to Zaradun, which it took me about 
 an hour to reach, the road being very bad. At Zaradun I found 
 my horse and baggage with my servant and escort, who had come 
 down by the old road, and only waiting to drink a cup of tea I 
 went off again, reaching Choti Bala at 7 p.m. quite tired out. 
 Early next morning I rode to Choti Zerin, where I found the cart, 
 and drove back to Dera Ghazi Khan the same afternoon. 
 
 After a day"'s rest, which I needed after having done about 
 160 miles of very rough driving, riding, and walking in five 
 days, I started in the same rickety conveyance for Rajanpur, 
 
 I 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 291 
 
 seventy-two miles distant, the most southerly station occupied by 
 the Punjab Frontier Force. I made slow progress at first, as the 
 road was very bad ; in many places it passed through long stretches 
 of sand where I had to walk in order to lighten the cart. It took 
 me five hours to reach Jampur, thirty-two miles from Dera Ghazi 
 Khan, and I was quite done up with the heat and dust. I stopped 
 at the dak bungalow, had lunch, and rested till 2 p.m. when I re- 
 sumed my journey. The road was better and the heat less as the 
 sky was cloudy, but I was much delayed by a vicious horse, which 
 played all sorts of tricks, and several times nearly brought us to 
 grief by backing the cart to the very edge of the road embank- 
 ment. The road ran through a very wild country full of jungle 
 and thinly inhabited, but I saw no game save a few partridges. It 
 was quite dark when I arrived at Rajanpur, and I was glad to get 
 dinner and retire to rest. 
 
 Rajanpur is a small station in the southern part of the Derajat 
 and not far from the border of Sindh. It lies between the Indus 
 and the Suleiman hills, which at that point are much lower than 
 the more northerly portions of the range. In former times this 
 station and its outposts were very necessary for the purpose of pre- 
 venting raids by the Marris and other hill tribes, but these are 
 now almost completely pacified and brought under British influ- 
 ence, while our frontier has been extended far beyond them, so 
 that the stations and outposts in the southern part of the Derajat 
 are now little required. As only a regiment of cavalry was at 
 Rajanpur I soon finished my inspection work and set out on my 
 return to Abbottabad. I rode to Mithankot, eleven miles distant, 
 and then embarked in the ferry boat to cross the Indus. The 
 current was so strong that the boat had to go a long way up close 
 to the bank before attempting to cross. At length we reached 
 the other side, the horses and mules jumped out of the boat, and 
 
292 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 we loaded, mounted, and started again. A little further on we 
 reached a dak bungalow where I had lunch, and found a cart ready 
 to take me on to Khanpur, where I was to catch the train. I 
 arrived there in the evening, dined in the railway refreshment 
 room, and started by train at half-past ten. 
 
 I resolved to break the journey at Mooltan, in order to see 
 something of the famous city and fortress. I arrived there at six 
 ©""clock in the morning and went to the travellers' rest house, which 
 was pretty comfortable. After breakfast I visited the fort, where 
 I saw a massive stone obelisk which was erected above the graves 
 of Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, two political officers 
 who were murdered there in the rising headed by the Dewan 
 Moolraj in 1848. Soon after this Mooltan was besieged by a 
 British army under General Whish, and eventually taken by storm. 
 I went up into a lofty bastion where several cannon commanded 
 the city below ; there should have been a fine view from this point, 
 but the atmosphere at the time of my visit was so full of dust that 
 hardly anything else could be seen. Mooltan has always been cele- 
 brated for heat, dust, and beggars, and the place fully sustained 
 its reputation in these respects during my stay there. I walked 
 through the city and saw many specimens of the blue glazed 
 pottery and enamel work for which it is deservedly noted. 
 
 Early next morning I resumed my journey to Lahore, where I 
 arrived at 5.30 p.m. and put up with Deputy Surgeon-General 
 Dallas, CLE. (inspector-general of civil hospitals in the Punjab), 
 and Mrs. Dallas, whose kindness and hospitality I have much 
 pleasure in acknowledging here. As I only stayed a couple of 
 days I had not time to see much of the Punjab capital. However 
 I visited the Lahore Museum, which contains a great number 
 of very curious and interesting sculptures (chiefly Graeco-Bactrian), 
 a fine collection of coins, the Graeco-Bactrian, Indo-Scythian, and 
 
 I 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 293 
 
 Mohammedan sovereigns being well represented, and a great 
 variety of other artistic and interesting objects from different 
 parts of India and the adjacent countries. I also visited the fort, 
 the cathedral, the school of art, the palace of Runjeet Singh 
 (remarkable for its beautiful marble carvings, which at a little 
 distance resemble lace), and a great mosque standing in a large 
 enclosure with lofty minarets, from the top of which an extensive 
 view of the city and environs may be obtained. I was also shown 
 over the Lahore central jail, where the chief industry was carpet- 
 weaving, which was carried to great perfection. The prices of 
 carpets at the time of my visit ranged from Rs. 14 to Rs. 40 per 
 square yard, according to the quality of the work and materials. 
 I saw a carpet which was being made for some rich New Yorker 
 and Avhich was to cost Rs. 420. 
 
 I parted from my kind friends on the 16th of March and 
 arrived at Abbottabad next day. It was still very cold there, the 
 Khagan mountains were thickly covered with snow, and a good 
 deal remained on Thandiani and the adjacent hills. Early in 
 May I had the satisfaction of learning that the Government of India 
 had conferred upon me a good-service pension of ^100 a year, with 
 effect from the 31st of October 1886. This was doubly welcome, 
 not only as a valuable addition to my income, but as a rare 
 distinction which very few Indian medical officers are fortunate 
 enough to obtain. Towards the end of May I proceeded to 
 Murree, a hill station about forty miles distant, where I had to 
 inspect the civil dispensary. This station is connected with 
 Abbottabad by an excellent road, constructed soon after the 
 mutiny time, which passes over the intervening mountains through 
 some of the most beautiful scenery to be found in India. 
 
 On leaving Abbottabad the road runs in a north-easterly direc- 
 tion along the valley for three miles, passing through fine avenues 
 
294 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 of fir, willow, mulberry, and gum trees. It then descends and 
 crosses a stream, passing, at a little distance, the beautiful grove 
 of Dhumtaur, a favourite spot for picnics and encampments. 
 
 Some distance further on the 
 road sweeps round to the left 
 and enters the valley of the River 
 Dor, which it follows for several 
 miles, crossing the Kala Panee, 
 which comes down from Than- 
 diani and falls into the Dor. 
 The scenery all through this 
 gorge is very fine ; the hills on 
 both sides rise to a great height 
 in steep grassy slopes, on which 
 few trees are to be seen. The 
 road runs along the hills on the 
 left at a considerable height 
 above the river, which foams 
 over its stony bed far below. 
 Several streams are crossed, 
 some by bridges, but others, 
 like the Kala Panee, are un- 
 bridged, and after a heavy fall 
 of rain they are sometimes im- 
 passable for several hours. At 
 length the gorge narrows con- 
 siderably and the road rises high 
 above the river to avoid a precipice* Then it descends again and 
 crosses the Dor by a wooden bridge at a point where the river 
 rushes down from the mountains on the left and enters the valley 
 through a narrow cleft between two perpendicular walls of rock. 
 
 BRIDGE OVER THE DOR 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 295 
 
 The bridge is 50 or 60 feet above the torrent, but far below the 
 summit of the towering cliffs which overhang the river on both 
 sides. 
 
 Beyond this point the valley opens out and the rest-house at 
 Bugnotur, ten and a half miles from Abbottabad, is seen perched 
 on an eminence to the left of the road. For two miles or so 
 further this road ascends steadily, then it turns to the left and 
 enters a lovely valley overhung by precipitous hills. The scenery 
 here is remarkably fine ; the road for long distances is flanked by 
 perpendicular precipices, in the crevices of which a few pines and 
 other trees find foothold, while the gentler slopes on both sides are 
 covered with a beautiful forest of oak, pine, walnut, chestnut, 
 holly, yew, and many other trees, and a murmuring stream, almost 
 hidden by the foliage, runs at the bottom. After following the 
 sinuosities of the mountains for several miles the road crosses a 
 saddle just below the little station of Bara Gali, where a British 
 mountain battery is usually quartered during the hot weather. 
 There is not much level space available, and it is nearly all taken 
 up by the barracks, hospital, and other buildings of the battery, 
 the mule lines, the officers^ quarters, and the mess house. The 
 elevation is over 7000 feet, and the climate during the spring, 
 summer, and autumn is delightful. In the winter no one remains 
 there, and the whole place is buried in heavy snowdrifts. 
 
 From this point the road ascends gradually for three miles 
 more, and reaches Kalabagh, another summer station of a British 
 mountain battery, having an elevation of nearly 8000 feet. Two 
 miles more along a nearly level stretch of road bring the traveller 
 to Nuttia Gali, perhaps the most charming of all these so-called 
 ' Gullies,'* and a favourite summer resort of the civil and military 
 officers in this part of the Punjab. It is a long narrow ridge with 
 very steep and in some places precipitous sides clothed with a 
 
296 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 thick forest of pines. The houses are on little knolls commanding 
 fine views of Miajani, Moojpoora, and the beautiful wooded valley 
 between them. In clear weather the great Kashmir mountain 
 Nanga Purbut can be seen from Nuttia, and though more than a 
 hundred miles distant it is a magnificent spectacle. The houses 
 are mostly built of wood, but they are warm and comfortable, and 
 often very picturesque in appearance, resembling English villas. 
 In winter they are shut up and buried in the snow, but they are 
 nearly always occupied during the other months. 
 
 Two miles beyond Nuttia the road passes Doonga Gali, another 
 little station inhabited by Punjab officials and others during the 
 summer months. Most of the houses are picturesquely situated 
 on the wooded slope of Moojpoora, but a few, including the dak 
 bungalow, are on a saddle between Moojpoora and the opposite 
 mountain, which rises very steeply close behind the rest house. 
 No troops are quartered either at Nuttia or Doonga, but the 
 former possesses a post-office, while the latter has a church and a 
 dak bungalow. A mile and a half beyond Doonga the road, still 
 passing along the side of the forest-clad hills, arrives at a bridge 
 crossing a stream which issues from a deep and narrow cleft in the 
 rock called Durwaza Kus, where snow sometimes lies till the 
 middle of summer. Beyond this point the road continues its 
 course along the ridge for six or seven miles with a slight ascent 
 until it reaches Chungla Gali. The scenery is grand and beauti- 
 ful; sometimes the road passes through dense forest, sometimes 
 there are steep grassy slopes sprinkled with trees, or sheer pre- 
 cipices of rock above or below. In some places landslips have 
 carried away the trees and cut long vistas through the forest, 
 extending to the bottom of the valley, hundreds of feet below. 
 Chungla Gali is the highest point on the road, being considerably 
 over 8000 feet in elevation. A school of musketry is lield there 
 
MEMORIES OE SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 297 
 
 every year during the hot weather. The dak bungalow stands on 
 the top of a lofty hill commanding a splendid view of the ridge of 
 Murree and the intervening country. The road descends from 
 this point rather abruptly in the direction of Murree, and after 
 two miles it passes the little station of Khyra Gali, where a British 
 mountain battery is stationed in the hot season. Two miles 
 beyond this is the camp of Thobba, and three miles further on is 
 Kuldanna camp. Large numbers of British troops are located at 
 these and other situations around Murree every year during the 
 hot weather. After passing the hill on which Kuldanna camp 
 stands, the road arrives at the forest-clad ridge of Murree, and 
 reaches the post-office in the centre of the station by an easy 
 ascent. 
 
 I reached Murree on May 30th and put up in Powell's Hotel. 
 This station was for some time the summer residence of the 
 Punjab Government, and it is still a favourite resort of the civil 
 and military officers of the Punjab. A depot of British troops is 
 maintained there permanently. The barracks, hospitals, and 
 numerous private houses, shops, hotels, etc., are scattered along a 
 wooded ridge several miles in extent and about 7500 feet in eleva- 
 tion. The scenery in and around Murree is very fine, particularly 
 at the eastern end of the ridge, called Kashmir Point. I soon 
 finished my inspection of the dispensary, and after two days' stay 
 commenced my return, halting for the night at Chungla Gali, and 
 visiting the forest officer, who had a charming summer residence a 
 little way off. Next day I came to Doonga Gali and put up in 
 the dak bungalow, where I stayed four days, making excursions in 
 different directions and ascending Miajani, the highest mountain in 
 this part of Hazara. In clear weather the view from the summit 
 of this mountain is magnificent, but on this occasion nothing 
 could be seen owing to clouds of dust from the plains, which filled 
 
298 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 the air and obscured everything. On the 6th of June I left 
 Doonga by the upper road, passing through the forest along the 
 summit of the ridge to Kalabagh and thence to Bara Gali, where 
 I had lunch, and then went on, reaching Abbottabad in the evening. 
 After this trip I remained for some time at headquarters 
 occupied with the ordinary duties of my office, which were in- 
 creased in the autumn in consequence of an outbreak of cholera on 
 the frontier. The disease was for the most part confined to Kohat 
 and Edwardesabad, and although cases occurred at Abbottabad 
 among the civil population, the troops remained unaffected. All 
 possible sanitary precautions were taken at the different stations 
 and the disease soon disappeared. In August I went to Haripur 
 in company with the medical officer in charge of the civil medical 
 duties of the district, to inspect the dispensary and to inquire into 
 the circumstances of an outbreak of cholera which had occurred in 
 the town. On our return we found the River Dor much swollen 
 by rain, which had fallen in the hills, and apparently almost 
 impassable. Being pressed for time we nevertheless made an 
 attempt to cross, but the force and velocity of the torrent were so 
 great that our tonga would have been overturned and swept away 
 had not a number of natives hastened to our assistance, and with 
 great labour and difficulty pushed and dragged our heavy convey- 
 ance through the river. It was a narrow escape, for had the tonga 
 been upset we should have been swept away at once by the rushing 
 torrent, and in all probability lost our lives. Accidents of this 
 kind not unfrequently happen in India, and are sometimes 
 attended with fatal results. 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 My trip to Oghi and Balakot — A leper village — Garhi Habiboolla — My second 
 journey down the frontier — The commander-in-chief inspects the Kohat 
 garrison — I visit Shaikh Budin — My ride to Kingri and back — The commander- 
 in-chief visits Abbottabad— I proceed again to Oghi and ascend the Black 
 Mountain — Major Battye, Captain Urmston, and some Sepoys are set upon and 
 killed by the hillmen — Account of this disaster given by one of the survivors of 
 the party — Order issued by General M 'Queen on this occasion — Cholera on the 
 frontier— Orders received for an expedition to the Black Mountain under the 
 command of General M 'Queen — I am appointed principal medical officer — 
 Strength of the force — Medical arrangements for the expedition — Ambulance 
 transport— Lady nurses — Description of the Black Mountain and adjacent 
 country. 
 
 On the 3rd November 1887 I proceeded to Mansehra to inspect 
 the dispensary at that town, and went on to Oghi, a post of some 
 importance situated in the Agror Valley, close to the Black 
 Mountain. On leaving Mansehra- I traversed the Pakli Plain, 
 crossed the Sirin River, and ascended the Susal Pass, through a 
 thick forest of pines. Then I came down into the Agror Valley 
 and reached the fort of Oghi about dusk. This fort is a square 
 enclosure with lofty stone walls loopholed for musketry, and a 
 massive gate. It contains officers' quarters, barracks, and hospital 
 for the detachment of troops always stationed there. The Agror 
 valley is bounded on the west by the Black Mountain, a lofty 
 ridge between the Indus and British territory. The tribes inhabit- 
 ing this mountain have long been a thorn in our side, and have 
 committed various acts of hostility at different times, thus forcing 
 our long-suffering Government to send several punitive expeditions 
 against them. Several of the peaks of the Black Mountain exceed 
 
300 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 9000 feet in height, and one or two approach 10,000 feet. The 
 upper part of the mountain is clothed with a thick forest, consist- 
 ing chiefly of lofty pines, but the lower slopes are bare. Our 
 frontier was supposed to run along the crest of the mountain for 
 some distance, but the hillmen considered the whole of it as their 
 own territory, and it was not safe for any white man to approach 
 the boundary. This was plainly and fatally demonstrated a little 
 later. 
 
 Next morning I left Oghi after inspecting the post, and 
 marched eastward towards the Katai Pass, taking with me a small 
 escort as the road passed close to the border. After walking 
 about eight miles up a picturesque valley with pine-clad hills on 
 both sides I reached the pass, where I dismissed my escort, and 
 then descended into a narrow valley beautifully wooded, along 
 which I marched for many miles, arriving about dusk at the village 
 of Shinkiari, where I put up for the night in the police station. 
 On the following morning I resumed my journey, traversing part 
 of the Pakli Plain and passing round the wooded spurs projecting 
 into it, till after some miles I descended into the valley of the 
 Kunhar River, a deep gorge shut in by lofty mountains, with the 
 impetuous river rushing down with such force and velocity as to be 
 quite impassable. After following the course of the river for some 
 miles I arrived at Balakot, a considerable town at the entrance of 
 the Khagan Valley, and passed the night in the police station. The 
 scenery at this point is very grand ; the mountains on both sides 
 are over 10,000 feet high and very steep. Those on the west of 
 the valley culminate in a fine flat-topped summit called ' Musa-ka- 
 Masulla,' or the seat of Moses, which is between 13,000 and 14,000 
 feet high. 
 
 A rude timber bridge crosses the Kunhar River at Balakot, and 
 on the other side is a small hamlet inhabited solely by lepers, who 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 301 
 
 apparently were attracted by a sacred shrine at this spot by means 
 of which they beheved they might be cured. Next day I left 
 Balakot and descended the Kunhar Valley to Garhi Habiboolla, a 
 small town on the east bank of the river, ten miles lower down. 
 In the afternoon I crossed the river, which is here spanned by 
 a neat iron suspension bridge, walked through the town, and 
 ascended the hill behind it till I reached the Kashmir border on 
 the sunimit and looked down upon the town of Mozufferabad in 
 the valley below. One of the roads into Kashmir passes that way, 
 and the country around has, I believe, been examined with a view 
 to ascertain if a railway could be carried through it easily. On 
 the following day I returned to Abbottabad by way of Mansehra, 
 as I had to prepare for my second tour of inspection down the 
 frontier. 
 
 On the 23rd of November I started for Kohat, where I arrived 
 rather late next day. A few days after General M'Queen and his 
 staff (including myself) proceeded to the summit of the ridge (or 
 ' kotal ') overlooking the Kohat Pass to meet His Excellency the 
 Commander-in-chief, who was coming from Peshawur to Kohat 
 that way. We had not been there long when the Chief and his 
 party appeared from below and joined us, when we all went to 
 lunch, preparations for which had already been made on the kotal. 
 While we were having lunch some shots were heard, but it proved 
 to be merely some of the Pass Afridis fighting among themselves 
 as they do very often. Next day the Commander-in-chief in- 
 spected the Kohat garrison and hospitals and expressed his satis- 
 faction with all the arrangements. He and Lady Roberts and the 
 headquarters staff were entertained at dinner at the garrison mess 
 that evening, and left next morning on their way to Rawal Pindi. 
 After their departure I was at liberty to get on with my own 
 inspections and invaliding work, all of which I finished by 
 
302 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 December 9th. I left Kohat on the following day, and proceeded 
 to Edwardesabad, where I remained ten days engaged in my 
 inspection and invaliding work. I resumed my journey on De- 
 cember 22nd, and reached the dak bungalow at Peyzu late that 
 evening. 
 
 On the following morning I visited the little hill station of 
 Shaikh Budin, where I arrived in about three hours, after a rough 
 scramble up the steep and rugged flanks of the mountain. The 
 appearance of this mountain from below is very remarkable : it 
 stands in a part of the country where little rain falls, yet it looks 
 as though it had been for ages exposed to a prodigious rainfall. 
 The rocks in all directions have been worn away into sharp 
 pinnacles and serrated ridges with precipitous sides scored with 
 innumerable furrows and channels. The road ascends the moun- 
 tain in its easiest part by a long succession of zig-zags, but my 
 guide led me up by short cuts where sometimes we had to climb 
 up hand over hand, holding on to the projections of the rock. At 
 length we reached a spur so narrow that we had to move in single 
 file with great caution, as a precipice was on either side. A little 
 further on we found the regular road, which after many windings 
 conducted us to the station. The summit of the mountain 
 resembles a volcanic crater having raised edges, within which is a 
 saucer-shaped hollow containing the station. There are about 
 twenty-five houses, a neat little church, a club house, a racquet 
 court, some lawn tennis courts, several good sized water tanks, a 
 police station, and a small hospital. 
 
 On my way up I saw several 'markhor** (mountain goat) 
 standing on a precipitous ridge ; these animals formerly abounded 
 on Shaikh Budin and the adjacent hills, but they have grown 
 scarce and shy of late years. There is very little vegetation to be 
 seen on this mountain, and the station is decidedly hot during the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 303 
 
 summer months as the elevation is only about 4000 feet. Never- 
 theless it has been the means of saving the lives of many persons 
 who would not otherwise have been enabled to live through the 
 terrible hot weather in the plains of the Derajat. I took my 
 lunch at the club, and after walking round the station and admir- 
 ing the extensive views over the surrounding country on every side, 
 I returned to Peyzu, had dinner, and retired to rest early. Next 
 day I travelled to Dera Ismail Khan, and when I had finished 
 my work there I went on to Dera Ghazi Khan, whence I set 
 out, on January 17th, 1888, to visit the posts on the Pishin 
 Road. 
 
 I had the same conveyance as before and took the same route 
 by Kot Chutta, Choti Zerin, Choti Bala, and Zaradun, whence I 
 rode up the steep ascent to Khur. After inspecting the troops 
 and hospital at that post I went on to Rukhni, accompanied by 
 the medical officer of the posts, made my inspection, and put up 
 there for the night. Early next morning we started for Kingri, 
 a new post which had been established between thirty and forty 
 miles further on. We were both armed and had one trooper as 
 escort, the country being still unsettled and travelling rather risky. 
 News had been received that the Hasseranis and Bozdars were 
 fighting among themselves, and it was possible we might meet a 
 party of them, who might or might not meddle with us. We rode 
 northward over the Rukhni Plain for several miles, then we turned 
 west and went through a gap in the mountains for some distance till 
 we reached the hut of one of the road engineers, where we proposed 
 to have breakfast. The engineer, however, was out, so we had to go 
 on our way, and in a short time we reached the half-way post, where 
 a change of horses awaited us. This post was held by a small party 
 of the 1st Punjab Cavalry, and a house for the road engineer was 
 in course of construction close by. Beyond this stretched another 
 
304 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 great plain, parallel to that of Rukhni, with bare mountain ranges 
 on either side. 
 
 Our ride now became very unpleasant in consequence of an icy 
 wind which came from the north-west, where snow-clad mountains 
 could be seen in the distance. At last we left the plain and 
 ascended the hills to the westward, where we met two officers 
 coming from Kingri. Crossing these hills we descended into a 
 winding ravine which we followed for some distance. The appear- 
 ance of the whole country was most desolate and forbidding ; not 
 a living thing was to be seen ; no villages, no cultivation, no trees, 
 nothing but rocks, stones, and a few scrubby bushes here and 
 there. Late in the afternoon we entered the Kingri Valley, and 
 soon reached the post, where we were kindly received by Major 
 Harvey of the 1st Punjab Cavalry, who commanded the wing 
 stationed there. He had a roomy and comfortable hut, and soon 
 made us warm with some hot tea and a blazing fire. In the 
 morning I inspected the hospital and went all over the station and 
 its vicinity. The situation was not particularly good, as the Kingri 
 River sometimes overflowed its banks and rendered the lower parts 
 of the valley swampy and unhealthy, but nevertheless the occupa- 
 tion of this post was necessary for the protection of the engineers 
 and labourers working on the new road to Quetta. 
 
 Next morning we started on our return to Rukhni in a drizzling 
 rain which was presently followed by a fall of snow. The cold 
 was intense, and though warmly clad I felt it very much and could 
 realise in some degree what the French retreat from Moscow must 
 have been. The road was so slippery with ice and melting snow 
 that it was impossible to ride fast, and it was 1 p.m. before we 
 reached the hut of the road engineer, very cold, wet, and hungry. 
 This time he was at home and gave us breakfast, after which we 
 resumed our journey and reached Rukhni about 5 p.m. We met 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 305 
 
 no armed party either way, but the officer commanding at Rukhni 
 told us that the bodies of two slain men had been found not far 
 off, and that the posts on the. road had been approached during the 
 night by parties of men, some on horseback and some on foot, who 
 prowled round the posts, but fled when the cavalry turned out, and 
 were lost sight of in the darkness and rain. 
 
 On the following day I returned to Khur and started next 
 morning to inspect the labourers'* hospitals on the new road, which 
 had made great progress since my previous visit. I was accom- 
 panied by the medical officer of the posts and the native assistant- 
 surgeon in charge of the road hospitals. The road was not yet 
 finished, and in two places we had to scramble up the cliff by very 
 narrow paths where a single slip would have been fatal. One of 
 these paths ended about 30 feet above the road, and we had to 
 descend by an iron ladder fixed there for the purpose. This road 
 is really a magnificent work ; it is a triumph of engineering skill, 
 and has rendered it possible for artillery and wagons to be 
 brought easily through this formidable pass. I put up for the 
 night with the road engineer, who lived in a house at the mouth of 
 the pass, and next morning I walked across the stony desert (five 
 miles) to Zaradun, where my baggage, mules, and horse were wait- 
 ing for me. Then I rode to Choti Bala and drove back to Dera 
 Ghazi Khan, whence I proceeded to Rajanpur, Lahore, Murdan, 
 and Peshawur, and then returned to Abbottabad. 
 
 In March 1888 it was feared that the tribes of the Black 
 Mountain would give trouble, and accordingly 250 men of the 3rd 
 Sikh Infantry with three British officers were sent to reinforce the 
 post at Oghi, and to prevent raids into the valley. In April the 
 Commander-in-chief visited Abbottabad, and inspected the troops 
 and hospitals, expressing satisfaction with everything. Soon after 
 this I went to Oghi to inspect the hospital in the fort, and during 
 
306 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 my stay there I made two ascents of the Black Mountain to a 
 height of more than 6000 feet, but saw nothing of the hillmen, 
 who apparently were keeping quiet. After a time the greater 
 part of the troops were withdrawn from Oghi, and the reports 
 about a Black Mountain expedition gradually ceased. 
 
 In June I went to Murree for my annual inspection of the 
 dispensary there, and just after my arrival I received intelligence 
 
 that Major Batty e, of 
 the 5th Goorkhas, Cap- 
 tain Urmston, and some 
 native soldiers had been 
 attacked and killed on 
 the Black Mountain. I 
 immediately returned to 
 Abbottabad, where I 
 heard the following 
 account of this lament- 
 able affair from one of 
 the survivors of Major 
 Battye's party. That 
 officer had gone to Oghi 
 in the ordinary course 
 of duty to inspect the 
 detachment stationed 
 there, and Captain Urmston had accompanied him, though not on 
 duty. On the 18th of June the two officers, with about sixty 
 Goorkha Sepoys and a few police, marched up the Barchar spur 
 of the Black Mountain to exercise the troops. On reaching the 
 crest of the mountain the party made a halt and took refreshments. 
 So far they had been quite unmolested, and had they then descended 
 by the way they came, in all probability no mischief would have 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 E^ 
 
 -/^^^K 
 
 ^IBk 
 
 
 ^V'' 
 
 ■-^rPI 
 
 p^ 
 
 
 '^ ■;/■'■ 
 
 
 ' ' 'CiT».-.'">^ 
 
 ' 
 
 
 A BLACK MOUNTAINEER 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 307 
 
 occurred. Unfortunately Major Battye decided to go along the 
 crest of the mountain and descend by another spur, and he accord- 
 ingly marched on, keeping within our boundary, which follows the 
 crest of the mountain for some distance* 
 
 After a time they were fired on by the hillmen, but Major Battye 
 would not allow them to fire in return, and at length a havildar 
 (native sergeant) was severely wounded. The two officers went 
 back to his assistance with the native officer of the detachment and 
 a few men, but the main body were ordered, or permitted, to march 
 on, so that they were soon out of sight and hearing of the little 
 party behind. Then the hillmen, seeing that the officers had 
 very few men with them and were unsupported by the rest of their 
 detachment, closed in upon tliem and killed the whole party except 
 the native officer and two men who managed to escape and rejoin 
 the main body. They then returned to the scene of conflict, 
 and recovered the bodies of Major Battye and Captain Urmston, 
 which were brought back to Abbottabad, and buried in the 
 cemetery there with military honours. This sad affair cast a 
 gloom over the station, and rendered a punitive expedition inevit- 
 able, though the Indian Government were much averse to it on 
 financial grounds. 
 
 The following order, issued on the occasion by the brigadier- 
 general commanding the Punjab Frontier Force, shows how highly 
 these unfortunate officers were respected and esteemed by all who 
 were acquainted with them. ' It is with deep regret that the 
 brigadier-general commanding announces to the force the death in 
 action on the Black Mountain on the 18th instant of Major L. R. 
 Battye, 5th Goorkhas, and Captain H. B. Urmston, 6th Punjab 
 Infantry. These officers met their death while chivalrously en- 
 deavouring with a few men of the 5th Goorkhas to bring off 
 a havildar of the regiment who had been wounded. Owing 
 
308 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 to the densely wooded nature of the country they became 
 separated from the rest of the detachment, and all except 
 three were killed. In Major Batty e''s death the Punjab Frontier 
 Force has to deplore the loss of the third brother of that 
 family who has fallen in action while serving in the force, and 
 none who knew him could fail to admire and esteem his noble 
 character. Like his brother the late Major Wigram Batty e, of 
 the Guides, he was beloved and respected not only by the native 
 ranks of his own regiment, but by all the natives of the country 
 with whom he was brought in contact, especially those of Hazara, 
 who have publicly expressed their sorrow at his death. Captain 
 Urmston, though unarmed, stood bravely by Major Batty e when 
 he was wounded, and, though himself severely wounded, refused to 
 desert his fallen comrade, displaying great coolness, courage, and 
 self-devotion.' 
 
 In the beginning of August I received intelligence of an out- 
 break of cholera on the frontier. As before, the disease prevailed 
 chiefly at Kohat and Edwardesabad, and a medical officer at Kohat 
 died from it. Suitable sanitary measures were adopted at the 
 different stations, part of the troops were moved into camp, and 
 the outbreak gradually ceased. Towards the end of August it 
 became known that the Government of India had decided to send 
 a military expedition to the Black Mountain, and that the force 
 was to be commanded by General M'Queen. Very soon after I 
 received official information of my appointment as principal medical 
 officer of the expedition, which was styled the Hazara Field Force, 
 and for the next three weeks I was much occupied with the neces- 
 sary preparations and arrangements. I had, at the same time, to 
 carry on the current duties of my office, no one having been 
 appointed to act for me as principal medical officer of the Punjab 
 Frontier Force during the Black Mountain campaign. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 309 
 
 The strength of the expeditionary force, including the reserve, 
 which was subsequently employed in the military operations, 
 amounted to about 10,000 fighting men and about 5000 camp 
 followers. It was divided into four columns, three of which were to 
 concentrate near Oghi, in the Agror Valley, and ascend the Black 
 Mountain on that side, while the fourth column was to assemble at 
 Derband, on the Indus, and to ascend the Indus Valley from that 
 point. The troops composing the first, second, and third columns of 
 the Hazara Field Force reached Oghi by the end of September, and 
 those of the fourth column arrived at Derband about the same time. 
 The men had been carefully selected, and for the most part they 
 were in excellent health. Cholera had prevailed in many parts of 
 the Hazara district for some weeks, and in spite of all precautions 
 it attacked some of the marching troops, particularly the 45th 
 Sikhs and a detachment of the Suffolk Regiment, also some of the 
 transport followers. Suitable precautionary measures were adopted, 
 and, very fortunately, the outbreak did not increase. Scattered 
 cases, however, occurred at different points along the line of 
 march of the troops, and even at Oghi and Derband, but no 
 serious prevalence took place, and the disease eventually dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 The following medical arrangements were made for this expedi- 
 tion. The corps units were equipped according to the scale laid 
 down in the Indian army regulations, and first field dressings were 
 supplied in the authorised proportions to the troops of the Oghi 
 columns at Abbottabad and to the fourth column at Derband. 
 One British and two native field hospitals were allotted to the 
 whole force, and were opened at Oghi and Derband soon after 
 the arrival of the troops at those places. These field hospitals 
 were distributed in the following manner. At Oghi, sections A, B, 
 and C of the British field hospital, one native field hospital and two 
 
310 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 additional sections. At Derband, section D of the British field 
 hospital, and two sections of a native field hospital. As the 
 difficult nature of the country to be traversed and the limited 
 amount of carriage available rendered it impossible for the field 
 hospitals to move bodily with the troops in their advance up the 
 spurs of the Black Mountain, these hospitals were made stationary 
 at Oghi and Derband, and a detachment was sent with each column 
 consisting of one medical officer, one medical warrant officer, one 
 hospital assistant, two ward servants, two cooks, two water carriers, 
 one sweeper, and one purveyor, with three hospital tents and a 
 suitable supply of medical stores and comforts. The medical stores, 
 tents, and baggage of each detachment were carried by sixteen mules. 
 The ambulance transport for the force was fixed at sixty dandies 
 and sixty-six saddle mules, and these were divided between the field 
 hospital detachments in nearly equal proportions. In addition, 
 field stretchers were taken by the different corps according to the 
 fixed scale for field service. To facilitate the transfer of sick and 
 wounded to the rear, and thus prevent the field hospitals from 
 becoming overcrowded, rest-camps were established on the lines of 
 communication at various points between the railway station at 
 Hassan Abdal and the bases at Oghi and Derband. A medical 
 warrant officer was placed in medical charge of each of these rest- 
 camps, with one hospital assistant and an establishment of hospital 
 servants, a suitable supply of medical stores and comforts, and an 
 adequate number of tents and cots for the accommodation of the 
 sick on their way through. For the transport of the sick and 
 wounded to the rear an establishment was provided consisting of 
 dandies and bearers for the first stages from Oghi and Derband, 
 and Hawkes' ambulance tongas for the other stages. Finally, a 
 section of a British field hospital was stationed at Hassan Abdal to 
 receive the sick and wounded on their arrival at that station, and 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 311 
 
 some railway carriages, specially fitted up for the purpose, were 
 provided for their conveyance to their respective destinations. 
 
 I mention these details in order to show that all practicable 
 arrangements were made for the requisite care and comfort of the 
 sick and wounded in this expedition. The arrangements all 
 worked well, and I heard of no instances of failure. The field 
 hospital detachments and the regimental medical establishments 
 afforded ready aid to the sick and wounded of the force. The 
 principle of sending all sick and wounded to the rear as speedily as 
 possible was constantly kept in view and acted upon, sick convoys 
 being sent down whenever escorts were available for them. Miss 
 Loch, (the superintendent) and four nursing sisters were sent up 
 for duty with the British field hospital, and their services were 
 invaluable in the care and nursing of severe cases of sickness and 
 wounds. 
 
 The Black Mountain is situated at the north-western extremity 
 of the Hazara district, having the Agror Valley (British territory) 
 to the east, the River Indus to the west, the territory of the Nawab 
 of Umb to the south, and independent territory to the north and 
 north-east. The mountain may be described as a long, narrow 
 granite ridge of the average height of 8500 feet, extending north 
 and south for twenty or thirty miles, with several peaks of 9000 
 feet and upwards at intervals. Numerous large spurs project on 
 all sides from the central mass, those on the west running down to 
 the Indus. The sides of these spurs and of the mountain generally 
 are steep, rocky, and in many places precipitous. The lower slopes 
 are mostly cultivated, or covered with grass and thorny bushes, 
 but further up the mountain is clothed with a thick forest of 
 pines, oaks, horse chestnuts, etc. Open grassy glades are found at 
 intervals along the crest, and the slopes of some of the higher 
 peaks are bare of trees and covered with short grass. 
 
312 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 To the north of Agror and east of the Black Mountain are the 
 Tikaree and Nundihar Valleys ; they are well watered and exten- 
 sively cultivated, and they seem to be populous. The Nundihar 
 Valley is separated from AUai by a lofty range of mountains, which 
 runs down to the Indus at Thakot. The Nundihar River flows 
 between this range and the north-eastern spurs of the Black 
 Mountain, and after winding through a succession of deep and 
 abrupt gorges, it falls into the Indus close to Thakot. Allai is an 
 extensive valley bounded by Kohistan (independent) on the north 
 and east, by Bogarmung (British territory) and Nundihar (inde- 
 pendent) on the south, and by the Indus on the west. It is fertile, 
 well watered, and cultivated, and it contains many villages. Its 
 northern and southern boundaries are ranges of lofty mountains, 
 some of which exceed 15,000 feet in height. The Chaila Moun- 
 tain, by which our troops entered Allai, is over 10,000 feet at its 
 highest point, and is clothed with thick forest on its northern 
 slopes. Its southern declivity is, very precipitous for the first 500 
 or 600 feet, and almost bare of trees, then the mountain slopes 
 more gradually and is pretty well wooded. The lower slopes are 
 quite bare of trees, and this is the case almost universally in this 
 region, the reason probably being that the trees in these situations 
 were long since cut down for firewood or to clear the ground for 
 cultivation. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 Advance of the Hazara Field Force from Oghi and Derband — Action of Kotkai — 
 Charge of the Ghazis — Death of Captain Beley — Colonel Crookshank severely 
 wounded — Subsequent operations — Submission of the Hassanzais and Akazais — 
 Hardships endured by the troops — I visit the spot where Battye and Urmston 
 were killed — The general and staff join the first column and descend into the 
 Tikaree Valley — Operations against the Parari Sayads — Death of one of our men 
 from snake bite — Visit of His Excellency the Commander-in-chief — Our march to 
 Thakot — We are fired at from the opposite bank of the Indus — The enemy's 
 tower shelled — We march up Chaila and enter Allai by the Ghorephir Pass — 
 Difficulty of the ascent — We attack and destroy Pokul and are followed up by 
 the enemy on our retirement — We withdraw from Allai — Gallant conduct of 
 Surgeons Heuston and Melville — End of the campaign — I visit the river column 
 at Derband — Bad weather sets in — Losses of the force during the campaign 
 — Gratifying acknowledgment of my services by the military and medical 
 authorities. 
 
 On the 4th of October the three columns of the Hazara Field 
 Force encamped in the Oghi Valley began the ascent of the Black 
 Mountain, the first column ascending the Kiarkot ridge towards 
 Chittabut Peak, the second proceeding up the Barchar spur, and 
 the third (accompanied by General M'Queen and the staff, includ- 
 ing myself) going up the Sumbabut spur. Next day the advance 
 was continued ; there was little resistance on the part of the enemy, 
 and by October 6th these three columns were firmly established at 
 different points along the crest of the mountain. The fourth or 
 river column had in the meantime advanced up the Indus Valley 
 from Derband and engaged the enemy near Kotkai on October 
 4th. The Black Mountain men on this occasion were assisted by 
 a body of Ghazis (Mohammedan fanatics) from the Hindustani 
 colony at Palosi, on the other side of the Indus, who charged 
 
314 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 our troops sword in hand and caused some loss, but were nearly 
 all shot down. Captain Beley, deputy assistant quartermaster- 
 general of the Punjab Frontier Force, a very gallant and accom- 
 plished officer, met his death in this engagement : he was caught 
 in the charge of the Ghazis and cut to pieces. Next day Colonel 
 Crookshank, C.B., the commander of the river column, was severely 
 wounded, while reconnoitring, by a shot from the opposite bank of 
 the Indus, but nevertheless the advance was continued and Kotkai 
 and Kunhar, with other villages in the valley of the Indus, were 
 occupied by the troops of the river column. They subsequently 
 crossed the Indus and occupied Palosi, compelling the Hindustani 
 fanatics to retreat further up the river. 
 
 The other three columns holding the crest of the mountain 
 operated in various directions for about a fortnight ; there was 
 hardly any fighting, but some of our men were killed and wounded 
 by the fire of the enemy ^s skirmishers, who were hidden in the 
 forest. Seri, the residence of Hashim Ali Khan, chief of the 
 Hassanzais, was taken and destroyed, and the military operations 
 resulted in the complete submission of the Hassanzais and Akazais, 
 the most important of the tribes in arms against us. 
 
 During this time the weather fortunately remained fine, except 
 on the nights of October 4th and 8th, when it rained and snowed 
 a little, making us very uncomfortable. The health of the troops 
 and followers continued good, notwithstanding the hard work and 
 exposure they had to endure. No tents were allowed, except a few 
 for hospital j)urposes, and officers and men had to sleep on the 
 ground under temporary shelters constructed with blankets, water- 
 proof sheets, tarpaulins, boughs of trees, etc., which would have 
 been of little avail had heavy rain set in. I had two waterproof 
 sheets, one of which was spread on the ground under me to exclude 
 the damp while the other was rigged up like a little tent above 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS S15 
 
 me as a shelter from the dew. My bedding consisted of a wadded 
 resai, or quilt (which when trebly folded served as a mattress), two 
 blankets, and my heavy military overcoat. Like every one else I 
 slept in my clothes, and as the weather was fine I suffered no 
 harm, though my bones felt rather sore before the campaign was 
 over. 
 
 I several times visited the camps and hospitals of the first and 
 second columns on Chittabut and Nimal, and on one occasion I 
 went to the spot where Major Battye, Captain Urmston, and their 
 
 CHITTABUT PEAK, BLACK MOUNTAIN, WHERE MAJOR BATTYE 
 AND CAPTAIN URMSTON WERE KILLED 
 
 men had been attacked and killed. I was accompanied by a Sepoy 
 who had been with Major Battye at the time of the attack and 
 had managed to escape. The scene of the catastrophe was on the 
 east side of Chittabut peak and a little below the summit; the 
 side of the mountain was very steep there and was covered with 
 thick forest and dense undergrowth, amongst which were some 
 enormous granite rocks. From the nature of the ground it was 
 plain that the party must have been suddenly attacked from above 
 and must have had little chance. Before the departure of our 
 
316 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 force a large cross was deeply cut in one of the great granite rocks 
 just above the spot as a memorial of the tragic event. 
 
 On the 20th of October the general and his staff (including 
 myself) left the third column and proceeded by way of Chittabut 
 
 
 BILANDKOT, BLACK MOUNTAIN 
 
 to Mana ki Dana to join the first column in the operations which 
 still remained to be undertaken against the Parari Sayads, Thakot, 
 and AUai. Very early on the following morning a strong detach- 
 ment of the force, under the command of Brigadier-General 
 Channer, V.C., was despatched to surprise and capture Bilandkot, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 317 
 
 one of the principal villages of the Parari Sayads. The village 
 was found to be deserted, the inhabitants having evidently been 
 warned of our approach. From this place we continued our 
 descent of the Black Mountain until we reached the Tikaree 
 Valley, where we remained for several days encamped on a fairly 
 level slope called Chirmang. In order to reduce the Parari Sayads, 
 who still held out, we had to enter their glen and destroy several of 
 their villages. I^ittle opposition was encountered and no loss 
 sustained from the enemy, but 
 a soldier of the Northumber- 
 land Fusiliers met his death in 
 a singular manner during these 
 operations. He was bitten by 
 a snake which he had handled, 
 believing it to be harmless, and 
 he died in less than an hour. 
 From the description of the 
 snake given me by an officer 
 who saw it I concluded that it 
 was a Daboia RusselUi (RusselPs 
 Viper) one of the most deadly 
 of the venomous snakes of India. 
 
 A short distance from our camp at Chirmang was the old fort 
 of Trund, belonging to a friendly chief. From our camp it 
 appeared a picturesque object, but on visiting it I was much dis- 
 appointed to find that it was a wretched, dilapidated place, full of 
 dirty hovels and offensive smells. The day after our expedition 
 against the Parari Sayads, His Excellency the Commander-in-chief 
 and his staff arrived in our camp to inspect the troops and see the 
 country which had been the theatre of our late operations. After 
 passing a day with us they ascended the Black Mountain by way 
 
 A PARARI SAYAD 
 
318 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 of Mana-ki-Dana and Chittabut peak, proceeded along the crest as 
 far as Nimal, and then returned to the standing camp at Oghi by 
 the Sumbabut spur. On the morning of their departure we left 
 our camp at Chirmang, and marched across the range of hills 
 separating Tikaree from Nundihar to a place called Maidan where 
 we encamped. 
 
 The Nundihar Valley is an extensive and well cultivated tract 
 of country with a hill stream flowing through it ; there are plenty 
 of villages and a considerable population. A chain of lofty moun- 
 tains separates Nundihar from Allai, a still larger valley, which 
 we were soon to visit, as its inhabitants had raided into our terri- 
 tory some time before, and had refused to make any reparation. 
 Between this dividing range and the northern part of the Black 
 Mountain is a succession of deep and gloomy gorges, through which 
 the Nundihar River finds its way to join the Indus near Thakot. 
 
 Next morning we marched along the flanks of the Allai moun- 
 tains for several miles till we reached Dabrai, the furthest point 
 attained in 1868 by the expedition under General Wilde, who 
 turned back at this point on perceiving the very difficult appear- 
 ance of the country further on. I was not surprised at this, for 
 the country between Dabrai and the Indus looked most difficult, 
 indeed almost impracticable. Nevertheless, we pressed on, and 
 after much labour in roadmaking and removing obstacles, we 
 arrived at a place called Shumsheer Gutt, where many great 
 granite rocks were scattered about. The biggest of these, a huge 
 mass of many tons, had steps cut in it by which the top could be 
 reached, where two round holes, some feet apart, were seen in the 
 rock. There was a legend current in the locality to the eff*ect that 
 the Sultan Shumsheer, a great warrior, who ruled over the country 
 long ago, used to tether his horse on the top of this rock, and that 
 the steps were worn in the granite by the horse going up and 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 319 
 
 down, while the holes on the top of the rock were for the pegs to 
 which the horse was tied ! 
 
 Next morning I accompanied a force under Brigadier-General 
 Channer, V.C., to Thakot. We started early and soon reached the 
 deep gorge of the Nundihar River, which we crossed with some 
 difficulty. A long slanting ascent of a great spur of the Black 
 Mountain followed, and on reaching the summit we got a view of 
 the Indus and of the spot where the Nundihar River falls into it. 
 Just above this point was the village of Lora with its square stone 
 tower perched on a commanding eminence overlooking both rivers. 
 For this village we directed our course, and we reached it after a 
 long and very steep descent. We then found ourselves about 50 
 feet above the Indus, and in full view of Thakot, which was about 
 a mile off further up the river. On the other side of the Indus 
 the mountains of the Chakesur range rose steeply to a considerable 
 height, and a large village with a massive stone tower could be 
 seen a little way from the bank of the river. 
 
 The village of Lora was deserted, the inhabitants having fled 
 across the Indus, but the people of Thakot sent a holy man to the 
 general to ask that no injury should be done to their village, and 
 to give assurances that they would offer no opposition. We were 
 told, however, that they could not answer for the people of Lora, 
 who were their enemies, or for those on the other side of the 
 Indus, who would probably try to annoy us. A reassuring reply 
 was sent, and then we crossed the Nundihar River and marched to 
 Thakot, passing through the place in regular order with the band 
 of the Seaforth Highlanders playing in the van. No opposition 
 was offered, and we returned to Lora, where we took up our 
 quarters for the night. As everything seemed quite peaceful, and 
 we could see people going about, tending cattle, and cultivating 
 their fields as usual, Mr. Apcar, the Times correspondent, and I 
 
320 
 
 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 went for a stroll along the bank of the Indus. The river was 
 about 200 yards broad at this point, and came rushing down with 
 great force and velocity. 
 
 We were sitting on a rock at the water's edge gazing at the 
 scene, when several shots were suddenly fired at us from the oppo- 
 site bank, where some large rocks afforded shelter to our assailants. 
 
 THE INDUS NEAR THAKOT 
 
 We then retired to the village, where our people had begun to return 
 the enemy's fire. The firing on both sides continued for an hour 
 or more, but we liad only two men slightly wounded, and though 
 machine guns were used on our side I do not think the enemy 
 sustained much loss, as they were well covered and we saw none of 
 them. During the night they tried to work down the Black 
 Mountain spur to our left and so reach our camp, but a picket of 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 321 
 
 the Khyber Rifles had been posted there, and after some firing the 
 hillmen retreated and did not disturb us again that night. 
 
 In the morning it was decided to destroy the village and tower 
 of Lora, and to shell the large village on the other side of the 
 Indus from which we had been attacked the day before. Accord- 
 ingly some guns were got into position and began to shell the 
 village and a large square tower near it, while the houses and the 
 tower of Lora were filled with wood and straw and set on fire, 
 when they soon became a mass of flame and smoke. The tower 
 
 BURNING OF THE TOWER OF LORA 
 
 beyond the river was repeatedly struck, and at length the 
 simultaneous discharge of two guns brought it down with a 
 crash. We then prepared to withdraw; the baggage, guns, and 
 most of the troops returned by the way we came, but Colonel 
 Gatacre, the chief of the staff, myself, and several other officers, 
 with an escort of the 3rd Sikh Infantry and the Khyber Rifles, 
 went along the narrow valley of the Nundihar River, by a path 
 following the windings of the stream. The enemy attacked us by 
 rolling rocks down the steep slopes as we were passing below, but 
 
Sn MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 no harm was done, and our escort soon drove them off and burned 
 one of their villages. After a fatiguing march we regained our 
 camp, and on the following day the whole force returned to Maidan. 
 
 On the 31st of October we marched up Chaila Mountain 
 towards AJlai, encamping for the night at an elevation of about 
 7000 feet. The watch-fires of the Allai men were visible on the 
 crest of the mountain, and as their chief, Arsala Khan, had not 
 accepted our terms, it was evident that they intended to resist. 
 Next morning we left our bivouac and advanced along the wooded 
 ridge which led upwards to the crest of the mountain. The last 
 500 or 600 feet was a succession of bare precipitous slopes, and 
 there no doubt we should have found great difficulty and sustained 
 heavy loss but for our artillery, which was used with such effect 
 that the enemy were driven from their commanding position on 
 the summit before our infantry began the ascent. Even though 
 unopposed, we did not reach the summit without much difficulty, 
 owing to the precipitous character of the declivity. We had to 
 make our way up by narrow ledges, sometimes only a few inches 
 wide, so that the men, while ascending, looked liked flies on the 
 side of a wall. 
 
 The ascent was so difficult that no loaded animals could 
 go up till a road had been made for them by the engineers; 
 thus the baggage did not arrive till late on the following 
 day. Several baggage mules were killed by falling down 
 the precipices ; one fell S50 feet and was literally dashed to 
 pieces. This precipitous ascent bore the name of the Ghorephir 
 f ass (from ghora, a horse, and phir7ia, to turn), there being a 
 legend that Sultan Shumsheer, when marching to invade Allai, 
 turned his horse round and retired on beholding the precipices of 
 Chaila. He may well have done so, for we found considerable 
 difficulty in ascending on foot, and no one attempted to ride up. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 323 
 
 Owing to the baggage not arriving, the men had to bivouac as 
 they were at a height of more than 9000 feet. Many of the men 
 had not even their greatcoats, yet this exposure apparently did 
 them no harm. 
 
 On the 3rd of November I accompanied a force of 750 men 
 under General Channer, V.C., which was sent down into the valley 
 to attack and destroy the village of Pokul, the residence of Arsala 
 Khan, the principal chief of Allai. For some distance we marched 
 along the side of the mountain on which the Northumberland 
 Fusiliers were encamped. The views were magnificent ; to our 
 right far below lay the Allai Valley, and beyond it a great range 
 of snow-clad mountains, the dividing range between Allai and 
 Kohistan, exceeding 15,000 feet in height. In our front the 
 Allai Valley sloped down to the Indus, which appeared beyond, 
 flowing down a long valley between lofty mountains and then 
 turning to the left in the direction of Thakot. From what I saw 
 of the country it appeared to me that we might have entered 
 Allai more easily by advancing up the Indus from Thakot and 
 turning to the right into the lower part of the Allai Valley, than 
 by crossing the Chaila Mountain as we did. 
 
 After marching some distance we turned to the right down a 
 spur of the mountain, and after a skirmish with the enemy, costing 
 us one man killed and one wounded, we reached the bottom of the 
 valley about noon and occupied Pokul without resistance. The 
 village, which was of considerable size and contained the residence 
 of Arsala Khan, was burned, and its large stone tower was blown 
 up. After a short halt for rest and refreshment we set out on our 
 return to camp, and for some distance we were unopposed, but 
 when we reached the point where we had turned down the spur 
 the enemy attacked and followed us up rather persistently almost 
 as far as our camp. The retirement was conducted by General 
 
SM MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Channer with much coolness and skill ; the men were directed to 
 retire by alternate parties, each party while retiring being covered 
 by the fire of the next, and taking up a new position behind them 
 to cover their retirement in the same manner. In this way the 
 enemy were prevented from coming very close, and we had not 
 many casualties, but we should have suffered much loss had the 
 retirement been badly conducted, as the enemy were in some force 
 and fired heavily. 
 
 On the 4th of November we prepared to withdraw from AUai, 
 and after sending off the baggage we marched along the ridge of 
 Chaila towards the Ghorcphir Pass. We were annoyed by occa- 
 sional shots from the enemy who were concealed in the forest, and 
 a Sepoy of the 24th Punjab Infantry was mortally wounded. Our 
 rear guard, while descending the precipitous part of the mountain, 
 were assailed by rocks which the enemy rolled down upon them, 
 and a soldier of the Northumberland Fusiliers in trying to avoid 
 these missiles, got his foot wedged in a crevice of the rock, and 
 broke his leg. Being thus disabled he was in considerable danger 
 as the enemy were close behind, but two young officers of the 
 medical staff. Surgeons Heuston and Melville, took him on their 
 backs in turn and so carried him out of reach of harm. These 
 officers showed great courage and presence of mind on this occa- 
 sion, and their conduct was duly brought to the notice of the 
 military and medical authorities. 
 
 After clearing the Ghorephir Pass we marched back to Maidan, 
 halting there for a day to rest the men, and then went on to our 
 old camp at Chirmang, where we remained for several days. The 
 campaign being now over, the force returned to Oghi on November 
 9th, and the troops composing it proceeded to their respective 
 stations. I returned to Abbottabad on November 14th, and 
 went to Derband the same day to visit the river column, which I 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 325 
 
 had not been able to do before. The distance was fifty-two miles, 
 and I had to travel by ekka, no other means of travelling being 
 available. For about thirty miles the road was very good, but 
 after crossing the Sirin River it became a rough cross country 
 path, and I endured a terrible jolting and shaking, particularly 
 on reaching the Indus, where the road was a mere track over rough 
 stones and rocks. At last I could bear it no longer, and getting 
 down I walked the last few miles of the journey. 
 
 I found the camp on an open sandy space near the river some 
 distance beyond the town of Derband, and I put up with the 
 senior medical officer. 
 After one day''s stay I 
 returned to Abbotta- 
 bad by the same road. 
 Up to this time the 
 weather had been very 
 fine, but a change took 
 place on the 20th of 
 November and some 
 very wet days ensued. 
 When the weather 
 cleared a little the Black Mountain and the Allai hills were seen 
 covered with snow. It was, therefore, very fortunate that military 
 operations were not prolonged, as the troops and followers would 
 have suffered severely from the effects of bad weather at such high 
 altitudes. The duties of the troops during this brief campaign 
 were arduous, and they underwent much fatigue, exposure, and 
 privation, all of which would have b^en greatly augmented had 
 not fine weather prevailed throughout the period when military 
 operations were going on. 
 
 Considering the circumstances of the case, the sickness and 
 
 AN EKKA 
 
326 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 mortality were very small, and the general health of the troops 
 was excellent. This satisfactory result was mainly due to the 
 very favourable weather which prevailed almost without cessation 
 throughout the operations, and also to the men being very well 
 fed. The losses in killed and wounded sustained by the Hazara 
 Field Force during the military operations in the Black Mountain, 
 Thakot, and Allai, were about a hundred men, and must be con- 
 sidered small when the nature of the country and the amount of 
 opposition are taken into account. They were, however, consider- 
 ably larger than the losses sustained by the expeditions of 1852 
 and 1868. 
 
 For some time after my return to Abbottabad I was much 
 occupied in preparing my report on the Black Mountain expedi- 
 tion, and in winding up the medical affairs connected with it. I 
 was much gratified by receiving a letter from Surgeon-General 
 Madden, principal medical officer H.M. Forces in India, congratu- 
 lating me on the success of the medical arrangements of the expedi- 
 tion, and also on finding that my services were acknowledged and 
 brought to the notice of Government in the despatch of Major- 
 General M'Queen, C.B., in the following terms : — ' Deputy Surgeon- 
 General J. H. ITiornton, C.B., the principal medical officer of the 
 force, saw carefully to the establishment of the several field hos- 
 pitals, and the smooth working of everything connected with them 
 was most creditable to him and the medical officers serving under 
 him.' 
 
CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 My third annual tour of inspection — I visit some ruins near Kohat — A motley escort — 
 Dogs and mules — I go through the Kohat Pass with the Lieutenant-Governor 
 of the Punjab and his party — The Pass Afridis — My first visit to Simla — I inspect 
 the cavalry in October 1889 — Narrow escape at Dera Ghazi Khan — Similar 
 incident at Abbottabad — Asoka's tower — My fourth annual inspection tour — I 
 visit the posts in the Suleiman hills — The new road — Sakhi Sarwar and its 
 shrine — We are warned of Gola but do not meet him — My adventure near 
 Peyzu — I visit Sultan Jan at Kohat — Account of my journey to Ranigat — Inscrip- 
 tions on rocks at Shahbazgarhi — We are hospitably received by the Khan of 
 Shiwa — The fortress of Ranigat — The Umbeyla Pass and the Crag Picket. 
 
 In December 1888 I left Abbottabad on my third annual tour of 
 inspection, and proceeded by way of Khanpur and Mithankot to 
 Rajanpur, from whence I travelled northward, visiting the different 
 stations in turn, until I reached Kohat. During my stay at -that 
 station I went with a friend to visit some curious ruins in the Afridi 
 hills six or seven miles to the westward. We drove in a mule cart 
 a few miles along the Hangu Road to a village called Mahomedzai, 
 where we found our escort, consisting of a posse of about fifty 
 villagers armed with all sorts of miscellaneous weapons, ready to 
 accompany us to the ruins. With this motley crowd we set out, 
 walking across country towards the hills. Our escort had with 
 them many dogs, some of which resembled English bull dogs, 
 and on the way these dogs amused themselves by chasing and 
 pulling down an unfortunate cow which they would speedily have 
 killed had not their masters rushed up and pulled them off. On 
 reaching the hills we scrambled up by a steep and difficult path for 
 about 1000 feet, when we reached the ruins of what must once 
 
328 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 have been a very strong fortress. A large and massive tower still 
 remained in good preservation, and from this the remains of walls 
 and towers could be traced around a large enclosure. Close by 
 was a spring which no doubt supplied the garrison with water. 
 
 The position commanded an extensive view over the Hangu 
 Valley and the fertile plain of Kohat, and it seemed just the sort 
 of stronghold that a band of robbers in past ages would have 
 selected for their retreat. It is, however, completely commanded 
 by higher hills, and would now be quite untenable. It is said to 
 have been built by a chief named Adh in prehistoric times, but 
 this is a mere tradition. After viewing the ruins we retraced our 
 steps to the road and got into our mule cart, but no sooner did we 
 start than the dogs of our escort gave chase and rushed at the 
 mules, barking loudly and springing at the heads of the animals. 
 The mules struck at the dogs with their forefeet and knocked 
 them over several times, but they still came on pertinaciously, and 
 we did not shake them off till we had gone a mile or two along the 
 road. 
 
 The Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab arrived at Kohat 
 while I was there, and, finding that he intended to go through 
 the Kohat Pass to Peshawur, I arranged to accompany his party. 
 We rode northward towards the Afridi hills, ascended the ' Kotal,' 
 and went down a series of slippery zig-zags into the narrow 
 winding valley, fifteen or sixteen miles in length, which forms the 
 Kohat Pass. For some "miles we followed the valley in an easterly 
 direction. Many times we were stopped by people with petitions 
 to the ^ Lord Sahib "* about their friends or relatives who had com- 
 mitted crimes in British territory, and had been sent to prison 
 there. These Pass Afridis were all armed to the teeth ; some had 
 muskets or Enfield muzzle loading rifles, a good many carried 
 Snider breechloaders, and some actually had Martini-Henry rifles, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 329 
 
 which doubtless had been stolen from our garrisons. They seemed 
 very friendly, nevertheless, and offered us refreshments in the shape 
 of tea, milk, eggs, chupatties, and curried fowl. 
 
 The pass, after some miles, tiuns round a spur of the moun- 
 tains and runs to the westward for a considerable distance, then 
 it turns to the north-east, and presently ends in the plain of 
 Peshawur. It is everywhere narrow, and the hills on both sides are 
 within easy rifle range of the road. In 1850 a British force under 
 Sir Charles Napier (who was then commander-in-chief in India) 
 marched through this pass, but met with determined opposition 
 from the Afridis, and sustained considerable loss in forcing its way 
 to Kohat. Since then arrangements have been made with the 
 tribes inhabiting the hills round the pass : they receive an annual 
 subsidy, in return for which they keep the pass open and allow all 
 travellers to go through unmolested. At Matanni, five miles 
 beyond the pass, w^e halted for breakfast, after which I continued 
 my journey and arrived at Peshawm- in the evening. Thence, 
 after a short stay, I proceeded to Murdan, and then returned to 
 my headquarters at Abbottabad. 
 
 In June 1889 I obtained fifteen days'* leave and visited Simla 
 for the first time. I travelled by railway to Umballa, and then by 
 can-iage to Kalka at the foot of the hills, about forty miles 
 distant. There I breakfasted, and then started in a tonga for 
 Simla, which was fifty-eight miles further on. The road is a 
 splendid piece of engineering, and its construction must have cost 
 much labour and a great deal of money. Two military stations, 
 Kussowli and Dugshai, are passed on the way, and further on a 
 little place called Solan, where a convenient hotel invites travellers 
 to break the journey. The hills are in some parts forest-clad, but 
 generally they are very bare, and abrupt or even precipitous in 
 some places. After a hot and dusty journey I reached Simla at 
 
330 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 thi'ee in the afternoon, and went to Harding's hotel, where I had 
 secured accommodation. 
 
 Simla is something like Murree in general appearance, but very 
 much larger. It is situated on a narrow undulating ridge several 
 miles in length and between 7000 and 8000 feet high, with spurs 
 projecting from it on both sides. The ridge and its offshoots are 
 everywhere clothed with a beautiful forest of pines, deodars, 
 rhododendrons, oaks, and other trees, amid which the roofs of the 
 houses are seen in many places. About the centre of the ridge 
 stand the church and the town hall, the latter being a very large 
 and imposing stone edifice in a prominent situation. Below these 
 are the shops, places of business, and the native town, also most of 
 the public offices. Close to the church the ridge rises rather 
 steeply for about 1000 feet, forming the hill called Jakko, covered 
 with a beautiful forest, in which many European residences are 
 seen. A small Hindu temple stands on the top of this hill, and 
 numbers of monkeys gambol among the trees. Further west, on 
 the summit of the ridge, is the summer residence of the Viceroy of 
 India, a handsome stone building containing some very fine recep- 
 tion rooms, and suiTounded by beautiful grounds. The summit of 
 the Simla ridge is so narrow that in most places there is room only 
 for a single house, but though the slopes are very abrupt, sites 
 have been found almost everywhere for houses, which in many 
 instances are elegant structures resembling the villas of Bourne- 
 mouth or Torquay. The roofing material is generally sheet iron, 
 plain or corrugated, but shingles or slates are used in some 
 instances. A broad road, protected on the side of the declivity by 
 a suitable railing, is carried all along the ridge and around Jakko, 
 while many smaller roads and paths diverge from it on both sides 
 and extend in all directions through the lovely forest covering the 
 mountain. No carriages drawn by horses or ponies are allowed at 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 331 
 
 Simla except those belonging to the Viceroy, the Commander-in- 
 Chief, and the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab. This rule is 
 doubtless intended to prevent accidents, which would be very likely 
 to happen were the roads crowded with all manner of vehicles 
 drawn by all sorts of horses, when the side of the mountain is 
 always steep and often precipitous, and the outer edge of the road 
 is merely protected by a wooden railing. In consequence of this 
 regulation people at Simla usually walk or go about on horseback, 
 or employ a jinrickshaw, a two- wheeled vehicle propelled by men. 
 These 'rickshaws have come into very general use at Simla of late, 
 and they are particularly useful in bad weather, as well as for 
 going to balls, dinner parties, etc. The tongas which bring people 
 up to Simla and take them back to the plains are obliged to stop 
 at and to start from a special station like a railway terminus 
 situated some distance below the summit of the ridge. Passengers 
 have to make their way to or from this station as best they can. 
 
 After a short residence at this charming hill station, I started 
 on my return journey in a violent thunderstorm. The horses tore 
 along with the tonga at a tremendous rate, caring nothing for the 
 torrents of rain beating in their faces, the flashes of lightning and 
 peals of thunder, or for the stones that came rolling down the 
 hillside above us. Several times a small landslip came rattling 
 down upon the road as we passed, but the well-trained horses were 
 not in the least affected by it. This was fortunate, for the outside 
 of the road was protected only by a low stone wall, beyond which 
 were steep and profound declivities threatening destruction in case 
 of accident. Had our horses gone over through fright or misman- 
 agement escape would have been impossible, and tonga, horses, and 
 passengers would have been dashed to pieces hundreds of feet 
 below. The storm presently ceased and the clouds dispersed. I 
 reached Umballa in the afternoon and continued my journey 
 
332 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 by train, arriving at Abbottabad in time for breakfast next 
 morning. 
 
 In October 1889 I had to make an extra journey along the 
 frontier in order to inspect the cavalry regiments of the Punjab 
 Frontier Force before they left their stations to join the cavalry 
 camp of exercise at Muridki near Lahore. My trip was necessarily 
 hurried, and in three weeks I finished my inspection work and 
 returned to Abbottabad. While I was at Dera Ghazi Khan an 
 incident occurred which might have suddenly terminated my career. 
 I was returning from the garrison mess to the house where I was 
 putting up, and happening to look down I saw what seemed to be 
 a dry stick lying across the path. I was on the point of putting 
 my foot upon it when I saw, just in time, the transverse black and 
 white marks which told me that it was a krait. At that moment 
 my foot was a few inches above the reptile in the act of stepping, 
 but I just managed to step clear of it, and turning round I killed 
 it with my walking stick as it was beginning to move. It was a 
 large specimen, and had I set my foot upon it I must have been 
 bitten and in all probability I should have lost my life, as the 
 krait is one of the most deadly of the venomous snakes of India. 
 Considering how these reptiles abound all over the country it is 
 surprising how seldom any European falls a victim to their venom. 
 Narrow escapes, however, are common enough, and I believe most 
 Anglo-Indians could relate similar instances as having occurred in 
 their own experience. 
 
 A curious incident of this kind took place at Abbottabad about 
 the same time : a snake was found among some toys with which 
 two young children had been playing just before in the verandah 
 of their home. They had been taken out by their nurse, and a. 
 casual visitor, who was calling at the house, noticed, among the 
 children''s toys lying about in the verandah, what he supposed to 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 333 
 
 be a toy snake. On his going near it moved, and he saw that it 
 was no toy, but a real snake, which had most likely come from the 
 garden. The snake was then killed, the children had a narrow 
 escape, and their parents must have experienced an unpleasant 
 shock. 
 
 In returning to Abbottabad I left the train at Serai Kala, a 
 station about ten miles to the east of Hassan Abdal, for the 
 purpose of visiting an ancient tower on the banks of the Hurroo 
 River, said to have been built by the great Buddhist sovereign 
 Asoka, who ruled over a great part if not the whole of India, about 
 two centuries before the commencement of the Christian era. The 
 tower was in a very ruinous state, as might well be expected after 
 the lapse of so many centuries, but from its situation and appear- 
 ance I came to the conclusion that it was originally a military 
 post established to command the passage of the river and the 
 Kashmir Road, which at that time probably took this direction. 
 Between Serai Kala and the Hurroo River are a number of low 
 hills covered with ruins, which are said to be the remains of the 
 once famous city of Taxila, which was a large and important place 
 when Alexander the Great invaded India, and was occupied by 
 him after he crossed the Indus. 
 
 In December I made preparations for my fourth annual inspec- 
 tion tour and travelled by train to Dera Ghazi Khan, proceeding 
 by way of Lala Musa and Bukkur. After getting through my 
 inspection and invaliding work at Dera Ghazi Khan, I started off 
 to inspect the posts in the Suleiman hills. The new road had 
 been completed since my last visit, and I chose it in preference to 
 the old route by Kot Chutta, Choti Zerin, and Choti Bala. I had 
 the same rickety cart as on previous occasions, and drove out to a 
 place called Ramghur, about fifteen miles distant in a westerly 
 direction. For the first ten miles the land was well cultivated and 
 
334 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 fairly wooded, most of the trees being date palms. Beyond that 
 distance the country grew more or less barren and treeless until 
 near Ramghur it became a bare sandy desert. I put up for the 
 night in the road bungalow, which was commodious and comfort- 
 able. 
 
 Early next morning I resumed my journey through the sandy 
 desert, which was so heavy that I had to walk most of the dis- 
 tance, since it was as much as the horse could do to drag the cart 
 through the sand. After a slow and fatiguing march of fifteen 
 miles I reached the rest-house at Sakhi Sarwar and halted there 
 for the night. 
 
 After a short rest I walked over to see the town ; it is a place 
 of some size, having a population of about 2000 persons, who are 
 mostly beggars. A celebrated Mohammedan ' Peer,"* or holy man, 
 lived, died, and was buried there some eight centuries ago ; hence a 
 sacred shrine was established in the place, and it has, ever since, 
 been continually visited by devout Mohammedans from all parts of 
 India, who pay liberal contributions to the guardians of the shrine. 
 A great deal of money is also collected by the people of Sakhi 
 Sarwar who travel all over India for this purpose. The shrine 
 consists of several whitewashed buildings with two minarets, and 
 long ranges of steps going down to a rocky nullah, or watercourse, 
 which was quite dry when I saw it, but evidently contains water 
 during: the rains. The houses of the town are the usual flat roofed 
 mud huts common in this part of India. The surrounding country 
 is a howling wilderness : a range of bare rugged hills lying to the 
 west and a stony desert plain all around. 
 
 Next morning I started on foot, as the cart could go no 
 further, and walked eleven miles to a place called Rukhi Munh. 
 The road ran along the base of the above mentioned range of hills, 
 and then turning to the right ascended a ravine which led to the 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 335 
 
 main range of mountains. The sides of this ravine were in some 
 places quite perpendicular and more than 100 feet high ; they 
 consisted of an enormous mass of pebbles of various sizes embedded 
 in tenacious clay. This sort of formation is very frequently met 
 with all along the North-West Frontier of India from Abbottabad 
 downwards. At Rukhi Munh I put up in a very comfortable road 
 bungalow, and on the following day I rode up to Khur, a distance 
 of eighteen miles. The new road was quite finished and had been 
 so skilfully constructed that I could have driven a carriage the 
 whole way. 
 
 At Khur I found hardly any change except a few new buildings 
 and some preparations for the construction of a reservoir for water. 
 After finishing my inspection work I went on to Rukhni with the 
 medical officer in charge of the posts. We spent the night there, 
 and next morning rode on to Rankan Sham, a distance of eighteen 
 miles. Since my last visit a comfortable road bungalow had been 
 built at this place, so we put up there, and next day continued our 
 journey to Kingri, seventeen miles further on. The country looked 
 just the same bleak inhospitable wilderness of bare rugged hills 
 and long treeless valleys as at my previous visit two years before. 
 At Kingri we were informed that a Musa Kheyl Pathan, named 
 Gola, was going about the country with a Martini-Henry rifle 
 which he had stolen, and was shooting at our men under cover of 
 the darkness whenever he could get a chance. He had already 
 killed several men, and it was reported that he had vowed to shoot 
 an officer. We saw nothing of him, however, either going or 
 coming, and I got back to Khur, and from thence to Dera Ghazi 
 Khan without any adventure worth mentioning. 
 
 I then continued my inspection tour, proceeding next to Dera 
 Ismail Khan and then to Edwardesabad. On leaving the former 
 station I found the road so heavy from recent rain that my tonga 
 
336 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 got on very slowly, and j ust as it was growing dark the tonga 
 horses came to a stand-still and would not move in spite of all the 
 efforts and invocations of the driver. I was reminded of the 
 graphic description of the horse, said to have been written by a 
 Bengalee student at an examination, which ran thus : ' The horse 
 is a very noble animal, but when irritated he will not do so.' The 
 situation, however, was beyond a joke: we were still several miles 
 from the rest-house at Peyzu, it was nearly dark, raining fast, and 
 a very cold wind was blowing. I sent the tonga driver on to 
 Peyzu to bring me fresh horses, while I walked up and down the 
 road beside the tonga for several hours to keep myself warm, 
 wondering what I should do if the horses failed to arrive. At 
 length the driver returned with a pair of fresh horses ; we soon 
 had them harnessed and the tonga was put in motion, but the road 
 was so bad that for some distance we were obliged to walk to 
 lighten the conveyance. Then we got in, the driver (who seemed 
 able to see in the dark) urged on the horses, and we reached 
 Peyzu dak bungalow a little before midnight. I was wet through 
 and very tired, but a good dinner and a sound sleep restored me, 
 and I rose next morning quite refreshed and none the worse for 
 this disagreeable adventure. 
 
 At Kohat I paid a visit to a fine old native gentleman named 
 Sultan Jan ; he was an honorary magistrate and was much liked 
 and respected by all. He was descended from the Durani sovereigns 
 of Afghanistan, and he showed me many curiosities which he said 
 had come down to him from them, particularly the sword and 
 dagger of the celebrated Ahmed Shah, Abdali, who won the great 
 battle of Paniput from the Mahrattas in 1762. He also showed 
 me a very ancient copy of the Koran in the Kufic character, said 
 to have been executed soon after the death of Mohammed. 
 
 From Kohat I proceeded to Murdan, and during my stay there 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 337 
 
 I made a most interesting excursion to a place called Hanigat, 
 about thirty miles distant in a north-easterly direction. It is 
 supposed by some archaeologists to be the famous ' Rock of 
 Aornos,' which was taken by stratagem by Alexander the Great 
 just before he crossed the Indus in his invasion of India, b.c. 326. 
 Leaving Murdan in company with several officers of the Guides, I 
 proceeded in a north-easterly direction across the plain of Yusufzai, 
 and after travelling about seven miles arrived at a large village 
 called Shahbazgarhi. There the road crossed a range of low hills, 
 under which were two large rocks bearing Pali inscriptions similar 
 to those at Mansehra. One of these inscriptions had only recently 
 been discovered, and on being deciphered it proved to be a missing 
 edict of Asoka, which was known to exist but could not be foimd 
 previously. Asoka is said to have been the grandson of Chandra 
 Gupta (called by the Greek historians Sandrokottos) who was con- 
 temporary with Alexander the Great. His edicts were cut on 
 rocks in various parts of the country, and he also erected stone 
 pillars in different -places, where they still remain, showing how 
 extensive the dominions of Asoka must have been. 
 
 We continued our course eastward, and after travelling some 
 fifteen miles more we arrived at the village of Shiwa, where we were 
 kindly and hospitably received by the Khan of Shiwa, who placed 
 his house at our disposal and made us very comfortable. Next 
 morning we started for Ranigat, escorted by the khan with a 
 number of his armed retainers, as the place we were going to visit 
 was situated across the border in the country of the Kodo Kheyls. 
 We rode over the plain for eight or nine miles till we reached a 
 village at the foot of a range of steep granite hills projecting into 
 the plain from the mountains north of it. There we dismounted 
 and, leaving our horses at the village, we began to clamber up the 
 steep ascent, which was obstructed by granite rocks of all shapes 
 
338 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 and sizes. I thought to myself while going up how difficult the 
 ascent must have been for Alexander and his heavily armed Greeks 
 and Macedonians. One of our party whose bulk was considerable 
 had to sit down several times, to admire the view as he said. 
 
 At last we reached the summit of the range and found there 
 the ruins of an extensive fortress, which from the style of its archi- 
 tecture seemed to belong to the period of Buddhist supremacy. 
 The ruins were in some parts very well preserved ; there were walls, 
 towers, a pointed archway, and a vaulted passage leading from it, 
 all built of great blocks of granite which had been regularly cut 
 and squared. Within were heaps of debris, among which we found 
 fragments of statues of Buddha and broken pieces of carved stone 
 of a dark slaty appearance which must have been brought from 
 elsewhere. The ruins covered a good deal of ground and we had 
 little time for exploring them, as our friend the khan grew nervous 
 and was in a great hurry to get us away. Perhaps he feared an 
 attack from the Kodo Kheyls ; anyhow he appeared uneasy till we 
 returned to the village at the foot of the hill. There we had some 
 rest and refreshment, and then mounted our horses and rode back 
 to Shiwa. 
 
 This place is only a few miles distant from the Umbeyla Pass 
 which leads into the Buner country, and in the Pass we saw a little 
 eminence which we were informed was named ' Katl Ghar," or the 
 place of slaughter, in remembrance of the severe fighting that went 
 on there in the Umbeyla campaign in 1863. That little hill was 
 then the Crag Picket, and was taken and retaken more than once 
 with great loss on both sides. We passed the night at Shiwa, and 
 on the following morning we took leave of our kind host and came 
 back to Murdan, whence, after finishing my work, I returned to 
 my headquarters at Abbottabad. 
 
CHAPTER XXV 
 
 I obtain leave of absence and set out for Khagan — Earthquake at Balakot — The Kunhar 
 River — Kowai — The Forest Ofificer's house at Malkandi — Scenery in the valley — 
 Rude bridges— My camp at Jared— We cross the Shikara nullah with difficulty 
 and meet herds of cattle — Our arrival at Khagan — Visit of Sayad Ahmad Ali 
 Shah — Some of his relatives accompany me onwards — Scenery on the way — We 
 arrive at Narang — Our visit to Saifool Maluk Lake — Grand scenery around it — 
 A local legend — The Sayads hasten my return — Bad weather sets in — Dangerous 
 bridges — A snake adventure — I return to Abbottabad. 
 
 In September 1890 I obtained fifteen days' leave of absence for 
 the purpose of making a trip up the Khagan Valley, a long narrow 
 strip of British territory lying between Kashmir on the east and 
 Allai, Kohistan, and Chilas on the west and north. The valley is 
 formed by two great mountain ranges, offshoots of Nanga Purbut, 
 and it is more than 100 miles in length. My journey was partly 
 undertaken for the purpose of ascertaining whether it would be 
 possible to establish a dispensary in the valley, so that medical aid 
 might be within easy distance of most of the inhabitants. I had 
 intended to go the year before, but had been prevented in conse- 
 quence of disturbances being expected to take place among the hill 
 tribes in that direction. This time, however, nothing occurred to 
 stop me, and having beforehand despatched my servants and baggage 
 to wait for me at Balakot, I started by ekka from Abbotta- 
 bad very early on the 14th of September and reached Mansehra 
 (sixteen miles) at 9.30 a.m. I breakfasted in the travellers'* rest- 
 house, and went on by the same conveyance for eight miles along 
 the Kashmir road, which ran along the flanks of the foot hills 
 of the Thandiani range skirting the extensive Pakli Plain. At 
 
340 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 Ooturseesee I dismissed the ekka, and leaving the Kashmir Road 
 I proceeded on foot through the eastern part of the PakU Plain 
 till I reached Jabah, where the path ascended for some distance 
 over pine-clad hills, and then went down rather abruptly into the 
 deep valley of the Kunhar River. There I found my pony and rode 
 on to Balakot, where I put up in the police station, and found my 
 servants and baggage awaiting me. 
 
 The station consisted of a range of buildings in the form of a 
 quadrangle with a high outer wall loopholed for musketry, and 
 only one entrance provided with two ponderous wooden gates 
 which were closed every evening. The village of Balakot contained 
 about 3000 inhabitants, and was situated on a rising ground in 
 the middle of the valley, about half a mile from the police station. 
 The mountains rise steeply on both sides of the valley to a height 
 of 10,000 feet or more ; they are bare below, but covered with pine 
 forest above. The valley from Garhi HabibooUa to Balakot is of 
 some breadth and highly cultivated, being full of Indian corn and 
 rice. The former is grown far up the hill sides while the latter is 
 confined to the lands which can be irrigated. Much skill and 
 ingenuity are shown by the natives in terracing the ground for 
 rice cultivation and in bringing water to it by channels from every 
 available source. As no supplies were procurable beyond Balakot, 
 I laid in a small stock of flour, rice, and other necessaries for the 
 journey, inspected the mules, looked over the baggage, and pro- 
 vided so far as I could for every contingency. During the night, 
 while I was sleeping in an upper room of the police station, there 
 was a rather severe shock of earthquake which made the whole 
 building shake badly. It roused me from sleep, and set my dogs 
 barking loudly. 
 
 Next morning (Sept. 15th) the baggage mules were loaded 
 and we started at 8 a.m., crossing the Kunhar River near the police 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 341 
 
 station by a rude bridge consisting of two enormous tree trunks 
 which extended from one side to the other, and were covered by 
 loose planks kept in place by large stones placed upon them. 
 There was no hand rail on either side, and some distance below 
 was the rushing torrent threatening destruction to any living 
 creature falling into it. We got safely over, the muleteer bringing 
 over the mules singly, and holding their tails as they went along, 
 apparently to keep them in a straight course. Above Balakot the 
 valley became narrower and appeared as an enormous cleft in the 
 mountains. The road, or rather path, ran along the side of the 
 hills for some miles at a height of 200 or 300 feet above the 
 river, then it descended into a gorge and crossed a small tribu- 
 tary of the Kunhar River. Another stream was crossed a little 
 further on, and then the road turned up a large valley coming 
 down from the east. The village of Kowai lies about two miles up 
 this valley, and there we halted and pitched our tents on a little 
 bit of grassy ground with a few trees scattered about. The Kowai 
 Valley extended a good way further east, and was bounded by a 
 range of high hills clothed with forest. 
 
 I rose early on the following morning, had tea, got the tents 
 struck and everything packed, loaded the mules, and set out for 
 Jared, the next halting place. The road ascended steadily till at 
 last on looking back I saw the bare summit of Mukra, 12,400 feet 
 high, appearing above the wooded hills east of Kowai. Soon after 
 the path began to descend and by various steep inclines and zig-zags 
 took us down almost, to the bottom of the Kunhar Valley, where 
 we passed the village of Parus. and saw much rice cultivation. The 
 road now continued along the bank of the river, and not many feet 
 above it, till we reached a forest of deodars among which I saw the 
 roof of the forest department house at Malkandi, I stopped there 
 for breakfast and met a very courteous and intelligent native officer 
 
342 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 of the forest department who was stationed there. He insisted 
 on accompanying me part of the way to Jared, as he said the road 
 was difficult and I might require assistance. For some distance 
 beyond Malkandi the road was a narrow track formed partly by 
 blasting the rock and partly by fixing logs in crevices of the cliff 
 and so building up a way. In some places on looking down I could 
 see the rushing torrent of the river directly under my feet. How- 
 ever we got along all right, and after crossing the Kunhar River 
 twice by bridges like the one at Balakot, but a good deal worse, 
 we arrived at Jared and pitched our tents in a beautiful grove of 
 deodars close to the river bank. This day's march, like the previous 
 one, was about fourteen miles. 
 
 Next morning I was up betimes, had tea, packed, loaded the 
 mules, and started at 6.30 a.m. The road almost immediately 
 began to ascend by zig-zags, but after going up some distance it 
 descended again and presently reached the Shikara nullah, a moun- 
 tain torrent coming from the Kashmir direction, and falling into 
 the Kunhar River at this point. The bridge over this nullah had 
 recently been carried away by a flood, so we had to ford the stream 
 and we found the crossing no easy matter. After a heavy fall of 
 rain this torrent would be impassable, and as it was we had hard 
 work to get the mules through it. When I rode across, my pony 
 was almost taken off his legs by the rush of the water. From this 
 point the road continued up the hill side for a space and then 
 again descended to another nullah, which was also unbridged, but 
 was smaller and easier to cross than the other. Thence we followed 
 the track for some miles along a bare hill side, which in many 
 places seemed to consist of white marble rock. On looking back 
 the lofty peak Bichalee, on the Kashmir border, upwards of 16,000 
 feet in height, was seen towering above the nearer hills. 
 
 The river below us soon made a sharp bend to the eastward, 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 343 
 
 and the road descending to it, ran along a few feet above the 
 water. The valley became very narrow and was shut in by im- 
 mense precipices of almost perpendicular rock. Finding a pleasant 
 shady spot, I halted for breakfast, sending the baggage on ahead. 
 Numerous herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats passed us 
 on their way down the valley to the neighbouring districts. The 
 people of these districts bring their flocks and herds into the 
 Khagan Valley at the beginning of the hot season on account of 
 the excellent and abundant pasturage which is to be found there, 
 and they come down again in September. They have to pay the 
 headmen of the valley for the privilege of grazing, and these grazing 
 fees form a large part of the incomes of Sayad Ahmad Ali Shah 
 and the other Khagan Sayads. After breakfast I proceeded on 
 my way, and soon found the brawling river turning towards the 
 north. The valley widened considerably on the east side of the 
 river and the hills culminated in Sirool, a fine peak between 13,000 
 and 14,000 feet high. In a short time I arrived at the encamping 
 ground, and saw many little groups of houses dotting the valley 
 and hill sides. These constituted the village of Khagan, the most 
 important place in the valley. Every available piece of ground 
 was cultivated, and the crops of rice and Indian corn looked very 
 flourishing. 
 
 In the afternoon I was visited by Sayad Ahmad Ali Shah, the 
 chief man in the valley, and several of his relatives, and I presented 
 to him the ' parwana ' (vernacular order) which had been kindly 
 given me by Mr. Cunningham, C.I.E., the Deputy Commissioner of 
 Hazara, to facilitate my progress, I then had a long conversation 
 with the Sayads regarding my journey and about the establish- 
 ment of a charitable dispensary in Khagan, which was much wanted, 
 as the people of the valley were entirely without medical aid, and 
 could not seek it elsewhere during the winter months owing to the 
 
SU MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 heavy snow drifts which rendered travelling impossible in that 
 season. The Sayads were very courteous and friendly in their 
 behaviour; they agreed to consider what they could afford to 
 subscribe towards the maintenance of a dispensary, and they pro- 
 mised me that several of their number, including the younger son 
 of Say ad Ahmad Ali Shah, would accompany me onwards to the 
 end of my journey and back, in order that my safety might be 
 assured. 
 
 On the following morning we resumed our journey, accompanied 
 by several of the Sayads. The path continued for several miles 
 along the east bank of the Kunhar River, but at Rajwal, the 
 residence of Say ad Ahmad Ali Shah, it crossed the river by a 
 bridge like those previously mentioned. The river there took a 
 north-easterly direction, and the road followed it on the north bank 
 until we drew near Narang, when the river was again crossed by a 
 bridge as before. The scenery met with on this march was very 
 grand. Some distance to the west I saw Nakra, about 14,000 feet 
 high, and our road traversed the flanks of a chain in which sundry 
 peaks, such as Kundi, exceed 15,000 feet, and others fall little short 
 of it. I breakfasted in a lovely valley, through which a wild hill 
 stream came rushing down to join the river. Looking up this 
 beautiful glen I could see the snow on Muttapur, several thousand 
 feet above. Resuming my journey I shortly reached the bridge, 
 which was very much out of repair, and cut up by the continual 
 passage of cattle. After crossing this and traversing a stretch of 
 open ground where the hills receded, I arrived at the village of 
 Narang, the end of my journey .up the Khagan Valley. 
 
 By direction of my friends the Sayads, my tent was pitched on 
 the flat roof of a house in the village, and they pitched theirs close 
 by. Tliis was done in order to insure my safety, about which they 
 were rather anxious, as the frontier of Kohistan was close at hand. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 345 
 
 and the Kohistanis sometimes made raids into the valley. The march 
 we had made was about sixteen miles, but after some refreshment 
 and a short rest I set off again, in company with one of the Sayads, 
 to try and reach a lake called Saifool Maluk which lay among the 
 mountains east of Narang. The path ran up a valley with a 
 beautiful clear stream flowing down the centre of it. The hill side 
 on our right was covered with forest, but that on the left was bare, 
 and soon became broken and precipitous. As we advanced up the 
 valley the height of the mountains greatly increased and snowy 
 peaks became visible further on. After we had proceeded a few 
 miles a storm came on and we had to make our way back to camp 
 as quickly as possible. 
 
 The weather was fine and clear next morning, so I rose early, 
 had tea, and started for the lake, in company with my friends the 
 Sayads, who seemed much distressed at my persistence in walking 
 .instead of riding. We soon reached the spot where I had turned 
 back the previous afternoon, and continuing the ascent we pre- 
 sently gained the top of the low ridge forming the head of the 
 valley and saw the lake at a little distance below. A few minutes'* 
 walk brought us to its shore. The lake is perhaps two miles 
 round ; it is 10,700 feet above the sea, and is surrounded by lofty 
 mountains, particularly on the north where they are from 15,000 
 to 17,000 feet high. The highest peak, named Malika Purbut, 
 was covered with snow for a considerable distance. A stream of 
 water issuing from the lake rushed, down a steep ravine into the 
 valley from which I had just ascended. We crossed this stream 
 and I had breakfast beside the lake, after which we began to 
 ascend the mountain south of it, called Narang-ka-Dunna. It was 
 a very stiff pull, and I had to stop and rest several times, but at 
 length we gained the top of the ridge and found a smooth grassy 
 slope stretching upwards. We ascended this slope to a height of 
 
346 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 about 13,000 feet, when we came to snowdrifts ; so I halted, had 
 lunch, and enjoyed at leisure the splendid prospect. 
 
 Far below was the crystal lake, and directly opposite rose Malika 
 Purbut (the Queen Mountain) to a height of nearly 18,000 feet. 
 To the west the mountains of Kohistan were spread out like a map 
 before me, and to the north I could see those of Chilas. Eastward 
 were many fine peaks on the border of Kashmir, After resting a 
 while, and enjoying this glorious scene to my heart's content, I 
 descended the ridge, which was nowhere difficult, and at length 
 regained my camp at Narang. Next day I again went to the 
 lake, breakfasted at its eastern end, and then followed the valley 
 towards the east for a few miles, after which I returned to camp. 
 In the evening I explored the lower part of the valley, and was 
 struck by the number of large rocks I found scattered about every- 
 where. Apparently they must have been swept down by some 
 overwhelming flood, and on inquiry I found that there was a local 
 legend accounting for their presence in the following manner. 
 
 Many ages ago a demon lived near Saifool Maluk Lake, and 
 loved a beautiful fairy who also had her abode there. One day a 
 handsome young prince came there hunting, and seeing the fairy 
 he fell in love with her and carried her off. On discovering his 
 loss, the demon, in a fit of rage, demolished the dam which con- 
 fined the waters of the lake ; they rushed down the valley, destroy- 
 ing the villages and people, and leaving rocks strewn all over the 
 ground as they are now seen. Some such catastrophe no doubt 
 must have occurred, but in all probability it was caused by an 
 avalanche or landslip which dammed up the lake for a time but at 
 length gave way and allowed the accumulated water to escape. 
 
 On the 21st of September I quitted Narang on my return, as 
 the Sayads seemed unwilling that I should remain there any 
 longer. They made some unpleasant references to the fate of 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 347 
 
 Major Battye, and showed great anxiety to get me away as soon 
 as possible. Accordingly I marched back to Khagan, halting at 
 Rajwal on the way to see the chief Sayad Ahmad Ali Shah and 
 bid him farewell. The weather was still fine, and I proposed on 
 the following day to ascend Shingri and if possible Sirool also, and 
 thus get a view of the country around, particularly the lofty peaks 
 of Manoor, Shikara, and Bichalee. But when I rose next morn- 
 ing the sky was covered with clouds, and fearing rain, which 
 might render the Shikara nullah impassable, I packed, loaded 
 the mules, and started at once for Jared. As we proceeded on 
 our w^ay the sky cleared and I began to think I had hurried oft* 
 needlessly. On reaching the Shikara nullah we found it lower 
 than before, and we got through without difficulty. My larger 
 dog, a big powerful fox terrier named Rip, tried to cross by him- 
 self and was carried down a good way, but managed to struggle 
 through and reach the shore. The smaller dog, Tim, I carried 
 before me on the saddle on both occasions in crossing this 
 dangerous torrent, the force of which was so great that I saw a 
 cow swept down by it and nearly carried into the Kunhar River. 
 
 On reaching Jared my tent was pitched as before in the grove 
 of deodars, and I congratulated myself on having left Khagan, as 
 the rumbling of thunder indicated that a storm was coming on. 
 Heavy clouds soon overspread the sky and a good deal of rain fell, 
 but as our tents were in a sheltered place, and we had taken all 
 necessary precautions, we remained quite dry and comfortabla The 
 storm ceased towards evening, and as the weather seemed to be 
 clearing I proposed next day to ascend Bichalee which was not far 
 distant. But when I rose on the following morning I saw that this 
 was out of the question as the sky was covered with heavy clouds and 
 fine rain was falling. Moreover alarming reports reached me about 
 the state of the bridges over the Kunhar River, one of them, it was 
 
348 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 said, having become unsafe for loaded animals. Accordingly we 
 struck the tents, loaded the mules, and set off in spite of the rain, 
 intending to make a short march, get over the bridges, and halt 
 for the rest of the day at the forest department house at Malkandi. 
 
 On reaching the first bridge, which was close to Jared, I found 
 that it had sunk a little on one side from the cracking and bending 
 of one of the two enormous tree trunks which spanned the river 
 and supported the bridge planking. However by leading the 
 animals slowly across it one by one they all got safely over. In 
 about an hour we reached the other bridge, the worst of the two 
 according to report, and I saw at once that the report was correct. 
 One side of the bridge had sunk to such a degree that I -did not 
 like the idea of walking over it myself, and I feared that the pony 
 and mules would lose their footing on the wet sloping planks and 
 be precipitated into the raging torrent below. After some con- 
 sideration I had quantities of earth and small stones scattered over 
 the planks of the bridge in order to give the animals some foot- 
 hold, and then they were slowly and carefully brought over, one 
 by one, the muleteer holding the tail of each animal as it walked 
 across, so as to keep it in a straight course. I went over first, and 
 watched the passage of the animals with some anxiety, for I was 
 not at all sure that the bridge would bear them. At length they 
 all got safely over, and in a short time we reached Malkandi, where 
 I put up in the forest house, and we proceeded to spread out the 
 wet tents, bedding, etc. to dry in the sun, the clouds having by 
 that time dispersed. 
 
 The Kunhar River, in its course from Narang to Balakot, falls 
 about 6000 feet, or on an average about 100 feet a mile, so that 
 for nearly the entire distance it is a raging and impassable torrent. 
 After breakfast I strolled down to the river, which was much 
 swollen by the recent rain and quite red. The forest officer 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 349 
 
 stationed at Malkandi informed me that the red colour of the water 
 was caused by a hill stream from the east which fell into the river 
 a mile or two above. I proposed a walk to the spot, and he 
 accompanied me. As we were walking along the path in single 
 file, the forest officer, who was behind me, suddenly seized me by 
 the arm and pulled me back just in time to prevent me from tread- 
 ing on a snake, which I had not seen, as I was looking at the river 
 and the scenery around. The snake glided off into the jungle 
 before I could catch sight of it, so that I could not be certain 
 whether it was harmless or deadly. But, however that might be, 
 the behaviour of the forest officer was very creditable to him, and 
 I thanked him warmly for his prompt and friendly action. Soon 
 after this we reached the spot where the red stream entered the 
 river. It must have flowed through a highly ferruginous tract, for 
 it resembled a stream of red ink, and in the course of a few yards 
 it tinged with red the whole body of water in the river. After 
 following up this stream for a mile or two we returned to Malkandi, 
 and next morning marched back to Kowai. 
 
 As the march was a short one and the weather fine, I went out 
 after breakfast and ascended the wooded ridge at the head of the 
 Kowai Valley, getting a fine view of Mukra and other mountains 
 in the Kashmir direction. Next morning, as the weather looked 
 threatening, I made the best of my way to Balakot, hoping to get 
 there before it began to rain. In this I was disappointed ; a heavy 
 storm came on while we were still a good way from shelter, and 
 we were wet through long before we could get in. I remained at 
 Balakot for the next day, as I wished to dry the tents and baggage 
 and to rest the men and animals. During this halt I strolled 
 through the town of Balakot, and inquired after old coins, getting 
 several, in particular a well-preserved copper coin of the Graeco- 
 Bactrian king Hermaeus. 
 
350 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 On September 27th I marched from Balakot down the Kunhar 
 Valley to Garhi Habiboolla, a distance of about ten miles, and put 
 up in the dak bungalow. After breakfast I walked across the 
 graceful suspension bridge over the Kunhar River, strolled through 
 the little town, paid a visit to Samundar Khan, the chief man of 
 the place, and explored the course of the river for a few miles 
 further down. Next morning I walked to Ooturseesee, ten miles 
 distant, where I had breakfast ; then getting into an ekka which 
 had been sent there to meet me, I proceeded to Mansehra, rested 
 there for an hour, and then came on to Abbottabad, reaching home 
 at about 5.30 p.m. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 Expedition to the Black Mountain in October 1890 — We encamp at Oghi — Heavy 
 storms — We ascend the Black Mountain — Our bivouac attacked by the hillmen 
 during the night — The expedition withdrawn — General Sir John M 'Queen 
 resigns the command of the Punjab Frontier Force — His farewell order — He is 
 succeeded in the command by General Sir William Lockhart — My last tour of 
 inspection — Visit to Akra — My term of office as principal medical officer of the 
 Punjab Frontier Force comes to an end — Owing to my having missed promotion 
 I am obliged to retire from the service — Conclusion of my Indian career — 
 Remarks on the Indian Medical Service and on the preservation of health in 
 India. 
 
 On my return to Abbottabad I found that the general command- 
 ing the Punjab Frontier Force had received orders to proceed to 
 the Black Mountain with a force of about 1200 men taken from 
 the Abbottabad garrison, and to march for some distance along the 
 crest of the mountain and then return. The object of this little 
 expedition was merely to assert our right to traverse the country, 
 a stipulation to this effect having been included in the treaty made 
 with the tribes of the Black Mountain in 1888. No hostile action 
 on our part was intended, a suitable notification of the proposed 
 march w as sent to the headmen of the tribes, and they were invited 
 to send in their 'jirgahs,'' or deputations, to accompany our force 
 in its passage through the country. The troops marched from 
 Abbottabad on the 17th of October, and I joined them at Oghi 
 on the 19th. 
 
 The weather had been threatening for some time, and that 
 evening a storm came on which tried our tents sever.ely, but they 
 stood it well. In the morning our camp seemed to be standing in 
 a swamp, but the tents were fairly dry inside. The sky was still 
 
352 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 covered with clouds, and it was evident that we could not make 
 any forward movement until the weather became more settled. 
 On the 21st it cleared a little, so two detachments were sent up 
 the mountain a short distance to reconnoitre. One of these parties 
 observed a ' sangar ' (or stone breastwork) further up the mountain 
 side, and the men behind it yelled at them. This looked like 
 hostility on the part of the mountaineers, particularly as only one 
 jirgah — that of the Parari Say ads — had as yet come in, and reports 
 were current that our advance would be resisted. 
 
 On the night of the 21st a very severe storm came on, the 
 flashes of lightning and peals of thunder were incessant, and the 
 wind and rain beat upon our tents with such violence that it was 
 really wonderful they were not overthrown. I had gone to bed, 
 but remained awake expecting every moment that my little tent 
 would be blown away, leaving me exposed to the fury of the 
 elements. Fortunately, though it shook violently, the poles, tent 
 pegs, and ropes did not give way, and the canvas of the tent kept 
 the rain out very well. In the morning the sky cleared and we 
 could see the crest of the Black Mountain thickly covered with 
 snow. The weather improved during the day, and on the morning 
 of the 23rd it was so fine that the general determined to advance 
 up the mountain that afternoon. 
 
 We accordingly left our camp standing at Oghi, and marched 
 up the Barchar spur of the Black Mountain on the afternoon of 
 the 23rd. After accomplishing about two-thirds of the ascent we 
 halted and formed our bivouac for the night. We had brought no 
 tents with us, so every one selected some more or less sheltered 
 spot whereon to spread his bundle of bedding. My servant found 
 a nice place for me under a bank, and made it smooth ; then he 
 cut a quantity of a soft shrub which grew on the hill side and 
 spread it out to serve as a mattress, then he spread my bedding 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 353 
 
 upon it, and rigged up a waterproof sheet on some sticks as a sort 
 of tent over the bed. We had dinner in picnic fashion, and soon 
 afterwards we retired to our respective sleeping places. I crept in 
 beneath my waterproof sheet, and should soon have been sound 
 asleep had nothing happened to disturb me. 
 
 As it was, I was very soon aroused by firing from several 
 directions and the whizzing of bullets overhead, as parties of the 
 mountaineers crept down the mountain and commenced firing into 
 our camp. I got out from under 
 my little tent as quickly as 
 possible, for I felt that should 
 an attempt be made to rush 
 the camp, I should be quite de- 
 fenceless if caught under it. 
 The firing, however, was soon 
 over. A party of the hillmen 
 came by accident, I conclude, 
 upon one of our pickets, both 
 fired simultaneously, and one 
 of the enemy was badly hit. 
 He fell down the steep hill side, 
 and called loudly to his friends 
 for help. They came and carried him off, and the firing ceased 
 very shortly after. About twenty shots were fired into our camp, 
 but there were no casualties on our side, except one of the artillery 
 mules, which was wounded by a bullet in the leg. 
 
 The rest of the night passed quietly. In the morning we found 
 that the spot where one of the enemy had been wounded was only 
 a few yards below our sleeping places, so that had not the picket 
 been stationed there the mountaineers might have got in among us 
 as we slept and cut up the general and his staff ! After consulta- 
 
 A BLACK MOUNTAINEER 
 
354 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 tion with the deputy-commissioner of Hazara, who accompanied the 
 force as political officer, the general decided to withdraw the troops 
 instead of pushing on to the crest of the mountain, as originally 
 intended, for the conduct of the hillmen in attacking us during the 
 night proved that they were hostile and would oppose our further 
 progress. A communication was sent to the tribes warning them 
 that they would be punished for their unprovoked attack, and 
 then the force descended the mountain and returned to the camp 
 at Oghi. This retirement in the face of the enemy must have 
 been very unpalatable to the general, as it was to all of us, but he 
 had received strict orders from Government not to advance if the 
 tribes were hostile and likely to fight, so he really had no choice. 
 
 Finding that the expedition was given up for the present, I 
 left the camp and came back to Abbottabad, the troops returning 
 there a few days later. An expedition was sent to the Black 
 Mountain in the spring of 1891, and well-merited chastisement 
 was inflicted upon these turbulent hillmen. As I had no official 
 connection with this expedition, no further reference will be made 
 to it. In November 1890 General Sir John M'Queen, K.C.B., 
 resigned the command of the Punjab Frontier Force, his term 
 of five years' service in command having expired. He issued a 
 farewell order, placing on record his high appreciation of the 
 discipline and efficiency of the force, and warmly thanking the 
 senior officers and the stafi^, including myself, for our advice and 
 assistance during his tenure of command. He was succeeded by 
 General Sir William Lockhart, K.C.B., an officer of great experi- 
 ence and high distinction, whose appointment gave general satis- 
 faction. 
 
 In December 1890 I left Abbottabad on my last annual tour 
 of inspection, which I had to get through as quickly as possible on 
 account of an expedition which was expected to take place in 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 355 
 
 January 1891 against the Miranzais, one of the Afridi clans in the 
 neighbourhood of Kohat. Having no time to spare, I got through 
 my inspection and invahding work at the different stations in a 
 few weeks and then returned to Abbottabad. Nothing of any 
 interest occurred during my tour, with the exception of a visit 
 which I paid one afternoon to Akra, a place about eight miles 
 from Edwardesabad, believed to be the remains of an ancient 
 Greek city founded by Alexander the Great, or by one of his 
 successors. I rode there with a guide and saw an extensive mound 
 of bricks and pottery which had evidently once been the site of 
 some town, though no buildings or even ruins yet remained. 
 Many coins of the Graeco-Bactrian sovereigns, as well as seals and 
 other small articles, were found from time to time by the natives, 
 who were continually digging among the debris. I bought a few 
 coins in a neighbouring village ; among them was a copper coin of 
 the Graeco-Bactrian king Apollodotus in fine preservation. 
 
 On the 12th of August 1891 I completed five years' service as 
 deputy surgeon-general with the Punjab Frontier Force, and as I 
 had not been so fortunate as to obtain promotion to the rank of 
 surgeon-general I had no alternative but to retire. As I was only 
 fifty-seven years of age and in full mental and bodily vigour I 
 should have been glad to remain in the service for several years 
 more, and I could have done so with advantage to the Government 
 as well as to myself, but unfortunately the regulations of the 
 Indian Medical Department did not admit of this, and I was 
 obliged to retire. Accordingly I wound up my affairs, took leave 
 of my friends, and finally quitted Abbottabad on the 15th of 
 August 1891. After a disagreeable tonga journey, in which I 
 encountered a heavy storm and got through the swollen rivers 
 with much difficulty, I reached the railway station at Hassan 
 Abdal. Thence I proceeded to Simla for a short visit to my 
 
356 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 relatives, General and Mrs. Walker, after which I travelled to 
 Bombay, and embarked in the Anchor Line steamer Britannia for 
 Marseilles. My homeward voyage was entirely without incident, 
 and I arrived at Marseilles on the 22nd of September. I started 
 by train the same evening, travelled through France, and reached 
 the home of my wife and family at Horsham the following night. 
 So ended my Indian career after thirty-five years of chequered and 
 eventful service. 
 
 The foregoing pages have, I hope, demonstrated how diversi- 
 fied and interesting an Indian medical officer's work and ex- 
 perience may be. Though its palmy days have gone by, and its 
 emoluments have declined in consequence of financial difficulties 
 and the need for retrenchment, the Indian Medical Service still 
 presents a fine field for the rising generation of medical practi- 
 tioners. A great variety of appointments are open to members of 
 the service, for instance the medical charge of regiments and civil 
 stations, usually separate but sometimes combined, professorships 
 at the different medical schools, medical storekeeperships, appoint- 
 ments under the jail department, the medical charge of the 
 different political agencies, the superintendence of vaccination in 
 various parts of the country, the medical charge of hill sanitaria, 
 certain appointments in the service of native princes, and lastly the 
 valuable administrative appointments of the military, civil, and 
 jail departments, including the sanitary commissionerships. Civil 
 employ is eagerly sought for, not only as being more lucrative 
 than military duty, but as giving larger opportunities for profes- 
 sional work and as leading more certainly to advancement in the 
 service. Indeed, since the changes in the constitution of the 
 Indian Medical Service introduced in 1880, the head of the depart- 
 ment in the Bengal Presidency has invariably been an officer who 
 had passed nearly all his service in civil employ. 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 357 
 
 The charge of a native regiment in peace time does not usually 
 give the medical officer much trouble, and unless supplemented 
 with other professional work is rather apt to lead to stagnation. 
 But additional work in the shape of an extra charge or private 
 practice may be had in most cases. Some medical officers devote 
 their whole attention to prison management, and one in particular 
 did so with such marked ability and success that he not only 
 became the head of the jail administration in Bengal, but has since 
 been appointed a member of the Viceroy^s Legislative Coimcil, a 
 post of great dignity and importance, which had never previously, 
 I believe, been filled by an Indian medical officer. Others, again, 
 pay special attention to vaccination and sanitary matters generally, 
 and event-ially become sanitary commissioners of the diffisrent 
 provinces. Some of the ablest men obtain professorships at the 
 medical schools at Calcutta and elsewhere, and acquire large and 
 lucrative practices among the European and native residents. 
 
 This brief sketch may suffice to convey some idea of the 
 advantages offigred by the Indian Medical Service to its members. 
 These advantages are still, in my opinion, superior to the induce- 
 ments held out by any other medical service in any part of the 
 world, and they will doubtless continue to attract many clever 
 young men, eager to gain wealth and distinction, and impatient of 
 uphill work and slow progi-ess at home. It is true, indeed, that 
 here as elsewhere wealth and distinction are only gained by a few 
 fortunate individuals, but every member of the Indian Medical 
 Service who does his duty and keeps his health is assured of a com- 
 fortable competence while in the service and an adequate pension 
 on retirement. 
 
 I add, in conclusion, a few remarks upon the preservation of 
 health in India, a subject of the greatest importance to all who 
 have to spend part of their lives in that country. The secret of 
 
358 MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 
 
 good health is to be found in a temperate and active life, and in 
 the strict observance of the rule of moderation in all things, 
 especially in food and drink.' Most European residents in India 
 eat and drink more than is good for them, and they often lose 
 their health from this cause. Alcoholic drinks are taken far too 
 frequently in many cases, and do great mischief As a rule they 
 should never be resorted to except at meal times, and then only 
 very sparingly. Light wines are less likely to do harm than beer 
 and spirits, and when mixed with soda water they form very 
 refreshing beverages. These, however, should not be indulged in 
 too frequently, for experience has shown that in hot climates the 
 more people drink, the more they want to drink, the fluid imbibed 
 being speedily got rid of through the skin. Usually I never drank 
 anything except at meals, even in the hottest weather, and I found 
 that I was less troubled by thirst than others who were continually 
 taking drinks. Careful attention should always be paid to the 
 quality of the water supply, which in India is often very indifferent. 
 The water can generally be purified in a great degree by filtering 
 and boiling. 
 
 Exercise in the open air is necessary for the preservation of 
 health, and should be taken daily in the form of walking, riding, 
 lawn tennis, golf, etc., as circumstances may admit. I used to 
 play lawn tennis regularly when I could spare time for it, and I 
 found it very beneficial. In the hot season exposure to the sun 
 should be avoided as much as possible, and when it has to be 
 endured the head should be protected by an ample pith helmet, 
 and the spine by a thick pad suitably attached to the coat. 
 Exposure to the night air is also injurious, and the habit of 
 sleeping in the open air, which so many Europeans indulge in 
 during the hot weather, may result in very serious illness, as the 
 temperature sometimes falls suddenly in the night and the sleeper 
 
MEMORIES OF SEVEN CAMPAIGNS 359 
 
 may receive a chill causing a dangerous attack of dysentery or 
 liver disease. I never slept out of doors except on active service 
 in the field, when it was unavoidable, and I usually kept my doors 
 closed at night, as I thought it better to be uncomfortably hot 
 than to run the risk of contracting illness from some casual chill. 
 The clothing should be as far as possible adapted to the climate 
 and the season of the year. I wore flannel underclothing through- 
 out my Indian career, and found it of great service in preventing 
 chills. By leading a temperate and active life, and by adopting 
 the precautions already mentioned, I succeeded in passing through 
 a period of thirty-five years of Indian service without suffering 
 from any serious illness except a bad attack of malarious fever in 
 1865, from which I soon recovered, and I finally returned to 
 England, on my retirement from the service, with unbroken health 
 and an unimpaired constitution. 
 
 THE END 
 
 Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty 
 at the Edinburgh University Press 
 
GENERAL LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA— BERKELEY 
 
 RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED 
 
 This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the 
 
 date to which renewed. 
 
 Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 
 
 Ei®l®gf LibicHi 
 
 MAY 7 1954 
 
 MAY 1 ^ 1954 
 NOV 1 7 B70 
 NOV 2"? 1970 9 
 
 SE 
 
 NT ON ILL 
 
 FEB 1 8 2003 
 
 U. C. BEHXELEY 
 
 LD 21-lOOm-l, '54(1887816)476 
 
,?P5,12 
 
 ' fi^OLOGY 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
Miiiillll 
 
 lii!! .On il! 
 
 liijihiiili jji!! 
 
 Ill i 
 
 fill' ! 
 
 
 I 
 
 !|]i i 
 
 iiiiiH^^^^^^^^ 
 
 II in 
 
 i 
 
 j ijjir 
 
 iMl!!iilliiilii!ii|il, 
 
 IF 
 
 III i i ii 
 
 iilhli liiiH:!"!