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 . 21.
 
 THE PIONEERS 
 
 New France 
 
 NEW ENGLAND, 
 
 WITH CONTEMPORARY LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS. 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES FHINNEY BAXTER, A.M., 
 
 AUTHOR OF GEORGE CLEEVE OF CASCO BAY AND His TIMES ; THE 
 
 BRITISH INVASION FROM THE NORTH ; SIR FERDINANDO GORGES 
 
 AND His PROVINCE OF MAINE; CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, ETC. 
 
 ALBANY, N. Y. 
 
 JOEL MUNSELL'S SONS, PUBLISHERS, 
 1894 
 
 , 
 
 ' ' ft - 
 t> J J
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Some time ago, while looking through the New 
 England correspondence in that remarkable deposi- 
 tory of historical secrets in Fetter Lane, I came 
 upon a file of papers sent to the Lords of Trade by 
 Governor Dummer, in 1 725, entitled : " Thirty-one 
 Papers produced by Mr. Dummer, in Proof of the 
 Right of the Crown of Great Britain to the Lands 
 between New England and Nova Scotia, and of Several 
 Depredations Committed by the French and Indians 
 o between 1720 and June, 1725-" 
 
 A perusal of these papers revealed to me the fact, 
 that, in common with others, I had been misled on 
 several points, with regard to the complicity of the 
 French Jesuits in the depredations committed upon 
 the English frontier settlements by the savages, 
 particularly in the early part of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury, and after perusing these papers, which consti- 
 tuted a formidable indictment against the French, 
 and especially against Pere Rale, who was slain at 
 Norridgewock, and who was, perhaps, the best known 
 to our forefathers of all the Jesuits, I concluded to
 
 2 Preface. 
 
 take copies of them, and some while after, returning 
 home, I prepared a brief paper upon the subjects 
 which they involved, and presented it to the Maine 
 Historical Society. 
 
 It is not unusual for most of us to form opinions 
 more or less nebulous, upon topics in which we have 
 no especial interest, and having done so, to resent a 
 disturbance of them ; hence, when I had concluded 
 my paper, I was not surprised to notice that several 
 of my historical associates were regarding me over 
 their spectacles with mild disapproval ; in fact, some 
 went so far as to criticise the acts of our forefathers 
 in connection with the subject of my paper, with 
 considerable asperity. 
 
 Finding that entirely erroneous opinions prevailed 
 with regard to some of the acts of these noble men 
 of New England, whose blood was the cement which 
 still holds our social structure together, and whose 
 memory we can never sufficiently revere, I deemed it 
 only a duty to gather all the facts that I could, relating 
 to the subject involved in these documents, and to lay 
 them before their descendants. 
 
 My examination of the English accounts made by 
 participants in the events of the period ; the corre- 
 spondence and affidavits of eye witnesses to them, 
 revealed to me that none of them had doubts of the
 
 Preface. 3 
 
 participation of many of the Jesuit missionaries in 
 the cruel attempts of the French to ruin the English 
 settlements in New England. 
 
 That careful and conscientious historian, Hutchin- 
 son, who was a contemporary of the men who bore 
 the brunt of the conflict, carefully gathered their 
 testimony and recorded it with painstaking fidelity ; 
 but his account seems of late to have been lost sight 
 of. The French archives were also open to me, and 
 here I found ample evidence, inaccessible to our 
 early writers, to sustain Hutchinson; in fact, there was 
 no documentary evidence in existence to support any 
 other view of the subject 
 
 How, then, did this strange change of sentiment 
 come about ? Evidently through a depicting of the 
 affair at Norridgewock in a style entirely different 
 from the plain and truthful sketch of Hutchinson, 
 which, somewhat later than his sketch, was placed 
 before the public ; a masterly piece of delineation, 
 tinged with a pathos which easily enlisted the sym- 
 pathy of any one, who did not take the trouble to scan 
 it closely. 
 
 This bit of attractive workmanship bears the name 
 of the Rev. P. F. X. De Charlevoix, S. J., who is 
 mentioned by Governor Shute as "one Charlevoix, 
 who comes from the Court of France in the quality
 
 4 Preface. 
 
 of an inspector, to make memoirs on Acady and 
 Missisipe and the other countries thereabouts." 
 
 This is an exact and truthful statement of the 
 function of Charlevoix, and he fulfilled it well. He 
 gathered together everything that he could collect 
 relating to events which had occurred in New France 
 preceding his arrival; journals, letters, and verbal 
 recitals, and transcribed them often in the precise 
 words in which they came to him, leaving out an 
 occasional mot, which might not perhaps be pleasant 
 to those of his school, or heightening the color of 
 one which might be made to serve its interests better. 
 
 He never seems to have thought of exercising the 
 critical faculty in arranging his material ; to sift evi- 
 dence, to analyze and compare statements, nor, in fact, 
 to do anything but to gather and arrange chrono- 
 logically what he could collect. He was "an In- 
 spector to make Memoirs," and he did his work and 
 saved a good deal of valuable material for the use of 
 those coming after him. 
 
 He was not then the real author of the story Rale's 
 death. As it is easy to trace most of his stories to their 
 sources, so this, hardly changed, is found embodied 
 in a letter of the Rev. Peter de la Chasse, S. J., the 
 superior of his order in New France, printed in a 
 collection of letters entitled : " Lettres Edifiantes et
 
 Preface. 5 
 
 Curieuses, ecrites des Missions Etrangbres, par quel- 
 ques Missionaires de la Compaignie de Jesus" in 1726, 
 shortly after the death of Ral6. 
 
 But it may be pertinent to ask, how did the author 
 of this letter obtain his account of the transaction ? 
 The English, with whom he had no communication, 
 were the only civilized men present on the occasion, 
 and their account differs radically from his. No one 
 can doubt that the story was told him by one of the 
 savages, who fled, panic stricken, almost immediately 
 upon the appearance of the English; possibly the 
 same savage, who told the story, which we find in 
 Vaudreuil's report of the transaction to the govern- 
 ment at home. This certainly cannot be reassuring 
 even to a partisan of the French. 
 
 That the savages, in common with other Pagan 
 people, were notorious falsifiers, is a proposition which 
 needs no discussion, and that these particular savages 
 were such, appears plainly in the documents of the 
 period, nay, in the words of Rale himself. An analysis 
 of this romantic story, which our English writers have 
 been so ready to adopt in preference to the more 
 commonplace account of their forefathers, and which 
 will probably be repeated till the end of time by 
 others as careless as themselves, shows it to be false 
 in almost every particular, and it is one of the purposes
 
 6 Preface. 
 
 of this book, not only to make this plain, but to show 
 that our forefathers were not murderers and assassins, 
 as they have frequently been denominated, even by 
 English writers, who should have known better; but, 
 in order to preserve themselves and those dear to 
 them, were driven to the necessity of subduing vis et 
 armis their savage neighbors, who were deliberately 
 incited by Ral6, and others of his countrymen, to 
 make warfare upon them, and if in the course of this 
 warfare one of its instigators suffered, he should not 
 be denominated a martyr, nor his opponents by whom 
 he suffered, murderers. My sole purpose in writing 
 the following pages has been to present the exact 
 truth, with regard to all matters connected with the 
 transactions treated therein ; " To naught extenuate, 
 naught set down in malice." It will be observed 
 that several stories, which passed current among the 
 English derogatory to Rale I have passed by in silence. 
 In my opinion it would be rank injustice to his memory 
 to repeat them, as they are wholly unsupported by 
 proofs, and my intention has been to write nothing 
 which is not so supported. If in these pages I have 
 erred in any particular, no one will be so ready and 
 so glad to correct the fault as myself. 
 JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, 
 
 6 1 Deering Street, Portland, Me.
 
 THE 
 
 PIONEERS OF NEW FRANCE 
 
 IN 
 
 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 The spectator, as he reviews the motley company 
 thronging the stage of history, is often struck by 
 some grand figure, or group of figures, appearing in 
 movements of surprising interest, and acting their 
 part with a force and fidelity, which excites his admi- 
 ration, though the movements in which they are 
 engaged may at times seem to him to run counter to 
 the spendid scheme of the drama before him. 
 
 Among these, perhaps, no group of men is more 
 strikingly interesting than the " Blackrobes " of 
 Ignatius Loyola, 1 the zealous, self-sacrificing and 
 
 1 Don Ifligo Lopez de Recalde de Loyola was 
 born in 1491, at the castle of Loyola, near the town of 
 Azcoytia, Guipuzcoa, in Spain. The name is said to 
 have been derived from a device on the family es- 
 cutcheon of two wolves regarding a pot suspended by 
 a chain between them, with the words " Lobo y olla"
 
 8 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 heroic Jesuits, in whom strangely commingled the 
 most diverse elements to form a character, at the 
 same time admirable and repellant. 
 
 or " The Wolf and Pot'' inscribed beneath. He was 
 one of a numerous family of children and became, 
 at the age of 14, a page at the luxurious court of 
 Ferdinand and Isabella. He accompanied the king 
 in his Portuguese, French, and Moorish wars, and 
 achieved a high reputation for valor and efficiency. 
 A severe wound in the leg in 1521, at which time he 
 fell into the hands of the French, confined him to a 
 sick bed for a considerable period, during which time 
 his reflections upon religious subjects determined 
 his future career. When he regained health he made 
 a pilgrimage to Montserrat, assuming the garb of a 
 beggar, and dwelling in a solitary cave, during which 
 time he subjected himself to fasting, scourging, and 
 other self-imposed penances, so severe as to often 
 imperil his life. It was at this time that he con- 
 ceived the idea of a religious organization of a semi- 
 military character, with its headquarters at Jerusalem. 
 It was not, however, until September 27, 1541. that 
 a bull for the establishment of the new order, which 
 he had planned, was issued by Pope Paul the Third. 
 When the organization of the Society of Jesus was 
 effected in the spring of 1541, Loyola was made its 
 general, and he at once established himself at Rome, 
 where he devoted himself to the work of the order 
 which he had founded. He died in Rome, July 31, 
 1556, and was canonized by Gregory the Fifteenth, in 
 1622, under the title of Saint Ignatius de Loyola. 
 Vide Vie de St. Ignace, Paris, 1679, and Ignatius 
 Loyola and the early Jesuits, London, 1871.
 
 in New England. 9 
 
 Following closely upon the track of the great voy- 
 agers, the Jesuits set up the symbols of their order 
 in the most hopeless places, and undertook, with ir- 
 repressible zeal, the sanctification of savage souls, 
 darkened and degraded by ages of besetting super- 
 stition and vice, and though the methods which they 
 employed were often pitiably disproportioned to the 
 magnitude of a task, which we now know can be ac- 
 complished only through the patient education of 
 head and heart, by processes slow and painful, 
 we do wrong if we fail to concede to them sincerity of 
 purpose, or deny them the merit of having achieved 
 a measure of success. 
 
 The Jesuits of the period of which we write, were 
 a fair product of their age ; an age of superficial 
 knowledge and chivalrous adventure ; of childish 
 superstition and romantic achievement, and in esti- 
 mating them, as well as their contemporaries, who 
 opposed them, we should keep clearly in view the in- 
 fluences which surrounded both, and helped to shape 
 their characters and qualify their acts. The Jesuit 
 missionaries were pioneers in that great movement, 
 which has already accomplished so much for the up- 
 lifting of mankind, and which, with a constantly in- 
 creasing knowledge of proper methods of work, is 
 slowly but surely transforming the world. When the
 
 io The Pioneers of New France 
 
 vancouriers of this movement, Biard 1 and Mass6, s in 
 the early summer of 161 1, knelt on the serene shores 
 of Port Royal, and mingled their voices with the songs 
 
 1 Pierre Biard was a native of Grenoble, and was 
 associated with Enemond Mass6 until the capture 
 of the colony, which they had established at Mount 
 Desert, by Argal in 1613. He died while a chaplain 
 in the French army, at Avignon, November 17, 1622. 
 
 2 Enemond Masse was born at Lyons in 1574, and 
 before leaving his native country was socius to Father 
 Coton. He arrived at Port Royal in company with 
 Biard, June 11, 1611, and with his associate immedi- 
 ately entered upon his missionary labors. Owing to 
 constant discord between the missionaries and the 
 governor of the colony, De Pourtrincourt, they re- 
 solved to abandon their mission at Port Royal, and 
 accordingly, in conjunction with the Sieur de la Saus- 
 saye, the agent of that great patroness of missions, 
 the Marchioness de Guerchville, the lay brother, 
 Gilbert du Thet and Fathers Quentin and Lalemant, 
 they planned to establish a new mission at Kades- 
 quit, or Kenduskeag, the present site of the city of 
 Bangor. Coasting along the shores of Maine, they 
 were attracted by the enchanting scenery of Mount 
 Desert, and resolved to go no further, but to land 
 and establish their colony there. The place selected 
 for the site of their colony they called St. Saveur, 
 and they went vigorously to work, erecting a small 
 fort and several habitations for the shelter of the 
 colonists, about twenty-five in number. The aban- 
 donment of their original design was fatal to the 
 success of their enterprise, for they were hardly 
 settled in their new home when Capt. Samuel Argal,
 
 in New England. 1 1 
 
 of the wood birds in thanks for the auspicious ending 
 of their perilous journey, the entire continent was 
 a wilderness, wherein the gospel was unknown 
 to its native inhabitants. These had seen the white- 
 faced European greedy to despoil them of their furry 
 wealth, and had learned to distrust him, hence, they 
 turned instinctively from this new variety of his kind, 
 whose motives in seeking them they were unable to 
 comprehend ; but when they saw the blackrobed 
 strangers patiently enduring all the hardships attend- 
 ant upon savage life, and apparently seeking to 
 minister to their welfare, the scornful indifference 
 with which they first listened to their despised vis- 
 itors, gave place to a vagrant attention, and then to 
 a wondering interest, which often culminated in a par- 
 
 from the Virginia colony, attacked and broke up 
 their settlement. Gilbert du Thet was killed in the 
 fight, and Biard and Masse, with the others, made 
 prisoners. Masse was transported to France, but 
 returned to Canada in 1625, and was made prisoner 
 by Kirk, and again transported across the ocean ; 
 but he returned to Canada in 1633, and died in 1646, 
 while on the way to confess the garrison of Fort 
 Richelieu, to prepare them to celebrate the feast of 
 Candlemas. Vide Voyages du Sieur Champlain, 
 Paris, 1632, vol. i, pp. 98-114. Relations des Jes- 
 uites, Quebec, 1858, vol. i, p. 28 et passim. Histoire 
 et Description Generale de la Nouvelle France, a 
 Paris, 1744, Tome, i, p. 416.
 
 12 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 tial subjection of will and purpose to men, whose 
 seeming effeminacy had at first been offensive to 
 them. Biard and Masse were followed by others, 
 and not long after the Puritans, under Winthrop, 
 began to set up the altars of their faith on the sterile 
 New England shores, the Jesuits had already gained 
 the ascendancy in New France, whose southern 
 borders, yet undefined, were soon found to be in 
 dangerous proximity to the rapidly advancing Eng- 
 lish colonists, to whom everything French was hate- 
 ful. 
 
 Race antagonism, which had existed in the hearts of 
 French and English alike from immemorial time, was 
 quickened as they drew nearer together and regarded 
 the complexion of each other's religious faith ; hence 
 conflict was a necessity, a conflict in which the 
 weaker natives were bound to be ground to powder 
 by the opposing forces between which they found 
 themselves. With all the hostility of their race to 
 the English, the French Jesuits, unless we fancy 
 them to have been above the reach of human pas- 
 sions, could hardly be expected to remain indifferent 
 spectators to the encroachment of their enemies 
 upon territory wherein they exercised authority, nor to 
 refrain from arousing against them the jealousy of 
 their savage allies, ever ready, upon the slightest
 
 in New England. 13 
 
 cause, to flash into fury ; nor did they do this, but 
 encouraged them, whenever an occasion offered, to 
 repel the advancing English with torch and hatchet ; 
 in fact, we may largely ascribe to French machina- 
 tions the cruel wars, which, in the latter half of the 
 seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth cen- 
 turies, at times laid waste some of the fairest portions 
 of New England, and subjected her sons and 
 daughters to suffering and death. 
 
 A treaty with the savages at Casco in 1678 
 afforded encouragement to the poor people, who 
 were laboring patiently and with a fortitude not often 
 equaled, to build their humble homes in the wilder- 
 ness ; but, it was a peace haunted at all times by 
 threatening phantoms, which they felt at any minute 
 might assume substance and form, and destroy all 
 that they cherished at a blow. For ten years of un- 
 certain peace they continued to build and plant, 
 gaining confidence as time passed, when suddenly 
 they were startled by the alarm of war. 
 
 In the spring of 1688, Andros, the governor of 
 Massachusetts, visited Pemaquid, and held a con- 
 ference with the savages there, in which he warned 
 them against French influence. On his way thither 
 he had stopped at the trading post of Baron Castin, 
 which was, as he claimed, on English territory, and
 
 14 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 seized a quantity of merchandise. This act gave a 
 keener edge to Castin's enmity to the English, and 
 his popularity with the savages caused them to es- 
 pouse his cause, hence they at once began reprisals. 1 
 
 Wishing to avoid war, Andros issued a conciliatory 
 proclamation, and to show his good will, proceeded 
 to liberate a number of Indian prisoners, hoping that 
 the savages, appreciating his magnanimous example, 
 would release their English captives, and come to an 
 amicable understanding ; but, in this he was disap- 
 pointed, for disregarding his generous conduct, they 
 not only treated their English prisoners with great 
 cruelty, but killed several of them, which forced him 
 to take the field against them. 
 
 This was the condition of affairs when a revolution 
 in England sent James the Second, a staunch Papist, 
 an exile to France, which placed the English colonists, 
 on account of their active sympathy with the move- 
 ment, to the eyes of his French friends, in the posi- 
 tion of rebels, and worse still, of heretical rebels. 
 
 With this feeling pervading the French court, 
 Count Frontenac,who, seven years before, had been 
 for good reasons deposed from the governorship of 
 New France, was recalled to court, where one of the 
 
 1 Vide The Andros Tracts, Boston, 1868, vol. 
 2, p. 1 1 8.
 
 in New England. 15 
 
 most diabolical plots ever conceived against a people 
 was secretly elaborated. This was to make an attack 
 from Canada on Albany, and having seized that 
 place to proceed down the Hudson to New York, 
 which, with the aid of two French ships, it was be- 
 lieved, would be forced to speedily surrender. This 
 accomplished, the heretics were to be removed root 
 and branch ; their homes were to be broken up, their 
 property confiscated, and those who survived were to 
 be driven beyond the limits of French rule. If any 
 possessed means which could be wrung from them 
 for ransom, they were to be imprisoned until they 
 purchased their liberty, while artisans were to be 
 held in captivity, and forced to labor for their French 
 masters. One class of persons only was to be al- 
 lowed to remain and enjoy their property ; namely, 
 Roman Catholics. 
 
 New England was also to be invaded, and of course, 
 subjected to a like fate if the saints smiled on the 
 enterprise. 1 
 
 This atrocious plan to destroy an entire people, 
 
 1 Vide Instruction a Mons. De Frontenac sur 1'en- 
 treprise centre les Anglois, 7 Juin, 1689, in Collection 
 de Manuscrits, etc., relatifs a la Nouvelle France. 
 Quebec, 1883, vol. i, p. 455 et seq., and Document- 
 ary History of Maine, vol. 5.
 
 1 6 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 said to have numbered over seventeen thousand, 
 happy in the possession of homes hardly won, was 
 carefully elaborated in the luxurious halls of VCP 
 sailles, and early in 1689, Frontenac sailed from 
 Rochelle to carry it into effect. 
 
 It was late in the season when Frontenac, who had 
 met with unexpected delays, reached Quebec, where 
 he found the government under Denonville in a dis- 
 organized condition. To get the savages under con- 
 trol so as to use them against the English was his 
 first effort, and in this he was unsuccessful so far as 
 regarded the Iroquois and other tribes west of the 
 English settlements, but with the Eastern tribes, the 
 case was different. The Jesuits had become influen- 
 tial in shaping the affairs of the government, and 
 they exercised a powerful control over these tribes, 
 who were, as we have seen, hostile to the English ; 
 indeed, if we may believe Denonville, the prede- 
 cessor of Frontenac, they had been encouraged by 
 Jesuit influences in their recent outbreak against the 
 frontier settlers. The proof of this appears in a 
 letter of the French governor to the king, dated 
 shortly after Frontenac's arrival at Quebec. In this 
 letter he says : " The good understanding which I 
 have had with these savages by means of the Jesuits, 
 and above all the two fathers, ' the Brothers Bigot,'
 
 in New England. 17 
 
 has made successful all the attacks, which they have 
 made on the English this summer," in which attacks, 
 he concludes, " they have killed more than two hun- 
 dred men," and this in a time of peace between the 
 two nations. 1 
 
 The Bigot brothers 'had established on the Chau- 
 diere an Abnaki mission, and had extended their 
 influence into Maine, where Father Thury had es- 
 tablished himself on the Penobscot, and was exer- 
 cising a powerful control over the savages of that 
 region ; accompanying their war parties against 
 the settlers and thereby identifying himself with 
 them. 
 
 It was in this condition of affairs that Frontenac, in 
 the winter of 1690, organized the scheme intrusted to 
 him for exterminating the English "heretics and trait- 
 ors " from American soil. To accomplish this, three 
 war parties of Frenchmen and savages were set in 
 motion from different points in Canada toward the 
 devoted settlements; one to fall upon Albany, another 
 
 1 Peres James and Vincent Bigot, the former born 
 in 1644, died in 1711 ; the latter born in 1647, died 
 in 1 720. Vide Histoire et Description Generale de la 
 Nouvelle France, & Paris, 1744, Tome 2, p. 419. 
 Resume des rapports du Canada avec les notes du 
 ministre, Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. i, p. 
 474 et seq. 
 
 3
 
 1 8 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 upon the settlements in New Hampshire, and yet 
 another upon those of Maine. 
 
 The inhuman atrocities perpetrated alike on men, 
 women and children, their utter disregard of pledges 
 given to induce surrender by the two first of these 
 parties, we will not relate. Schuyler said, no pen 
 could write, and no tongue express them. Children 
 were thrown alive into the fire, their heads dashed in 
 pieces against the doorposts, while tortures too 
 dreadful to relate, were inflicted upon their parents. 1 
 Who can wonder that such cruelties left an ineffac- 
 able impression upon the hearts of the English set- 
 tlers for generations, and convinced them, that self- 
 preservation alone rendered it imperative to reduce 
 the savages to complete subjection whatever might 
 be the cost. 
 
 The party sent against Maine set out from Quebec 
 in January, led by Portneuf and Courtemanche. 
 Treading their way through the gloom of trackless 
 forests, and facing the blinding snows, or wallowing 
 waist-deep through the drifts as they emerged on 
 the dreary openings, ever alert for game to add to 
 their scanty stores, the party pushed on, and in May 
 
 1 Cf. Belknap, Mather, Charlevoix, De La Potherie, 
 Documentary History of New York and Schuyler's 
 Report, Feb. 15, 1690.
 
 in New England. 19 
 
 reached the vicinity of Falmouth, where they hovered 
 among the islands and along the shores until ready to 
 attack the settlement. Portneuf had been joined by 
 Castin and Hertel, the latter, the leader of the ruth- 
 less band, which had been sent against the New 
 Hampshire settlements, and were now on their 
 return from scenes of carnage, which had sharpened 
 their appetite for the carnival of blood and devasta- 
 tion which they had in anticipation. In the band 
 were the Indians whom Andros had magnanimously 
 released from imprisonment at Fort Loyal, and who, 
 being acquainted with its defenses, were valuable 
 guides to those now seeking its destruction. 
 
 The attack on Falmouth began on the i5th day of 
 May, with the slaughter of Lieutenant Clark and thir- 
 teen men on Munjoy Hill, and was followed by an 
 attack on Fort Loyal, which resulted, after four days' 
 resistance, in the surrender of Capt. Davis and his 
 garrison, with the women and children, who had 
 sought refuge in the fort. Although the French 
 commander bound himself by oath before the sur- 
 render, that the English should have safe conduct 
 to the next town, as soon as he had them in his 
 power he abandoned them to the savages, who mur- 
 dered men, women and children without pity. They 
 were " heretics and traitors," with whom, in those
 
 2O The Pioneers of New France 
 
 dismal times, it was not necessary to keep faith. 1 
 That this war against the English settlers had 
 assumed the lurid hue of a religious crusade cannot 
 be doubted, and the feeling with which they were 
 regarded found frequent expression, as in the case 
 of P&re Gay, who, seeing his savage neophytes give 
 way before Schuyler, encouraged them by shouting, 
 " You have at your head the Holy Virgin ; what do 
 you fear ? We have to do with Infidels, who have 
 only the form of man." 2 
 
 1 Vide Magnalia Christi Americana, Hartford, 
 1853, vol. 2, p. 603 et seq. Declaration of Syl- 
 vanus Davis, Collections Mass. Hist. Society, 3d 
 series, vol. i, p. 101. Documentary Hist, of N. Y., 
 vol. 2, p. 259. New York Colonial Documents, 
 vol. IX, p 472. Histoire et Description Generale de 
 la Nouvelle France, & Paris, 1744, Tome, 3, p. 78. 
 
 "' The words are as follows : " DIEU fut servi pen- 
 dant toute cette Campaigne, comme si c'avait ete une 
 Communante de Religieux. II nefaut pas que 
 j'oublie la maniere avec laquelle M. Gay, Ecclesias- 
 tique de la Montagne s'est signale. II a agi en 
 Apotre et en General d'armee. Dans la seconde sortie 
 que Ton fit, il s'apergut qu'une partie de nos gens 
 lachaient pied, il courut & eux leur criant : ' Vous ne 
 faites done pas reflexion, que vous avez & votre tete, 
 la Sainte Vierge que nousavons prise pour notre pro- 
 tectrice ; que nous avons dtija regu d'elle tant 
 de marques de son assistance, et qu'elle est votre 
 bouclier ? Que craignez-vous ? Nousavons affaire 
 & des infideles, qui n'ont que la figure d'homme ; et
 
 in New England. 21 
 
 Naturally, as Denonville wrote from Quebec a 
 few days before the attack on Falmouth, the English 
 regarded all the French missionaries as their most 
 cruel enemies, whom they would not suffer among 
 the savages who were contiguous to them. 1 
 
 While Portneuf and- his wild band were stealthily 
 approaching Falmouth, Sir William Phips, adopting 
 the well-known military maxim, that by recalling 
 your enemy to the defense of his own possessions, 
 you can best guarantee the security of your own, 
 was making ready to strike the enemy in his own 
 home, and before the embers of the devoted town 
 had ceased smoking, he had captured Port Royal, 
 and making prisoners of Meneval, the French com- 
 
 ne vous souvenez-vous pas que vous etes les sujets 
 du Roi de France, dont le nom fait trembler toute 
 1'Europe ? ' 
 
 Vide L'Heroine Chretienne du Canada, etc., par 
 L'Abbe Etienne Michel Faillon. Villemarie, Cher 
 les soeurs de la Congregation de Notre Dame, 1860, 
 
 P- 3*7- 
 
 1 Alluding to the jealousies existing between the 
 
 English and French, he speaks of the interests of 
 the Catholic religion, which, he says, they will never 
 permit to make any progress among the savages, 
 " regardant tous nos missionnaires come leurs plus 
 cruels ennemies qu'ils neveulent passouffriravec les 
 Sauvages qui sont & portee d'eulx." Vide Collection 
 de Manuscrits, etc., Quebec, 1884, vol. 2, p.i et seq.
 
 22 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 mander, and the garrison under his command, he 
 triumphantly carried them to Boston. 1 
 
 This success seemed an especial mark of divine 
 providence, and Governor Bradstreet issued a proc- 
 lamation appointing a day of fasting, and admonish- 
 ing the people to repent of their sins. So well were 
 his wishes complied with, that Mather says: " The 
 churches kept the wheel of prayer in continual mo- 
 tion." 3 A naval expedition to strike at Quebec 
 itself, the center of French power in America, was 
 soon organized, and on the Qth of August, the fleet 
 under the command of Phips sailed from Boston, at 
 the same time a land expedition was making its way 
 from Albany to strike a retaliatory blow at Montreal. 
 The English were not to be rooted out of American 
 soil so easily as the French king in his vain pride 
 imagined they might be. Both expeditions were un- 
 successful. Frontenac, the governor of New France, 
 was a man of marked ability, and to his military skill 
 and promptitude, as well as the natural difficulties, 
 
 1 Vide Prise du Port Royal par les Anglois de 
 Baston. Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, p. 
 6 et seq. Lettre de Monsieur de Meneval au Min- 
 istre, Ibid., p. 10 et seq. A Journal of the Expedi- 
 tion from Boston to Port Royal. Chalmers' papers, 
 Harvard College. 
 
 3 Vide Magnalia Christi Americana, vol. i, p. 192.
 
 in New England. 23 
 
 which beset Phips and Winthrop, the latter of whom 
 commanded the land expedition, their failure was due. 
 
 It is not the purpose of this work to give a par- 
 ticular account of the wars, which culminated in the 
 subjugation of the Eastern tribes by the English, but 
 only to touch upon a few points, which lead toward 
 this event, and particularly to explain the reasons 
 which caused the destruction of Norridgewock, the 
 hotbed of an influence, which imperilled the existence 
 of English civilization in New England. From the 
 failures of the expeditions against Canada by Phips 
 and Winthrop, the war dragged on with varying for- 
 tunes to both sides. Both were poor and both bit- 
 terly hostile to each other. 
 
 While the French king, lulled by his mistresses and 
 sycophants into thoughtlessness of the terrible im- 
 port of his acts, wrote to Frontenac to excite the sav- 
 ages to continue their murderous warfare against the 
 English settlements, and ordered presents to be made 
 to them for their encouragement, he haggled over the 
 cost of the war, and postponed the undertaking of his 
 scheme against New York, on account of the expense 
 he had already sustained. 1 War parties, however, 
 
 1 Memoire du Roi aux Sieurs de Frontenac et de 
 Champigny. Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, 
 pp. 51-54; Ibid., p. 82, et passim.
 
 24 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 of savages and coureurs de bois, many of whom were 
 half breeds, if anything more ferocious than the sav- 
 ages themselves, led by Frenchmen, desolated the 
 frontier settlements. The savages, if left to them- 
 selves, would soon have made peace ; indeed, not long 
 after the capture of Port Royal by Phips, several of 
 the chiefs entered into an agreement with the Eng- 
 lish to meet and arrange a treaty, but this they were 
 not permitted to do. Presents were heaped upon 
 them by the French commander, and their avarice 
 was excited by promises of booty, which would be to 
 them " plus d'avantage qu'a la chasse ;" nor was this 
 all ; Father Thury lent his powerful aid, and exhorted 
 them to continue the war upon the English, which 
 the French minister had declared should be made 
 11 sans relache." 1 
 
 1 " Comme vostre principal obj&t doibt estre 
 de faire la guerre sans relasche aux Anglois, il 
 faut que vostre plus particuli&re occupation, soyt de 
 detourner de tout aultre employ, les Francois qui 
 sont avec vous, surtout de faire aulcun commerce que 
 pour leur subsistance, en leur donnant de vostre part 
 un sy bon exemple en cela qu'ils ne soyent animez que 
 du desir de chercher & faire du profit sur les ennemis. 
 
 Je n'ay aussy rien & vous recommander plus forte- 
 ment que de mettre en usage tout ce que vous 
 pouvez de capacite et de prudence, affin que les 
 Canibas ne s'employent qu'a la guerre, et que par 1'eco- 
 nomie de ce que vous avez & leur fournir ils y puis-
 
 in New England. 25 
 
 It was in the dead of the winter of 1692, that 
 Thury with one hundred and fifty of his Christian con- 
 verts left their village on the Penobscot to accomplish 
 their design on the few remaining settlements of 
 Maine. Soon they were joined by a howling band 
 from Father Bigot's mission on the Kennebec, and 
 for a month pursued their difficult way on snow- 
 shoes through the pathless wilds, which lay between 
 them and the doomed settlements. On the night of 
 February 4th, while the candles were being lighted 
 in the rude dwellings of York, and the humble cotters 
 were gathering about their firesides unsuspicious of 
 danger, the savages, like wolves, were crouching in 
 the thick woods, which fringed the slopes of Mount 
 Agamenticus, eager to spring upon their prey. 
 
 Several of the houses were fortified for defense, 
 and a watch was probably kept, which may have de- 
 terred the savages from making a night attack ; any- 
 how, they kept under cover through the long, cold 
 night. As the day dawned, the snow began silently 
 to fall. The door of one of the cabins opened and 
 a boy, with the visions of youth in his brain and the 
 joys of life all untasted before him, came forth with 
 
 sent trouver leur subsistance etplus d'avantage qu' j\ 
 la chasse." Lettre du Roy au Sieur de Villebon, 
 Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, p. 83. 
 
 4
 
 26 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 his axe. Soon he was busy at his task, when sud- 
 denly he was seized by rough hands, forced to answer 
 a few fierce questions, and then his head was split open 
 with a hatchet, and he was left dying on the new 
 fallen snow, while the savages, dividing into two 
 parties, rushed upon the village. Men, women and 
 children were alike butchered, even infants in the 
 cradle were not spared, says Villebon, approvingly. 1 
 The venerable minister of the town, the Rev. 
 Shubael Dummer, a man eminent for learning and 
 piety, was preparing to mount his horse to visit in 
 the neighborhood, when he was shot dead at his 
 door. 2 We will not follow the harrowing details of 
 this affair farther, nor follow the fortunes of the war. 
 
 1 " Nos Sauvages se sont mis en action, le Sieur 
 de Villieu lesya accompagnezet Monsieur de Thury. 
 Ce coup est tres advantageux parce qu'il rompt tous 
 les pourparlers de paix et que Ton doibt compter 
 qu'il n'y aura plus de retour entre nos Sauvages et 
 les Anglois, qui sont au desespoir de ce qu'ils ont tu6 
 jusques aux enfans au berceau." Resume d'une 
 lettre de Monsieur de Villebon au Ministre. Collec- 
 tion de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, p. 158. 
 
 1 The Rev. Shubael Dummer was born at Rox- 
 bury, Mass., Feb. lyth, 1636, and graduated at Har- 
 vard College in 1656. He was ordained as the first 
 settled minister of York in 1673. He married the 
 daughter of Edward Rishworth, and at the time of 
 the attack on York, Feb. 5th, 1692, had faithfully and
 
 in New England. 27 
 
 
 
 One can be certain that the French missionaries 
 in Maine were active in inciting the savages to war- 
 zealously performed his ministerial duties for nearly 
 twenty years. When hostilities threatened, it is said 
 that he was urged to leave York, but refused, pre- 
 ferring to share the dangers of those, whom he had 
 "converted and edified by his ministry." He was 
 just about mounting his horse to make a pastoral 
 visit in the neighborhood when he was shot, and his 
 wife and son taken prisoners. Quite contrary to 
 their usual custom, several old women and small 
 children, who were taken prisoners and appeared 
 unable to take the long journey to Canada, were per- 
 mitted to remain behind alive when the Indians took 
 their departure. Among these was the delicate wife 
 of the dead minister. Her son, however, was a pris- 
 oner, and the half frantic widow returned to the In- 
 dian camp after her release to beg the savages to 
 release her boy. This was refused, and she was sent 
 away; but motherly affection prompted her to make 
 another attempt, and she again returned to beg for 
 her son's release. Her prayer was refused, and she 
 was told that as she wanted to be a prisoner her wish 
 should be granted. She had, therefore, the satis- 
 faction of accompanying her son; but the hardships 
 of a mid-winter march through the wilderness without 
 shelter and almost without food were too severe for 
 her, and she soon died. Mather thus sings of the 
 slain pastor : 
 
 DUMMER the shepherd sacrificed, 
 By wolves because the sheep he priz'd. 
 The orphans father, church's light, 
 The love of heav'n, of hell the spight" 
 Vide Magnalia Christi Americana, vol. 2, p. 612 ct
 
 28 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 fare. During the early years of the war, Thury and 
 Bigot were especially conspicuous in this regard. 
 " The savages," wrote Tibierge, " in the river Penta- 
 goet, have great confidence in Monsieur Thury, who 
 has been a missionary among them for eight years. 
 I am persuaded that he is very necessary in that 
 place for the service of the king and the welfare of 
 the nation, and if it was desired to make use of the 
 savages for some important enterprise, nobody could 
 be found who could better persuade them than he to 
 do what was desired." 1 
 
 And for his success in persuading his con- 
 verts to renew the war against the English, the 
 French minister not only wrote the bishop of 
 Quebec to " increase his pay," but also wrote 
 Thury himself, that he was glad to serve him in 
 an application to the king for reward, " not only 
 for your zeal and your application in your mission, 
 and the progress it has made in the advancement of 
 religion among the savages, but also for your pains 
 
 seq. Lettre de Monsieur de Champigny, au ministre, 
 Oct. 5, 1692. Collection de Manuscrits, vol. 2, p. 88 
 et seq. Williamson's Maine, vol. i, p. 672, and Jour- 
 nal of Rev. John Pike. 
 
 1 Vide Memoire sur 1'Acadie par Monsieur 
 Tibierge. Collection de Manuscrits, etc, vol. 2, 
 p. 185.
 
 in New England. 29 
 
 in keeping them in the service of his majesty, and 
 for encouraging them in expeditions of war." 1 Proof 
 is abundant to show how completely some of these 
 missionaries identified themselves with their savage 
 converts in their wars against the border settlers. It 
 is a pleasant duty to recall, that even in this hard 
 
 1 " Monsieur le Comte de Frontenac nonseule- 
 ment a rendu tesmoniage de vostre faveur dans 
 vostre mission mais j'ay encore appris par les lettres 
 de Monsieur de Villebon, commandant pour Sa 
 Majeste & 1'Acadie, et par la relation du Sieur du 
 Villieu, 1'usage que vousavez faict pour le service de 
 Sa Majeste de la confiance que vous este acquise 
 parmy ces Sauvages pour ayder & ces officiers & 
 les maintenir dans le fidelite du service de sa 
 majeste centre les Anglois. C'est sur ces as- 
 surances que Monsieur de Frontenac, ayant faict 
 connoistre & Sa Majeste la consequence de secou- 
 rir plus promtement les sauvages du quartier de 
 Pentagouet et ceulx de la riviere Ouinibequi que 
 nous comprenons soubs le nom de Cannibas, et pour 
 leur plus grande commodite, Sa Majeste a donne 
 1'ordre au Sieur de Bonnaventure, commandant le 
 vaisseau VEnvieux, d'aller & Pentagouet pour y 
 discharger la partie des munitions et marchandises 
 destinez pour ceulx de Pentagouet et de Ouinibequi, 
 et les marchandises que la compagnie a en ordre 
 d'envoyer aussy pour la traitte avec eulx, affin qui 
 ces presens, vous estans remis, sur vostre recepissc 
 au pied de 1'inventoire par le dit Sieur de Bonnaven- 
 ture, vous leur en faissiez la distribution comme il 
 est accoustume, que vous vous entendiez avec ledit
 
 3O The Pioneers of New France 
 
 age, there were men who realized what conversion 
 really meant ; men who knew that such men as 
 
 Sieur de Villebon, et que vous luy envoyiez 1'estat de 
 la distribution, affin qu'il me le fasse venir. J'espere 
 que vous voudrez bien continuer de messager les 
 sauvages avec la mesme application, et que leur fais 
 ant connoistre 1'affection qui Sa Majeste conserve 
 pour eux par les secours qu'Elle leur donne et 
 qu'Elle est dans le dessein de leur continuer plus 
 fortement, vous maintiendrez le progrez des affaires 
 de la religion avec eulx, en empeschant qu'ils ne se 
 communiquent avec les Anglois." Lettre du Min- 
 istre& Monsieur de Thury, missionnaire, a Versailles, 
 le 1 6 Avril, 1695. " Les tesmoignages qu'on a ren- 
 dus Sa Majeste de I'affection et du zele du Sieur de 
 Thury, missionnaire chez les Cannibas, pour son ser- 
 vice, et particulierment pour 1'engagement ou il a 
 mis les sauvages de recommencer la guerre centre 
 les Anglois avec lesquelsills avoient faict un accode- 
 ment, m'oblige de vous pryer en consequence de ce 
 qu'on a mande en mesme terns de sa pauvrete, de 
 luy faire une plus fort part sur les 1500 1. de gratiffi- 
 cation que Sa Majeste accorde pour les ecclesiastiques 
 de 1'Acadie, dont celuy-cy a beaucoup plus de besoing 
 que les aultres qui sont dans les endroits ou ils pren- 
 nent des dixmes qui sont fut considerables, comme 
 aux Mines, quoyqu'elles ne soyent pas dues." Lettre 
 du Ministre a Monsieur 1'Evesque de Quebec, a Ver- 
 sailles le 16 Avril, 1695. " Je suis bien ayse de me 
 servir de cette occasion pour vous dire que j'ay este 
 informe non seulment de vostre zele et de vostre 
 application pour vostre mission et du progrez qu'elle 
 faict pour f'avancement de nostre religion avec les
 
 in New England. 31 
 
 Thury 1 and the Bigots were blind leaders of the 
 blind, countenancing, by their presence amid scenes 
 
 sauvages, mais encore de vos soigns pour les main- 
 tenir dans le service de Sa Majeste, et pour les en- 
 courager aux expeditions de guerre auxquelles elle les 
 f aict employer" Lettre du Ministre a Monsieur Thury, 
 a Versailles, le 23 Avril, 1697. These are but a few 
 selections from the correspondence in French ar- 
 chives relating to Thury. Vide Collection de Manu- 
 scrits, etc., vol. 2, pp. 174-5, J 79 2 74 et passim. 
 
 1 The Rev. Peter Thury was a native of Bayeux, 
 France, and was ordained a member of the seminary 
 of Quebec, December 21, 1677. He was a friend of 
 Castin, and through his influence was induced to 
 settle at Pentagoet in 1687. He was active in every 
 intrigue to excite the savages of his mission against 
 the English frontier settlers, whom he denounced to 
 them as heretics and robbers. On one occasion he 
 harangued his savage converts in these words : " My 
 children ! when shall the rapacity of the unsparing 
 New Englanders cease to afflict you, and how long 
 will you suffer your lands to be violated by the en- 
 croaching heretics ? By the religion I have taught, 
 by the liberty you love, I exhort you to resist them. 
 It is time for you to open your eyes which have long 
 been shut ; to rise from your mats and look to your 
 arms and make them once more bright. This land 
 belonged to your fathers, long before these wicked 
 men came over the great water, and are you ready to 
 leave the bones of your ancestors, that the cattle of 
 the heretics may eat grass on your graves ? The 
 Englishmen think and say to themselves: ' We have 
 cannon ; we have grown strong, while the redman
 
 32 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 of murder and torture, the crimes committed by 
 their converts, and afterward condoning these crimes 
 against humanity by administering to the perpetra- 
 tors of them, while their hands were still red with 
 the blood of innocent women and children, the sacra- 
 ments of the church ; men who had laid to heart the 
 words, " Except ye turn and become as little chil- 
 dren, ye shall in no wise enter into the kingdom of 
 heaven." Two such men are happily recorded as 
 having refused absolution to some individuals en- 
 gaged in the service against the English. These 
 were Fathers Baudoin and Petit, and the bishop of 
 Quebec was informed by the French minister, in a 
 
 has slept ; while they are lying in their cabins and do 
 not see, we will knock them on the head ; we will de- 
 stroy their women and children, and then shall we 
 possess their land without fear, for there shall be 
 none left to revenge them. My children ! God com- 
 mands you to shake the sleep from your eyes. The 
 hatchet must be cleaned from its rust, to avenge Him 
 of^.His enemies, and secure to you your rights. Night 
 and day a continual prayer shall ascend to him for 
 your success, an unceasing rosary shall be observed 
 till you return covered with the glory of triumph." 
 He died at Chebuctou on the 3d of June, 1699. 
 Vide Travels of Learned Missionaries, pp. 280, 309, 
 Etat Present, Quebec, pp. 12, 18 ; Voyage de 1'Acadie, 
 pp. 54, 179; Collections Me. Hist. Society, vol. i, p. 
 435 et seq.; Taschereau's Memoir sur 1'Acadie.
 
 in New England. 33 
 
 letter from Versailles, that the king was very indig- 
 nant at their refusal of absolution to certain persons 
 because they were engaged in the service against the 
 English. 1 
 
 1 F. Michael Baudoin and Mathurin le Petit. 
 The former afterwards 'attempted to found a mis- 
 sion among the Choctaws, and the latter became 
 superior of the Jesuits in Louisiana. The letter of 
 the French minister, Ponchartrain, is as follows : 
 "A Versailles, le 8 May, 1694. Je suis oblige de vous 
 dire que Sa Majeste a este fort indignee de la mau- 
 vaise conduitte des Sieurs Beaudoin et Petit, mis- 
 sionnaires de 1'Acadie, dans les choses qui ont eu 
 relation & son service, et dans la resistance que Mon- 
 sieur de Villebon, commandant & 1'Acadie, a trouve 
 en cela de leur part. Elle a aussy apris qu'ils ont 
 refuse 1'absolution & des particuliers, a cause qu'ils 
 etoient engagez dans le service centre les Anglois. 
 Sa Majeste auroit donne ses ordres pour les faire re- 
 tirer, sy elle n'avoit trouve plus& propos, par consid- 
 eration pour vous, de m'ordonner de vous pryer 
 d'empescher la continuation de ces desordres et que 
 ces ecclesiastiques ne s'ingerent point des affaires qui 
 concernent le temporel, sy ce n'est pas 1'ordre de 
 ceulx auxquels. Sa Majeste a confie son authorite, 
 affin qu'en cela ils soyent soubmis comme ils doyvent 
 1'estre, et que sy vous ne croyiez par pouvoir vous 
 assurer de leur obeissance, vous les retiriez pour en 
 mettre d'aultres a leur place." Two other mission- 
 aries are mentioned by Tibierge, who evidently 
 thought more of teaching the gospel to the savages 
 than inciting them to war against their English 
 neighbors, namely Peres Simon and Elizee. Of the
 
 34 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 We know that the reason assigned was not the real 
 cause of their refusal. The cause was a deeper one, 
 involving the manner of conducting the "services," 
 and the names of these two missionaries should be 
 held in grateful remembrance. They were bright 
 lights in a season of deepest gloom, and without 
 doubt there were many others whose names are only 
 recorded in the imperishable archives of a world of 
 love and peace. 
 
 When Frontenac sailed from Rochelle in the sum- 
 mer of 1689, he was accompanied by a Jesuit priest, 
 who afterward became famous in the annals of New 
 England, Pere Sebastian Rale, a native of Franche 
 Comte; where he was born on January 28, 1657. As 
 this man for more than thirty years played such an 
 important part in the struggle between the savages 
 and the frontier settlers of New England, he 
 will, of necessity, appear prominently in a consid- 
 erable portion of the following pages, and that 
 no injustice may be done him, everything thus 
 far discovered which he has written will be re- 
 former he says : " C'est un treshonneste homme qui 
 ne se mesle que des affaires de sa mission," and of 
 the latter, that he is, "un homme assez retire, ne m'a 
 pas paru jusque A present se meslee que des fonc- 
 tions de son ministere." Vide Collection de Manu- 
 scrits, etc., vol. 2, pp. 155 et seq. 187.
 
 in New England. 35 
 
 produced. In his eighteenth year, or according 
 to the register of the society, on September 24, 1675, 
 Rale entered as a noviciate the Society of Jesus, in 
 the Province of Lyons, and when, during the rule of 
 Denonville, who was a zealous friend of the Jesuits, 
 the call came from the' mission of St. Francis for 
 more men, Rale was an instructor of Greek in the 
 College of Nismes. 1 He was a man of heroic cour- 
 age, of an earnest and self-sacrificing spirit, possessed 
 indeed of qualities, which, in spite of some of his 
 misconceptions of the real spirit of Christianity, en- 
 title him to a measure of respect and admiration. 
 He left France at the time when the feeling against 
 the English colonists was most bitter at the French 
 court, where the cause of James the Second was con- 
 sidered a holy cause, which was to be advanced by 
 every means attainable, and when the air was laden 
 with denunciations of the heretic colonists, traitors 
 to their anointed king, and rebels against the 
 Almighty. 
 
 With prejudices, which he could not have failed to 
 imbibe against these, to him misguided people, active 
 in his heart, he landed in Quebec in mid-autumn, and 
 
 1 The dates given are from the ancient catalogue 
 of the Jesuits, and differ somewhat from those given 
 by P6re Martin in "Les Jesuit Martyrs de Canada."
 
 36 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 at once came under the influence of the Bigots, who 
 were at the head of an Abnaki mission largely com- 
 posed of Indians, whom they had induced to leave 
 Maine after King Philip's war. It was among these 
 people that he passed, as he says, his missionary 
 apprenticeship, and here he learned the Abnaki 
 tongue. This was no easy task, but he applied him- 
 self to it with his usual zeal, and by persistent inter- 
 course with the savages in their smoky wigwams, 
 subjected to their rude gibes and disgusting habits 
 of life, he finally acquired facility in uttering their 
 harsh gutturals, and threading the intricacies of their 
 bewildering idioms. 
 
 The bold imagery which the savages used, appealed 
 to his poetic instinct, and moved him to admiration. 
 Perhaps transmuted in his own thought, they assumed 
 a beauty not wholly their own, if we may judge from 
 examples he has given. 
 
 Their food was vile, and to Rale, born in a coun- 
 try where cooking was a fine art, it seemed impos- 
 sible to overcome his repugnance to it, but when a 
 greasy savage shrewdly applied one of his own sina- 
 pisms to his sensitive conscience, reminding him, that 
 the savage had to overcome his repugnance to prayer 
 and it was the duty of a praying father to subdue his 
 prejudice to dogmeat, he gracefully succumbed, and
 
 in New England. 37 
 
 thereafter ate whatever came to the kettle. For two 
 years he lived at the Abnaki mission, learning in 
 summer to traverse with the savages the perilous 
 waters of the St. Lawrence in their birchen canoes, 
 and in winter, the frozen wastes of that desolate 
 region, on their cumbersome snowshoes, which at 
 first he thought it impossible to walk with ; then 
 he took up his weary march to the Illinois, where 
 others of his order had worn out their lives in a task 
 seemingly too heavy for human nature to undertake. 
 
 It was late in the summer when Rale set out with 
 his savage guides with their canoes on his long jour- 
 ney ; shooting dangerous rapids, paddling across 
 great lakes, on which storms were as common as on 
 the ocean, and traversing pathless forests beset with 
 difficulties. Often he was ready to faint with hunger 
 and was obliged to scrape the juiceless lichens from 
 the rocks to sustain life. 
 
 After many hardships, as winter drew near, the worn- 
 out missionary reached Mackinac, about seven hun- 
 dred miles from Quebec, and somewhat more than 
 half way to his place of destination. 
 
 He could go no farther, for winter was creating 
 impassable barriers to farther progress, and he was, 
 therefore, obliged to remain here until spring. Hap- 
 pily he found at Mackinac two brothers of his society,
 
 38 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 and their companionship afforded him much comfort 
 during the long and dreary winter. He was no slug- 
 gard, however, and while here he applied himself to a 
 careful study of the people, their legends and tradi- 
 tions, and to the acquirement of the Algonkin 
 tongue. 
 
 With the opening of spring Rale again turned his 
 face westward, and after a journey of about two 
 months reached the Indian town on the Illinois, the 
 object of his long pilgrimage. Here he was hospi- 
 tably received by the Indians, who entertained him in 
 their rude fashion, and whose strange customs and 
 modes of life furnished him with ample material for 
 study and reflection. For two years he devoted him- 
 self to missionary work among these people, and to 
 the study of their tongue, when he was again called 
 to Quebec. 1 When he reached here, the war, as we 
 have seen, was raging furiously between the French, 
 aided by their savage allies, and the people of New 
 England, and Rale was at once dispatched to the 
 Abnakis of Norridgewock to assume charge of them. 
 He had come to Quebec at the beginning of the war, 
 but had not been brought directly in contact with it. 
 Now he was to face the detestable English "heretics 
 
 l Vide Lettres Edifiantes, et Curieuses, etc., Paris, 
 1838, Tome Premier, pp. 675-692.
 
 in New England. 39 
 
 and traitors," and to aid in preventing them from 
 sowing the pernicious seeds of their faith among the 
 innocent natives, and dragging them down to perdi- 
 tion with themselves. 
 
 It was a task which he felt was worth any sacrifice 
 and he undertook it with alacrity; on the other hand, 
 the English viewed the settlement of the new mis- 
 sionary within the limits of what they regarded as 
 their own territory, with distrust and alarm, as they 
 assuredly had reason to view it, judging from the 
 misguided efforts of Thury and others. 
 
 We should err in supposing Rale absorbed at this 
 time with schemes of warfare upon the English set- 
 tlers. Without doubt the uppermost thought in his 
 mind was to build up his church in the midst of the 
 savages. To overcome the material obstacles in his 
 path ; to set up a chapel in the wilderness, and get 
 about him the mere accessories of worship, to say 
 nothing of bending the savage mind to a favorable 
 regard of his efforts, was labor enough to occupy him 
 for a considerable time, and he seems to have given 
 himself up to the work with his usual industry and 
 zeal. 
 
 In due time he had a chapel erected and furnished 
 with the required appendages of the worship to 
 which he was devoted ; indeed, we are told that his
 
 40 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 chapel was adorned with considerable taste, the re- 
 sult of his own skillful handiwork. 
 
 While Rale was engaged in these labors, and es- 
 tablishing himself in the favor of the savages of 
 Norridgewock, the war between England and France 
 was drawing to a close. Thury, his co-laborer on the 
 Penobscot, was actively employed during the closing 
 scenes of the war in encouraging his neophytes to 
 deeds of blood, and with them, those of Rale were 
 joined. While no written evidence exists to show 
 his complicity with Thury in exciting the savages 
 against them at this time, the English fully believed 
 that he was equally responsible with his co-laborer, 
 and a bitter feeling of hostility soon prevailed against 
 him. 
 
 It was believed in Versailles that Boston might be 
 captured, and a plan of attack was formulated, in 
 which Castin was mentioned as the leader of the 
 savages, as well as the Sieur de Thury, their mission- 
 ary. 1 In view of this attack, small parties of savages 
 
 1 " Les Canadiens s'embarqueront sur les vaisseaux 
 et il sera au choix des Sauvages de s'y embarquer ou 
 de faire ce chemin en canots le long des costes qui 
 de Pentagouet se continuent et se terminent & cette 
 baye. Et comme le Sieur de St. Castin ne man- 
 quera pas de se mettre dans son canot 4 leur teste, 
 comme ila faict & 1'enterprise de Pemkuit, aussi bien
 
 BELL OF RALE'S CHAPEL AT NORRIDGEWOCK. 
 
 Found in 1808 under a decayed hemlock, where 
 
 it had been concealed. Now in possession 
 
 of the Maine Historical Society.
 
 in New England. 41 
 
 were sent out, and for sometime prowled in the 
 vicinity of the town. In August, Thury was at Fort 
 St. John and reported to Tibierge, that the savages 
 of his mission and those of the Kennebec had been 
 in several parties about Boston, and killed much 
 people, " beaucoup de- monde," and that one party 
 had taken a prisoner and burned him " a la maniere 
 des Iroquois," and that they had resolved to give no 
 quarter to any of the English who fell into their 
 hands. 1 Such was the character of the war waged 
 
 que le Sieur Thury leur missionnaire." Memoire 
 sur 1'enterprise de Baston a Versailles, le 2ist Avril, 
 1697. 
 
 J Au FORT ST. JEAN. 
 
 le 20 Aoust, 1697. 
 MONSIEUR : 
 
 Monsieur Thury est arrive ce soir au fort venant 
 de Pentagouet. II dit que les Sauvages de sa mission 
 et ceulx de Quinibiquy ayant este cet este en plusieurs 
 parties autour de Boston, y avoient tue beaucoup de 
 monde, et qu'un party, entr'aultres, ayant faict un 
 prisonnier, ils 1 avoient interroge pour avoir des nou- 
 velles : que les Sauvages avoient ensuitte brusle leur 
 prisonnier 4 la maniere des Iroquois, (c'est le premier 
 qu'ils ayent brusle). Ils ont resolu de ne donner de 
 quartier & aulcun des Anglois qui leur tomberont 
 entre le mains." 
 
 Lettre du Sieur Tibierge a Monsieur le Comte de 
 Frontenac. Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, 
 p. 286. 
 
 6
 
 42 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 by the French against the English, and which Charle- 
 voix so complacently regards. Fortunately after 
 raging for ten years, a " Decennium Luctuosum " as 
 designated by Mather, it came to a close, a treaty of 
 peace having been concluded between France and 
 England at Ryswick, Sept. 20, 1697, and the New 
 England settlers were again enabled to cultivate the 
 arts of peace for a short season ; but only for a short 
 season. The French were not willing that the Eng- 
 lish should establish friendly relations with their 
 savage neighbors even after the conclusion of peace, 
 and made efforts to prevent them from so doing. 
 
 Villebon was commended by the French minister 
 for writing to the Jesuit fathers of the Maine mis- 
 sions, to notify the chiefs of the savages not to hold 
 any communication with the English governor, nor 
 any one representing him. 1 
 
 In such a condition of affairs, peace could not long 
 continue ; indeed, the French began at once a careful 
 study of the English towns and their means of de- 
 
 1 "Vous avez bien fait d'ecrire aux P&res Jesuites, 
 qui sont en mission aux Sauvages de Quinibequi, 
 d'avertir les chefs de ces Sauvages d 'n'avore aucune 
 communication avec Monsieur le Comte de Bella- 
 mont, n'y personne de sa part." Lettre du Ministre 
 a Monsieur Villebon. A Versailles, le 9 Avril, 1700. 
 Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 2, p. 334.
 
 in New England. 43 
 
 fense, with a view to future war, and careful cal- 
 culations of the number of savages as well as of their 
 own people, who could be sent against them, were 
 forwarded to the French king. The boundaries be- 
 tween New England and Acadia, which had been 
 ceded to the French, were still in dispute, and this in 
 itself was a sufficient cause for conflict. The attitude 
 of the French in preventing intercourse between 
 them and the savages, was also irritating to the Eng- 
 lish, and increased their hostility to the French 
 Jesuits, who, they knew, were instrumental in keeping 
 alive the jealousy of the savages against them. 
 
 So intense did this feeling become, that the Gen- 
 eral Court of Massachusetts, in the summer of 1 700, 
 passed an act to expel the Jesuits from the province. 
 And Governor Stoughton wrote to the Lords Com- 
 missioners : "I crave leave further to observe to 
 yo r Lord ps , the present repose and quiet of this his 
 Ma tys Province after the late Alarm of troubles 
 threatened to Arise from the Indians by a fresh In- 
 surrection & breaking forth in open hostility. And 
 how necessary it is in order to ye continuance of this 
 quiet that the French Priests and Missionaries be 
 removed from their residence among them, the In- 
 dians taking measures from their evil counsels and 
 Suggestions, and are bigotted in their zeal to their
 
 44 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 pernicious and damnable principles. But the re- 
 moval of these Incendiaries is rendered difficult 
 whilst the Claims and pretensions to the Boundaries 
 of Territory and Dominion betwixt the English and 
 French are depending undetermined, or at least the 
 determination not known in the Plantation." 1 
 
 Dudley, who succeeded to the government of 
 Massachusetts in 1702, found sufficient cause for 
 alarm, and at once sought to establish friendly rela- 
 tions with the savages. A conference was accord- 
 ingly appointed at Casco, and, on June 20, 1703, a 
 large body of savages assembled at the appointed 
 place, led by their chief sagamores, viz. : Moxus and 
 Hopegood from Norridgewock ; Wanungunt and 
 Wanadugunbuent from the Penobscot ; Bomazeen 
 and Capt. Samuel from the Kennebec. Besides 
 these came Mesambomett and Wexar from the An 
 droscoggin, with a flotilla of sixty-five canoes, con- 
 
 1 A still more stringent law was passed by the 
 legislature of New York, namely, to hang every 
 Popish priest who came into the province. Smith, 
 the historian of New York, declares this law to be 
 one which " ought forever to remain in force," being, 
 says Bancroft, ''wholly unconscious of the true nature 
 of his remark." Vide Bancroft's History of the U. 
 S., ed. 1841, vol. 3, p. 193, also Letter of Wm. Stough- 
 ton, Dec. 2oth, 1700, in B. T. New England, vol. n, 
 I. 15, Office of the Public Records, London.
 
 in New England. 45 
 
 taining two hundred and fifty painted savages, all 
 armed, a formidable array of wild men, which caused 
 some trepidation among the people of the vicinity. 
 
 Under a tent, near the fort at New Casco, sur- 
 rounded by his officers, and the gentlemen who had 
 accompanied him from Boston, Governor Dudley, 
 arrayed in the brilliant uniform of a British officer, 
 received the savage chiefs, and, after the proper sal- 
 utations, he informed them, that being " commis- 
 sioned by the great and victorious Queen of England, 
 he came to visit them as his friends and brethren, 
 and to reconcile whatever differences had happened 
 since the last treaty." 
 
 To this the orator of the savages replied : " We 
 thank you good brother for coming so far to talk 
 with us. The clouds fly and darken, but we still 
 sing with love the songs of peace. Believe my 
 words ; so far as the sun is above the earth are our 
 thoughts from war, or the least rupture between us." 
 
 In testimony of their sincerity, they presented the 
 governor with a belt of wampum, and invited him 
 to two heaps of stones which had been erected upon a 
 former occasion, and which had been named the two 
 brothers. Here both parties solemnly renewed their 
 pledge of amity by adding more stones to these 
 pillars of witness. This ceremony terminated, guns
 
 46 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 were discharged by both parties, the savages danc- 
 ing, singing and uttering wild acclamations of joy. 
 
 Negotiations were then entered into respecting 
 trading-houses, the price of commodities, and the 
 employment of an armorer by the English to repair 
 the guns of the savages ; presents were exchanged, 
 and, says Penhallow, "everything looked with a 
 promising aspect of a settled peace. And that 
 which afterward seemed to confirm it, was the com- 
 ing in of Captain Bomazeen and Captain Samuel, 
 who informed that several missionaries from the 
 Friars were lately come among them, who endeav- 
 ored to break the union and seduce them from their 
 allegiance to the Crown of England, but had made 
 no impression on them, for that they were as firm as 
 the mountains, and should continue so as long as the 
 sun and moon endured." 
 
 This action of the savages was reassuring to the 
 colonists, some of whom, alarmed at the threatening 
 aspect of affairs, were preparing to abandon their 
 frontier homes, and they permitted themselves to 
 enjoy for a time a feeling of security ; but the story 
 of Bomazeen and Samuel, relative to their rejection 
 of the counsels of the French missionaries, was only 
 intended to deceive them, and was invented for the 
 occasion ; at the same time, it shows the part which
 
 in New England. 47 
 
 both parties understood was played by the French 
 missionaries. 
 
 Rale had accompanied his neophytes to the con- 
 ference, but did not intend to show himself to the 
 English. He tells us, however, that by the precipi- 
 tate landing of the savages, he found himself, to his 
 chagrin, in the presence of the governor, who, per- 
 ceiving him, came forward and saluted him. The 
 governor, he proceeds, addressed the savages, telling 
 them that the Queen desired them and the English 
 to live at peace ; that he would see that justice was 
 rendered them if they should suffer any wrong, and 
 advised them to remain neutral and not to join the 
 French in case of war between the two crowns ; but, 
 says Rale, " my presence hindered him from saying 
 all that he intended, for it was not without design 
 that he had brought a minister with him." 
 
 During the time that the savages were deliberat- 
 ing what to reply, Rale says, that the governor drew 
 him apart and prayed him not to lead the savages to 
 make war against the English, and that he replied, 
 that his religion and character engaged him to give 
 them only counsels of peace. He says that he 
 should have spoken more, but that he was suddenly 
 surrounded by a score of young warriors, who sus- 
 pected treachery on the part of the governor, and
 
 48 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 that, at this juncture, the chiefs advanced to make 
 their reply, which was to the effect, that they should 
 stand by the French and aid them if war broke out 
 between them and the English, a statement totally 
 at variance with the English account, and which 
 must be regarded as incredible, since the design of 
 the savages appears to have been to encourage the 
 colonists to indulge in a feeling of security, that they 
 might accomplish their purposes more completely in 
 the end. Be this, however, as it may, we know that 
 the conference terminated with a show at least of re- 
 joicing on both sides, and it could not have so ended, 
 if the savages had replied to the kind words of the 
 English governor, as Rale tells us they did ; besides, 
 is it possible that Penhallow and others, who were 
 present, would fail to record a reply so important to 
 the welfare of their people ? To believe this would 
 be not only to believe that they deliberately falsified, 
 but did so against their own feelings and interests, 
 and for no purpose, unless it were to make their 
 savage foes appear in an agreeable light. " But," 
 says Penhallow, " I should have taken notice of two 
 instances in the late treaty, wherein the matchless 
 perfidy of these bloody infidels did notoriously ap- 
 pear. First, as the treaty was concluded with volleys 
 on both sides, as I said before, the Indians desired
 
 in New England. 49 
 
 the English to fire first, which they readily did, con- 
 cluding it no other than a compliment ; but so soon 
 as the Indians fired, it was observed that their guns 
 were charged with bullets, having contrived (as was 
 afterward confirmed) to make the English the vic- 
 tims of that day. But 'Providence so ordered it, as 
 to place their chief councillors and sachems in the 
 tent where ours were seated, by which means they 
 could not destroy one without endangering the other. 
 Second, as the English waited some days for Wata- 
 nummon (the Pigwacket sachem) to complete their 
 council, it was afterward discovered that they only 
 tarried for a reinforcement of two hundred French 
 and Indians, who in three days after we returned, came 
 among them ; having resolved to seize the governor, 
 council and gentlemen, and then to sacrifice the in- 
 habitants at pleasure, which probably they might 
 have done, had they not been prevented by an over- 
 ruling power. 
 
 But notwithstanding this disappointment, they were 
 still resolved on their bloody design ; for within six 
 weeks after, the whole eastern country was in a con- 
 flagration, no house standing, nor garrison unattacked. 
 August loth, at nine in the morning, they began 
 their bloody tragedy, being about five hundred In- 
 dians of all sorts, with a number of French ; who di- 
 7
 
 50 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 vided themselves into several companies, and made a 
 descent on the several inhabitants from Casco to 
 Wells, at one and the same time, sparing none of 
 every age and sex. As the milk white brows of the 
 grave and ancient had no respect shown, so neither 
 had the mournful cries of tender infants the least pity; 
 for they triumphed at their misery, and applauded 
 such as the skilfulest artists, who were most dexter- 
 ous in contriving the greatest tortures ; which was 
 enough to turn the most stoical apathy into streams 
 of mournful sympathy and compassion." 1 
 
 This terrible war, Rale tells us, was inaugurated by 
 a feast, where two hundred and fifty of his savage 
 neophytes took up the hatchet against the English 
 settlers. Before starting on their bloody errand, he 
 says that he assembled them at confession, and ad- 
 monished them to observe the laws of war and to ab- 
 stain from unnecessary cruelty, an admonition which 
 was mockery itself, however masked by moral senti- 
 ment. But were this sentiment genuine, the tone 
 which he employs in recounting the prowess of his 
 neophytes is not reassuring, for he tells us, that im- 
 mediately after receiving his admonition, they rav- 
 
 l Vide The History of the Wars of New England 
 with the Eastern Indians, by Samuel Penhallow, Esq., 
 Boston, 1859, p. 1 6 et seq.
 
 in New England. 51 
 
 aged " more than twenty leagues of country, where 
 there were hamlets and houses," and u in a single day 
 swept away all that the English had there," and 
 " killed more than two hundred of them." One might 
 suppose that these were soldiers that were killed, as 
 he says in a preceding paragraph that a handful of 
 his savages were equal to two or three thousand 
 European soldiers ; but no, the larger number of the 
 victims of these heroes, who had so recently partaken 
 of the communion, and received the fatherly admoni- 
 tion to observe the laws of war and abstain from un- 
 necessary cruelty, were helpless women and children. 
 And he continues, after saying complacently that 
 " they carried desolations throughout the land, which 
 belonged to the English," that, "therefore, these gen- 
 tlemen," using the words with playful sarcasm, per- 
 suaded with reason, that in keeping my savages in 
 their attachment to the Catholic faith, I strengthened 
 more and more the bonds which united them to the 
 French, have put in operation all sorts of tricks and 
 artifices to detach them from me." 1 
 
 Could men have had better reason than these af- 
 flicted colonists, whose homes were destroyed and 
 wives and children butchered in the most atrocious 
 manner, to resort to tricks and artifices, or even to set 
 
 l Vide Letter of Ral6, Oct. i2th, 1723.
 
 52 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 a price upon the head of one so destructive to them? 
 Surely not, yet the tricks and artifices, which were 
 uppermost in Rale's mind, were the sending of a Pro- 
 testant missionary to the savages with Bibles in their 
 own tongue, and a schoolmaster to instruct them. 
 
 Dudley entered into the war with zeal, and carried 
 it into the enemy's country. An expedition was 
 planned against Norridgewock, and Colonel Hilton 
 was dispatched with two hundred and seventy men, 
 in the winter of 1 705, to attack it. The weather was 
 severe, and the march on snowshoes laborious, but 
 the party pushed on with persevering energy, and 
 reached the village in good condition, only to find it 
 abandoned. They, however, destroyed it and the 
 chapel which Rale had built. After the war had raged 
 for four years, Dudley wrote, " Their Priests and 
 Jesuits have gotten the command of all the Inland 
 Indians, and have debauched the Indians of the 
 Province of Mayn, and by their late Trade and 
 discovery of the Messasseppi River, have in a manner 
 made a circle round all the English Colonies, from 
 New England to Virginia, and do every year give the 
 Goverm'ts of New England very great trouble." 
 
 And a few months later : " The Post Script of this 
 Letter referring to the Barbarous Method of the 
 French and Indians depending upon them. Scalping
 
 in New England. 53 
 
 the dead that fall into their hands, is upon Account 
 that the French Government have set the Heads 
 of Her Maj ties Subjects at a Value, sometimes 
 Forty Shillings, sometimes Five pounds, which the 
 Savages cannot challenge without showing the Scalps, 
 as the French have made it in their Order referring 
 thereto. This I have Expostulated and Upbraided 
 Mr. Vaudreuil and Mr. Subercass and every Gov- 
 ernour on the French side, and challenged them to 
 tell their own Master if they dare, of such Barbarity 
 used to Christians, but to no effect, and have threat- 
 ened them to leave their Prisoners in the hands of 
 the Indians as they have done Many of Ours, but 
 have prevailed nothing." 1 
 
 On August 29, 1708, Haverhill was attacked by 
 a band of French and savages, and her only clergy- 
 man, the Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, slain. 2 The situation 
 
 1 Vide Dudley's letters in B. T. New England, 
 vol. 14, S. 26, office of the Public Records, London, 
 Nov. 10, and March i, 1708. 
 
 2 The Rev. Benjamin Rolfe was born at Newbury 
 in 1662, and graduated at Harvard in 1684, an d later 
 was chaplain of a small body of soldiers at Casco. 
 He was married to Mehitabel Atwater, March 12, 
 1693, just after his call to Haverhill, where he was 
 ordered the January following. It was early on Sun- 
 day morning, August 29, 1708, that the savages 
 attacked Haverhill. There were two soldiers in the
 
 54 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 was indeed a serious one for New England, and ex- 
 cited grave apprehensions for her future in the minds 
 of the wisest of her people; but after another ten 
 years of war, peace at last came. Rale heard from 
 Quebec that negotiations for peace were pending, 
 and knowing that news of the signing of the treaty 
 would reach Boston before it could reach Quebec, 
 wrote Capt. Moody as follows : 
 
 parsonage, but they were panic-stricken and afforded 
 no assistance to Rolfe, who leaping from his bed 
 strove to hold the door against them. Finding this 
 impossible, he fled through the house after being 
 wounded in the arm by a bullet fired through the 
 door, but was overtaken and killed with a hatchet. 
 Mrs. Rolfe was also brained with a hatchet, and her 
 infant torn from her arms and its brains dashed out 
 against a stone near the door. Two children were 
 preserved by being hidden under tubs in the cellar 
 by a faithful servant. Rolfe, his wife and child, were 
 buried in one grave and this epitaph placed upon it : 
 " Clauditus hoc tumulo corpus Reverendi pii doc- 
 tique viri D. Benjamin Rolfe, ecclesiae Christi quse 
 est in Haverhill pastoris fidelissimi ; qui domi suse 
 ad hostibus barbare trucidatus. A laboribus suis re- 
 quieuit mane diei sacrae quietis, Aug. XXIX, Anno 
 Domini MDCCVIII. ^Etatis suae XLVI. Vide 
 History of Haverhill, by George Wingate Chase, 
 Haverhill, 1861, pp. 220, 228 et passim; Bancroft's 
 History of the U. S., Boston, 1841, vol. 3, p. 215 et 
 seq.; The History of the Wars of New England, 
 etc., by Samuel Penhallow, Esq., Cincinnati, 1859, P- 
 55-
 
 in New England. 55 
 
 " NANRANTSOAK, 18 Novemb. 1712. 
 
 " SIR --The Governor-General of Canada ac- 
 quaints me by his letter which has been brought me 
 some days since, that the last vessel of the King 
 arrived at Quebec the 30 Sept., reports that peace is 
 not yet concluded between the two crowns of France 
 & England, but that they talk strongly of it. That 
 is what he tells me about it. 
 
 "And other letters that I have received inform me 
 that Monsieur, the Intendent, who has arrived in this 
 vessel, says, that being upon the point of embarking 
 at Rochelle, some one there received a letter from 
 Monsieur Tallard, which asserted that peace had 
 been made, & that it would be published at the end 
 of October. 
 
 u Now they cannot know of it in Canada, but can 
 know of it at Boston, where vessels can come at all 
 seasons, if you know anything of it, I pray you let 
 me know of it, in order, that I may send instantly to 
 Quebec upon the ice, to inform the governor-general 
 of it, so that he may prevent the savages from com- 
 mitting any act of hostility." 1 
 
 1 This letter was inclosed in a letter written by 
 Moody to Gov. Dudley, Dec. loth, in which he says 
 that "The Indians have made us these visits in my 
 absence, and brought several letters from the Friar,
 
 56 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 It would seem that Ral6 must have known, that 
 Costebelle, six weeks before this, had dispatched a 
 public envoy to Boston under the protection of a 
 passport, with a letter of precisely the same tenor as 
 the above ; but be this as it may, the savages were 
 as anxious for peace as the colonists, and must have 
 realized the fact that they were in danger of being 
 ground to pieces between the opposing forces ; hence 
 on the nth of July, 1713, exactly three months after 
 the signing of the Treaty of Utrecht, representatives 
 of the different tribes assembled at Portsmouth to 
 enter into a treaty of peace. 
 
 Asking that the war might cease, the savages 
 agreed to forbear all acts of hostility toward the 
 English, and never again to enter into u any treason- 
 able conspiracy with any other nation to their dis- 
 turbance ; and, as in former treaties, not to avenge 
 themselves if they should suffer wrong at the hands 
 of an Englishman, but to appeal to the government 
 for redress. Confirming the rights of the English 
 to the lands, which they had occupied under deeds 
 
 which are inclosed." This is a translation made by 
 me from the French text in the office of the Public 
 Records, London. There is a translation, also, in 
 Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, 2d series, vol. 
 VIII, p. 258, and in Goolds' Portland in the Past, p. 
 162.
 
 in New England. 57 
 
 from their ancestors, they confessed as follows ; 
 "that we have, contrary to all faith and justice, 
 broken our articles with Sir William Phips, Governor, 
 in the year of our Lord God, 1693, and with the 
 Earl of Bellamont in the year 1699. 
 
 And the assurance we gave to his excellency, 
 Joseph Dudley, Esq., in the year of our Lord God, 
 1702, in the month of August, and 1703, in the 
 month of July, notwithstanding we have been well 
 treated by said governors. But we resolve for the 
 future, not to be drawn into any perfidious treaty or 
 correspondence to the hurt of any of her Majesty's 
 subjects of the crown of Great Britain ; and if we 
 know any such, we will seasonably reveal it to the 
 English," and, "being sensible of our great offence 
 and folly in not complying with the aforesaid sub- 
 mission and agreements, and also the sufferings and 
 mischiefs that we have thereby exposed ourselves 
 unto, do in all humble and submissive manner, cast 
 ourselves upon her Majesty for mercy and pardon for 
 all our past rebellious hostilities, and violations of 
 our promises, praying to be received into her Maj- 
 esty's grace and favor." This treaty, dated on the 
 1 3th of July, was signed by the heads of the tribes in 
 presence of Governor Dudley, the Counsellors of 
 Massachusetts; Judge Sewall, Jonathan Corwin, Penn
 
 58 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Townsend, John Appleton, John Higginson, Andrew 
 Belcher, Thomas Noyes, Samuel Appleton, Ichabod 
 Plaisted, John Wheelwright and Benjamin Lynde, 
 Esquires," as well as by the Counsellors of New 
 Hampshire ; " William Vaughn, Peter Coffin, Robert 
 Elliot, Richard Waldron, Nathaniel Weare, Samuel 
 Penhallow, John Plaisted, Mark Hunkin and John 
 Wentworth, Esquires." The witnesses to it were 
 "Edmund Quincy, Spencer Phips, Wm. Dudley, 
 Shad. Walton, Josiah Willard" and others. That 
 there might be no plea on the part of the savages in 
 the future that they did not understand the agree- 
 ment made with their chiefs, a delegation of gentle- 
 men proceeded with the treaty to Casco, where it was 
 read by sworn interpreters, article by article, to the 
 assembled tribes in the presence of their chiefs, whose 
 names it bore. No objections were raised by the 
 tribes to any portion of the treaty, and they signified 
 their unanimous approval of all its provisions by 
 acclamation. 1 At the risk of prolixity, the names 
 of the principal gentlemen present at the making of 
 this treaty are given, and they are a sufficient guar- 
 
 1 For the treaty made at Portsmouth, vide The 
 History of the Wars with the Eastern Indians, etc., 
 by Samuel Penhallow, Esq., Cincinnati, 1859, PP- 
 78-81.
 
 in New England. 59 
 
 antee of its correctness. What shall we say then of 
 the following report of the doings at this conference, 
 which Rale hastened to make to the governor-gen- 
 eral of Canada ? 
 
 " NORRIDGEWOCK, the 9 September, 1813. 
 SIR: 
 
 Touching the propositions which the Englishmen 
 had before made the savages sign by the Governor 
 of Casco Bay, I have so frequently and so forcibly 
 spoken thereupon to them, that they enter into my 
 meaning, and into speaking of them even to the gov- 
 ernor of Casco Bay, about which they had great dis- 
 putes together, of which this governor informed the 
 governor-general, who in effect did not make them 
 to the savages in the assembly. 
 
 This is what he said to the savages, who were there 
 in pretty good number : There were of this village 
 98 ; of Penobscot 200 ; of the river St. John 40 ; of 
 the Micmaks 20; the governor-general spoke to 
 them in this manner : " Thou, Warraeensitt, I am very 
 glad to see thee, what I am going to say to thee I say 
 to all the others ; that I am very glad that thou hast 
 returned into my hands the prisoners which thou hast 
 made ; if any are found of thine among us I will 
 restore them to thee. 
 
 Thou knowest already that the land which is be-
 
 60 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 yond the great lake is fair, and is not bloody. The 
 kings are at peace, and have smoothed the ground, 
 and this was done in the moon during which thou 
 wast fishing; that is, the April moon. 
 
 The Frenchman gave us Plaisance, Port Royal 
 and the land about them, reserving only the river 
 where Quebec is situated. The land here is very 
 fair, showing some papers, behold these which 
 have caused it to be stained with blood. I put these 
 papers in the earth to the end that they appear no 
 more, I now turn the land upside down that the 
 blood may no more appear. If thou wishest, the 
 English who planted here and there the habitations 
 which have been burned, will rebuild them and will 
 dwell there. I pray thee do not hinder them from 
 hunting game, from taking wood according as they 
 shall have need of it. If by chance some unfortunate 
 affair shall happen, do not avenge thyself, make it 
 known and it shall be remedied. Thou knowest at 
 what price thy beaver was during the peace. It shall 
 be the same price as well as the goods. There shall 
 be three places of trade, Pemaquid for those of Pen- 
 obscot, and the river St. John, and which they may 
 not go beyond. For thee, thou shalt have two of 
 them, Casco Bay and the river. I warn thee also 
 not to pass the places which I name, because there
 
 in New England. 61 
 
 is a bar there all red with wrath from the blow which 
 thou hast struck at them last autumn. I will try to 
 deaden this fire, and when the bar shall be again 
 cooled, I will notify thee of it, and thou wilt be able 
 to pass. Behold what I have to tell thee." 
 
 Two of this village, speaking alternately for all 
 those of the assembly, observe what they replied. 
 
 " My brother Englishmen, the king, thou sayest, 
 ours and your queen and the others also have 
 smoothed the land beyond the Great Lake and have 
 effaced the blood with which it was covered. That 
 is well and thou thyself overturnest that here, thou 
 turnest it upside down in order that the blood may 
 no more appear, I do not oppose it, that it may be 
 fair and clean, I find it good. I only know while 
 resting quietly on my mat that suddenly some one 
 comes to tell me that our King strikes the English- 
 man beyond the Great Lake, and sends me his word 
 which says : My son, strike also the Englishman. 
 
 I, who hear thee, I come to strike thee. It is not 
 I who come to strike thee, it is my father who strikes 
 thee by my hands. 
 
 My father is now at peace with thee, he ceases 
 from strife with thee and I also, cease from striking 
 thee, that the land may be fair and smooth, I am 
 content.
 
 62 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Thou sayest my Brother, that the Frenchman has 
 given thee Plaisance Port Royal and the land about 
 them, reserving to himself only the river where 
 Quebec is situated. He shall give thee what he 
 will, as for me, I have my land which I have given 
 to nobody, and which I will not give, I wish always 
 to be the master of it. I know the bounds and when 
 anybody wishes to dwell there, he shall pay. Let the 
 English take wood, fish or hunt game, there is 
 enough of them for all, I will not hinder them; and 
 if some wicked affair happens, we will do nothing on 
 one side or the other, and we will deliberate." 
 
 After which the English threw their hats into the 
 air, making a cry, perhaps of Long Live the Queen, 
 and the Savages replied to them by their Sakakois. 
 
 The assembly was terminated by a feast of a great 
 ox, which they had killed, a barrel of pork, two 
 barrels of peas, a barrel of flour, two barrels of beer, 
 a great case of brandy and of wine, one of syrup of 
 molasses, three barrels of biscuit, which two men 
 could not clasp, some knives, and this is what has 
 passed in this country to speak of at the beginning 
 of August. 
 
 As it is extremely difficult still to find here work- 
 men and provisions for them, I am compelled to let the 
 Savages act, who have spoken to the English in
 
 in New England. 63 
 
 order to have some. These here having learned that 
 those of Penobscot had left for Quebec, where they 
 went to seek powder which they are accustomed to 
 give them, these leave to the number of 4 or 5 canoes 
 hoping that you will do them the same favor. 1 
 
 It is impossible to reconcile these conflicting ac- 
 counts of the conference. The treaty which embod- 
 ies its subject-matter, as a sufficient guarantee of its 
 correctness, bears the names of a large number of the 
 most honorable men of New England ; but if this 
 guarantee were wanting, we have, as the result of the 
 conference, the spectacle of the settlers, who survived 
 the war, returning to the desolated country and re- 
 building their ruined homes, erecting mills and set- 
 ting on foot various enterprises, which we may be 
 sure they would not have done had the savages taken 
 the position at the conference which Rale reports 
 them to have assumed. But this is not all. As soon 
 as the articles of peace were known to have been 
 signed at Utrecht, the savages went to Casco and 
 anxiously requested that a conference should be held 
 there. This request the governor would not accede 
 
 1 For the letter in French, of which this is a transla- 
 tion made by the author, vide " Lettre du R. P. Rasle 
 a Monsieur le Gouverneur General." Collection de 
 Manuscrits, etc, vol. n, pp. 562-564.
 
 64 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 to, not "being willing so far to condescend," and 
 "ordered "a conference at Portsmouth, to which 
 place the savages submissively went. The reader can 
 form his own conclusion as to which account is en- 
 titled to credence. 
 
 A few years of peace enabled the hardy English 
 colonists to again take root in the soil of Maine. 
 New hamlets sprang up on the sites of old ones ; 
 trading posts were established on the frontiers, and 
 adventurous men planted their rude cabins near by. 
 
 Uninfluenced by the fact that Acadia had been 
 ceded back to England, this was regarded by the neigh- 
 boring French with jealous eyes ; and although 
 France and England were enjoying a season of peace 
 and amity, the French rulers of New France ceased 
 not to plot against the welfare of their English neigh- 
 bors, and to excite the jealousy of the savages against 
 them, by making them feel that the English were 
 usurpers of their territorial rights. 
 
 This was easy of accomplishment. The Indians 
 had loose ideas of territorial proprietorship ; even 
 tribes had no defined territorial limits. All the land 
 far and near belonged to the wild band, which for 
 the time, could hold it against others, and although 
 Englishmen might possess title deeds to lands from 
 chiefs of tribes, the savages did not feel bound to
 
 in New England. 65 
 
 respect them ; indeed, where rights to land were so 
 common, and dependent altogether upon absolute 
 possession, we cannot wonder that men, who had had 
 no part in the conveyance of land held by their 
 tribe, should pay scant respect to titles given by chiefs 
 or others, to whom the common rights had never 
 been ceded. 
 
 Listening to Begon, the intendant, and Vaudreuil, 
 the governor of New France, whose treachery and 
 falsehood so conspicuous in his letters will forever 
 doom him to disgrace, Rale lent his powerful aid in 
 forwarding their plans. "With the savage," wrote 
 Vaudreuil to the French minister, quoting a senti- 
 ment of Father de la Chasse, " temporal interest 
 serves as a vehicle to faith ; " and he, therefore, be- 
 stowed upon them presents, not the least valuable 
 of which were guns and other weapons to be used 
 against the English settlers, with whose government 
 France was then at peace ; and in the same letter he 
 adds, "war with the English is more favorable to us 
 than peace." 1 This was the keynote to what fol- 
 
 1 Mais comme le marque le Pere De la Chasse, la 
 grace parmi les Sauvages a toujours besoin de la 
 cooperation de I'homme, et parmi eux 1'interet tempo- 
 rel sert de vehicule & la foi. Je ne doute pas, Mon- 
 seigneur, que vous fassiez attention ace que j'ai Thon- 
 neur de vous marqucr a ce sujet. . . . II y a 
 
 9
 
 66 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 lowed, and Rale, who boasted that the savages held no 
 council without calling him to it, and if he approved, 
 responded that it was well, and that, for any consid- 
 erable wrong done to them, he would tell them they 
 might make war, caught the note and responded to it. 1 
 The people of New England have been charged 
 with unreasonable enmity to Rale, but that he might 
 have been received in a friendly manner by his Eng- 
 lish neighbors, if he had refrained from inciting the 
 savages against them, is probable. Only a few 
 months before the conference at Arrowsic, he visited 
 the place, and was received in a friendly manner. 
 He was suffering from gout and rheumatism in his 
 shoulders, and sought the Rev. Hugh Adams, who 
 not only ministered to the souls, but to the bodies of 
 the poor frontiersmen. 
 
 longtemps que j'ai prevu ce qui se passe adjourd 'hui, 
 et j'ose dire que par rapport non seulement aux sau- 
 vages, mais encore & toutes les nations qui sont dans 
 nos interets, que la guerre avec 1'Angleterre nous 
 etoit plus favorable que la paix." Lettre de Mon- 
 sieur de Vaudreuil au Ministre, Quebec, le 16 Sep- 
 tember, 1714. Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 
 
 3, P- 5- 
 
 1 Vide Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, XVII Re- 
 cueil a Paris, MDCCXXVI, p. 293 et postea. He 
 also made the same assertions to Governor Shute, 
 and on other occasions, thereby voluntarily assuming 
 responsibility for their acts.
 
 in New England. 67 
 
 Some years before, Rale had fractured his right 
 thigh and left leg by a fall, and suffered from bad sur- 
 gery, which, perhaps, aggravated his present trouble. 
 The suffering Jesuit was received with friendly inter- 
 est by his Puritan brother, and not only hospitably 
 entertained, but treated- with such skill, that in a 
 short time he was able to return to his people quite 
 restored to his ordinary health. 
 
 This kind treatment and cure, Adams firmly be- 
 lieved would effect a revolution in Rale's feelings 
 toward the English. On his own part he had ex- 
 perienced a change of sentiment. Intercourse with 
 the blackrobed stranger, of whom he had heard so 
 much that was bad, had revealed to him a man like 
 himself, possessed of human sympathies and aspira- 
 tions for the elevation of mankind, and he had grown 
 to regard him, not only with a considerable degree 
 of respect, but of kindly esteem. Feeling thus he 
 confidently believed that his patient would thence- 
 forth exert his influence for peace, but we shall see 
 that he little understood the motive which dominated 
 the Jesuit's life. 
 
 That immediately after leaving the tender care of 
 the sentimental Adams, he resumed his efforts to 
 prevent English settlement on the Kennebec, we 
 know from Flynt, who, under date of Sept. Qth, 1716,
 
 68 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 records as follows : " the Fryar wrote in the Name of 
 Eastern Indians a Letter to the Govern 1 complain- 
 ing that by building forts in the Eastern Country 
 we acted in peace as tho' 'twere war & o r Settlements 
 there were on the Indian's Land, Capt n Moody & 
 Mr. Wells were sent to them, w ch the Fryar under- 
 standing dispersed the Indians, and would not ap- 
 pear himself, but left Moxis, Bomozene & some 
 others to talk with Capt n Moody at Kenebeck, who 
 said they had talk in the spring to the same purpose, 
 but they did not know the Fryar had wrote the 
 Letter." 1 
 
 Shute succeeded Dudley in the governorship of 
 Massachusetts in 1716, and as soon as he had estab- 
 lished himself in his office, he took the necessary 
 steps to have a conference with the Eastern savages. 
 A convention was therefore appointed to be held at 
 Arrowsic Island, at the mouth of the Kennebec, and 
 there the savages of the different Eastern tribes be- 
 gan to assemble early in August, 1717. 
 
 On the afternoon of the gth of August, there lay 
 moored opposite Arrowsic Island a man of war and 
 two other vessels, with the English flag flying at 
 
 1 Vide the manuscript journal or " Commonplace 
 Book" of Henry Flynt, in Archives of the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society.
 
 in New England. 69 
 
 their peaks, and on a green slope near Watt's house, 
 the principal mansion of the place, was spread an 
 ample pavilion. 
 
 Not far away on another island, were a number of 
 rude booths carelessly constructed of green boughs, 
 amid which was a restless swarm of painted savages, 
 who were awaiting the signal for the conference to 
 begin. 
 
 Shute with his councillors and friends, among 
 whom were, Samuel Sewall, a staunch friend of the 
 savages, Andrew Belcher, Edmund Quincy, Samuel 
 Penhallow, John Wentworth, the Rev. Joseph Bax- 
 ter and wife, and many others, had sailed from Bos- 
 ton on the evening of the ist, and had crept leisurely 
 along, landing at Falmouth, which had begun again 
 to rise from its ashes, at Cousin's Island and Che- 
 beague, enjoying the summer voyage in spite of the 
 straitened quarters to which they were confined. As 
 they now stood on the fresh lawn in front of Watt's 
 house, Shute and his officers arrayed in brilliant uni- 
 forms, a gun was fired, and the English flag flew up 
 the staff and floated over the pavilion. 
 
 This was the signal for the opening of the con- 
 ference, and instantly a number of birch canoes shot 
 out from the bushy shores of Puddlestone Island, 
 and were paddled rapidly toward the place of meet-
 
 jo The Pioneers of New France 
 
 ing. The foremost canoe bore the English colors at 
 its prow, and these the savages, when they landed, 
 bore before them in sign of their subjection and 
 loyalty to King George. Shute had seated himself 
 under the pavilion with his suite about him, and as 
 the painted and befeathered chiefs, who had been 
 the terror of the settlers, advanced and " made their 
 reverence " to him, he gave them his hand in token 
 of friendship. 
 
 Then Capt. John Giles and Samuel Jordan, laying 
 their hands upon a Bible, were sworn by Judge 
 Sewall to faithfully and truthfully interpret between 
 the parties, and the conference was opened. 
 
 Shute began gracefully by expressions of good- 
 will, and, referring to the treaty at Portsmouth and 
 the ratification of former treaties, assured his savage 
 hearers that he should " build on that foundation," 
 and informed them, that since this good treaty was 
 made, the English crown had descended to King 
 George, and that it was in his name that he now ad- 
 dressed them. 
 
 He reminded them of the friendship existing be- 
 tween the French and English, and told them that 
 the subjects of King George were happy in his gov- 
 ernment, on account of its wisdom, justice and kind- 
 ness, " His Majesty consulting the common well-fare
 
 in New England. 71 
 
 of His People as to their Religion, Civil Liberties, 
 Trade and every other thing." This good and wise 
 prince, he asserted, was their king as well as the king 
 of the English people, who would always treat them 
 as fellow subjects, and warned them not to listen to 
 "contrary insinuations." ' 
 
 The king and English people he told them were 
 " Christians of the Reformed Protestant Religion," 
 and holding up a Bible, declared it to be the only 
 rule of the Englishman's " Faith and Worship, and 
 Life." Turning to the Rev. Joseph Baxter, who, 
 inspired by the example of Eliot, had left his church 
 at Medfield to become the missionary of the savages, 
 he expressed the hope, that they would treat him with 
 respect and affection, not only " for the sake of the 
 King's Government, but of his own Character. He 
 being a minister of Jesus Christ, our only Lord and 
 Saviour." 1 
 
 1 The following is taken from his Journal : " I was 
 born in Brantry, June 4, 1676. Baptized at Brantry 
 by the Rev. Mr. Moses Fisk, June 11, 1676. Ad- 
 mitted to my first degree, July 5, 1693. Received to 
 full communion with the Church of Christ at Brantry, 
 March 4, 1694. Preached my first sermon at Bran- 
 try, Nov. 11, 1694. Preached at Medfield the first 
 time, Nov. 25, 1694. Was called to settle at Med- 
 field, April 26, 1695. Came to live at Medfield, Jan. 
 14, 1695. Was admitted to a second degree, July
 
 72 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Continuing, he declared that the English settle- 
 ments were made for their mutual benefit ; that the 
 savages would have the advantage of the " Neighbor- 
 hood and Conversation " of the English, whom he 
 had ordered to be kind and just to them, and if they 
 had occasion to complain of unfair treatment, he 
 would see that justice was rendered them; that he 
 would protect and assist them, for he desired that 
 they should "look upon the English Government 
 as their great and safe shelter." 
 
 Giving his hand to the sagamores in token of his 
 sincerity and affection, he held up an English and 
 Indian Bible, and informed his savage hearers that he 
 should leave them with their missionary for their in- 
 struction, whenever they desired to be taught, and 
 that the missionary, and the schoolmaster who was 
 to be sent to them, would reside in the vicinity. 
 
 Having finished his address, the governor drank 
 the king's health to Moxus, the chief sagamore, in 
 which all the savages joined. 
 
 Then Wiwurna gravely arose and said that he was 
 appointed to speak in the name of the other chiefs. 
 
 i, 1696. Was ordained at Medfield, April 21, 1697. 
 Was married to Miss Mary Fisk, daughter of Rev. 
 Moses Fisk of Brantry, Sept. 16, 1697. He closed 
 a most busy and useful life in 1745, in the sixty-ninth 
 year of his age, and forty-eighth of his ministry.
 
 in New England. 73 
 
 " We are glad," he said, "of this opportunity to see 
 your Excellency, when the Sun shines so bright upon 
 us, and Hope the Angels in Heaven rejoice with us ; 
 We have been in Expectation of this favor ever since 
 we received your Excellency's Letter in the Winter. 
 We are not now prepared to answer what your Ex- 
 cellency has said to us ; But shall wait on your Ex- 
 cellency again to Morrow." 
 
 The conference then adjourned, the governor 
 promising the savages an ox for their dinner, for 
 which they expressed thanks. On the forenoon of 
 the next day the flag was again raised on the pavilion, 
 and the savages reassembled before the governor 
 and his attendants. 
 
 " It is a great favor of God we have this Oppor- 
 tunity to wait on your Excellency, and we have our 
 Answers ready," said Wiwurna. He then ratified and 
 confirmed former treaties, the governor having the 
 principal articles read to the savages, who declared 
 that they remembered and acknowledged them. 
 
 Wiwurna then continued, that the chiefs having 
 considered the governor's expressions in favor of 
 " Love and Unity," they admired them ; that their 
 expressions pleased God and they hoped that the 
 governor would act according to them. 
 
 Shute, who was a stickler for royal authority, and 
 
 10
 
 74 The Pioneers of Neiv France 
 
 like many who were in official position somewhat 
 heady and impatient, broke in to assure the savages, 
 that if they carried themselves properly with respect 
 to " Duty and Allegiance to King George," he should 
 do so, and Wiwurna continuing, hoped that hard 
 feelings might be laid aside, and hearty friendship 
 prevail ; that the savages were glad of Shute's ap- 
 pointment to the governorship of New England, 
 and that, though so new a comer, he knew so much 
 about New England affairs; telling him, however, 
 that his predecessors had regarded the savages as 
 under no other government but their own. 
 
 Shute, who had interrupted Wiwurna several times, 
 abruptly exclaimed " How is that ?" 
 
 Wiwurna, praying leave to speak out, explained 
 that the governor had been pleased to say that they 
 must be obedient to King George, and that they 
 should be if they liked the offers made them. To 
 which Shute replied, that they must be obedient 
 to the king, and then they would have " all just 
 Offers and Usage." 
 
 Wiwurna promised obedience, if the savages were 
 not molested in the improvement of their lands, which 
 Shute declared they should not be, and that the Eng- 
 lish must not be disturbed in their rights. They were 
 pleased, said Wiwurna, at being permitted to make
 
 in New England. 75 
 
 mention of wrongs suffered ; but Shute returning to 
 the principal question at issue, which Wiwurna 
 seemed to be adroitly avoiding, pressed the point 
 that the savages must desist from pretensions to lands 
 belonging by purchase to the English. 
 
 Wiwurna, still evading the point, begged leave to 
 proceed in due order with his answer, which request 
 being granted, he promised, that if the savages suf- 
 fered wrong they would not avenge themselves but 
 apply to the governor for redress, and to acquaint 
 him if they were attacked by foreign tribes, against 
 whom, he hoped, their young men might defend 
 them. 
 
 With blunt generosity Shute exclaimed, that when 
 they wanted help his young men should assist them, 
 for which rather hasty offer Wiwurna thanked the 
 choleric governor, but declared that no complaints 
 should be made "without real proof nor for any friv- 
 olous matter." 
 
 Wiwurna then made a statement, which should be 
 especially remembered, for it was made voluntarily 
 and after mature deliberation by the able spokesman 
 selected by Rale's savages to uphold their cause, and 
 which so flatly contradicts the position which the 
 priest constantly assumed, and which he employs so 
 much pathos in setting forth in his correspondence,
 
 76 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 to the effect that the English were trespassers upon 
 the territory of the savages, having thrust themselves 
 upon them against their wishes. 
 
 " This place," said Wiwurna, " was formerly Set- 
 tled and is now Settling at our request ; And we now 
 return Thanks that the English are come to Settle 
 here, and will Imbrace them in our Bosoms that come 
 to Settle on our Lands." Again Shute interrupted, 
 taking offense at the word " our," and exclaimed, 
 " They must not call it their Land, for the English 
 have bought it of them and their Ancestors." 
 
 " We pray leave to proceed in our Answer, and to 
 talk of that matter afterwards," replied Wiwurna, " We 
 Desire there may be no further Settlements made, 
 We shan't be able to hold them all in our Bosoms, 
 and to take care to Shelter them, if it be like to be 
 bad Weather, and Mischief be Threatened." This 
 objection probably refers to new settlements in places 
 which had not been occupied, for Shute does not ap- 
 pear to have taken notice of it. " All people have a 
 love for their Ministers," continued Wiwurna, "and 
 it would be strange if we should not love them, that 
 come from God. And as to Bibles your Excellency 
 mentioned, We desire to be Excused on that point. 
 God has given us Teaching already, and if we 
 should go from that, we should displease God. We
 
 in New England. 77 
 
 are not capable to make any Judgment about Relig- 
 ion." This last sentence shows the hand of Rale, 
 who was undoubtedly present but did not show him- 
 self to the English. Its counterpart may be found 
 in his letter to Baxter a few days later. Having dis- 
 posed of the Protestant missionary and his Bibles, 
 Wiwurna skilfully sugared the disagreeable subject 
 with regrets and compliments, like the adroit diplo- 
 mat that he was. 
 
 " Your Excellency," he said, " was not sensible 
 how sick we were yesterday to see the man-of-war 
 ashore. We were so faint we could not Speak out 
 with strength, and we are now very glad the Ship is 
 well. We are very glad to wait on your Excellency 
 and to tell you That we sent our young Men early this 
 Morning to see if the Ship was well, and we were 
 very glad to hear she was." 
 
 Shute, doubtless enjoying the humorous prevarica- 
 tion, thanked them for their respect for his majesty's 
 ship, but when Wiwurna began to string together 
 good wishes for fair winds and propitious weather 
 for his return, and a safe passage down the river, 
 Shute thought it time to bring the wily savage back 
 to the main point, namely, the right of the English 
 to occupy the lands purchased of former chiefs, 
 whose deeds he had brought for their inspection,
 
 78 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 and he pointed his demand with a complaint of their 
 lawless acts. To all this Wiwurna gave no answer 
 but gravely asked for time that the chiefs might con- 
 sult and frame their reply, which Shute readily 
 granted, but informed them that he should expect a 
 positive answer in the afternoon in relation to the 
 English right of settlement, and as their fierce dogs 
 had done damage to the settlers' cattle, he demanded 
 that they should muzzle them when in the neighbor- 
 hood of cattle. 
 
 The conference reassembled at three o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and Wiwurna gave the result of the delib- 
 eration of the chiefs, to the effect that they would 
 cut off their lands "as far as the Mills and the coasts 
 to Pemaquid." 
 
 11 Tell them," said the governor, impatiently, that 
 " we desire only what is our own, and that we will 
 have it. We will not wrong them, but what is our 
 own we will be Masters of." 
 
 Wiwurna, without replying to this, said that at the 
 treaty at Casco it was promised that no more forts 
 should be made, and Shute replied that forts were 
 for their mutual protection, and that King George 
 built forts wherever he pleased in his own dominions 
 as the French king did. That all kings possessed that 
 power, and the governors also whom they appointed.
 
 in New England. 79 
 
 Wiwurna, now pressed to the point, took up the 
 delicate question of territorial rights, and said that 
 the chiefs did not understand how the lands were 
 purchased ; that what lands had been alienated were 
 by gift, whereupon the governor exhibited the 
 Wharton deed, made by former chiefs, which was 
 read to Wiwurna and his associates. To this 
 Wiwurna replied that they had nothing to say about 
 the west side of the Kennebec, but were sure nothing 
 had been sold on the east side. The question of 
 new forts, he said, troubled them. They were willing 
 that the English should continue to possess what 
 they held already, but disliked forts. To this Shute 
 replied that wherever a new settlement was made, 
 he should order the erection of a fort if he thought 
 it proper, and that it was for the security of the sav- 
 ages as well as of the English. "Are any People," 
 he asked, " under the same Government, afraid of 
 being made too strong to keep out enemies?" 
 and he repeated that the English would not take 
 an inch of their land nor part with an inch of their 
 own. 
 
 Wiwurna asked if they were to have the privilege 
 of fishing and hunting wherever they wished, and 
 this being answered in the affirmative, the savages, 
 who had grown restive under the sharp interchange
 
 8o The Pioneers of New France 
 
 of conflicting views, arose abruptly and without tak- 
 ing their English colors left the assembly without 
 the usual courtesies of leave-taking. In the evening, 
 however, they returned bearing a letter from Pere 
 Rale to the effect, that when Vaudreuil, the Cana- 
 dian governor, was in France, he inquired of the 
 French king if he had ceded the land of the savages 
 to the English, and that he asserted that he had not 
 done so, and would protect them against English en- 
 croachments. This was an artful method of influenc- 
 ing the savages against the English, and in view of 
 the articles ceding Acadia to the English crown, was 
 unfair in the extreme. Indignant at his interference 
 in the negotiations between him and the savages, 
 Shute prepared to leave without further attempt to 
 complete a treaty, or as Baxter in his Journal says, he 
 " resolved not to buckle to them, and on ye Lord's 
 Day went aboard, & acted as if he were going away, 
 whereupon the Indians quickly sent on board and de- 
 sired to speak with ye Governor before he went 
 away," to which the governor replied that he would 
 do so " if they quitted their unreasonable Preten- 
 sions to the English Lands, and Complied with what 
 he had said, but not otherwise," and upon receiving 
 their promise to do so, he appointed a meeting on 
 shore at six o'clock in the evening, and, upon their
 
 in New England. 81 
 
 request, restored to them the English colors which 
 they had so carelessly abandoned. 
 
 At the appointed hour, the sachems and principal 
 men assembled bearing their English flag, but Wi- 
 wurna they had left behind, "because," they said, 
 practicing a little diplomatic fiction, " he has behaved 
 himself so unproperly yesterday." 
 
 This time Querebemit was their orator, and he ex- 
 pressed the sorrow of the people for their former 
 rude carriage, and prayed for forgiveness, adroitly re- 
 minding his excellency, that he had himself said, that 
 " if anything should happen amiss it should be recti- 
 fied." 
 
 The governor assenting to this, Querebemit con- 
 firmed in behalf of his people the former agreements 
 relative to English settlement on the Kennebec, and 
 said, that they desired them to settle as far up the 
 river as they had ever settled, and in token of their 
 sincerity presented a belt of wampum to the gover- 
 nor, with the statement that they desired to live in 
 peace. To this the governor replied, that the Eng- 
 lish would not begin a quarrel, and the savage orator 
 reiterated fervently the hope that " by the favor of 
 God " they might " always live in Peace and Unity ; " 
 a sentiment to which the governor made response 
 " We pray the same."
 
 82 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " If any of our People," continued Querebemit, 
 should happen to be out in Cold and Stormy Weather, 
 we desire the English to shelter them. We shall al- 
 ways do the same for the English, and God Almighty 
 hears us say it." " It is doing like Christians," ex- 
 claimed the governor, and Querebemit presenting 
 another belt of wampum, again repeated, " What I 
 have said God Almighty hears : " and responded 
 Shute, ft We say the same, what is done is done in 
 the presence of God." 
 
 Shute now called the attention of the savages to 
 some of their " miscarriages," but Querebemit's mind 
 was evidently averse to dwelling upon the past, being 
 occupied with thoughts of future advantages, and he 
 became voluble on the theme of liberal supplies of 
 provisions and ammunition ; a trading house, and Mr. 
 Minot, "a good natur'd Man "to manage it; "In- 
 terpreter Jordan," " a good Lock Smith," and so forth. 
 These were all requested and readily promised by the 
 complacent governor. To the treaty made at Ports- 
 mouth several articles were added, and that every- 
 thing might be understood, the treaty was read to 
 them by Jordan, article by article, "And they all read- 
 ily & without any Objection Consented to the whole." 
 
 The additions made to the treaty at Portsmouth 
 were as follows :
 
 in New England. 83 
 
 " George Town on Arrow sick Island in His Ma- 
 jesty s Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New 
 England, the 1 2 th, Day of August, 1717, in the Fourth 
 Year of the Reign of Our Sovereign Lord George, by 
 the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France & Ire- 
 land, K. J. N. G., Defender of the Faith, &c. 
 
 " We the Subscribers being Sachems and Chief Men 
 of the several Tribes of Indians belonging to Kenne- 
 beck, Penobscot, Pigivacket, Saco, and other the East- 
 ern Parts of His Majesty's Province aforesaid, having 
 had the several Articles of the foregoing Treaty dis- 
 tinctly Read and Interpreted to us, by a Sworn Inter- 
 preter, at this time, Do Approve of, Recognize, Ratify 
 and Confirm all, and every the said Articles (except- 
 ing only the Fourth and Fifth Articles, which relate 
 to the Restraint, and Limitation of Trade and Com- 
 merce which is now otherwise managed?) 
 
 "And whereas some rash & inconsiderate Persons 
 amongst us, have molested some of our good fellow Sub- 
 jects the English in the Possession of their Lands, 
 and otherwise ill- Treated them, We do Disapprove & 
 Condemn the same, and freely Consent that our Eng- 
 lish Friends shall Possess, Enjoy, & Improve all the 
 Lands, which they have formerly Possessed, and all 
 which they have obtained a Right & 7itle unto : 
 Hoping it will prove of mutual & reciprocal Bene-
 
 84 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Jit & Advantage to them & us, that they Cohabit 
 with us. 
 
 11 In Testimony, and Perpetual Memory whereof We 
 have hereunto set our Hands & Seals, in behalf of 
 our Selves, & of the several Tribes of the Indians, that 
 have delegated us to appear for, and Represent them 
 the Day and Year afore mentioned." 
 
 This instrument was signed by twenty of the 
 sachems and principal savages, and was witnessed 
 by several English gentlemen and young Indians of 
 note in their tribes, after which " the Sachems and 
 Chief Men came with great respect & offered his 
 Excellency their hands ; one of them declaring that 
 they Desired the Peace might continue as long as 
 the Sun & Moon should endure." The conference 
 then closed as usual with presents to the savages and 
 dancing by the young men of the tribes present. 1 
 
 The establishment of a Protestant missionary at 
 Arrowsic to teach the savages in the vicinity, or who 
 
 1 On the return of the governor to Massachusetts, 
 a report of the conference was made public in a 
 pamphlet having this imprint : BOSTON : printed 
 by B. Green, Printer to His Excellency the GOV- 
 ERNOR & COUNCIL. And sold by Bmj. Eliot, 
 at his shop below the Town house, 1717. It has 
 been reprinted in the Collections of the Me. Histor- 
 ical Society, vol. 3, pp. 359-375.
 
 in New England. 85 
 
 resorted there, was enough to intensify the animosity 
 of Rale against the English, and the savages, under- 
 standing the situation, took delight in adding fuel to 
 the flame. Although Rale well knew the deceptive 
 character of the savages, for " Nothing," he says, is 
 "more dissembling than an Indian's News; he will 
 tell pleasing News for drink or a better bargain," he 
 accepted as true the idle tales, which they carried to 
 him respecting the preaching of the Protestant mis- 
 sionary, and he wrote him what he denominates, "une 
 lettre honnete," stating, in the words used by the 
 savages at the conference a few days before, that his 
 " Christians knew how to believe the truths which 
 the Catholic Faith teaches, but knew not how to dis- 
 pute about them," and he accompanied his letter with 
 a " memorial of about a hundred pages," in which 
 he says : " I proved by Scripture, by tradition, & by 
 theological reasons the truths which he had attacked 
 by stale enough pleasantries." 
 
 Baxter, when he received Rale's letter, was on the 
 point of returning to Boston. The manner in which 
 he met the priest's unwarranted attack, compares well 
 with what we know of the dignified character of the 
 man. The cause to which he had devoted his life, 
 and for which he toiled until death arrested his labors, 
 was too important in his estimation to permit him to
 
 86 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 waste precious time in unprofitable theological dis- 
 putation, and he replied in a letter, the brevity of 
 which elicited a complaint from Rale, who also 
 affected to find it so illiterate as to be understood 
 only, " by dint of reasoning," a charge which is un- 
 supported by fact. 
 
 The dignified course adopted by the Protestant 
 minister, whom Rale to increase the lustre of his 
 triumph denominates " the ablest of the Boston 
 ministers," in spite of his alleged illiteracy, was not 
 appreciated by the disputatious priest, who promptly 
 returned to the charge, and although the letter which 
 he had received was so brief, he undertook the un- 
 dignified task of pointing out its blunders, " je rele- 
 vois les defauts de la sienne." This letter, Rale 
 informs us, remained unanswered for two years, and 
 then, he says, the writer, " without entering into the 
 matter," was contented to reprove him for having 
 "1'esprit chagrin & critique, la marque d'un tem- 
 perament enclin a la colere." The boastful spirit of 
 Rale, so often exhibited in his writings, is illustrated 
 in the closing paragraph relating to this affair. The 
 Rev. Joseph Baxter was not a resident missionary 
 on the Kennebec, but made temporary visits to that 
 dangerous outpost, a portion of his time being de- 
 voted to missionary work farther west ; but Rale
 
 in New England. 87 
 
 would have his nephew believe that he drove Baxter 
 away by overcoming him in theological disputation ; 
 for he says, " Thus ended our dispute, which sent 
 away the Minister, & which rendered abortive the 
 project that he had formed of seducing my Neo~ 
 phytes." 
 
 The fallacy of this claim is so apparent even in 
 Rale's own account of the affair as to need no other 
 refutation. 1 That Protestant missionary effort was 
 productive of little result at this period is not 
 strange. The difference between the two forms of 
 worship, Roman Catholic and Protestant, is sufficient 
 to account for this. The Roman ritual with its 
 pomp and glitter, preserved in some degree even in 
 
 1 The letters of the Rev. Joseph Baxter to Rale, 
 which have been preserved, are reproduced in the 
 Collection of Documents at the end of this volume, 
 as well as a fac simile page of one of them, that the 
 reader may form an idea of the justness of his ad- 
 versary's criticism. The neatness and precision of 
 the writing are an indication of a careful and well- 
 trained mind. It would be strange, indeed, if the 
 Latin of a New England minister in the early part 
 of the eighteenth century, did not differ in some par- 
 ticulars from that of a Romanist taught in France, 
 and by whom the language was in daily use ; but 
 however great the differences might have been, as the 
 Puritan divine well said, an aptitude in conjugating 
 Latin verbs had little to do in saving savage souls.
 
 88 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 the wilderness, was attractive to the savages, and 
 they regarded with contempt the simplicity so dear 
 to New England Protestantism. It may well be 
 doubted, however, if any of the missions among the 
 savages at this time were productive of much sound 
 spiritual fruit. The wild neophyte had no concep- 
 tion of the second of the dual prescripts, for if there 
 was anything which he cherished in his heart of 
 hearts, it was hatred of an enemy. Anything like 
 mercy to a foe was, in his creed, unmanly and de- 
 grading ; hence, the so-called Christian convert could 
 gloat over the most cruel tortures inflicted upon a 
 helpless prisoner, and immediately participate in re- 
 ligious exercises with apparent zest. This leads us 
 to doubt the genuineness of many of the conversions, 
 which the missionaries of this period claimed to have 
 made, and to ascribe their belief in them to a fervor 
 of sentiment, which gave a fictitious coloring to 
 facts. 
 
 This seems not less probable when we consider a 
 prevalent condition of mind, which seriously regarded 
 strange portents, the agency of witchcraft in human 
 affairs, and other unrealities quite as fanciful, a con- 
 dition of mind not confined to any nationality or 
 religious class, and revealing a credulity in some 
 cases altogether fatuous. The mysterious solitude
 
 in New England. 89 
 
 of vast forests; the presence of a wild and uncouth 
 people, suggestive almost of kinship to infernal 
 powers; the lack of mental attrition with men pos- 
 sessing well-trained faculties, would, in themselves, 
 influence minds friendly to speculation, and affect 
 judgment in all matters in penetralia mentis. 
 
 If we may believe his converts, Rale entertained a 
 belief in omens and visions quite as fantastical as 
 some of his contemporaries on the English side; but 
 little of this nature respecting him has been recorded, 1 
 
 1 This appears from the Journal of Rev. Joseph 
 Baxter, of Medfield. He says under date of Oct. 
 27, 1717 : "I preached at George Town. I had an 
 account from Capt n Giles, of his being informed by ye 
 Indians yt the Jesuit still predicted yt ye world would 
 soon come to an end, yt it would be in 49 days." 
 Some weeks before he recorded, that certain Indians 
 had related to him a similar prediction, and April 23, 
 1718, "I discussed with Three Indians, one of them 
 gave an account likewise of an apparition that the 
 Jesuit at Norridgewock saw, who, Lying alone in his 
 wigwam, awaked in the night, and saw a great 
 Light, as if his wigwam had been on fire, whereupon 
 he got up & went abroad, and after some time he 
 returned to his wigwam & went to sleep again, and 
 after a while he awaked, and felt as it were a hand 
 upon his throat, yt almost choaked him, & saw a great 
 light again, and heard a voice saying: " It is vain for 
 you to take any pains with these Indians, your chil- 
 dren, for I have got possession of them. The Jesuit 
 likewise said, yt there was a Letter brought to him,
 
 90 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 and this comes from savage sources too unreliable 
 for evidence. Knowing the superstition of the savage 
 mind he may have bent it to a useful purpose. 
 
 Although peace between the French and English 
 continued, the situation of the frontier settlers was 
 painful in the extreme. They were continually har- 
 assed by rumors of savage outbreaks, and after 
 getting their rude cabins erected, and the land about 
 them cleared, many would abandon them and seek 
 safer places of abode. Many of the savages were 
 friendly and desired the English to settle near them. 
 One of them remarked to Capt. Giles at Brunswick, 
 that he did not understand what the French governor 
 meant "by hindring ye English from settling here un- 
 less he is afraid y* we shall live too happy together." 1 
 
 A short time after, Capt. Westbrook, at the block 
 house at St. George, showed a number of Kennebec 
 
 which was written in the name of an Indian yt was 
 dead, wherein he declared yt he was now burning in 
 a most horrible fire. He shewed this Letter to the 
 Indians, but first tore off the nameyt was subscribed, 
 & did not let them know who he was. The letter 
 was written in ye Indian Tongue. This Apparition, he 
 said, was about forty days ago." A copy of this 
 Journal made by the Hon. Joseph Williamson may 
 be found in the archives of the Me. Historical Society. 
 1 Vide Journal of the Rev. Joseph Baxter of Med- 
 field, archives of the Me. Historical Society.
 
 in New England. 91 
 
 savages the letter written by Rale to Governor Shute, 
 already spoken of, and which was written in the 
 names of all the savages, and he read to them the 
 threats made to burn the settlers' houses ; " where- 
 upon they said y l Patrahows, i. e., the Jesuit Lied, and 
 he was very wicked, &c., and y* They desired always 
 to live in friendship and Brotherhood with the Eng- 
 lish." Soon after, Westbrook had an opportunity to 
 show this letter to some Penobscot chiefs, who, also, 
 expressed ignorance of it, and declared their desire 
 to live with the English " as Brothers." But this 
 was not to be permitted. In the spring of 1719, 
 John Minot and Joseph Heath were sent by Governor 
 Shute with a message to the natives of Norridge. 
 wock, and after their return, affidavit was made that 
 the natives asserted that they were continually urged 
 by Rale to attack the English settlements ; that King 
 George was not the right king, that he came in at the 
 back door, and that there was "Another, who was the 
 right heir to the crown." 1 
 
 1 Vide Maine Historical Quarterly for 1890, p. 
 372 ; Depositions of Lewis Bane, Esq., and John 
 Minot, mercht. ; also, Collection Mass. Historical 
 Society, 2d series, vol. VIII, p. 265 ; Letter of Joseph 
 Heath and John Minot to Gov. Shute as follows : 
 "After the Jesuit had talk't with us as before inserted 
 in the name of the Indians (as he said we told the
 
 92 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 This report, with the threatening attitude of the 
 savages, alarmed the English, and awakened animos- 
 ity, for awhile dormant, toward Rale, and the Gen- 
 eral Court passed a resolve to send a hundred and 
 fifty men to Norridgewock to compel the savages to 
 make amends for their depredations upon the set- 
 tlers, and to arrest Rale and take him to Boston. 
 The Council, however, wishing to avoid war if pos- 
 sible, did not assent to this resolve, and it was set 
 aside. 
 
 Though fickle and unreliable, the savages dreaded 
 war with the English, whose power they realized; but 
 Rale was advised by Vaudreuil to urge them to prevent 
 English settlement. Their naive reply was a re- 
 quest for the French king to do so, and that they 
 
 principall Indians thereof, who said the Jesuit had 
 told us wrong storeys, and calling a councell declaired 
 they did not consent to what the Jesuit said, and that 
 he spoke his mind and not theirs, and that they did 
 not imploy him to write any letter for them, and that 
 if he sent any letters at any time, they desire your 
 Excellency would receive them as his letters and not 
 theirs. Its our humble oppinions that the Fryer is 
 an incendiary of mischief amongst these Indians 
 and that were it not for his pernicious suggestions, 
 your Excellency would not meet with any trouble 
 from them." This statement is in harmony with re- 
 peated utterances of the savages to others who have 
 left similar records.
 
 in New England. 93 
 
 had granted to the English the privilege of coming 
 " half way from Sagadahock to Norridgewock." But 
 they were not permitted to remain at peace even if 
 they would. Vaudreuil and Begon were especially 
 instructed by the king, to hinder traffic between them 
 and the English. The cattle of the frontiersmen 
 were killed, and when one of them complained, Rale 
 wrote Vaudreuil the savage's reply, which he had 
 doubtless inspired. " Complain as much as you wish 
 to the governor; he is not my judge and has noth- 
 ing to do with me. For the payment of your cattle 
 you should ask him who has told you to build 
 there." 1 The action of the French in exciting the 
 
 1 " Pour ce qui regarde ceux de Narantsouaks, je 
 vois par les lettres du Pere Rasle qu'ils ne se de- 
 mentent point. Ce missionnaire me marque par sa 
 lettre du 15 Septembre qu'il avoit regu, en lafinissant, 
 une lettre d'un Anglois qui s'est boti dans la Riviere 
 de Narantsouak, par laquelle il se plaint que les 
 Sauvages tuent ses bestiaux et demande qu'ils les 
 payent et cessent de les tuer, autrement qu'il s'en 
 plaindraau Gouverneur ; et que pourreponse il avoit 
 marqu & cet Anglois qu'il avoit fait assembler les 
 Sauvages pour savoir ceux qui avoient tue ces besti- 
 aux et deliberer du payement ; que c'estoit tout ce 
 qu'il pouvoit faire, et qu'il lui envoierait la reponse de 
 ces Sauvages, cette reponse est en ces termes : 
 
 ' Plains-toi tant que tu voudras au Gouverneur, ce 
 n'est point mon juge, et il n'a rien & voir sur moi. 
 Pour le payment de tes bestiaux, tu le demanderas &
 
 94 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 savages to prevent the English from settling in East- 
 ern Maine was a terrible wrong. They certainly had 
 as much right to settle there as the French had to 
 settle along their own frontiers, a right which the 
 English did not have the hardihood to question ; 
 nevertheless, they persisted in their ungenerous 
 course, and Vaudreuil and Begon wrote home on the 
 26th of October, 1720, " Father Rale continues to ex- 
 cite the savages of the Norridgewock mission not to 
 suffer the English to spread over their lands." And 
 the king replied, " His Majesty is gratified with the 
 pains which Father Rale continues to take to excite 
 the savages of the Norridgewock mission not to suffer 
 the English to establish themselves on their lands." 1 
 
 celui qui t'as dit de te batir la/ Voil& une reponse 
 vigoureuse, mais il est & craindre que ces Sauvages 
 et ceux de Panaowamske et de la Riviere St Jean ne 
 puissent pas se soutenir contre les Anglois, s'il est 
 vrai comme la Pere Rasle me marque que le Gouver- 
 neur de Baston va envoyer 200 families anglaises pour 
 habiter la Riviere Ponaowamske, etc." Vide Rapport 
 de Monsieur de Vaudreuil au Conseil. Quebec, le 31 
 Octobre, 1718. Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 
 
 3. P- 32. 
 
 1 " Le Pere R&lle continue & exciter les Sauvages 
 de la mission de Narantsouak a ne point souffrir les 
 Anglois des'etendre sur leurs terres." " Sa Majeste 
 est satisfaite des soins que le Pere Rasle, jesuite, 
 continue de se donner pour exciter les Sauvages de
 
 in New England. 95 
 
 The church at Norridgewock was completed in 
 the autumn of 1720. Funds had been furnished by 
 the French king to build it, and the work was per- 
 formed by English workmen. It was at this time 
 that Pere Charlevoix wrote to the Duke of Orleans, 
 that Rale, who had made attempts to prevent the 
 English from settling on the lower Kennebec, had 
 not thought it possible to employ all his authority, 
 since this would have uselessly exposed his life, and 
 would not have prevented the settlement of the 
 English, who, finding out what the Jesuit had done 
 to hinder them, would not fail to put a price on his 
 head, as they did in the case of Father Aubrey, 
 at the beginning of the former war, for the same 
 reason. 1 Yet he was not inactive. A letter which 
 
 sa mission de Narantsouak, et ne point souffrir que les 
 
 Anpflois s' etablissent sur leurs terres. Sa Maieste 
 
 & > i j 
 
 approuvera qu on ne laissepar manquerde munitions 
 
 les Sauvages de ces trois missions, et qu'on les sou- 
 tienne en cas qu'ils soient attaques centre raison par 
 les Anglois." Lettre de Messieurs Vaudreuil et 
 Begon au Ministre. A Quebec, le 26, 8 bre, 1 720 ; and 
 Memoire du Roy Aux Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon. 
 Versailles, le 8 juin, 1721. Collection de Manuscrits, 
 etc., vol. 3, pp. 48, 54. 
 
 1 Vide Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 3, p. 
 52. Memoire sur les limites de 1'Acadia envoye & 
 Monseigneur le Due D'Orleans par le Pere Charle- 
 voix, Quebec, le 29 Octobre, 1720.
 
 96 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 he wrote to Capt. Moody near the close of the year 
 1719, greatly aroused the indignation of the English. 
 Judge Sewall, under date of March 7, 1720, says 
 that it was read in Council on that date, and calls it 
 " Friar Ralle's railing Letter." 1 The principal 
 portion of the letter has been preserved, which is as 
 
 follows : 
 
 ''Feb. 7, 1720. 
 
 " The Governor (Shute) solicits some Indians to 
 go to England. If they do I shall drive them forever 
 from the Church & the Indians would then remove 
 them from being of their Kindred, for mere External 
 Consenting to it, through Complaisance. I will not 
 receive them in a year: You must know a Missionary 
 is not a Cipher like a Minister. The Indians hold 
 no Council but they call me to it & when they have 
 deliberated ask my thoughts. If I approve, I say 
 that's well, If not, I say so & give my reasons, for 
 we must give them reasons. ' Well,' say they, ' Let 
 it be as our father says,' they in their Councils always 
 having my presence & admitting my correcting, 
 hence the Treaty at Arrowsick could not be admitted 
 in this Village, much less with those at Canada, who, 
 when they heard of it, their people that Live in two 
 
 1 Vide Sewall Papers, 5th Series, Mass. Histori- 
 cal Society's Collections, vol. 3, p. 245.
 
 in New England. 97 
 
 great Villages & the Mohawks, the Algonkins, the 
 Hurons, &c., sent two young men hither to disallow 
 & reject it. 
 
 " They approve of Nothing but what Ouaourene 1 
 spoke ; he had the word of the Nation & said to the 
 Governor, ' this is what I send thee : thou shalt not 
 go beyond that mill, which I see from hence & among 
 the habitations thou shalt build no fort.' Says the 
 Governor, 'I'll build a hundred If I please.' Then 
 said Ouaourene to his people, ' Let us begone, it's 
 vain talking here.' 
 
 " This only that passed at that Treaty was received 
 by the Indians of Canada & this Village, this is also 
 what I govern myself by. 
 
 " If the Indians kill Cattle below the Mill towards 
 the seaside they must absolutely pay for them, but 
 from the Mill on this side, I exhort them not to do it, 
 
 1 This is the same chief called by the English Wi- 
 wurna, and Rale, artfully assumed that all that took 
 place after Wiwurna left the conference with Shute 
 on the afternoon of August loth was null ; nor did 
 he fail to exercise all his power to prevent the cement- 
 ing of friendship with the English, even to the ex- 
 tent of excommunication. No wonder that the indig- 
 nation of the English was deeply aroused at such an 
 extraordinary assumption, although they were not 
 perhaps fully aware of his efforts to prevent friendly 
 relations between them and the Savages. 
 
 13
 
 98 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 because you improve the Land against the Consent 
 of the people of the Land, So that whatever was 
 said after the breaking up is Null although it be 
 printed. 
 
 "The Indians have Wit for everything which regards 
 them, they speak in their Councils well without study- 
 ing. The reason is, the Indian has none but his own 
 affairs in his head, the Europeans have many. All 
 Boston is not so certainly informed as I am of every 
 considerable thing that passeth in Europe, so that I 
 am not in pain to refute the false News which the 
 English tell the Indians. When the Governor said 
 to the Indians at Piscataqua, that he had been in the 
 army, and was always victorious, the Indians diver- 
 ted themselves with it, saying, 'he thinks to fright 
 us ; ' some said, ' we wish war was begun presently, 
 that we might see If he be such a warrior.' 
 
 " The Governor told the Indians at Piscataqua that 
 King George, ' my king ' or ' ours ' had so Conquered 
 the King of France that he could not Live, If he had 
 not granted him some part of his Land to Live on. 
 The Indians whom I had instructed about the Terms 
 of the peace were Scandalized saying, he would by 
 this take us off from the King of France, that he 
 might attach all to his King, and only scorned him. 
 I should blush to relate their words ; for my part, I
 
 in New England. 99 
 
 accuse the interpreter, for you have not one interpre- 
 ter that can Explain faithfully in the Indian Lan- 
 guage : they speak nothing but Gibberish. 
 
 " They Enquire about my words : do they intend to 
 unite against me to drive me from my Mission ? that 
 would be a retirement from misery, both by the In- 
 dians who can't furnish me with Butter or Cheese, 
 but Indian Corn ; besides, I shall have the same 
 Merit before God as if I had finished my Life in the 
 misery to which I consented at my coming among 
 the Indians, but, upon my quitting my Mission, It 
 may happen, ' deficiente uno non deficit alter aureus 
 et Simile frendescit virga metallo'. You may like- 
 wise think that I sha'n't be made to Leave it for such 
 trifles : whatever you may think you can't move me. 
 
 " i. All debates in Indian's Councils, If I approve, 
 it Stands. If not It's changed or Nulled. 
 
 " 2. Any Treaty with the Governor, particularly 
 that of Arrowsick is Null, If I don't approve it, 
 though the Indians have consented, for I bring them 
 so many reasons against it that they absolutely con- 
 demn what they have done. 
 
 " 3. The English tell them, I have bought of the 
 ancient Indians such and such Lands. I tell them 
 'twas after this manner, the Englishman offers a 
 bottle of rum for such a tract of Land ; the Indians
 
 ioo The Pioneers of New France 
 
 agree ; the English ask the Indian's name and writes 
 it down and so the bargain is made, and shown to 
 dazzle the Indian's Eyes ; the Indian and English, 
 too, knows this is not buying : furthermore by the 
 Laws of all Kingdoms the Guardians of pupils can't 
 sell or alienate the Estates of the pupils. I say to 
 the Indians you are masters of the Land which God 
 has given you to Live on, but though the English 
 should give all their treasures they can't buy it, be- 
 cause your Children whose Guardians you are, will 
 forever reenter into their Estates : this is a Law 
 established all the world over. 
 
 " Moreover if the English had bought the Land in 
 form, you having retaken it three times by force of 
 arms are become masters of it. All this I wrote to 
 Mr. Dudley. 
 
 "4. The Indians will that presently & absolutely 
 those that are settled in the river quit it ; because I 
 have shown them Evidently, that If they did not 
 make them retire they would Lose their Lands, and, 
 by greater misfortune, their prayers ; they are con- 
 vinced of it now, having added to them that If they 
 did not do it, I would go away from them. I say, 
 then that from the Mill on this side, I will not that 
 there should remain so much as one habitation where 
 several are, only because John Giles bid them sit
 
 in New England. 101 
 
 down there. He does such fine actions ; he Loves 
 Ketermogus, 1 a Cipher in the Village, but he's hated 
 by the greater part, wherefore according to my 
 thoughts, the Governor will do well to cause them 
 to withdraw before the Treaty, to save them the 
 shame of being driven away by the Indians, for as- 
 suredly, there shall not one remain there. 
 
 " The Traders in Brandy to the Indians had by their 
 declarations in Canada a fine set upon them of a 
 thousand Crowns, and he that could not pay it was 
 condemned to the Chain and to be whipped through 
 
 J The reason of Rale's animosity against this chief 
 was caused by his desire to maintain peaceful rela- 
 tions with the English settlers. He appears to have 
 been an old man at this time, and, in common with 
 many of the older men, to have endeavored to dis- 
 suade the younger and more violent men from listen- 
 ing to the bad counsels of the French, foreseeing 
 that war would ultimately be disastrous to his people. 
 He was on friendly terms with Capt. John Giles, the 
 commander of the fort at Brunswick. Taken a cap- 
 tive when a lad by the savages, and having lived with 
 them for a period of eight years, Giles had acquired 
 a knowledge of their language, and, understanding 
 their idiosyncracies, was in a position to exercise a 
 considerable influence over them. This rendered him 
 particularly obnoxious to Rale, whose declaration 
 that he spoke nothing but gibberish, must be taken 
 with allowance, or placed in the category of state- 
 ments shown in this work to be unsupported by facts.
 
 IO2 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 the Town. There is no Justice among'st the Eng- 
 lish, who have never given them any, Even under 
 this Governor, I think to do it myself. 
 
 " If Rum drinking continues, the drinker of Rum 
 shall find wherewithall to eat, by suffering him to kill 
 one of the cattle belonging to him that shall have 
 given him drink. And if he won't kill it for fear of 
 being refused it another time, another that is not a 
 drinker shall kill it ; this I think to propose to the 
 men, when they come home, and I am sure they'll 
 hear me with pleasure. 
 
 " I can't by my Character carry them forth to war, 
 I can absolutely hinder them when they haven't solid 
 reasons for it, but when they have any, I sha'n't hin- 
 der them, as for example, to preserve their Land 
 whereon depends their prayers, or any considerable 
 wrong that's done to them, in these cases I'll tell 
 them they may make war. 
 
 "The views of your Governor are fine & generous ; 
 he desires war, and being a warrior he must not 
 wonder at it, but I'm sure he would be astonished at 
 an Indian war, five forts and many houses in Arrow- 
 sick were reduced to ashes in one day. 
 
 " The English say it's the Fryer or Mr. Vaudreuil 
 that stirs up war, but 'twi'l be said at the Conference 
 (where I shall be & upon their desire, perhaps, speak
 
 in New England. 103 
 
 for the Indians) 'tis you English, you seize our 
 Lands against our will & thereby take away our 
 prayers, more valuable than our Lands or bodies ; 
 you would govern us ; I desire your Governor may 
 know this. I am actually composing an ample 
 writing about these things to send to the King of 
 France, that he see what I do to preserve my Indians 
 in their Lands & prayers, which depend thereon ; 
 herein I heard the King's designs reported to me by 
 Mr. Vaudreuil, Last fall, and three years before that 
 I should assist the Indians to preserve their Lands & 
 prayers; to move me he has assigned me a consider- 
 able pension of 6,000 francs till my death ; all this 
 goes away in Good Works ; this I suppose comes 
 because your Governor has threatened he will have 
 me taken up, or cause me to quit by writing to his 
 King against me ; the Indians told it to Mr. Vau- 
 dreuil who wrote it to the Court, since which I am 
 more and more strengthened here. 
 
 " I'll cause my book to be printed, presented to 
 the King & the public, that it may be seen what I 
 do for my Children. Shall they be Cheated, driven 
 from their Lands & prayers, & shall not I counsel & 
 defend them; they shall sooner take away my Life 
 than hinder me. The book shall be Embellished 
 with figures of Rhetoric, Epigrams, Poetry, &c. A
 
 104 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Jesuit is not a Baxter or a Boston Minister. I'll 
 describe how the English treat the Indians, killing 
 them & their dogs, dearer to him than his Oxen ; 
 would govern him & possess all his Land without his 
 Consent, to his own great profit, and when the 
 Indian says to the English, 'why do you thus' the 
 answer is, ' you offend me, your father bid you 
 say it.' " 
 
 This letter, so threatening, so arrogant and so 
 vain, was read by the sober magistrates of Boston 
 with surprise. No men were less likely than they 
 to be intimidated by threats, or moved to regard 
 priestly assumption with respect. They understood 
 now, if they had not before, what they had to ex- 
 pect and the source of their peril was plainly re- 
 vealed to them. 
 
 The method of reasoning, which rendered it im- 
 possible for men once in possession of land to ever 
 alienate it under any conditions ; no matter if their 
 tenure were by recent conquest, as in this case, or, if 
 alienation were legal, that they possessed the right 
 of taking it back again by force ; the proposition to 
 make it lawful, in this instance equitable, for one who 
 purchased intoxicants of another to despoil him of 
 his property or to procure a virtuous friend to do so, 
 that he might secretly continue to profit by the
 
 in New England. 105 
 
 nefarious business as long as possible, might surprise 
 one not familiar with that remarkable body of 
 similar reasonings, long ago formulated and still 
 sanctioned by casuists of Rale's order ; but some of the 
 men who read this " railing letter," though surprised 
 at its assumptions, were as familiar with these reas- 
 onings as we are, and as fully realized their signifi- 
 cance as we can realize them to-day. Point had 
 been given to this letter not long before its reception 
 at Boston, by the destruction of a house belonging 
 to a venturesome settler on the Kennebec, and the 
 slaughter of cattle, and Rale had dispatched two 
 chiefs from Norridgewock to inform Vaudreuil of 
 the belligerent attitude of his savages, and that 
 Governor Shute had threatened to send in the spring 
 five hundred men to protect the settlers. 
 
 This was communicated to the king at once with 
 the intimation that Shute's threat was probably made 
 to intimidate the savages, who now appeared de- 
 termined to drive out the English. 1 
 
 Yet as already remarked, the reluctance of the 
 savages to another war with the English could not 
 
 1 Vide Extract de la Reponse en datte du 26 8 bre 
 1719, faite par M re - Vaudreuil Et Begon, cydevant 
 Gouverneur general Intendant en Canada, au Me- 
 moire du Roy en datte du 23, May de Lad te anne, in 
 the author's collection of manuscripts.
 
 106 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 be readily overcome. This is illustrated by an event 
 which occurred about this time. Their chief Taxous 
 died, and it was necessary to elect his successor. 
 
 A council was called at Norridgewock, and thither 
 the wild people, tricked out in barbaric paint and 
 feathers, flocked in large numbers. Should they 
 have war or not, was the uppermost question with 
 the fickle and restless crowds, gathered under the 
 spreading trees, and thronging the open glades about' 
 Norridgewock. There were two parties ; one, com- 
 posed of the older and wiser men, was for peace, the 
 other for war. The election of a chief from one or the 
 other of these parties would determine the question. 
 
 When the council assembled, the acts of the Eng- 
 lish, which had been placed in the worst light by the 
 French, were made the pretext for immediate hostili- 
 ties by the younger and more violent men, but wiser 
 counsels prevailed, and Wissememet, a champion of 
 peace, was elected. A short time after, a friendly 
 conference was held at Georgetown, at which was 
 present not only the chief, whom Rale calls " Keter- 
 mogus, a cipher in the Village," because of his love 
 of peace ; but, also, Ouaourene, whom he praises for 
 his hostility to the English, and both not only de- 
 clared themselves to be friends of peace, but more- 
 over delivered hostages to confirm this declaration.
 
 in New England. 107 
 
 One who studies carefully the history of the trans- 
 actions between the English and savages, cannot fail 
 to be impressed with the apparent desire of both for 
 friendly relations ; but a treaty was no sooner con- 
 cluded between them, than the active agents of 
 the French began t'o make the savages dissatisfied 
 with it. 
 
 Rale, in evident chagrin, wrote Vaudreuilthe result 
 of the election. The reply to this letter reveals the 
 odious character of Vaudreuil. He was indignant at 
 the faintheartedness of the savages in making 
 pledges to the English, and thought that active efforts 
 should be made to obtain the aid of the Canadian 
 tribes to awaken their zeal. The new chief was 
 made to feel the displeasure of the French at his 
 pacific attitude ; and Ouaourene was flattered and 
 rewarded for displaying his opposition to them. A 
 number of " degraded " savages, friendly to the Eng- 
 lish, were sent to Quebec by Rale, and their recep- 
 tion by the governor may be imagined from this 
 passage from his letter to the priest, " You may 
 depend I will make the degraded, sensible how much 
 I am discontent with their conduct." 1 
 
 1 Vide Begon's letter to Rale, Quebec, the i/j-th 
 June, 1721 ; Board of Trade Papers, New England, 
 bundle T, vol. 1 7, and Vaudreuil to Rale, Quebec,
 
 io8 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 The reception by Gov. Shute of a letter from the 
 savages, in the summer of 1721, increased the public 
 indignation against Rale. It was in French, signed 
 by the head of the Norridgewocks and eight other 
 chiefs, his allies, so called, and was a threatening pro- 
 test against English settlement, along the Kennebec. 
 It was certainly, on the face of it, an alarming docu- 
 ment, for it represented not only the tribes of Maine, 
 but the Micmacs, Iroquois, Algonkins, Hurons and 
 other more remote tribes, the signatures of whose 
 chiefs had been obtained by the French, and it so 
 plainly revealed the hand of Rale, that he was be- 
 lieved not only to have instigated, but to have been 
 the author of it. De la Chasse was, however, quite 
 as prominent in its production as his confrere. 
 
 We now know, from the correspondence of the 
 chief actors in the affair, the secret history of this 
 document, much of which was concealed from the 
 knowledge of our forefathers. The formation of a 
 peace party among the Norridgewock savages, already 
 spoken of, aroused Rale to action, and a conference 
 with the English having been determined upon, he 
 planned to prevent the peace party from having a too 
 
 the 25th September, 1721. Ibid., bundle 10, vol. 16, 
 Office of the Public Records, London, printed by the 
 author in Me. Hist. Quarterly for 1890, pp. 373-377.
 
 in New England. 109 
 
 prominent part in the conference. As he wrote Vau- 
 dreuil, he deemed it necessary to have the peace 
 delegates to the conference outnumbered by the 
 " well intentioned " or in the words of the practical 
 politician of our day, to pack the meeting. Fearing 
 defection even among those who were for war, he 
 dispatched six savages to Canada, to invite their 
 countrymen residing there, and the Hurons of Lor- 
 ette, " to find" themselves at the proposed conference. 
 Rale's runners were received by Vaudreuil, who 
 brought them to the villages of St. Francis and Becan- 
 court, to impress upon the savages how injurious to 
 them was English settlement on the frontier. This 
 mission was successful, and they all agreed to join in 
 the conference. 
 
 To strengthen affairs at Norridgewock Vaudreuil 
 dispatched thither Father de la Chasse, Superior of 
 the Jesuits, who had served among the Abnakis for 
 a score of years, in order to bring the people there 
 "to one mind," a task which was rendered easier by 
 the vigorous measures which Rale had adopted at 
 the outset. Having accomplished this task, De la 
 Chasse then returned to Canada, where he assembled 
 his savage neophytes and again set out for Norridge- 
 wock, gathering on his way a wild band from the 
 Penobscot and other savage villages ; in fact, to the
 
 i io The Pioneers of New France 
 
 surprise of the English, he succeeded in getting re- 
 cruits from their dangerous neighbors on the Pis- 
 cataqua. Having gathered these savages of differ- 
 ent tribes to the number of two hundred and fifty ; 
 on the 28th of July, 1721; when, be it remembered, 
 France and England were at peace, the two priests, 
 with Castin and Croisel, the latter a French officer, 
 appeared with them opposite Arrowsic, 1 and for- 
 mally presented the letter in question, which was as 
 follows : 
 
 I La Pere Rale, missionaire & Narantsouak, a in- 
 forme les Sieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon, le printemps 
 dernier, que sur les representations qu'il avoit faites 
 aux Sauvages de sa mission de ne pas souffrir que 
 les Anglois continuassent de s'etabler au bas de leur 
 reviere, ils avoient tue il y a deux ans un grand 
 nombre de bestiaux appartenant aux Anglois et de- 
 puis les avoient menace que s'ils ne se retiraient ils 
 augmenteraient les actes d'hostilite pour les y forcer; 
 que 1' automne dernier it s'est forme deux partes dans 
 ce village dont la moitie a ete d'avis de continuer de 
 s'opposer aux etablissements des Anglois, et 1'autre 
 gagne par eux dans la volante de souffrir qu'ils s'y 
 etablissent. Le sentiment de ces derniers a pre- 
 valee ; et quatre otages ontete envoyes a Baston. 
 
 II leur a aussi donne" avis que les Anglois leur 
 ayant indique un pourparler pour engager le reste 
 du village & souffrir leur etablissement, il etait nec- 
 essaire que dans ce pourparler le parti des Sauvages 
 bien intentionne fut la plus numbreux afin de faire 
 revenir a leur sentiment ceux qui avoient e"te" gagnes
 
 in New England. 1 1 1 
 
 " Great Captain of The English : 
 
 " Thou seest by the treaty of peace of which I send 
 thee a copy, that thou shouldst live peaceably with 
 me. Is it to live in peace with me to take my land 
 
 par les Anglois, et qu'ils fussent tous ensemble parler 
 avec fermete a 1'Anglbis pour 1'obliger a se retirer de 
 dessus leurs terres. 
 
 Comme il y a a craindre que les Sauvages de ce 
 village parlant seuls a 1'Anglois ceux que avoient 
 tenu bon jusques a present ne se laissent gagner 
 par les presents, caresses, menaces et mensonges des 
 Anglois pour parvenir a leur fin, il a engage six des 
 Sauvages de venir ici inviter les Abenakis et les 
 Hurons de Lorette de se trouver au pourparler. 
 Pour faciliter le succes de cette invitation, le Sieur 
 de Vaudreuil les a mene aux villages de St. Frangois 
 et de Becancourt oil ils ont explique combien Tenter- 
 prise des Anglois etoit prejudiciable aux interets de 
 la nation. Le Sieur de Vaudreuil leur a aussi 
 fait connaitre qu'il etoit important que 1'Anglois 
 juge par lui meme qu'il se les attiroit tous contre 
 lui. 
 
 Ces deux villages convinrent d'envoyer a ce pour- 
 parler trois canots de St. Francois et trois de 
 Becancourt auxquels s'est joint un cauot de Hurons 
 de Lorette. 
 
 II a cru aussi devoir engager avec eux le Pere La 
 Chasse, Superieur des Jesuites, qui ayant et pendant 
 20 ans missionaire des trois villages Abenaquis de 
 1'Acadie les connait bien. 
 
 Ce Pere a ete d'abord a Narantsouak, et apres 
 avoir reuni les esprits de tous les Sauvages de cette 
 nation il invita les Sauvages du village de Pan-
 
 H2 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 despite me ? My land that I have received from God 
 alone, my land of which no King nor strange power 
 has been able, nor can dispose of despite me, that 
 which thou nevertheless hast done for several years, 
 by establishing and fortifying thyself therein against 
 
 aouamske d'ou il a fait aussi avertir ceux de Medoc- 
 teh et de Penondaky. 
 
 II est revenu ensuite a Narantsouak accompagne 
 de plus de 100 Sauvages de Panouamske et des d- 
 putes des villages de Medocteh et de Penondaky. 
 II a fait venir aussi ceux de Pegeonaky qui sont les 
 plus proches des Anglois du c6te de Baston. 
 
 Ces Sauvages ainsi rassembles et au nombre de 250 
 qui representoient toute la nation Abenaquise et leurs 
 allies, apres avoir tenu Conseil, se sont rendus le 28 
 juillet dernier, armesdevant le Fort Anglois de Men- 
 askous ou le pourparler etoit indique. 
 
 Le Gouverneur de Baston informe du grand nom- 
 bre de Sauvages qui vouloient lui parler, n 'ayant 
 pas ose s'y trouver apr&s s'etre fait attendre pendant 
 50 jours, les Sauvages sommerent les principaux of- 
 ficiers des cinq forts et environ 50 des habitants an- 
 glois les plus considerables de s'y trouver au defaut 
 du Gouverneur, et y etant venus, ils leur dirent qu'ils 
 eussent a se retirer de leurs terres leur jetterent les 
 200 castors par eux promis pour les bestiaux tues et 
 en mme temps leur demanderent oil etoient les quatre 
 hommes qu'ils avoient amenes a Boston pour surete 
 de ce paiement. 
 
 Des Anglois repondirent qu'ils ne pouvoient se 
 retirer des terres sans 1'Ordre du Gouverneur qui les 
 y avoit envoyes ; que pour les otages ils ne croyoient
 
 in New England. 1 1 3 
 
 my will, as thou hast done in my River of Anmou- 
 kangan, of Kenibekki, in that of Matsidouanoussis, 
 and elsewhere and recently in my River of Anmou- 
 kangan, where I have been surprised to see a fort 
 which they tell me is built by thy orders. 
 
 " Consider ; Great Captain ; that I have frequently 
 
 pas que le Gouverneur les rendit a moins qu'ils n'en 
 envoyessent quatre autres pour gage de leur fidelite 
 a la Couronne d'Angleterre. 
 
 Surquoi les Sauvages se recrierent protestant que 
 c'etoit une imposture ; qu'ils n'avoient donne ces 
 otages que pour siirete des 200 castors, et qu'ils 
 n'avoient jamais consenti de donner des hommes 
 pour quelques betes qu'ils avoient eu le droit de tuer 
 pour les obliger de se retirer sur leurs terres. 
 
 Apres de grandes contestations les Sauvages 
 prierent le Pere de la Chasse de lire leurs paroles 
 declarant aux Anglois qu'ils les avoient mis en ecrit 
 pour envoyer au Gouverneur de Boston puis qu'ils 
 ne pouvoient pas lui parler. 
 
 Ouaourne et Pehonuret dirent cette parole, le 
 premier en Sauvage et le second en Anglois, Elle 
 fut dite aussi en latin par le Pere de la Chasse, 
 ministre, qui 1'expliqua en Anglois ; apres a le 
 Sieur Penhalo un des principaux officiers du Fort 
 de Menaskouk et d'autres officiers regurent cet 
 6crit signe des marques des Abenakis et des Sauv- 
 ages leurs allies dont copie est ci jointe ; ils promi- 
 rent de 1'envoyerau Gouverneur de Baston, ce qu'ils 
 ont fait." Vide Collection de Manascrits, etc. Rap- 
 port de Messieurs de Vaudreuil et Begon au 
 Ministre, vol. 3, p. 57. 
 
 15
 
 114 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 told thee to retire from off my lands, and I repeat it 
 to thee now for the last time. My land belongs to 
 thee neither by right of conquest, nor by gift, nor by 
 purchase. It is not thine by right of conquest. 
 
 "When hast thou driven me from it? and have I 
 not always driven thee from it, every time that we 
 have had war together, which proves that it is mine 
 by many titles. 
 
 " It is not thine by gift, The King of France, thou 
 sayst has given it to me ; but has he power to give 
 it to thee ? am I his subject ? The Indians have 
 given it to thee. Some Indians that thou hast over- 
 reached by making them drink, have they power to 
 give it thee to the predjudice of all their nation, who 
 very far from ratifying this gift, which would be nec- 
 essary to give thee some right, declares it to be vain 
 and illusory ? Some have lent thee some places, but 
 know that all the nation revokes these loans, because 
 of the abuse which thou hadst made of them. When 
 have they permitted thee to build forts and to ad- 
 vance thyself as much as thou hast done in their 
 River? 
 
 " It is not thine by right of purchase. And thou 
 tellest me a thing that my grandfathers and my 
 fathers have never told me. That they had sold my 
 land when some of them would have sold certain
 
 in New England. 115 
 
 places, which is not so since thou canst not say that 
 thou hast fully paid for the least of the islands which 
 thou wishest to possess. I have the right of recover- 
 ing property which has not been alienated to my pred- 
 judice, and that I have so many times reconquered. 
 
 " I wait then thy reply within three sabbath days ; 
 if within this time thou dost not write me, that thou 
 hast retired from my land, I will not tell thee again 
 to withdraw, and I shall believe that thou wishest to 
 make thyself master of it in spite of me. 
 
 " Furthermore this is not the word of four or five 
 savages, whom by thy presents, thy lies and thy 
 tricks thou canst easily make fall into thy opinions, 
 this is the word of all the Abnaki nation spread over 
 this continent and Canada, and of all the other 
 Christian Indians their allies who are expressly as- 
 sembled at Pemster in order to speak to thee thus 
 about my land, and who, after having awaited thee 
 more than 50 days and my people, that I am sur- 
 prised that thou hast not sent back to me, contrary 
 to thy word, summon thee alltogether to withdraw 
 thyself from off the land of the Abnakis, that thou 
 wishest to unjustly usurp, and which has for bounds 
 the River Kenibequi, the River which separates it from 
 the land of the Iroquois. I should have the right to 
 reclaim from thee all the space which is between that
 
 n6 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 River and me, since thou possessest nothing of it 
 only by deceit, but I am quite willing to leave thee 
 in this place, on condition that absolutely no more 
 English shall dwell within a league of my River Pe- 
 gonakki, nor from this bound along the borders of 
 the Sea which corresponds to all the extent of my 
 land, nor at the mouth of my Rivers, nor in any of 
 the islands, which correspond to my land, which are 
 adjacent and where my canoe can go. If some in- 
 dividual savages addicted to drink tell thee to dwell 
 where thou didst formerly dwell, Know that all the 
 nation disavows this permission and that I will go to 
 burn the houses after having pillaged them. 
 
 " By my people who are in Boston, I await thy re- 
 ply in my village of Nanrantsouak, in French as I 
 write thee. If thou writest me in English I shall be- 
 lieve that thou dost not wish to be understood and 
 that thou wishest to retain my land and my people in 
 spite of me, which I then tell thee to restore to me, 
 because the land is mine, and that for my 4 men I 
 have given ransom for which we are assembled to ac- 
 quit myself of my word although I owe thee nothing. 
 This is the word of all the Abnaki nation, spread over 
 this continent and Canada and of all the Catholic 
 Indians, Hurons, Iroquois, Micmaks, and other al- 
 lies of the Abnakis of which the old men and depu-
 
 in New England. 117 
 
 ties have appeared and spoken at the place called 
 Menaskek, at the river, July 28-1721. 
 
 " Know further Great Captain that all the Abnaki 
 nation pronounces void all the deeds which thou hast 
 passed heretofore with the Indians and because they 
 have not been avowed nor received from all the na- 
 tions, and because they have only been the effect of 
 thy impositions, as in the case of Peskadoe, upon 
 which thou establish thyself so strongly, where thou 
 didst so falsely make the savages understand that 
 thou wast sole master of the land, that the King of 
 France had given thee their country as if a king could 
 give that which is not his. 
 
 " Mark the effect of the drink which thou has given 
 in plenty to the Indians, after which they promise 
 thee all that thou wishest. 
 
 " Mark the effect of the violence which thou hast 
 exercised against them on several occasions, and quite 
 recently the last winter, when after having called six 
 to speak with thee, on the subject of the cattle which 
 they had killed for thee, and which they had a right 
 to kill for thee in order to oblige thee, by that to 
 withdraw from the land which is not thine, thou mad- 
 est them enter into a house and immediately surroun- 
 ded it with near two hundred Englishmen armed 
 with pistols and swords and compelled 4 of them to
 
 1 1 8 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 remain for the cattle killed. Thou hast conducted 
 these 4 men to Boston. Thou hast promised to re- 
 store these 4 men by giving thee 200 beavers. The 
 beavers have been given and now thou retainest 
 these men. By what right ? 
 
 "Signatures of the Abnaki Nation and of the In- 
 dians, its allies." 1 
 
 The Rev. Hugh Adams, who had befriended Rale 
 at Arrowsic, joining in the common indignation, ex- 
 perienced an extraordinary revulsion of feeling. With 
 that mental bias peculiar to the age already alluded 
 to, he prayed that his former patient might be con- 
 founded in his wicked designs, and publicly predicted 
 his overthrow. 2 So much in harmony, however, 
 
 document has the character, 8, employed 
 by the French Jesuits to represent the sound of 
 the French ou. The employment of this character 
 indicates its authorship. I have thought best to omit 
 it and to substitute the letters ou. 
 
 2 The Rev. Hugh Adams was graduated at Harvard 
 College in the class of 1697, and the year following 
 removed to South Carolina, where he remained until 
 1706. In 1707 he settled at Braintree and resided 
 there until 1711, when he removed to Chatham, Cape 
 Cod. In 1716 he was at Arrowsic, but remained 
 there but one year, when we find him settled at 
 Dover, N. H. He died in 1750. Vide Proceedings 
 Mass. Hist. Society, vol. 3, pp. 322-326. Collections 
 N. H. Society, vol. 5, p. 135. The History of Cape
 
 Those of Narrantouak 
 
 Those of Pentagouet 
 Those of Narakamigou 
 
 Those of Anmissoukanti 
 Those of Muanbissek 
 
 Those of Pegouakki 
 
 Those of Medokteck 
 
 Those of Kouupahag 
 Those of Pesmokanti 
 Those of Arsikantegou 
 
 Those of Ouanouinak 
 Their Allies 
 
 The Iroquois of the Falls 
 The Iroquois of the Mountain 
 
 The Algonquins 
 
 The Hurons 
 The Mikemaks 
 
 The Montagnez of the Northside 
 
 The Papinachois and other neighboring 
 nations
 
 in New England. 119 
 
 was this with the current thought of the age, that it 
 excited no surprise, a fact which should not be over- 
 looked in our estimate of men and acts connected 
 with the events under consideration. 
 
 So bitter had the feeling against Rale become, that 
 the General Court voted to send a force of three 
 hundred men to Norridgewock to demand his sur- 
 render, but owing to the opposition of Judge Sewall, 
 it was not carried into effect. Castin and his son, a 
 half breed, the English had good reason to believe to 
 be conspirators with Rale in his plots against them. 
 Castin himself still claimed to be in the French ser- 
 vice, if we may judge from his application to the king 
 at this time for arrears of pay as a lieutenant, and 
 his son sported the uniform of a French officer. The 
 frequent outbreaks of the savages, and the well 
 known influence of the Castins, made them objects 
 of suspicion, and, an opportunity offering, the young 
 Castin was arrested and taken to Boston, where he 
 was detained for several months, and questioned rela- 
 tive to his participation in recent hostilities ; but as 
 nothing could be proved against him, he was returned 
 to his people. There is nothing on record to show 
 
 Cod, by Frederick Freeman, Boston, 1862, vol. 2, pp. 
 593-595. The prediction alluded to, may be found in 
 the Massachusetts Courant for December, 1722.
 
 I2O The Pioneers of New France 
 
 that he was not treated with due consideration, yet 
 some writers would have us believe that his arrest 
 was the cause of subsequent acts of hostility, which, 
 in fact, were but a continuance of similar ones. Rale, 
 however, was a too conspicuous fomenter of mischief, 
 to be permitted by the English to continue his dan- 
 gerous designs against them, and in the winter of 
 1721-22, Colonel Thomas Westbrookwas dispatched 
 to Norridgewock, to apprehend and take him to Bos- 
 ton. As Westbrook was painfully making his way 
 up the river, he was discovered by Indian hunters, 
 who, divining his purpose, struck across the forest to 
 alarm the village. 
 
 Unsuspecting danger, Rale was alone in the village 
 with the old men, women and children, the young 
 men being absent, when he was startled by the sud- 
 den appearance of the savages, who had discovered 
 Westbrook's approach. 
 
 Not a moment was to be lost. Seizing the con- 
 secrated host, the pious missionary swallowed it in 
 haste, and then packing the church vessels in a small 
 chest, he fled to the forest where the frightened people, 
 who had been left in the village, had betaken them- 
 selves. Night was approaching when Westbrook 
 and his men cautiously made their way through the 
 thickets which surrounded Norridgewock. All was
 
 in New England. 121 
 
 ominously silent as they drew near the village and 
 surrounded it. Surprised at the dead silence, they 
 drew nearer, keeping on the alert for a foe, whose 
 cunning they well knew. There was no sound, no 
 movement in the village, and finally the secret was 
 disclosed ; it had been deserted. A diligent search 
 was made the next day for Rale, but although West- 
 brook's men passed near his hiding place, they did 
 not discover him, and at last abandoned the search. 
 Westbrook secured, however, a valuable prize, a small 
 box containing letters from Vaudreuil and Begon, 
 which disclosed to the English the perfidy of their 
 French neighbors. In the box was also a dic- 
 tionary of the Abnaki language, 1 the labor of 
 Rale for many years, and when we consider how 
 precious this manuscript was to him, we cannot 
 but sympathize with him for its loss, for in the 
 hands of his enemies, whom he regarded as ruth- 
 less vandals, he supposed it forever lost to the 
 world; yet Providence seems to have employed 
 this method for its preservation. On the door of 
 the church was found the following paper in Rale's 
 handwriting : 
 
 J This valuable relic is now the property of Har- 
 vard College. It was published in 1833, by John 
 Pickering, LL. D. 
 16
 
 122 The Pioneers of Neiv France 
 
 " Englishmen. 
 
 11 1 that am of Norridgwock have had Thoughts 
 that thou wil't Come and Burn our Church & Our 
 Fathers House to Revenge thy self without Cause 
 for the Houses I have Burnt of thine. It was thou 
 that didst force me to it, why didst thou build them 
 upon my Land without my Consent. 
 
 " I have not yet burnt any, but what was upon my 
 own Land ; Thou mayest burn it, because thou 
 knowest that I am not there such is thy Generosity, 
 for if I were there, Assuredly thou shouldst not burn 
 it, altho thou shouldst Come with the number of 
 many hundred Men. 
 
 " It is 111 built, because the English dont work 
 well ; It is not finished, altho five or six Englishmen 
 have wrought there during the space of four years, 
 and the Undertaker who is a great Cheat, hath been 
 paid in advance for to finish it. I tell the Neverthe- 
 less, That, if thou dost burn it in Revenge upon my 
 Land, thou mayest Depend upon it, That I will Re- 
 venge myself also and that upon thy Land in such a 
 manner as will be more sensible and more disadvanta- 
 geous to the, for one of thy Meeting houses or 
 Temples is of more value beyond Compare than our 
 Church. And I shall not be Satisfied with Burning 
 only one or two of thine, but many ; I know where
 
 in New England. 123 
 
 they are, and the Effect shall make the know that I 
 have been as good as my word. 
 
 " This shall Certainly be done sooner or later, for 
 the War is but just beginning ; And if thou wouldst 
 know where it will have an End I tell the it will 
 not have an end but with the World. If thou Canst 
 not be driven out before I Dye, Our Children and 
 Nephews will Continue it till that time, without thy 
 being able to Enjoy it peaceably. 
 
 " This is what I say to the, who am of Norridge- 
 wock in the Name of all the NATION." 1 
 
 The discovery of Vaudreuil's duplicity, as his cor- 
 respondence with Shute had been such as would 
 naturally pass between men in their position, whose 
 governments were nominally friendly, astounded the 
 English, and Shute at once dispatched copies of the 
 letters found in Rale's box to the government, and 
 himself wrote a letter to the French governor, so 
 manly in tone, that he must have always respected 
 
 J This letter was copied by me from the one in the 
 office of the Public Records, London, and bears the 
 following indorsement : " Translated from the French. 
 The foregoing was foiind iipon the Church Door at 
 Norridgcwock & in the hand Writing of Father 
 Ralle, the Jesuit. Examined pr. J. Willard, Sec'y." 
 The box containing the correspondence of Vaudreuil 
 is now the property of the Maine Historical Society.
 
 124 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 its author, in spite of the bitter reproofs which it 
 contained. In this letter he said : 
 
 14 Sir :- 
 
 "In the month of September last I did myself the 
 Honor of writing to you a Letter by the way of Al- 
 bany, which I hope came Safe to your hand ; how- 
 ever, for fear of a Miscarriage, I have now sent you 
 a copy of it. Therein you will observe the great 
 Confidence I had at that time in your Justice and 
 Friendship with respect to the Indians at Norridge- 
 wock, but I am sorry to find I was so much mis- 
 taken ; You have convinced me by Letters under 
 your own hand, that I was in the wrong to Expect 
 the least Service from you upon that occasion, For it 
 appears over & over again, That the Hostile appear- 
 ance and Insolent Behaviour of the Indians at Arow- 
 sick in the Summer last past, was not only with your 
 Allowance, but even with your projecting from the 
 beginning ; And your Approbation of it afterwards, 
 That you excited them to it, Supplyed them in it, 
 with Officers and Stores of War, and after all was done, 
 mightily applauded and Rewarded them, And least 
 they should be at a loss what to say, to the English 
 you even put Words into their Mouths, & prepared 
 Instructions for their Conduct in that Affair; I must 
 needs say, Sir, I should not easily have been brought
 
 RALE'S BOX CONTAINING THE FRENCH CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 Captured by Westbrook in the winter of 1721-22, now in 
 possession of the Maine Historical Society.
 
 in New England. 125 
 
 to believe these things of a Gentleman, a Christian, 
 and a Governor of a French Colony, and who, as 
 such, is Obliged to live in Peace and Friendship with 
 the English Government ; But what shall I say ? I 
 have your Original Instructions, and Letters now 
 before me, as you may See by the Copies of some of 
 them, which I now Inclose ; The Originals I shall 
 send home to his Majesty, my Great Master ; You 
 do indeed suggest, That you have Orders for what 
 you have done or shall do further in this Affair ; His 
 Majesty will soon Discover the Truth and Validity of 
 that pretence, and how Agreeable Your Conduct has 
 been, both to the Letter and Spirit of the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, more especially to the twelfth and Six- 
 teenth Articles; Is it thus We are to Imitate the 
 Examples of Our Masters at Home, who live in such 
 strict Allegance and Friendship ? Should I have 
 offered to stir up the Indian Tribes at St. Francois or 
 Besancourt, or any other within the Bounds of Your 
 Government to commit such Affronts and Hostilities 
 to the Government and People of Canada, would 
 you not justly & greatly have Complained of it ? 
 I do not Judge it necessary to Enter far into an Ar- 
 gument upon this Head, But I Could Easily Con- 
 vince you how very much you are in the wrong to 
 Concern yourself with an Indian Tribe that are
 
 126 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 settled upon one of the Principal Rivers of New 
 England, that live in the Neighborhood of Our 
 English Towns & Garrisons, & until very lately 
 have Constantly Conversed and traded with them, 
 and pass by the English settlements every time they 
 Come to the sea for their Fishery, And their Lands 
 or place of Settlement must of necessity fall within 
 the English Pale or Territory, inasmuch as the 
 Crown of Great Britain have now the Right & 
 Dominion of Nova Scotia, formerly called L'Accadie, 
 with all its Dependencies, But above all, and what I 
 very much Insist on, This Tribe of the Indians, as 
 well as that of Penobscot, have for a great number 
 of years last past, by Frequent and Solemn Treaties, 
 willingly and Joyfully put themselves under the Pro- 
 tection of the Crown of Great Britain, & the Gov- 
 ernment of New England, and on these Occasions 
 have had Tokens of His Majesties kindness & Friend- 
 ship presented to them ; And you may Depend upon 
 it His Majesty will never quit His right and Interest 
 with respect to those Indian Tribes, but Insist upon 
 it to the last, And while I have the Honour to be 
 His Governour here, I shall Endeavor to do my 
 Duty in Defending and Maintaining it, and shall 
 take Just and proper Measures to prevent such In- 
 sults and Injuries to His Majesties good subjects for
 
 in New England. 127 
 
 the future ; I suppose Mr. Ralle, who has been the 
 great Incendiary in all this Affair has acquainted 
 you with his narrow Escape ; he will do well to take 
 warning by it & return to his own Countrey, or at 
 least to Canada, and no longer abuse his profession 
 by Stirring up the Indians of this Country to Acts of 
 Hostility, which if Continued in, will finally end in 
 their ruin. 
 
 " I shall be glad if upon this Remonstrance Your 
 future conduct towards this Government and the 
 Indian Tribes Dependent thereon, Especially those 
 of Norridgewock and Penobscot may be such as to 
 give me Occasion to say, what I would willingly do, 
 That I am Sir 
 
 " Your very humble Servt. 
 
 " Samll. Shute." 1 
 
 This expedition of Westbrook, coupled with the 
 arrest of Castin's son, acts fully warranted by exist- 
 ing circumstances, furnished the savages with a suffi- 
 cient pretext to extend their depredations, and we 
 are told by Rale, that they resolved to destroy the 
 English habitations near them. " They chanted the 
 war," he says, " among the Hurons of Lorette, and in 
 
 1 This letter is a copy made by the author from the 
 original in the office of the Public Records, London.
 
 i 28 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 all the villages of the Abnaki nation," and " Nor- 
 ridgewock was the place appointed to assemble the 
 warriors in order to concert their project together." 
 
 In June, 1722, all was in readiness, and the first 
 blow was struck. The savages, proceeding to the 
 mouth of the Kennebec on the I3th, destroyed some 
 small buildings of the English, and then continuing 
 up the river, says Rale, " plundered and burnt the new 
 houses which the English had built." They, however, 
 abstained from slaughter and liberated all their cap- 
 tives but five, whom they retained as hostages. 
 
 Doubtless in this act they followed the advice of 
 their older men, who ever counseled moderation ; 
 but moderation is not a savage virtue, and, intoxi- 
 cated with success, they soon entered upon a whole- 
 sale destruction of the English settlements. On the 
 following July, Capt. Harmon, who was stationed at 
 Arrowsic with a small force, having discovered that 
 the settlement of Brunswick was on fire, at once pro- 
 ceeded in two whale boats to its relief. As he made 
 his way through the darkness with muffled oars, he 
 perceived lights on Pleasant Point, and landing 
 cautiously, he came upon eleven canoes of the sav- 
 ages, who had been engaged in the destruction of 
 Brunswick. They had been enjoying one of their 
 infernal orgies, the torturing of a prisoner, Moses
 
 in New England. 129 
 
 Eaton, of Brunswick, whose tongue they had cut out, 
 and whose legs and arms they had also severed from 
 his body, and now exhausted by the exercise of their 
 ferocious passions, they were lying about their fires 
 unsuspicious of the proximity of an avenger of their 
 victim. 
 
 The moment was opportune, and Harmon, cau- 
 tiously advancing his small force, the chief reliance 
 of the settlers of the vicinity, came suddenly upon 
 them ; indeed, Penhallow tells us that he " stumbled 
 over them as they lay asleep." The attack was sud- 
 den, yet in the darkness most of them escaped. A 
 large body of savages, however, were encamped not far 
 away, and aroused by the sound of guns, they fired 
 upon the English in the darkness but without execu- 
 tion. Deeming it prudent to avoid risking a battle so 
 far from his base of supplies, and upon ground where 
 the savage was at home, after burying the mutilated 
 body of Eaton, Harmon hastened back to the de- 
 fense of Arrowsic. 
 
 Let us see Rale's account of this transaction. He 
 says, after relating the first attack of the savages, in 
 which they burnt a number of dwellings and re- 
 leased all of their prisoners but five, suppressing all 
 allusion to the destruction of Brunswick and the 
 murderous work which followed, " This moderation 
 17
 
 130 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 of the Indians, however, had not the desired effect. 
 On the contrary, a party of English having found 
 sixteen Abnakis asleep on an Island, made a general 
 discharge on them, by which five were killed and 
 three wounded." 
 
 So strong were Rale's prejudices against the Eng- 
 lish, that it was impossible for him to relate fairly 
 any incident respecting them. The savages, who 
 slowly tortured to death their English prisoners, he 
 saw through a mist, which gave them an appearance 
 of primeval simplicity, while the English heretics, 
 seen through the same medium, took on the shape 
 of ugly satyrs. This is but a single instance of the 
 manner in which Rale described the events connected 
 with the wars between his savages and the English, 
 and it is no exaggeration to say, that hardly an in- 
 cident of these wars involving the character of the 
 English related by him and Charlevoix, the latter of 
 whom cooked without question everything which 
 came to his net, will bear critical analysis, or a com- 
 parison with historical documents of the times. 
 
 This act of Harmon has been criticised by several 
 of our writers, who have listened too readily to 
 Charlevoix, as impolitic and cruel, but they certainly 
 cannot have considered the existing conditions. Har- 
 mon's act was cruel only because all war is cruel. The
 
 in New England. 131 
 
 English settlers were surrounded by terrible perils, 
 and knew, from years of bitter experience, the merci- 
 less nature of the foe with whom they had to deal ; a 
 foe who surprised sleeping hamlets, and destroyed 
 old and young with fiendish cruelty. Though in 
 their first attack there had been no blood shed on 
 either side, no resistance having been made, the im- 
 periled settlers realized that war had begun with a 
 pitiless foe, and self preservation was the question 
 uppermost in their minds. In this condition of af- 
 fairs we should not expect them to weigh questions 
 of ethics with the same care which we, in the seclu- 
 sion of our closets, bestow upon them. That injury 
 might not be done to those savages friendly to the 
 English, Governor Shute in his proclamation of war, 
 issued on the 25th of July, 1722, notified them, that 
 none would be molested, who reported within forty 
 days to the nearest military post, and those within 
 the English lines were ordered to remain peaceably 
 at home and not to harbor the enemy. 
 
 Although the French could not openly enter into 
 the conflict, they secretly supplied the savages with 
 arms, and encouraged them to pursue the war. The 
 result was, that along the English borders the same 
 scenes of desolation and cruelty were enacted, that 
 had characterized former savage wars.
 
 The Pioneers of Neiv France 
 
 Rale, by his own testimony, accompanied his neo- 
 phytes on some of their bloody raids, and was not 
 always careful to keep m the background, but ex- 
 hibited himself to the English for the avowed pur- 
 pose of exciting their rage against him. The fol- 
 lowing letter written by him is proof of this: 
 
 " My people returned in the spring having learnt 
 what had passed in the winter, made a party of forty 
 men against the English not with a design to kill, 
 but to put them in mind of their word, and to make 
 them draw off. In one night they ranged near ten 
 leagues of the countrey where the English had set- 
 tled, broke into their houses, bound their men, which 
 they made prisoners to the number of sixty-four, 
 pillaged their houses and burnt all, and this party 
 being returned, another fitted out to pillage and burn 
 many houses, with we hear a stone fort, and at length 
 they took up the hatchet against the English and 
 carried it to a village of Canada. The warriors set 
 out on their way and being arrived here, I em- 
 barqued with them to go to war, being in all 160, we 
 arrived at the village they went to attack, which con- 
 sisted of fifty fair houses, supported by five forts, 
 two of stone and three of wood. At break of day 
 ten Englishmen coming out of their stone fort with 
 their arms, seven of my people set upon them, killed
 
 in New England. 133 
 
 some, but one of ours being wounded in the thigh 
 was brought to the camp, and the English dare not 
 after that come out of their stone fort any more, 
 where all the inhabitants had sheltered themselves to 
 the number of near 600 men, besides women and 
 children. 
 
 My people still inviting them to come out and 
 nobody appearing they fell upon the houses, sup- 
 posing the inhabitants had been there, which they 
 found empty, and pillaged and burnt them all with 
 their three forts of wood ; they burnt all their works 
 of wood, filled up their wells, killed their cattle, oxen, 
 cows, horses, sheep, swine ; and these 600 miserable 
 Englishmen saw all this without daring to come out ; 
 and as for myself to pleasure the English I made my 
 appearance and shewed myself to them several times 
 which, perhaps, increased their fury against me, 
 while they saw me, but dare do nothing to me, al- 
 though they knew that the governour had set my 
 head at a thousand livres sterling, I shall not part with 
 it, nevertheless, for all the sterling money in Eng- 
 land. But that which I see most perplexing and 
 pittiful in all is, that the English still keep their forts 
 and the Indian arms not being able to do anything 
 against them, they remain still masters of the land, 
 and unless the French join with the Indians the land
 
 134 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 is lost This is what now discourageth the Indians 
 for which reason they have left Norridgewock fort 
 for to people the villages of Canada, they would 
 have carried me with them, but I bid them go. 
 But as for me I remain, and they are gone and about 
 eight or nine stays here with me. We know what 
 the court shall judge concerning this countery and 
 the Indians have quitted being perswaded that the 
 English to revenge themselves for the damage we 
 have done will come and burn Norridgewock." 
 
 Regarded by the English as one of the chief causes 
 of their sufferings, they were determined to drive 
 Rale from the Kennebec, or secure his person. His 
 life must have been one of constant alarms, situated 
 as he was in an exposed position, in the midst of a 
 fickle and excitable people. It was at this time that 
 he found time to address a lengthy letter to his 
 nephew across the sea, giving an account of his life 
 and labor among the savages. 
 
 This letter is of a most interesting character, as it 
 gives us vivid pictures of his daily life and surround- 
 ings, in fact, almost brings the bodily presence of 
 the man before us. 1 
 
 1 This letter and another which appears further 
 on, were published in a collection of letters from 
 Jesuits stationed in different parts of the world, at
 
 in New England. 135 
 
 " NORRIDGEWOCK, 
 
 This \$th October, 1722. 
 "Monsieur, my dear Nephew, 
 
 The peace of Our Saviour : 
 
 " During the more than thirty years that I have 
 lived in the heart of these forests with the Savages, 
 I have been so occupied in instructing them and 
 forming them to Christian virtues, that I have but 
 little leisure to write many letters, even to those who 
 are most dear to me. Nevertheless I cannot refuse 
 the little details of my various duties which you 
 desire. I owe it in acknowledgment of the friend- 
 ship, which makes you so strongly interested in 
 everything that concerns me. 
 
 " I am in a district of that vast extent of land 
 which lies between Acadia and New England. Two 
 other Missionaries are occupied with me among the 
 Abnaki Savages, but we are far removed from each 
 other. The Abnaki Savages, beside the two villages 
 which are in the center of the French colony, have 
 three others, each villages of considerable size, 
 
 Paris, in 1726, by Nicholas LeClerc. The transla- 
 tion is the author's, and was nearly completed before 
 he was aware that one had already been made by 
 Bishop Kip, which, although more elegant, is not so 
 literal as the one here given.
 
 136 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 situated on the bank of a river. The three rivers 
 empty into a sea south of the Canada river between 
 New England and Acadia. 
 
 " The village where I live is called Nanrantsouak j 1 
 it is situated on the bank of a river, which discharges 
 itself into the sea about thirty leagues hence. I 
 have built a Church, 2 which is neat and very orna- 
 mental. I thought nothing ought to be spared 
 neither for its decoration, nor for the ornaments 
 which are used at our holy ceremonies ; Vestments, 
 chasubles, copes, sacred Vessels, everything ap- 
 propriate, and would be so esteemed in our Churches 
 of Europe. I have formed a little Brotherhood of 
 about forty young Savages, who assist at divine Ser- 
 vice, in their cassocks and surplices ; each have their 
 duties, so many to assist at the holy Sacrifices of the 
 Mass, & to chant the divine Office for the Consecra- 
 tion of the Holy Sacrament, & for the processions 
 which they make with a great crowd of Sav- 
 ages, who often come from long distance to at- 
 tend them. You would be edified at the good order 
 which they keep, & the piety which they show. 
 
 1 So in the French, which is doubtless a misprint, 
 and should be Narantsouak. Later it crystallized 
 into Norridgewock. 
 
 The church he here speaks of was really the 
 third edifice erected by him.
 
 in New England. 137 
 
 " They have built two Chapels at about three hun- 
 dred paces from the village ; the one dedicated to 
 the most holy Virgin, & where may be seen her 
 Image in relief, is above the river ; the other dedi- 
 cated to the guardian Angel, is at the lower end of 
 the same river. Since they are both on the road 
 which leads either to the woods or into the open 
 country, the Savages never pass them without offer- 
 ing their prayer. There is a holy emulation among 
 the women of the Village as to who shall the better 
 decorate the Chapel, of which they have the care, 
 when the procession repairs thither. All that they 
 have, jewels, pieces of silk, or calico and other things 
 of that kind are used to adorn it. 
 
 "The abundance of light adds not a little to the 
 beauty of the church and Chapels; I have no need 
 to be saving of wax, as this country furnishes it to me 
 in abundance. The islands of the sea are bordered 
 with wild laurels, 1 which in autumn bear berries a 
 little like those of the Juniper. They fill their ket- 
 tles with them and boil them with water. As soon 
 as the water boils, the green wax rises & remains 
 on the surface of the water. From a measure of 
 three bushels of this berry, one obtains nearly four 
 
 *The bayberry. 
 
 18
 
 138 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 pounds of wax ; it is very pure and very good, but 
 neither soft nor manageable. After several attempts, 
 I have found that by mixing as much tallow, either 
 of beef, mutton or moose as of the wax, fine, hard & 
 serviceable candles may be made. With 24 pounds of 
 wax and as much tallow, one can make two hundred 
 long candles of more than a foot in length. One 
 finds an infinity of these laurels on the islands & 
 along the sea coast: A single person will easily pick 
 four measures in a day. The berry hangs like 
 grapes from the branches of the tree. I have sent a 
 branch to Quebec with a cake of wax : it has been 
 found excellent. 
 
 "None of my neophytes fail to repair twice a day to 
 the Church ; in the early morning to attend Mass, & 
 in the evenings to assist at the prayers which I offer 
 at sunset As it is necessary to fix the imagination 
 of the Savages, too easily distracted, I have com- 
 posed suitable prayers to make them enter into the 
 spirit of the August Sacrifice of our Altars ; they 
 chant them or properly recite them in a loud voice 
 during Mass. Besides the sermons that I give them 
 on Sundays & Holy Days, I scarcely allow a week day 
 to pass, without giving a short exhortation, to inspire 
 horror of the vices to which they are most inclined, or 
 to strengthen them in the practice of some virtue.
 
 in New England. 139 
 
 "After Mass I teach the Catechism to the children 
 and young people ; a large number of old per- 
 sons assist at this and reply with docility to the ques- 
 tions which I ask them. The rest of the morning 
 until noon, is devoted to hearing all who wish to 
 speak to me. It is then that they come in crowds to 
 make me share their pains and their inquietudes, or 
 to communicate to me subjects of complaint against 
 their countrymen, or to consult me about their mar- 
 riages, & other particular affairs. It is necessary for 
 me to instruct some, to console others, to re-establish 
 peace in families at variance, to calm troubled con- 
 sciences, to correct others by reproofs mingled with 
 gentleness and charity ; in short, as much as it is 
 possible, to render them all contented. 
 
 "After noon I visit the sick and go around among 
 the cabins of those who have need of particular in- 
 struction. If they hold a council, a frequent occur- 
 rence among the Savages, they depute one of the 
 principal men of the assembly, to beg me to assist at 
 the decision of their deliberations. I go as soon as 
 possible to the place where the council is being held; 
 if I judge that they are taking a wise course, I ap- 
 prove it ; if on the contrary I find anything to say, 
 against their decision, I declare to them my opinion, 
 which I support by solid reasons, & they conform to
 
 140 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 it. My advice always fixes their resolutions. They 
 do not even hold their feasts without inviting me ; 
 those invited bring each a dish of wood or bark : 
 I give the benediction on the food ; they put in each 
 dish the portion prepared. The distribution being 
 made, I say grace, & each retires ; because such is 
 the order & custom of their feasts. 
 
 "In the midst of these ceaseless occupations, you will 
 not find it difficult to understand with what rapidity 
 the days slip by. There has been a time when it was 
 with difficulty that I found time to recite my Office, 
 & to take a little repose during the night ; for dis- 
 cretion is not the virtue of the Savages. But for 
 some years I have made it a rule to speak to no one, 
 from the evening prayer until after Mass the next 
 morning, & I have forbidden them to interrupt me 
 during this time, unless it is for some important 
 reason, as for example, to assist a dying person, or 
 for some other affair which cannot be put off. I 
 employ this time to pray and to repose from the 
 fatigue of the day. 
 
 " When the Savages go to the seashore, to pass 
 some months hunting ducks, bustards & other birds 
 which are found there in great quantities, they build 
 on an island a Chapel which they cover with bark, 
 near which they prepare a little hut for my dwelling.
 
 in New England. 141 
 
 I take care to carry there part of the ornaments, & 
 the service is performed there with the same pro- 
 priety and the same crowds of people as at the 
 village. 
 
 " You see, my dear nephew, what are my occupa- 
 tions. For as to what regards me personally, I will 
 tell you that I only see, only hear, only speak to 
 Savages. My food is simple and light. I was never 
 able to adapt my taste to the meat & to the fish smoked 
 by the Savages ; my only nourishment is maize, 1 
 which they pound and of which I make every day, a 
 kind of pudding which I cook with water. 
 
 " The only sweetening which I have here, is to mix 
 with it a little sugar to correct the insipidity. This 
 is not wanting in these forests. In the spring time 
 the Maples hold in store a liquor similar to that which 
 the sugar cane of the Islands contains. The women 
 occupy themselves in collecting it in bark dishes, 
 when the trees distil it ; they boil it and obtain from 
 it a fairly good sugar. The first distilled is always 
 the best. 
 
 "All the Abnaki Nation is Christian, & very zealous 
 to preserve their Religion. This attachment to the 
 Catholic Faith, has made them up to this time choose 
 rather our alliance, to the advantages that they had 
 
 1 Bled de Turquie in the original.
 
 142 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 drawn from the alliance with the English their 
 neighbors. These advantages are very attractive to 
 our Savages ; the ease which they have of trading 
 with the English, from whom they are not farther 
 away, than a journey of one or two days, the con- 
 venience of the road, the great market which they 
 find for the purchase of the goods which suit them ; 
 nothing can be more capable of attracting them. In- 
 stead of which going to Quebec, more than fifteen 
 days are necessary to get there, besides they have to 
 provide provisions for the journey, while they have a 
 number of rivers to cross, and frequent portages to 
 make. They feel these inconveniences, & they are 
 not indifferent to their interests, but their faith is in- 
 finitely more dear, & they think that if they withdrew 
 themselves from our alliance, they would soon find 
 themselves without Missionary, without Sacraments, 
 without Sacrifice, without almost any exercise of 
 Religion, and in manifest danger of being plunged 
 again into their former infidelity. 
 
 " This is the tie which binds them to the French. 
 It has been tried in vain to break it, either by traps 
 which have been held out to their simplicity, or by 
 acts of trespass, which could not help irritating a 
 Nation infinitely zealous of its rights & of its liberty. 
 These beginnings of misunderstandings fail not to
 
 in New England. 143 
 
 alarm me, & make me fear the dispersion of the 
 flock, which Providence has confided to my care so 
 many years & for which I would willingly sacrifice 
 that which remains of my life. Observe the various 
 artifices which they employ to detach them from our 
 alliance. 
 
 " The Governor General of New England, several 
 years ago sent to the lower part of our river the most 
 able of the Ministers of Boston, for the purpose of 
 holding a school there, to instruct the children of the 
 Savages, & to maintain them at the expense of the 
 Government. As the allowance of the Minister was 
 to increase in proportion to the number of his 
 scholars, 1 he forgot nothing to draw them to him; he 
 went to find them ; he caressed them; he made them 
 little presents ; he pressed them to come and see him ; 
 in fine he gave himself up for two months to many 
 useless movements, without gaining a single child. 
 The contempt which they showed for his caresses & 
 his invitations did not repulse him; he addressed him- 
 self even to the Savages, he put to them various 
 
 1 This statement was without foundation in fact. 
 It was written to a man who could not verify its in- 
 correctness, for the sole purpose of belittling a 
 brother missionary, and making it appear that he 
 was governed in his self-sacrificing labors by mer- 
 cernary motives.
 
 144 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 questions touching their creed ; & upon the replies 
 which were made to him, he turned into ridicule the 
 Sacraments, Purgatory, the Invocation of Saints, 
 the Beads, the Crosses & Images, the lighting of 
 our Churches, & all the pious customs so sacredly 
 observed in the Catholic Religion. I believed it my 
 duty to oppose these first seeds of seduction; I wrote 
 a civil letter to the Minister, wherein I pointed out 
 to him that my Christians knew how to believe the 
 truths which the Catholic Faith teaches, but knew 
 not how to dispute about them ; that not being skill- 
 ful enough to solve the difficulties which he proposed, 
 he had apparently the design that they should be 
 communicated to me ; that I seized with pleasure 
 this opportunity, which he offered me to confer with 
 him either personally, or by letters ; that I would 
 send him with this a memorial which I prayed him 
 to read with serious attention. In this memorial 
 which was about a hundred pages, I proved by 
 Scripture, by tradition, & by theological reasons, the 
 truths which he had attacked by stale enough pleas- 
 antries. I added in finishing my letter to him, that 
 if he was not satisfied with my proofs, I would await 
 a refutation from him precise and supported by 
 theological reasons, & not by vague arguments which 
 proved nothing, still less by injurious reflections
 
 in New England. 145 
 
 which belonged neither to our profession, nor to the 
 importance of the matters with which he struggled. 
 Two days after having received my letter, he 
 started to return to Boston, & he sent me a short 
 reply, which I was obliged to read several times in 
 order to comprehend the sense, so obscure was the 
 style, & so extraordinary the latin. 1 
 
 best refutation of this is the fac simile por- 
 tion of the original letter here produced, revealing in 
 its neat handwriting the careful and painstaking 
 scholar that its author was ; the entire Latin letter in 
 the appendix, and the following translation of this 
 letter. 
 
 Reverend Sir: 
 
 I received your letter in which you say that per- 
 haps it will seem strange to me that you send me 
 this letter. Now I tell you frankly that if you 
 desire to have friendly intercourse with me, it will be 
 very acceptable to me. Let us send letters back and 
 forth freely. I wonder indeed that you who are 
 thought by some to be a man of exalted piety and 
 sanctity, write with so much feeling and without any 
 provocation or reason accuse me of being guilty of 
 deceit, and assert that you and others also know that 
 I am guilty. Yet you do not show and therefore it 
 is clear that you cannot show in what I am deceitful. 
 Is it not strange that you desire to frighten me from 
 laboring for the benefit of immortal souls ? Even 
 if the work is especially laborious and difficult, is it 
 not worth while to accomplish a very difficult and 
 
 '9
 
 146 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " 1 understood nevertheless by dint of reasoning, 
 that he complained that I attacked him without 
 
 laborious work in order to persuade men to flee to 
 Christ and walk in the way of salvation and thus 
 receive life everlasting? And what if there are not 
 with us magnificent furnishings and decoration of 
 churches and splendor and beauty of priestly robes 
 to attract the men of the forest! Neither were there 
 these things in the time of the Apostles to attract 
 the men to whom the Apostles were sent, and yet 
 they persuaded many to believe in Christ and receive 
 eternal life. Now it is clearly stated that the Gospel 
 or the word of God is the power of God unto salva- 
 tion (Rom. i. 1 6) and that it pleased God to save 
 men by the foolishness of preaching (i Cor. i. 21). 
 Although this is a work difficult of accomplishment 
 among men of the woods, still the love of Christ 
 and of souls constrains us. Although we do not 
 expect to merit salvation by accomplishing this work 
 - for after we have done all we can we are still un- 
 profitable servants (Luke 17. 10) and trust wholly in 
 the merits of Christ yet where the love of Christ 
 is, there is the desire to extend Christ's Kingdom, 
 and this desire moves men to accomplish a very 
 difficult and laborious work in persuading and bring- 
 ing men into the Kingdom of Christ. Hence your 
 arguments are puerile and ridiculous. 
 
 You say that you desire to answer for the men of 
 the forest, but it is not necessary for you to take that 
 labor upon yourself. I will work as I shall have 
 opportunity to bring them into the straight path of 
 salvation, and to give them satisfaction in all things. 
 If there is any hope that it will be for the benefit of
 
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 KAC SIMILE IN REDUCED SIZE OF LETTER OF REV. JOSEPH BAXTER,
 
 in New England. 147 
 
 reason ; that zeal for the salvation of souls had led 
 him to show the Savages the way to Heaven ; that 
 for the rest my proofs were ridiculous & childish. 
 Having sent him a second letter to Boston, in which 
 I pointed out the blunders in his, he answered me at 
 the end of two years without entering into the mat- 
 ter, that I had a jealous and critical spirit, & that 
 this was the mark of a temperament inclined to 
 anger. 1 
 
 you who ought to believe, and act and walk accord- 
 ing to the word of God which is the perfect rule of 
 doctrine and morals, I will cheerfully reply to your 
 arguments but your messenger says that he will 
 hasten to you to-morrow, and so I have not at this 
 time an opportunity of replying to your long letter. 
 
 Farewell, sir. 
 
 J. BAXTER. 
 
 To the Rev. Sebastian Rale in the town called 
 Norridgewock. 
 
 1 The following translation of this letter will con- 
 vince the reader that the overcritical priest did not 
 have the best of the argument, as he tries so ostenta- 
 tiously to make his kinsman believe. 
 
 Reverend Sir : 
 
 You doubtless take delight in fault finding and so 
 find fault with things that do not deserve censure, 
 and in your fault-finding you admit the truth of the 
 charges. For you say "You write English using 
 Latin words." In these very words, Sir, you contra- 
 dict yourself; for if any one uses Latin words, al-
 
 148 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 though not in a rhetorical manner, he still speaks 
 Latin, not English. Whoever speaks English, uses 
 English words. What if an expression has a decided 
 English ring, it is truly a Latin expression. 
 
 You say amicum is a substantive and cannot be an 
 adjective, but you are not correct. It is most cer- 
 tainly used by Latin writers as an adjective in the 
 following : amicus animus ; vale, lumen amicum & 
 humor pratis amicus &c. 
 
 You say commercium (intercourse) in this sense is 
 a foreign or unpolished word. But who will believe 
 your statement without proof. Ipse dixit has no 
 weight. 
 
 Concerning many other things also you say, " they 
 are not Latin but foreign." Your opinion is of no 
 avail. Most certainly such words are used by Latin 
 writers. 
 
 You say, " merere is a solecism ; that verb is de- 
 ponent not active ; write merer i? Learned men, 
 however, say it is given, mereo, merere, as well as 
 mereor, mereri. Merere culpam in the infinitive is a 
 Latin expression and so merere salutem, &c. 
 
 You say " mola (mill) is a stone not a building." 
 Learned men, however, say that mo la is the building 
 and the stone that is placed in the mill (in mola) is 
 the mill-stone (lapis molares). 
 
 You say " domus has in the accusative plural domos 
 not domus" but why has it not both domos and 
 domus ? 
 
 You also find fault with many other things that are 
 not to be blamed, and if I were to imitate you, I might 
 say " You a minister ! You, a member of the Society 
 of Jesus, and not know these things ! " You say that 
 my words are unintelligible. Why, pray, are you ig- 
 norant of words often used by Latin writers ? But
 
 in New England. 149 
 
 I prefer to follow the example of Christ who when he 
 was reviled, reviled not again ; when he suffered 
 threatened not, &c. (i Pet. 2. 23), and I will also give 
 heed to the warning or command in Proverbs 26. 4, 
 " answer not a fool according to his folly lest thou 
 also be like unto him." 
 
 It is clearly evident that you find fault with many 
 expressions that ought not to be criticized. I grant 
 that there are errors in my writing which I wrote very 
 hurriedly, viz. : Existimaris virtim for yin, movent 
 for movet, &c. In your writings also there are many 
 errors, although you were, as you say, a Professor of 
 Rhetoric and Greek in the city of Nismes. 
 
 I was never Professor of Rhetoric and yet I see 
 errors. How many errors then might a critic and a 
 very learned man find in your letters? Moreover in 
 the letter which you wrote in a most boastful strain, 
 you falsely accused me in saying, " you boast among 
 the men of the forest that you know Latin very well," 
 for I have never spoken a single word to them about 
 Latin, but you were especially boastful in your second 
 letter and yet in that you wrote intelligit et accurate 
 scribit Latina. Even in this expression you do not 
 write Latin accurately, for the accusative case follows 
 the verb scribit. You ought to have written accurate 
 scribit linguam Latinam or accurate scribit Latine. 
 
 o 
 
 You also wrote ut emendatur in scolis. Scolus is a 
 mountain in Baeotia and a town in Macedonia. You 
 should have written in scholis. You also wrote sub- 
 stantium et adjectium. No such Latin words are 
 given. You ought to have written substantivum et 
 adjectivum. You wrote "you do not quote Paul 
 faithfully. Paul says ' for it is the virtue of God unto 
 salvation to every one that believeth'" (omni cre- 
 dendi). If I were to imitate you I might say " What
 
 150 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 do you mean by these words omni credendif You 
 should have written " for it is the power of God unto 
 salvation to every one that believeth " (cuivis cre- 
 dentt). 
 
 You wrote merere est sollescismus. What do you 
 mean by this word ? No such word is given among 
 the learned. They write soloecismus. Your solles- 
 cismus is indeed a solecism. 
 
 I might speak of many other things and exclaim 
 "Your words are foreign and unintelligible, &c.,"but 
 of what use are such exclamations ? 1 will not imi- 
 tate you. I see that you are moved by anger and I 
 would not provoke you. I exhort you in the words 
 of the Apostle (Eph. 426-27) : " Let not the sun go 
 down upon your wrath, neither give place to the 
 devil," and in verse 31 : " Let all bitterness and 
 wrath and anger and clamor and evil speaking be 
 put away from you with all malice." It is written in 
 Tit. i. 7, " For a bishop must be blameless as the 
 steward of God ; not self-willed, not soon angry, 
 &c.," and in Eccles. 7. 9, " Be not hasty in thy spirit 
 to be angry ; for anger resteth in the bosom of 
 fools." 
 
 You say, " Is this conclusion of yours correctly 
 drawn : I have not made known to you, and there- 
 fore I cannot make known in what you are deceit- 
 ful." I reply: "Indeed the inference is rightly 
 made and it is proved thus : if you had been able to 
 show it you would certainly have made it known, for 
 you were very angry with me and earnestly desired to 
 show that I was at fault. 
 
 You have taken this upon yourself, viz.: to prove 
 that I am deceitful, in the following manner : ist : 
 You say " I have shown openly and have made it 
 clearer than light that you (plural) neither have nor
 
 in New England. 151 
 
 follow the correct standard of religious belief and 
 that no one among you is able to make answer to 
 arguments that assert this. Therefore by endeavor- 
 ing to persuade a different rule of faith upon the 
 men of the forest you become an unfaithful custo- 
 dian of their souls and aim to plunge them more 
 deeply into hell." I reply that you have not proved 
 this nor can any of you prove it. How often have 
 professors of the reformed religion made answer to 
 all your arguments and shown them to be empty ! 
 I was not unfaithful for all my teachings were in har- 
 mony with the Holy Scriptures which teach nothing 
 except truth and right. 2d : The men of the forest 
 say " The Englishman is very eager to be able to 
 teach our children letters and under cover of letters 
 gradually to persuade them all to embrace the Angli- 
 can faith when'they are men, and being thus united in 
 faith and friendship, no further war may break out 
 between them, &c." If the men of the forest say 
 this, I think you first said it for them. I have never 
 heard them speak in this way. Some of them speak 
 differently. But whoever says this, only substitutes 
 it fraudulently for the truth, and neither fraudulent 
 substitution nor a foolish imagination proves the 
 thing. 
 
 You say: " I know that you cannot present formal 
 arguments," but how do you know it ? Afterwards 
 you say " Your replies to theological arguments are 
 circumlocutions, &c.," but how do you know this? 
 You have never, I think, seen my replies to any 
 theological arguments. I did not reply to such argu- 
 ments in the letter I sent you and because I did not, 
 you seem to draw this conclusion, viz.: that I cannot 
 reply to any formal arguments. The arguments of 
 which I spoke are contained in the opening of your
 
 152 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 long letter where it is stated: " Fifty years ago some 
 of the men of the woods went to the city of Quebec 
 to make purchases. When, however, they saw the 
 furnishings of the churches, the priests clad in their 
 priestly robes performing the sacred rites, and others 
 richly clad waiting upon them, and the ceremonies 
 performed by them, &c., they were so moved by 
 these things as to be carried away in admiration. 
 With you, however, they would not be moved by the 
 magnificent furnishings and ornaments of your 
 churches, &c." These are not theological argu- 
 ments, only argumenta ad homines, and certainly what 
 you say is more pleasing to boys than to men. 
 In such words you do not present formal argu- 
 ments. 
 
 You pride yourself very much on the statement, 
 "In the course of my letter there are many argu- 
 ments thorny, pungent, &c. I say and maintain that 
 neither you nor any one of you can answer them." 
 But is it not written in Proverbs 27. 2, " Let another 
 man praise thee, not thine own mouth ; a stranger, 
 and not thine own lips," and in i Kings 20. n, " Let 
 not him that girdeth on his harness boast himself as 
 he that putteth it off." There are many of us who 
 can reply to your arguments and show them to be 
 empty and vain. Although you say that I will not 
 find that you speak in anger, still I have found that 
 you speak in anger and write in bitterness, not only 
 in the letters you sent me, but also in the one you 
 wrote our governor. It is said in Proverbs 22. 24, 
 " Make no friendship with an angry man," and in 
 Proverbs 29. 20, " Seest thou a man that is hasty in 
 his words ? There is more hope of a fool than of 
 him." When all bitterness and wrath and anger are 
 put aside by you, and you receive with meekness the
 
 in New England. 153 
 
 " Thus ended our dispute which sent away the 
 Minister, & which rendered abortive the project 
 that he had formed of seducing my Neophytes. 
 
 " This first attempt having had so little success, 
 they had recourse to another artifice. 1 An Eng- 
 lishman asked permission of the Savages to build 
 on their river a kind of storehouse, to trade there 
 with them, & he promised to sell them goods at 
 a much greater bargain, than they had bought them 
 even at Boston. The Savages who would find it 
 for their profit, & who would save the trouble of 
 a journey to Boston, consented to this willingly. 
 Another Englishman asked soon after the same 
 
 ungrafted word which is able to save your soul, I will 
 answer your arguments. 
 
 Farewell, sir, 
 
 I am yours, 
 
 J. BAXTER. 
 
 (The Latin of this letter may be found in the ap- 
 pendix.) 
 
 1 Trading posts, or truck-houses, as they were 
 called, had been established among the Abnakis long 
 before the arrival of Rale among them, and were 
 purely mercantile enterprises, which were alike bene- 
 ficial to both buyer and seller, except in instances 
 where rum was sold to the savages by unprincipled 
 traders, to the scandal of the authorities and more 
 thoughtful men of New England, who were not slow 
 in condemning it, but powerless to prevent it. 
 
 20
 
 154 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 permission, offering conditions even more favor- 
 able than the first. It was accorded him equally. 
 This readiness of the Savages emboldened the 
 English to establish themselves along the river, 
 without asking permission ; they built houses 
 there, & raised forts of which three were of stone. 
 This proximity of the English gave at first pleas- 
 ure enough to the Savages, who did not perceive 
 the trap which they laid for them, & who only 
 looked at the pleasure which they had, in finding 
 their new guests all that they could desire. 
 
 " But at last, perceiving themselves insensibly as 
 it were, surrounded by the habitations of the Eng- 
 lish, they began to open their eyes, & to enter- 
 tain distrust. They asked the English by what 
 right they had established themselves on their 
 lands, & even built forts there. The reply which 
 was made them, that the King of France had 
 ceded their country to the King of England, threw 
 them into great alarm ; for there is no Savage 
 Nation, which does not suffer impatiently what they 
 regard as subjection to any Power whatever it may 
 be ; they will be called allies and nothing more. 
 This is why the Savages immediately sent some of 
 their number, to M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil, Gov- 
 ernor General of New France, to learn if it were
 
 in New England. 155 
 
 true, that in effect the King had thus disposed of a 
 country of which he was not the master. It was not 
 difficult to calm their inquietude ; it was only neces- 
 sary to explain to them the articles of the treaty of 
 Utrecht which concerned the Savages, & they de- 
 parted content. 1 
 
 1 It would indeed be interesting to know the ex- 
 act words in which the wily Vaudreuil made this im- 
 possible explanation. One has only to turn to the 
 French king's patent conveying Acadia to De Monts 
 in 1603, to see just what the French had always 
 claimed as belonging to them prior to the cession of 
 their claims to the English by the treaty of Utrecht. 
 This patent defined Acadia as comprising all the 
 territory between the forty-third and forty-sixth par- 
 allels of latitude, and empowered De Monts to 
 " establish the authority of the French king and 
 thereunto subject, cause to submit and obey, all the peo- 
 ple of said land" The treaty of Utrecht conveyed 
 Acadia to the English "by its ancient limits / " that 
 is, as described in the patent of De Monts, as well 
 as all the rights which they possessed therein ; yet, 
 it would seem by this statement of Rale, that the 
 French governor was so skillful in the use of words as 
 to be able to send the anxious and jealous savages 
 away, satisfied with the French, who had conveyed 
 Acadia to the English by solemn treaty, and inflamed 
 against the English who had received the conveyance, 
 of ;Gerard's Peace of Utrecht, Bolari's Importance 
 and Advantage of Cape Breton ; The Hardwicke 
 Papers, and the Actes, Memoires, etc., concernant 
 la paix d' Utrecht. Also, me'moire pour servir
 
 156 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " About this time a score of Savages entered into 
 one of the English houses, to trade or to rest. They 
 had been there but a short time, when they saw the 
 house suddenly surrounded by a troop of nearly two 
 hundred armed men. We are dead men suddenly cried 
 one of them, let us sell our lives dearly. They pre- 
 pared to throw themselves upon this troop, when the 
 English perceiving their resolution, & knowing be- 
 sides of what the Savage is capable in the first access 
 of fury, strove to pacify them, by assuring them that 
 they had no evil designs, & that they had come only 
 to invite some of them to go to Boston, to confer 
 there with the Governor, on the means of keeping 
 peace and good understanding, which should exist 
 between the two Nations. The Savages a little too 
 credulous, deputed four of their fellow countrymen 
 who repaired to Boston ; but when they arrived 
 there, the conference with which they were diverted, 
 ends in retaining them prisoners. 1 
 
 d'eclaricissementsur le droit que les fran^ois ont dans 
 le propriete des pays de I'Amerique Septentrionale 
 de L'Accadie depuis Pentagouet jusque a la Riviere 
 de quinibequi. 
 
 1 Rale does not agree with himself in relating this 
 transaction. The evidence is clear that these men 
 were voluntarily delivered to the English as hostages, 
 and were so recognized by both parties in their cor-
 
 in New England. 157 
 
 " You will doubtless be surprised that so small a 
 handful of Savages, should pretend to make head 
 against a troop so numerous as that of the English. 
 But our Savages have done an infinitude of deeds 
 which are much more hardy. I will relate to you 
 one only from which you may judge the others. 
 
 "During the last wars, a party of thirty Savages 
 returned from a military expedition against the 
 English. As the Savages, & above all the Ab- 
 nakis, do not know what it is to put themselves on 
 their guard against surprises ; they fell asleep at 
 the first resting place, without even thinking to post 
 a sentinel during the night. A party of six hundred 
 English, commanded by a Colonel, followed them to 
 their Encampment, & finding them plunged in sleep, 
 surrounded them with his force, resolving that not 
 one of them should escape him. One of the Sav- 
 ages being awakened, & having perceived the Eng- 
 lish troops, suddenly warned his Companions, crying 
 
 respondence. Vaudreuil and Begon, as well as 
 others on the French side, always denominated 
 them otages, and a reference to Rale's correspondence, 
 a portion of which will be found in Note i, p. 161, will 
 show that Rale fully understood the transaction, 
 and reported it to the French governor quite accu- 
 rately; yet in this familiar letter to his nephew, he 
 places the transaction in very different light.
 
 158 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 according to custom, we are dead men let us sell our- 
 selves dearly. 
 
 " The resolution was immediately taken ; they 
 formed on the instant, six little platoons of five men 
 each ; then with hatchet in one hand & knife in the 
 other, they threw themselves on the English with 
 such impetuosity & fury, that after having killed 
 more than sixty men, among whom was the Colonel, 
 they put the rest to flight. 1 
 
 " The Abnakis no sooner learned in what way 
 their comrades were treated in JBoston, than they com- 
 plained bitterly of this, that in the midst of the peace 
 in which they rejoiced, the right of the nation was 
 violated to the utmost. The English replied that 
 they only retained the prisoners as hostages for the 
 wrong which had been done them, in killing several 
 cattle which belonged to them ; that as soon as they 
 
 1 One can hardly understand how Rale could have 
 listened to this boastful story, and then have gravely 
 recorded it as true. Neither Englishmen nor French- 
 men shrunk from encountering bodies of savages 
 outnumbering them ; indeed, the European ever 
 held the prowess of the savage in contempt, except 
 when he was in ambush or hidden by the shadows of 
 night. In a fair fight he was no match for the civil- 
 ized man, yet Rale would have his nephew believe 
 that the English were a race of cowards. History 
 renders a sufficient answer to this.
 
 in New England. 159 
 
 would repay this damage, which amounted to 200 
 pounds of Beaver, the prisoners would be released. 
 Although the Abnakis were not convinced of this 
 pretended damage, they did not omit to pay the 200 
 pounds of Beaver, not wishing that for so small a 
 thing, they could be reproached for having aban- 
 doned their brothers. Meanwhile, notwithstanding 
 the payment of the disputed debt, they refused to 
 liberate their prisoners. 
 
 " The Governor of Boston, fearing that this refusal 
 would force the Savages to venture upon a bold 
 stroke, proposed to treat this affair amicably in a 
 conference ; they agreed on the day & the place 
 where it should be held ; the savages repaired there 
 with P. Rale, their Missionary ; the Pere de la 
 Chasse, Superior General of these Missions, who was 
 then making his visit, was there also, but M. the 
 Governor did not appear. The Savages argued ill 
 from his absence. 1 They formed the resolution to 
 
 1 Shute well answered this in a letter to Vau- 
 dreuil, April 23, 1722, as follows: " They have also 
 misinformed you in saying that I had appointed to 
 meet them the last year ; for, on the contrary, I sent 
 them word by an express that some of the principal 
 gentlemen of this government would see and treat 
 with them at Arrowsick, who accordingly went 
 thither, but finding no Indians, returned."
 
 160 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 make him understand their sentiments by a letter 
 written in the savage tongue, in English & in 
 Latin ; & the Pere de la Chasse, who understood 
 these three languages, was appointed to write it. It 
 seemed useless to use any other than the English 
 language, but the Father was very glad, because on 
 the one hand the Savages would know themselves, 
 that the letter contained nothing but what they had 
 dictated ; & on the other, the English could not 
 doubt that the English translation was faithful. The 
 sense of this letter was ist., That the Savages could 
 not comprehend why their fellow countrymen were 
 held after a promise had been given to return them 
 as soon as 200 pounds of Beaver were paid ; 2nd., 
 That they were not less surprised to see that their 
 country was seized upon without their consent; 3rd, 
 That the English should leave it as soon as possible 
 & set at large their prisoners ; that they would ex- 
 pect their reply within two months, & that if after 
 that time they refused to satisfy them, they knew 
 well how to get justice. 
 
 " It was in the month of July of the year 1721 that 
 this letter was carried to Boston by some English- 
 men who had assisted at the Conference. As the 
 two months rolled by without a reply from Boston, 
 & besides, the English ceased to sell powder, shot,
 
 in New England. 161 
 
 & food to the Abnakis as they had done before 
 this trouble ; our Savages prepared to make reprisal. 
 It needed all the influence of M. la Marquis de Vau- 
 dreuil upon their minds, to make them suspend for 
 a while the vows already made. 1 But their patience 
 was at last pushed to the extreme, by two acts of 
 hostility which the English committed at the end of 
 December of the year 1721, & in the beginning of 
 the year 1722. The first was the seizure of M. de 
 St. Castin. This officer is Lieutenant in our troops ; 
 his mother was an Abnaki & he has always lived 
 with our Savages, among whom he has so merited 
 their esteem and confidence that they have chosen 
 him for their Commander General ; in this capacity 
 he could not help assisting at the conference at 
 which I spoke, where he endeavored to regulate the 
 interests of the Abnakis his brethren. 
 
 1 Rale's report of this sham conference, planned 
 and arranged most artfully by himself, de la Chasse 
 and Vaudreuil, when compared with Vaudreuil and 
 Begon's report, which fortunately has recently come 
 to light and is printed in note i, page 1 10, shows well 
 his method of writing history. As for Vaudreuil's 
 magnanimity in striving to prevent the savages from 
 attacking the English, it did not exist, as Rale's cor- 
 respondence with him shows. Let us examine some 
 of the French correspondence bearing on the sub- 
 ject. In a report made to the Duke of Orleans by
 
 1 62 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 11 The English thought it a crime ; they dispatched 
 a small Vessel towards the place of his abode. The 
 captain took pains to conceal him, and with the ex- 
 
 P6re Charlevoix, Oct. 29 1720, after treating of the 
 limits of Acadia, Charlevoix relates a conference be- 
 tween Vaudreuil and the savages of Norridgewock. 
 The latter complained to him respecting the terms of 
 the peace made by the French with the English, when 
 he replied, " My children, I will send you underhand, 
 sans mains, hatchets, powder and lead. ' Is it thus, 
 then,' replied the savage, ' that the father helps his 
 children, and have we helped thee in this fashion?' 
 'A father,' he added/ when he sees his son contending 
 with an enemy stronger than himself, comes forward, 
 makes his son withdraw and tells the enemy that it is 
 with him that he has to deal.' ' Eh bien, my chil- 
 dren,' said Monsieur, the Governor, ' I will engage 
 the other savage nations to help you.' To these 
 words the deputies with a mocking laugh replied : 
 ' Know that whenever we all wish, inasmuch as we 
 are of the nations of this vast continent, we will unite 
 together to drive out of it all foreigners, whoever 
 they may be." 
 
 ''This declaration surprised Monsieur de Vau- 
 dreuil, who, to quiet them, protested that rather than 
 abandon them to the mercy of the English, he would 
 march himself to their aid. * * * Monsieur 
 the Marquis de Vaudreuil asserts that he has among 
 the Abnakis of Norridgewock, an accredited man, 
 ' homme accredited who is wholly devoted to him. 
 Monsieur Begon is of the opinion that it is necessary 
 that some rattle brain of the savages should strike a 
 blow at the English which should bring about war."
 
 in New England. 163 
 
 ception of two or three men whom he left on deck, 
 they invited M. de St. Castin, among whom he was 
 well known, to come on board to refresh himself. 
 
 This state of affairs continued, and on the 8th of 
 June, 1721, Vaudreuil and Begon were informed by 
 the king that he was satisfied with Rale's efforts to 
 incite the savages against the English 
 
 On the 8th of October, Vaudreuil and Begon re- 
 ported to the king what had taken place in Canada for 
 several months past. Although this report is given 
 in the original French under note i, page no, it may 
 not be considered out of place to translate a portion 
 of it here. Vaudreuil and Begon reported that they 
 had been informed by Rale, that upon the representa- 
 tions he had made to the savages not to permit 
 English settlements on the lower Kennebec, they 
 had during the past two years killed a large number 
 of the settlers' cattle ; but that there had grown up 
 a peace party, whose sentiments had so far pre- 
 vailed, as to cause the tribe to send four hostages to 
 Boston. 
 
 Rale had also, they say, informed them "that the 
 English having appointed a conference to engage the 
 rest of the village to permit their settlement, it was 
 necessary that in this conference the party of the 
 Savages well intentioned ; i that is, the war party,' 
 should be the more numerous, in order to compel those 
 who had been gained by the English to return to their 
 former feeling, so that they should all together speak 
 emphatically to the English to oblige them to retire from 
 their lands'' In other words, Rale deemed it neces- 
 sary to pack the conference with men whom he had 
 encouraged to make war upon the English, which
 
 164 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 M. de St. Castin, who had no reason for holding 
 himself on the defensive, went alone & unat- 
 tended. But hardly had he appeared there when 
 
 with his greater skill in diplomacy he could easily 
 accomplish. 
 
 The report continues, that as Rale fears that others 
 of the war party may be won over by the English, 
 "he has engaged six Savages to come here" that is to 
 Quebec, "to invite the Abnakis and the Hurons of 
 Lorctte to Jind themselves at the conference. To 
 facilitate the success of this invitation, the Sieur de 
 Vaiidreuil has brought them to the villages of St. 
 Francis and Bdcancourt, who have explained how much 
 the enterprise of the English was prejudicial to the in- 
 terests of the nation. The Sieur de Vaudreuil has 
 let them know that it was important that the English- 
 man may see for himself that he will draw them all 
 against him. 
 
 " These two villages agreed to send to this conference 
 three canoes from St. Francis and three from B ^can- 
 court to which is to be joined a canoe of the Hurons of 
 Lorette. 
 
 "He has thought it also his duty to engage with them, 
 the Father de la C/iasse, Superior of the Jesuits, who 
 having been for 20 years missionary of the three 
 Abnaki villages of Acadia, knows them well. 
 
 " This Father went first to Norridgewock and after 
 having brought all the savages of that nation to one 
 mind, he invited the savages of the village of Penobscot, 
 from whence he also notified those of Medocteh and 
 Pemondaki. 
 
 "He returned immediately to Norridgewock, accom- 
 panied by more than 100 savages of Penobscot, and
 
 in New England. 165 
 
 they seized & carried him to Boston. There they 
 cross-questioned him & interrogated him like a 
 criminal. Among other things they asked him why 
 
 deputies f row the villages of Medocteh and Pemondaky. 
 He also made those of Piscataqua come, who are near- 
 est to the English on the coast of Boston. 
 
 " These Savages thus assembled and to the number of 
 250 who represented all the Abnaki nation and their 
 allies, after having taken counsel, presented themselves 
 the 2%t/i of July last, armed before the English fort of 
 Menaskous where the conference was appointed." On 
 the loth of November, Vaudreuil in another letter to 
 the Council of State, says, that he " is persuaded that 
 if his Majesty permits him to join t/ie French with the 
 Abnakis, the English will be forced to abandon all the 
 settlements which they have on the lands of these Sav- 
 ages, he feels certain of the result by the long experience 
 that he has, that the Abnakis supported by the French 
 have always made the English tremble, who have been 
 obliged in the last war to abandon nearly a hundred 
 leagues of country" 
 
 It is unnecessary to quote from the French corre- 
 spondence at greater length to show how far from the 
 true picture is this which Rale presents to his 
 nephew. Charlevoix's account of this conference so 
 artfully prepared by Vaudreuil, Rale and de la 
 Chasse, presents an equally false picture to the world, 
 and should be carefully compared with the detailed 
 reports of Vaudreuil and Begon to the French govern- 
 ment. Vide Collection de Manuscrits, etc., vol. 3, 
 pp. 49-70, et passim; Histoireet Description Generale 
 de la Nouvelle France, etc., a Paris MDCCXLIV, 
 Tome quatrieme, pp. 113-115.
 
 1 66 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 & in what capacity he had assisted at the confer- 
 ence which was held among the Savages ; what was 
 signified by the Military uniform in which he was 
 clothed ; & if he had been sent to that assembly by 
 the Governor of Canada. M. de St. Castin replied 
 that he was an Abnaki on his mother's side ; that he 
 had passed his life among the Savages ; that his 
 Countrymen having chosen him Chief of their Nation, 
 he was obliged to enter into their assemblies to sup- 
 port their interests ; that it was in this capacity alone 
 that he had assisted at the last conference ; as for 
 the rest the coat which he wore was not a Military 
 uniform, as they thought it ; that in truth, it was his 
 own & well enough decorated, but was not above 
 his rank, even independent of the honor which he 
 had in being an Officer in our troops. 
 
 " M. our Governor, having learned of the detention 
 of M. de St. Castin, wrote at once to the Governor 
 of Boston to make complaint. 
 
 " He received no reply to his letter. But near the 
 time the English Governor expected to receive a 
 second, he restored liberty to his prisoner, after 
 having kept him confined during five months. 
 
 ' The enterprise of the English against myself, was 
 the second act of hostility, which served to irritate 
 to excess the Abnaki Nation. A missionary could
 
 in New England. 167 
 
 not fail to be an object of hatred to these Gentlemen. 
 The love of Religion, which he strives to engrave in 
 the hearts of the Savages, holds these Neophytes 
 strongly to our alliance, and alienates them from that 
 of the English. 
 
 " They also regard me as an invincible obstacle to 
 the design which they have to spread themselves 
 over the Abnakis' territory, & little by little to 
 seize the continent which is between New England 
 and Acadia. They have often sought to carry me 
 off from my flock, & more than once my head has 
 been put on sale. 1 It was toward the end of Janu- 
 ary in the year 1722, that they made a new attempt, 
 
 1 Charlevoix, who almost literally quotes Rale, 
 says : "They set a price on his head and promised a 
 thousand pounds sterling to anyone who brought it 
 to them." Our own writers have copied and re- 
 peated this without taking the trouble to ascertain 
 the facts relative to the transaction. This statement 
 of Charlevoix fairly exhibits the percentage of truth 
 to be found in his entertaining history. The follow- 
 ing is the act which passed the General Assembly 
 July 13, 1720: " This court being credibly informed 
 that Mons. Ralle, the Jesuit, residing among the 
 Eastern Indians, has not only, on several occasions 
 of late, affronted His Majesty's government of this 
 Province, but has also been the incendiary that has 
 instigated and stirred up those Indians to treat His 
 Majesty's subjects settling there in the abusive, in- 
 solent, hostile manner that they have done.
 
 1 68 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 which had no other success than to show their ill 
 will in regard to me. 
 
 " I had remained alone in the village with a small 
 number of the old and infirm, while the rest of the 
 savages were off hunting. The time seemed favor- 
 able to them to surprise me, & with this in view 
 they sent out a detachment of 200 men. Two young 
 Abnakis who were hunting on the seashore, learned 
 that the English had entered the river ; they im- 
 mediately turned their steps that way in order to 
 watch their progress ; having perceived them at 
 ten leagues from the village, they outran them in 
 crossing the country to give me warning, & to 
 cause the old men, women & children to retire in 
 haste. 
 
 " I had but time to swallow the consecrated Wafers, 
 to put the holy Vessels into a little chest, & to save 
 
 "Resolved, That a premium of One Hundred 
 Pounds be allowed and paid out of the Public 
 Treasury to any person that shall apprehend the 
 s d Jesuit within any part of this Province and bring 
 him to Boston and render him to justice." 
 
 It will be seen that no price was put upon his head, 
 and that the sum offered was one-tenth the sum 
 Rale and Charlevoix state it to have been. (Vide 
 Shea's Charlevoix, New York, 1871, vol. 5, p. 
 275 ; Council Records, Massachusetts Archives, vol. 
 8, p. 71.)
 
 in New England. 169 
 
 myself in the woods. The English arrived in the 
 evening at the Village, & not having found me, they 
 came the next day to search for me, even to the 
 place of our retreat. They were in gunshot when we 
 discovered them ; all that I could do, was to bury 
 myself in haste in the depths of the forest. But as I 
 had not the time to ,take my snowshoes & besides 
 as there remained to me considerable weakness from a 
 fall from which several years since I had a broken leg 
 & thigh, it was impossible for me to fly very far. 
 The only resource left me, was to conceal myself be- 
 hind a tree. They immediately traversed the differ- 
 ent paths made by the Savages, when they went to 
 gather wood, & when they came within eight steps 
 of the tree which concealed & where naturally they 
 ought to have seen me, as the trees were stripped of 
 leaves ; still as if they had been restrained by an in- 
 visible hand, they all at once retraced their steps & 
 repaired again to the village. 
 
 "It was thus as by an especial protection of God 
 that I escaped their hands. They pillaged my 
 Church & my little dwelling, whereby they almost 
 reduced me to death by hunger in the midst of the 
 woods. It is true that when they knew of my ad- 
 venture at Quebec, they immediately sent me pro- 
 visions, but they could not arrive until very late, & dur-
 
 1 70 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 ing that time I found myself deprived of all succor 
 and in extreme need. 
 
 " These repeated insults made the Savages judge 
 that they had no further answer to expect, & that 
 it was time to repel violence, & to make open force 
 succeed peaceful negotiations. On returning from 
 the hunt, & after having sown their lands they 
 took the resolution to destroy the newly constructed 
 dwellings of the English and to remove far from them 
 these unquiet & redoubtable guests, who little by little 
 encroached on their lands & who meditated enslav- 
 ing them. They sent a deputation into the differ- 
 ent villages of the Savages, to interest them in their 
 cause & to engage them to lend a hand in the 
 necessity wherein they were making a just defence. 
 The deputation was successful. They chanted the 
 war among the Hurons of Lorette, & in all the vil- 
 lages of the Abnaki Nations. Norridgewock was the 
 place designed for the assembling of the Warriors, 
 that they might concert their plans together. Mean- 
 while the Norridgewockians descended the river; ar- 
 rived at its mouth, they seized three or four little Ves- 
 sels belonging to the English. Then reascending 
 the same river they pillaged and burned the new 
 houses which the English had built. They ab- 
 stained nevertheless from all violence toward the in-
 
 in New England. 171 
 
 habitants ; they even permitted them to withdraw to 
 their people, excepting five whom they retained as 
 hostages until their countrymen had been given up 
 who were detained in the prisons of Boston. 
 
 " This moderation of the Savages had not the effect 
 which they hoped ; on the contrary a party of Eng- 
 lish having found sixteen Abnakis sleeping on an 
 Island, made a general discharge on them, by which 
 five were killed and three wounded. 1 
 
 " This is the new signal of the war, which is being 
 lighted between the English and the Savages. The 
 latter expected no help from the French, because of 
 the peace which reigns between the two Nations ; 
 but they have one resource in all the other Savage 
 Nations, who will not fail to enter into their quarrel, 
 and to take up their defense 
 
 " My Neophytes, touched by the peril in which I 
 found myself exposed in their Village, often press 
 me to retire for a while to Quebec. But what will 
 become of the flock, if it is deprived of its Shepherd ? 
 There is nothing but death that can seperate me 
 from it. They have well represented to me, that in 
 
 ! This relates to Harmon's act at Pleasant Point 
 and is another strange perversion of facts, perhaps 
 caused by a too ready confidence in savage ra- 
 conteurs.
 
 I 72 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 case I should fall into the power of their enemies, 
 the least that can befall me is to languish the rest of 
 my life in a hard prison ; I close their mouths with 
 the words of the Apostle, which Divine goodness 
 has engraved deep in my heart, " Do not trouble 
 yourselves, I say to them as to what regards me ; I 
 fear not the threats of those who hate me without a 
 cause & / count not my life dear unto myself that I 
 might finish my course, & the ministry which I have 
 received of the Lord Jesus. Pray him my dear 
 Nephew that he will strengthen in me this senti- 
 ment which springs only from his mercy, to the 
 end I may live and die without ceasing to labor for 
 the salvation of these neglected souls, which are the 
 price of his Blood, & which he has deigned to com- 
 mit to my care. 
 
 11 1 am, &c." 
 
 We can but admire the calm reliance of Rale 
 upon the protection of a higher power, and his en- 
 tire devotion to what he considered his duty. The 
 spirit which he exhibits in his religious work largely 
 compensates for his arrogant assumptions of superi- 
 ority over religious workers in other fields, and the 
 weakness which he displays in recounting the prow- 
 ess of his savage people, and accepting their rela- 
 tions of transactions with the English as facts to be
 
 in New England. 1 73 
 
 recorded as history. Nor, regarding him as a fal- 
 lible Christian of a fallible age, should we be sur- 
 prised that he did not love the English, though as a 
 disciple of Christ, we should admire him more if he 
 had displayed more charity toward them. This lack, 
 however, was to prove his bane. He had taken the 
 sword figuratively, and was to perish by it. 
 
 In the winter of 1723, another expedition against 
 Norridgewock was planned. It was led by the in- 
 trepid Harmon, but he found the country impassable, 
 and returned to camp without accomplishing his pur- 
 pose. This failure but strengthened the self-confi- 
 dence of the savages, and increased their audacity. 
 The Rev. Joseph Willard was surprised on the high- 
 way and killed after a struggle in which he manfully 
 defended his life. 1 The Abnaki converts had killed 
 three of New England's Christian pastors, who had 
 
 1 He was a graduate of Yale College, in 1714, 
 and was settled in the ministry at Southerland for 
 several years after leaving college. In the summer 
 of 1721 he moved to Rutland. On the i4th of Au- 
 gust, 1723, a party of five savages fell upon Deacon 
 Joseph Stevens and his four sons while making hay 
 on their farm at Rutland. Two of the sons were 
 killed, and two made prisoners ; but the father es- 
 caped by concealing himself in some bushes. Two 
 of the savages then concealed themselves in ambush 
 to surprise some other haymakers in the vicinity, but
 
 1 74 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 taken no part in the war, nor done anything to make 
 themselves conspicuous. To many it seemed as if 
 the war was a religious one, and that the cause of it 
 could be traced to the Jesuit missions, established 
 in defiance of a law of England, which prohibited 
 even the residence of a Jesuit within her territorial 
 possessions. 
 
 Rale and Lauverjeat, his confrere on the Penob- 
 scot, were certainly encouraging their neophytes in 
 the war, and glorying in their successes. About this 
 time he penned the following interesting letter to 
 his brother in France. 1 - 
 
 "At Nanrantsouak, this i2th. of October 1723. 
 " Monsieur and very dear brother : 
 " The peace of Our Lord : 
 
 " I can no longer refuse the kind requests which 
 you make me in all your letters, to inform you a 
 little in detail of my occupations and of the charac- 
 
 not wanting to be too long separated from their 
 companions, who had gone on with the prisoners, 
 they started to join them, when they encountered 
 Mr. Willard, who was armed, and fired upon him. 
 Willard returned the fire, and wounded one of them. 
 The other would probably have been overpowered 
 had not the three others, hearing the firing, come to 
 his assistance and slain the brave minister. 
 
 1 Vide Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, Paris, 1726- 
 The translation is the author's.
 
 in New England. 175 
 
 ter of the Savage nations, in the midst of which 
 Providence has placed me for so many years. I do 
 it the more willingly, because in conforming in this 
 regard to wishes so urgent on your part I satisfy yet 
 more your affection and curiosity. 
 
 " It was the 23 of July of the year 1689 tnat I em " 
 barked at Rochelle ; and after three months of a 
 pleasant enough voyage, I arrived at Quebec the 13 
 of October of the same year. I applied myself at 
 first to learning the language of our Savages. This 
 is difficult ; because it is not sufficient to study the 
 terms and their signification and to make a collec- 
 tion of words and phrases, it is still necessary to 
 know the turn and the arrangement which the sav- 
 ages give them, which one hardly acquires except by 
 intercourse and association with these people. 
 
 " I went then to dwell in a village with the Abnaki 
 nation, situated in a forest, which is only three 
 leagues from Quebec. This was inhabited by two 
 hundred savages nearly all Christians. Their cabins 
 were arranged a little like the houses in the towns ; 
 an inclosure of stakes, thick and high, form a kind 
 of wall which shelters them from the incursions of 
 their enemies. 
 
 " Their cabins are very soon set up ; they plant 
 poles which they join at the top; and they cover
 
 i j6 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 them with great sheets of bark. The fire is made in 
 the middle of the cabin ; they spread all round rush 
 mats, on which they sit during the day ; and take 
 their repose during the night. 
 
 " The clothing of the men consists of a cassock of 
 skin, or else of a piece of red or blue stuff. That of 
 the women is a blanket ; which hangs from the neck 
 quite to the middle of the legs and which they ad- 
 just quite properly. They put another blanket on 
 the head, which descends even to the feet and which 
 serves them for a cloak. Their stockings extend 
 only from the knee to the ankle. Socks made of 
 elks' hide and lined inside with hair or wool serve 
 them in place of shoes. This sock is absolutely 
 necessary to them in order to be adjusted to the 
 snow-shoes, by means of which they walk upon 
 the snow. These snow-shoes are made lozenge 
 shape, are more than two feet long and a foot and a 
 half wide. I did not believe that I could ever walk 
 with such machines ; when I made trial of them I 
 soon found it so easy that the savages could not be- 
 lieve that it was the first time that I had made 
 use of them. The invention of these snow-shoes is 
 of great use to these savages not only to travel on 
 the snow, with which the ground is covered a great 
 part of the year, but also to go in pursuit of beasts
 
 in New England. 177 
 
 and above all of the moose ; these animals, larger 
 than the largest oxen of France walk only with diffi- 
 culty upon the snow ; thus it is not difficult for the 
 savages to overtake them, and they often kill them 
 with a common knife attached to the end of a stick, 
 they feed upon their flesh and after having well 
 dressed their skins in which they are skillful they 
 trade them with French and English who give them in 
 exchange cassocks, blankets, kettles, guns, hatchets 
 and knives. 
 
 "To give you an idea of a savage, picture to your- 
 self a large man strong, agile, of a swarthy tint, 
 without beard, with black hair, and whose teeth are 
 whiter than ivory. If you wish to see him in his 
 acoutrements you will only find for his whole adorn- 
 ment what is called beads ; this is a kind of shell or 
 stone which they fashion into the form of little grains, 
 some white and others black, and which they string 
 in such a manner, that they represent divers very 
 regular figures which are agreeable to them. It is 
 with this bead that our Savages knot and plait their 
 hair above their ears and behind, make collars, gar- 
 ters, belts, five or six inches wide and with this sort of 
 ornaments they estimate themselves a great deal 
 more than an European does with all his gold and 
 his jewels. 
 2 3
 
 1 78 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " The occupation of the men is hunting or war, that 
 of the women is to remain in the village and to make 
 there out of bark, baskets, bags, boxes, dishes, plates 
 etc. They sew the bark with roots and make of 
 them various utensils very appropriately wrought, 
 the canoes are likewise made solely of bark, but the 
 largest can scarce hold more than si-x or seven persons. 
 
 "It is with these canoes made of a bark which has 
 hardly the thickness of a crown, that they cross the 
 arms of the sea, and that they navigate the most 
 dangerous rivers and lakes of four or 6ve hundred 
 leagues around. I have thus made many voyages 
 without having run any risk. Only once, that in 
 crossing the river Saint Lawrence I found myself 
 suddenly surrounded with masses of ice of enormous 
 size and the canoe was wedged in them ; at once the 
 two savages who conducted me cried out ; " we are 
 dead men ; it is done, we must perish," in the mean 
 time making an effort, they leaped upon the floating 
 ice. I did like them, and after having drawn up the 
 canoe we carried it to the extremity of this ice. Then 
 it was necessary for us to place ourselves again in the 
 canoe to gain another ice cake, and thus then leaping 
 from ice cake to ice cake, we arrived at last at the 
 bank of the stream without other inconvenience than 
 being very wet and numb with cold. Nothing equals
 
 in New England. 1 79 
 
 the affection which the savages have for their chil- 
 dren. As soon as they are born, they place them on 
 a little piece of board covered with cloth and a little 
 bear skin in which they envelope them, and this is 
 their cradle. The mothers carry 'them on their back 
 in a manner convenient for the children and for them. 
 Hardly do the children begin to walk when they are 
 trained to draw the bow. They become so adroit in 
 this, that at the age of ten or twelve years they do 
 not fail to kill the bird that they shoot at. I have 
 been surprised at it, and I should have hardly be- 
 lieved it, if I had not been witness of it. 
 
 " That which I most revolted at when I began to 
 live with the savages was to find myself obliged to 
 take my repast with them ; nothing is more disgust- 
 ing. After having filled their pot with meat they 
 make it boil at the most three quarters of an hour, 
 after which they take it from the fire, serve it in bark 
 porringers and divide it with all those who are in the 
 cabin. Each one bites into this meat as he would 
 into a piece of bread. This spectacle did not give 
 me much appetite, and they very soon noticed my 
 repugnance. ' Why dost thou not eat,' they asked. 
 I replied to them that I was not accustomed to eat 
 meat thus, without adding to it a piece of bread. 
 ' It is necessary to conquer thyself,' they replied,
 
 iSo The Pioneers of New France 
 
 ' is it so difficult as to be a patriarch who knows prayer 
 perfectly ? We overcome a great deal to believe 
 that which we cannot see.' After this there was no 
 more to consider. It was best to bring one's self to 
 their manners and customs in order to merit their 
 confidence and gain them to Jesus Christ. 
 
 " Their meals are not regular as in Europe, they live 
 from hand to mouth, whilst they have somewhat from 
 which to make good cheer, they profit by it, without 
 troubling themselves about having anything to live 
 on the following days. 
 
 " They passionately love tobacco ; men, women, 
 children smoke almost continually. To give them 
 apiece of tobacco, is to give them more pleasure than 
 to give them their weight in gold. 
 
 " In the beginning of June, and when the snow is 
 nearly all melted, they sow the skamgar, this is what 
 we call Turkey or Indian wheat. Their style of sow- 
 ing is to make with the fingers or with a little stick, 
 different holes in the ground, and to throw in each 
 eight or nine kernels, which they cover with the same 
 earth which they have withdrawn to make the hole. 
 Their harvest takes place at the end of August. 
 
 " It is in the midst of these people, who pass for the 
 least coarse of all our savages, that I passed the ap- 
 prenticeship of a missionary. My principal occupa-
 
 in New England. 181 
 
 tion was the study of their tongue : it is very difficult 
 to learn, above all when one has no other mas- 
 ters than savages. They have many sounds which 
 they only utter from the throat, without making any 
 movement of the lips ; ou, for example is of this 
 number, and this is why in writing it, we make it by 
 the figure 8, to distinguish it from other sounds. I 
 passed a part of a year in their cabins and heard them 
 talk. It was necessary for me to maintain extreme 
 attention, to gather what they said, and to conjecture 
 the signification of it. Sometimes I guessed right, 
 more often I deceived myself, because not very able 
 to manage their guttural letters. I repeated only 
 part of the word, and this made them laugh. At 
 last, after five months of continual application, I 
 reached the point of understanding all their terms, 
 but that was not sufficient for me to express myself 
 according to their taste. I had still a good way to go 
 to catch the scope and genius of their tongue, which 
 is altogether different from the genius and scope of 
 our European languages. To shorten the time and 
 to put myself sooner in a state to exercise my func- 
 tions, I made choice of some savages who had more 
 wit and spoke better. I told them roughly some 
 articles of the catechism, and they rendered them to 
 me in all the delicacy of their language. I put them
 
 182 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 at once on paper, and by this means I made myself 
 in a little while a dictionary and a catechism which 
 contained the principles and the mysteries of religion. 
 " One cannot deny that the language of the savages 
 has true beauties, and I know not what of energy, in 
 the turn and manner in which they express them- 
 selves. I am going to give you an example of it. If 
 I should ask you, Why God has created you ? You 
 would reply to me, that it is to know him, to love 
 him and to serve him, and by this means to merit 
 eternal glory. But should I put the same question 
 to a savage, he would reply to me thus in the term of 
 his language ; The great Spirit has thought of us ; 
 let them know me, let them love me, let them honor 
 me, and let them obey me for then I shall make them 
 enter into my glorious felicity. If I should wish to 
 tell you in their style, that you would have much 
 difficulty in learning the savage tongue, see how it 
 would be necessary to express myself ; I think of 
 you my dear brother, that he will find difficulty in 
 learning the savage tongue. The language of the 
 Hurons is the master language of the savages ; and 
 when one possesses it in less than three months one 
 can make himself understood by the five Iroquois 
 nations. It is the most Majestic and the most diffi- 
 cult of all the savage tongues. This difficulty does
 
 in New England. 183 
 
 not come alone from their guttural character, but still 
 more from the diversity of accents, because two 
 words composed of the same characters have sig- 
 nifications quite different. Father Chaumont, who 
 has dwelt fifty years among the Hurons, has com- 
 posed a grammar of it, which is very useful to those 
 who newly arrive in that mission, nevertheless a mis- 
 sionary is most happy when, with those helps, after 
 ten years constant labor, he expresses himself ele- 
 gantly in this language. 
 
 "Each savage nation has its particular tongue; 
 thus the Abnakis, the Hurons, the Iroquois, the Al- 
 gonkins, the Illinois, the Miamis, etc., have each 
 their language. They have no books to learn these 
 languages, and, when they shall have them, they will 
 be useless enough. Practice is the only master 
 which can instruct us. While I have labored in four 
 different missions of savages, namely among the 
 Abnakis, the Algonkins, the Hurons and the Illi- 
 nois, I have been obliged to learn these different 
 languages. I am going to give you a specimen, to 
 the end that you may know the little relation which 
 there is between them. I choose the strophe of a 
 hymn of the Holy Sacrament, which they ordinarily 
 chant during the Mass at the elevation of the sacred 
 host and which begins in these words, O Salutaris,
 
 184 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 hostia ; Such is the translation in verse of this strophe 
 in the four languages of these different nations. 1 
 
 En langue abnakise. 
 Kighist oui- nuanuiouinns 
 Spem kik papili go ii damek 
 Nemiani oui kouidan gha benk 
 Taha saii grihine. 
 
 En Ian langue algonkine. 
 
 Kouerais Jesus teousenam 
 Nara oueul ka stisian 
 Ka rio vllighe miang 
 Vas mama vik umong. 
 
 En langue huronne. 
 
 Je ous outo etti xichie 
 Outo etti skuaalichi-axe 
 J chierche axeraouensta 
 D'aotierti xeata-ouien. 
 
 En langue illinoise. 
 Pekiziane manet oue 
 Piaro nile hi Nanghi 
 Keninama oui ouKangha 
 Mero ouinang ousianghi. 
 
 author has substituted ou in place of the 
 figure 8, as given by Raid
 
 in New England. 185 
 
 which signifies in French : ' O saving sacrifice who 
 art continually offered, and who givest life ; thou by 
 whom we enter heaven, we are continually assaulted ; 
 come strengthen us.' 
 
 " It was nearly two years that I lived with the Ab- 
 nakis, when I was recalled by my superiors ; they 
 destined me to the mission of the Illinois, who had 
 lost their missionary. I went then to Quebec, where, 
 after having employed three months in studying the 
 Algonkin tongue, I embarked the i3th. of August in a 
 canoe, to go to the Illinois ; their country is distant 
 from Quebec more than eight hundred leagues. 
 You may well judge that so long a voyage in these 
 barbarous lands cannot be made without running 
 great risks, and without suffering great incon- 
 venience. I had to traverse lakes of immense extent, 
 and where storms are as frequent as on the sea. It 
 is true that one has the advantage of setting foot on 
 land every night; but one is fortunate when one 
 finds some flat rock where one may pass the night. 
 When the rain falls, the only means of protection is 
 to place oneself beneath the turned over canoe. 
 
 "One runs still greater dangers on the rivers, 
 
 principally in places where they flow with extreme 
 
 rapidity. Then the canoe flies like an arrow, and if 
 
 it comes in contact with rocks, which one finds there 
 
 24
 
 1 86 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 in abundance, it breaks into a thousand pieces. This 
 misfortune happened to some of those who ac- 
 companied me in other canoes, and it is by a 
 singular protection of divine goodness that I did not 
 suffer the same fate ; because my canoe struck sev- 
 eral times against the rocks, without receiving the 
 least damage. In fine, one risks suffering from hun- 
 ger that which is most cruel. The length and the 
 difficulty of these kinds of voyages only permits 
 bringing with one a sack of Indian corn. One would 
 suppose that the chase would furnish on the route 
 something to live upon ; but if the game fails, one 
 finds oneself exposed to many days of fasting. Then 
 all the resource which one has is to search for a 
 kind of leaves, which the savages call Kingnessa- 
 nach, and the French tripes de roches. 1 One would 
 take them forCerfeuil, of which they have the shape, 
 if they were not much larger ; they serve them either 
 boiled or roasted ; those which I have eaten are not 
 so bad. 
 
 " I did not suffer much from hunger as far as the 
 lake of the Hurons, but it was not the same with the 
 companions of my voyage ; the bad weather having 
 
 1 Literally rock tripe. A bitter and purgative 
 fungus found growing on rocks, and used extensively 
 by the inhabitants of the far north for food.
 
 in New England. 187 
 
 scattered their canoes, they could not join me. I 
 arrived the first at Missilimakinak, from whence I 
 sent them food, without which they would have died 
 of hunger. They had passed seven days without 
 any nourishment but that of a crow, which they had 
 killed rather by chance than by skill, for they had 
 not strength to support themselves. 
 
 "The season was too far advanced to continue my 
 route as far as to the Illinois, from whence I was yet 
 distant about four hundred leagues. Thus it was nec- 
 essary for me to remain at Missilimakinak, where 
 there were two of our missionaries, one among the 
 Hurons, and the other with the Outaouacks. The 
 latter are very superstitious and much attached to 
 the jugleries of their medicine men. They attribute 
 to themselves an origin as senseless as ridiculous. 
 They pretend to spring from families, and each 
 family is composed of five hundred persons. 
 
 " Some are of the family of Michabou, that is to 
 say of the great hare. They pretend that this great 
 hare was a man of prodigious size, that he could 
 spread nets in the water at eighteen feet in depth, 
 and that the water came hardly to his armpits ; that 
 one day, during the deluge, he sent the beaver to 
 discover the land ; but as this animal did not return 
 he sent out the otter, who brought back a little earth
 
 1 88 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 covered with foam ; that he repaired to the place in 
 the lake where he found this earth, which formed a 
 little isle; all around which he walked in the water, 
 and that this island became extraordinarily large. 
 This is why is attributed to him the creation of the 
 earth. They add that after having accomplished 
 this work he flew up to heaven, which is his ordinary 
 abode, but before quitting the earth, when his de- 
 scendants came to die, that they should burn their 
 bodies and throw their ashes into the air, so that 
 they should more easily raise themselves towards 
 heaven ; that if they should fail in this, the snow 
 would cease to cover the earth, that their lakes and 
 their rivers would remain frozen, and that, not being 
 able to angle for fish, which is their common food, 
 they would all die in the spring. 
 
 "In fact, a few years ago, the winter having con- 
 tinued longer than ordinary, there was a general con- 
 sternation among the savages of the family of the 
 great hare. They had recourse to their accustomed 
 jugleries ; they assembled many times in order to ad- 
 vise on the means of dissipating this snow enemy who 
 seemed obstinate to remain upon the earth ; when 
 an old woman approached them. ' My children,' 
 said she, ' you have no wit, you know the orders 
 that the great hare has left to burn the bodies of the
 
 in New England. 189 
 
 dead and to throw their ashes to the wind, to the 
 end that they should return more promptly to 
 heaven, their country ; and you have neglected his 
 orders by leaving some days journey from here a 
 dead man without burning, as if he was not of the 
 family of the great hare. Repair forthwith your 
 fault, take care to burn him if you wish that the 
 snow should disappear.' ' You are right our 
 mother ' replied they, ' thou hast more wit than we 
 and the council which thou givest us restores life to 
 us.' They immediately deputed twenty-five men to 
 go and burn this body. They employed about fif- 
 teen days in this journey. During that time the 
 thaw came and the snow melted. They loaded with 
 praises and presents the old woman who had given 
 the advice; and this event, quite natural as it was, 
 served much to confirm them in their folly and 
 superstitious credulity. 
 
 " The second family of the Outaouacks pretend 
 to have sprung from the Namepick, that is to say 
 from the carp. They say that a carp having laid 
 his eggs upon the bank of the river, and the 
 Sun having darted its rays there, he formed a 
 woman from them from whom they are descended. 
 Thus they call themselves of the family of the 
 carp.
 
 i go The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " The third family of the Outaouacks attributes 
 its origin to the paw of the Machova, that is to say, 
 of a bear, and they call themselves of the family of 
 the bear, but without explaining in what manner 
 they are sprung from it. When they kill any of 
 these animals they make a feast to him of his own 
 flesh ; they speak to him, they harangue him ; ' do 
 not have any design against us,' they say to him, 
 ' because we have killed thee ; thou hast wit, thou 
 seest that our children suffer for hunger, they wish 
 to make thee enter into their bodies, is it not glori- 
 ous for thee to be eaten by the children of the 
 chief ? ' 
 
 " It is only the family of the great hare which 
 burns dead bodies, the two others bury them. When 
 any chief dies they prepare a vast coffin, where, af- 
 ter having laid the body clothed in its finest gar- 
 ments, they enclose with him his blanket, his gun, 
 his supply of powder and lead, his bow, his arrows, 
 his kettle, his platter, some provisions, his toma- 
 hawk, his pipe, his box of vermillion, his mirror, 
 some collars of beads, and all the presents which 
 were made at his death according to usage. They 
 imagine that with this outfit he will make his jour- 
 ney more happily to the other world, and will be 
 better received by the great chiefs of the nation,
 
 in New England. 191 
 
 who will conduct him with them into a place of 
 delights. 
 
 " While all is being adjusted in the coffin the rela- 
 tives of the dead assist at the ceremony by mourn- 
 ing after their fashion, that is to say, by chanting in 
 a lugubrious tone and beating time with a stick to 
 which they have attached many rattles. 
 
 " Where the superstition of these people appears 
 the most extravagant is in the worship that they 
 render to that which they call their manitou. As they 
 scarcely know anything but the beasts with which 
 they live in the forests, they imagine within these 
 beasts, or within their skin, or within their plumage, 
 a kind of spirit which governs all things, and which 
 is the master of life and death. There are, accord- 
 ing to them manitous common to all the nation, and 
 there are particular ones for each person. Oussa- 
 kita, say they, is the great manitou of all the beasts 
 which walk upon the earth, or which fly in the air. 
 It is he who governs them ; thus when they go to 
 chase, they offer him tobacco, powder, lead, and 
 skins well dressed, which they attach to the end of a 
 pole, and elevate it in the air. ' Oussakita} they say 
 to him, 'we give thee to smoke, we offer thee of that 
 to kill the game, deign to accept these presents, do 
 not permit that they should escape our arrows, let
 
 192 Tke Pioneers of New France 
 
 us kill a great number of the fattest of them, so that 
 our children shall neither fail of clothing, nor of 
 nourishment. 
 
 " They call Michibichi the manitou of the waters 
 and of the fish, and they make a sacrifice to him 
 nearly similiar when they go to fish or when they 
 undertake a journey. This sacrifice consists of 
 throwing into the water some tobacco, food, kettles, 
 and asking him that the waters of the river should 
 flow more slowly, that the rocks should not break 
 their canoes, and that he accord to them fish in abun- 
 dance. 
 
 " Besides these common manitous, each has his own 
 particular one, which is a bear, or a beaver, or a 
 bustard, or some similar beast. They carry the skin 
 of this animal to the war, to the chase, and on their 
 journeys, persuading themselves that they preserve 
 them from all danger and that they will make them 
 successful in their undertakings. 
 
 "When a savage wishes to get a manitou, the first 
 animal which presents itself to his imagination dur- 
 ing his sleep is commonly the one upon which his 
 choice falls. He kills a beast of this kind ; he puts 
 his skin, or his plumage, if it is a bird in the most 
 honorable place in his cabin ; he prepares a feast in 
 his honor, during which he makes to him his ha-
 
 in New England. 193 
 
 rangue in terms the most respectful, after which he is 
 known as his manitou. 
 
 "As soon as I saw the spring arrive, I left Missili- 
 makinak to go to the Illinois. I found on my route 
 many savage nations, among others Maskoutings, 
 Jakis, Omikoues, Iripegouans, Outagamis, etc. All 
 these nations have their peculiar language but for 
 all the rest they differ in nothing from the Outaou- 
 acks. A missionary who dwells at the bay of the 
 Puants, makes from time to time excursions among 
 these savages to instruct them in the truths of re- 
 ligion. 
 
 " After forty days walking, I entered the river of 
 the Illinois, and having advanced fifty leagues I ar- 
 rived at the first village, which was of three hundred 
 cabins, all of four or five fires. One fire is always 
 for two families. They have twelve villages of their 
 nation. On the morrow after my arrival I was in- 
 vited by the principal chief to a grand repast, which 
 he gave to the more considerable persons. He had 
 caused to be killed for this a number of dogs ; such 
 a banquet passes among the savages for a magnificent 
 feast ; it is why they call it the feast of the chief. 
 The ceremonies which they observe are the same 
 among all the nations. It is common in these sorts 
 of festivals that the savages deliberate upon their 
 2 5
 
 194 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 most important affairs, as, for example, when it is 
 agitated, either to undertake war against their neigh- 
 bors, or to terminate it by a proposition of peace. 
 
 " When all the guests have arrived, they range 
 themselves all around the cabin, seating themselves 
 either on the bare earth, or on mats. Then the chief 
 arises and begins his harangue. I avow to you that 
 I admired his flow of words, the justice and the force 
 of reasons which he displayed, the eloquent turn that 
 he gave them, the choice and delicacy of the ex- 
 pressions, with which he adorned his discourse. I 
 am persuaded that if I could put in writing what this 
 savage said to us on that moment and without pre- 
 paration, it would convince you without difficulty 
 that the most able European, after much meditation 
 and study, could scarcely compose a discourse more 
 solid and better termed. 
 
 "Their harangue finished, two savages who per- 
 formed the function of carvers, distributed the plates 
 to all the assembly, and each plate was for two guests, 
 they ate conversing together of indifferent things ; 
 and when the repast was finished, they retired, carry- 
 ing, according to their custom, that which they had 
 remaining in their plates. 
 
 "The Illinois do not give those feasts which are 
 customary with many other savage nations, where
 
 in New England. 195 
 
 one is obliged to eat all that has been served to him, 
 should one burst by it. When it happens that any 
 one has not the power to observe this ridiculous 
 rule, he addresses himself to some one of the guests, 
 whom he knows to be of a better appetite ; ' My 
 brother,' says he to him, ' have pity on me, I am 
 dead if thou dost not give me life, eat that which re- 
 mains to me, I will make thee a present of some- 
 thing.' It is the only means to escape from embar- 
 rassment. 
 
 " The Illinois only cover themselves about the 
 waist, and as to the rest, they go all naked ; differ- 
 ent compartments of all sorts of figures, which they 
 engrave on the body in a way which is ineffaceable, 
 hold for them the place of garments. It is only in 
 the visits which they make or when they assist at 
 church, that they wrap about them a covering of 
 dressed skin during the summer, and during the 
 winter, of a skin, with the hair on, which they leave 
 to retain more warmth. They adorn the head with 
 feathers, of different colors, with which they make 
 garlands and crowns, which they adjust quite prop- 
 erly ; they take care to paint the face with different 
 colors, but above all with vermillion ; they wear col- 
 lars, and pendants from the ears made of different 
 stones which they cut in the form of precious stones ;
 
 196 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 some are blue, red and white like alabaster, to which 
 it is necessary to add a plate of porcelain which fin- 
 ishes the collar. The Illinois persuade themselves 
 that these fantastic ornaments give them grace and 
 attract respect. 
 
 " When the Illinois are not occupied in war or in 
 the chase, the time is passed either in sport, or in 
 feasts, or in the dance. They have two sorts of 
 dances ; some which are used in token of rejoicing, 
 and to which they invite the most distinguished 
 women and girls ; the others are used to mark their 
 grief, the death of the more important of their na- 
 tions. It is by these dances, that they pretend to 
 honor the deceased, and to dry the tears of their 
 relatives. All have the right to mourn in this way 
 the death of their relations, providing they make 
 presents for this purpose. The dances last more or 
 less time, in proportion to the price and value of 
 the presents and they immediately distribute them 
 to the dancers, their custom is not to bury the dead ; 
 they wrap them in skins and attach them by the 
 head and feet to the tops of trees. Excepting their 
 times of sports, of feasts and dances, the men re- 
 main quietly on their mats, and pass their time in 
 sleeping, or in making bows, arrows, pipes, and other 
 things of this nature. As for the women, they work
 
 in Nezv England. 197 
 
 from morning till night like slaves. It is for them 
 to cultivate the land, and to sow the corn during the 
 summer ; and from the beginning of winter they are 
 occupied in making mats, in dressing skins, and in 
 many other kinds of work ; because their first care 
 is to provide the cabin with all that is necessary 
 therein. 
 
 " Of all the nations of Canada, there are none 
 who live in so great abundance of all things as the 
 Illinois. Their rivers are covered with swans, with 
 bustards, with ducks, and with teals. Hardly can 
 one go a league, but he finds a prodigious multitude 
 of turkeys, which go in flocks, sometimes to the num- 
 ber of two hundred. They are bigger than those 
 which one sees in France. I had the curiosity to 
 weigh some which were of the weight of thirty 
 pounds. They have at the neck a kind of wattle of 
 hair a half a foot in length. The bears and the 
 stags are there in very great quantity ; one also sees 
 there an infinite number of buffaloes and deers; 
 there is not a year that they do not kill thousands of 
 deers, and more 'than two thousands of buffaloes ; 
 one sees on the prairies till lost to view from four to 
 five thousand buffaloes which feed there. They 
 have a hump on the back, and a head extremely 
 large. Their hair, except that on the head, is curled
 
 198 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 and soft as wool, their flesh is naturally salt, and is 
 so light, that although one eats it quite raw, it does 
 not cause indigestion. When they have killed a 
 buffalo, which appears to them too lean, they are 
 contented to take the tongue, and go to seek one 
 fatter. 
 
 " Arrows are the principal arms which serve them, 
 in war and in the chase. These arrows are armed at 
 the end with a cut stone and sharpened in the form 
 of a serpent's tongue ; lacking a knife they serve 
 them also to skin the animals which they kill. They 
 are so adroit in drawing the bow, that they hardly 
 ever miss their stroke, and they do it with so much 
 swiftness that they will have sooner discharged a 
 hundred arrows than another will have charged his 
 gun. They put themselves to little trouble in work- 
 ing with the proper nets to fish in the rivers, because 
 the abundance of animals of all sorts which they find 
 for their subsistence, renders them quite indifferent 
 to fish. However, when they take a fancy to have 
 them, they embark in a canoe with their bows and 
 their arrows, standing upright the better to dis- 
 cover the fish, and as soon as they have perceived 
 him, they pierce him with an arrow. 
 
 " The only means among the Illinois to public es- 
 teem and veneration is, as with other savages, to make
 
 in New England. 199 
 
 the reputation of a skilful hunter, and yet more of a 
 good warrior; it is principally of that which they 
 make their merit consist, and it is that which they 
 call to be truly a man. They are so passionate for 
 this glory that they will undertake journeys of four 
 hundred leagues, in the midst of forests, to make a 
 slave, or to take the scalp from a man whom they 
 have killed. They count for nothing the fatigues 
 and the long fasts which they have to sustain, above 
 all when they approach the enemy's land ; because 
 then they no longer dare to hunt, from fear that the 
 beasts, being only wounded may fly with the arrow 
 in the body, and warn their enemy to put himself in 
 state of defense, because their manner of making 
 war, the same as among all savages, is to surprise 
 their enemies ; this is why they send out scouts, to 
 observe their number and their march, or to note 
 if they are on their guard. According to the report 
 which is made them, they either put themselves in 
 ambush, or make an irruption into their cabins, toma- 
 hawk in hand, and they do not fail to kill some of 
 them before they had dreamed to defend themselves. 
 " The tomahawk is made of a stag's horn, or of 
 wood in the shape of a cutlass, terminated by a large 
 ball. They hold the tomahawk in one hand and the 
 knife in the other. As soon as they have dealt their
 
 2oo 7^he Pioneers of New France 
 
 blow on the head of their enemy they encircle it with 
 their knife, and remove the scalp with a surprising 
 rapidity. 
 
 "When the savage returns to his country laden 
 with many scalps he is received with great honors ; 
 but it is for him the height of glory when he makes 
 prisoners, and brings them alive. As soon as he ar- 
 rives all the people of the village assemble and range 
 themselves in a line on the road where the prisoners 
 should pass. This reception is very cruel ; some tear 
 out their nails, others cut off their fingers or ears ; 
 while others deal them blows with clubs. 
 
 " After this first reception, the old men assemble 
 to deliberate if they shall accord life to their prisoners 
 or if they shall put them to death. When there is 
 some dead person to revive, that is to say, if some 
 one of their warriors has been killed, and whom they 
 judge should be replaced in his cabin, they give to 
 this cabin one of their prisoners, who holds the place 
 of the deceased and this is what they call reviving 
 the dead. 
 
 " When the prisoner is condemned to death, they 
 plant immediately in the earth a great post, to which 
 they attach him by both hands ; they make him sing 
 the song of death, and all the savages being seated 
 around the post, they kindle a few steps from it a
 
 in New England. 201 
 
 great fire, where they heat hatchets, gun barrels, and 
 other irons. Then they come one after the other, 
 and apply them all red upon different parts of the 
 body, there are those who burn him with fire brands ; 
 some who gash his body with their knives; others 
 who cut off a piece of flesh already roasted, and eat 
 it in his presence ; one may be seen filling his wounds 
 with powder, and rubbing it all over his body, after 
 which they set it on fire. In fine each torments him 
 according to his caprice, and that during four or five 
 hours, sometimes even during two or three days. 
 The more shrill and piercing the cries which the vio- 
 lence of these torments make him utter, the more 
 agreeable and diverting is the spectacle to these bar- 
 barians. It was the Iroquois who invented this 
 frightful kind of death, and it is only by way of re- 
 taliation that the Illinois, in their turn, treat their 
 Iroquois prisoners with an equal cruelty. 
 
 "That which we understand by the word Chris- 
 tianity, is known only among all the savages by the 
 name of prayer. Thus, when, I shall say to you in 
 the remainder of this letter, that such a savage nation 
 has embraced prayer, it is saying, that it has become 
 Christian, or that it is disposed to be so. One would 
 have had less trouble in converting the Illinois, if the 
 prayer had permitted polygamy among them. They 
 26
 
 202 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 avow that prayer is good, and they are pleased when 
 it is talked to their women and children ; but when 
 one speaks of it to themselves; one finds how diffi- 
 cult it is to fix their natural inconstancy and to per- 
 suade them to have but one wife and to have her 
 always. 
 
 "At the hour when they assemble, morning and 
 evening, for prayer, all repair to the chapel. There are 
 none even among their greatest medicine men, that 
 is to say, among the greatest enemies of religion, who 
 do not send their children to be instructed and bap- 
 tized. Here is the greatest fruit which one finds at 
 first among the savages, and of which one is the most 
 certain ; because among the great number of infants, 
 not a year passes but many die before they reach the 
 age of reason j 1 and among the adults, the most part 
 is so fervent and so attached to prayer, that they 
 would suffer the most cruel death rather than aban- 
 don it. 
 
 " It is a blessing for the Illinois to be far removed 
 from Quebec, because they cannot carry to them the 
 fire-water as they do others. This drink is among the 
 savages the greatest obstacle to Christianity and the 
 source of an infinite number of the most shocking 
 
 1 The idea here is, that those dying before the age 
 of reason were saved if they had received baptism.
 
 in Neiv England. 203 
 
 crimes. We know that they only purchase it in or- 
 der to plunge themselves into the most furious in- 
 toxication ; the disorders and the sad deaths of which 
 one is witness every day should much overbalance the 
 gain which one can make by traffic in so fatal a liquor. 
 
 " It was two years that I abode with the Illinois, 
 when I was recalled to consecrate the rest of my days 
 to the Abnaki nation. It was the first mission to 
 which I had been destined at my arrival in Canada, 
 and it is that apparently, where I shall finish my life. 
 It was necessary then for me to return to Quebec, 
 to go from there to rejoin my dear savages. I have 
 already described to you the length and difficulties 
 of this journey ; therefore, I will speak to you only 
 of a very consoling adventure to me four leagues 
 from Quebec. 
 
 " I found myself in a kind of village, where there 
 are twenty five French houses, and a cure, who had 
 care of it. Near this village appeared a cabin of 
 savages, where was found a girl of the age of six- 
 teen years, whom a sickness of many years had re- 
 duced to extremity. M. the cure, who did not un- 
 derstand the language of these savages, prayed me 
 to go to confess the sick girl, and conducted me 
 himself to her cabin. In the conversation which I 
 had with this young girl, on the truths of religion, I
 
 204 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 learned that she had been very well instructed by 
 one of our missionaries, but that she had not yet re- 
 ceived baptism. After having passed two days to 
 put to her all the questions proper, to assure myself 
 of her disposition ; ' Do not refuse me, I conjure 
 thee,' said she to me, ' the grace of the baptism that 
 I demand of thee ; thou seest how much my breast 
 is oppressed and that but little time remains to me 
 to live; how unfortunate it would be to me; and 
 what reproaches wouldest thou not have to make to 
 thyself, if I should die without receiving this grace ?' 
 I replied to her that she should prepare for it on 
 the next day, and retired. The joy which my reply 
 caused her, worked in her a change so immediate 
 that she was in a state to repair early in the morn- 
 ing to chapel. I was extremely surprised at her ar- 
 rival and immediately I solemnly administered bap- 
 tism to her. After which she returned to her cabin 
 where she ceased not to thank the divine mercy for 
 so great a blessing ; and to sigh for the happy mo- 
 ment which should unite her to God for all eternity. 
 Her desires were granted, and I had the happiness 
 to assist at her death. What a stroke of providence 
 for this poor girl, and what consolation for me to 
 have been the instrument which God had well 
 wished to use to place her in heaven.
 
 in New England. 205 
 
 " You do not require from me, My dear brother, 
 that I should enter into the detail of all that which 
 has happened to me during the many years that I 
 am in this mission ; my occupations are always the 
 same, and I should expose myself to wearisome repe- 
 titions. I will content myself by reporting to you 
 certain facts, which appear to me the most to merit 
 your attention. 
 
 " I can tell you in general that you would find it 
 difficult to restrain your tears if you found yourself 
 in my church with our assembled savages, and if you 
 should be witness of the piety with which they recite 
 their prayers, chant the divine offices and participate 
 in the sacraments of penance and the eucharist. 
 When they have been illumined with the lights of 
 faith, and when they have sincerely embraced it 
 they are not the same men, and the most part pre- 
 serve the innocence which they have received from 
 baptism. It is this which fills me with the sweetest 
 joy, when I hear their confessions, which are fre- 
 quent ; whatever the questions which I put to them, 
 I can often hardly find matter to absolve them from. 
 
 " My occupations with them are continual. As 
 they only expect help from their missionary and as 
 they have in him complete confidence, it does not 
 suffice me to fulfill the spiritual functions of my
 
 206 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 ministry for the sanctification of their souls, it is 
 still necessary that I enter into their temporal 
 affairs that I may always be ready to comfort them, 
 when they come to consult me, and that I should 
 decide their little differences, that I should take care 
 of them when they are sick, that I should bleed 
 them, that I should give them medicines, etc. My 
 days are sometimes so full, that I am obliged to shut 
 myself up in order to find time to devote to prayer, 
 and to recite my office. 
 
 "The zealous spirit with which God has filled me 
 for the welfare of my savages was much alarmed in 
 the year 1697, when I learned that a nation of Ama- 
 lingan savages were coming to establish themselves 
 a day's journey from my village. I had ground to 
 fear that the jugleries of their medicine men, that is 
 the sacrifices which they make to the demon and the 
 disorders which ordinarily follow, might make an im- 
 pression upon some of my young neophytes ; but 
 thanks to the divine mercy, my fears were very soon 
 dissipated by what I am going to tell you. 
 
 " One of our captains, celebrated for his valor, hav- 
 ing been killed by the English, from whom we are 
 not distant, the Amalingans sent several of their na- 
 tion into our village, to dry the tears of the relatives 
 of this illustrious deceased, that is to say, as I have
 
 in New England. 207 
 
 already explained to you, to visit them, to make pres- 
 ents to them, and to testify to them by their dances 
 the part which they take in their affliction. They 
 arrived on the eve of Corpus Christi. I was then 
 occupied in hearing the confessions of my savages, 
 which continued all that day, the night following, 
 and the next day until noon, when began the proces- 
 sion of the Consecrated Host. It was done with 
 much order and piety, and, even in the midst of these 
 forests, with more pomp and magnificence than you 
 yourself could imagine. This spectacle, which was 
 new for the Amalingans, attracted them, and struck 
 them with admiration. I thought it my duty to 
 profit by the favorable disposition in which they were, 
 and after, having assembled them, I made them the 
 following discourse in savage style. 'It is a long 
 time, my children that I have wished to see you ; 
 now that I have this happiness, it wants but little 
 that my heart should burst. Think of the joy that 
 a father has who tenderly loves his children, when 
 he again sees them after a long absence in which 
 they have run the greatest dangers, and you will con- 
 ceive a portion of mine ; because although you pray 
 not yet, I cease not to regard you as my children, 
 and to have for you a father's tenderness, because 
 the children of the great Spirit, who has given you
 
 208 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 being as well as those who pray, who has made 
 heaven for you as well as for them, who thinks of you 
 as he thinks of them and me, that they may rejoice 
 in eternal happiness. That which gives me pain, and 
 lessens the joy that I have in seeing you is the re- 
 flection which I actually make, that one day I shall 
 be separated from one part of my children, whose lot 
 will be eternally unhappy, because they do not pray ; 
 while the others who pray will be in the joy which 
 never ends. When I think of this sad separation can 
 I have a contented heart ? The happiness of some 
 does not give me so much joy, as the unhappiness of 
 others afflicts me. If you had insurmountable ob- 
 stacles to prayer, and if abiding in the state where 
 you are I could make you enter into heaven I would 
 spare nothing to secure you this happiness, I would 
 push you in, I would make you all enter there, so 
 much I love you, and so much I desire that you 
 should be happy ; but it is this which is not possible. 
 It is necessary to pray, it is necessary to be baptized, 
 in order to enter into this place of delights.' 
 
 "After this preamble, I explained to them at great 
 length the principal articles of the faith, and I con- 
 tinued thus : 
 
 " ' All the words which I come to explain to you 
 are not human words ; they are the words of the
 
 in New England. 209 
 
 great Spirit ; they are not written like the words of 
 a man upon a collar, which they make to tell all that 
 they wish ; but they are written in the book of the 
 great Spirit, where a lie cannot have access.' 
 
 " To make you understand this savage expression, 
 it is necessary to remark, my dear brother, that the 
 custom of these people when they write to any na- 
 tion, is to send a collar, or a large belt, on which they 
 make different figures with porcelain beads of differ- 
 ent colors. They instruct him who carries the collar, 
 telling him, this is what the collar says to such a na- 
 tion, to such a person, and they send him forth. 
 Our savages would have trouble in understanding 
 what was said to them, and would be but little atten- 
 tive if one did not conform himself to their manner 
 of thought and expression ; I continued thus : 
 
 '* ' Courage, my children, hear the voice of the great 
 Spirit who speaks to you by my mouth, he loves you ; 
 and his love for you is so great, that he has given 
 his life to procure for you an eternal life. Alas ! 
 perhaps he has only permitted the death of one of 
 our captains in order to draw you to the place of 
 prayer, and make you hear his voice. Reflect that 
 you are not immortal. A clay will come when they 
 will likewise wipe away the tears for your death ; 
 what will serve you to have been in this life great 
 27
 
 2io The Pioneers of New France 
 
 captains, if, after your death, you are cast into eternal 
 flames? He, for whom you come to mourn with us 
 is happy to have listened a thousand times to the 
 voice of the great Spirit and to have been faithful to 
 the prayer. Pray like him, and you shall live eter- 
 nally. Courage, my children, we will not separate 
 that some should go to one side, and others to 
 another ; let us all go to heaven, it is our country, it 
 is that to which the sole master of life calls you of 
 whom I am only the interpreter ; think of it seriously.' 
 " As soon as I had done speaking, they conversed 
 together some time, afterwards their orator made 
 me this reply on their part ; ' My Father, I am glad 
 to listen to thee. Thy voice has penetrated even 
 into my heart, but my heart is yet closed, and I can- 
 not open it at present, to make you know what is 
 there, or on what side it will turn ; it is necessary 
 that I should wait a number of chiefs and other con- 
 siderable people of our nation who will arrive the 
 
 next autumn, it is then that I will disclose to thee 
 
 f 
 
 my heart. Behold, My dear father, all that I have 
 to say to thee at present. 
 
 "'My heart is content,' replied I to him ; 'I am 
 very glad that my word has given you pleasure, and 
 that you demand time to think of it ; you will only 
 be more firm in your attachment to the prayer when
 
 in New England. 2 1 1 
 
 you shall have once embraced it. In the meantime 
 I shall not have ceased to address myself to the great 
 Spirit, and to ask of him that he should regard you 
 with eyes of pity, and that he should strengthen your 
 thoughts to the end that they should be turned to 
 the side of prayer.' After which I quitted their as- 
 sembly and they returned to their village. 
 
 " When autumn had come, I learned that one of 
 our savages would go to the Amalingans to seek 
 corn to sow their lands. I made him come to me 
 and charged him to say to them on my part that I 
 was impatient to see my children again, that I had 
 them always present in mind, and that I prayed them 
 to remember the word that they had given me. The 
 savage acquitted himself faithfully of his commission, 
 and this is the response that the Amalingans made 
 him. 
 
 " ' We are much obliged to our father for thinking 
 of us without ceasing. On our side, we have thought 
 much on that which he has said to us. We cannot 
 forget his words, while we have a heart because they 
 have been so deeply graven there, that nothing can 
 efface them. We are persuaded that he loves us, 
 we wish to listen to him, and to obey him in that 
 which he desires of us. We accept the prayer which 
 he proposes to us and we see nothing in it but what
 
 212 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 is good and laudable ; we are resolved to embrace it, 
 and we should already have gone to find our father 
 in his village, if there had been sufficient provisions 
 for our subsistence during the time that he should 
 devote to our instruction ; but how can we find it 
 there? We know that hunger is in the cabin of our 
 father, and it is this which doubly afflicts us, that our 
 father should be hungry and that we should not be 
 able to see him that he may instruct us. If our 
 father could come here to pass some time with us 
 he would live and would instruct us. This is what 
 you shall say to our father. This answer of the 
 Amalingans was returned at a favorable juncture ; 
 the greater part of my savages had been gone for 
 some days to seek wherewith to live upon until the 
 gathering in of corn ; their absence gave me leisure 
 to visit the Amalingans, and on the next day I em- 
 barked in a canoe to repair to their village. I was 
 no more than a league distant, when they perceived 
 me; and immediately they saluted me with continual 
 discharges of guns which ceased only at the landing 
 of the canoe. This honor which they rendered me 
 assured me of their present dispositions. I lost no 
 time and as soon as I arrived I caused a cross to be 
 planted, and those who accompanied me very soon 
 raised a chapel which they made of bark in the same
 
 in New England. 213 
 
 manner as their cabins were made, and erected an 
 altar in it. While they were occupied with this 
 work, I visited all the cabins of the Amalin- 
 gans, to prepare them for the instruction which I 
 should give them. As soon as I commenced they 
 became very assiduous to understand. I assembled 
 them three times a day in the chapel ; namely, the 
 morning after my mass, at midday, the evening after 
 prayer. The rest of the day I went about the cabins 
 where I gave them more particular instructions. 
 
 " When after several days of continual work, I 
 judged that they were sufficiently instructed I fixed 
 the day when they should come to regenerate them- 
 selves in the water of the holy baptism. The first 
 who repaired to the cabin, were the chief, the orator, 
 three of the more considerable of the nation, with 
 two women. After their baptism, two other bands, 
 each of twenty savages, succeeded them, who re- 
 ceived the same grace. In fine all the others con- 
 tinued to come there on this day, and the morrow. 
 
 " You can judge well enough, my dear brother, 
 that however the missionary labors, he is well 
 recompensed for his fatigue by the sweet consolation 
 that he receives in leading an entire nation of sav- 
 ages into the way of salvation. I prepared to leave 
 them, and return to my own village, when a deputy
 
 214 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 came to tell me on their part that they had all as- 
 sembled in the same place, and that they prayed me 
 to repair to their assembly. As soon as I appeared in 
 the midst of them, the orator addressed these words 
 to me in the name of all the others. ' Our father,' 
 said he to me, ' we have not words to testify to thee 
 the inexpressible joy that we all feel in having re- 
 ceived baptism. It seems to us now that we have 
 another heart ; everything which gave us trouble is 
 entirely dissipated, our thoughts are no more waver- 
 ing, the baptism interiorly fortifies us, and we are 
 fully resolved to honor it all the days of our life. 
 Behold what we say to thee before thou quittest us.' 1 
 I replied to them in a little discourse, wherein I ex- 
 horted them in the singular grace which they had 
 received, and to do nothing unworthy of the charac- 
 ter of a child of God, with which they have been 
 honored by the holy baptism. As they prepared to 
 depart for the sea, I added that on their return, we 
 should determine what would be most proper, either 
 that we should go to dwell with them or that they 
 
 1 Of course we are not to suppose that the savages 
 ever uttered these fine sentiments. They but ex- 
 pressed their good will in their savage way, and 
 their rude sentiments were transfused in the glowing 
 imagination of the poetic Frenchman into this splen- 
 did flux de bouche.
 
 in New England. 215 
 
 should come to form with us one and the same vil- 
 lage. 
 
 " The village where I dwell is called Nanantsou- 
 ack, and is placed in a country which is situated be- 
 tween Acadia and New England. This mission is 
 about eight leagues from Pentagouet, and they 
 count it a hundred leagues from Pentagouet to Port 
 Royal. The river of my mission is the greatest of 
 all those which water the lands of the savages. It 
 should be marked on the chart, under the name of 
 Kinibeki ; which has brought the French to give to 
 these savages the name of kanibals. This river 
 empties into the sea at Sankderank, 1 which is only 
 five or six leagues from Pemquit. After having as- 
 cended forty leagues from Sankderank, one arrives 
 at my village which is on the height of a point of 
 land. We are only the distance of two days at the 
 most from the English habitation ; it takes more 
 than fifteen days for us to reach Quebec, and the 
 journey is very painful and difficult It would be 
 natural that our savages should do their trading with 
 the English, and there are no advantages which the 
 latter have not offered them to attract and to gain 
 their friendship ; but all their efforts have been use- 
 
 1 That is, at Sagadahoc.
 
 2 1 6 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 less and nothing has been able to detach them from 
 alliance with the French. The only tie which has 
 so closely united us with them is their firm attach- 
 ment to the Catholic faith. They are convinced 
 that if they gave themselves up to the English, they 
 would very soon find themselves without a mission- 
 ary, without a sacrifice, without a sacrament, and 
 nearly without any exercise of religion, and that 
 little by little they would be plunged into their first 
 infidelity. This firmness of our savages has been 
 put to all sorts of tests on the part of their powerful 
 neighbors, without their ever having been able to 
 gain anything. 
 
 "In the time when the war was on the point of 
 being kindled between the powers of Europe, the 
 English governor newly arrived at Boston, requested 
 of our savages an interview on the sea-shore, or an 
 island which he designated. 1 They consented to it, 
 and prayed me to accompany them there, to consult 
 me on the artful proposals which might be made to 
 them, in order to be assured that their replies should 
 have nothing contrary neither to religion, nor to the 
 interests of the king's service. I followed them, and 
 my intention was to keep myself simply in their 
 
 1 The island of Arrowsic.
 
 in New England. 2 1 7 
 
 quarters, to aid them by my counsels, without ap- 
 pearing before the governor. As we approached the 
 island, to the number of more than two hundred 
 canoes, the English saluted us by a discharge of all 
 the cannons of their ships, and all the savages re- 
 sponded to this salute by a light discharge of all 
 their guns. Afterwards the governor appearing on 
 the island, the savages landed there with precipita- 
 tion ; thus I found myself where I desired not to be 
 and where the governor desired not that I should be. 
 When he perceived me, he came some steps toward 
 me, and after the ordinary compliments, he returned 
 to the midst of his people, and I to the savages. 
 
 " ' It is by order of our queen,' said he to them, 
 ' that I come to see you ; she desires that we should 
 live in peace. If some English man should be im- 
 prudent enough to do you wrong, do not dream to 
 avenge yourself for it, but address your complaint 
 immediately to me, and I will render you prompt 
 justice. If it happens that we should have war with 
 the French, remain neutral, and do not mix your- 
 selves in our differences. The French are as strong 
 as we, therefore let us settle our quarrels together. 
 We will supply all your needs ; we will take your 
 furs, and we will give you our goods at a moderate 
 price.' My presence hindered him from saying all 
 28
 
 218 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 that he intended, for it was not without design that 
 he had brought a minister with him. 1 
 
 41 When he had ceased speaking, the savages re- 
 tired, to deliberate together on the reply which they 
 had to make. During this time, the governor draw- 
 ing me apart ' I pray you sir' said he to me, 'not to 
 lead your Indians to make war against us.' I re- 
 plied to him that my religion and my character 
 engaged me to give them only counsels of peace. I 
 should have spoken more, when I saw myself sud- 
 denly surrounded with a score of young warriors, who 
 feared lest the governor wished to carry me away. 
 In the meantime the savages came forward, and one 
 of them made the following reply to the governor. 
 
 " ' Great chief, thou didst tell us not to join with the 
 French. Supposing that thou shouldst declare war 
 against him ; know that the French man is my 
 brother ; we have the same prayer he and I, and we 
 are in the same cabin at two fires ; he has one fire 
 and I the other. If I see thee enter into the cabin 
 on the side of the fire where the French man is seated 
 I should watch thee from my mat, where I am seated 
 at the other fire ; if, in watching thee, I should per- 
 ceive that thou earnest a hatchet, I should have the 
 
 1 The Rev. Joseph Baxter, of Medway, mentioned 
 elsewhere.
 
 in New England. 219 
 
 thought what does the Englishman intend to do with 
 this hatchet ? I should raise myself then upon my 
 mat, to observe what he will do. If he raises the 
 hatchet to strike my brother the Frenchman, I take 
 mine, and I run to the Englishman to strike him. Is 
 it that I should be able to see my brother struck in 
 my cabin, and remain quietly on my mat. No, no, 
 I love my brother too much, not to defend him. Thus 
 I would say to thee, great chief ; do nothing to my 
 brother, and I will do nothing to thee ; remain quiet 
 on thy mat, and I will remain in repose on mine.' 
 
 " It is thus that this conference ended. A little time 
 after some of our savages arrived from Quebec, and 
 reported that a French vessel had brought there the 
 news of war kindled between France and England. 
 Our savages immediately, after having deliberated 
 according to their custom, ordered the young men to 
 kill the dogs, to make the war feast, and to learn 
 there those who wished to engage themselves in it. 
 The feast took place ; they hung a kettle, they danced, 
 and two hundred and fifty warriors met there. After 
 the feast they fixed upon a day to come to confess 
 themselves. I exhorted them to be as attached to 
 their prayer as they were in the village, to well ob- 
 serve the laws of war, not to exercise any cruelty, not 
 to kill anybody except in the heat of combat, to treat
 
 22O The Pioneers of New France 
 
 humanely those who surrendered themselves prison- 
 ers, etc. 
 
 "The manner in which these people make war, 
 renders a handful of their warriors more formidable 
 than a body of two or three thousand European sol- 
 diers would be. As soon as they have entered into 
 the enemy's country, they divide themselves into 
 different parties, one of thirty warriors, another of 
 forty, etc. They say to the first ; ' to you is given 
 this hamlet to devour,' this is their expression ' to you 
 others, is given this village, etc.' At once, the signal 
 is given to strike all together, and at the same time in 
 different places. Our two hundred and fifty warriors, 
 spread themselves over more than twenty leagues of 
 country, where there are villages, hamlets, and 
 houses ; on the day mentioned they struck all to- 
 gether early in the morning; in a single day they 
 swept away all that the English had there, and they 
 killed more than two hundred of them, and they made 
 more than one hundred and fifty prisoners, and had 
 on their part only a few warriors slightly wounded. 
 They returned from this expedition having each one 
 two canoes loaded with booty which they had taken. 
 
 " During all the time that the war lasted, they car- 
 ried desolation throughout all the land which be- 
 longed to the English; they ravaged their villages,
 
 in New England. 221 
 
 their forts, their farms, carried away a great number 
 of cattle and made more than six hundred prisoners. 
 Therefore these gentlemen persuaded with reason, 
 that in keeping my savages in their attachment to 
 the Catholic faith I strengthened more and more 
 the bonds which united them to the French, have 
 put in operation all sorts of tricks and artifices to 
 detach them from me. 1 There are no offers nor 
 promises which they have not made them, if they 
 would deliver me into their hands, or at least send 
 me back to Quebec, and take in my place one of 
 their ministers. They have made several attempts 
 to surprise me and carry me off; they have gone 
 even so far as to promise a thousand pounds sterling 
 to him who would carry my head to them. You 
 may well believe, my dear brother, that these men- 
 aces are not capable of intimidating me, nor to di- 
 minish my zeal ; too happy if I should become their 
 
 1 After such cruel destruction as Rale describes 
 so lightly, and it must be remembered that those 
 killed and taken prisoners were largely the women 
 and children of the poor settlers, it is not surprising 
 that they did greatly desire the removal from their 
 midst of the aggravating cause of their sufferings. 
 Rale's own statement here sufficiently justifies their 
 course. The thousand pounds sterling for his head 
 is rhapsody.
 
 222 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 victim, and if God should judge me worthy of being 
 loaded with irons and to pour out my blood for the 
 salvation of these savages. 
 
 "At the first news which came of the peace made 
 in Europe, the governor of Boston caused our sav- 
 ages to be told that if they would properly assemble 
 in a place, he would confer with them on the present 
 juncture of affairs. All the savages presented them- 
 selves at the place indicated, and the governor spoke 
 to them thus. 
 
 " ' To the men of Naranhous, I inform thee that 
 peace is made between the King of France and our 
 queen, and that by the treaty of peace, the King of 
 France ceded to our queen, Plaisance and Portrail 
 with all the lands adjacent. So, if thou wishest, we 
 will live in peace thou and I. We have done so 
 formerly ; but the suggestions of the French have 
 made thee break it, and it was to please him that 
 thou hast come to kill us. Let us forget all these 
 wicked doings and cast them into the sea, to the end 
 that they shall appear no more and that we shall be 
 good friends.' 'That is well/ replied the orator, in 
 the name of the Savages, that the Kings should be at 
 peace, I am very glad of it, and I have no more trouble 
 in making it with thee. It is not I who struck 
 thee during twelve years, it is the Frenchman who
 
 in New England. 223 
 
 has used my arm to strike thee. We are at peace, 
 it is true, I have even thrown away my hatchet, I 
 know not where, and while I was in repose on my 
 mat, thinking of nothing, some young men brought 
 me word, which the governor of Canada sent me by 
 which he said to me ; My son the English man has 
 struck me, help me to avenge myself on him, take 
 thy hatchet, and strike the Englishman. I who 
 have always listened to the word of the French gov- 
 ernor, I sought my hatchet, I found it at last all 
 rusted, I burnished it, I hung it at my belt to come 
 to strike thee, now the Frenchman tells me to put it 
 down ; I throw it far away, that one may no longer 
 see the blood with which it is red. I consent to it. 
 " ' But thou sayest that the French man hast given 
 thee Plaisance and Portrail which is in my neighbor- 
 hood, and all the lands adjacent ; he shall give it to 
 thee as much as he will, for me I have my land 
 which the great Spirit has given me to live on as 
 long as there shall be a child of my nation, he will 
 fight to preserve it.' All ended thus pleasantly. 
 The governor made a great feast to the savages, 
 after which each withdrew. The happy expectations 
 of peace, and the tranquillity which they began to 
 enjoy, gave birth to the thought among our savages 
 to rebuild what has been ruined in a sudden eruption
 
 224 'f/ lc Pioneers of New France 
 
 which the English made, while they were absent from 
 the village. As we are very distant from Quebec 
 and much nearer Boston, they deputed some of the 
 principal men of their nations to demand workmen, 
 with the promise to pay liberally for their work. The 
 governor received them with great demonstration of 
 friendship, and bestowed upon them all sorts of 
 blandishments. ' I wish myself to rebuild your church,' 
 said he to them, ' and I will use you better in it than 
 the French governor has done whom you call your 
 father. It should be for him to rebuild it, since it 
 was he who in some sort has ruined it, in leading you 
 to strike me ; as for me, I defend myself as I can ; as 
 for him, after being served by you for his defence, 
 he abandons you. I shall act much better with you, 
 for not only do I grant you workmen, I wish more- 
 over to pay them myself, and to bear all the expense 
 of the building which you wish to construct ; but as 
 it is not reasonable that I, who am an Englishman 
 should build a church without putting into it an 
 English minister to keep it, and to teach prayer in it, 
 I will give you one with whom you will be contented 
 and you shall send back the French minister to 
 Quebec, who is in your village.' 
 
 " ' Thy word astonishes me ' replied the deputy of 
 the savages, ' and I wonder at the proposition that thou
 
 in New England. 225 
 
 hast made me. When thou earnest here, thou didst 
 see me a long time before the French governor ; 
 neither those who preceeded thee, nor thy ministers 
 have ever spoken to me of prayer, nor of the great 
 Spirit. They have seen my furs, my skins of the 
 beaver, and the moose, and it is on them alone they 
 have thought ; it is these that they have sought with 
 eagerness, I could not furnish them to the French 
 governor, my father, to send them to me.' 
 
 " In effect, M. the governor had no sooner learned 
 the ruin of our church, than he sent his workmen to 
 rebuild it. It is of a beauty, which might be admired 
 in Europe, and I spared nothing to adorn it. You 
 have been able to see by the details that I have given 
 in my letter to my nephew, that in the depths of 
 these forests, and among these Savage nations, the 
 divine Service is performed with much propriety and 
 dignity. It is to this I am very attentive, not only while 
 the Savages reside in the village, but yet all the time 
 that they are obliged to inhabit the seashore, where 
 they go twice each year to find there something to 
 live on. Our savages have so fully despoiled their 
 country of beasts, that for ten years they have no 
 longer found there either moose or deer. Bears and 
 beavers have become very rare there, they have 
 scarcely anything to live on except corn, beans, and 
 29
 
 226 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 pumpkins. They crush the corn between two stones 
 to reduce it to flour, then they make a broth of it 
 which they sometimes season with grease or with 
 dry fish. When the corn fails they search in the 
 tilled fields for potatoes or acorns, which they esteem 
 as much as corn. After having dried it, they cook 
 it in a kettle with ashes, to remove the bitterness 
 from it. For myself, I eat it dry, and it holds for 
 me the place of bread. 
 
 " At a certain time, they repair to a river a short 
 distance off, where during a month the fish ascend 
 the river in so great quantity, that one could fill 
 fifty thousand barrels of them in a day, if one could 
 have sufficient strength for the work. They are a 
 kind of great herring very agreeable to the taste 
 when they are fresh ; they press forward one upon 
 another a foot in thickness, and they dip them out 
 like water. The savages dry them during eight or 
 ten days, and they live upon them during all the 
 time they sow their lands. 
 
 " It is only in the spring that they sow their corn, 
 and they only give it the last hoeing towards Corpus 
 Christi Day. After which they deliberate as to what 
 place on the sea they shall go to seek something to live 
 upon till the harvest, which is not ordinarily made until 
 a little after the Assumption. After having deliberated
 
 in New England. 227 
 
 they send to pray me to repair to their assembly. 
 As soon as I have arrived there, one of them speaks to 
 me thus in the name of all the others. ' Our father, 
 what I say to thee, is what all of those whom thou 
 seest here would say to thee, thou knowest us, thou 
 knowest that we want food ; scarcely have we been 
 able to give the last hoeing to our fields, and we 
 have no other resource until the harvest, but to go 
 and seek food on the shore of the sea. It will be 
 hard for us to abandon our prayer ; that is why we 
 hope that thou wilt accompany us, so that in seeking 
 something to live upon we shall not interrupt our 
 prayer. Such and such persons will embark thee, 
 and that which thou wilt have to carry will be dis- 
 persed among the other canoes. That is what I 
 have to say to thee.' I have no sooner replied to 
 them Kekikberba (this is a savage term which means, 
 I hear you, my children, I agree to what you de- 
 mand), than all cry together ouriourie, which is an 
 expression of thanks. Immediately after they leave 
 the village. 
 
 " As soon as they arrive at the place where they 
 should pass the night, they plant poles at intervals 
 in the form of a chapel, they surround them with a 
 large tent of ticking, and it is open only in front. 
 All is finished in a quarter of an hour. I always carry
 
 228 77/6' Pioneers of New France 
 
 with me a fair cedar board four feet in length with 
 what should support it ; it is this which serves for an 
 altar, above which is placed a very appropriate 
 canopy. I adorn the interior of the chapel with very 
 fine silk stuff ; a mat of reeds dyed and well wrought, 
 while a great bearskin serves for a carpet. They carry 
 this all prepared, and they have only to place it when 
 the chapel is arranged. At night I take my rest on 
 a carpet. They sleep in the air in an open field if it 
 does not rain ; if it rains or snows they cover them- 
 selves with bark which they carry with them, and which 
 is rolled up like cloth. If the excursion is made in 
 the winter, they remove the snow from the space which 
 the chapel should occupy and they arrange it as 
 usual. Then they make each day the evening and 
 the morning prayer, and I offer the holy sacrifice 
 of the mass. 
 
 " When the savages have reached their destination, 
 on the next day they occupy themselves in erecting 
 a church, which they cover with their bark. I carry 
 with me my chapel, and all that is necessary to adorn 
 the choir, which I hang with silk stuffs and fair cali- 
 coes. The divine service is performed as in the vil- 
 lage and indeed, they form a kind of village of all 
 their cabins made of bark, which they set up in less 
 than an hour. After the Assumption, they quit the
 
 in New England. 229 
 
 sea and return to the village to make their harvest. 
 They fare then very poorly until after All Saints, 
 when they return a second time to the sea. It is in 
 this season that they make good cheer. Besides 
 large fish, shell fish, and fruits, they find bustards, 
 ducks, and all sorts of game, with which the sea is 
 all covered in the place where they encamp, which is 
 divided by a great number of little islands. The 
 hunters who go out in the morning to hunt ducks, 
 and other kinds of game sometimes kill a score at a 
 single shot. Towards the Purification, or later 
 toward Ash Wednesday they return to the village, it 
 is only the hunters who scatter themselves abroad to 
 go in pursuit of the bears, of the moose, of the deer 
 and of the beavers. 
 
 "These good savages have often given me proofs 
 of the most sincere attachment for me, above all on 
 two occasions, when, finding myself with them on 
 the shores of the sea, they took lively alarm on my 
 account. One day when they were occupied with 
 their hunting, a rumor was suddenly spread that an 
 English party had made an irruption into my quar- 
 ters, and had carried me away. In that very hour 
 they assembled, and the result of their deliberation 
 was that they should pursue the party until they 
 had overtaken it, and had snatched me from their
 
 230 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 hands, should it cost them life. They set off at the 
 same instant toward my quarter, rather far into the 
 night. When they entered into my cabin, I was oc- 
 cupied in composing the life of a saint in the savage 
 language. ' Ah, our father,' they cried, ' how glad 
 we are to see thee.' 'I am eagerly rejoiced to see 
 you, but what is it brings you here at so frightful a 
 time?' 'It is mainly that we are come, they had 
 assured us that the English had carried thee off; 
 we came to observe their tracks and our warriors 
 could hardly wait to come and pursue them, and to 
 attack their forts, where, if the news had been true, 
 the English would have without doubt have impris- 
 oned you.' ' You see, my children,' I replied to 
 them, that your fears are unfounded ; but the friend- 
 ship my children show me fills my heart with joy ; 
 because it is a proof of their attachment to the 
 prayer. To-morrow, you shall depart immediately 
 after mass at the earliest hour to our brave warriors, 
 and deliver them from all uneasiness.' 
 
 " Another alarm equally false threw me into great 
 embarrassment, and exposed me to perish with 
 hunger and misery. Two savages came in haste to 
 my quarters to inform me that they had seen the 
 English within a half day's journey. ' Our father,' 
 said they to me, ' there is no time to lose, it is neces-
 
 in New England. 231 
 
 sary that thou shouldest retire, thou wilt risk too 
 much to remain here ; for us we will await them, and 
 perhaps we will go in advance of them. The run- 
 ners depart at this moment to observe them ; but for 
 thee it is necessary that thou shouldest go to the 
 village with these men whom we bring to conduct 
 thee there. When we shall know thee in a place of 
 safety, we shall be easy.' I set out at break of day 
 with ten savages who served me for guides ; but 
 after some days march, we found ourselves at the end 
 of our small provisions. My conductors killed the 
 dog which followed them, and ate it ; they soon 
 came to their wolf bags which they likewise ate. 
 This is what it was not possible for me to taste, 
 nevertheless I lived on a kind of wood which they 
 boiled, and which, being cooked, is as tender as rad- 
 ishes half cooked, except the heart which is very 
 hard and which they throw away ; this wood had not 
 a bad taste, but I had extreme difficulty in swallow- 
 ing it. Sometimes they found attached to the trees 
 those excrescences of wood which are white like large 
 mushrooms; they cook them and reduce them to a 
 kind of pulp, but it is quite necessary to acquire a 
 taste for them. At other times they dried in the 
 fire the bark of the green oak, they pounded it im- 
 mediately, and made it into a pulp or else they dried
 
 232 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 the leaves which grew in the clefts of the rocks and 
 which they called tripes de roche ; when they are 
 cooked, they make a pulp very black and disagree- 
 able. I ate of all this, because there is nothing that 
 hunger does not devour. 
 
 " With such food, we could make only very short 
 journeys. We arrived in the meantime at a lake 
 which began to thaw, and there was already four 
 inches of water on the ice. It was necessary to 
 cross it with our snow shoes ; but as these snow 
 shoes are made of strips of skin, as soon as they were 
 wet, they became very heavy, and rendered our 
 march much more difficult. Although one of our 
 men marched at our head to sound the way, I sank 
 suddenly as far as to the knees; another who marched 
 beside me sank presently up to the waist, crying out ; 
 ' My father, I am dead.' As I approached him to 
 offer him my hand, I sank myself still deeper. At 
 last, it was not without much hardship that we ex- 
 tricated ourselves from this danger, through the in- 
 cumbrance which our snow shoes caused us, of which 
 we could not rid ourselves. Nevertheless, I ran 
 still less risk from drowning, than from dying from 
 cold in the midst of this half frozen lake. 
 
 " But new dangers awaited us the next day, in the 
 passage of a river which it was necessary we should
 
 in New England. 233 
 
 cross on the floating ice. We extricated ourselves 
 from it happily, and at last arrived at the village. I 
 at first dug up a little Indian corn, which I had left 
 in my house, and I ate of it, all raw as it was to ap- 
 pease my first hunger, while these poor savages 
 made all sorts of efforts in order to regale me. And 
 in effect the repast that they brought me, although 
 frugal and but little appetizing, as it might appear to 
 you, was, in their eyes, a veritable feast. They 
 served me at first a plate of mush made of Indian 
 corn. Now for the second course, they gave me a 
 small morsel of bear, with acorns and a little cake of 
 Indian corn cooked under the ashes. When I asked 
 them why they had prepared for me such good 
 cheer; 'How now, our father,' they replied to me, 
 ' it is two days that thou hast eaten nothing ; could 
 we do less ; would to God that we could very often 
 regale thee in this way.' While I was thinking to 
 recover from my fatigue, one of the Indians who 
 were encamped on the sea shore, and who was 
 ignorant of my return to the village caused a new 
 alarm. Having come to my quarters, and not find- 
 ing me there, nor yet those who were encamped 
 with me, they did not doubt that we had been car- 
 riew away by a party of English ; and while on his 
 way to give warning to those in his quarters, he 
 3
 
 234 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 reached the bank of the riven There, he tore the 
 bark from a tree upon which he drew with charcoal 
 the English about me, and one of them cutting off 
 my head. This is all the writing of the savages, and 
 they understand as well among themselves, by these 
 kinds of figures, as we understand each other by our 
 letters. He then placed this sort of letter around a 
 stick which he planted on the bank of the river, in 
 order to instruct the passers by what had happened 
 to me. A short time after, some savages who passed 
 there in six canoes to go to the village, discovered 
 this bark. 'There is a writing,' said they; 'let us 
 see what it tells. ' Alas,' they cried on reading it, ' the 
 English have killed those of the quarter of our 
 father ; as for him, they have cut off his head.' They 
 immediately plucked off the lock of hair which they 
 leave negligently flowing over their shoulders and 
 seated themselves around the stick until the next 
 day, without saying a single word. This ceremony 
 among them is the mark of the greatest affliction. 
 The next day they continued their route to within a 
 half league of the village where they stopped ; then 
 they sent one of them into the woods quite near to 
 the village, in order to see if the English had not 
 come to burn the fort and the cabins. I was reciting 
 my breviary while walking along by the fort on the
 
 in New England. 235 
 
 river, when this savage arrived opposite me on the 
 other side. As soon as he perceived me 'Ah, my 
 father,' cried he, ' how glad I am to see thee. My 
 heart was dead, and it revived on seeing thee, we 
 have seen the writing which said the English had cut 
 off thy head. How glad I am that it has lied.' 
 When I proposed to him to send him a canoe to 
 cross the river. ' No/ replied he, ' it is enough that 
 I have seen thee ; I return upon my steps to carry 
 this pleasant news to those who await me, and we 
 shall come very soon to rejoin thee.' Indeed they 
 arrived there the same day. 
 
 " I believe, my very dear brother, to have fulfilled 
 that which you desired of me, by the summary which 
 I undertake to make you of the nature of this country, 
 of the character of our savages, of my occupations, 
 of my labors, and of the danger to which I am ex- 
 posed. You judge without doubt that it is on the 
 part of my gentlemen, the English of our neighbor- 
 hood, that I have the most to fear. It is true that 
 for a long time they have sworn my destruction ; but 
 neither their ill-will for me, nor the death with which 
 they threaten me, shall ever be able to separate me 
 from my old rlock ; I recommend it to your holy 
 prayers, and am, with most tender attachment, etc." 
 The winter following Harmon's failure, another ex-
 
 236 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 pedition was attempted against Norridgewock by 
 Capt. Moulton. 1 After an arduous march through 
 thick forests and frozen swamps, which lay between 
 him and his elusive foe, Moulton reached the vicinity 
 of the village, as he supposed undiscovered, and cau- 
 tiously approaching, thought to surprise it. To his 
 chagrin it was deserted. Rate and his neophytes had 
 been apprised of danger, and fled to the woods. 
 
 Jeremiah Moulton was a native of York, 
 and brother-in-law to Johnson Harmon, to whom he 
 held a subordinate position in the attack on Nor- 
 ridgewock, but the credit of success on that occasion 
 was by popular acclaim awarded to him, although he 
 received no public recognition for his services. In 
 1735, he was elected a member of the Provincial 
 Council, and represented York in the General Court 
 for several years. He was also county treasurer of 
 Yorkshire, and judge of the Court of Common Pleas. 
 He was lieutenant-colonel of militia, and in 1761 was 
 judge of Probate. Williamson says of him that 
 "though he was unassuming in his disposition and man- 
 ners, and never a restless aspirant for office, few men of 
 this age and this Province, had a greater share of 
 public confidence, or were called to fill so many places 
 of official trust and responsibility," and that "the 
 prudence, skill and bravery which marked his con- 
 duct, gave him rank among the military characters 
 of distinction. He was a member of the Council 
 Board seventeen years in succession a man of 
 sound judgment, possessing a character of uncommon 
 excellence."
 
 in New England. 237 
 
 Though greatly annoyed at this lame conclusion of 
 his labors, Moulton, with commendable magnanimity, 
 forbade his men from doing any injury to the church 
 or dwellings of the savages, and they were therefore 
 left unscathed. Rale told his converts that this wise 
 and generous act was the result of cowardice, and 
 that their church was spared because he had threat- 
 ened the English, that if they destroyed it, he would 
 destroy all their churches. Such is the spirit of 
 prejudice that it blinds men to what is praiseworthy 
 in their adversaries. 
 
 Rale was urged by his friends to withdraw into 
 Canada, but underestimating the steady perseverance 
 of the English, and regarding the danger of capture 
 to be light, he sternly refused. 
 
 If we had stood on the morning of August iQth, or 
 8th, old style, i 724, upon the glacis in front of Fort 
 Richmond, we should have witnessed an interesting 
 scene of activity. Along the leafy banks of the 
 Kennebec lay seventeen large boats, such as were 
 then used by whalers, which, one by one, were soon 
 filled with men, arms and provisions, and having been 
 formed into a long line were rowed rapidly away. 
 It was an expedition of two hundred and eleven men, 
 three being Mohawk savages, friendly to the English, 
 under the leadership of Harmon and Moulton, going
 
 238 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 against Norridgewock ; this time in summer, the 
 season that Ral<f had told his savages that the Eng- 
 lish were too cowardly to approach their village, 
 even with a force seven or eight times greater than 
 their own. 
 
 Reaching the present site of Winslow, on the 
 2oth, the party disembarked, at the foot of Ticonic 
 falls, where they encamped for the night, and the 
 next morning leaving their boats guarded by forty 
 men, Harmon and Moulton, with the rest of their 
 command, proceeded on their way to Norridgewock. 
 As the shades of evening fell about them, they were 
 still threading their devious way along the river 
 bank, when suddenly they surprised an Indian and 
 two Indian women, who fled at their approach. The 
 success of the expedition depended upon surprising 
 the elusive foe, and if these Indians escaped and 
 carried the alarm to Norridgewock, the campaign 
 would terminate as on former occasions, in failure, 
 if not in disaster. There was but one thing to do 
 under the circumstances and they fired upon the 
 fugitives as they strove to escape by the river. The 
 man and one of the women fell, the other woman 
 surrendered. The savages whom they had slain 
 proved to be Bomazeen, one of their most treacher- 
 ous enemies, and his daughter ; the prisoner being
 
 in New England. 239 
 
 his wife. On the 23d, about midday, they were 
 near the doomed village, and the force was di- 
 vided, 1 Harmon filing off with a part of the men 
 toward the cornfields of the savages, to surprise 
 any who might be there, while Moulton proceeded 
 toward the village. 
 
 It was about three o'clock when Moulton saw 
 from the leafy covert which concealed him and his 
 little band of eighty men, the cabins of the savages 
 almost within reach ; but not a human being was in 
 sight. The place seemed deserted as they had 
 found it on other occasions, and but for certain un- 
 mistakable signs of occupation, the anxious leaguers 
 would have believed it to be so. Suddenly from 
 one of the cabins a solitary savage emerged to per- 
 form some necessary duty, when looking around, his 
 quick eye discovered the presence of a foe. In- 
 stantly his shrill war cry aroused the lazy warriors, 
 
 Johnson Harmon, born about 1680, married 
 Mary, the daughter of Jeremiah Moulton, Senior, of 
 York. He achieved a wide fame for his skill in In- 
 dian warfare, and for his services at Norridgewock 
 was rewarded by promotion to the rank of colonel 
 He represented York in the General Court in 1727, 
 and shortly after removed to Merriconeag Neck with 
 his son-in-law, Richard Jaques. He died April 17,
 
 240 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 and they sprung to their arms ready for the fray. 
 Moulton, with a coolness born of constant exposure 
 to danger, sharply commanded his men on pain of 
 death to reserve their fire, and the savages dis- 
 charged their guns in the faces of their implacable 
 foemen, overshooting them in their wild excitement. 
 The English without breaking their ranks steadily 
 returned the fire, and the savage warriors quickly 
 reloaded, while the rest of the inhabitants fled in 
 dismay to the river ; but although Rale has extolled 
 the bravery and hardihood of his neophytes now, as 
 upon all other occasions when matched with civilized 
 man, they failed in true heroism, and discharging 
 their guns a second time without execution, they 
 broke and fled, although their force was nearly two- 
 thirds as large as that opposed to them, and they 
 stood on familiar ground, a matter of considerable 
 importance in warfare. A wild rush of men, women, 
 and children was made for the river, which was but 
 about sixty feet wide, and at its lowest stage ; so 
 that the taller men could ford it. Some attempted 
 escape in their canoes, but had no paddles, while the 
 greater part of the savages were obliged to trust to 
 their natatory skill. Of course, the women and chil- 
 dren in the wild confusion which surrounded them 
 suffered most.
 
 in New England. 241 
 
 The English had but one duty to perform. Here 
 was the very source of that pernicious power, which 
 had spread ruin, desolation, and death, accompanied 
 by unparalleled horror and suffering, through New 
 England. Its complete destruction was not only a 
 necessary but a beneficent act, if any act of warfare 
 which cuts off human -life to prevent its greater de- 
 struction may be properly so called. 
 
 It was an affair of but a few moments. Some 
 of the English seizing paddles, which they found, 
 sprung into canoes, while others waded into the river 
 and fired upon those who had not already found 
 shelter on the opposite bank, killing some and driv- 
 ing even those who were attempting to escape in 
 their canoes to seek safety by plunging into the 
 water. Those who escaped were soon beyond the 
 reach of pursuit, and the English, who had followed 
 them to the river, quickly returned to the village 
 where occasional firing could still be heard. This 
 firing was from two cabins ; in one was Mogg with 
 his wife and two children, and in the other Rale with 
 an English boy, about fourteen years of age, captured 
 some months before, and now in the keeping of the 
 priest. 1 A shot from Mogg struck and killed one 
 
 1 This boy was the son of William Mitchell of 
 Scarborough, and with his brother was captured on 
 
 31
 
 242 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 of the Mohawks, which so exasperated his brother 
 that he rushed upon the cabin, broke down the door 
 and shot Mogg dead, and in the mad excitement his 
 wife and two children were likewise slain. Moulton 
 had given strict orders to spare Rale, intending to 
 make him a prisoner, and to deliver him into the 
 hands of the authorities at Boston, but his design 
 was frustrated by Lieutenant Richard Jaques, 1 his 
 
 the 1 7th of the preceding April, at which time his 
 father was killed. 
 
 1 Richard Jaques, son of Daniel and Mary Wil- 
 liams Jaques, was born at Newbury, Mass., where 
 descendants of the family still reside, on Feb. 2, 1696, 
 and married Mary, born Mar. 23, 1 704-5, the daughter 
 of Johnson Harmon, the commander-in-chief of the 
 Norridgewock expedition. As with so many others, 
 whose campaigning led them along the winding shores 
 of the Kennebec and Androscoggin, Jaques was 
 enamored with the beauty and fertility of the region, 
 and in 1727, in company with his father-in-law, Col. 
 Johnson Harmon, he removed to Merriconeag Neck 
 in the town of Harpswell, where he settled upon a 
 tract of land belonging to the Pejepscot proprietors, 
 and for several years led the peaceful life of a farmer ; 
 but, when the call came in 1 745 for troops to strike 
 a blow at Louisbourg, the stronghold of French 
 power, which the English frontiersman so hated, his 
 military ardor was reawakened, and he joined the 
 enthusiastic volunteers with a company of his towns- 
 men, and participated in the glorious success which 
 the English achieved in reducing "the Gibraltar of
 
 in New England. 243 
 
 nephew, and the son-in-law of Harmon, the com- 
 mander-in-chief of the expedition, who breaking in 
 the door of the cabin from which Rale was firing, 
 saw him in the act of dropping a bullet into his gun. 
 Hastily demanding if he would surrender, or, in the 
 parlance of the time, would " take quarter," he was 
 answered in a spirited manner by the priest, that 
 he would not, whereupon, without further parley, he 
 shot him dead. In the cabin was found Mitchell, the 
 captive boy, shot through the thigh and stabbed 
 
 America." After his return from Louisbourg we 
 have but little that is definite concerning him. There 
 is a tradition in the family, unsupported by any record, 
 however, that he commanded a company of soldiers 
 sent to Bagaduce not long after the fall of Louis- 
 bourg, to hold the savages in check, and while on 
 this service was ordered by the officer commanding 
 the expedition to lead his company across an exposed 
 point to reconnoitre for savages. His long experi- 
 ence in savage methods of warfare rendered him 
 prudent, and he expressed to his commander the 
 opinion, that to cross the point in question might ex- 
 pose him and his men to the danger of an ambush. 
 Angry at having his order questioned, the hasty 
 officer taunted him with cowardice, which stung him 
 so keenly that Jaques replied that " he would not 
 turn on his heel to save his life," and proceeded to 
 carry the imprudent order into effect. He had pro- 
 ceeded but a short distance when a savage, who had 
 been concealed behind a tree, fired upon and wounded
 
 244 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 in the body, who declared that this was done by 
 Raid. 1 
 
 Moulton was angry with Jaques for his disobedi- 
 ence of orders, and reprimanded him for it ; refusing 
 to accept his excuse that Rale was reloading his gun, 
 and refused to give or take quarter. The victors 
 
 him severely. He was carried home to Harpswell, 
 where he died a few months after from his wounds. 
 Parkman calls the slayer of Rale Benjamin Jaques, 
 being probably misled "by an article in the Brunswick 
 Historical Magazine of 1864. Benjamin was the son 
 of Richard, and was living many years after the 
 death of his father. An island near the former place 
 of residence of Richard Jaques still preserves his 
 name, sometimes strangely transformed into Jaquinth 
 and Jaqueth Island. The children of Richard and 
 Mary Jaques were Marianna, b. June, 1725; Su- 
 sanna, b. June, 1728, and Benjamin, b. Oct. 17, 1731. 
 1 This statement, though its veracity has been 
 doubted, notably by Dr. Harris, who says, "We 
 search in vain for the evidence of this revengeful 
 deed" (Mass. Hist. Col., 4th series, vol. 8, p. 257), 
 has never been disproved, which is strange, as there 
 must have been several persons conversant with the 
 particulars of the affair who lived for years after it 
 happened. Moulton was a man with a nice sense of 
 honor, and was present when the body was found, 
 yet he never appears to have questioned the story. 
 In spite, however, of this, it is too revolting for 
 credence, and we ought not to accept it without 
 further evidence.
 
 in New England. 245 
 
 encamped in the village for the night, being joined 
 after the fray by Harmon, and the next morning took 
 up their march homeward, carrying with them what 
 little spoil they could find. Of course, a little corn, 
 a few guns, kettles, blankets and a small store of 
 powder would constitute the worldly wealth of such 
 a savage community ; but whatever found was doubt- 
 less taken away by the poor soldiers. 
 
 Moulton, who was a humane and prudent man, 
 left the village unharmed, as on a former occasion ; 
 but after reaching Ticonic Falls, where the boats had 
 been left, Christian, one of the two surviving Mo- 
 hawks, returned to Norridgewock and set fire to the 
 place, destroying everything. According to the 
 account of De la Chasse, after the English had left 
 the ruined village some of the savages returned and 
 buried the body of Rale. If they did so, they were 
 soon hurrying to join their brethren in Canada, where 
 they arrived in a destitute condition, and were taken 
 under the protection of Vaudreuil, who supplied 
 their needs, and hastened to apply to the king for an 
 increase of the allowance granted for the support of 
 the families of those engaged in war with the Eng- 
 lish, which was promptly granted. Among the 
 things found by Moulton was a book which Raid 
 probably prized above all his worldly belongings,
 
 246 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Busenbaum's Medulla Theologiae Moralis, which 
 embodied the concentrated wisdom of the order to 
 which he belonged. It is strange that no writer on 
 Rale has taken the trouble to critically examine this 
 book, which was, without doubt, as it is inscribed, 
 his vade mecum. It was studied by him day by day 
 in the solitude of the forest, and he regarded it as 
 embodying the holiest truths, the foundation stones, 
 so to speak, of his thoughts and acts. The logic of 
 this book was his logic, and gave form to his reason- 
 ings, hence should it not reveal to us some of the 
 mental lineaments of the man ? Any unprejudiced 
 mind will be satisfied of this who gives it a careful 
 examination. 1 Besides this book, was found an un- 
 
 1 It has been taken for granted that this book was 
 found in the chest captured by Westbrook in the 
 winter of 1721-22, but this does not appear to me to 
 be the fact. The book, known as the Abnaki dic- 
 tionary, was undoubtedly found in the box, but there 
 is nothing whatever to indicate that this book, which, 
 it is reasonable to suppose, was carried always about 
 his person, was not taken from him when he was 
 killed. The following is the title of the book, 
 ^MEDULLA THEOLOGIZE MORALIS Facite 
 ac Perspicua. Methodo resolvens. Casus Conscientiae, 
 exvariis prabistisque Authoribus connata. AR. P. 
 HERM. BUSENBAUM, I Societate Jesu, S. S. 
 Theologies Licentiate. Poenitentibus aequt ac Con-
 
 in New England. 247 
 
 fessariis perqumutiles. Editio Novissima. Recognita 
 ab unok Societate & a multis mendis repurgata, que in 
 prcecendentibus irrepferant. LUGDUN1, sumptibus. 
 Francisci Comba in vieo Mercatorio ad insgne trium 
 Virtutum. M. DC. LXX F, Cum Privilegio Regis" 
 
 On the fly leaf is inscribed the following : 
 
 " This book did belong to Mons r . Ralle the Jesuit 
 and Missionary from France among the Eastern In- 
 dians who was kill'd at Neridgawock when it was 
 surpris'd and destroy'd by Coll. Barman, Maj r . 
 Moulton & Comp a . in ye year 1724. This was ye 
 Jesuit's vade mecum. It was given by Major Josua 
 Moodey of Casco Bay to Wm Welsteed." 
 
 In Mr. Willis' handwriting is the following : " Mr. 
 Welsted was a clergyman, he graduated at H. C. 
 1716, was a classmate of Joseph Moody, was a tutor 
 at Cambridge from 1720 to 1728. Mr Welsted vis- 
 ited Falrn in July or Aug. 1726 & preached for Mr. 
 Smith. Moody then lived here & probably pre- 
 sented this book to his classmate. W. W." 
 
 This book has been of the highest authority 
 among the Jesuits for centuries, as is evinced by the 
 fact that it has been through more than fifty edi- 
 tions, the last having been printed at Rome not 
 long ago, under the authority of the Propaganda 
 Fide. Space will permit but the following brief 
 quotations : 
 
 Whether one may use equivocation in an oath. 
 
 Answer. It is no sin to swear with equivocation 
 when there is just reason for it and equivocation is 
 allowed ; because where there is the privilege of 
 concealing the truth and it is concealed without ly-
 
 248 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 ing, no irreverence is done to the oath. But if it be 
 done without just reason, it will not even then be 
 perjury since he swears truly, according to some 
 sense of the words or mental reservation. Yet from 
 its very nature it will be a deadly sin against religion, 
 since it is an act of grave irreverence to use an oath 
 for the purpose of deceiving another in a matter of 
 great weight. 
 
 He commits a grievous sin who uses equivocation 
 when he takes oath not being asked, but of his own 
 accord ; because then he is held to use words ac- 
 cording to their common signification, inasmuch as 
 he has no reason for using equivocation. 
 
 He also sins grievously who uses equivocation 
 when an oath is justly demanded, as by a judge or 
 a superior in a weighty matter. 
 
 It is lawful to take equivocation if an oath is un- 
 justly demanded, e. g. y if any one exact an oath who 
 has not the right, as an incompetent judge, or if he 
 does not preserve the order or form of law. Also if 
 the oath is exacted through force, injury or fear, e. g., 
 if a husband exact an oath from his wife in regard 
 to hidden adultery, or if robbers demand ransom 
 under oath. Vide p. in. 
 
 What is allowed a judge in regard to bribes f (Q. 4, 
 
 /. 360.) 
 
 Ans. i. Although he who receives bribes may 
 sometimes sin either by reason of scandal or the 
 danger of subverting justice, he yet acquires the 
 right of ownership of the things received, in the 
 eyes of the natural law. 
 
 Ans. 2. Although the positive law forbids the ac- 
 ceptance of bribes, still the receiver is not held to
 
 in New England. 249 
 
 restitution before the sentence of the judge, unless 
 the law expressly says so, because the acceptance 
 was not only illegal but also invalid. 
 
 CONFESSION. (Pages 516 et 
 
 Besides completeness (integritas) these three con- 
 ditions are necessary to confession. 
 
 i st. That it be by word of mouth (vocalis) &c. 
 
 2d. That it be secret, that is, made to the priest 
 alone not necessary indeed but according to the 
 usage of the church. Moreover, public confession, as 
 in time of shipwreck, or battle or in a hospital where 
 many are near, or confession made through an inter- 
 preter, is not binding (at least as regards hidden sins) 
 upon one who, at the point of death, is in doubt con- 
 cerning his contrition. Even then it is enough to 
 confess those things which occasion less disgrace 
 (infamiani}. 
 
 3d. That it be true, &c. 
 
 It is not a mortal sin nor does it render the Sacra- 
 ment (Confession) void : 
 
 i st. If in the confession you lie mildly (mentiaris 
 levited} about things not pertinent or not necessary 
 to the Sacrament, for instance, if you tell a false story 
 or deny a venial or mortal sin which you are not held 
 to confess. 
 
 2d. If you falsely accuse yourself of a venial sin; 
 yet this will become a grave mortal sin if you do this 
 without giving some instance, since you thus render 
 the form void and also the Sacrament ; unless you 
 do it from scrupulousness or confusion. 
 
 May one sometimes deny the true faith or profess 
 a false one ? (Chap. 3, page 45.) 
 
 3 2
 
 250 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 Ans. In no case is it allowed whether it be done 
 with voice or other sign since Christ says, " Whoso- 
 ever shall deny me before men, &c." In the mean- 
 time, however, u although it is not lawful to lie or 
 pretend what is not ; yet it is lawful to conceal what 
 is or to cover up the truth with words or other am- 
 biguous signs," &c. Shades of the Martyrs ! 
 
 It has been authoritatively denied that the Jesuits 
 hold or have held that the end justifies the means ; 
 yet here we have it in the following words : " Cum 
 finis est licitus, etiam media sunt licita : When the 
 end is lawful the means also are lawful. This single 
 quotation would solve every difficulty we have met 
 with in trying to reconcile with contemporary history 
 many erroneous statements of Rale, De la Chasse 
 and Charlevoix ; indeed, if we could know that Rale 
 accepted this as absolutely true in letter and spirit, 
 and by his oath he was bound to so accept it, we 
 could not be blamed for believing the wildest stories, 
 which were circulated about him by our Puritan an- 
 cestors, but which we have avoided repeating in these 
 pages, because they are not accompanied by proofs. 
 It is more reasonable and certainly more agreeable 
 to believe, that Rale was an earnest, self-sacrificing 
 man, whose whole heart was moved to establish the 
 kingdom of Christ in the world, but whose mind was 
 so involved in the meshes of a false system of re- 
 ligious philosophy, as to be incapable of just judg- 
 ment. In conclusion it is but just to say, that Busen- 
 baum's Medulla contains very many acceptable 
 truths, as well as many unacceptable ones.
 
 in New England. 251 
 
 finished letter, which Rale was writing to De la 
 Chasse, as follows : 
 
 " NORRIDGWALK, 23 d Allg*. N. S., 12 O. S. 1 
 
 "Mv REVEREND FATHER, 
 
 " My people are returned from their last Expedi' 
 tion, wherein one of their Bravest Champions was 
 killed. Believing there were above two hundred 
 English divided in three Parties or Bands to drive 
 them out of their Camp, And expecting a further 
 number to Enforce them in order to ruin all the 
 
 Corn in the Fields without doubt But I said to 
 
 them, how Could that be, Seeing we are daily Sur- 
 rounding & making Inroads upon them everywhere 
 in the midst of their Land, and they not coming out 
 of their Fort, which they have upon your own Land, 
 Besides in all the War you have had with them, did 
 you ever see them Come to Attack you in the Spring, 
 Summer or in the fall ; when they knew you were in 
 your habitations. You know it, You Say Yourselves 
 that they never did, but when they knew you were 
 not, but when you were in the Woods. For if 
 
 1 This is a contemporary translation. The letter 
 may be found in the Office of the Public Records, 
 London, where it was copied by the author, verbatim 
 et literatim.
 
 252 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 they knew there were but fifteen or twelve Men 
 men in your dwellings they dare not Approach you 
 with One hundred. We told you after the fall fight 
 of Ke-Ke-penagliesek that the English would come 
 with the Nation of Iroquois to Revenge themselves. 
 You Opposed it and said they should not, and yet 
 they did, you see now whether You are in the 
 right." 
 
 " I had Reason to Believe it Founded on the 
 Kings. word; who could ever think that he should 
 forge such a falsehood & how should I then Answer 
 a Right. And it was to make good their false De- 
 signs that they came here to show themselves as 
 Master of your Land (contrary to my Expectation) 
 where they would not have a Romish Priest to dwell. 
 And if they did not burn the Church, it is that I did 
 send them Word in your behalf, that if they should 
 burn it, you should burn all their Temples. There- 
 fore there was an Order to the officer not to burn 
 anything. They hearken to all my Reasons afore- 
 going, but follow their own. They Design to quit 
 the Village for a fortnight, and to go five or Six 
 Leagues up the River, they proposed it to me, and I 
 have Given my Consent. When I spoke to them 
 on such an Occasion I Declared my thought, with- 
 out Obliging them to follow the same ; But De-
 
 in New England. 253 
 
 clared to them that I was ready to follow their own. 
 It is but a few days since we came to the Village 
 and the last are arrived this morning. 
 
 " The day before yesterday arrived a party of the 
 Becancourians being nine in number, but I have no 
 dependence on them. But my Dependence is upon 
 Kounaouons, the former being favourers of the Eng- 
 lish. Yesterday 12 or 15 Pannaouanskeians four 
 Hurons with One wounded arrived here almost 
 Starved --Therefore they must be Supplied tho the 
 Corn is not Ripe. They must take it as it is, for we 
 are almost reduced to a Famine Provisions being so 
 Scarce. As for my self thro the Grace of God I 
 have gathered in the most part of my Field and 
 Husked the same, which is now a drying; for I can 
 expect none or little from the Savages. 
 
 " Three Hurones are this morning to depart, and 
 go into the War with Becancouriens ; The Panna- 
 ouanskeians Desired the Hurones to carry away 
 their wounded. Say they, ' You seek nothing but 
 Scalps, there is five which we give you.' They have 
 had some likewise in this Village, & are to depart to 
 morrow Morning. My own People are also to de- 
 part and are now Deliberately Consulting whether 
 they shall Joyn with the Becancouriens Ratio Dubi- 
 tando Est. That the Ouarinakiens have not Acted
 
 254 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 against the English Save one of them, that the Eng- 
 lish should have no Occasion to Complain of them ; 
 for Kounaouans who is of this Village has all along 
 been with them. The Ouarinakiens said when my 
 People came to War that they Joyn with the Nor- 
 ridgwalks who follow the English very close by fre- 
 quent discharge of their peeces when the others 
 keep at a distance. And when they return they 
 would take all the honour of the War to themselves, 
 which is very displeasing to my people, who are De- 
 serving of the true Honour Therefore they Con- 
 clude to go by themselves in different Parties as I 
 had advised them. 
 
 " It is therefore for the same Reason that they 
 did let the Hurones go by themselves. At their 
 Arrival here, there was a Party ready to Embark ; 
 And I advised my People that two of them should 
 go as a Guard to the Hurones Ousauniones and 
 Mathiru are to Joyn them. But my People Come 
 and tell me that the Hurones being in Company 
 with them before used to say in Canada That the 
 Norridgwalks were but women in the War &c. I 
 am sure said I that is a Calumny that the Hurones 
 Cast upon them, they have no reason to say any 
 such thing. They have seen you in the Action and 
 you have Given them several scalps &c. But they
 
 in New England. 255 
 
 know the way & tell us every Spot, however let them 
 go by themselves. 
 
 " I just now received a Letter from Father Lover- 
 jat with Four Codd fish out of Eight he sent me. 
 The Bears 1 have Eat four by the way, and said it 
 was a Case of necessity being for want of Provisions. 
 Tho their Village is full of Codd fish out of 15 or 16 
 Vessels they have taken. The Father sent me 
 Word that by a suitable Opportunity he shall send 
 me more And hath sent me word that they have 
 newly taken three Vessels & killed ten Men, some 
 on the Spot and others by reason they revolted from 
 those who had spared their lives &c. They have 
 Attempted to burn the Fort of St. George by two 
 fire Shipps or Vessels, but for want of Wind they 
 miscarried. The fire began to take the Wood part 
 of the Fort, whereupon they heard the English make 
 a great Cry & Lamentation some of them coming 
 out of the Fort to Attempt to Extinguish the fire, 
 which the Indians Could not kill by reason of their 
 being posted on the Contrary side, they not foresee- 
 ing that the English Could Come out of the Fort on 
 that side. The fire of one of the Vessels went out 
 soon of itself and the English had it. 
 
 1 Bearers.
 
 256 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 " After that nine of the Indians went off in a Ves- 
 sel, where they were Attacked by two English Ves- 
 sels, they Engaged for some time ; And the Indians 
 having no more powder Attempted to Board one of 
 them, but they Shunned it. Wherefore the Indians 
 were Obliged to retire Eleven other Indians went in 
 a Vessel and espied two English Vessels in the 
 Road, & went to plunder them, but seeing they 
 were full of People and themselves not able to stand 
 them, did save themselves by swimming a shoar & 
 leaving their vessel. Says the Father I attribute the 
 Bad Success to their .Ungratefulness to God and 
 their Disobedience to me. A Vessel said he which 
 comes from Mines for to bring us Provision said 
 that an English Man Assured him that they had a 
 very great Inclination for Peace at Boston ; And he 
 doubted not but it would be Concluded next fall, 
 which appears very Probable because a Vessel which 
 went from here to Boston to bring a Ransom for the 
 Prisoners that are here is not returned, notwithstand- 
 ing the time is a great deal Expired, And I have 
 Answered them that did not agree with the Council 
 D'Orange that were Resolute to keep their Land I 
 further said That I would never permit my People 
 to receive a Ransom for those they take, for there is 
 not one but would Ransom himself, and if we should
 
 in New England. 257 
 
 harken to it, the English would never think to re- 
 turn the Land for the loss of their People, that they 
 would easily buy &c. 
 
 " The Father Loyard wrote to him that his People 
 with the Mickemacks have been in two Parties to 
 make an Attempt upon the English at Port Royal ; 
 one of those Parties Attackt the Fort it self, where 
 they did kill Six Men & burnt two Houses after they 
 had plundered them, the other party is not yet re- 
 turned back. 
 
 " My People are Absolutely willing to Return to 
 those Forts where one of our Brave Champions was 
 killed in the last Party. 
 
 " I am very glad that Mr. Lieutenant hath Accepted 
 my present. They have brought me my Chocolate. 
 The two Bills that James was to have brought with 
 him are Cast away by over setting a Canno. I am 
 well stock'd with Chocolate for a long time, which I 
 came easily by, & it shall not be presently Carried 
 away for it is very weighty. As for the Remaining 
 part you keep for me it may be it troubles you as 
 much, as it would trouble me if I had it. The Father 
 Dupy had a Warehouse where I put all the woolen 
 linen Shot & powder as well as the Blanketting & 
 gun you got for me since the Canno of the Hurones 
 was here I added those things to his Merchandize 
 33
 
 258 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 for him to make the best profit. As for me I am 
 Contented & I think well paid. The Wine shall be 
 put into the Cellar to be mixt w th that of the House. 
 If the Tobacco were here it should be put into ye 
 Magazine. 
 
 " I am very much Obliged to you my Rev. Father 
 for the Care you take of me, You are willing I 
 should live as a Chanoine till the Spring by the 
 plentiful supply that you have sent me by Pauscawen. 
 I have yet considerable for my self for the Winter, 
 since they sent me some Wine I take a glass after 
 my Mass but I dont find it keeps me so well as a 
 Dram of Brandy I want nothing but Spanish Wine 
 for the Mass. I have enough for myself for above 
 12 months. Therefore I pray the 3d. time to send 
 me no more Wine. I shall send for more when I 
 want it." 1 
 
 The French account of the affair at Norridgewock 
 differs materially from the English account, which 
 was carefully compiled by Hutchinson from the per- 
 sonal testimony of the chief actors in the drama. 
 That the French account is a tissue of errors is seen 
 by a brief examination of its details ; indeed it could 
 
 1 This letter is marked " Not finished," and bears 
 the following attestation : Examined from the Trans- 
 lation in the Secretary's Office, per J. Willard, Sec'y."
 
 in New England. 259 
 
 not be otherwise, when we consider its source. Not 
 a single European witnessed the affair except the 
 English ; hence the dramatic recital of de la Chasse, 
 adopted by Charlevoix, was based upon the stories 
 of savages half crazed with excitement, and always 
 notoriously unreliable in their statements, as Rale 
 himself regarded them. It may be well to notice 
 some of these accuracies. Charlevoix gives the num- 
 ber of Harmon and Moulton's men as eleven hun 
 dred. This is no typographical error, as his editor 
 has suggested, 1 for it is not in figures, but plainly, 
 " ouze cens hommes" 2 As a matter of fact, there were 
 in both Harmon and Moulton's commands but one 
 hundred and seventy-one men, forty of the two hun- 
 dred and eleven who marched from Fort Richmond 
 having been left to guard the boats, and in the 
 attacking party there could not have been over a 
 hundred. De la Chasse speaks of the English force 
 as " une petite armie d' Anglo is & de Sauvages"^ 
 while Charlevoix says that it was composed of "part 
 English and part Indians," 4 and that more than 
 
 1 Vide note in Shea's Charlevoix. 
 8 Vide Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, letter of 
 de la Chasse, where it is so given. 
 8 Ibid. 
 4 Shea's Charlevoix.
 
 260 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 two thousand shots, *' De plus de deux mille coups de 
 fusil'' were fired upon the savages. We know that 
 there were but three savages in the expedition, and 
 as the fight was speedily over, thesta tement of the 
 number of shots fired must have been grossly ex- 
 aggerated. 
 
 We are also told that Rale went fearlessly to meet 
 the assailants, in the hope of drawing all their attention 
 upon himself, and thus saving his flock at the peril 
 of his own life ; that he was immediately fired upon 
 by the English, and that seven Indians who accom- 
 panied him in order to shield him with their bodies, 
 were slain beside him. Shea, the Roman Catholic 
 historian, a careful and conscientious writer, realized 
 the incorrectness of this statement, and in a note to 
 his translation of Charlevoix, alluding to the English 
 statement that Rale was killed in the cabin he was 
 defending, and to several doubtful stories concluding 
 with that of Jaques, that he refused quarter, he says, 
 " Moulton doubted the last statement, and we may 
 well doubt the rest, beyond the fact that he was killed 
 in a cabin from which a vigorous defense was made" 
 
 Shea appreciated the importance of the fact, that 
 Lieut. Jaques would not have acknowledged the 
 slaying of Rale, especially against his superior's 
 orders, unless he had really slain him. The excuse
 
 in New England. 261 
 
 which the lieutenant offered in palliation of his act, 
 when his commander arraigned him for killing Rale 
 in a cabin, when he ought to have taken him prisoner, 
 to the effect that the priest refused to give or take 
 quarter, Moulton, angry at having an order diso- 
 beyed, would not accept ; but he never doubted that 
 Jaques committed the act, and in spite of the blame 
 attached to him for it, Jaques never denied it, but 
 went to his grave the self-acknowledged slayer of 
 Rale. Hence none can reasonably doubt that Rale 
 was slain by Jaques, nor that he was slain in a cabin 
 which was being defended. 1 Had de la Chasse's 
 story, told him, as before remarked, by some excited 
 savage, been true, that he was fired upon by a gen- 
 eral discharge of guns, especially directed against 
 
 1 A piece of independent evidence is furnished by 
 the statement of Benjamin Larrabee of Scarborough, 
 who was in Moulton's command. Some time before, 
 a band of the Norridgewock tribe, on one of their 
 murderous raids, had sought his home and killed his 
 father and brother. While the savages were flying 
 from the village, young Larrabee rushed into a cabin, 
 where he saw Rale, but as he was eager to avenge 
 himself upon the savages for the loss of his relatives, 
 he left the priest unmolested and followed the rapidly 
 disappearing enemy. Returning somewhat later, he 
 found Rale lying dead in the cabin where he had 
 seen him a short time before.
 
 262 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 him by the English, there would not have been men 
 wanting to refute Jaques's story, nor would there 
 have been occasion for Moulton to doubt that Rale 
 refused to give or take quarter. De la Chasse's 
 statement that Rale's body was mutilated is doubt- 
 less true ; for if he was shot through the head and 
 scalped, this would have been mutilation sufficient 
 to account for the appearance of the body, and we 
 need not for a moment entertain the shocking sug- 
 gestion that it was maliciously mutilated after death. 
 The French report of the number of savages who 
 lost their lives at Norridgewock, namely, seven men, 
 seven women and fourteen children, is doubtless 
 correct. Some of the latter were probably drowned 
 in the confusion of crossing the river. If but seven 
 men in all were killed, then none were killed by all 
 the firing but de la Chasse's seven mythical heroes, 
 who shielded Rale with their own bodies. 1 De la 
 Chasse's statement, that the English, after the vic- 
 tory, fled as if smitten by a panic, is in harmony 
 
 1 These seven included Bomazeen, who was killed 
 before the party reached Norridgewock. Penhallow 
 supposes the number of savages who were killed and 
 drowned at Norridgewock to have been eighty, and 
 writers generally have accepted this opinion. The 
 savages, however, from whom the French accounts 
 came, would not have been likely to understate their
 
 in New England. 263 
 
 with his other statements, and partakes of the over- 
 wrought credulity of an age in which men of all 
 
 loss, and were in a better position to know their 
 number than the English. 
 
 The following is from the Massachusetts Archives: 
 
 At a Council held at the Council Chamber in 
 Boston, on Saturday, August 22, 1724. 
 
 Captain Johnson Harman being arrived from the 
 Eastward with twenty-seven Indian scalps, together 
 with the scalp of Sebastian Ralle the Jesuit and 
 Missionary among the Norridgewock Indians, and 
 the Standard of y e s d Tribe of Indians, was directed 
 to attend in Council. And there gave a short Nar- 
 rative of his March to Norridgewock (with four 
 companies of Soldiers under his command) & of his 
 Action at the s d Place the twelfth instant, where he 
 destroyed a great number of the enemey, many of 
 whom being slain or drown'd in the River, he could 
 not recover their bodies. 
 
 His Honour the Lieut 1 Governour in consideration 
 of the extraordinary Service of the s d Captain Har- 
 man, presented him with a Commission for Lieut 1 
 Colonel of His Majesty's Forces Eastward under the 
 Command of Coll Thomas Westbrook. 
 
 Coll. Johnson Harman made solemn oath that the 
 Twenty seven scalps above ment'd (which were pro- 
 duced in Council) were the Scalps of Rebel or 
 Enemy Indians slain by him and the Forces under 
 his Command, and that they had taken Four Indians 
 Prisoners. 
 
 Coll Johnson Harman likewise made oath that 
 the other Scalp was the Scalp of Sebastian Ralle a 
 Jesuit who appeared at the Head of the Indians and
 
 264 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 creeds saw in every event a miraculous interposition 
 of Providence in their own behalf. 
 
 Shea admits that it is not easy to form an opinion 
 in Rale's case, and that he " apparently advised the 
 
 obstinately resisted the Forces, wounding sev el of the 
 English & resolutely refusing to give or take 
 Quarter. 
 
 Then follows a recital of the vote of the General 
 Assembly to encourage the bringing Sebastian Ralle, 
 passed July 13, 1720. 
 
 " This Court being credibly informed that Mons r 
 Ralle the Jesuit, residing among the Eastern Indians 
 has not only on several occasions of late affronted 
 His Majestys Government of this Province but has 
 also been the Incendiary that has instigated and 
 stirred up those Indians to treat His Majestys sub- 
 jects settling there in the abusive insolent hostile 
 manner that they have done, Resolved that a Pre- 
 mium of One Hundred pounds be allowed and paid 
 out of the Public Treasury to any person that shall 
 apprehend the s d Jesuit within any part of this Prov- 
 ince & bring him to Boston & render him to Justice." 
 
 A Warrant was made for the Treasurer to pay the 
 s d sum of 100 pounds to Johnson Harman for his 
 service in the destruction of s d Sebastian Ralle. Vol. 
 8, Council Records, pages 71 and 72. 
 
 Col. Westbrook in his report to Governor Dum- 
 mer gives the same number of scalps and says : 
 " Cap 1 . Harman and the officers Judge that by the 
 modestest Computation, besides the Scalps and Cap- 
 tives they brought in, what they kill'd and drownded, 
 there would not be less than thirty or forty." Mass. 
 Arch. 52: 34.
 
 in New England. 265 
 
 Indians that war was just." Any one who carefully 
 studies the subject, will inevitably reach the latter 
 conclusion, and however much he may admire Rale's 
 devotion and faithfulness to his calling, and his readi- 
 ness to sacrifice his life in the performance of what 
 he believed to be his duty, he must finally regard 
 him as an agent of the -French Government, exciting 
 the savages against the English settlers, and an agent 
 rendered doubly active by his abhorrence of the Eng- 
 lishman's heresy. This is amply proved by his letters, 
 which partake of the character of much contemporary 
 writing. Crimination and recrimination were com- 
 mon between partisans then, as now. The French 
 condemned the English people because a few rascally 
 traders sold fire water to the savages ; yet, the 
 French minister at Versailles did not hesitate to tell 
 Vaudreuil, when the latter advised the king that it 
 was necessary to fortify Niagara, because the English, 
 backed by the Iroquois, were too powerful for him, 
 that he could at least craze the savages by dosing 
 them with brandy; 1 and yet, Vaudreuil, according 
 to his epitaph in the Cathedral of Quebec, was " le 
 haut et puissant Seigneur & Grand Croix del' order 
 militaire de St. Louis, Governeur et Lieutenant 
 General de toute la Nouvelle France." The English, 
 
 1 Vide Collection de Manuscrits, etc. 
 34
 
 266 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 too, were arraigned for their barbarity in placing a 
 bounty on savage scalps, when so brisk at one time 
 had become the traffic in scalps, English and Iro- 
 quois alike, in New France, that the French began 
 to doubt if all the European scalps presented for 
 bounty were really English, as it was impossible to 
 distinguish an English from a French scalp, and 
 it was shrewdly suspected at Montreal, that their 
 savage friends, finding it more convenient, were 
 surreptitiously despoiling Frenchmen of their cheve- 
 lures. 1 
 
 Such is weak human nature, and we must not 
 wonder to find zealous partisans, especially of a 
 century or two ago, exaggerating or even suppressing 
 facts, as we find Charlevoix among others doing, 
 when we study the sources from which he drew his 
 material. 
 
 In conclusion, Rale cannot be properly denomi- 
 nated a martyr, nor the English murderers. There 
 can be no doubt that he was killed in the excitement 
 of battle, while in a building from which a defense 
 was being made, and against the intentions of the 
 English commander. Yet there has been a great 
 deal of sentimental writing on the subject, based on 
 
 1 Vide Relation de Jesuits.
 
 in New England. 267 
 
 the account of de la Chasse, 1 while the unwarrantable 
 killing of Dummer, Rolfe, and Willard, 2 three Eng- 
 lish divines, who were quietly pursuing their peace- 
 ful labors, has hardly been noticed by our writers, in 
 spite of Gov. Dummer's manly letter to Vaudreuil in 
 response to his accusation of murder against the 
 English for Rale's death. 
 
 1 Although there is but a single original French 
 account of the attack on Norridgewock and slaying 
 of Rale, this of de la Chasse, it has served as a basis for 
 many accounts among which the student may profit- 
 ably consult, Nouvelles des Missions ; Missions de 
 1'Amerique ; Die Katholisches Kuche in dem Ve- 
 reinigten Staten ; Les Jesuits Martyrs de Canada 
 Bibliogr. Patrignani Menologie, 23 agosto, p. 190, 
 Cassani Varones, ilustres. t. I. pp. 677, 679. Annales 
 de la Propagation de la foi. t. I. p. 177. Brasseur de 
 Bourbourg, Hist du Canada. Penhallowand Hutchin- 
 son who base their account of the affair upon the 
 statements of Moulton and Harmon, furnish the 
 basis for the English accounts. 
 
 2 Rev. Shubael Dummer was a graduate of Har- 
 vard College and was fifty-six years of age when slain. 
 His wife, a delicate and refined woman, was taken 
 prisoner with their son ; but was given her freedom 
 by the savages. Turning back she begged piteously 
 for the release of her son which was refused and she 
 was sent away. Again she returned urged by grief 
 and fears to pray for her son's release, and was told 
 that since she desired captivity she should be grati- 
 fied. The hardships of savage captivity soon put an
 
 268 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 With a reticence respecting the cruel killing, 
 some years before, of his reverend uncle, which shows 
 more than words could show his weariness of such 
 hypercriticism, he limited himself to a simple statement 
 of fact, and told the Frenchmen, " that had Ralle 
 Confined himself unto the professed Duty of his 
 function, viz, to Instruct the Indians in the Christian 
 Religion," and had not instigated them " to War and 
 Rapine, there might have been some ground of com- 
 plaint ; But when instead of preaching Peace, Love 
 and Friendship Agreeable to the Doctrines of the 
 Christian Religion he had been a constant and No- 
 torious Fermentor & Incendiary to the Indians to 
 kill, burn and Destroy " as appeared by "many Origi- 
 nal Letters and Manuscripts," which he had before 
 him, had often " appeared at the head of a great 
 number of Indians in a hostile manner, threatening 
 and Insulting, publicly assaulting" the English, and 
 if, after all this, " such an Incendiary " had " happened 
 
 end to her suffering. Rev. Benjamin Rolfe was also 
 a graduate of Harvard and had been settled at Haver- 
 hill fourteen years when he was killed. The Rev. 
 Joseph Willard was a graduate of Yale, and had but 
 a short time before been ordained at Rutland. He 
 was surprised near the village and having a gun de- 
 fended himself, but was overpowered and slain and 
 his scalp carried to Quebec.
 
 in New England. 269 
 
 to be slain in the heat of action " among the " open 
 and Declared Enemies " of the English, no one could 
 "be blamed therefor but himself." Moreover, he 
 said to the disingenuous Frenchman, " I think I have 
 much greater cause to Complain, that Mr. Willard 
 the minister of Rutland (who never had been guilty 
 of the facts charged upon Mr. Ralle * & applied him- 
 self solely to the preaching of the Gospel), was by 
 the Indians you sent to Attack that Town, Assaulted, 
 
 Ht will be seen that Gov. Dummer places an ac- 
 cent on the final e in Rale's name. In English cor- 
 respondence it appears as Ralley, and in the Jesuit 
 priest's book found at Norridgewock the name is 
 written Ralle, which shows that it was so pronounced 
 by the English, while in French correspondence of 
 the time the accent appears. The writer has there- 
 fore adopted the spelling used by Rale himself, with 
 the accent, although the accent does not appear in 
 his autograph as printed. The original of this auto- 
 graph is, unfortunately, lost ; but if Rale even, and 
 not the copyist, omitted the accent, it would not 
 prove the incorrectness of its use to one familiar with 
 the carelessness of the best writers of a century or 
 more ago. To show, however, how common it is, 
 even in our own time to omit the accent, the case of 
 Pierre Soule, M. C., from Louisiana, may be cited. 
 Although he always pronounced his name as if spelt 
 Sulay, many of his associates in Congress persisted in 
 pronouncing it as if spelt Sole, and the newspapers 
 almost invariably printed it as if so spelt ; indeed, he 
 is commonly referred to now as Mr. Soule.
 
 270 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 slain & scalpt & his scalp Carried in Triumph to 
 Quebec." A misdirected spirit of charity, springing 
 perhaps out of a desire to show the world that we 
 disavow participation in the prejudices of our fore- 
 fathers, has caused a too copious gush of sympathy 
 for the subjects of their animosity, without, perhaps, 
 a sufficiently careful consideration of the causes of 
 that sentiment. 
 
 But to reverse our point of view ; suppose Dum- 
 mer, Rolfe or Willard, or perhaps, better, Mather, 
 for he was better known, and better represented the 
 extreme type of the New England divine ; suppose 
 Cotton Mather had accompanied bands of savage 
 Iroquois, who were neighbors and inimical to the 
 French, to attack their settlements in a time of peace 
 between his country and theirs ; had not only en- 
 couraged them in their bloody designs, but had, 
 after the destruction of their ho'mes and the slaying of 
 their friends, conducted his hated services before the 
 eyes of the suffering Catholic prisoners ; nay more, 
 had as Rale says he himself did, displayed himself to 
 the French, who with their wives and little ones 
 were shut up in their block houses, while their 
 homes were blazing around them, merely " to pleas- 
 ure them," and increase their fury against him ; and, 
 if at some time, he had been slain among his sav-
 
 in New England, 271 
 
 ages, no matter under what circumstances, how 
 would the case have then stood ? Would Mather 
 have been considered a martyr ? Suppose, too, that 
 the French commander, a man who had proved him- 
 self to be prudent and humane as Moulton had, 
 after all this provocation, had expressed regret that 
 Mather was killed, and blamed his subordinate, who 
 averred that the act was done in self-defense, should 
 we have signalized him as a murderer? 
 
 Some doubt has been thrown upon the burial of 
 the body of Rale the next day after he was killed. 
 That the savages were demoralized and fled precipi- 
 tately from the scene of ruin is shown by Vaudreuil's 
 report to the king of their arrival in Canada. This 
 fact coupled with an expression in a letter from the 
 king to Vaudreuil, that he loved Rale too much to 
 leave him longer without being covered, and, in a 
 subsequent letter two years later, that he was glad 
 to learn that his orders to cover the body of Rale 
 had been executed, naturally raises the question 
 whether the savages returned immediately and 
 buried the body as described by de la Chasse. A 
 careful consideration of the subject leads to the 
 opinion that some of the savages returned to their 
 ruined village after the departure of the English, 
 and secured by burial the body of their priest, and
 
 272 The Pioneers of New France 
 
 that subsequently, de la Chasse may have gone to 
 Norridgewock with a company of his converts to 
 conduct there such ceremonial services as he deemed 
 appropriate. The whole question rests upon the exact 
 meaning of the word couvrir as used by the king. 1 
 
 101 These expressions are as follows : "Sa Majeste 
 a ete fdchee de la mort du Pere Rasle, missionaire 
 des Ab6nagnis de Narantsouak qui a ete tu6 pas 
 les Anglois. Elle 1'affectionoit trop pour le laisser 
 plus longtemps sans etre couvert, et son intention 
 est que le Sieur Marquis de Vaudreuil prenne les 
 mesures necessaires pour le faire couvrir, et pour cet 
 effet qu'il invoie des collieres aux villages Abinakis de 
 St. Francois, de Becaucourt, Panaouamske et Medoc- 
 tek avec 1 5 couvertes et 40 livres de tabac pour chacun 
 de ces villages, que le Sieur de Chazel fera delivrer 
 des magazines. Le Sieur de Vaudreuil chargera de 
 cette expedition quelques officiers voyageurs et fera 
 le tout de concert avec Le Superieur des jesuites a 
 Quebec," and " Sa Majest6 a appris avec plaisir 
 que les ordres qu 'Elle avoit donnes pour couvrir le 
 corps du Pere Rasle aient ete executes et que le 
 Pere de la Chasse s' en soit charge." Memoire du 
 Roi aux Sieurs Marquis de Vaudreuil et Chazel, and 
 aux Sieurs Marquis de Beauharnois et Dupuy. A 
 Versailles, le 15 Mai, 1725, and le 29 Avril, 1727. 
 These extracts have been submitted by me to scholars 
 of the highest attainments, among whom were noted 
 men of Rale's own order, and their opinions of the 
 exact meaning of the words solicited. Two quite 
 opposite opinions were given and firmly adhered to 
 by both parties, after each knew that an opposite 
 opinion had been given. One opinion was that
 
 in New England. 273 
 
 As before remarked, we cannot regard Rale as a 
 martyr; indeed it is hard to understand how men 
 even of his own order can to-day so regard him. 
 
 Yet he is so regarded in his native country, 
 where the anniversary of his death is still religiously 
 observed. It is, however, quite as difficult for us to 
 understand how our -forefathers could have com. 
 placently regarded the exhibition of his scalp in the 
 streets of Boston. We can only wonder at so low a 
 condition of public sentiment ; but it was a sentiment 
 not peculiar to New England ; it belonged as well to 
 New France; aye, to Old France and Old England ; 
 to the age in which it found expression, " Tempora 
 mutantur et nos mutamur in zHis." 
 
 reference was made to the covering of the savages' 
 grief by presents, according to a custom among them 
 of making gifts to the friends of a dead person, to 
 make them forget or mentally cover the image of the 
 deceased. The other opinion was that the king re- 
 ferred to the burial of the body of Rale, and would 
 not be likely to employ a figurative term, limited 
 only to savage comprehension, when addressing his 
 ministers. Among the men holding this opinion was, 
 perhaps, the most noted writer on the customs and 
 languages of the savages of America at present 
 living. I am satisfied, however, after a most careful 
 study of the customs referred to in the first opinion, 
 that the word convrir is used figuratively in this in- 
 stance, and that it was not meant to indicate the 
 interment of the body. 
 35
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 INCLUDING, WITH OTHER PAPERS OF THE PERIOD, 
 THE FOLLOWING, EXCEPT DUPLICATES AND SUCH 
 LETTERS AS ARE PRINTED IN THE BODY OF THE 
 WORK, NAMELY : 
 
 " Thirty-one Papers produced by Mr. Dummer, in Proof 
 of the Right of the Crown of Great Britain to 
 the Lands between New England and Nova Scotia, 
 and of Several Depredations Committed by the 
 French and Indians, between 1720 and June, 
 
 1725" 
 
 i st. Extract of the French Kings Patent to 
 Charles de Menour K' Lord d'Aunay. 
 
 2. Massachusets assistance to the Goverm 1 of 
 New York in 1690. 
 
 3. Conference of the Indians with Col: Walton 
 and Major Moody &c 1720. 
 
 4. Letter from Several Tribes of Indians to the 
 Governor of N: England in 1721. 
 
 5. Translation of the foregoing letter to a Jesuit 
 in 1721. 
 
 6. Copy of M r Begon a French Intend 18 letter to 
 a Jesuit in 1721. 
 
 7. Mons r Vaudreuils letter to Seb: Ralle a French 
 Jesuit in 1721.
 
 2 76 Appendix. 
 
 8. Paper taken from the Church Door at Norridge- 
 wock in Octo r , 1722. 
 
 9. Mons r . Vaudreuil the French Gov rs letter to the 
 Gov r of New England, 1723. 
 
 10. Answer from the L l Gov r of New England to 
 the foregoing 1723. 
 
 n. Lannerjats Letter to Mons r Ralle Jesuit con- 
 cerning the English killed at Winslow. 
 
 1 2. A Copy of a letter from Seb: Ralle a French 
 Jesuit to another Priest giving a detail of the Depreda- 
 tions committed by the Indians on the English in 
 North' America Aug: 1724. 
 
 13. Letter from the Lieu 1 Gov r of Massachusets 
 to the Gov r of Rhode Island in 1724. 
 
 14. Translation of Mons r Vaudreuil Gov r of 
 Canada's letter to the L l Gov r of y e Massachusets 
 about the French Jesuits &c. dated Oct r 29 th 
 1724. 
 
 15. Duplicate of the Same. 
 
 1 6. Instructions given by the Governm 1 of New 
 England to their Commiss rs Sent to Canada to de 
 mand the English Captives &c in Nov r 1724. 
 
 17. Journal of the said Commissioners. 
 
 1 8. Letter from the L l Gov r of the Massachusets 
 to the L l Gov r of N. Hampshire Dec r i st . 1724. 
 
 19. D to Gov r Cranston of Rhode Island dated 
 Dec r i st 1724 & to Gov r Talcot of Connecticut. 
 
 20. D to Gov J Burnet of N: York Dec r i st 1724. 
 
 21. Vote of the Gov r and Council of N: York of 
 1 6 Dec r 1724. 
 
 22. NB. this is Annexed to No. 19. 
 
 23. Gov r Talcot of Connecticut's letter to the L l 
 Gov r of the Massachusets Dated Dec r 1724. 
 
 24. Narrative of the Indians Managem 1 and of 
 several Treaties with them 1 724.
 
 Appendix. 277 
 
 25. Letter from the L l Gov r of the Massachusets 
 to the Gov r of Canada 1724-5. 
 
 26. Cap: Jordans Declaration in May 1728 of his 
 usage by a French Fryer. 
 
 27. David Golds Testimony of Depredations com- 
 mitted by the Indians in 1725. 
 
 28. The like of Sam 1 Harris 1725. 
 
 29. Declaration of the New England Com rs to 
 Canada made to the Govern 1 of New York. 
 
 30. The said Commiss rs demand to y e Gov r of 
 Canada. 
 
 31. French Receipts of Mony for y e Ransom of 
 English Prisoners 1725. 
 
 B. T. New England, Bundle Y, Vol. 17 
 Rec d ) 
 Read Se P L 3 ' I725 ' 
 
 \Paper /.] 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE FRENCH KING'S PATENT TO 
 CHARLES DE MENOU, KT. LORD D'AULNAY. 
 
 " Louis, By the Grace of God, King of France 
 and Navarre, To all present and to come . . . 
 do appoint and establish . . . Charles de Menou, 
 Chevalier Sieur d'Aulnay Charnizay . . . Gov- 
 ernor of New France and Our Lieutenant General 
 of the Country and Coast of Acadia . . . from 
 the Great River St. Lawrence . . . as far as Vir- 
 ginia . . . We will that the said Sr. d'Aulnay de 
 Charnizay may cause to be built and constructed, 
 Towns, Forts, Ports, Harbors and other places as he 
 shall see useful . . . and to establish there such 
 officers and garrisons as shall be needed. And do
 
 2 78 Appendix. 
 
 generally for the conquest, peopleing, settlement 
 and preservation of the said country, .lands and 
 coasts of Acadia from the said River St. Lawrence 
 as far as Virginia, their appurtenances and depend- 
 encies, under our Name and Authority, all that we 
 might be able to do if We were there in Person." 
 
 \Paper 2."] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS ASSISTANCE TO THE GOVERNOR OF 
 
 N. YORK. 
 
 At the Adjournment of the General Court in Bos- 
 ton. May 1 4th, 1690. 
 
 PURSUANT to the Agreement of William Stough- 
 ton & Samuel Sewell Esq rs Commissioners from the 
 Colony with the Commissioners from the other Gov- 
 ernments met at New York the first of May instant 
 Ordered that One hundred and Sixty Soldiers be 
 Detach d out of the Several Regiments within this 
 Colony in proportion following That is to Say, Out 
 of Hampshire Regiment Forty, Middlesex lower 
 Regiment Twenty, Upper Regiment Ten ; Essex 
 Upper Regiment Ten, Middle Regiment Twenty ; 
 South Regiment Twenty ; South Suffolk Regiment 
 two & Twenty, Boston Regiment Eighteen, to be 
 Improved for the Strengthening of Albany and 
 prosecution of the Common Enemy, French & In- 
 dians. 
 
 A True Copy as of Record. 
 
 Attest : J. Willard Secry.
 
 Appendix. 2 79 
 
 The Deposition of Lewis Bane of York Esq r . 
 
 This Depon 1 Testifyeth and Saith That he being 
 Imployed by the Government As Commander of a 
 Small Detachment of Men the last Sumer was at 
 the Eastward New Settlements, where there were 
 some threatning Speeches and unfriendly Actions of 
 the Indians, when this Depon 1 was Among them ; 
 & he asked them why they Acted After such a 
 Manner with the English, who were their very good 
 Friends; And he understood by them that One 
 Chief Cause was, That the French Fryar Sebastian 
 Raylee stirred them up so to do, telling them that if 
 they suffered the English to go on in setling those 
 parts in two years they would be so strong that they 
 would not be able to remove them And also that 
 then the English would take away Neridgawalk from 
 them. 
 
 SUFFOLK^.- Boston, 2 d . Decem ber 
 
 17/9- 
 Lewis Bane personally Appeared be- 
 
 Lewis Bane 
 
 Justice of 
 
 the peace 
 
 Quoram unus. 
 
 fore us the subscribers two of his 
 Majesties Justices of the peace in s d 
 County and made oath to the truth 
 of this above writen Testimony taken 
 perpetuam Rei : Memoriam - 
 
 Samuel Lynde 
 
 Habijah Savage 
 
 B. T. New England, Vol. 15, VV. 81, Office of the 
 Public Records, London. 
 
 The Deposition of John Minot late of George 
 Towne in Arowsick but now of Boston Merch 1 . 
 
 That he being the last Spring sent by the Gov- 
 ernm 1 to Narantswalk on a message to the Indians
 
 280 Appendix. 
 
 there, did then heare Sebastian Rale the Popish 
 Preist or Jessuit who resides with those Indians 
 say - 
 
 That the King of France had given the Govern r of 
 Canada orders to assist the Indians against the 
 English, if they proceeded to settle the Eastern parts 
 of the County of York, and that the Govern r of 
 Canada had promist to assist the Indians against the 
 English. 
 
 And when the Regents health was offerd to him 
 the said Jessuit he refused to pledge it, saying the 
 Regent was a Protestant, speaking refleckting words 
 of him. 
 
 And the Indians of Narantswalk at the same time 
 told him the said Minot, that the said Jessuit was 
 continually inciting the Indians against the English, 
 and that it was their best way, to beat and fight 
 the English And to disturb them in their settle- 
 ments. 
 
 And that the said Jessuit had wrote to the English 
 Govern r in their names, Otherwayes then they in- 
 tended, and things they did not Consent to. 
 
 And at other times, the said Indians being In- 
 structed by the said Jessuit had said to him the said 
 Minot, that King George was not the right King 
 that he came in at the back door, and that there was 
 Another who was the right heir to the Crown. 
 
 The above mentioned or words to the same pur- 
 pose have bin spoken in my hearing 
 
 John Minot 
 
 SUFFOLK ss : Boston 27th November 1719. 
 
 John Minot personally Appeared before us the 
 Subscribers two of his Majesties Justices of the peace
 
 Appendix. 281 
 
 in s d County and made oath to the truth of the above 
 writen testimony 
 
 Samuel Lynd (Justice peace 
 Habijah Savage (Quoram unnus 
 taken in perpetuam 
 Rei Memoriam 
 
 End:) Massachusetts Bay 
 
 Depositions of Lewis Bane, Esq r & John Minot, 
 Merch 1 , taken at Boston, in Nov r & Dec r 1719, in re- 
 lation to a French Fryar, Sebastian Raylees, stirring 
 up the Kennebeck Indians to revolt from His Ma- 
 jesty, & disturb the Neighbouring English Settle- 
 ments. 
 
 Rec d with M r Dumer's Memorial 
 
 [Paper j>.] 
 
 CONFERENCE WITH THE KENNEBECK INDIANS. 
 
 At a Conference with the Chiefs and some others 
 of the Kennebeck Indians at George Town Novem- 
 ber the 25 th , 1720. 
 
 Present 
 
 Shadrach Walton Esq r> ] Commission- 
 Sam 11 Moody Esq r ! ers on behalf 
 Capt. Johnson Harman [of the Gov- 
 Capt. John WainwrightJ ernment. 
 
 36
 
 282 Appendix. 
 
 Were also present of the Indians 
 
 Warrawenset alias Mogg 
 Wowurna alias Capt Joseph 
 
 , Obomaukawk 
 
 ' John Hegon 
 Tuddebawhunjerit 
 Ketterremuggus alias Moses 
 Interpreters 
 
 Lieu 1 Joseph Bean ) , 
 
 A/rr c i T j r being sworn 
 
 M r bam 1 J ordan j 
 
 C0mmiss rt -Td\ the Sachems and other Indians 
 here present That we four Gentlemen are Authorized 
 and Impowered by a Commission from our Great 
 Governor, Pursuant to a Vote of the Great Court 
 and Assembly that are now sitting at Boston to- 
 Manage a Treaty with you at this time and accord- 
 ing to appointment here at Arrowsick. 
 
 Indians '--We are very well Satisfied that you are 
 so Authorized and Impowered. 
 
 Commiss We presume that you are also Au- 
 thorized and sent by your Tribe and that you repre- 
 sent them ; and we Suppose it to be the same thing 
 as if your whole Tribe were here present to act. 
 
 Indians We Desire that the People may be re- 
 moved from Merry Meeting. 
 
 CommissT* That's no answer to what we pro- 
 posed, that matter may be Discoursed in the proper 
 place & Season Tell us whether you represent your 
 Tribe, and how we shall know that you are sent to 
 act on their Behalf We Insist upon your Answer be- 
 cause we would leave no room for any of your People 
 to make Objections Against your proceedings after- 
 wards.
 
 Appendix. 283 
 
 Indians Mogg (holding a Belt of Wampum over 
 his Head) Replied We are all upon a Hill in View 
 of all the Indians, who see and know that we are 
 here to act for them, and this Belt is a Token of it. 
 This is our Letter and Comission. 
 
 Commiss rs If that be your Letter and Comis- 
 sion, and a Token of your being Impowered we are 
 satisfied : We shall then proceed. 
 
 Indians We desire that we may go on with our 
 talk, first that the People that are upon Our Land at 
 Merry meeting may be removed. 
 
 Commiss We'll not be Interrupted, but will pro- 
 ceed with what we are about to offer, and you may 
 have the Liberty Afterward to say what you please 
 referring to that matter You cant but Remem- 
 ber that Several Gentlemen were sent down the 
 last Winter to Casco Bay where they had a 
 Conference with several of the Chiefs of your Tribe 
 and at that time acquainted you with the 111 Carriage 
 of your People towards the English Inhabiting those 
 parts of the Country in killing their Creatures, 
 Threatning and Insulting their Persons and unjustly 
 disturbing their Settlements and Demanded Satis- 
 faction for the wrong done us, which you then firmly 
 Promised to make in the Spring, as soon as you 
 Could Assemble your whole Tribe to Consult the 
 matter But Instead of Complying with those Prom- 
 ises and Engagements, you have on the Contrary 
 repeated your Insults and Barbarous Carriages of 
 that kind which we are now to acquaint you that the 
 Government will bear no longer And we are Di- 
 rected by His Majesties Government to demand the 
 reason of your Non Complyance with your Promises 
 so Solemnly made to those Commissioners, and have 
 made no restitution for the wrongs done us either
 
 284 Appendix. 
 
 the last year or the summer past, We Expect your 
 Answer to those things forthwith. 
 
 Indians We did not sit in Council about that 
 matter till lately. 
 
 Commiss rs Tell us why you did not when you so 
 solemnly Promised, and what is the Result of your 
 late Council. 
 
 Indians The Reason why we did not meet sooner 
 was because there were so many Reports of Mischief 
 Done and so much noise that we Could not Assem- 
 ble to Consult. 
 
 Commiss rs Who did any mischief but yourselves ? 
 What Occasioned all that Noise but your Insolent 
 Carriage towards the English and your base Treat- 
 ment of the Inhabitants in these parts, as we have 
 already hinted to you. 
 
 Indians We are sensible that our Young Men 
 were the Occasion of the Disturbance that has hap- 
 pened and we have Striven to hinder them as much 
 as in us lyes. 
 
 Commiss rt Then -you ought to Govern your 
 Young Men and Punish them for their Insolence, 
 and if you Cant restrain them you should have in- 
 formed us of it, and have Delivered them to us in 
 Order to their being brought to better manners ; 
 And you have Obliged your selves by all former 
 Treaties not to Disturb us in our Settlements And 
 yet have suffered your Young men to persist in their 
 Insolent Behaviour towards our Inhabitants to their 
 great Discouragement and Damage. 
 
 Indians --^No. desire to go on with our talk; If 
 all those People were removed from Merry Meeting 
 Bay, all other differences between us would be easily 
 Composed. 
 
 Comiss rs Yee will still break in upon us to Evade
 
 Appendix. 285 
 
 that matter which we are firmly resolved to Insist on. 
 Tell us what you Determined at your late Council. 
 
 Indians We are Come here to Desire Peace and 
 long Life, and as a Token of our sincerity We offer 
 these two Belts of Wampum. Three of our Towns 
 have held a Great Council : We are Incapacitated 
 to make restitution for the damage done this fall ; but 
 we will Endeavor to do it by next June or July ; let 
 us know what we are to pay ? 
 
 Comiss rs - You Promised before that youl'd pay 
 this fall, but have not Complyed. Abomazen when 
 at Piscataqua Desired that the Indians might be 
 allowed till the time of their fall hunting to pay for 
 the damage done us & now you would put it off till 
 next June or July; but we shall give you no further 
 time. 
 
 Indians Did Abomazen Give any Letter or lay 
 down any Wampum for the Binding of his Promise? 
 
 Commiss rs You threw down Wampum at the Great 
 Treaty on Arowsick with His Excellency Governour 
 Shute ; yet that was far from being Binding to you ; 
 for you have since been Guilty several times of a 
 Manifest Breach of the Articles you then Signed & 
 Sealed in the presence of God and many Witnesses. 
 
 Indians-- But this hath been a stronger Council, 
 and we are now Resolved to be as good as our 
 words. 
 
 Comiss Was your late Council stronger than 
 what you formerly met at His Excellency Governor 
 Dudley at Casco, when all the Tribes were assembled, 
 and there Called the Great God to Witness of the 
 sincerity of your Hearts & made the most Solemn 
 Protestations Imaginable in the Light of the Sun 
 (which you then Declared was a Witness to that Days 
 Transaction) that you would live quietly & peaceably
 
 286 Appendix. 
 
 and no more Molest and Disturb the English in their 
 Settlements. Was your Council stronger than what 
 you met his Excellency Our present Governor at 
 this place ; which we have already hinted to you when 
 you laid yourselves under as Strong Bonds as was 
 possible by Belt of Wampum you then offered ? All 
 which (besides many other solemn Promises and 
 Covenants lately made with us) you have Perfidiously 
 broken as you Cannot but acknowledge. What reason 
 have you to think we can give any Credit to what 
 you now Say? what security will you Give us that 
 you will make us satisfaction in the Spring for the 
 Injuries done us, for we will take your words no 
 longer here they paused for some time & made no 
 answer. 
 
 Indians It's our young men that don't Attend 
 our Prayers that have done you g l damage ; your 
 men have also Injured us but we are loth to Com- 
 plain. 
 
 Comiss rs If you have any Complaints to offer we 
 are willing to hear them ; but you are Coming off 
 from the Business we are upon We demand security 
 of you for the payment of what is due for the dam- 
 age done. 
 
 Indians How many Skins are we to pay, give 
 us a Letter or account of it ? 
 
 Comiss Capt. Giles had an Acco 1 this Summer, 
 which he was ordered to Communicate to you. 
 
 Indians Only one of us viz., John Hegon, heard it. 
 
 Comiss rs He ought to have told the rest. 
 
 Indians It is Customary when any one of us hear 
 of such a thing to Inform the rest, but he did not 
 do it. 
 
 Commisf* We have Reason to think you have 
 been fully Informed of it, for several of your Indians
 
 Appendix. 287 
 
 told our People that they were going to hunt for 
 Skins to make paym* for the English were sick for 
 want of their skins, and they should be Sick also if 
 the People were not removed from Merry Meeting. 
 But indeed the half of what is our due was not In- 
 serted in the acco 1 and we can Name the Men that 
 have done us the wrong, and accordingly several 
 Persons were mentioned. 
 
 Indians -- These were our Young Men that don't 
 pray. 
 
 Comiss rs It is not only your Young Men, for 
 here is Nath 1 present who is one of your Old men, 
 and hath been Notoriously Guilty of Insulting our 
 People, and you shall Punish him, or we will Cause 
 him to be well Scouraged. There is Captain Joseph 
 also that was present, when some of your People 
 killed a hogg belonging to one Stockbridge ; for 
 which he hath received no Satisfaction so that the 
 old men are Guilty. You are the Heads of your 
 Tribes, and must answer for what they do. But to 
 make Short of the matter we demand 200 Skins of 
 you, which is but a Small matter in Comparison of 
 the injuries you have done us ; and tho you were 
 ordered at a Conference some of us had with you 
 the last month, to warn your Young Men of their 111 
 Carriage, they have persisted in it, and some of your 
 People have within a few days past, broken a Lock 
 and robbed a Sloop at Casco Bay, which is death by 
 our Law. 
 
 Indians-- We did faithfully warn our Young Men, 
 but they are a Vagabond sort of men, that will not 
 take warning. 
 
 Comiss rs If you Cant restrain those Insolent 
 Young Men you will force us to take our own Satis- 
 faction. The Government has always Treated you
 
 288 Appendix. 
 
 fairly, and is very Tender of Shedding any blood. 
 But if you will not Reform, but will constrain 
 them to use any Violent proceedings against you, 
 you must thank your selves for any mischiefs that 
 may Ensue ; and here we must further Observe to 
 you how wickedly the Jesuit has Imposed on you, 
 more Especially by Informing you of a War between 
 Great Britain & France Whereas the two Nations 
 are in a Strict League of Friendship and have a 
 Prospect to Continue so for a long time (so that 
 upon your own knowledge & Observation of these 
 matters) you may be satisfied of his falsness and 
 Deceit, and may make it very Evident to you, that 
 the false Insinuations of your Father Ralle (that in 
 Case of a Breach between the English and you the 
 French will afford you their Aid & Assistance Can 
 have no other Tendency but your utter Ruin & De- 
 struction. 
 
 To which they made no Reply. 
 
 Comis rs We shall leave these things to your 
 Consideration and adjourn till the afternoon. 
 
 Afternoon at 4 o'Clock met again. 
 
 Comiss rs Have you Considered what we last pro- 
 posed to you? We must have Satisfaction & good 
 Security for your Behaviour. 
 
 Indians We have Considered of it, and will 
 leave one of our Old Men Terreamuggus that is 
 here present as a pledge for the Compliance with our 
 Promises & Engagements. 
 
 Comiss rs - He is an Old Man & one that you have 
 Rejected & turned out of your Council, & we don't 
 think him a sufficient security. 
 
 Indians He was of our Council, and we don't 
 know that he has been Excluded.
 
 Appendix. 289 
 
 Comiss rs We have been Informed that he was 
 shut out by your Jesuit, but whether that be true or 
 false, we do not see Cause to accept of him, tho' we 
 suppose him to be as honest a man as any of you ; 
 Yet we neither think it to be reasonable or Honour- 
 able for us to Comply with you in that Regard. 
 We must have better Security. 
 
 Indians He is one of our Principal Men, & we 
 still Insist upon having him as a pledge. 
 
 Comiss rs - We will have three more of your Prin- 
 cipal Young Men and you shall pay the Charge of 
 their subsistence, for we will not bring any Charge 
 upon the Government. 
 
 Indians-- We Desire to withdraw for some time 
 to Consult among Our selves. 
 
 Comiss rs Make all the Dispatch you Can we will 
 give you half an hour. 
 
 They withdrew accordingly & returned in half an 
 hour. 
 
 Comiss rs ,We are now ready to hear what you 
 have determined. 
 
 Indians We will leave three of our Chiefs. We 
 are sending two to Penobscot, two to Narridgewalk, 
 & two to Pigwackit, & we have no more here that 
 we Can spare 
 
 Comiss rs We must take a little time to Consider 
 this matter and will give you our final Determination 
 to-morrow morning. We shall Order you a little 
 Provision & something to Drink this Evening ; and 
 we Strictly Charge you that you don't abuse your 
 selves by drinking too much. Some of your People 
 were Drunk last night, and one of them drew a knife 
 upon one of our Inhabitants, which was an Insufferable 
 Abuse. You may Assure yourselves that we are in 
 Earnest with you and we are Resolved not to take 
 
 37
 
 290 Appendix. 
 
 such base Treatment at your Hands ; therefore we 
 advise you to be very Cautious. 
 
 Indians-- We desire one word more; we like 
 what you have offered, Only you are pleased to tell 
 us that you Cant assure us of the Governments 
 bearing- the Charge of Our Mens subsistence. 
 
 Comiss ri - - You shall bear the Charge that may arise 
 for the subsistence of your Hostages, unless the Gov- 
 ernment should see Cause to favour you in that matter. 
 
 Saturday November the 28 th , met about 9 o'clock 
 in y* Morning 
 
 Comiss** --We. have well Considered of what you 
 proposed yesterday of leaving only three of your 
 Chiefs with us, and can by no means Consent to it. 
 You shall be obliged to bring the 200 skins within 
 25 Days, & at the same time shall deliver Four of 
 your Chiefs into our hands there to remain during 
 the pleasure of the Govern m* & any greater number 
 that the Governm 1 shall Demand as security (not 
 only for payment of those Skins in Case you fail of 
 performing your obligation) but for your good Be- 
 haviour towards the English for the future. 
 
 Indians We approve of what you say, & we hope 
 within six days to Inform our whole Tribe of what we 
 have done. 
 
 Comiss Do you really Consent to what we 
 propose ? 
 
 Indians-- We do Consent to it, and will Comply 
 with your demand. 
 
 Comiss rs --Tell us what you will leave for we will 
 not be Imposed upon, or accept of any but your prin- 
 cipal Men ; and we Doubt not but the Government 
 will Allow of Your Exchanging them, for the like 
 number of as good Men in Convenient time. 
 
 Indians We have Determined to Deliver into 
 your hands Jn Hegon, Terremuggus, Obomohauk,
 
 Appendix. 291 
 
 Currebooset, & in Case of his failing Inddebawhun- 
 sewit his Brother shall supply his place. These are 
 the four. 
 
 Comiss rs It is well we have drawn up something 
 for you to sign as an Obligation for the true per- 
 formance of what you now Promise & Engage ; 
 And after you have signed this Instrument you shall 
 have y e Liberty to go on with what you were about 
 to propose to us Concerning your Land, & the Inha- 
 bitants of Merry meeting Bay, or any other matter, 
 which you have to offer. 
 
 The Obligation is as follows viz 
 
 The Obligation - 
 
 At a Conference held at George Town with the 
 Commissioners Authorized and Impowered by the 
 Governor & Great Council of Boston to treat with 
 the Indians of Kenebeck River November 1720. 
 
 We the Subscribers Delegates of the Tribe of 
 Norridgewack in Kenebeck, being Convicted and 
 made deeply sensible of the repeated Wrongs & In- 
 juries done by our Tribe to the English residing in 
 these parts for several years past, in killing their 
 Creatures and Disturbing their Settlements Contrary 
 to former Treaty's Covenants and Promises Do by 
 these presents for our selves & in behalf of the Tribes 
 whom we represent firmly promise and Engage to 
 Pay to the said Comissioners viz Col Shadrach 
 Walton Esq r Capt Samuel Moodey Esq r Capt John- 
 son Harmon Capt John Wainwright or their order at 
 the Town of Falmouth in Casco Bay, Two hundred 
 good large Beaver skins or other Furs or ffeathers 
 Equivalent to said Skins within twenty five days 
 after the date of these presents; And at the day pre- 
 fixt to deliver up four of our Chiefs viz Lackwadaw- 
 meck Alias John Hegon, Obomawhawk Kettera- 
 muggus Curreboosett as Hostages not only for the
 
 292 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 security of said Payment of 200 skins (in Case of our 
 Default) but said Hostages still to Remain in the 
 Hands of the Government, to be subsisted and 
 Maintained at our Cost and Charge And we do fur- 
 ther Covenant and Promise that the aboves d Host- 
 ages or any greater number that the Government 
 shall demand after S d Payment is well and truly 
 made shall then be Delivered into the Hands of the 
 English to remain and Abide as Pledges and Se- 
 curity for our good Behaviour for the time to come. 
 In witness whereof we have hereunto set Our 
 hands & Seals the twenty sixth day of November 
 In the Seventh year of His Majesties Reign Annoque 
 Domini 1720. 
 Signed Sealed and Delivered. Mark of 
 
 in presence of 
 Isaac Taylor 
 Rob 1 Temple 
 Joseph Bean 
 
 Sam 11 Jordan 
 Alex r Forsyth 
 John Parker 
 Thos. Newman 
 Eben r Allen 
 
 Mogg 
 
 (Seal) 
 
 (Seal) 
 
 Mark of 
 
 Tuddebaw 4/ hunsewit (Seal) 
 
 
 
 Mark of 
 
 Kettera V/ Muggus (Seal) 
 Mark of 
 
 John 
 
 Marke 
 
 Obomaw 
 
 Hegon (Seal) 
 
 of 
 hawk (Seal)
 
 Appendix. 293 
 
 The aforesaid Instrument was several times Dis- 
 tinctly and Faithfully Interpreted to them, which 
 they Declared that they rightly Understood, and 
 accordingly signed sealed and Delivered the same in 
 the presence of the afors d Witnesses. 
 
 Comiss rs Have you now any thing to offer us. 
 
 Indians We have no more to say at present. 
 
 Comiss rs You offered something yesterday about 
 your Lands and removing the Inhabitants from 
 Merry meeting. 
 
 Indians - - We have said all that we were ordered 
 to say. 
 
 Comis rs - - You declared that you did not Ap- 
 prove of our People settling there, and you have 
 now the Liberty to proceed But Inasmuch as you 
 Decline it, we have something to offer to you upon 
 that Head. We are directed by the Governm 1 to tell 
 you that the English have no Design to take your 
 Country or any of your Lands from you, or to de- 
 prive you of any of your Just rights or Priviledges. 
 The Claims of the English to those Lands in Kene- 
 beck River have been Examined and we are fully 
 Satisfied that the English have a good Title there- 
 unto as appears by their Deeds and Conveyances 
 from Indians above 70 years since. And the Govern- 
 ment is Resolved to Defend the Proprietors in those 
 their just rights. It's therefore in Vain for you to 
 Expect that even those Inhabitants will be removed. 
 The Government is very loth to draw the sword, 
 which you have Given them just Provocation to 
 do. But you may depend upon it that the Forces which 
 have been raised at a vast Expence for the Curbing 
 of your Insolencies will not be Disbanded till you 
 have Complied with the Obligation you have now 
 laid your selves under ; And if you will Constrain us
 
 294 Appendix. 
 
 by your repeated Insults to any violent proceedings, 
 we have force enough, and will pursue you to your 
 Head Quarters (which we are well acquainted with, 
 and can easily take possession of) and will not leave 
 you till we have Cut you off Root and Branch from 
 the Face of the Earth. It will be your Interest to 
 Consider these things, and you may Believe that we 
 are in Earnest, and this is the last warning we shall 
 give you. And if you Imagine you can make your 
 terms more easy with the Government you may have 
 Liberty to go to Boston, as soon as you please. 
 
 Indians We are well satisfied, and will Comply 
 with all that you have Offered. 
 
 Thus Ended the Conference which we hope will 
 be Acceptable to Your Excellency and the Govern- 
 ment as attested by us. 
 
 Sha d . Walton. 
 Sam 11 . Moodey. 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 ^ J. Willard, Secry. 
 
 Paper No. 4, entitled " LETTERS FROM SEVERAL TRIBES 
 OF INDIANS TO THE GOVERNOR OF N: ENGLAND IN 
 1721," may be found at page in. 
 
 {Paper 5.] 
 
 CONTEMPORARY TRANSLATION. 
 MONS R BEGON TO FATHER RALLE. 
 
 I have received my Reverend Father the Letter 
 that you did me the Honour to write me the i8 th 
 last month Monsr De Vaudreuil being at Montreal
 
 Appendix. 295 
 
 at the arrival of the Indians you sent here. I en- 
 gaged four of them to go to him & Carry the Letter 
 you wrote him, which was Accompanied with one I 
 wrote to him to Comunicate to him the Sentiments 
 of Father de la Chase & my own upon what we 
 think Convenient to be done till the Counsel of Navy 
 Explain themselves, if it be the Kings Intention, 
 that the French joyns the Indians to support them 
 openly against the English ; or if we shall content 
 ourselves to furnish them with Amunition of War 
 as the Counsel has advised Monsr De Yaudreuil 
 might do in case the English makes any Enterprize 
 against them ; I send you the Copy of my Letter to 
 the end you may furnish me with your thoughts 
 which appears to you to be best. 
 
 Monsr De Vaudreuil is Come down here with the 
 Indians & pass'd St. Francois & Besancour to Invite 
 the Indians to those Missions to send Deputies from 
 their Villages to advise whats to be done. 
 
 He had a Design to Write to the English Gov r 
 but since his return has Changed his Sentiment & 
 Contents himself to follow the principal Articles of 
 the Memorial you sent him, which are to keep them- 
 selves on their Lands, & in the Religion they have 
 embraced & to have no longer different sentiments 
 amongst them, But to unite to speak to the English 
 with Resolution. He thought it likewise more Con- 
 venient that the Rev d Father de la Chase should ac- 
 company the Indians of St. Frangois & De Besan- 
 cour than Monsr de Croisil Lieu' whom he brought 
 with him with a design to send him with those In- 
 dians, because that the journey of the R. F. De la 
 Chase is of no Consequence in respect of the Eng- 
 lish, seeing the Treaty of Peace does not forbid one 
 Missionary to Visit another in His Mission ; whereas
 
 296 Appendix. 
 
 if a French officer were sent, they might Complain 
 we send ffrench Men into a Countrey they pretend 
 to belong to them to Excite the Indians to make 
 War on them, on which we are of Opinion it's Con- 
 venient to await the orders of the Court for them, to 
 the end not to Exceed Seeing you Cant abandon 
 Your Mission to come Your self to Comunicate 
 your thoughts on this subject and that it's Difficult 
 to Explain them amply enough by a Letter & Conse- 
 quently Instruct us in what you may know of the 
 Rules we must Limit our selves by, We thought the 
 journey of the Rev d Father De La Chase very Con- 
 venient at this present Conjuncture that he may 
 thorowly Acquaint you with Methods that we think 
 we are Obliged to use towards the English that we 
 might Exceed and that he may Comunicate to us 
 at his return all the reflection you make on the dis- 
 position of your Indians, & those of your two other 
 Missions. 
 
 Monsr De Vaudreuil has read to your Indians & 
 to them that Accompanied them the Memorial he 
 sends you Containing his speech, that they may no 
 longer say that it is that of their Missionary: we be- 
 lieve you'l find it in the sense you proposed it. 
 
 I Caused to be given a Blanket, a shirt, a pair 
 Mittons, Tobacco, powder, and shot to Each of the 
 five Indians you sent and I believe they return Con- 
 tented & with good Intentions ; as you are always too 
 reserved in what regards Yourself I have desired the 
 Rev d Father de la Chase to know of you in Amity 
 what I can send you, that will be most Agreeable. I 
 pray youd make use of it without Compliment; nothing 
 is better approved of, than what you said to the 
 Indians upon the news of the English Governor your 
 great Enemy being turned out ; I wish that he that
 
 Appendix. 297 
 
 fills up his place proves more Reasonable, & that he 
 letts you & your Indians live in quiet: This is to 
 be wished for till we are well Instructed. If it be 
 the Kings Intention that openly we joyn with the 
 Indians against them, if they attack them wrongfully. 
 Because in the Interim we Cant assist but by amu- 
 nition which we shall give them & they may depend 
 that we wont let them want. 
 
 In respect to Taxus, I find you had great Reason 
 to use him as you did, & you Could not be less Steady 
 than you were, it being necessary to have no Regard 
 for those that appear more attached to the English 
 than to us. 
 
 I am with all my Heart & with all possible attchm 1 
 My Rev d Father 
 
 Your humble & Obedient Servant 
 
 Signed Begon. 
 
 Quebec the 1 4 th June 1721. 
 
 Since my Letters being wrote the Indians of St. 
 Francois & of Besancour having desired of M r De 
 Vaudreuil that Monsr De Croisil go with them to be 
 Witness of their good Dispositions, he Consented, & 
 is Joyned with the Rev d Father de la Chase 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 $ J. Willard Secry. 
 
 Rec d w th Col Shutes Lre of 13 th March, 1721. 
 Rec d | May 15 
 
 <J 
 
 Readf Do 2 5 th 
 38
 
 298 Appendix. 
 
 [Am. & W. I., Vol. 5.] 
 (Copy.) 
 
 Gov r Shute to the Canadian Governor. 
 
 Letter to the Governour of Canada 
 from His Excellency Gouvernour Shute. 
 Sir 
 
 Being Informed That Your Excellency has 
 Orders sent you Immediately to release the English 
 Captives that are in your hands, I do my Self the 
 Honour to write to you on this Affair; I need not 
 Observe to you, how Agreeable it is to the Law of 
 Nations and the Strict Allyance between the two 
 Crowns (which God long Continue) That the 
 Remnant of the Captivity of this Governm 1 should 
 at length be returned ; and I perswade myself you 
 will be glad of this Occasion of shewing Your Jus- 
 tice and Humanity in this matter; I would acquaint 
 you That this Government has lately been Insulted 
 by our Eastern Indians without any Provocation and 
 Contrary to their own repeated and Solemn stipula- 
 tions & Treaties, a number of two hundred of 
 them Entring in a Hostile manner into an English 
 Town under French Colours, & Treating the English 
 Inhabitants after a very Insolent manner. This is 
 such a Breach upon His Majesties Government to 
 which these Indians have subjected themselves, as 
 we shall by no means Endure, & are Determined to 
 have satisfaction for. I the rather Acquaint Your 
 Excellency with this Affair because the Indians were 
 Headed by two French officers, one of them said to 
 be from Canada (his name I have lost) and two 
 Jesuits. This last Circumstance, I look upon as an 
 Infraction of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship 
 between the two Crowns Concluded at Utrecht, unto
 
 Appendix. 299 
 
 which I assure my self, you will most Strictly Con- 
 form ; And therefore I doe very Earnestly Desire 
 you would Enquire after this Officer and proceed 
 with him according to his Deserts ; And also that 
 you will do your part to recall Mons r Ralle & the 
 other Jesuit from residing in any part of the Terri- 
 tory belonging to the Crown of Great Britain so 
 Contrary to the Treaty aforesaid, His Majesties 
 Laws at Home, and the Laws of this Province. 
 
 And in Case any of our Eastern Indians should 
 make their Application to Your Excellency you will 
 use your Influence and Advise them to behave Loy- 
 ally and peaceably toward His Majesties Govern- 
 ment wherein they be, That so the English People 
 on the Frontiers may live in Peace and not be 
 troubled and abused by the Savages ; And in Case 
 the present rupture with the Eastern Indians should 
 Come to a Warr, I shall then Notify Your Excel- 
 lency of it, & Expect Your Friendship and Assist- 
 ance therein. T 
 
 I am 
 
 T , Your Excellencies 
 
 Boston uly 21 u UT 
 
 J 3 Humble servant 
 
 Examined $ J. Willard Secry. 
 
 Paper No. 6 is the original French of the forego- 
 ing. 
 
 \Paper 7.] 
 
 CONTEMPORARY TRANSLATION.* 
 GOVERNOUR VAUDREUIL TO FATHER RALLE. 
 
 Quebec Le 25 th September 1721. 
 I received my Reverend Father your Letters of the 
 4 th August io th and 14 th this month, I have a great 
 
 *For the French of this paper, see New England B. T. Bundle X, vol. 
 16, office of the Public Records, London. A verbatim copy is in the pos- 
 session of the author.
 
 300 Appendix. 
 
 deal of Satisfaction in your having found means in 
 Concert with the Rev. Father Superior to reunite all 
 the Indians in the same Sentiments, & to Inspire 
 them with that Resolution, with which they Treated 
 the English in their Interview with them ; I'm also 
 very well Satisfied with the Message they sent the 
 Governour of Boston I'm perswaded it will Embar- 
 rass him, and that he will Elude as much as he can 
 an Answer; But it's for your Indians to see what 
 they have to do, if after the Remonstrance they 
 Gave him he do not Satisfy their Demands. 
 
 I'm of the sentiment, if they have taken for me, a 
 sincere Resolution not to suffer the English on their 
 Land, that they ought not to suspend Chasing them 
 out, as soon as possible, and by all sorts of means, 
 seeing they dont prepare to retire on their own 
 accord. Your people ought not to fear the want of 
 Ammunition, since I send them a sufficiency, as you 
 may see in the Memorandum Inclosed, And that I'll 
 continue with other succours they shall want, having 
 Orders not to lett them want, and even to sustain 
 them if the English attack them wrongfully. I am 
 charmed that Owrene has thus distinguished himself 
 in this Treaty, and that he has laboured as he has 
 done, that the speech of the Nation was such to the 
 English, he'll receive for his son Marks of the Satis- 
 facon I have for him, or his services, for I have sent 
 all you Desired for Him. 
 
 It is not the Malaowins that are a setling the Isle 
 of St. Johns, that Island, and that of Magerlaineand 
 others that are in the Gulph St. Lawrence having 
 been given by the King to M r Le Compte de St. 
 Pierre who causes it to be Inhabited for the Cod 
 fishery, Scales & Sea Cows so that your Abenakis 
 cant Expect any thing from that place.
 
 Appendix. 301 
 
 I will consult, with the Reverend Father Superior 
 after what manner I shall receive those of your Village 
 that were attached to the English, They are on the 
 way, and may be here about All Saints ; But you 
 may depend I will make the Degraded sensible how 
 much I am Discontent with their Conduct. I am 
 perfectly my Reverend Father your Most Humble 
 and Obedient servant <-. j 
 
 Vaudreuil 
 
 You may promise a great Medal of the King reign- 
 ing to him that shall be chosen for Chief in the place 
 of him Degraded _ ^ ; w;]]ard 
 
 COLONEL SHUTE TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR 
 TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. 
 
 [The notes in the margin are the remarks of the Lords Commissioners.] 
 
 My Lords 
 
 The last Letter I had the honour to receive from 
 Your Lordships bears date the 23 d of August last ; 
 
 And I COuld nOt Slip the first OpOOr- He has received the 
 1 -n t T T sio T-t i Boards Letter of asd 
 
 tunity to return the K l Hon Dle Board August, 1721. 
 my gratefull Acknowledgements for the kind Repre- 
 sentation your Lords ps promise to make to His 
 Majesty in relation to my Administration. 
 
 I hope my last Letter to Your Lords ps which bore 
 date Septemb r 8th last is arrived. 
 
 The affairs of this Province remain in the same 
 posture as when I last wrote to your Lords ps , for 
 which Letter I acquainted You of the Affairs of the prov . 
 Rebellious behaviour of the Indians : wroteTsV 8 Rebellion 
 and find it was chiefly occasioned by sLed^^h^VS 
 Mons r Vaudreuil, who is the Gov- * overnor and J esuits - 
 ernour of Canada, Permitting (or I rather fear en- 
 couraging) Father Le Chasse who is a Jesuit resid-
 
 3<D2 Appendix. 
 
 ing with him, and also Mons r Croizeen a ffrench 
 Officer, to come down into His Majestys Govern- 
 ment, and there joyn with another French Jesuit, 
 whose name is Raillee, who constantly resides among 
 the Indians, that are in His Majestys Territories, who 
 all combined together as Incendiarys to perswade 
 the Indians to Commit this Insult. These Proceed- 
 ings keep our Eastern Settlements constantly 
 Alarmed and obliges me to keep Troops upon the 
 ffrontiers to the great Expence of this Province 
 which puts them under many Difficulties. I earn- 
 HC desires the same estly beg of your Lords ps to take this 
 Nation afbeS co"' Matter into Your wise Consideration 
 and more Especially since these Pro- 
 ceedings of the French are directly Contrary to the 
 Treaties that have been made between the Crown of 
 Great Britain & France. 
 
 I am with great regard 
 My Lords 
 
 Your Lordships 
 most humble Servant 
 
 Samuel Shute. 
 
 Boston December i3th 1721 
 
 To the R l Hon ble the Lords of Trade &c. 
 
 Reed. Janry 3 ist 
 
 Read 6th Feb r ^ 
 X. 43. B. T. New England, Vol. 16. 
 
 COL SHUTE TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR 
 
 TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. 
 BOSTON New England March i 3 th 1721. 
 My Lords 
 
 In my Letter of the 13 th of December last to the 
 R l Hon ble Board I took the liberty to hint to your
 
 Appendix. 303 
 
 Lordships that I had good reason to He suspects Mr. v au - 
 suspect that Mons r Vaudreuil the S^ASLj 1 ^ 
 Governour of Canada did Underhand sub i ects - 
 stir up my Neighbouring Indians to Maletreat His 
 Majestys liege Subjects. 
 
 The Inclosed Letters will give plain Demonstration 
 that my Suspicions were well Grounded. I have 
 only sent your Lordships well attested His SUS pi ci ons wen 
 Copys, not daring to send the Origi- e rounded - 
 nals and run the risque of the Sea sends copies of Letters. 
 without direct Orders from home so to do. 
 
 I shall take the liberty to remarke to Your Lord- 
 ships, that these Letters were found in Mons r Rales 
 House a ffrench Jesuite who con- These Let ters found 
 stantly resides among my Neighbour- g,*^ 11 * 
 ing Indians & is Useing his Utmost theEn * lish - 
 Indeavours to Engage them in a War against the 
 English. 
 
 Your Lordsp 5 will observe that the ffrench Govern- 
 ment (in the Inclosed Letters) Advise the Indians 
 to drive the English off from their 
 
 i i / i i T i French advise Indians 
 
 Lands ; from which 1 must remarke to drive English oft 
 
 ,, 11-1 i T i their Lands. 
 
 to Your Lordships that those Lands 
 which the ffrench Government call the Indians Land, 
 are Lands which the English have long Since pur- 
 chased of the Indians, and have good Deeds to pro- 
 duce for the Same, & have also Erected some fforts 
 thereupon ; and that the said Lands have been at 
 Several Gen 11 Meetings of the Indians and English 
 Confirmed to them, and once Since my being Govern- 
 our of these Provinces, as will Appear by the In- 
 closed Treaty of the 19 th August 1717. 
 
 I also take the Liberty to Acquaint Your Lordshp 5 
 that full Credence ought to be given to Mons r Vau- 
 dreuils Letters, I being well Ac- M r. vaudreuirs Lres 
 quainted with his hand, having re- Authcnllck
 
 304 Appendix. 
 
 ceived Several letters from him since my residing in 
 these Parts, and have compared the Originals I have 
 by me, with those, I had formerly received from him; 
 and find them to Agree Exactly. 
 
 As for Mons r Begon the Intendants Letter I can- 
 
 not Speak so plumply to it because I never had any 
 
 Beiives Mr. Begons Correspondence with him, but am well 
 
 Informed the Original is of his writ- 
 
 ing. 
 
 I further Judge it necessary to Acquaint your 
 
 Lordships that in a piece of a letter where the name 
 
 and date were cutt out there is 
 
 Charlevoix made In- . , . . . , . , 
 
 of Accady & Mention made of one Charlevoix who 
 
 comes from the Court of ffrance in 
 
 the quality of an Inspector to make Memoirs on 
 
 Acady & Missisipi & the other Countrys thereabouts. 
 
 The Indians have lately killed some of our Cattle 
 
 & threaten our Eastern Settlements, So that I am 
 
 , Fears an U nder some Apprehension that a War 
 
 Indian war. w ju break out this Summer (which I 
 
 will Indeavour if possible to prevent) Except Some 
 
 Measures be taken to Oblige the ffrench Govern- 
 
 ment at Canada to Act Strictly up to the Stipula- 
 
 tions Agreed to, betwixt the Crowns of Great Brit- 
 
 tain & France. 
 
 I am 
 My Lords 
 
 Your Lordships 
 
 most hum ble Servant 
 Samll Shute. 
 
 To the R l Hon ble the Lords of Trade &c. 
 B. T. New England vol. 16 Bundle 6.
 
 Appendix. 305 
 
 A LETTER FROM His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOUR 
 
 TO THE MARQUESS DE VAUDREUIL GOVERNOUR OF 
 
 CANADA. 
 
 (Copy) 
 
 Sir 
 
 Since the finishing of my Letter of the 14 th of 
 March last past I have the honour to receive one of 
 yours dated at Quebec the 22 d day of December last, 
 Consisting of several -Articles to which I shall En- 
 deavour to give a particular answer. And first, As 
 to the Order of the Regent of France for the Re- 
 turn of the English Captives I have Inclosed you 
 a Faithful Translation of the Original, by which you 
 will Judge whether I have been under any Mistake 
 in that matter, and notwithstanding what you are 
 pleased to say of the Liberty that was given to the 
 Prisoners to return, yet I am well Informed there 
 was such pains taken & Arts used to dissuade them 
 that they could not be said to act at full liberty. 
 
 In my other Letter, I have given you a large Ac- 
 count of the Insult of the Indians at Arowsick and, 
 yet from some passages in your Letter I am Obliged 
 to act something further in this ; You are pleased to 
 call Arowsick (where the Indians made their Hostile 
 appearance) a place of the Indians own Land ; I 
 persuade myself, if you knew the Circumstances of 
 that part of this Province, you would not be of that 
 opinion : Arowsick is a small Island at the Mouth of 
 one of our Chief Rivers, purchased by good Deeds 
 from the Natives near Seventy years agone, and set- 
 tled with a good English Village above fifty years 
 since ; Besides a Patent of Confirmation from the 
 Crown of Great Britain to the Purchasers ; since my 
 arrival in this Government the Inhabitants of that 
 place have sent a Burgess to represent them in the 
 39
 
 306 Appendix. 
 
 General Assembly of this Province, and yet you are 
 pleased to call this Town a place of the Indians own 
 Lands. 
 
 That the Indians will deny their own Deeds tho 
 never so Solemnly Ratified and justly Obtained, I 
 am very apt to Believe, but in the meantime that 
 does not destroy the Title to such Lands; neither 
 can I be of your opinion, as to their Treaties, That 
 they are Null, because the Body of their Nation 
 shall please afterwards to Disavow it ; I am sure it 
 is otherwise by the Law of Nations and usage of all 
 Civillized Governments in the World; all Treaties, 
 Stipulations, and Transactions that are Managed 
 and Concluded by Plenipotentiaries or Delegates 
 being Obligatory to the Nation or Government that 
 Imploy them ; Now it is Notorious, That at all 
 times when this Government Accepted the submis- 
 sion of, or Treated with those Eastern Indians, their 
 Delegates, or some of their Chiefs were present, and 
 produced their Powers or Credentials from the Tribe ; 
 And it is very wrong and unjust in them to Insinu- 
 ate, That they were ever menaced or forced into any 
 of their Deeds, Treaties or Submissions. 
 
 They have also misinformed you in Saying, That 
 I had appointed to meet them the last year ; for on 
 the Contrary I sent them word by an Express, That 
 some of the Principal Gentlemen of this Government 
 would see and treat with them at Arowsick, who ac- 
 cordingly went thither, but finding no Indians re- 
 turned. 
 
 As to their Insolent Letter, I shall say no more of 
 it in this, having taken particular notice of it in my 
 other. 
 
 I am obliged to you for your Grave Advice against 
 a War with those Salvages, and am very sensible of
 
 Appendix. 307 
 
 the hazzards, mischiefs and Expence of it, And I as- 
 sure you, I have no design at present to Enter into 
 a War with them, unless they force the Government 
 upon it. 
 
 All that I design at present, and which I am firmly 
 Resolved in is, to Defend and Protect the English 
 Inhabitants of this Governm 1 in their just rights, and 
 Possessions from the Injuries and Insults of the In- 
 dians, and I hope for the Divine Assistance and 
 Blessing in so doing, Having my Great Masters 
 positive Orders to Maintain all the English Garrisons 
 and settlements in those parts of the province. 
 
 You are pleased to say that the Abanakis Nation 
 are under the Protection of the Crown of France, If 
 you Intend the Indians at Norridgewack, It is the 
 first time I have heard the French pretend to any 
 such thing, much less can I conceive upon what 
 Foundation it subsists. If they chuse the Allyance 
 and Protection of the French, In Gods Name, let 
 them move into the Confines of the Government of 
 Canada ; I am very sure the place of their residence 
 at present Viz 4 Norridgewack is within the Territory 
 of Great Britain, and accordingly they have Actually 
 by many Solemn Treaties upon Record in this Gov- 
 ernment, Put themselves under His Majesty's Pro- 
 tection, and received Marks of his Royal Favour; 
 As you may depend upon it, I shall never Concern 
 myself with any of the Indian Tribes that live within 
 the bounds of Canada, or any French Government ; 
 so I Expect to be Treated on your part. 
 
 You are very particular in Your account of Mons r 
 Bellisle, who it seems was not with the Indians; But 
 then you are very silent as to Mons r Croissel, who 
 was a French Office and under your Command, and 
 yet at the Head of the Indians at Arowsick. This
 
 308 Appendix. 
 
 even by your own Letter, was not Agreeable to the 
 Treaty of Peace & Friendship between the Two 
 Crowns. 
 
 As to Mons r Casteen, before the receiving of your 
 Letter, I had by the Consent of the General Assem- 
 bly of this Province, Given Orders for his Discharge 
 and return ; But then it was upon his humble sub- 
 mission & Parole of good Behaviour for the future 
 towards this Government, as to himself personally, 
 so also very much with respect to the Indian Tribe at 
 Penobscot ; And tho you seem to be of Opinion, 
 That the sending for him was so very wrong and un- 
 justifyable, yet he himself was sensible of the Con- 
 trary, and has acknowledged by a Memorial under 
 his hand, That by his appearance with the Indians 
 at Arowsick he had given just occasion to this Gov- 
 ernment to call him to an account. 
 
 As to Mons r Ralle's Mission among the Indians, I 
 shall be Glad, if by his preaching he has brought 
 those poor Salvages any thing nearer to the King- 
 dom of Heaven, than they were before he went 
 thither; But that which I have to say to him, and to 
 you upon his Account is, That Norridgewack the 
 seat of his Mission, is within the Territory of His 
 Majesty King George, and that it is Contrary to an 
 Act of Parliament of Great Britain, and a Law of 
 this Province for a Jesuit or Romish Priest to Preach 
 or even reside in any part of the British Dominions. 
 
 I have now, I think, Given you a particular answer 
 to everything you were pleased to Observe to me ; I 
 should have been much better pleased our Corre- 
 spondence might have turned on a Subject more 
 Agreeable and Pleasant ; I shall be very Glad, while 
 I have the Honour to be in this Government, to live 
 in perfect Peace with our Eastern Indians and
 
 Appendix. 309 
 
 nothing shall be wanting on my part ; At the same 
 time, I must Intreat you to use all your Interest and 
 Influence (which I believe to be very Considerable) 
 for the Same good purpose : This is what you have 
 once and again, in your former Letters Given me an 
 assurance of. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your very Humble & Obedient 
 Servant 
 
 Sam 11 Shute. 
 Boston April 23 d 
 
 1722 
 Examined ^> J Willard Secry. 
 
 JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 At a Great and General Court or Assembly of His 
 Majesty s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New 
 England. Begun and Held at Boston on the y^th 
 day of May, 1722, &c. 
 
 June 29 1722. 
 
 *###*#-*#-#-*#*-3f## 
 
 p. 51. Ordered, That an Officer with Two or 
 Three Soldiers in the Service be sent forthwith to 
 Norridgewock in the Name of this Government to 
 demand the Liberty and Restitution of His Majesty's 
 good Subjects lately surprized and carried away by 
 the Indians. 
 
 That His Excellency the Governour be desired to 
 send a proper Remonstrance to that Tribe of Indians 
 upon their late Insults and Hostilities in Kennebeck- 
 River, and at Damaras-Cove, demanding as well their 
 Reasons, as a Satisfaction for the Injuries and Dam-
 
 310 Appendix. 
 
 ages done by them. To observe to them that their 
 Indians now with us were delivered as Hostages with 
 their free consent, not only for the Payment of Two 
 Hundred Beaver Skins, but also for the good Be- 
 haviour of the Norridgewock Tribe towards the 
 English, That they have not paid the said Bever 
 Skins, much less have they behaved themselves well 
 towards this Government. That though this Gov- 
 ernment ordered a March up to their Head Quarters 
 last Winter yet no Violence or Damage was done to 
 the Persons or Goods of the Indians, Whereas on 
 the other side the Indians Against all Justice, and in 
 a barbarous manner have lately burnt and destroyed 
 Houses, Mills, and a Number of Cattle, with little or 
 no Advantage to themselves, leaving the Carcasses of 
 the Creatures to rot on the ground ; besides taking a 
 great deal of Plunder. In case they do not return 
 the Persons so taken by the Messengers, Then to 
 propose their Appearing before Commissioners at 
 Time and Place to be appointed by this Government, 
 bringing with them the English People taken as 
 aforesaid : Then and there to make or propose some 
 suitable Satisfaction for the Damages done by them ; 
 which if refused, to assure them that this Government 
 will take effectual Methods to compel them thereto ; 
 That a suitable Messenger be sent to the Penobscot 
 Tribe to enquire whether they were any ways con- 
 cern'd in or did assist the Kennebeck Tribe in their 
 late Insults and Hostilities aforesaid? 
 Sent down for Concurrence. 
 
 J. Willard, Seer.
 
 Appendix. 3 1 1 
 
 July 6. 1722. 
 
 P 60 #-fc-*#-###-### re- 
 verted, that two meet Persons with a skilful 
 Interpreter be immediately dispatched to Nor- 
 idgawack or elsewhere, where the Heads of the 
 Tribes of the Eastern Indians may be found, under 
 a Flagg of Truce, with a written Message from this 
 Government to thern demanding the Reasons for 
 their late Insults and Acts of Hostilities in surpriz- 
 ing so many of His Majesty's good Subjects and de- 
 stroying their Substance directly contrary to the 
 Articles of Peace formerly stipulated with this Gov- 
 ernment, That the Messengers propose to the In- 
 dians, that they or their delegates Meet with the 
 Commissioners appointed by this Government at 
 Arrowsick some time in this Month, where they may 
 be assured to see our Commissioners, and upon their 
 Surrender and Delivery of all His Majesty's good 
 Subjects there, which they have lately seiz'd and 
 surpriz'd as aforesaid, the Commissioners will de- 
 liver up the Hostages, and will also be fully im- 
 powered by this Government to Treat and Conferr 
 with them on any just Article of Grievance between 
 this Government and them, and that Col. Turner 
 Esq ; Major John Ouincey and M r John Dyer be 
 a Committee for the Ends aforesaid, and that His 
 Excellency be desired to give Orders that the said 
 Commissioners (with the Hostages) immediately pro- 
 ceed to Arowsick aforesaid, (with agreeable Instruc- 
 tions). Sent up for Concurrence. 
 
 K-***-3f**-X-##***#* 
 
 B T., New England, Vol. 16.
 
 3 1 2 Appendix. 
 
 Gov* SHUTE TO THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR 
 
 TRADE AND PLANTATIONS 
 My Lords 
 
 Since I had the honour to write to Your Lord- 
 ships which was in March last, I Received a Letter 
 from Mons r Vaudreuil the Governour of Canada, 
 which was in Answer to two Letters I Sent him, in 
 which he openly Declares, that he has and will assist 
 the Indians, and that he has Orders from the Court 
 of France so to do. 
 
 All the Indians that Border upon the Sea Coast, 
 by the Instigations of the French have lately Robbed 
 & Plundered our Sloops & fallen upon our ffishing 
 Vessells, and killed two of His Majestys Subjects ; 
 at the Same time our Eastern Indians Notwithstand- 
 ing their Repeated Submissions to His Majestys 
 Crown and Government have fallen upon our East- 
 ern Settlements & killed and wounded some of the 
 Inhabitants, burnt their houses & Destroyed their 
 Cattle, which has Obliged me with the Advice of 
 His Majestys Council to Issue forth the Inclosed 
 Declaration. 
 
 I hope your Lordships will speedily lay that Af- 
 fair before His Majesty in order to obtain some Re- 
 dress for this Province will not be long able to sup- 
 port the war which is now begun I am with great 
 respect My Lords 
 
 Your Lordships most hum ble Servant 
 Boston New Samll Shute. 
 
 England July 27 th 1722 
 
 To the R 1 Hon ble The Lords of Trade & Planta- 
 tions. 
 
 Reed Septem r io th ) 
 Read do i2 th [ I722> 
 B. T. New England. Vol. 16, Bundle X, 89.
 
 Appendix. 313 
 
 DECLARATION "OF Gov r SIIUTE. 
 [inclosed in Letter of 27 th July 1722] 
 
 By His Excellency, 
 Samuel Shute, Esq ; 
 
 Captain General and Governour in Chief, in and over 
 His Majesty's Province of the - Massachusetts-Bay, 
 in New England. &c. 
 
 o 
 
 A DECLARATION 
 against the Eastern- Indians. 
 
 WHEREAS, the Indians Inhabiting the Eastern Parts 
 of this Province, notwithstanding their Repeated 
 Submissions to His Majesty's Crown and Govern- 
 ment, their Publick and Solemn Treaties and En- 
 gagements Entered into with the Government here 
 Established to Demean themselves Peaceably and 
 amicably towards His Majesty's good Subjects of 
 this Province ; and notwithstanding the Kind and 
 good Treatment they have Received from this Gov- 
 ernment ; Have for some years last past appeared in 
 Considerable Numbers, and in an Hostile Manner, 
 and given Disturbance to His Majesty's Subjects in 
 the Eastern Parts of this Province, Killing their Cat- 
 tle, and Threatning Destruction to their Persons and 
 Estates ; and in abuse of the Lenity and Forbearance 
 of the Government, have lately with the utmost In- 
 justice and Treachery, proceeded to Plunder, De- 
 spoil, and take Captive many of his Majesty's good 
 Subjects, to Assault, Take, Burn and Destroy Vessels 
 upon the Sea Coast, and Houses and Mills upon the 
 Land, to Wound some, and in the most Barbarous 
 and Cruel Manner to Murder others of the Inhabi- 
 tants of this Province, and in a Way of Open Rebel- 
 40
 
 3 1 4 Appendix. 
 
 lion and Hostility to make an Audacious and Furious 
 Assault upon One of His Majesty's Forts, where the 
 King's Colours were Flying : 
 
 I Do Therefore, by and with the Advice of His 
 Majesty's Council, hereby Declare and proclaim the 
 said Eastern Indians, with their Confederates, to 
 be Rebels, Traitors and Enemies to His Majesty 
 King George, His Crown and Dignity, and that they 
 be henceforth proceeded against as such; Willing 
 and Requiring all His Majestys good subjects, as 
 they shall have opportunity, to do and Execute all 
 Acts of hostility upon them ; hereby also forbidding 
 all his Majesty's Subjects to hold any Correspondence 
 with the said Indians, or to give Aid, Comfort, Suc- 
 cour, or Relief unto them ; on Penalty of the Laws 
 in their Case made and provided. 
 
 And whereas there may be some of the said Indians 
 who have not been Concerned in the Perfidious and 
 Barbarous Facts before mentioned, and may be De- 
 sirous to put themselves under the Protection of this 
 Government. 
 
 To the Intent that the utmost Clemency may be 
 
 shown to such 
 
 I do hereby Grant and Allow them to come in, 
 and render themselves to the Commanding officer 
 of the Forces, or to the respective officer of any 
 Party or Parties in the Service ; provided it be within 
 Forty Days from this time. 
 
 AND to the Intent that none of Our Friend- 
 Indians may be Exposed, or any Enemy or 
 Rebel Indians Escape on pretence of being 
 Friends; 
 
 I do hereby also strictly forbid any of the said 
 Friend-Indians to move out of their respective Plan-
 
 Appendix. 3 1 5 
 
 tations, or such other Places whereto they shall be 
 assigned ; or to come into any English Town, or 
 District within the late Colony of the Massachusetts- 
 Bay, or the County of York, without special Order 
 in Writing from My Self (or being Attended with such 
 English Man as I shall appoint to Oversee them) at 
 their Peril, and as they tender their own Safety. 
 
 And further, I forbid all the Friend-Indians to 
 hold Communication with, Harbour, or Conceal any 
 of the said Rebel or Enemy Indians ; requiring them 
 to seize, and secure all such that may Come among 
 them, and to Deliver them up to Justice.. 
 
 And all Military Commission Officers are hereby 
 Authorized and Commanded to put this Declaration 
 and Order in Execution. 
 
 Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, the 
 Twenty-fifth Day of July, in the Eighth Year 
 of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord GEORGE, 
 by the Grace of GOD of Great Britain, France 
 and Ireland, KING, Defender of the Faith, &c 
 Annoque Domini, 1722. 
 
 S. Shute. 
 
 By Order of His Excellency 
 the Governour, by and 
 with the Advice of the 
 Council, 
 
 Josiah Willard, Seer. 
 
 GOD SAVE THE KING. 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AUGUST 8 th 
 
 1722. 
 
 May it please your Excellency, 
 
 Your Excellency having at the Opening of this 
 Session Acquainted the Court that by and with the
 
 3 1 6 Appendix. 
 
 Advice of His Majesty's Council, You have Issued 
 out a Declaration against the Indians as Rebels and 
 Traitors to His Majesty's Government, for breaking 
 through their Repeated Solemn Treaties and En- 
 gagements and frequent Submissions to His Majesty, 
 by their many ways destroying the Eastern Settle- 
 ments, and Cruelly Murdering some of His Majes- 
 ty's Liege Subjects Inhabiting there. This House 
 having had due Consideration thereof do hereby 
 Declare and Manifest that Your Excellency and 
 Council had Just and Sufficient Reasons to Resent 
 the many Repeated Insults and Outrages done and 
 perpetrated by those Indian Salvages on the People 
 Inhabiting those Parts, by declaring them to be 
 Rebels and Traitors as aforesaid : And we deem it 
 our indispensable Duty and Interest at this Juncture 
 to pursue those Indians in a most Vigorous War 
 (agreeable to Your Excellency's Sentiments thereon) 
 that so by the Blessing of God on our Just Endeav- 
 ours they may be never able more to rise up against 
 this People, and Your Excellency may depend upon 
 all Chearful and necessary Assistance from this 
 House to pursue that Matter. 
 ##*###*##*#**## 
 
 Voted, That a Message be sent to His Excellency 
 the Governour desiring there may be laid before this 
 House an Account of the Number of Forces in the 
 Service on the Frontiers, how they are Posted, and 
 what Instructions are given to the Commanding 
 Officer, for their Prosecuting the War against the 
 Eastern Rebels. 
 
 Penn Townsend Esq, brought down the Number 
 and Disposition of the Soldiers in the Publick Ser- 
 vice, viz.
 
 Appendix. 317 
 
 412 Men in the East Part of the Province of 
 Maine. 
 
 60 Men gone on the Coast of Cape Sables to 
 recover the Fishing Vessels taken by the 
 Indians, Upon their Return to be added 
 to the Forces in the Province of Maine. 
 
 20 Men gone with Capt. Westbrook to S l . 
 George's River. 
 
 15 Men, a Scout from Dracut to Lancaster. 
 
 20 A Scout, at Rutland. 
 
 20 At Brookfield. 
 
 10 At Sunderland. 
 
 20 At Deerfield. 
 
 14 Added to the Garrison at Northfield. 
 30 A Scout for York, Berwick and Wells. 
 
 15 A Scout at Haverhill. 
 
 636 
 
 And further, That their Orders were only to cover 
 the Frontiers, and secure their Harvests. And that 
 there had been no Order sent to the Officers since 
 the Declaration of War. 
 
 *************.*# 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON'S JOURNAL. 
 
 Half way House June 14 th 1722. 
 
 on Kennebec River. 
 
 This night at ten a clock Alexander Hamilton was 
 besett at his Dwelling house by a great Number of 
 Indians, with divers Can no's, who took said Hamil- 
 ton out of his Bed, and tyed him and fell a plunder- 
 ing his Shop & Warehouse until they left nothing ;
 
 3 1 8 Appendix. 
 
 And when they had finished their Plundering One 
 Captain John an Indian Conducting said Hamilton 
 to his Canno, was Stopt by two Indians, one called 
 Captain Nathaniel, and the other Sabia son to said 
 Nathaniel, who Challenged the said Hamilton as 
 their Prisoner, in Regard that Sabia had first laid 
 Hands on said Hamilton. This Dispute held a 
 Quarter of an hour; at last the said Captain John 
 Protested, if Hamilton were not allowed to be his 
 Prisoner he would Immediately kill him ; so drawing 
 a Stroak with an ax on said Hamilton's head ; said 
 Nathaniel and son held his Arm & told the said Cap- 
 tain John, rather than Hamilton should be killed they 
 would allow it. After the Dispute Hamilton was 
 ledd to Capt n Johns Canno, and so proceeded to 
 Norridgewack & Stopt at the Chapps of Merry 
 meeting Bay, where were a great number of Captives 
 in the House of Capt n Robert Temple, They having 
 Robb'd sundry Houses that night, and brought the 
 Owners and Families Captives. Next morning being 
 the fifteenth, the Indians Chose five Persons of the 
 said Captives Viz 1 Zachariah Trescott Alexander 
 Hamilton Henry Edgar Robert Love & William 
 Handsord, and having Stript the rest let them go. 
 And suddenly the whole Body of Indians being forty 
 two in number all Arm'd & Painted for Warr At- 
 tended with Nineteen Canno's Were ordered by 
 Wewarena, an Indian who was their Commander to 
 Embarque for Norridgewack, and setting fire to Capt 
 Robert Temples House went off, and landed pres- 
 ently after at Abagadasset point, where there was 
 dispatcht a number of Indians to rob a House be- 
 longing to M r John Jeffries. After the performance 
 of which said Indians returned greatly Loaden, and 
 threw that Plunder along with the rest, which they
 
 Appendix. 3 1 9 
 
 had Landed in one heap, and so Divided the spoil, 
 and then Imbarqued again, and proceeded up to 
 Swan Island House, where appeared a number of 
 Soldiers. The Indians ordered Hamilton to hale 
 the English and Desire them to come to the Shore, 
 two of which Immediately came, and talked awhile 
 and so went off: As also the Indians without doing 
 any damage, Save killing one Dogg and Cutting a 
 hole or two in a Whale Boat, and the same in a 
 Canno that lay there, so proceeded further and got 
 to Richmond Fort, whom the said Hamilton hailed 
 and begged they would not fire upon us, and presently 
 after landed: And some of the Soldiers came out to 
 us on the Parole of the Indians, and talked a while. 
 The Indians told them they need not be afraid, for 
 they would kill none ; but the Governour of Canada 
 had given them Orders to take Captives in lieu of 
 theirs whom the English wrongfully detained in Bos- 
 ton. Our Conference being ended we went off, and 
 so arrived at a place called Browns Farm where we 
 slept that night, and two days after being the Seven- 
 teenth got to Norridewack where we were received 
 with great Joy by a number of Squaws Papooses and 
 the Jesuit. 
 
 Norridgewack June the 2i st 1722. 
 Two Indians were dispatcht away to Canada with 
 an Account of the Indians taking of five Captives as 
 also burning one House and robbing of Several 
 Families, & killing of many Creatures. 
 
 July 22 d 1722 
 
 The two Indians Returned and reported They 
 were kindly received by Governour Vaudreuile & 
 shewing the presents he had Given them, for carry- 
 ing the Agreeable News of this Action being a blue
 
 320 Appendix. 
 
 laced coat and a silver Meddal which was sent to 
 another Indian Named Carabousset, as also Com- 
 missioning him Captain for his Distinguishing Ac- 
 tivity in that Expedition. 
 
 The twenty ninth day arrived here Capt n Moses 
 Moxus or King at Norrincowook from Canada, and 
 brought great quantities of Tobacco, and told us, he 
 was sent from Quebec with great honour, and had 
 the respect of having the Guns firing & Trumpets 
 sounding upon his Departure. 
 
 September the 3 d 
 
 This day arrived several Cannes from Canada 
 bringing French Mowhawks who live within three 
 miles of Quebec at a place called Lorret They 
 Joyned more of their Nation who had been here be- 
 fore, who made in all thirty five & brought three 
 Casks of Powder & a great quantity of Tobacco. 
 On their arrival, at one of their Dances Alexander 
 Hamilton one of the Captives was made a present 
 of to them as a Slave forever, as a Reward of their 
 Fatigue in Coming to Assist in the War. 
 
 The Seventeenth day. 
 
 The above Indians took their Departure with their 
 above Slave Hamilton bound for Canada, & at sev- 
 eral carrying places the s d Hamilton observed them 
 raise out of the ground sundry Quantities of meal, 
 pork and Tobacco, which they had been supplyed 
 with from the Governour of Canada for that Expe- 
 dition. 
 
 The 28 th day. 
 
 The Indians & Hamilton arrived at Canada, and 
 went by the Town of Quebec without calling, but 
 great hooping and hallowing of the Indians, and the 
 Captain of them had a Scalp in the Nature of a Jack
 
 Appendix. 321 
 
 in the head of his Canno, which was got at the On 
 sett at Arowsick. 
 
 The 29 th day 
 
 The Indians and Hamilton Marched into the 
 Town of Quebec, having- assembled the whole In- 
 dians belonging to that Tribe living at Lorett as 
 afores d and moving procession like with that Scalp 
 on one End of a long Stick, Hamilton the Captive 
 marched after all the Indians who went one after 
 another making great hooping & hallowing, which 
 gathered all the Mobb & People in the Town and 
 with an Infinite number of Spectators were Con- 
 ducted to the Governor who received the Indians 
 very cheerfully, & Congratulated them, and Immedi- 
 ately sent for an Interpreter, who related their Suc- 
 cess and for their reward in Assisting their Brethren 
 the Eastern Indians, they the said Eastern Indians 
 had made a present of that Captive as a slave shew- 
 ing the said Hamilton to Governour Vaudreuil, which 
 they further added not only Contented them but also 
 made an Atonement to s d Eastern Indians for a 
 Hostage called Brasaway who dyed in Boston, And 
 also Declared their further Intention that they would 
 dispose of said Hamilton to an Indian Squaw seventy 
 five Leagues distant from Quebec in Order to be 
 her Slave she having lost her Husband in the former 
 War with the English. All which was related before 
 Governour Vaudreuil who gave his Concurrence and 
 wrote a Note by the Indians to the Kings Bakehouse, 
 Ordering every Indian there present a loaf of Bread 
 and a Considerable Quantity of Tobacco, & so dis- 
 mist them. After the receipt of which, the Indians, 
 and said Hamilton marched after the Usual Order to 
 their Town and were received there with much In- 
 41
 
 322 Appendix. 
 
 dian Ceremony, The said Hamilton continuing there 
 in a very Melancholly Condition for about fourteen 
 days and then got liberty to go to Quebec, in order 
 to beg for as much money as would buy them shoes 
 And happened to meet with a Lady who took Com- 
 passion on him, and sent for an Interpreter whom 
 she desired to ask if s d Hamilton would live with her 
 if she should get him released from the Indians. It 
 being so Agreeable an Offer was soon Embraced by 
 s d Hamilton. And in some short time after the Lady 
 made Interest among the Jesuits & the Governour 
 who suddenly got him released from the Indians, 
 and Entertained him the whole Winter. 
 
 October. 
 
 All the Numerous Families of Eastern Indians 
 withdrew from Norrid^ewack and Wintered at the 
 
 O 
 
 Town of Wewenack and St. Francis, the former 
 being thirty leagues distant from Quebec up the 
 River, and the latter forty two, At their arrival were 
 presented with five hundred bushels of Indian Corn 
 and four Oxen. 
 
 Quebec, February the 4 th day. 
 
 Arrived here Abomazeen Wewarana Westami- 
 nut Capt. John and several other Indians from We- 
 wanuck who were Conducted to the Governour by 
 one of the Jesuits that headed the Numerous Army 
 of Indians at Arowsick in the year 1721. They were 
 received very kindly and Entertained while in Town 
 plentifully, and sent off with a quantity of Blankets, 
 new Guns, their Old repaired and a Considerable deal 
 of Amunition, together with presents of a laced Capp 
 to Weewarena, and sundry presents to the rest. Some 
 of them as they said were bound to the great pond 
 distant from Quebec SSE about One hundred and
 
 Appendix. 323 
 
 fifty miles where they and several others and the 
 Jesuit Winter'd. 
 
 March the 5 th day. 
 
 Arrived here from Norridgewack Wesememis also 
 Cap Job Abagahansetts son and sundry other Indi- 
 ans who were Conducted by the Jesuit, and received 
 with all marks of Favour by the Governour & while 
 they stayed in Town Entertained plentifully and had 
 sundry Presents, and were fitted out with quantities 
 of Ammunition all their Guns repaired, and some 
 new ones given them, and so departed. 
 
 March the 15 th day. 
 
 Departed hence twelve of the aforementioned Mo- 
 hawks known here by the Names of Lorett Indians, 
 directly bound for Norridgewack who were fitted out 
 with all necessaries for War. 
 
 The 2o th day. 
 
 The said Hamilton being Desirous to go to Mount 
 Royall in Order to get home as soon as the Lake 
 was clear of the Ice, acquainted the Governour who 
 said he should not go until he heard from New Eng- 
 land which hindred his Intended Journey. 
 
 April 19 th 1723 N. S. 
 
 A Son of Coll John Schuyler of Albany arrived 
 here, who made Inquiry for the English Captives, 
 who was Informed there was two of them in Town, 
 namely Hamilton & Handsord, upon his finding them 
 out he told them he would take them home if the 
 Governour would admit them They desired him to 
 take the trouble to Speak to the Governour in their 
 Favour, who readily undertook it, and prevailed for 
 Hamilton to go directly home, but for Handsord, the
 
 324 Appendix. 
 
 Governour said, he Could not Answer that to the 
 Indians for letting their Prisoner go, for the s d 
 Handsord was only left in Trust with a French 
 Gent n in Town, s d Gent n was lyable to produce him ; 
 But the Governour added to shew his willingness to 
 oblige M r Schuyler, That he in his way to Mount 
 Royal where he was suddenly bound was to meet 
 with a great number of Indians at a Town called 
 Troi River, and there he would speak in favour of 
 said Handsord to the Indians, & Endeavour to get 
 him returned ; and desired s d Schuyler to take s d 
 Handsord, in his Canno along with s d Hamilton 
 that length ; and if he the s d Governor Could not 
 prevail with the Indians he tries' 1 Handsord must ex- 
 pect to return to Quebec again. Some few days after 
 M r Schuyler Handsord and Hamilton left Quebec in 
 Company with the Governour bound for Mount 
 Royal, and got up some days after to Troi River, 
 where was a great Quantity of Indians Assembled & 
 several Jesuits, All whom held a great Council, the 
 Governor making his request in favor of Handsord 
 ha4 it readily granted by the Indians, and some of the 
 Head Indians Attended the Governour to M r Schuy- 
 lers Lodging, the Governour told him that he had pre- 
 vailed for said Handsord, the Indians taking the said 
 Handsord by the hand, Delivered him to the Gov- 
 ernour as a Present. The Governour presently after 
 Embarqued and next day s d Handsord & Hamilton 
 proceeded after him to Mount Royal, and when ar- 
 rived there the s d M r Schuyler placed s d Hamilton & 
 Handsord in a lodging, & told them he should not 
 go in fourteen days, but Contrary to Expectation the 
 s d Schuyler was order d out of the Country the next 
 morning, and was told by s d Governour he should 
 not take the Captives along with him. The s d Ham-
 
 Appendix. 325 
 
 ilton and Handsord meeting with a Gentleman 
 named Deautell who could speak English, made 
 known their Condition to him who answered he had 
 formerly received great Friendship in New England ; 
 And in return he would let them want nothing ; and 
 accordingly took lodgings for the said Handsord & 
 Hamilton & got them Cloaths. 
 
 St. Francis May 22 d 1721 
 
 A Great Council was held there by the Eastern 
 Indians who Concluded to bury their Ax, & accord- 
 ingly did so ; and at said Council to shew their will- 
 ingness to come into a Peace with the English, Con- 
 cluded to send three of their English Captives home, 
 Namely Hamilton Handsord & Trescot, in order to 
 which they brought s d Trescott on the 29 th of May to 
 Mount Royal, distant from St. Francis up the River 
 South Eighteen Leagues. The next day being the 
 thirtyeth they held a great Council in the Governours 
 hall where were present the three Governours Viz 1 De 
 Vaudreuil, Deramsey and Languile several Jesuits 
 and Gent n before whom they discovered their intention 
 with respect to sending home the English Captives, 
 which was presently Discountenanced by the s d Gov- 
 ernours Especially Governour Vaudreuil, who told 
 them they had senty forty or fifty Captives home to 
 the Encrlish when first the War began, & desired 
 them to declare how many of their Captives they had 
 rece d in return of the above number (the Indians an- 
 swered none) Therefore says Governour Vaudreuil 
 I think it a piece of Inadvertency of you to Trust 
 the English Generosity by sending these Captives to 
 them unless you first have yours Delivered here 
 which Speach took with the Indians & stopt the De- 
 livery of s d Captives & Trescott was ordered down
 
 326 Appendix. 
 
 to S l ffrancis to his wigwam ; Handsord & Hamilton 
 acquainting the s d Trescott with their good Friend & 
 Benefactor whom they had met with Viz 1 Deautell, 
 and how he not only supplyed them with every thing, 
 but promised if any of the Captives Could purchase 
 themselves from the Indians he would Disburse the 
 Money agreed on said Trescott went to Mons r Dotell 
 & related his Melancholly Circumstances unto him. 
 The said Dotell made the like offer to M r Trescott 
 as he had done to Hamilton and Handsord and told 
 him he would write him a paper in ffrench, which he 
 Desired him to Deliver the Governour and Conceal 
 the Author. The said Deautell wrote the paper being 
 a Petition from Trescott wherein it set forth That he 
 was a Subject of King George and Inasmuch as there 
 was so good an understanding between the two 
 Crowns, he hoped his Excellency would get him clear 
 of that Indian Bondage that he then Laboured under ; 
 The Governour gave but little Encouragem 1 . The 
 s d M r Dotell meeting with a Gentleman who was very 
 Intimate with the Governour told him, That he ad- 
 mired That the Governour suffered King Georges 
 Subjects to be tossed about Canada by the Indians 
 after so Barbarous a manner ; And also said, It was 
 not Consistent with the Peace of Utrecht, and that 
 it would be 111 lookt on at home were it known. 
 The Gentleman after the Conference Ended went 
 directly to the Governours, and Discovered what had 
 passed between him and M r Dotell. The Gover- 
 nour Immediately sends for M r Dotell & orders him 
 to Depart the Town & go to Quebec. Some few 
 days after the s d Dotell was obliged to go, as Com- 
 manded. The thirtyeth day of May the Indians & 
 Trescott went from Mount Royall bound for S l 
 Francis, and before his Departure, Declared to the
 
 Appendix. 327 
 
 English Captives, That they would do any thing to 
 send them home but could not for the Governour of 
 Canada. 
 
 June the 2 d Day. 
 
 Two Indians Named Abraham & Abagahamak 
 were dispatched to Albany. 
 
 June the io th Day. 
 
 Eleven of the Lorett Indians returned to Mount 
 Royall and declared they lost one of their Number, 
 but brought in seven English Scalps, being Indians 
 which were fitted out from Quebec the 15 th of Feb- 
 ruary. 
 
 The fifteenth Day. 
 
 Twenty Indians arrived here from Lorett, and 
 were fitted out with all necessaries for War, and in 
 two days took their Departure for the Eastward of 
 New England, in Order to revenge the Blood of the 
 Man they had lost at North Yarmouth the last 
 Spring. Four Canno's with Eight Indians arrived 
 here from New England, and brought three Scalps 
 & presently departed, having first received some 
 presents. 
 
 Mount Royall July the 8 th 1723. 
 
 Abagahamak one of the two Indians, which was 
 Dispatched to Albany returned here & was imme- 
 diately hastened away by the Governour to Cahna- 
 wagaw or Town of Mohawk Indians distant from 
 Mount Royall four Leagues up the River. And at 
 his return Informed the Captives, That he had a 
 Message from the Governour desiring the afores d In- 
 dians to Aid the Eastern Indians; for the English 
 had engaged the five Nations of Mohawks against 
 them ; And likewise said the Indians Intirely De- 
 clined it, and was Resolved to stand Neuter.
 
 328 Appendix. 
 
 The ninth day of July. 
 
 Hamilton having a former promise of the Gover- 
 nor of Canada, That upon the first News he had 
 from New England he would let him go home. That 
 upon the return of a Message from Albany said 
 Hamilton took an Opportunity of waiting on him ; 
 Being asked his Business, Answered his Excellency, 
 he understood he had heard from New England, 
 And that pursuant to his promise he Expected he 
 would let him go home. The Governour Answered 
 it was unreasonable of him to Expect he should let 
 him go, Considering the English had Engaged the 
 five Nations of Mohawks to Come and kill his Ab- 
 nakees als Eastern Indians. And in a great Passion 
 very much blamed the English for their Extrava- 
 gancy in Giving One hundred Pounds Beaver for 
 One Scalp, and Sixty pounds for a Prisoner. Then 
 the said Hamilton told his Excellency he hoped his 
 Excellency would not resent the steps the English 
 took to Justify themselves on him, in regard he had 
 been the Main Instrument of getting him clear from 
 the Indians, And that he would not detain him any 
 longer in the Countrey, to make him miserable. To 
 which he got no Answer which made him urge fur- 
 ther, That he hoped his Excellency would let him 
 take a passage from Quebec to Europe, he Answered 
 he should not. Upon which said Hamilton told his 
 Excellency he had spent a great deal of Money in 
 the Countrey, & that he had run so much upon 
 Credit already that he could have no more help 
 from his Benefactor, he Answered his Maintenance 
 was none of his Business & so went away. 
 
 July the io th day 1723 
 
 M r Dotell arrived here from Quebec having no 
 time limited for his stay there, and went to pay his
 
 Appendix. 329 
 
 respects to his Excellency, who upon his appearance 
 Ordered him directly to Goal, and gave a Strict 
 charge to the Goaler to let none of his English Cap- 
 tives have any Communications with him. 
 
 July the 30 th day 1723 
 
 Governour Vaudreuil sent for Hamilton the Cap- 
 tive, and ordered him to get ready to go down to 
 Quebec with him by two a Clock which he Observed 
 & Embarqued with the Governour, Attended by 
 his Secretary, his Life Guard and an Interpreter. 
 
 On the 15 th arrived at S 1 Francis where was a great 
 number of Indians together with a Jesuit drawn up 
 on the shore Expressing their joy by a Dance for 
 his Excellencies safe arrival; presently after they 
 held a Council, and as soon as it was finished, said 
 Hamilton was ordered to Come before them, and 
 Desired by his Excellency to Give Attention to what 
 the Indians said, and relate it to his Governour and 
 Council when he should go hence. The said Hamil- 
 ton made Answer he Chose to take in Writing by rea- 
 son it would be too Burthensome to his Memory The 
 Governour Desired him to go next day and take 
 the Interpreter along with him to the Indian Town 
 where the Jesuit lived, and he would repeat the 
 whole sentiments of the Indians which they told to 
 him, as also his willingness to assist in making a 
 Peace for the English. Said Hamilton Enquired 
 of His Excellency, if there should be a Cessation of 
 Arms until he got home to Inform his Government 
 of what was proposed by the Indians, and his Ex- 
 cellency turned to the Jesuit whose opinion he 
 wanted, who Immediately shew his Dislike, and In- 
 stantly answered to Hamilton the War must go on. 
 42
 
 330 Appendix. 
 
 Wanagungus the i6 th day. 
 
 This morning the Interpreter and said Hamilton 
 got here, and with much difficulty obtained the In- 
 dians Speech to be Translated into English, but the 
 Jesuit would have it after his manner of broken Eng- 
 lish, least he should add more than the Intent of 
 the matter mentioned, and was so Exact, that he 
 took the copy of what was drawn up by s d Hamilton. 
 The same Evening Captain Nathaniel an Eastern 
 Indian and Hamilton happened to discourse on 
 several Passages, Nathaniel told s d Hamilton That 
 he in some few sleeps would Visit the Western parts 
 of New England with the Army that he saw the day 
 before at the Council, which consisted of between 
 fifty and sixty men. The said Hamilton Declares 
 That the Ammunition and Bisket (as he has Reason 
 to believe) were brought into the Canno from Mount 
 Royall for to fit out the said Indians for that Expe- 
 dition, as also a fat Cow Ordered them at S l Francis 
 for the same purpose. 
 
 This 1 8 th July. 
 
 Sett out for Albany in Company with three In- 
 dians and arrived the 17 th July at Fort Chambly, and 
 the said Hamilton shewed his passport to the Com- 
 ander there, and so proceeded towards the Lake. 
 The 19 th July we were met with four Indians with 
 four Indian Cannes Laden with Beaver bound for 
 Albany, and about tew a Clock at night were Ques- 
 tioned by a large Canno Manned with eight Sol- 
 diers, who Imagined we had been laden with Beaver 
 bound to Albana, which Trade by the Law of 
 Canada is prohibited, and Demanded a Passport 
 which was produced and perused by them and the 
 s d Hamilton & Comp a was dismist.
 
 Appendix. 331 
 
 The twenty first day of July the s d Hamilton ob- 
 served one of the Indians perusing a paper which 
 was Wrote in Indian, and Hamilton demanded of 
 the s d Indian, what it was he was reading. The In- 
 dian made answer it was a speech from the Gover- 
 nour of Canada and the Indian Council which was 
 lately held at S l Francis, which speech he was to De- 
 liver to the Mohawks, and that his order from the 
 Governour & Jesuits was first to go to the Mohawks 
 Countrey and then to proceed to Albany with the 
 said Hamilton. 
 
 On the 22 d July 1723. 
 
 We met on the Lake two Cannes with several 
 Indians on board having a great quantity of Barque 
 for Canno's, one of which Indians told the said Ham- 
 ilton in English, That all the old Indians were for 
 Peace, but the Young Men were for War, as also the 
 Governour of Canada as the Depon 1 understood. 
 
 On the 23 d we arrived at the Head of the Lake 
 Superiour where were several Eastern Indians with 
 whom we had a long Conference, who persuaded our 
 Indians to go first to Albany and after to proceed to 
 the Mohawks assuring them and the s d Hamilton 
 That the Road they were taking would be more Fa- 
 tiguing of the two. Upon which they agreed to the 
 Advice, and so proceeded to Albany where we ar- 
 rived the 1 7 th O S. and were received kindly by 
 Coll Schuyler, who Informed Hamilton that several 
 Commissioners from Boston had lately been there, 
 and that they had a promise from a great number of 
 Sachems belonging to the five Nations That they 
 would meet in Boston in Sixty days together with 
 the Eastern Indians in Order to make a Peace. The 
 said Hamilton Assured Coll. Schuyler That he was
 
 332 Appendix. 
 
 Certain none of the Eastern Indians would Attend 
 there, Giving them his Reasons and Informing him, 
 That the Indians speech with the Governor of Can- 
 ada to Our Government was quite the Reverse. 
 
 That by Coll Schuyler and M r Jacob Wendell of 
 Boston Merch 1 their advice, the Comissioners for 
 managing the Eastern affair at Albany were made 
 acquainted with the premises ; And the s d Hamilton 
 Informed the Comissioners, That one of those In- 
 dians which Conducted them from Canada had a 
 speech from the Governour of Canada, Jesuits and 
 Eastern Indians, and that he was of the opinion, if 
 Care were not taken, would oversett what the Comis- 
 sioners of Boston had transacted with the Mohawks. 
 Whereupon the s d Indian was Questioned closely 
 Concerning the same ; who at first denyed it, but 
 soon after Confessed the Fact Upon which the Com- 
 missioners Resolved to send an Interpreter with 
 the said Indian to hear the speech and to hinder the 
 Mohawks from breaking their Word to the Boston 
 Commissioners, which after three days they dispatcht 
 with the said Indian, and Hamelton was advised, by 
 Coll Schuyler & M r Wendell to wait until news 
 of the reception & return of the s d Indian, which 
 they judged was highly Convenient to be brought to 
 the Governour at Boston, and accordingly the 
 s d Hamilton waited Eighteen days for the answer, 
 which was that the Indians had brought two peices 
 of Wampom, which he presented to the Mohawks, 
 and begun a speech which was put to an End by the 
 Interpreter of one Hendrick a Head Sachem of the 
 Mohawks, who bid the s d Indian to return, and if he 
 had any thing to say to come to Boston and there 
 they would hear him, and upon failure they would 
 take him by the hair.
 
 Appendix. 333 
 
 August the fifth. 
 
 The said Hamilton took his departure from Al- 
 bany for Boston, attended by an Indian sent pr Collo 
 John Schuyler, as also a horse as far as Westfield, 
 and arrived there, and applyed himself to Capt Ash- 
 ley of the s d place who procured a Man & two horses 
 to Conduct the s d Hamilton to Boston, where he ar- 
 rived the twelfth day of August, And the next morn- 
 ing waited on his Honour the Commander in Chief 
 & Delivered the Indians speech & the Governour of 
 Canadas, & also Informed the Honourable House of 
 Representatives then sitting of the Conference that 
 had been between the s d Hamilton & Capt Nathaniel, 
 an Eastern Indian at parting, w ch was on the i6 th of 
 August N. S. 
 
 Boston Sept r 1723. 
 
 The said Alexander Hamilton likewise Testifys 
 That Mons r La Longue Informed him that M r de 
 Ramsey told M r Philip Schuyler at his Departure, 
 That had not Mons r De Vaudreuil been then present 
 in Mount Royall, That he the s d De Ramsey would 
 have sent him to Goal As also the s d Le Langue 
 Attended the s d M r Schuyler, as the Depon 1 Im- 
 agined after he had got his discharge to leave the 
 Countrey in the Nature of a Guard until he took 
 his departure from Mount Royall ; Immediately af- 
 ter which he the said la Longue posted to the House 
 of Mons r De Vaudreuil & Informed his Excellency 
 that Schuyler was gone. 
 
 And he the said Alexander Hamilton further De- 
 clares That the aforegoing is a true Journal as far as 
 he could learn and find out by Interpreters Fellow 
 Captives & Indians, & being himself also an Eye
 
 334 Appendix. 
 
 witness to most of the Transactions & he has many 
 strong Circumstances to Convince him of the truth 
 of what he has related of those things which he did 
 not see. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay 
 Sworn before the Hon ble the Lieutenant 
 Governor & Council this Seventh day 
 of December 1723. 
 
 Attest. J Willard Secry. 
 A true Copy 
 
 Examd ^> 
 
 J. Willard Secry. 
 R d in March 1 727. 
 
 Paper No. 8, entitled " PAPER TAKEN FROM THE 
 CHURCH DOOR AT NORRIDGEWOCK IN OCT R , 1722, 
 may be found at page 122. 
 
 \Paper <?.] 
 GOVERNOR VAUDREUIL TO THE GOVERNOR OF BOSTON. 
 
 Copy 
 
 S r . 
 
 I know not what you now think of the War with 
 the Abanakeys which you have drawn upon your 
 selves, in Taking and possessing (against all right) 
 their Land ; you may see that it is not so Easy a 
 thing as you thought at first to reduce those Indians, 
 I can likewise assure you, That you will find more 
 difficulty in the pursuit than Ever for that besides 
 their Resolution of Defending their Countrey as
 
 Appendix. 335 
 
 long as any of them remain and not to hearken to 
 any Accomodation until you entirely abandon all 
 their Rivers, and that things be set on the same foot, 
 as they were before the Treaty of Utrecht, All the 
 Indians of other Nations to whom they have re- 
 ported the Evil Treatment which they have received 
 from you, have taken up the hatchet for their help 
 or succour, and are ready to strike the blow on all 
 sides, to revenge the, Abanakeys their Countreys 
 & Friends, and to Deliver them from the Yoke and 
 Oppression which you would reduce them unto ; 
 have they not in Effect reason, what new right have 
 you acquired upon the Abanakeys & their Lands ; I 
 know not of any ; the Treaty of Utrecht do's Con- 
 ceed to you L'Accadie, Conformable to it's Ancient 
 limits ; the Lands of the Abanakeys are they Com- 
 prehended ? if so wherefore do's the same Treaty 
 add in the i5th article that there shall be named on 
 each part Commissioners for the Regulation of the 
 limits between the two Crowns, and to determine the 
 Indians that are subjects or Friends to either one or 
 the other. 
 
 Is it not Evident that your pretensions renders 
 utterly useless this wise Regulation which must 
 fall upon the Abanakes and their Lands, altho there 
 has been no Comissioners named to decide any 
 thing of their residence ; you have in Fact put your- 
 selves in possession of these Lands which you did 
 me the honour to Write that the Indian Inhabitants 
 were subjects and Rebells, notwithstanding you 
 ought not to be Ignorant of the Strict Allegiance 
 that has been at all times between us, I leave it to 
 you to Judge, Sir, whether you or I do most Con- 
 form our selves to the Rules of the said Treaty, 
 which Contains That the Inhabitants of Canada, or
 
 336 Appendix. 
 
 other of His Majesties subjects shall not Molest the 
 five Indian Nations who have submitted themselves 
 to Great Britain, nor the other Nations, Friends to 
 that Crown, likewise that the subjects of Great Brit- 
 ain shall behave themselves Peaceably towards the 
 American subjects or Friends of France. You can- 
 not be Ignorant Sir, That in divers Letters which I 
 had the honour to Write you, That I represented 
 the unhappy Consequences that must Infallibly fol- 
 low the Evil Treatment you have used in Regard to 
 the Indians Our Allies, for which I Esteem you Re- 
 sponsible ; I assure you it is to me a great Chagrine, 
 to see the great Union that is between my King and 
 Yours, may be Changed by the Occasion of a pre- 
 tended right, by which you have Seized On the Land 
 that from all times belonged to our Allies; for in 
 short I cannot sooner or later hinder my self from 
 Engaging in their Quarrel ; were it not better, Sir, 
 in the mean time, until Commissioners be named for 
 this purpose, as is Expressed in the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, whereby to Regulate all things Amicably, 
 to let the Indians Enjoy Peaceably their Land in 
 which they have always been in possession and 
 hereby to reestablish the Peace of these Countries, 
 which we see with pleasure to be in Europe. 
 
 The Sieurs La Rond and de la Geste are both 
 Officers of the King & Men of Consideration, will 
 have the honour of rendring my Letter to you, wait- 
 ing your answer, I have the honour of being perfectly 
 Your most humble & most 
 Obedient Servant. 
 
 Signed Vaudreuil. 
 
 Quebec the 28 th October 1723. 
 
 To the Governour Generall of Boston 
 Examined 
 
 $ J Willard Secry.
 
 Appendix. 337 
 
 \Paper ioJ] 
 
 GOV R DUMMER TO MoNS R DE VAUDREUIL. 
 
 A Letter to Mons r Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada. 
 
 Sir 
 
 I received the honour of your Letter $ Mess re Le 
 Ronde & De La Chasse, and am at a great loss to 
 know what part Monsr Vaudreuil would be under- 
 stood to take between us, & the Indians within this 
 Governm 1 . For such are the People with whom we 
 are Engaged in a War. We have often Recognized 
 their Obedience to the Crown of Great Britain, and 
 acknowledged His British Majesties Sovereignty over 
 them, tho at the same time we sufficiently understand 
 the share the French Indians have had in their Dep- 
 redations, as well as the Encouragement and Assist- 
 ance both have had from Quebec and Montreal. 
 
 At the same time, I shall not have the least diffi- 
 culty to make it Evident that we have in no respect 
 broken into the Articles of the Treaty of Utrecht 
 mentioned in your Letter. For we have made no 
 Settlements in any Controverted Boundaries, and I 
 must Acquaint you, that the Indians might have en- 
 joyed uninterrupted Quiet to this day had they not 
 been Instigated by Evil Advice from your self & the 
 Priests of your Government to act an Inhumane 
 Barbarous part upon our Quiet & Ancient Settle- 
 ments. All which I shall fully shew forth at a 
 proper time : But that which most of all surprizes 
 me is to find Mons r Vaudreuil (who speaks so freely 
 of the great Union between the Crowns of Great 
 Britain & France, and of his own Exactness in Ob- 
 serving the Articles of the Treaty of Utrecht) say, 
 that we shall sooner or later Engage in their Quarrel ; 
 
 43
 
 338 Appendix. 
 
 which I can Interpret no other ways than that you 
 Intend to make War upon us in favour of those that 
 are Declared Rebels against His British Majesty; 
 Nor can I Conceive that there is any such Power 
 lodged with you to break the Peace so solemnly and 
 firmly Established between the two Crowns by the 
 Treaty of Utrecht. 
 
 Upon the whole S r I assure myself that on due 
 Consideration of this affair you will see Cause to 
 alter your Measures and Instead of Exciting the In- 
 dians against us, Advise them to make their Sub- 
 mission to their Rightful Sovereign King George, 
 and thereby Convince me of your sincerity to Culti- 
 vate the same good Amity between these Govern- 
 ments that is Established between the English and 
 French Crowns at home, which will be very accept- 
 able to him who is with much respect 
 
 Sir 
 Your humble Servant 
 
 W m Dummer. 
 December 2o th 1723 
 Examined 
 
 $ J Willard Secry. 
 
 \Paper //.] 
 LANNERJAT'S LETTER TO FATHER RALLE". 
 
 Nusalkchunangan 
 
 July 1724. 
 My Reverend ffather 
 
 P. C. Sixteen Englishmen were killed 
 
 whilst Joseph was gon to you Two boats were burnt
 
 Appendix. 339 
 
 and forty Seven in all were killed and taken prison- 
 ers with Eleven Sloops as we Commonly say Sword 
 in hand and that after an obstinate fight on Each 
 side all which will contribute to our gallantry and 
 will increase our Village if it be well preserved. 
 
 In spite of all the Indians can say all the Glory is 
 owing to Sagsarrab. 
 Examined 
 
 $ J Wijlard Secry. 
 
 Paper No. 12, entitled " A COPY OF A LETTER FROM 
 SEE: RALLE, A FRENCH JESUIT, TO ANOTHER PRIEST, 
 GIVING A DETAIL OF THE DEPREDATIONS COMMIT- 
 TED BY THE INDIANS ON THE ENGLISH IN NORTH 
 AMERICA, AUG: 1724, may be found at page 251. 
 
 [Paper /J.] 
 
 THE L T GOVERNOUR OF MASSACHUSETS BAY TO THE 
 HON BLE SAM L CRANSTON ESQ RE . 
 
 Letter from the Lieu 1 Governour 
 and Council to the Hon ble Samuel 
 Cranston Esq r Governour of the 
 Colony of Rhode Island (or in his 
 absence to the Deputy Governour) 
 and to the General Assembly of 
 said Colony. 
 Gent" 
 
 The burthen of the Warr growing more Grievous 
 to this Province both on Account of the prodigious 
 Expence in maintaining it, and the many Persons 
 that have been Slain and Captivated by this barbar- 
 ous Enemy, as well as the lessening of the produce
 
 34-Q Appendix. 
 
 of the Countrey and raising the prices of all neces- 
 sarys of life ; We think it highly reasonable that 
 Our Neighbours the subjects of the same Crown 
 (who feel none of the Calamitys of Warr themselves, 
 but are rather benefited by our Misfortunes in the 
 Great demand & Consumption among us of the Ef- 
 fects of their labour and Traffick) should bear their 
 part of the Expence of this Warr, by furnishing and 
 supporting a proportionable fforce for Our assistance, 
 and therefore we think it proper to make this further 
 application to the General Assembly of Rhode Island, 
 and pray you to lay before them our desires, That 
 they would fully Consider the State of Our Province 
 with respect to this Grievous and Expensive Warr, 
 And Order a number of men to be raised and Joyned 
 with Ours That by a vigorous prosecution of the said 
 Warr, We may by the Blessing of God bring it to a 
 Speedy and happy Conclusion. And We can with the 
 Greater Earnestness press this matter, because We 
 are Conscious of the readiness of this Governm 1 (ex- 
 pressed in many Instances) to Assist their Neigh- 
 bours in Distress ; Besides the Governours or Com- 
 anders in Chief of this Province are Instructed by 
 His Majesty in case of a Warr to require a Quota 
 of men of the Neighbouring Governours, and like- 
 wise to Assist them in the Same manner when their 
 circumstances demand it, We would Further Inform 
 you That the Government of Connecticut have very 
 cheerfully Supplyed a considerable number of Sol- 
 diers for the Security of our Western Frontiers ; We 
 doubt not but you will Effectually Consider what is 
 proper to be done by you for His Majestys Service 
 in this Affair, and for the Advantage of these Prov- 
 inces and Colonys, which being united in Interest 
 ought to be so in mutual Affection and kindness as-
 
 Appendix. 341 
 
 suring you that nothing shall be wanting on Our 
 part that becomes a good Neighbour of your Gov- 
 ernment, and that may tend to promote a good un- 
 derstanding with you at all times, Upon which the 
 prosperity of both Governments do's so much de- 
 pend. What Assistance you shall order, We shall 
 humbly Represent to His Majesty, to whom we doubt 
 not it will be Acceptable. 
 
 We have thought fit to Impower Nathaniel By- 
 field Esq r (One of His Maj tys Council for this Prov- 
 ince and a Gentleman of Great Knowledge & long 
 Experience in our Publick affairs) to Appear for Us 
 and to Treat and Conferr with you upon the matters 
 herein Represented, And we desire that you would 
 give him Credence accordingly, and to receive him 
 to such Conferences with you as may be necessary 
 for that End. Thus wishing you the Conduct of 
 Heaven in all your Publick Affairs, We Remain 
 Gent n 
 
 Your Affectionate Friends 
 
 and humble Servants. 
 In the Name & by Order of the 
 L l Govern 1 " and Council 
 
 J. Willard Secry. 
 Boston October 28 th 1724. 
 Copy Examined $ J. Willard, Secry. 
 
 \JPaper 15. No. 14 is a duplicate^ 
 Gov R VAUDREUIL TO L T Gov R DUMMER. 
 
 I am Surprized that you have not Seen the Safe 
 Guard & the Commission I had given to Father 
 Ralle Sooner. The Abanakis Indians your Neigh-
 
 342 Appendix. 
 
 hours with whom you have always been in War hav- 
 ing Submitted themselves to France Embrace the 
 Catholick Religion, and Declare War to you every 
 time ffrance and England have had any quarrell to- 
 gether I say all this ought or should have put you in 
 Mind or Convince you it was not without Orders of 
 the Most Christian King that the Jesuits were among 
 the Indians and preach the Gospel to 'em. If you 
 had forgot it the many Letters I had written to your 
 Governour about it Since the last War between you 
 and the Abanakis Indians ought to have put you in 
 mind of it. No Doubt but you are to Answer to 
 the King your Master for the late Murther Commit- 
 ted by your order on the person of that ffrench Mis- 
 sionary whose head I know you set a price on & had 
 no other reason to be so animated against him only 
 because he had done his duty and has been faithfull 
 to his Prince in Teaching those Indians to whom the 
 King of ffrance could not refuse Missionaries and 
 help 'em in all he could, because they have always 
 been true to him and Served him upon every Occa- 
 sion or Opportunity that hath been made known to 
 you. 
 
 You tell me that you took the Opportunity of the 
 Safeguard I had given to ffather Ralle to let me 
 know for the Second time that the Narantsouac & 
 Panouamsque Indians were without Contradiction 
 Subjects to Great Britain & on their Lands ; Give 
 me leave to tell you S r that what you say is not main- 
 tainable. 
 
 Dont you know that S* Georges River was in 1 700 
 by Order of the two Crowns markt as the bounds of 
 the English & ffrench Lands by which bounds it is 
 plainly seen that all the District of Panouamsque 
 was given to us, and Shews the Injustice you have
 
 Appendix. 343 
 
 Committed against the ffrench to Build as you have 
 done & without Leave a ffort on the Land of one 
 Lefevre of which Enterprize if you dont desist you 
 will Infallibly repent Dont you know now that S d Le- 
 fevre had an habitation at Hosanoueskact, that your 
 Sloops and ours did pay a Duty to him as to the 
 proprietor of that Land every time they came to 
 Anchor there. I believe that M r Capon (Envoy of 
 England when King George came upon the Throne 
 who came here to aske the Panouamsque Indians to 
 Submit themselves to England) has not Imparted to 
 you the Answer those Indians made to him tho they 
 did give him two Copies of it in writing. Their 
 Answer was that they were French from the begin- 
 ning and in the Interest of France, that they were 
 Surprized they made Such propositions to 'em That 
 they never would Change their Religion, King nor 
 Interest and were offended they would keep such a 
 discourse to 'em when they knew very well their 
 Union with France of which they look upon them- 
 selves as Children and Subjects, that Answer (if 
 Said Capon dont lye that was to be sent to the King 
 and Parliament of England) will show plainly Sir 
 the unreasonableness of your Pretension to those 
 Indians. As to those of Narantsouac you fflatter 
 your Selves of Certain particular Deeds by Vertue 
 of which you pretend they made over their Lands to 
 you. But how can we believe you Since the whole 
 Nation Exclaim against those particular Indians 
 (whom they pretend you have Suborned) that had 
 no Authority to give that Deed ; For the first Fort 
 built by your Order upon Narantsouac Land, you Said 
 to the Indians that were against it or Opposed to it 
 that you did not pretend to be Masters of said fforts 
 that they were built only against Pirates that might
 
 344 Appendix. 
 
 otherwise take away the goods you had a mind to 
 send that way to trade with 'em. After you had by 
 unlawfull means built those fforts you Spake very 
 Imperiously and thought your Selves able to Subdue 
 the said Indians : But it is that it Self that has 
 brought you to the Confusion and trouble you lye 
 under of which you will have much ado to come off. 
 You have in so doing provoked the Narantsouac In- 
 dians against you to See you had a mind to use 'em 
 as your Subjects and even as Slaves, whilst they 
 would have no other relation with you but what fol- 
 lows from Trade among nations. You may Judge 
 of the Truth of what I Say by the Letter you took 
 about three years agoe at ffather Ralle's house when 
 you plundered it against the Laws of men. Youl See 
 in that Letter that the Narantsouac Indians used to 
 come every year to me to Complain of your New 
 Attempts : And that you had a mind to make them 
 Turn of your Side whether they would or no which 
 they were Resolved not to Suffer. You had more 
 need to ask my Advice before you Invade their Land 
 (which I shall never advise to) then I to aske your 
 Leave to Answer the first Complaints of the said In- 
 dians, That Since they would not Turn of your Side 
 it was their Interest to defend their Land and drive 
 out those that would Invade it. 
 
 It would have lookt very unseemly for me, if for 
 to please you I had Occasioned the Said Indians to 
 turn from the ffrench with whom they have and will 
 live lovingly together & Sacrafice to you If I had I 
 should have made a Breach to the last Treaty of 
 peace who Orders us to have a regard for the Soldiers 
 either Friends or Alleys to ffrance & do nothing to 
 molest 'em KNOW THEREFORE Sir that if I did Order 
 ffather Ralle to tarry among them it was to Conform
 
 Appendix. 345 
 
 myself to the Said Treaty. Nothing could Afflict 
 the Said Indians more than to See their ffather or 
 Priest taken away from 'em, whilst of another Side 
 you did Endeavour to take their Lands. 
 
 You must blame no Body but your selves for all 
 the Violence and Hostilities those Indians have Com- 
 mitted against your Nation Since you are the Cause 
 of it in Invading their Lands and presume to make 
 your Subjects those People that never would Consent 
 to be your Allies who being united to France have 
 declared themselves against your Nation. I Can't 
 help taking their parts in this, to let you know you 
 are in the wrong to fall out with 'em as you have. 
 You have by that means drawn upon your Selves a 
 great Number of Indians from Every Side whom to 
 Revenge the Injustice done to those do fall and will 
 fall upon you hereafter. If you had Imitated the 
 Governours of Boston your predecessors, Contented 
 your Selves to Trade with the Abenakes Indians 
 and had built no fforts on their Lands all this Con- 
 tinent would have been in peace. Wherefore I think 
 my Self Obliged to represent to you again, that to 
 procure peace among your Selves, and the People 
 you have justly provoked by your unjust Attempts 
 to pull down all the fforts you have Built upon their 
 Lands since the Peace of Utrecht. If So I promise 
 you afterwards to be your Mediator to the Abenakis 
 Indians and those that help them, and Oblige them 
 to lay down the Hatchet, if can be possible to Ap- 
 pease 'em Since the last Cruelty and unjust At- 
 tempts Committed of late against them and their 
 Missionary I am not so Scared of your threatenings 
 to See Nations, that are as you said ready to fall 
 upon us to Revenge your Cause than you ought to 
 be your Selves for the fault you have Committed 
 
 44
 
 346 Appendix. 
 
 against France in Endeavouring to take their Alleys 
 from 'em. 
 
 I will not however refuse my Mediation to you to 
 bring the Abenakis Indians & their Allies to Peace 
 on Condition Exprest in this Letter which are Con- 
 formable to the Mind of those Indians whom (be- 
 tween us) have given you no just Cause to Declare 
 war to 'em. As to the Cruelty Committed by your 
 Order on the Person of ffather Ralle I leave to the 
 two Crowns to Decide of the Justice or punishment 
 that is to be made ; having been Obliged to give an 
 Accompt of it to the King my Master. 
 I am Sir 
 
 Your most humble & 
 
 Quebec 8 ber y e 29 Most Obd 1 Servant 
 
 1724 9 ber y e 10 VAUDREUIL. 
 
 Directed to the Governour of BOSTON. 
 Copy Examined ^ J. Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper />.] 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS FOR CANADA. 
 
 AT a Great and General Court 
 or Assembly for his Majestys province 
 of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
 land held at Boston upon Wednes- 
 day the Eleventh of November 1724. 
 Nov br 25 th 1725. 
 
 The following Vote pass'd both Houses respect- 
 ing a Message to be sent to Monsieur Vaudreuil 
 Gov r of Canada Viz. 
 
 RESOLVED that his Hon r the L l Governour 
 be desired in the name of this General Court by an
 
 Appendix. 347 
 
 express earnestly to move his Excellency Gov r Bur- 
 net to appoint and order a Suitable Person of his 
 Government to Joyn with any person or persons 
 that may be Appointed here to repair to Mons r Vau- 
 dreuil Gov r of Canada, and there demand all and 
 every of his Majestys Subjects that have been Cap- 
 tivated by the Indian Enemy & carried into & De- 
 tained in any part of his Government and likewise 
 demand that the said.Governour Vaudreuil withdraw 
 the Countenance & Assistance which in Violation of 
 the Treaty of Utrecht & contrary to the friendship 
 and Alliance between the Two Crowns he has given 
 to the said Indians in the prosecution of their Un- 
 just War against his Majestys Subjects of these 
 Colonys, Otherwise of our Friend Indians who have 
 with difficulty been restrained, should in pursuit of 
 the Enemy Indians Commit like Hostilitys upon the 
 French Familys who dwell promiscuously with them 
 as have been by the French Indians Committed 
 upon the Inhabitants of this province, The Blame 
 will be entirely owing to his own Conduct, and like- 
 wise inform him that if the Indians shall still persist 
 in the war against us the several English Govern- 
 ments will find themselves Obliged with their United 
 Forces by the help of God to prosecute and pursue 
 them to the Uttermost And that his Hon r the L l 
 Govern 1 " be also desired in the Name of this Court 
 by the Same Express to move the Hon ble Governour 
 Talcot & the Government of Connecticut, that they 
 would Joyn a Commissioner in the Affair above as 
 also the Governments of Rhoad Island & New Hamp- 
 shire to Joyn a Commissioner from each Govern- 
 ment in the Same Affair 
 Copy 
 
 Examined $ J Willard Secry.
 
 348 Appendix. 
 
 Dec br 25 th 
 1724. 
 
 In the House of Representatives. 
 
 Voted that his Hon r the Lieuten 1 Governour be 
 desired to send Commissioners on the Message to 
 Canada already agreed on although the Neighbour- 
 ing Governments do not Joyn them. And that some 
 Suitable person or persons be accordingly Chosen 
 by the Court before they rise, And that M r Speaker 
 M r Wainwright & Col Chandler & M r Cushing with 
 such as the Hon ble Board shall Joyn be a Committee 
 to draw some proper heads or Articles of Instruc- 
 tions for the said Commissioners, And to sit forth- 
 with and make report of their Doings. 
 
 In Council Read and Concur'd, And that Col 
 Fitch & Col Tailer & Col Thaxter be Joined in 
 the Affair above. 
 
 Copy Examined ^ J Willard Secry. 
 
 Dec br 23 d 1724. Voted in both Houses that his 
 
 Hon r the Lieutenant Govern 1 " be Desired to give the 
 following Instructions to the Commissioners to be 
 Chosen and sent to Canada Viz. 
 
 That the said Commissioners proceed with all 
 Convenient Dispatch to Albany & from thence to 
 Mons r Vaudreuil Governour of Canada or the Gov- 
 ernour for the time being of that Country & deliver 
 to him the several Letters to him Directed. 
 
 That they demand all and every of his Majestys 
 Subjects that have been Captivated by the Indian 
 Enemy and Carried into & detained in any part of 
 his Government. 
 
 That they Remonstrate to the said French Gov- 
 ernour his unjust Treatment of this Government 
 in the Countenance and Assistance which in Viola-
 
 Appendix. 349 
 
 tion of the Treaty of Utrecht & contrary to the 
 Friendship and Alliance between the Two Crowns 
 he has given to the said Indians in the prosecution 
 of this present War, And that they peremptorily in- 
 sist on his withdrawing his Countenance and assist- 
 ance from the said Indians for the future. Other- 
 wise to observe to him, That if our friend Indians 
 should in pursuit of the Enemy Commit like Hos- 
 tilities upon the French Families who dwell pro- 
 miscuously with them, as have been by some of the 
 French Indians Committed upon the Inhabitants of 
 this province the Blame will be entirely owing to his 
 own Conduct. 
 
 And if hereupon the French Governour in behalf 
 of the Indians or the said Indians for themselves 
 should make any Overtures for putting an end to the 
 War, the Commissioners give for answer, that al- 
 though they have neither powers nor Instructions to 
 conclude or enter into any Treaty, Yet if the Indians 
 or a number of their Chiefs full Authorized are de- 
 sirous to Treat with this Government in order to 
 make an Exchange of all prisoners and Captives on 
 both sides, and a Just, Safe and lasting peace And 
 for this End will repair to Boston or Portsmouth in 
 the province of New Hampshire They shall have 
 safe Conduct thither and back again and the Com- 
 missioners shall give passports accordingly. 
 Examined ^ J Willard Secry.
 
 35O Appendix. 
 
 [Paper 77.] 
 JOURNAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO CANADA. 
 
 Conformable to our Commission and Instructions 
 from the Honorable WILLIAM DUMMER Esq r Lieu- 
 tenant Governour and Commander in Chief of His 
 Majestys Province of the Massachusetts Bay We 
 departed the Twentieth day of January 1724 and Ar- 
 rived at Albany on the Twentieighth day of the Said 
 Month And after having Agreed with five Macuas, 
 and five Scatacook Indians, to go with and Assist 
 us on our Journey to Mont Real, and provided all 
 things necessary, We Set out from Saratoga 40 
 miles above Albany, the Eighth day of February 
 finding Ice in the River, and on Wood Creek so 
 called until we came near the little falls, where that 
 Creek Empties it Self into the drowned Lands ; and 
 Concluding the Lake to be open, we lay Still four 
 days, and made three Cano's, and on the Sixteenth 
 day of February we Set out drawing all our Provis- 
 ions and other things on Sleds on the drowned Lands 
 until we came to the Crown Point which was on the 
 Eighteenth day of S d month, And we went one small 
 days Travel further and then made a wooden Can- 
 nou Still Concluding the Lake was open but Ex- 
 tream Cold weather coming on, and our provisions 
 being almost Spent by the Indians we dismis'd them 
 all but two and left our Cannous behind, and set out 
 by Land on the 22 d of February and after many diffi- 
 culties and hardships We arrived at Chambly on the 
 28 th day of the said month where having first ob- 
 tained permission to go to Mont Real We Arrived 
 there the Second day of March, and waited on the 
 Governour General Mons r Vaudreuil (who happened 
 to get there the day before us) and Delivered him
 
 Appendix. 351 
 
 our passports and other Letters to him directed, and 
 after they were translated a time being appointed 
 We gave our demands to the Governour in writing 
 (which are herewith Exhibited) And desired an 
 Answer in writing which he utterly refused ; we 
 Convinced him as we apprehended of his being the 
 Cause of the War as well by his own as other French 
 Letters ; and all he had to object was That the Let- 
 ters we produced to him, were not Originals. We then 
 Appealed to the Copys he kept, but he would not 
 Suffer them to be Read. He often talked to us of 
 the pretended Grievances of the Indians Concerning 
 Land ; we convinced him and his Jesuit La Chase of 
 a Gross mistake they had Laboured under of the 
 Distance between S l Georges and Saco River, the 
 Land they laid Claim to and they had no other 
 refuge to fly to, but that the Indians had wrongfully 
 Informed them. The Governour as well as the In- 
 dians seemed desirous of Peace by sundry expres- 
 sions in their Discourse at severall times with us 
 but Insisted upon it That the peace must be made 
 or agreed upon in presence of the Governour at 
 Mont Real, to which we made Answer, that we had 
 no power to treat of peace there, but that if they de- 
 sired Peace, and would go either to Boston or Pis- 
 cataqua they should be in safety both in going there 
 and returning home ; And the Governments there 
 would we doubted not, be willing to make a just and 
 lasting Peace with them ; to which they replyed 
 (being first directed what to say by the Jesuit La 
 Chase as we Imagine) That what was done must be 
 in the presence of the Governour and at Canada, 
 We then told them that if they had nothing more to 
 say to us we had nothing further to say to them ; 
 And so our discourse broke off with the Indians.
 
 352 Appendix. 
 
 By all the Interviews and Information we had, the 
 Indians are Inclinable to Peace, and the Western In- 
 dians as Cagnawaga, Schoandic, Nipesangs &c. are 
 all against the War, and altho' they have been again 
 and again moved by their Jesuits, by Order from the 
 Government to renew their Hostilities, which some 
 of them did the last year and before Commit Yet 
 they could not be prevailed with So to do And when 
 we Expostulated with the Governour on this Head, 
 and offered to bring some of those Indians before 
 his face to prove this Vile and Wicked practice, all 
 he could Say, and that in some wrath was, that the 
 Indians were Lyars, and he would. not then see them 
 least (as we apprehend) he should have been Con- 
 victed by them And we must needs say, that such 
 Trifling and tricking as we observed and met with, 
 could hardly be Expected from the very worst of 
 mankind, Tho' at the same time we would do Mons r 
 Vaudreuil that Justice as to Say Seperate him from 
 the Jesuit, he is of honour, good Nature and Easey 
 Disposition. 
 
 On our demanding the British Subjects that were 
 Captives in the hands of the French, the Governours 
 Answer was That he had no Captives, there being 
 no War between the English & French Nations, but 
 that the French out of Chanty and Compassion, had 
 bought some Poor English People, and that they 
 should be returned if the Sums of money they Cost 
 were repaid. This Buying and Selling our people, 
 Seems to us, to be one great Reason or Cause of 
 the Continuance of the War the Indians being In- 
 debted to the ffrench, they fit them out to get Slaves, 
 for so his Majestys good Subjects are made at Can- 
 ada, and thereby the Indians pay their ffrench Credi- 
 tors who make a great Advantage to them selves
 
 Appendix. 353 
 
 over and above their debts thus paid them, by Selling 
 the poor Captives Dearer than Negro's may be pur- 
 chased. On this head we were Sufficiently Moved 
 to Say a great deal to the Governour and his Priest 
 for we could Seldom See the one without the other 
 And all the Answer was Charity and least the Sal- 
 vages should kill them. 
 
 We herewith present to your Honours Certificates 
 Signed by the Secretary & others for money received 
 for some of our prisoners, notwithstanding they pre- 
 tend to hold or have none. 
 
 The ffrench Governour Several times got angry 
 Concerning what; the Governour of New York had 
 Said to Our Five nations of Building a House on or 
 near Onondaga River. Our Observations herein 
 we reduced to writing and Delivered to the Com- 
 missioners at Albany a Copy whereof N A we 
 humbly refer to. 
 
 And we Observing the kind & good Disposition 
 in the French Maquas at Mont Real and their 
 Sachems who came with us, we had a Treaty with 
 them at Albany as ^ N B which we also communi- 
 cated to the said Commissioners. 
 
 All which is Humbly Represented by 
 Your Honours Obedient Servants 
 
 Sam 1 Thaxter ) n . . 
 
 \\Tm r\ ji r Commissioners. 
 
 W m Dudley j 
 
 Boston May 26 th . 1 725 
 In Council May 28. 
 1725 Read. 
 
 Examined ^ J Willard Secry. 
 45
 
 354 Appendix. 
 
 [Paper /&] 
 L T Gov R DUMMER TO L T Gov R WENTWORTH. 
 
 LETTER from His Honour the Lieu 1 
 Governour to the Hon ble John Went- 
 worth Esq r Lieu 1 Governour of the 
 ,- Province of New Hampshire. 
 
 You have here Inclosed a Vote of the General 
 Assembly of this Province Expressing their desire 
 that a suitable person from this Government, and one 
 from Each of the Neighbouring Governm 13 , should be 
 sent on a message to Govern 1 " Vaudreuil of Canada, 
 for the Reasons therein Expressed. 
 
 And there is Great grounds to hope if he were 
 made sensible That in case he continues to Abett & 
 Instigate our Enemys against us, The several Eng- 
 lish Governments would with their united Force pur- 
 sue those Indians, And in their pursuits, the Warr 
 should be brought home to his own Doors, he would 
 soon use means to bring them to proper Terms of 
 Peace and Submission. 
 
 I have written to the Governours of New York, 
 Connecticutt and Rhode Island, & Expect in a short 
 time to hear from them, and assure myself That you 
 will not be backward to Joyn with us herein as is de- 
 sired, Inasmuch as none will be likely to reap Greater 
 Advantage than the Province of New Hampshire in 
 case the proposed End be attained. 
 
 I request you will send me your Answer as soon 
 as may be with Convenience. 
 I am 
 Sir 
 
 Y r very humble Serv 1 
 
 Boston December i 1724. W " DuMMER - 
 Examined f> J Willard Secry.
 
 Appendix. 355 
 
 Paper No. 19. " LT. Gov R DUMMER TO Gov R CRANS- 
 TON OF RHODE ISLAND AND TO Gov R TALCOT OF 
 CONNECTICUT," are of similar tenor. 
 
 [Paper 2oJ] 
 LT Gov R DUMMER TO Gov R BURNETT. 
 
 LETTER from His Honour the Lieu 1 
 Governour to His Excellency Wil- 
 liam Burnett Esq r Govern 1 " of New 
 York. 
 Sir 
 
 The Remarkable Evidences of your Friendship to 
 this Province at the late Treaty with the Maquas at 
 Albany have been by our Agents there fully Repre- 
 sented both to me and the General Assembly here, 
 The Remembrance whereof as it Impresses suitable 
 sentiments of Gratitude on our minds, so it Raises 
 not only our hope but Expectation That your fur- 
 ther Assistances will not be wanting as Occasion 
 may require. 
 
 This Government after having Exercised long Pa- 
 tience towards the Eastern Indians notwithstand* the 
 many and Great Outrages &c. &c. &c.* 
 # * # # * # 
 
 Your Most Obedient 
 Humble Serv 1 
 
 WILLIAM DUMMER 
 Boston 
 
 December I st 1724 
 Copy Examined 
 
 3P J Willard Secry. 
 
 * The remainder of this letter is a duplicate of a portion of No. 22, which 
 see.
 
 356 Appendix. 
 
 \Paper 2i.~\ 
 VOTE OF THE GOVERNOUR AND COUNCIL OF NEW YORK. 
 
 AT A COUNCIL 
 HELD AT FORT GEORGE 
 IN NEW YORK DECEMB* 16 1724. 
 
 PRESENT 
 
 His Excellency William Burnet Esq r 
 
 Cap 1 Waller ) Ayrr A1 j A 
 
 A/r /Yr M r Alexander ) 
 
 M r Hanson > A , r w , 
 
 r\ 4-r r- u I M r Vanhorn 
 Doct r Colden j 
 
 His Excellency laid before the Board Some papers 
 he had received from the Honourable William Dum- 
 mer Esq r Lieut. Gov r of the Massachusetts Bay 
 (Viz 1 ) the Copy of the Declaration of War against 
 the Eastern Indians, the Copy of an Address of that 
 Government to His Majesty concerning that War 
 with a Letter from the said Governour to his Excel- 
 lency. 
 
 ORDERED, That the said Letter with the other 
 papers be referred to the Consideration of the Gen- 
 tlemen of this Board or any five of them And that 
 they make Report thereunto to this Board. 
 
 POST MERIDIEM 
 Present as before 
 
 The Report of the Gentlemen of the Committee 
 to whose Consideration the papers relating to New 
 England were referred was Read and is as follows
 
 Appendix. 357 
 
 AT a Committee of the Coun- 
 cil held at the Council Chamber 
 in New York Decemb r 16 th 1724. 
 
 PRESENT 
 
 Cap 1 Walter 
 M r Harrison 
 Doct r Colden 
 M r , Alexander 
 M r Abrah Vanhorn 
 
 May it please your Excellency 
 
 IN OBEDIENCE to your Excellency's Order in Coun- 
 cil of this day referring to us the Consideration of 
 Some papers sent by the Lieutenant Governour of 
 Massachusetts Bay to wit a Copy of the Declaration 
 of War against the Eastern Indians a Copy of an 
 Address to his Majesty concerning that War to 
 gether with a Letter from the Honourable William 
 Dummer Esq r Lieut. Governour of that Province. 
 
 We have considered of the Same, and altho' it 
 be our sentiments that all the Assistance in the 
 power of this province to give to that of the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay for putting a hapy End to the War 
 with the Indians ought to be given and were it in 
 your Excellency's power, with the help of the Coun- 
 cil to make good what is desired by the said Letter 
 to be told Mons r Vaudreuil we should heartily advize 
 it so far as your Excellency may think it Consistent 
 with your Instructions from his Majesty. 
 
 But we do humbly Conceive that the Committing 
 of Hostilities within the Territories of the ffrench 
 King would be in Effect Commencing War against 
 him, which your Excellency is forbid to do by your 
 Instructions without his Majestys Special Com- 
 mands.
 
 358 Appendix. 
 
 We do also humbly Conceive that if your Excel- 
 lency should threaten War even only against the 
 Eastern Indians, it would be very Derogatory to 
 the Honour of the Province (if the Eastern Indians 
 did continue the War) not to Joyn the War against 
 them and this your Excellency with any help in the 
 power of this Board to give you without the Assem- 
 bly Joyning to Raise money cannot Effectually do 
 And the Assembly by their Resolves of the fifth of 
 October 1722 communicated about that time to the 
 Province of the Massachusetts Bay have already 
 given their Sentiments concerning that matter to 
 which he Referrs. 
 
 Wherefore we are sorry we cannot advise your 
 Excellency to Comply with what is desired in the 
 said Letter. 
 
 We are 
 
 Your Excellencys most 
 Obedient Humble 
 
 Servants. 
 By Order of the Committee 
 
 Ja Alexander Chairman, 
 which Report was approved of by this Board. 
 
 A true Copy taken from the Minutes 
 of Council 
 
 H. Bobingt n Ck Coun 1 . 
 
 Copy Examined f} J Willard Secry. 
 
 Vote of the Govern' 
 and Council of New 
 York 
 
 Dec 1 1 6. 1724.
 
 Appendix. 359 
 
 \Paper 22.~\ 
 L T Gov R DUMMER TO Gov R TALCOT. 
 
 Letter from His Honour the L l 
 Governour to the Hono ble Joseph 
 Talcot Esq r Governour of the 
 Colony of Connecticutt. 
 Sir 
 
 The Answer of the General Assembly of Connec- 
 ticutt to the motion lately made to them by Col 
 John Stoddard in the name of this Government 
 with relation to the carrying on the Warr against 
 our Enemy Indians, has been transmitted to me, 
 which I have communicated to the General 
 Court of this Province now sitting, And Inasmuch 
 as it is therein Intimated that you had not received 
 such full Satisfaction touching the Grounds of the 
 Warr as you desired, I have therefore directed 
 Copys of the Proclamation of Warr and a Memo- 
 rial to His Majesty wherein the Grounds of the 
 Warr are set forth, to be Inclosed, Upon perusal of 
 which I hope you will be fully sensible That the 
 grounds were sufficient and the Warr unavoidable. 
 And I would give you further to understand That as 
 this Government, (after having Exercised long Pa- 
 tience towards the Eastern Indians, notwithstanding 
 the many and Great Outrages and Depredations 
 comitted by them upon His Majestys Subjects In- 
 habiting our Frontiers, till at last by killing multi- 
 tudes of their Cattle inhumanely abusing their per- 
 sons, Plundering & burning their Houses, carrying 
 several of them away Captives, wounding and killing 
 others, and even in open and hostile-manner assault- 
 ing for many hours A Fort where His Maj tys Colours 
 were flying, as by the Inclosed papers will appear,
 
 360 Appendix. 
 
 Their Insults became intolerable) did at first with 
 much regret enter into a Warr with such a barbarous 
 lurking and almost inaccessible Enemy to the heavy 
 Expense & Calamity of it not only Obliges us to 
 wish it at an End, but do's also Engage us to Exer- 
 cise our thoughts how to bring it to a speedy and 
 happy Conclusion. And if the Governour of Canada 
 who has all along abetted and Instigated our Enemys, 
 were made sensible, That in case he continued so to 
 do, the several English Governm ts would with 
 their united Forces pursue those Indians, and in 
 their Pursuits, the Warr should be brought home to 
 his own doors, there is great reason to Conclude that 
 he would either by withdrawing his Assistance or by 
 Exerting his Influence soon bring them to proper 
 Terms of Peace and submission, wherefore the Gen- 
 eral Court now sitting have desired me Earnestly to 
 move you, that you would please to appoint and 
 Order some suitable person of your Government, to 
 Joyn with such persons as shall be sent from hence, 
 and from the Governments of New York Rhode 
 Island and New Hampshire, to repair to Mons r Vau- 
 dreuil Governour of Canada and there to demand 
 all and every of His Maj tys Subjects that have been 
 Captivated by the Indian Enemy and carryed into 
 and detained in any Part of his Government, and 
 likewise to demand that the said Governour Vau- 
 dreuil withdraw the Countenance and Assistance 
 which in violation of the Treaty of Utrecht & Con- 
 trary to the Friendship and alliance between the two 
 Crowns he has given to the s d Indians in the prose- 
 cution of their unjust Warr against His Maj tys Sub- 
 jects in these Colonys, And otherwise if our Friend 
 Indians who have hitherto been with difficulty re- 
 strained should in pursuit of the Enemy Indians
 
 Appendix. 361 
 
 comit like Hostilitys upon the French Familys who 
 dwell promiscuously with them as have been Comitted 
 by the French Indians upon the Inhabitants of this 
 Province, That the Blame will be intirely owing to 
 his own Conduct, and that the said Agents likewise 
 Inform him, that if the Indians shall still persist in 
 this Warr against us, The several English Govern- 
 ments will find themselves Obliged with their united 
 Force (by the help of God) to prosecute and pursue 
 them to the uttermost ; And if thro' the blessing of 
 God on our Endeavours herein, a lasting Peace 
 should be brought forward, I trust that not only this 
 Province, but the Colony of Connecticutt also, will 
 have abundant Cause to rejoyce in the happy Effects 
 of the proposed Message. 
 
 I hope you will Judge it Expedient to joyn with 
 us in this affair, And desire you will send me your 
 Answer as soon as may be with Convenience, whereby 
 you will much Oblige 
 Sir 
 
 Yo r Most Obedient humble serv 1 
 Boston WILLIAM DUMMER 
 
 December I st 1724. 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 3P J WILLARD Secry. 
 
 [Paper 23.] 
 
 Gov R TALCOT TO THE L T GOVERNOUR DUMMER. 
 
 Hartford Decemb r 22 d 1724. 
 Sir 
 
 I have Received yours of November 3O th with the 
 inclosed Referred to therein and with that a Copy of 
 4 6
 
 362 Appendix. 
 
 your Assembly respecting the Message to Canada 
 had also been inclosed which your Honour can yet 
 Supply. 
 
 I have advised with the Gentlemen of the Coun- 
 cil that I could at this Season with Convenience 
 Speak with and am not unsensible of the great Diffi- 
 culty and Charge the Warr with the Eastern Indians 
 hath brought upon the whole province under your 
 Command. I wish this Government were able to Ren- 
 der the Circumstances of your Province in that affair 
 more Easie but as to what your Honour Intimates 
 respecting sending messages to Canada Altho' that 
 project Seemeth likely to make Mons r Vaudreuil sen- 
 sible that his Conduct cant be justified neither will 
 it well support the ffrench Cause when the Same 
 Methods shall be taken by New England against 
 Canada the Letting loose the Indians as Intimated 
 in yours will doubtless give Conviction when those 
 things proper to C.onvince Reason fail And therefore 
 'tis to be hoped at Sight of it at a distance as Repre- 
 sented by messengers may do something with that 
 Governour. 
 
 But yet would further propose to Your Honours 
 advisement whether it may not be proper to Close 
 the Message to Mons r Vaudreuil with a Represen- 
 tation that it is very apparent that our Indian Enemy 
 have such a dependance on him to Support them in 
 the War that he can easily reduce them to quietness 
 And that his Exerting himself in so good a work (as 
 Reducing those Indians to Order would be) may 
 hapily prevent many Mischiefs that Seem to Threaten 
 us as well as the People under his Command and 
 also give us a Special Instance of his good Neigh- 
 bourhood. And if this or anything Else proper to 
 Insert in the Message to the Governour of Canada
 
 Appendix. 363 
 
 might gain him to Influence the Indians to peace it 
 would be well but if he should slight the Motion of 
 being an Instrument to gain a Peace for us I think 
 he would still be the Less Excusable and must thank 
 himself when he is Taught by other Means. 
 
 But yet after all must let your Honour know that 
 it is not in my power with the Council to Comply 
 with your Desire And if I should Call our Assembly 
 together (who can only Authorize a person to go 
 upon the Errand you Mention) I fear the Same 
 Scruples (as when Col Stoddard was with us) will still 
 be started which were principally two. First that the 
 Indians had been wronged in their Lands. Secondly 
 that the Hostages received by your Government of 
 the Indians were only to Secure the payment of some 
 Beaver which the Indians say they have Since paid 
 and therefore the War not just on the English 
 Side. 
 
 These things our people have had confirmed to 
 them by many persons (and some of distinction) of 
 your Governm 1 I would Charitably hope those 
 Reports are wholly Groundless I should be very un- 
 willing to Entertain such things without the Clearest 
 proofs. 
 
 Notwithstanding which in Order to Satisfy our 
 Assembly possibly it may be best to Send to me the 
 fullest accounts that may be come at. Our late very 
 Honourable and Excellent Governour Col Salton- 
 stall some time before his Death received one of 
 your Treaties with the Eastern Indians which now 
 Cant be found doubtless your Treaties and other 
 writings respecting the Eastern Lands if Communi- 
 cated to our Assembly might be of Service and a 
 Copy of the Entry made when the said Hostages 
 were delivered up (which Entry Certainly doth In-
 
 364 Appendix. 
 
 elude what they were Received for) will Certainly 
 Satisfy our Assembly how the Matter is as to the 
 Hostages. 
 
 Your Honour won 1 think it Strange that there is 
 need to satisfie our Assembly in these things when 
 you consider our people had the Said Reports from 
 among yourselves as is above hinted and that what 
 persons Confess against themselves is Easily believed 
 and in many things these wants no other proof. I 
 have insisted the more largely that if possible I might 
 prevent all difficulties for I would always cultivate 
 that good understanding that Hath been between 
 the Two Governments. 
 
 By Order of the Governour &c of the 
 Colony of Connecticutt. 
 
 Signed 
 f) Her: Wyllys Secretary. 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 ff J Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper 2^.~\ 
 
 At the Desire of Coll William Coddington and 
 Major Thomas Freye Esq rs Commissioners from the 
 Government of Rhode Island to Treat and Confer 
 with the Government of the Massachusetts Bay upon 
 the subject of their Furnishing a number of Men to 
 Joyn with our Forces in prosecuting the War against 
 the Indian Enemy ; And in Order to Satisfy the Said 
 Commissioners of the Just Grounds and Reasons of 
 the present War with the s d Indians, that so they 
 may be Enabled to give a Satisfactory Account 
 thereof to the Government of Rhode Island.
 
 Appendix. 365 
 
 The Committee appointed by the Massachusetts 
 Governm 1 have here made a Narrative of several 
 Treatys had with the said Indians, and of the steps 
 this Government from time to time have taken in 
 order to Continue them in Peace and Amity with his 
 Majesties Subjects of this Province, as well as some 
 short Account of the Repeated Injuries, Outrages 
 Depredations and Murthers Comitted by the said 
 Indians on the Inhabitants of this Province. 
 
 Anno 1693. The several Tribes of Eastern Indians 
 did at a Treaty with S r William Phipps Governor, at 
 Pemaquid Cast themselves upon Their Majesty's 
 Grace & Favour, acknowledge their hearty subjec- 
 tion & obedience to the Crown of England, Cove- 
 nant to Abandon the French Interest to restore 
 Captives, Agree that the English shall peaceably & 
 quietly enter upon, Improve and forever Enjoy all 
 their Rights of Land and former Settlements and 
 Possessions within the Eastern parts of the said 
 Province without any Pretensions or Claims by them, 
 or any other Tribe of Indians, and be in no ways 
 Molested Interupted or Disturbed therein. That if 
 any Controversy Arise they will not take private 
 Revenge, but apply to the Government for Remedy 
 submitting themselves to be Ruled by their Majesty's 
 Laws, and Desiring to have the Benefit of the same. 
 
 Anno i 703. A treaty was held with the Eastern 
 I ndians at Casco Bay by Governor Dudley where they 
 Covenanted and Engaged to Continue in Peace and 
 Amity with Her Majesties Subjects of this Govern- 
 ment and two heaps of stones Called the two Brothers, 
 which had been Erected Anno 1701 were thereby 
 the English and Indians renewed in Perpetual mem- 
 ory of said Covenant, & yet within a few weeks after 
 viz the beginning of August, they in three parties at
 
 366 Appendix. 
 
 the same time fell upon her Majesties Subjects in the 
 Eastern Frontier of this Province, Burning Houses, 
 killing & Carrying away many of the Inhabitants at 
 Twenty miles distance. 
 
 Anno 1713 July. The several Tribes of Eastern 
 Indians at a Treaty with the afores d Governor Dudley 
 at Portsmouth in New Hampshire did acknowledge 
 to have made a Breach of their Fidelity & Loyalty 
 to the Crown of Great Britain, and to have made open 
 Rebellion, and did acknowledge themselves to be the 
 Lawful subjects of Queen Anne, and Promise Hearty 
 subjection and Obedience to the Crown of Great 
 Britain and did then engage for the future to Cease 
 All Acts of Hostility towards all the subjects of the 
 said Crown, never to Entertain any Treasonable Con- 
 spiracies with any other Nation to their Disturbance. 
 That Her Majesties Subjects shall & may Peaceably 
 Enter upon Improve and forever Enjoy all and sin- 
 gular their Rights of Land, and former settlements 
 properties and possessions within the Eastern parts 
 of said Province & New Hampshire with all Islands 
 Shears Beaches & Fishery. And if any Controversy 
 happen they will not take private Revenge but Apply 
 to the Government for Remedy. They then Con- 
 fessed that they had Contrary to all Faith and Justice 
 Broke their Articles with S r William Phipps Anno 
 1693 with the Earle of Bellomont Anno 1699 & with 
 Governor Dudley August 1702 & July 1703 notwith- 
 standing they had been well Treated by the Gover- 
 nours & Cast themselves upon Her Majesty's Mercy 
 for Pardon of all their past Rebellous Hostilitys & 
 Violations of their Promises, Praying to be Received 
 into Her Majesty's Grace and Protection. 
 
 August Anno 1717 At a Treaty of Governor 
 Shute with the Several Tribes of Eastern Indians at
 
 Appendix. 367 
 
 Arowsick they did Ratify and and Confirm the Treaty 
 made at Portsmouth with Governor Dudley Anno 
 1713 & every the Articles, which relate to the Re- 
 straint & Limitation of Trade & Commerce, which is 
 now otherwise Managed. And whereas some Rash 
 persons among them had molested some of their 
 good Fellow subjects the English in the possession 
 of their Lands, and otherwise 111 Treated them, they 
 did Disapprove and Condemn the same, and freely 
 Consent that their English friends shall possess 
 Enjoy & Improve all the Lands which they have 
 formerly possessed, and all which they have Obtained 
 a right and Title unto, hoping it will prove of Mutual 
 Benefit to the English, and them that they Cohabit 
 with them, which was signed by Twenty Sachems, 
 and Principal Men of the several Tribes. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING which the Indians making it 
 their frequent Practice to kill the English Cattle, to 
 threaten & Abuse the Persons of the Inhabitants in 
 those parts of the Government of this Province 
 The Government thought proper to appoint four 
 Gentlemen being officers of the Forces in Pay, to 
 Confer with the Chiefs of the said Tribes of Indians 
 upon the Accompt of the Outrages & Depredations 
 they had committed. 
 
 November Anno 1 720 Shadrach Walton, Esq r Col- 
 onel, the Major and two Captains met with the Chief 
 of those Tribes at Arowsick where being Charged 
 with the Spoils, wrongs and Injuries Comitted by 
 the Indians upon the Persons and Estates of the 
 English, and being Convicted thereof they did 
 Oblige themselves to pay two hund d Skins towards 
 Satisfaction for the same ; And to Deliver unto the 
 Government four of their Principal men, not only as 
 Security for payment of the Skins, but also to remain
 
 368 Appendix. 
 
 as Hostages and Pledges to the Government for the 
 Indians good behaviour for the time to come, and to 
 deliver a greater number if demanded Signed by 
 six of their Chief Men as Agents for the rest. 
 
 August Anno 1 72 1. The said Indians still proceed- 
 ing and Increasing in their Robberies & Outrages 
 the Government sent down Penn Townsend Esq r with 
 several Gentlemen of the Council & others to Con- 
 fer with them, & bring them to Reason ; But altho 
 they had notice sent them of their being at Arowsick, 
 and that the Indians sent them word they would 
 Come to them ; yet they broke their Promise, and 
 never came near them, so they were forced to return 
 without seeing or speaking with them. 
 
 From which time forward for the space of a year 
 they grew more bold and Open in their Insults, kill- 
 ing Cattle Burning Houses, Robbing & Burning 
 vessels, killing His Majesties subjects Openly As- 
 saulting His Forts till at last in July 1722 the Gov- 
 ernment no longer Able to bear with such Insuffer- 
 able Treatment found it absolutely necessary to Pro- 
 claim War against them By all which Narrative it 
 appears that the Indians have broken their solemn 
 Covenants and Engagements Insulted and killed His 
 Majesty's subjects before the War was proclaimed 
 with the Eastern Indians. And for further Informa- 
 tion the Comittee for the Massachusetts Bay Do 
 Declare That Several Tribes of the Indians to the 
 Westward within the French Government, without 
 the least Notice or Manifestation of any Disgust, 
 whether by the Instigation of the other Indians, or 
 by the French or by both have in a very Hostile way 
 & manner Invaded the Province in several parts, 
 have Captivated His Maj ties subjects ; Others Mur- 
 thered, Destroyed their Estates & burnt their
 
 Appendix. 369 
 
 Houses particularly in August 1723 killed the Rev d 
 M r Willard at Rutland & Scalped him & two persons 
 more & Captivated three, one of which has been Re- 
 deemed out of their hands & is Returned. In June 
 two killed at Hatfield & one taken. The same year 
 three hundred of the Western Indians (among whom 
 was a French Officer Begon by name) Came upon 
 Northfield burnt some houses, killed some Persons 
 & Captivated one Dickeson. In the present year 1 724 
 the said Western Indians killed one Man at Groton 
 and broke into the Mans Garrison, and had destroyed 
 the same with many Lives, if they had not been pre- 
 vented by the Bravery of one single person. And 
 in August last the said Indians killed Eight Men at 
 Dunstable & Captivated one, who is in their hands 
 so that the War with these Western Indians the 
 Government have been forced into, without the least 
 so much as pretended provocation, and the necessity 
 thereof is a sufficient Reason ; and therefore the As- 
 sistance from the Neighbouring Colonys may very 
 Justly be Expected of them. 
 
 Upon the whole this Province being Involved and 
 Perplexed with this Bloody War, & His Majesties 
 good subjects put to great and heavy Expence Calls 
 as loud for Assistance as if the two Crowns of Great 
 Britain & France were at Variance, if not more, the 
 Indians being the Common Enemy by Land as 
 Pyrates are by Water ; And altho the Government of 
 Rhode Island was not Advized with on this Head ; 
 yet the War being Unavoidable, they as well as the 
 other Governm ts is fully acquainted with the pro- 
 ceedings of this Government and Carriage of the 
 said Common Indian Enemy; We doubt not will so 
 far sympathize with the Distressed Case of their 
 Fellow Subjects, as to Joyn all together in the Vig- 
 
 47
 
 370 Appendix. 
 
 orous prosecution of this War until a happy Safe 
 and Honourable Peace may be Obtained. 
 
 In Council December 1 5 th 1 724. Read and Ordered 
 That this Report be Accepted, and that the Com- 
 mittee of this Court be Desired to Deliver a Copy 
 thereof to the Commissioners from the Governm* of 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 Sent down for Concurrence 
 
 J Willard Secry. 
 
 In the House of Representatives December 14 th 
 1724. 
 
 Read & Concurred 
 
 W m Dudley Speaker. 
 Copy Examined 
 
 $) J Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper 25."] 
 L T Gov R DUMMER TO Gov R VAUDREUIL. 
 
 Boston N England January 19 th 1724. 
 Sir 
 
 Your Letter dated Quebec October 2Qth ^ Henry 
 Edgar one of the English Captives came Safe to me ; 
 on perusal thereof I am greatly Surprized at the mat- 
 ters Contained therein, which are so unjustly repre- 
 sented, that I cannot Satisfy my Self to pass them by 
 unanswered. In the first place As to what you say 
 relating to the death of Mons r Ralle the Jesuit, which 
 you set forth as so Inhumane & Barbarous ; I readily 
 acknowledge that he was slain, amongst other of our 
 Enemies at Norridgewalk ; And if he had Confined
 
 Appendix. 371 
 
 himself unto the professed Duty of his ffunction viz 
 to Instruct the Indians in the Christian Religion, had 
 kept himself within the bounds of the French Do- 
 minions, and had not Instigated the Indians to War 
 & Rapine there might then have been some ground 
 of Complaint ; But when instead of Preaching Peace, 
 Love and Friendship Agreeable to the Doctrines of 
 the Christian Religion, he has been a Constant and 
 Notorious Fomenter & Incendiary to the Indians to 
 kill burn & Destroy, as flagrantly appears by many 
 original Letters & manuscripts, I have of his by me, 
 and when in open Violation of an Act of Parliament 
 of Great Britain, and the Laws of this Province 
 strictly forbidding Jesuits to reside or teach within 
 the British Dominions, he has not only resided, but 
 also once & again appeared at the head of great 
 numbers of Indians, in an Hostile manner threaten- 
 ing and Insulting, as also publickly Assaulting the 
 subjects of His British Majesty; I say, If after all, 
 such an Incendiary has happened to be slain in the 
 heat of Action, among our Open and Declared 
 Enemies, surely none can be blamed therefor but 
 himself, nor can any safeguard from you, or any other 
 Justify him in such proceedings : And I think I have 
 much greater Cause to Complain, that M r Willard 
 the minister of Rutland (who never had been guilty 
 of the Facts charged upon M r Ralle & applied him- 
 self solely to the preaching of the Gospel) was by 
 the Indians you sent to Attack that Town Assaulted, 
 slain and scalpt, & his scalp Carried in Triumph to 
 Quebec. 
 
 As to the next article you mention, That S l 
 Georges River was in the year 1 700 by order of the 
 Two Crowns Marked as the bounds of the English 
 and French Lands whereby it appeared That Penob-
 
 372 Appendix. 
 
 scot was given to you, and that one La ffevre had a 
 right to the Land thereabouts, & that all Vessels 
 paid a Duty to him, And that M r Capon Envoy of 
 England when King George came upon the Throne, 
 went to ask the Penobscot Indians to submit them- 
 selves to England, which they refused. I have no 
 difficulty .to Answer to each of the afores d Points ; 
 And as to the last relating to M r Capon you La- 
 bour under a very great Mistake to mention him 
 as an Envoy of England, he being far below 
 any such Character, and only an Inferior Officer, 
 Comissary or Victualler to the Garrison of An- 
 napolis, & sometime after that was taken & yielded 
 up to the English, sent by the Lieutenant Gov r of that 
 place to visit the French settlements within that Dis- 
 trict & to require an Oath of Allegiance and Fidel- 
 ity from them to Queen Anne ; but he had no Occa- 
 sion to Come and Entice the Penobscot Indians to 
 submit themselves to England, for they as well as the 
 Norridgwalk Indians & many other Tribes had done 
 that long before even in the year 1693 at a Treaty 
 of S r William Phipps Governor of this Province, by 
 which Treaty, I can make it appear, that they not 
 only submitted themselves as subjects to the Crown 
 of England, but also renounced the French Interest 
 & Limited Claim to the Lands bought and possessed 
 by the English ; But since King George came to the 
 Throne, M r Capon has not been in those parts at all, 
 as I am Informed by the People of that Country. 
 
 As to S l Georges River being the bounds and La 
 ffevres pretended Right it seems very wonderful you 
 should make any mention of those things or lay any 
 weight upon them at this time, when if the Case were 
 formerly as you now represent it, which I do not 
 allow, all such Claim and pretension is wholly super-
 
 Appendix. 373 
 
 ceeded, and at an end ; whereof you may soon and 
 easily satisfy your self by Consulting the Treaty of 
 peace at Utrecht Concluded between the two Crowns 
 in the year 1713 by the twelfth Article, whereof it is 
 provided, " That all Nova Scotia or L'Accadie with 
 " it's Ancient Boundaries &c. together with the Do- 
 " minion property & possession of the s d Islands 
 " Lands & places, and all right to which, the Most 
 " Christian King, the Crown of France, or any the 
 "subjects thereof have hitherto had to the Islands 
 " Lands & places, and the Inhabitants of the same 
 "are Yielded & made over to the Queen of Great 
 " Britain & to her Crown forever. Now by the afo re- 
 s' 1 Resignation, the French King Quitted all Right 
 not only to the Lands, but also the Inhabitants 
 whether ffrench or Indians, or whatsoever they were 
 & transferred the same to the Crown of Great Brit- 
 ain forever, whereby you are Entirely Cutt off from 
 any Claim to the subjection of the said Indians, from 
 thence forward ; And we are not Ignorant how far 
 the ffrench King understood the Countrey of L'Ac- 
 cadie to Extend Westward by his Patent Granted 
 to Mons r D'Alney tho you seem to be a stranger 
 to it. 
 
 As to the whole Nation of the Indians Exclaiming 
 against some of their Tribe, as pretending they were 
 suborned to give Deeds for their Lands, if it be mat- 
 ter of Fact, that they do so, which is hard to be Con- 
 ceived, it is a most unjust Imputation, & must Argue 
 a wonderful Deceitfulness & self Contradiction in 
 them, since they have upon all Treatys when the 
 whole Tribes were together Constantly acknowledged 
 and submitted to the English Titles and possessions, 
 which they had by honest and Lawful purchase Ac- 
 quired.
 
 3 74 Appendix. 
 
 As to the Building of Forts any where within the 
 British Dominions I suppose you will not scruple to 
 acknowledge that the King of Great Britain has as 
 good a right to Erect Fortresses or places of Defence 
 within His Dominions, as the ffrench King has in 
 his And therefore when you shall please to Give me 
 Instances of the French Kings Applying himself to 
 the Indians for leave to build a Fort or Forts for the 
 Defence of His Subjects I shall then give you a fur- 
 ther Answer to that Argument. And in the mean- 
 time I must tell you we have always treated the In- 
 dians with sincerity, & never thought it proper to 
 make Apologies for Building Forts within our own 
 Jurisdiction (as you Insinuate) but on the Contrary 
 in all Our Treatys with them have Ascerted our un- 
 doubted right so to do. 
 
 You likewise signify that we must Blame no body 
 but our selves for the Violence and Hostilities Com- 
 mitted against Our nation by the Indians. But syr, 
 If the blame must lye where it ought I must Impute 
 their Outrages, falsness & 111 Conduct towards us, 
 not so much, to their own Inclinations, as to the In- 
 stigations of the Jesuit Ralle & others Under your 
 Government, whereof we have had sufficient Informa- 
 tion from time to time, as also of your own forcing 
 the Indians against their Wills upon our Frontiers 
 to destroy & Cutt off our People which Cannot be 
 otherwise lookt upon as a direct & Notorious Viola- 
 tion of the Treaty of Peace at Utrecht. 
 
 NEVERTHELESS SIR, After all, I have much greater 
 Inclination to live in Amity & good Correspondence 
 with you than otherwise, And therefore I have sent 
 Coll Samuel Thurber one of His Majesties Council, 
 and Coll William Dudley one of the House of 
 Representatives who are Commissioned to Confer
 
 Appendix. 375 
 
 with you Pursuant to such Instructions as they have 
 received from me ; And I Desire that you will Give 
 CREDENCE to them accordingly. 
 
 I am, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your Most Humble & 
 Most Obed 1 Servant 
 
 WM. DUMMER. 
 Copy Examined ^ J Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper 26J] 
 CAPT. JORDAN'S DECLARATION. 
 
 The Declaration of Samuel Jor- 
 dan Interpreter who went 
 with the Hon ble Samuel Thax- 
 ter & William Dudley Esq rs 
 Commissioners (-appointed by 
 the L l Governor of this Prov- 
 ince) from Boston to Mon- 
 treal, & other places in the 
 Government of Canada in the 
 year 1725. 
 
 The said Jordan saith, That the said Commission- 
 ers in their Journey from Albany to Montreal met 
 with two Indians at Shambley River so called, who 
 came down there from their Wigwams to wait on 
 them, and expressed their Joy to see them; They 
 made Inquiry Concerning the Hostages at Boston & 
 signified their Inclination to be at Peace with the 
 English; which the Declarant told them might be
 
 3 76 Appendix. 
 
 Obtained (if they Expressed their desires to the 
 Governm 1 ) upon reasonable terms. 
 
 Upon their arrival at Montreal the Comissioners 
 Obtained Governor Vaudreuil's Consent, That I 
 might go down to S l Francois & Wenox & other 
 places thereabouts in Order to discourse with the 
 Indians referring to the English Captives, & relating 
 to the War &c. & he sent with me an Interpreter. 
 And in the month of March last I arrived at S 4 Francis, 
 & Tarried at a French House there for M r De Laune 
 the Interpreter, and asking him why he tarried so 
 long before he came there ; he answered that he had 
 been to enquire for M r Perubres to deliver him a 
 Letter from Gov r Vaudreuil, but he was gone to 
 Montreal & that I must tarry where I was till the 
 said Perubres return, which said Perubres was a 
 Fryer; But I being unwilling to tarry unless the In- 
 terpreter would forbid any further proceeding under 
 his hand ; he with some difficulty allowed me to 
 go to speak with the Indians at S l Frangois ; where I 
 met with several Indian Women, who told me their 
 Husbands had gone out to War against the English. 
 They frowned upon me at first, and I askt the reason 
 why they lookt so angry, I was told they had several 
 of them lost their Relations in the unjust War with 
 the English (as they Called it) & they could not see 
 an English Man without Indignation I told them 
 that the Indians without Just Cause had made War 
 and the English were Obliged to Defend themselves. 
 To which it was answered, if it was so they were not 
 rightly Informed. They further said, that in time of 
 Peace the English had taken four or five Indian Men, 
 & detained them in Boston as Prisoners ; but when 
 I related to them how those Men were sent as Hos- 
 tages to Boston, and how that matter truly was ; and
 
 Appendix. 377 
 
 how the Indians began the Hostilities burning the 
 English in Houses &c they seemed to be better Satis- 
 fied or Appeased ; And after they had Expressed their 
 Inclinations to Peace with the English, I told them it 
 would be their own fault, if they did not seek it, for 
 the English were well Inclined to live in Peace with 
 them upon their submission. And thereupon they 
 desired that I would do what in me lay to prevail 
 with the Honourable Comissioners then at Montreal, 
 that there might be a Peace. 
 
 Afterwards I met with two Indians namely Richard 
 Hegen & John Doane in their Wigwam. They told 
 me they were glad to see me, made Enquiry after the 
 Comissioners and asked several Questions about the 
 War, and told me they were glad to hear the Comis- 
 sioners were Come to Treat of Peace with the In- 
 dians ; I told them I did not understand, they were 
 Come for that End, but to Treat with Governour 
 Vaudreuil referring to his Assisting and Encouraging 
 the Indians in the Management of the War against 
 the English : But yet tho the Indians had made an 
 Unjust War, the English upon their submission and 
 Allegiance to King George were Inclinable upon 
 Just and reasonable terms to Enter into an Alliance 
 of Friendship ; and that what the English had 
 hitherto done was to defend themselves from the 
 rage and Cruelty of the Indians : Whereupon one of 
 the Indians viz Hegen said, for his part, he was al- 
 ways of the mind that the Indians began the War, & 
 tho he had many relations killed by the English, yet 
 he Could not blame them since they were killed after 
 the War began ; and wished that some of the Sachems 
 or Chief Men had been there & added that they were 
 gone ahunting, & their return was speedily Expected, 
 4 8
 
 378 Appendix. 
 
 & seemed Concerned that many of the Indians were 
 gone out to War against the English. 
 
 One of the Indians said, that the Indians were told 
 by Mons r Ramsie & M r Laurone (who lately returned 
 home from Boston) That the English said they would 
 never be at Peace with the Indians, for that they 
 Could afford to spare or loose one hundred English 
 men to one Indian I told the Indians that there was 
 no truth in that report And further I observed to the 
 s d two Indians That Gov r Vaudreuil had signified his 
 Inclination to Peace, and that he would send his son 
 to Boston in order to bring it about, One of the In- 
 dians said he wished the Governor had been always 
 of that mind. A French Man being present, took 
 Notice to me, That (if he was rightly Informed) the 
 English had wronged the Indians, & taken away their 
 Lands very unjustly. But the Indians said that they 
 were fighting for Land they should r.ever get, but 
 instead thereof the English daily gained ground; & 
 very much lamented the poverty & distress they were 
 brought into by the Calamitous War. 
 
 Afterwards I went toTrois river, or three Rivers so 
 called to make Inquiry for English Captives, where one 
 Capt. Chierdau gave me liberty to go & speak with 
 the Indians. I met with Eight or nine Indian Women 
 and two Indian men Coming from the Fort, who told 
 me they were glad to see me ; and after they had asked 
 me my Business they told me their Sachem Called 
 France Wex would be glad to see me, And Manifested 
 
 
 
 great Inclinations to Peace with the English, and urged 
 me by all means to go and see their Sachem, who knew 
 me ; But having the Governours Letter to M r Pegun- 
 court (the Lord of the palace as he was Called) I first 
 went and delivered the Letter to him ; And he hav- 
 ing told me That I might Safely go and see the
 
 Appendix. 379 
 
 afores d Sachems (only he advised me first to go and 
 pay a civil Complement to the Fryer who kept in the 
 ffort) I accordingly went to the Fort, and sent word 
 to the Fryer, That there was one Come from Boston 
 in order to speak with the Indians for the Liberty of 
 some English Captives, and that he had liberty from 
 Governor Vaudreuil to talk with them ; And presently 
 after the Fryer came out to me in an Outragious 
 Violent manner with Outstretched arms says with a 
 loud Voice ; What do's this Rogue do here and by 
 what Authority came you here ; I told him I came 
 by Governor Vaudreuil's leave, & at the request of 
 several Indians present; he Replied, As for Gover- 
 nour Vaudreuil he has nothing to do here, I am Com- 
 ander & Chief of this Village ; Neither he nor 
 Mons r Peguncourt (from whom you Obtained liberty 
 you say also to Come) have any thing to do here ; 
 and if I should take you and hang you up this Minute, 
 theres no Body here would dare to say to me why do 
 you so ; And had I (said he) but three or four Men 
 here, I would burn you in this place Alive. Be gone 
 Imediately ; You are one of them that Murdered our 
 Father (meaning M r Ralle) and I forbid you to say 
 a word to the Indians ; so I was going out from the 
 Fort, but two Indian Men, & some Indian Women 
 met me & told me their Sachem wanted very much 
 to speak with me ; I said to them that their 
 Priest or Fryer forbid me to speak with them & 
 threatened to kill me if I did. The Indians answered 
 the Priest has nothing to do here, You are within our 
 Fort, & we are Masters of it ; so at their desire I 
 went in to the Sachem ; as I entered I saw an Eng- 
 lish Scalp purposely laid in the way for me to see. 
 And the Sachem (who was blind) hearing me speak 
 asked whether Sam : was there ; I then said here I
 
 380 Appendix. 
 
 am ; he told me he was glad to hear me speak, tho he 
 could not see me ; and said that if he had his sight, 
 as he had when he once knew me I should not have 
 had opportunity to come to the Fort, for said he I 
 am a Man, meaning by that Expression (as I took 
 it) that he would have killed me before then. After 
 sundry Questions, he asked me whether I was come 
 to make Peace ; I told him we were not come to 
 offer but to receive offers or terms of Peace & told 
 him my Belief that the English would be willing to 
 be at Peace with them, if they sought for it. To 
 which the Sachem replied then you have Changed 
 your mind lately. Immediately thereupon we were 
 Interuped by the afores d Furious Fryer who came 
 in great Wrath, and spake to the Indians present 
 after this manner " Children I wonder that you 
 " have any thing to say to this Fellow, whom 
 " we know is a Rogue & a Lyar, 'tis the nature 
 " of the English to be lyars from their Cradle, 
 " this is one of them that has killed our Father, 
 " who was such a good Father as you all very well 
 " know ; Yea this is one of the Rogues that has done 
 " it ; under pretence of Peace at Norridgewalk they 
 " murdered our good Father there ; & he's now Come 
 " under the like pretence to Murder you But (quoth 
 " he) you have him in Your hands therefore do what 
 you will with him (or in other words as I took his 
 meaning) knock him in the Head. The English say 
 you may have Peace if you desire it, but let the 
 English beg for peace first, if they would have it, & 
 upon such terms as you will please to give 'em ; and 
 let them send home the five Indian Captives they 
 detain at Boston Then I took notice that one of 
 them, had lately had liberty given him to go & visit 
 his ffriends ; the Fryer called me a Lyar before them
 
 Appendix. 381 
 
 all : And that the truth of what I had said might be 
 Credited by the Indians, I told them what I said re- 
 lating to the said Indian was as true as that there 
 was a God in Heaven. Then the ffryer in his Pas- 
 sion breaks out, here you see what he is now ! As if 
 he knew any thing about a God, a fellow of no Re- 
 ligion, who never Served any body but the Devil ; 
 and forbid me speaking any thing further And an 
 Indian who had lost a Cousin in the War standing 
 by, being prompted as I believe by the Fryer Ac- 
 costed the Indians after this manner Our Father 
 (i. e. the Fryer) is in the right I like his talk very 
 well, he seems now to speak for us, & you may de- 
 pend upon what he has said ; And the Indians by 
 these methods grew surly & Angry ; And the Fryer 
 in Indignation again told them I was a Lyar & there 
 was no truth in me, or the Governm 1 at Boston The 
 old blind Sachem took hold of my hand, & by the 
 Contenance of the Indians & their Actions there was 
 too much reason to think they intended me 111, and 
 only wanted more help to put their design in Execu- 
 tion so I left them. And the Fryer at my Departure 
 (which he Endeavoured to delay) told me that if he 
 had but three or four men that he knew of he would 
 either burn me or knock me on the head before I 
 went from the ffort 
 
 The next day at the three Rivers some Indians 
 came to my Lodgings, & desired me not to take 
 much notice of what the Fryer had said the day be- 
 fore, for tho he talked so much, yet he was not 
 wholly their Master. And after the Indians had 
 Disclosed their thoughts (that they Believed the 
 Fryer Intended that the Indians should have killed 
 me) The s d Indians said to me, you tell us we may 
 have Peace if we desire it ; we have wrote several
 
 382 Appendix. 
 
 Letters to the Gov r at Boston, & never had any 
 answer to them. I told them I did not know of any 
 that had been sent ; They said they sent Letters by 
 Mess" Ramsey & Laurow when they came last to 
 Boston signifying their desires of Peace, and that 
 the English refused to Answer them, and put the s d 
 Laurow & Ramsey into an old Barn & they suffered 
 hunger not being able to bye Victuals for their Money. 
 They further said, the English Declared that they did 
 not want a Peace, for that they Could loose one hun- 
 dred Men to the Indians one &c I told them that 
 those two Gentlemen were well Treated, and that the 
 Governm 1 Expended very Considerably upon them, 
 and that (as I understood) They only brought a Letter 
 to the English Governor, from Governor Vaudreuil, 
 which no ways tended to Peace ; but on the Contrary 
 it was reckoned a very Insulting Letter &c, and that 
 they were asked if they had any thing further to offer 
 than what was Contained in their Letter; and they 
 Answered they had not &c A French Gent n being 
 present at the time when this talk happened between 
 me & the Indians, Observed to me that the s d Lau- 
 row & Ramsey had reported what the s d Indians had 
 declared to me ; And they then said Gov r Vaudreuil 
 had not dealt fairly with but deceived them in this 
 matter ; And seing it is so (said the Oldest Indian to 
 the rest) I advise you by all means to sue for Peace 
 with the English, since you may Obtain it for asking 
 for, strive for it, and make it your Business to get it; 
 for otherwise instead of getting the Lands you Con- 
 tend for, the English will kill you all, & much more 
 to the same purpose And the Indians desired me to 
 Intreat the Comissioners at Montreal to stay till 
 some of their Indians could go there to treat with 
 them Concerning a Peace ; for that they discovered
 
 Appendix. 383 
 
 More of the Inclinations of the English now than they 
 had before 
 
 Further I declare That upon Discourse with the 
 Indians, I understood that they lost several Indians 
 many times when they Attacked our Forces on the 
 Frontiers, & at their Garrisons. And a French Man 
 who lived among them told me, that there was Sixty 
 Indians to his knowledge killed at Norridgewalk ; & 
 he believes by the Information received from the In- 
 dians they lost near One hundred Indians at that 
 time. 
 
 Sam el Jordan. 
 
 In Council May 28 th 1725 Read. 
 
 A true Copy 
 
 $) J Willard Secry. 
 
 The above written Samuel ^| 
 Jordan has been sworn as I 
 Indian Interpreter to this [ 
 Governm 1 . 
 
 J Willard Secry. 
 
 \JPaper <?/.] 
 
 DANIEL GOOLD'S TESTIMONY. 
 
 June the 26 th 1725 
 
 Daniel Goold of full age Testifyeth & Declareth 
 That he being Master of the Schooner Mary belong- 
 ing to Marblehead on a ffishing voyage near a place 
 called ffox Island neer Penobscot on the 22 th day of 
 June 1724. A number of Indians with one French- 
 man who s d his name was Castein came on board s d 
 Schooner in Canowes in an hostile manner and Cap-
 
 384 Appendix. 
 
 tivated the Deponent & all his Company & killed 
 one of his men & shot & wounded three more, of 
 which said Company they carried four into Penob- 
 scot & from thence three of them to Quebeck where 
 the French there received the Indians with mani- 
 festations of Great Joy, feasting them two days 
 together. 
 
 Also this Deponent Testifyes & saith that he saw 
 the s d Indians divide a barrel of powder with propor- 
 tionate ball and flints amongst them which they said 
 was to furnish them to goe against the English. 
 
 This Deponent farther declares that he was In- 
 formed by an English prisoner at Canada that the 
 Indians burnt at Penobscot an English Captive be- 
 cause he did not doe as they would have him when 
 they went against George's Fort & farther this De- 
 ponent saith not. 
 
 Daniel Goold. 
 Jurat & Capt. coram 
 
 Nath 1 Nordon 
 Benj a Lynde 
 
 1 Just' Pac 
 
 Essex Marblehead June 26 th 1725. 
 
 {Paper 28.~\ 
 
 TESTIMONY OF SAMUEL HARRIS. 
 
 SAMUEL HARRIS of full age testifieth & Declareth 
 that he being on a ffishing voyage in a Schooner 
 called the Sea-flower Joseph Wallis Master at or near 
 a place called ffox Islands neer Penobscott on the 
 22 th day of June 1724. A number of Indians with 
 two Frenchmen one of which said his name was
 
 Appendix. 385 
 
 Castein came on board s d Schooner in Canowes and 
 in an hostile manner did then & there Kill on board 
 our vessel & other vessels in company with us twenty- 
 two men, & Captivated twenty three (of whom 
 eighteen were wounded) and so we were all carried 
 to Penobscott. And after Eight of us were carried 
 from thence to Quebeck. Where the French received 
 the Indians w th manifestacons of great Joy feasting 
 them for several dayes together. 
 
 This Deponent further declares that he was told 
 by the French, & by the Indian Enemy at Canada, 
 That the Indians had burnt an English Captive at 
 Penobscott. 
 
 And farther this Deponent saith not. 
 
 The mark of 
 Samuel O Harris. 
 Jurat & Capt. Coram 
 
 Benj a Lynde \ , fl 
 John Turner j J 
 
 Essex 3R Salem June 28 th 1725. 
 
 [Paper ^9.] 
 
 DECLARATION OF THE COMMISS** TO CANADA TO THE 
 GOVERNM T OF NEW YORK. 
 
 WEE the Subscribers having been at Canada on an 
 Errand from the Governments of the Massachusetts 
 Bay and New Hampshire concerning the unjust War 
 the Abernaques or Eastern Indians have with the 
 aforesaid Governments and the Governour of Canada 
 his Asisting and Abetting them therein think proper 
 to Acquaint the Commissioners of the Indian Affairs 
 
 49
 
 386 Appendix. 
 
 in Albany and by them the Government of York of 
 Some Transactions in the ffrench Country which may 
 be worthy of Observation. 
 
 After we had delivered our Message Mons r Vau- 
 dreuill the Governour of Canada told us that our 
 Errand was not as he had Received one from the 
 Government of New York to pray him to Restrain 
 those Indians from Meddling with that Province 
 which he had done upon their Earnest request whereas 
 our Demand was not of that Nature. 
 
 MONS R VAUDREUILL was very angry that the Gov- 
 ernment of New York should pretend to build any 
 Block-house or {fortification on or near the River 
 Onontaga and told us that he Should look on Such 
 a proceeding as a violation of the Peace made at 
 UTRECHT and would Certainly Demolish any Such 
 Building. And Accordingly at this very Juncture 
 Mons r Longuile who is the Second man in the Gov- 
 ernment of Canada is gone up into the Onontaga & 
 Senecas country with a Considerable Detachment of 
 French Souldiers his business we do not pretend to 
 Say but we are very apt to think that Such officers 
 and Men's being in that Country can in no wise tend 
 to the Continuing those five Nations in their Allegi- 
 ance & Dependance on his Majesty King George. 
 
 Mons r Vaudreuill told us ffrankly and plainly that 
 he could at any time sett the ffive Nations of Iroquois 
 (Expressly Excepted in the Treaty of Utrecht as De- 
 pending on the British Dominion) on the English 
 and Cause them to Kill & Captivate the Subjects of 
 the King. 
 
 MONS R VAUDREUILL has by himself or others So 
 far Instigated the Abenaques to make demands on 
 the Government of the Massachusetts of Thirty 
 Leagues on the Sea Coast all within the Grant of
 
 Appendix. 387 
 
 that Province from the Crown of Great Britain and 
 in which has been settled Several! Towns and many 
 hundred Inhabitants and fforts built by Order from 
 home and Some of it possessed upwards of flour 
 Score years altho the Same has been fairly purchased 
 & possessed as aforesaid. 
 
 And our asking those Indians how far their De- 
 mands were Eastward their Answer was in the pres- 
 ence of Governour Vaadreuill the whole Country of 
 Lacadie or Nova Scotia Excepting only the ffort of 
 Annapolis Royall notwithstanding the said Country 
 of Lacadie belongs to the British Crown And these 
 unreasonable Indians were countenanced by the said 
 Governour and a numerous Company of ffrench who 
 heard all the Discourse. 
 
 The said Indians told us plainly they would have 
 no peace with the said Two Governments unless all 
 the said Land was delivered up the ffort demolished 
 the Church at Norridgewalk rebuilt the plunder there 
 taken returned and their Priest Restored to them 
 who was killed in that action at the head of our In- 
 dian Enemy as he had often been before. 
 
 We demanded an Answer to our proposal made to 
 the Governour of Canada in writing to prevent any 
 mistake he answered he would not give any Such 
 under his hand tho' at the Same time he said he 
 had not Encouraged the Indians in the War not- 
 withstanding the Contrary was proved by many Let- 
 ters to the Priest Ralle and other papers and Letters 
 taken by the English at several times. 
 
 The Said Governour on our Demand of the Cap- 
 tive answered as for those in the Indians hands he 
 would do nothing As for those in the French hands 
 we should have them paying what they Cost And we 
 could not have them without purchasing of them at
 
 388 Appendix. 
 
 any price their Masters were pleased to Demand And 
 the purchase consideration in many Exceedingly Ad- 
 vanced from the Original or ffirst Cost. By all which 
 it plainly appears what Abuses hardships and intol- 
 lerable burthen His Majestys Good Subjects lye 
 under being used more like brute Creatures than 
 Men and Christians and calls aloud upon all Men 
 under the Same King to Lend a helping hand to get 
 the aforesaid Governments out of this unjust War. 
 
 SAM LL THAXTER 
 W M DUDLEY. 
 Copy Examined 
 
 ^ J Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper joj\ 
 
 COMMISSIONERS DEMAND OF THE GOVERNOR OF 
 CANADA. 
 
 YOUR LORDSHIP is sensible of our Errand by the 
 Commission We have delivered to you which Directs 
 us to Demand all the British Subjects which have 
 been taken by the Indians in this present War which 
 they have unjustly made with us And which Prisoners 
 are now Detained in your Lordships Governm 1 or 
 any part thereof The Delivery of whom tends to 
 Cultivate the good Harmony and perfect Agreement 
 that there is between the two Princes our Masters 
 and which ought to be followed and put in practice 
 by the Subjects of both Sides. 
 
 YOUR Lordships Government is Large in Extent 
 and no doubt but that there is many Tribes of In- 
 dians contained in its Limits And under your
 
 Appendix. 389 
 
 Authority therefore we do Demand all the prisoners 
 that are the British Subjects that are in Such Indians 
 hands that have been taken within this three years 
 past. 
 
 We are in the next place to insist on your Lord- 
 ships with drawing any countenance Aid or Assist- 
 ance to the Indians that have unjustly entered into 
 this present War And to ffortifie our Demand in this 
 point Your Lordship must remember the great and 
 good Harmomy and Onion there is between the Two 
 Crowns and how the Subjects of Each are to live in 
 Peace and Quiet therefore for any Governour to Set 
 on and Instigate any of his princes Subjects to Mo- 
 lest the Subjects of the other Prince is an open Vio- 
 lation of that Quiet And the Peace concluded at 
 Utrecht now that your Lordship has thus done or 
 permitted to be done by the Several Tribes of In- 
 dians that do Actually Reside within the Limits of 
 your Government is Notorious. Witness the many 
 poor prisoners and Scalps of Innocent People those 
 Indians now have. 
 
 We are further to prove that the Aiding and As- 
 sisting and Exciting or Suffering any of the ffrench 
 Kings Subjects to be Aiding Assisting or Abetting 
 the Eastern Indians in their Crueltys and barbarities 
 on King GEORGES Subjects is an open and manifest 
 breach of the good Agreement there is Established 
 between the two Nations now that this has been done 
 by your Lordships Order and direction We do prove 
 by His Letters to our Governour by the Intendants 
 Letter And by Several Letters of the Priest Ralle 
 and which cannot be denyed. 
 
 Those Eastern Indians certainly Dwell either in 
 the King of Great Britains Dominions or the Terri- 
 tories of the ffrench King. If in the ffrench Kings
 
 390 Appendix. 
 
 Dominions the Violation of the Peace is very ffla- 
 grant they then being his Subjects as his Lordship 
 is pleased to Term them in his Letter of the 29"* 
 of Octo 1 724, and by a Clause in his Lordships Let- 
 ter to Mons r Ralle. But and if those Indians have 
 been and now are the Subjects of the Crown of 
 Great Britain and will Reside in his Territories 
 then much more is it a Breach of the Happy Peace 
 to Excite a Rebellion and Mischief amongst his 
 Majesty of Great Britains Subjects. And that those 
 Indians have Submitted witness the many Treatys 
 they have Entered into as that of 1693 : 1713 : 1717 
 And many others. And to Evince this Article of 
 their being under the Government of the Crown of 
 Great Britain the 12 Article in the Peace Concluded 
 at Utrecht is most plain the Boundaries of Laccadie 
 being well known to Extend to the English Domin- 
 ions. And it is Expressly Contrary for any of the 
 ffrench Kings Subjects to have to do with any Lands 
 Islands ffishing or other Matter in those parts. By 
 all which it appears that those Indians cannot be 
 Subjects to his most Christian Majesty Altho' Mons r 
 Vaudreuill is pleased to Term them so in his Letter 
 of the 29 th Octo r 1724. Neither can they be any 
 otherwise Allies or Friends to the ffrench than the 
 other British Subjects are And altho' the Govern- 
 ments have not yet Exceeded their Limits in the 
 Pursuit of these Indians if they dont come to their 
 right minds and Submission we cannot be responsi- 
 ble for any mischiefs that may happen even to the 
 ffrench Kings Subjects if they Reside with, Abett or 
 are found Stiring up the Indians in their unjust pro- 
 ceeding. And we must remark to his Lordship That 
 some of the ffrench Kings Subjects have been at the 
 head of the Indians in their Acts of Hostilety, Wit-
 
 Appendix. 39 1 
 
 ness Mons r Ralles Lett r and by the last Clause in 
 Mons r Begons Letter to the s d Priest Ralle. 
 
 Signed by 
 SAMUELL THAXTER 
 W M DUDLEY. 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 $ J Willard Secry. 
 
 [Paper j>/.] 
 
 FRENCH RECEIPTS OF MONEY FOR YE RANSOM OF 
 ENGLISH PRISONERS 1725. 
 
 PARDENANT Le No re Royal de 1' Isle de Montreal 
 En la Nouvelle France Resident a Villemarie sous- 
 signe fut present Joseph Hertel Escuye de present 
 en Cette Ville Lequel a Reconnu Et Confesse auoir 
 Receu Comptant Du S r Jean delalande Interprette 
 Anglois pour Le Roy ence payes La Somme de deux 
 Cent Liures Monneye de ffrance, que Luy a Ete 
 presentement Comptes Et reellement Deliuree' par 
 La S r Delalande En Escus Blancs Et autre Bonne 
 Monnoye, au veu Dud No re et Tesmoins, Et ce pour 
 La Ran9on de Daniel Goolde Anglois de la Contree 
 de Maruelet Enla Nouuelle Angleterre qui a Ete 
 presentem 1 Remis en mains dud S r Dela lande par led 
 S r Hertel Droit &c quittant &c fait et passe Villemarie 
 Etude dud No re Lan Mil Sept Cent Vingt Cinq Le 
 Vingt Neuf Auril Auant Midy En presence des sus
 
 392 Appendix. 
 
 Carle Bonnier Et Nicholas Bourdet Temoine qui 
 ont avec Lesd Hertel, delalande Et nous signe apres 
 Lecture Faite Sur 1 Lord re . 
 
 Jean de La Land Hertel 
 
 Charles Bonnier Nicholas Bourdet 
 
 DAUID 
 
 No re Royal. 
 
 Copy Examined 
 
 ? J Willard Secry. 
 
 PARDENANT Le No re Royal De La Jurisdiction 
 Royalle de Montreal En la Nouuelle france Rendent 
 a Villemarie soussignee fut present S r Jean Made- 
 laine dit La Loureur habitant Demeurant a la par- 
 roisse de la pointe Claire en Cette Isle de present en 
 cette Ville Lequel a Reconnu Et Confesse auour 
 Receu comptant par Mains de S r Jean de la Lande 
 Interprette en Langue Anglois pour le Roy en ce 
 payee La Somme de Trois Cent Liures de France, 
 La quelle Somme Luy a Etc" presentement Comptee 
 Et Reellement deliuree par le d S r Delalande au 
 veu dud No re Et Temoines En-Louis dor de Vingt 
 Liures pices-droit &c. quittant &c. Et ce pour La 
 Rauc.on de Nomme 
 
 Anglois de Nation du Village de Lequel 
 
 Anglois a Ete Remis en Mains dud S r Delalande 
 auueu &c. fait Et passe And Villemarie Etude du 
 No re Lan Mil Sept Cent Vingt Cinq Le douzieme 
 jour d'auril apres Midy En presence des S r Joseph 
 Raimbault et Claude Maurice Temoins Demeurant 
 Aud Villemarie qui ont auec Led S r Delalande Et
 
 Appendix. 393 
 
 No re Signe, Led Madelaine ayant Declare Ne Le 
 Scavoir dud Interpelle apres Lecture faite Suivant 
 Lordonnance. 
 
 Jean De la lande 
 
 Raimbaule. 
 Claude Maurice. 
 
 DAUID 
 
 No re Royal. 
 
 Copy Examined ^ J Willard Secy. 
 
 L T GOVERNOUR DUMMER TO THE LORDS COMMIS- 
 SIONERS FOR TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. 
 
 Boston 3i st March 1725. 
 MY LORDS 
 
 Some few Months after the Departure of His Ex- 
 cellency Govern r Shute for Great Britain I did my 
 The Govr of Self the Honour to Write to your LORD- 
 &e n lafvae p Kne- SHIPS giving you some account of the 
 wa? P To h te S Sem Difficulties 'of this Province with respect 
 t r riu e m P e h s wittTthe to the Indian War, which has been ex- 
 fislT whth K hC cited b y the Governour of Canada, who 
 j p /sTy n s ed subVec^ has Supplied the Salvages with all Stores 
 over t c Ln U . ccesses f War, has Shelter'd them within His 
 Government from our Pursuits & has Reciev'd them 
 in Triumph with the Scalps of His Majestys Subjects 
 Slain by this Barbarous Enemy : which Conduct of 
 the Said French Governour (as I Suggested to Your 
 Lordships in my former Letter) Seems to Me to be 
 a Notorious Violation of the Treaty of UTRECHT 
 and in Some Respects makes the War with the In- 
 dians more Difficult than if the French were our De- 
 clared Enemies ; For by our Successes in the last 
 Eight Months We have driven them from their own 
 
 5
 
 394 Appendix. 
 
 Settlements in our Neighbourhood to the French 
 Territories from whence they make their Incursions 
 upon us, in Small Skulking Parties and after Mischief 
 done retire thither again, where I am Cautious of 
 Allowing any of our Companies to pursue them, till I 
 can know his Majestys Pleasure in this Respect. 
 And I must further inform Your Lordships That 
 Notwithstanding the Advantages we have lately had 
 over the Enemy and the Distress'd Circumstances 
 TheExpenseof We Suppose they are reduced to, the Ex- 
 
 the War is insup- / ,1 -ITT /"> IT 
 
 portable. pcnse of the War is so Great and Insup- 
 
 portable to this Province that unless it shall please 
 God to put a Speedy End to it, It will Inevitably 
 Ruin Us ; Which I humbly offer to Your Lordships 
 Consideration to make such a Representation thereof 
 to His Majesty as You shall think Necessary for his 
 Majestys Service and the Safety & Protection of 
 these his Provinces. 
 
 I should not Trouble Your Lordships any further, 
 The ffrench but that the French Governourof Canada 
 compiair^of l a has given me to Understand that he shall 
 in ri Ffght emg ^ 3 Address to his Master on the Account of 
 the Death of the Priest who was killed by our Forces 
 happe a n c e c d 0t how il in the Fight at Norridgewock of which 
 please to take the following Account. 
 
 In the Action at Norridgewock within this Prov- 
 ince which was in August last, our Forces destroyed 
 a Great Number of the Indians and broke up that 
 Settlement among whom was Sebastian Ralle a Jes- 
 uit Missionary to that Tribe and the Great Incendi- 
 ary of this War who was Slain in Fight making actual 
 Resistance to the Forces, at the Same time Attempt- 
 ing to kill an English Captive in his Hands and Re- 
 fusing to give or take Quarter, To which Account of 
 the Death of the Said Ralle Col Harman the Com-
 
 Appendix. 395 
 
 mander of the Forces at Norridgewock made Solemn 
 Oath before me in Council, As Appears to your 
 Lordships by the Minutes of Council Transmitted to 
 you by the Secretary of the province. This Jesuit 
 had all along- push'd the Indians upon their Rebellion 
 And Marching at the head of Two hundred Armed 
 Salvage through one of the Frontier Towns of this 
 Province before the War was Declared threatned 
 Destruction to them if they did not Speedily Quit 
 the Said Town, of which and more to this purpose 
 His Excellency Gov r Shute is well knowing; This 
 I thought proper to hint to Your Lordships in 
 order to Obviate any Complaints that may be made 
 by the French Govern r whose Conduct in Exciting 
 and Supporting the Indians in this War and drawing 
 down many Remote Tribes with whom We have no 
 Concern, to their Assistance (the Truth of which I 
 have sufficient Testimonies to Support & shall lay 
 them before your Lordships if it be necessary for 
 your Satisfaction) Should rather have put him upon 
 offering an Apology than a Complaint. All which I 
 humbly Submit to Your Lordships And am 
 With the Greatest Respect 
 Your Lordships 
 
 Most obedient & Most humble 
 Servant 
 
 WM. DUMMER. 
 
 Reed May yr ; th 1725. 
 Read Ditto 13 th .
 
 396 Appendix. 
 
 LlEUT T GOV R DUMMER TO THE LORD'S CoMMISS re FOR 
 
 TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. 
 
 Boston 22d Aug 1 1726. 
 My Lords 
 
 Having done myself the honour last Winter of ac- 
 quainting Your Lordships of the Peace then made 
 with the Delegates of the Eastern Indians which was 
 to be ratify'd in the Spring following by all the 
 Principall men of the Tribes. I am now to acquaint 
 You that after some Delays Occasioned partly by the 
 Severity of the last Winter, in which it was very 
 difficult for the Indians to pass & repass from one 
 Tribe to another the ratification was accomplished at 
 Falmouth in Casco Bay the Sixth of August A Copy 
 whereof & of the Severall Conferences had thereon 
 I now Inclose Your Lordships. The Indians appear 
 to me to be in a very good Disposition at present to 
 perform their Engagements, & it shall be my Care 
 while I have the Honour to receive His Majestys 
 Commands here by all proper means to Cultivate 
 that Disposition in them & the General Court of this 
 Province having granted a Sum of money to be Im- 
 ployed in Trade with them whereby they will be 
 Constantly supply'd at Easy rates with Every thing 
 they need, I am in hopes they may in a short time 
 be intirely drawne from their dependance on the 
 French & especially if His Majesty shall be pleased 
 of his royal bounty to order a small annuall present 
 to be made them by the Governour of this Province 
 as He has graciously done for the Westerne Indians 
 under the Direction of the Governour of New York 
 which seems the more Needfull here because the 
 Governours of Canada have practised it with these
 
 Appendix. 397 
 
 Indians, which I humbly Submit to Your Lordships 
 Consideration. 
 
 There is nothing else of any Consequence to 
 Trouble Your Lordships with but what you will have 
 in the Copys of the Transactions of the Councill & 
 Generall Assembly. Your Lordships will receive 
 with this a printed Copy of the Tryal & Condemna- 
 tion of diverse pirates lately surprised and brought 
 into these parts, & is ajl at present from Your Lord- 
 ship's 
 
 Most Obedient 
 & Most humble 
 Servant 
 
 WM. DUMMER. 
 Reed Oct r ii ) 1726 
 Read June 8 j 1727. 
 
 REV. JOSEPH BAXTER TO PERE SEBASTIAN RALE. 
 
 (For translation, see p. 145.) 
 
 Reverende Domine: 
 
 Epistolam tuam accepi in Qua dicis, Mirum for- 
 tasse mihi videbitur quod has ad me miseris Literas, 
 nunc sincere dico Tibi quod si tibi placeat Amicum 
 commercium mecum habere, Pergratum mihi erit, et 
 Literas ultro citroque Libenter Transmittamus: sed 
 miror equidem quod Tu (Qui ab aliquibus hominibus 
 existimaris virum eximiae Pietatis & Sanctitatis) 
 Tanta Iracundia scribis, et sine ulla, provocatione ac 
 sine ulla causa me accusas Reumesse fraudulentiaeet 
 asseris Te cognoscere, & alios etiam scire me reum 
 esse, & tamen non ostendis mihi & itaque manifest^ 
 patet quod non potes ostendere in quo sum dolosus,
 
 398 Appendix. 
 
 et nonne mirandum est quod studes me exanimare 
 a Laborando pro beneficio Animarum Immortal- 
 ium. Quid si opus sit maxime Laboriosum, & Per- 
 difficile, nonne operae pretium est Perdifficile, et La- 
 boriosissimum opus perficere ut suadeamus homines ad 
 Christum effugere, et in via sanctitatis ambulare & 
 sic accipere vitam seternam: Et Quid sinon sunt inter 
 nos magnificentia ornatus, &decoratioTemplorum, et 
 nitor, splendor, ac Pulchritude vestium sacerdotalium 
 attrahere silvestres? neque fuerunt haec in tempore 
 Apostolorum Attrahere Istos Homines ad Quosmissi 
 fuerunt Apostoli, et Tamen suaserunt multos credere 
 in Christum, & vitam seternam accipere et nunc plane 
 dicitur Evangelium vel verbum Dei esse Dei Poten- 
 tiam ad salutem. Rom:i.i6. et Deo Placet homines 
 salvare Insipientia Praedicationis. i Cor: i. 21. et 
 quamvis hoc est opus perdifficile perfici apud silves- 
 tres tamen Amor Christi et Animarum nos compellit. 
 Quamvis non expectamus merere salutem hoc opus 
 perficiendo: sed Postquam omnia perfecimus quae 
 perficere possumus Inutiles servi sumus. Luc: 17. 10. 
 et totaliter confidimus in mentis Christi, tamen ubi 
 est Amor Christi, ibi est desiderium amplificandi Reg- 
 num Christi, et istud Desiderium movet homines Per- 
 difficile & Laboriosissimum opus perficere in suadendo 
 et adducendo homines in Regnum Christi, et Itaque 
 Argumenta Tua Puerilia & Ridiculosa sunt. Tu ais 
 quod cupis respondere pro silvestribus: sed non opus 
 est Tibi istum Laborem accipere. Ego laborabo, ut 
 opportunitatem habebo eos adducere in rectam viam 
 salutis, et dare iis satisfactionem in omnibus. Si 
 ulla spes sit quod pro tuo beneficio erit, qui debes 
 credere & agere, et ambulare secundum verbum Dei 
 Quod Perfecta est Regula Doctrinee & morum, Liben- 
 ter Respondebo Tuis Argumentis: sed Tuus nuncius
 
 Appendix. 399 
 
 dicit quod eras festinabit ad te et Itaque nunc oppor- 
 tunitatem non habeo Respondere ad tuam Prolixam 
 Epistolam, valeto Domine. 
 
 Reverendo Domino, 
 Sebastiano Rale in oppido Nanrantsouak Dicto. 
 
 REV. JOSEPH BAXTER TO PERE SEBASTIAN RALE. 
 
 (For translation see p. 147.) 
 
 Reverende Domine : 
 
 Delectaris Procul dubio Reprehendendo Ideoque 
 ea culpas Quae non sunt Reprehensione digna et in 
 culpando Tuipse crimina admittis. Dicis enim mini 
 Tu Anglict Loqueris utendo verbis Latinis. In his 
 verbis Domine Tibi ipsi contradicis si Quis enim 
 verbis Latinis utitur, Quamvis non Rhetorice tamen 
 Latine & non Anglic^ Loquitur. Quisquis Anglic^ 
 Loquitur verbis Anglicanis utitur. Quid si sincer& 
 sonat Anglice est vere Latinum. 
 
 Dicis Amicum est substantium nee potest esse 
 Adjectivum sed non Recte dicis certissime datur Tale 
 Adjectivum Apud Latinos. Amicus Animus est 
 Latina Locutio & vale Lumen Amicum & Humor 
 Pratis Amicus &c. 
 
 Ais Commercium in Hoc est Barbarum Quid, sed 
 Quis Tuae Dictioni credet absque Probatione. Ipse 
 dixit non valet. 
 
 De multis Aliis etiam dicis non sunt Latina sed 
 Barbara. At non valet Authoritas Tua certissime 
 Talia verba saepe Inter Latinos Adhibentur. 
 
 Dicis merere est sollescismus. Ittud verbum est 
 Dcponens, non Activum scribe merer i. Sed Aiunt 
 Docti Datur mereo merere aeque ac mereor mereri.
 
 400 Appendix. 
 
 Merere culpam in infinitive est Latina Locutio, et 
 merere salutem, &c. 
 
 Dicis mola est Lapis non adificium : sed docti aiunt 
 Mola est aedificium Lapis Qui ponitur in mola, Lapis 
 Molaris est. 
 
 Dicis Domus Habet in Accusative Plurali Domos 
 non Domus, sed Quare non habet Domos & Domus. 
 
 Multa Alia etiam reprehendis Quae non sunt 
 vituperanda, et si Te Imitarer Possem dicere Tu 
 minister ! Tu e societate lesus et Haec non Intelli- 
 gis. Dicis verba mea non sunt Intelligibilia. Quare 
 non intelligis verba quae saepe Apud Latinos adhi- 
 bentur: sed exemplum Christi lesu sequi malo, Qui 
 Convitiis Affectus non vicissim convitiabatur ; Ouum 
 malis Afficeretur, non minabatur &c., i Pet. 2.23. 
 Et Isti Monitioni vel Mandate Auscultabo in Prov. 
 26.4 Ne Responde stulto secundum stultitiam ejus 
 ne adsequeris ei Tu quoque. 
 
 Manifeste patet Te Reprehendere multa Quae non 
 sunt culpanda Tamen concede errata sunt in scrip- 
 tione mea Quam Prsepropere scribebam, viz.: existi- 
 maris virum pro vir, & movent pro movet &c. 
 
 Et in Tuis scriptionibus equidem multa sunt errata 
 (Quamvis fuisti (ut inquis) Professor Rhetoricse & 
 Linguse Grsecae in urbe nemansensi). Ego nunquam 
 fui Professor Rhetoricae et Tamen errata video. 
 Quot errata turn Posset cfiticus & vir Perdoctus re- 
 perire in Epistolis tuis. Immo in epistola Quam 
 Gloriosissime scribebas Falsissime me Accusabas 
 dicendo Tu Te lactitas Apud Silvestres Te apprime 
 scire Linguam Latinam nunquam enim lactavi Inter 
 silvestres non unum verbum Locutus cum silvestri- 
 bus de Lingua Latina sed Tu maxime lactabas in 
 secunda Epistola & Tamen in ea scribebas intelligit 
 & Accurate scribit Latina. In hac Dictione
 
 Appendix. 401 
 
 Quidem Tu non accurate scribis Latine Nam accusa- 
 tivus casus sequitur verbum scribit. Scripsisse Te 
 oportuit accurate scribit Linguam Latinam, vel ac- 
 curate scribit Latine. 
 
 Tu etiam scribebas ut emendatur in scolis Scolus est 
 mons in Boeotia et oppidum in Macedonia scribere 
 debebas in scholis. 
 
 Scribebas etiam substantium & Adjectium. At 
 non dantur Talia verba Latina. Scripsisse debuisti 
 substantivum & Adjectivum. 
 
 Scribebas nee fide liter citas Locum Pauli dicit Paul 
 virtus enim Dei est in salutem omni credendi. Si Te 
 imitarer Possem dicere Quid vis Per Haec verba 
 omni credendi f Quid significant? non intelligibilia 
 sunt scripseris Potentia siquidem est Dei ad salutem 
 cuivis credenti. 
 
 Scribebas merere est sollescismus. Quid intendis 
 Per hoc verbum ? non datur Tale verbum inter Doc- 
 tos. Illi scribunt solcecismus. Tuus sollescismus est 
 vere solcecismus. 
 
 De multis aliis Loqui Possem & exclamare Tua 
 verba Barbara sunt & non intelligibilia &c. sed 
 Quid valent Tales exclamationes ? Te non imitabor 
 video Te Iracundia commoveri & Te Irritare nolim, 
 sed in verbis Apostoli Hortor, Eph: 4. 26-27 sol ne 
 occidat super Exacerbatione tua neque Dato Locum 
 Diabolo, & in ver. 31 omnis Amaritudo & Excandes- 
 centia & Ira & Clamor & Maledicentia Tollatur a Te 
 cum omni malitia. Quia scriptum est in Tit. i. 7. 
 Oportet enim Episcopum Inculpatum esse tanquam 
 Dei Dispensatorem non sibi pertinaciter Placentem 
 non Iracundum &c. et scribitur in Eccles. 7. 9. ne 
 perturbate spiritu tuo Indigneris nam Indignatio in 
 sinu stolidorum conquiescit. 
 51
 
 4O2 Appendix. 
 
 Dicis Rectene deducitur Haec consequentia Tua ? 
 non indicavi Tibi ergo non possum indicare in Quo 
 Dolosus sis. Respondeo. 
 
 Immo Recte" deducitur haec consequentia & hoc 
 modo probatur. Si Id ostendere poteras certissime 
 Indicaveris Quia maxime mihi irascebaris & valde 
 optabas ostendere me in crimine fuisse. 
 
 Hoc Tibi sumpsisti, viz: Indicare me Dolosum esse 
 hoc modo. i mo Inquis manifeste Probavi & Luce cla~ 
 rius ostendi vos non habere nee sequinormam Religionis 
 & nullus inter vos potest probe Respondere Argumen- 
 tis hoc Procantibus ergo intendens diver sam Jidei Reg- 
 ulam suadere silvestribus, Tu Infidus Reus fieres 
 Animarum eorum et hoc intendis ut Profundius im- 
 mergaris in or cum. Respondeo. 
 
 Hoc non probasti nee- potest ullusvestrum probare. 
 Quoties Responderunt Reformatse Religionis Profes- 
 sores ad omnia vestra Argumenta et indicarunt ea 
 vacua esse. Et non Infidus eram Quia omnia mea 
 Documenta consentanea fuerunt sacris scripturis 
 Quae nil decent nisi Rectum nisi verum. 
 
 2 Dicunt silvestres summopere optat Anglus 
 docere ut possit natos nostros Liter as & Prcetextu 
 Literarum sensim sine sensu Ipsis suadere ut suam 
 quam vocat Religionem, aliquando omnes facti viri 
 Anglicam amplectentur jidem & sic fide & amicitid 
 conjunct^ nuilum amplius Inter eos exoriatur Bellum, 
 &c., si ita dicunt silvestres Primo (ut opinor) Haec 
 iis dictabas. Nunquam Audivi silvestres Hoc modo 
 loqui At Aliter Locuti sunt nonnulli eorum sed 
 Quisquis ita dicit Tantum Id supponit et suppositio 
 vel Imaginatio Absurda non probat Rem. 
 
 Dicis Intelligo Te nescire argumentari in formd. 
 Sed quomodo Hoc intelligis ? Postea dicis Respon- 
 siones vestra ad Argumenta Theologica sunt circum-
 
 Appendix. 403 
 
 locutiones &c. Sed Quomodo hoc cognoscis ? nun- 
 quam vidisti (ut opinor) meas Responsiones ad ulla 
 Argumenta Theologica non respondebam talibus 
 Argumentis in Epistola Quam ad Te misi et Quia 
 non respondebam Haec consequentia deducere 
 videris, viz : non possum respondere alicui Argu- 
 mento in forma. At non Recte deducitur Haec con- 
 sequentia. 
 
 Argumenta de Quibus Locutus sum in Praeludio 
 Prolixae Epistolae continentur ubi dicitur Quinqua- 
 ginta ab hinc Annis iverant nonnuli ex silvestribus 
 Emptionis causa in urbem Quebec cum autem vidissent 
 Temp la eorumque ornatus nee non sacer dotes sacerdo- 
 talibus indutos sacra facientes turn alias magnifice in- 
 dutos ipsis ministrantes turn ceremonias ab Illis actos 
 &c. His ita moti sunt ut in admirationem raperen- 
 tur &c. Apud vos autem non moverentur silvestres 
 Templorum magnificentia ornatu aut decoratione, &c. 
 
 Haec non sunt Argumenta Theologica, Tantum 
 Argumenta ad homines. Et Profecto ea de Quibus 
 Loqueris Pueris Placita sunt Potius quam viris. 
 Et in Istis verbis non argumentaris in forma. 
 
 Magnopere gloriaris dicendo In decursu autem 
 Epistola multa sunt Argumenta spinosa, Pungentia 
 &c. Dico, & sustineo Te neque ullum vestrum posse 
 ea solvere. Sed nonne scriptum est in Prov. 27.2 
 Laudet Te os extranei non autem Os Tuum, Alieni 
 non autem Labia Tua & in i Reg : 20.11 ne Jactet 
 se qui accingit se ut Qui discingit. Multi sunt 
 nostrum Qui respondere possunt Tuis Argumentis 
 in forma & indicare ea inania & vacua esse. Sed 
 intelligo Te repletum esse Iracundia. Quarnvis dicis 
 Te iracunde Loqui non Reperiam Tamen Te Ira- 
 cunde Loqui & Excandescentia scribere reperi non 
 tantum in Epistolis Quas mini misisti : sed etiam in
 
 404 Appendix. 
 
 Epistola Quam ad Gubernatorem nostrum scripsisti 
 & dicitur in Prov: 22.24 ne colas Amicitiam cum 
 Iracundo & in Prov: 29.20 vidisti virum Praecipitem 
 verbis suis Expectatio est de stolido melior quam de 
 Illo. Cum omnis Amaritudo & Excandescentia & 
 Ira a Te sublata fuerit & cum Lenitate receperis 
 Insitum Sermonem Qui possit servare Animas ad 
 Tua Argumenta Respondebo. 
 
 Vale Domine 
 
 Tuns sum 
 
 J. Baxter.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abagadasset Point, 318. 
 
 Abagahamak, 327. 
 
 Abnaki Language, studied 
 by Rale, 36. 
 
 Abnaki Mission, Ral6 at, 
 36, 37 ; Rale" in charge 
 of, 38; mentioned, 17. 
 
 Abnakis, the, zealous con- 
 verts, 141, 142 ; prefer 
 to trade at Quebec, 142 ; 
 tie which binds them to 
 the English, 142-143; 
 complained because 
 hostages were held in 
 Boston after paying for 
 damages done, 158, 159, 
 160; the English re- 
 fused to sell food and 
 ammunition to, 160-161; 
 Castine a commander- 
 general of, 161 ; killed 
 three ministers, 173; 
 mentioned, 111,112,115, 
 116, 117, 118, 128, 135, 
 164, 165, 1 66, 1 68, 170, 
 175, 183, 184, 185, 203, 
 300, 307, 328, 334, 335, 
 341, 342, 345, 385. 
 
 Abomazen, 285, 322. 
 
 5 2 
 
 Abraham, 327. 
 
 Acadia, 29, 33, 64, 80, 126, 
 
 J 35. 136, 155. 156, 167, 
 215, 277, 278, 304, 335, 
 
 373. 387- 
 Acadia, see Taschereau. 
 
 Acadia, History of, see 
 Tibierge. 
 
 Acts, M e m o i r e s, etc., 
 Concernant La Paix 
 d' Utrecht, cited, 155. 
 
 Adams, Rev. Hugh, cured 
 Rale of the gout and 
 rheumatism, 66, 67, 1 18; 
 became friendly towards 
 the " Blackrobe," 67 ; 
 predicted the overthrow 
 of Rale, 1 1 8, 1 19,72.; bio- 
 graphical notice of, 118. 
 
 Albany, to be attacked 
 from Canada, 15, 17; ex- 
 pedition from, to Mon- 
 treal, 22 ; mentioned, 
 124, 327, 328, 330, 331, 
 348, 350, 353, 375, 386. 
 
 Alexander, Ja., 356, 357, 
 
 358. 
 
 Algonquins, the, 97, 108, 
 183, 184.
 
 406 
 
 Index. 
 
 Algonquin Tongue, stud- 
 ied by Rale, 38. 
 
 Allen, Ebenezer, 292. 
 
 Amalingans, the, 206, 207, 
 211, 212, 213, 214. 
 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, held 
 a conference with the 
 Indiansat Pemaquid, 13; 
 robbed Castine's trading 
 house, 13-14; unsuccess- 
 ful in conciliatory meas- 
 ures, 14; released In- 
 dian prisoners, 14, 19. 
 
 Andros Tracts, cited, 14. 
 
 Androscoggin, Indians 
 from, at Casco confer- 
 ence, 44. 
 
 Androscoggin River, 242. 
 
 Anmoukangan River, 
 
 113- 
 Annales de la Propagation 
 
 de la foi, Les, 267. 
 Annapolis Royal, 387. 
 Anne Queen, 366, 372. 
 Apparitions, believed in 
 
 by Rale, 89, 90. 
 Appleton, John, 58. 
 Appleton, Samuel, 58. 
 Argal, Samuel, broke up 
 
 the mission at St. Sa- 
 
 veur, 10; took Biard and 
 
 Masse prisoners, n. 
 Arrows, 198. 
 Arrowsic, Indians with 
 
 French leaders appear 
 
 at the conference at, 
 1 10 ; letter delivered at, 
 n i-i 18 ; Adams at, 
 118; Indians failed to 
 come to a conference 
 appointed at, 159; con- 
 ference at, 216; men- 
 tioned, 66, 68, 84, 96, 102, 
 128, 129, 279, 305, 307, 
 308, 320, 367, 368. 
 
 Ashley, Capt, 333. 
 
 Atwater, Mehitabel, 53. 
 
 Aubrey, Father, 95. 
 
 Avignon, 10. 
 
 Azcoytia, 7. 
 
 Bagaduce, 243. 
 
 Bancroft, George, History 
 
 of the United States, 
 
 cited, 44,^54. 
 Bane, Lewis, Deposition 
 
 of, 279; mentioned, 281; 
 
 Deposition of, cited, 
 
 91. 
 Bangor, formerly Kendus- 
 
 keag, 10; mission to be 
 
 established at, 10. 
 Baxter, Rev. Joseph, at 
 
 Arrowsic conference, 69, 
 
 71, 80 ; a missionary 
 
 among the Indians, 71 ; 
 
 letter from Rale to, 77, 
 
 85 ; replied to Rale, 85- 
 
 86 ; a temporary visitor 
 to the Kennebec, 86; his
 
 Index. 
 
 407 
 
 knowledge of Latin 
 compared with Rale's, 
 87; a man of a well- 
 trained min'd, 87; 
 preached at George- 
 town, 89; reported that 
 Rale predicted the 
 speedy end of the world, 
 8990; Rale's sneer at, 
 103-104; letters to Rale, 
 145-147, H7-I53. 397. 
 399; mentioned, 218; 
 biographical notice of, 
 71; Journal of, cited, 80, 
 89, 90. 
 
 Bayberry, wax obtained 
 from the, 137, 138. 
 
 Bayeux, 31. 
 
 Bean, Joseph, 282, 292. 
 
 Bear, Indian legend con- 
 cerning the, 190. 
 
 Beaudoin, Michael, king 
 displeased with, 33; 
 praised, 34. 
 
 Becancourians, the, 253. 
 
 Becancourt, 109, in. 
 
 Begon, Michel, instructed 
 by the king to prevent 
 traffic between the Eng- 
 lish and Indians, 93; 
 letter to Rale, 294-297; 
 mentioned, 65, 1 10, 121, 
 162, 275, 304, 369, 390; 
 letter of, cited, 95, 105, 
 107, 113, 151. 
 
 Belcher, Andrew, 58, 69. 
 
 Belknap, Jeremy, History 
 of New Hampshire, 
 cited, 1 8. 
 
 Bell Isle, 307. 
 
 Bellamont, Richard Coote, 
 Earl of, 42, 57, 366. 
 
 Berwick, 317. 
 
 Besancour, 295, 297. 
 
 Biard, Pierre, first of the 
 Jesuits to visit this con- 
 tinent, 10-11; taken 
 prisoner by Argal, 11; 
 mentioned, 12; biogra- 
 phical notice of, 10. 
 
 Bibles, Wiwurna wants 
 none of the English, 77. 
 
 Bigot, Brothers, the, in- 
 fluenced the Indians to 
 attack the English, 16; 
 had a mission on the 
 Chaudiere, 17; men- 
 tioned, 36. 
 
 Bigot, Pere James, his 
 mission joined in the de- 
 scent upon York, 25 ; 
 conspicuous in incit- 
 ing the savages against 
 the English, 28 ; a blind 
 leader of the blind, 31 ; 
 biographical notice of, 
 
 17- 
 
 Bigot, Vincent, biograph- 
 ical notice of, i 7. 
 
 11 Blackrobes," 7.
 
 408 
 
 Index. 
 
 Bled de Turquie, 141, 180. 
 
 Board of Trade Papers, 
 cited, 107. 
 
 Bollan, William, Import- 
 ance and Advantage of 
 Cape Breton, cited, 155. 
 
 Bomazeen, at Casco, con- 
 ference, 44 ; reported 
 that the French were 
 trying to break the 
 friendly relations be- 
 tween the Indians and 
 English, 46; killed, 238, 
 262 ; mentioned, 68. 
 
 Bonnaventure, Sieur de, 
 
 2 9\ 
 Bonnier, Carle, 392. 
 
 Boston, governor and 
 garrison of Port Royal 
 brought to, 22; ex- 
 pedition to Quebec 
 sailed from, 22 ; plan 
 formulated to capture, 
 40; Indian parties 
 about, 41 ; envoy sent 
 to, to declare peace, 54, 
 56 ; resolution to bring 
 Rale a prisoner to, 92 ; 
 English families to be 
 sent to Panaowamske 
 from, 94; Rale's letter 
 read by the magistrates 
 of, 104; Indians held 
 as hostages in, no, n., 
 112, ., 113, ., 156, 
 
 157,*., 158, 160,319, 375, 
 376, 377 ; Indians that 
 killed cattle retained at, 
 1 1 7-118; indignation at, 
 concerning the Indians 
 threatening letter, 119; 
 Castine a prisoner at, 
 119, 165-166; Rale's 
 scalp exhibited in, 273 ; 
 Indian captive died in, 
 321 ; mentioned, 55, 
 105, 116, 153, 222, 256, 
 263, 278, 331, 332, 333, 
 349,^378, 379, 381, 382. 
 
 Boudoin, Pere Michael, 
 refused absolution to 
 murderers, 32, ^33, n. ; 
 founded a mission 
 among the Choctaws, 33. 
 
 Boundaries, undeter- 
 mined, 44. 
 
 Boundary between the 
 English and French 
 possessions, 371, 372, 
 
 373, 374, 387- 
 Bourbourg, Brasseur de, 
 
 Histoire du Canada, 
 267. 
 
 Bourdet, Nicholas, 392. 
 
 Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, 
 22. 
 
 Braintree, 118. 
 
 Brandy, trade of, in Can- 
 ada, IOI-I02. 
 
 Brantry, 71, 72.
 
 Index. 
 
 409 
 
 Brasaway, 321. 
 Brookfield, 317. 
 Brown's Farm, 319. 
 Brunswick, 90, 101, 128, 
 
 129. 
 Brunswick Historical 
 
 Magazine, cited, 244. 
 Burnett, Gov. William, 
 
 347. 355. 356. 
 
 Busenbaum, Hern, copy of 
 his Medulla Theologae 
 Moralis owned by Rale, 
 246; described, 247; ex- 
 tracts from, 247-250. 
 
 Byfield, Nathaniel, 341. 
 
 Cabins of Indians, 175- 
 176. 
 
 Cahnawagaw, 327. 
 
 Canada, Masse returned 
 to, 1 1 ; an attack plan 
 ned to invade the Eng- 
 lish colonies from, 15, 
 17; government in a 
 disorganized condition, 
 1 6; expedition of 1690 
 against, unsuccessful^; 
 prisoners from York 
 taken to, 27; did not 
 know in 1712 that peace 
 had been concluded, 55; 
 Indians at peace with 
 the English could not 
 live in, 96, 97; brandy 
 trade in, 101-102; In- 
 
 dians of, to be sent to 
 the proposed confer- 
 ence with the English, 
 109; Rale fled to, 127; 
 mentioned, 115, 116, 
 132, 134, 223, 237, 245, 
 
 ^319, 320. 
 
 Canada, L' Heroine Chre- 
 tienne du, see Faillon, 
 E. M. 
 
 Canada River, 136. 
 
 Canibas, the, 24, 29. 
 
 Cape Cod, 1 18. 
 
 Cape Cod, History of, see 
 Freeman Frederick. 
 
 Capon, Mr., 343, 372. 
 
 Capt. Job, 323. 
 
 Capt. John, 318, 322. 
 
 Capt. Joseph, 282, 287. 
 
 Capt. Nathaniel, 318, 330, 
 
 333- 
 
 Carp, Indian legend of 
 
 the, 189. 
 
 Casco, people encouraged 
 to settle by the treaty 
 at, 13; conference ap- 
 pointed at, 44; confer- 
 ence held at, 45-46; 
 Rale present at, 47; 
 Rale's account of, 47- 
 48; attacked by French 
 and Indians, 1703, 50; 
 Rolfeat, 53-54; savages 
 went to, to sue for peace, 
 63; mentioned, 58, 285.
 
 Index. 
 
 Casco Bay, 59, 60, 247, 
 283, 287, 291, 365, 396. 
 
 Castine, Jean Vincent, 
 Baron de, Andros rob- 
 bed his trading house, 
 13-14; his enmity 
 aroused, 14; joined Port- 
 neuf, 19; friend of 
 Thury, 31; to be a 
 leader in capturing Bos- 
 ton, 1697, 40; went with 
 the Indians to Arrow- 
 sic, no; considered a 
 conspirator with Rale, 
 119. 
 
 Castine, Anselm de, con- 
 sidered a conspirator 
 with Rale, 119; arrested 
 and taken to Boston, 
 119, 127, 161, 163-165; 
 treated with considera- 
 tion, 119-120; his 
 mother an Abnaki, 161, 
 1 66; at an Indian con- 
 ference, 161; comman- 
 der-general of the Ab- 
 nakis, 161, 166 ; exam- 
 ined and liberated, 166. 
 
 Castine, Anselm de, men- 
 
 ^ tioned, 308, 383, 385. 
 
 Cerfeuil, 186. 
 
 Chalmers' Papers, cited, 2 2. 
 
 Chambly, 350, 375. 
 
 Champigny, Jean Bochart 
 de, Memoire du Roi a 
 
 cited, 23 ; letter of, 
 cited, 28. 
 
 Champlain, Sieur Samuel 
 de, Voyages of, cited, 1 1. 
 
 Chandler, Col., 348. 
 
 Charlevoix, Rev. P. F. X. 
 de, falsely depicted the 
 affair at Norridgewock, 
 3-4 ; an inspector to 
 make memoirs, 3, 4 ; 
 probably received his 
 story from an Indian, 5; 
 report of, concerning 
 Rale", 95; untrustworthy 
 as a historian, 130, 162, 
 165, 167, 168, 250, 259, 
 266 ; account of a con- 
 ference between Vau- 
 dreuil and the Indians, 
 164, 165 ; came to in- 
 spect the country, 304 ; 
 mentioned, 42; Histoire 
 Generale de la Nouvelle 
 France, cited, 18 ; Me- 
 moire sur les limites de 
 1'Acadia, cited, 95. 
 
 Charnizay, D'Aulnay, 277. 
 
 Chase, George Wingate, 
 History of Haverhill, 
 cited, 54. 
 
 Chasse, Rev. Peter de la, 
 sentiment of 65, 65, n.; 
 interested in the threat- 
 ening letter of the In- 
 dians, 1721, 108.
 
 Index. 
 
 411 
 
 Chasse, Rev. Peter de la, 
 sent to Norridgewock, 
 109; gathered Indian 
 recruits and went to 
 Arrowsic, 109-110; 
 wrote a letter in three 
 languages for the In- 
 dians, 1 60; as a histo- 
 rian, 250,259, 261, 262, 
 267 ; Rale's unfinished 
 letter to, 251 ; the sin- 
 gle original French ac- 
 count of the attack on 
 Norridgewock, the basis 
 of many other accounts, 
 267; mentioned, in, 
 113, 159, 161, 164, 165, 
 245, 271, 272, 295, 296, 
 
 30 J ; 337> 35 ! ; Lettres 
 Edifiantes etCurieuses, 
 par quelques Mission- 
 aires de la Compaignie 
 de Jesus, cited, 4-5, 38, 
 66, 174, 259. 
 
 Chaudiere River, mission 
 on the, 1 7. 
 
 Chaumont, Pere, 183. 
 
 Chebeague, 69. 
 
 Chebuctou, 32. 
 
 Chierdau, Capt., 378. 
 
 Choctaws, the, 33. 
 
 Christian, a Mohawk, set 
 Norridgewock on fire, 
 
 245- 
 
 Christianizing, doubtful if 
 there was much genu- 
 ineness in that of the 
 savages, 88. 
 
 Clark, Lieut. Thaddeus, 
 killed, 19. 
 
 Clergyman acting as a 
 physician, 66, 67. 
 
 Coddington, Col. William, 
 
 3 6 4- 
 
 Coffin, Peter, 58. 
 Colden, Dr., 356, 357. 
 Collection of Manuscripts, 
 
 cited, 115, 165, 265. 
 Conference at Arrowsic, 
 
 see Treaty at Arrowsic. 
 Connecticut, 340, 347, 354, 
 
 359; 
 
 Corwin, Jonathan, 57. 
 
 Costebelle, 56. 
 
 Coton, Father, 10. 
 
 Council Records, cited, 
 1 68. 
 
 Coureurs de dots, Les, 24. 
 
 Courtemanche, Sieur de, 
 leader of the war party 
 into Maine, 18. 
 
 Cousin's Island, 69. 
 
 Cranston, Gov. Samuel, 
 letter to, 339 ; men- 
 tioned, 276, 355. 
 
 Creation of the earth, In- 
 dians' account of the, 
 187, 188, 189, 190.
 
 412 
 
 Index. 
 
 Cremation among the In- 
 dians, 187-189, 190. 
 
 Croisel, Mons., went with 
 the Indians to Arrowsic, 
 no; mentioned, 295, 
 
 2 97. 307- 
 Currebooset, 291. 
 
 Gushing, Mr., 348. 
 
 Damaras-Cove, 309. 
 D'Aulnay, Charles D. M., 
 
 Lord, 275, 277, 373. 
 David, 392, 393. 
 Davis, Capt. Sylvanus, 
 
 surrendered Fort Loyal, 
 
 19; Declaration of, 
 
 cited, 20. 
 
 De Croisel, see Croisel. 
 De Laune, Mons., 376, 
 
 378, 382. 
 De Monts, Pierre du 
 
 Guast, 155. 
 De Pourtrincourt, 10. 
 De la Chasse, see Chasse 
 
 de la. 
 
 Deautell, 325, 326, 328. 
 Deerfield, 317. 
 Delalande, Jean, 391, 392, 
 
 393- 
 Denonville, Jacques, Ren6 
 
 de Brisay, Marquis de, 
 government at Quebec 
 under him in a disorgan- 
 ized condition, 16; said 
 the English considered 
 
 the French missionaries 
 as their enemies, 21, 
 21, n.; friend of the 
 Jesuits, 35; desired more 
 men for the mission of 
 St. Francis, 35 ; men- 
 tioned, 1 6. 
 
 Deramsey, Gov., 325, 333. 
 
 Dickeson, 369. 
 
 Doane, John, 377. 
 
 Documentary History of 
 Maine, cited, 15. 
 
 Documentary History of 
 New York, see O'Calla- 
 ghan, E. B. 
 
 Dover, 118. 
 
 Dracut, 317. 
 
 Dudley, Gov. Joseph, 
 sought friendly relations 
 with the Indians, 44; 
 held conference at 
 Casco, 45, 365; conver- 
 sed with Rale, 47; en- 
 tered upon the war with 
 zeal, 52; desired the 
 French governors to 
 stop the Indians from 
 scalping, 53; letter from 
 Capt. Moody to, 55; 
 treaty with Indians at 
 Portsmouth, 57-58; suc- 
 ceeded by Shute, 68; 
 mentioned, 285, 365, 
 366, 367; letter of, cited, 
 52, 53-
 
 Index, 
 
 4'3 
 
 Dudley, William, 58, 100, 
 353. 3?o, 374. 375> 
 
 Dummer, Rev. Shubael, 
 killed, 26, 267, 270; 
 Mather's lines on, 27; 
 biographical notice of, 
 26, 267. 
 
 Dummer, Mrs. Shubael, 
 followed her child into 
 the Indian camp, 27, 
 267. 
 
 Dummer, Gov. William, 
 letters of, to Vaudreuil, 
 267, 268-270, 337, 370; 
 letter from Vaudreuil to, 
 341; letter of, to Gov. 
 Wentworth, 354; letter 
 of, to Gov. Cranston, 
 355; letter of, to Gov. 
 Burnett, 355; letter of, 
 to Gov. Talcot, 359; 
 letter from Gov. Talcot 
 to, 361; letters of, to the 
 Lords Commissioners, 
 393, 396; mentioned, 
 264, 267, 281, 350, 356, 
 357; Papers of, cited, i. 
 
 Dunstable, 369. 
 
 Dupy, Father, 257. 
 
 Dyer, John, 311. 
 
 Eaton, Moses, tortured by 
 
 Indians, 128-129. 
 Edgar, Henry, 318. 
 
 53 ' 
 
 Eliot, Benjamin, 84. 
 
 Eliot, John, 71. 
 
 Elizee, Pere, taught the 
 gospel of peace, not 
 war, 33, n.; his charac- 
 ter, 34. 
 
 Elliot, Robert, 58. 
 
 " End justifies the means, 
 the," 250. 
 
 English, the, adopt the 
 false story of Charle- 
 voix, 5; not the aggres- 
 sors, 6; hated every- 
 thing French, 12; the 
 Jesuits encouraged the 
 Indians to repel, 12-13; 
 considered rebels by 
 the French, 14, 35, 38- 
 39; plot to exterminate, 
 14-16, 17-18; the Jesu- 
 its instigate the Indians 
 against, 1689, 16-17, 
 27-28, 31; atrocities in- 
 flicted upon them by 
 the Indians, 18; the war 
 against, became a re- 
 ligious crusade, 19-20; 
 considered the French 
 missionaries their ene- 
 mies, 21 ; not to be 
 easily rooted out of 
 American soil, 22; Nor- 
 ridgewock imperilled 
 the existence of, 23; 
 Frontenac ordered to
 
 414 
 
 Index. 
 
 persist in the warfare 
 against, 23-24; Indians 
 to be prevented from 
 being at peace with, 26, 
 29-30; given no quarter 
 by the Indians, 41; tor- 
 tured by Indians, 41; 
 character of the war 
 waged against, 1697, 
 41-42; French opposed 
 friendly relations be- 
 tween the Indians and, 
 42, 46; the enemy care- 
 fully studied the defen- 
 ces of the towns of, 42- 
 43; irritated by the 
 meddling of the French, 
 43; Rale's deceitful talk 
 concerning the war with, 
 47; Indians desired 
 them to feel secure, 48; 
 attempted treachery of 
 the Indians toward, 48- 
 49; accused of tricks 
 and artifice. 51-52; In- 
 dians confirm the rights 
 of, 57; to return to their 
 ruined village, 60, 63, 
 64; the French contin- 
 ued to plot and excite 
 the Indians against, 64, 
 65; a war with, is favor- 
 able to the French, 65, 
 66, n.; Rale could have, 
 but would not have 
 
 their friendly feeling, 
 66; gave Rale medical 
 aid, 66, 67; prevented 
 from settling on the 
 Kennebec, 67-68; not 
 to be disturbed by In- 
 dians, 74, 77-78; de- 
 clared to be trespassers, 
 75-76; the Indians 
 thankful they settle on 
 their lands, but want no 
 more, 76; confirmed by 
 the Indians to the lands 
 they held, 81; Rale dis- 
 pleased because they 
 had established a mis- 
 sionary at Arrowsic, 84- 
 85; harassed by the In- 
 dian outbreaks, 90; the 
 Indians desired to be 
 friendly with, 90, 91; 
 Rale continually urged 
 the Indians to attack, 
 91, 92, n. } 94; animosities 
 of, awakened, 92; res- 
 olution to send men to 
 Norridgewock aban- 
 doned, 92, 103; Indians 
 dreaded war with, 92; 
 Vaudreuil urged Rale 
 to prevent their settle- 
 ment, 92; Indians hin- 
 dered in the traffic with, 
 93; had as much right as 
 the French to settle
 
 Index. 
 
 their frontiers, 94; set- 
 tlers to be sent to River 
 St. John, 94; build the 
 church at Norridge- 
 wock, 95; the indigna- 
 tion of, aroused by 
 Rale's letter to Moody, 
 96-97; tell the Indians 
 false news, 98; their in- 
 terpreter speaks only 
 gibberish, 99, 101; their 
 manner of purchasing 
 lands, 99-100; the In- 
 dians will force them to 
 quit their lands, 100; 
 Ketermogus a friend of, 
 i or; Rale said there is 
 no justice among, 102; 
 accused of causing the 
 war, 103; Rale" on their 
 treatment of the In- 
 dians, 104; the source 
 of their peril revealed 
 to them, 104; the In- 
 dians appeared deter- 
 mined to intimidate, 
 105; Indians reluctant 
 to have another war 
 with, 105-107; the 
 French exaggerated the 
 acts of, 1 06; Indians 
 protest against the set- 
 tlement on the Kenne- 
 bec, 1721, 108; Indian 
 conference to be held 
 
 with, 108, 124; cattle of, 
 killed by Indians, ui, 
 n., 163; believed Rale 
 and the Castines to be 
 conspirators against, 
 119; sent Westbrook to 
 apprehend Rale, 120; 
 astounded by Vau- 
 dreuil's duplicity, 123; 
 their houses plundered 
 and burned, 1722, 128, 
 170; Rale's prejudice 
 against, 130; their bor- 
 ders scenes of desola- 
 tion and cruelty, 131, 
 132; Rale desired to 
 excite the rage of, 132, 
 133; determined to drive 
 Rale from the Kenne- 
 bec or capture him, 134, 
 167, 1 68; not preferred 
 by the Abnakis, 142; 
 machinations of, to se- 
 cure the Indians, 142- 
 143, 153-154. 221; Aca- 
 dia conveyed to, 155; 
 the Indians no match 
 for, in a fair fight, 158; 
 held Indians as host- 
 ages till payment was 
 received for depreda- 
 tions, 158-159; refused 
 to sell ammunition and 
 food to the Indians, 
 160-161; seized Castine,
 
 416 
 
 Index. 
 
 161,162-163; Rale's rea- 
 son for their hatred to- 
 ward him, 165-166; not 
 to be permitted on the 
 Kennebec, 163; killed 
 one of Raid's captains, 
 206; tried to draw the 
 trade of the savages, 
 215, 217; villages of, de- 
 vastated, 220; offer a re- 
 ward for killing Ral4, 
 221 ; to rebuild the 
 church for the Indians, 
 224, 225 ; Mohawks 
 friendly to, 237 ; expedi- 
 tion of 1724 against 
 Norridgewock, 237-238; 
 coolness of, at Nor- 
 ridgewock, 240; their 
 duty to destroy the 
 source from which 
 spread ruin, desolation, 
 and death, 241 ; their 
 destruction of the vil- 
 lage of Norridgewock 
 the work of a few mo- 
 ments, 241 ; Indians in- 
 duced to make slaves of 
 the, 352, 353. 
 
 Envieux, L', 29. 
 
 Escutcheon of Loyola, 7. 
 
 Essex, 278. 
 
 Etat, Present, cited, 32. 
 
 Faillon, Etienne Michel, 
 L'Heroine Chretienne 
 du Canada, Villemarie, 
 etc., cited, 21. 
 
 Falmouth, Portneuf and 
 his party arrived at, 18- 
 19; attacked, 19, 21; 
 mentioned, 69, 247, 291, 
 
 396. 
 
 Fetter Lane, i. 
 Fisk, Mary, 72. 
 Fisk, Rev. Moses, 71, 72. 
 Five Nations, the, 327, 
 
 3 2 8, 33 1 . 353. 386. 
 
 Flynt, Henry, 67; Journal 
 of, cited, 68. 
 
 Forsyth, Alexander, 292. 
 
 Fort Chambly, 330. 
 
 Fort Loyal, Indian pris- 
 oners released from, 14, 
 19; Indians act as 
 guides against, 19; at- 
 tack and surrender of, 
 
 , I9< 
 Fort Richelieu, Masse 
 
 died at, 1 1. 
 Fort Richmond, 237, 259, 
 
 Fort St. John, Thury at, 
 
 41. 
 
 Fort at Brunswick, 101. 
 Fort at New Casco, 45. 
 Fort at St. George, 255.
 
 Index. 
 
 417 
 
 Fox Island, 383, 384. 
 
 France, James //., fled to, 
 14; mentioned, 288. 
 
 Franche Comte, 34. 
 
 Freeman, Frederick, His- 
 tory of Cape Cod, cited, 
 
 ^ 119. 
 
 French, the, no doubt of 
 their attempts to ruin 
 the English colonies, 3; 
 to embark in vessels 
 against Boston, 40; after 
 the treaty of Ryswick 
 opposed the friendly re- 
 lations between the In- 
 dians and English, 42, 
 46 ; carefully studied the 
 defenses of the English 
 towns, 43; Indians to 
 stand by the, 48 ; pre- 
 pared to kill the Eng- 
 lish at the Casco confer- 
 ence, 49; joined with 
 the Indians in a descent 
 upon the English, 49- 
 50; gave premiums for 
 scalps, 52-53; attacked 
 Haverhill, 53; continued 
 to plot and excite the 
 Indians against the 
 English, 64, 65, 386; 
 war with the English 
 favorable to the, 65, 66, 
 n.; excited the Indians 
 to prevent English set- 
 
 tlements in Maine, 93- 
 94; placed the acts of 
 the English in the worst 
 possible light to the In- 
 dians, 106; the agents 
 of, active in making the 
 savages dissatisfied, 107; 
 secretly supplied the 
 savages with arms, 131; 
 conveyed Acadia to the 
 English, and yet sought 
 to rule the Indians of 
 that country, 155; the 
 Indians no match for, in 
 a fair fight, 158; Indians 
 pretend they expected 
 no help from, 171; In- 
 dians firmly attached to, 
 216, 218; induced the 
 Indians to go to war, 
 222-223; condemned 
 the English because 
 their traders sold fire 
 water to the Indians, 
 265; ordered to assist 
 Indians, 280, 295, 298, 
 302, 303; ordered the 
 Indians to take captives, 
 319; mentioned, i. 
 
 French Archives, 3. 
 
 French Wax, (a sachem) 
 
 . 378. f 
 
 Freye, Thomas, 364. 
 " Friar Rale"s railing Let- 
 ter," 96.
 
 4i8 
 
 Index. 
 
 Frontenac, Louis de 
 Buade, Count de, be- 
 came governor of New 
 France, 14; the diaboli- 
 cal plot committed to 
 his execution, 15; sailed 
 from Rochelle, 16, 34; 
 reached Quebec, 16; or- 
 ganized the plot intrus- 
 ted to him, 17; defeated 
 Phips, 22-23; ordered 
 by the king to continue 
 the war, 23; excited the 
 savages by promise of 
 booty, 24; accompanied 
 by Rale, 34; letter from 
 Tibierge to, 41; men- 
 tioned, 29; Instructions 
 to, cited, 15; Memoire 
 of the king to, cited, 23. 
 
 Gay, P&re, leader of the 
 Indians, 20; his address 
 to incite the Indians, 
 20, n. 
 
 George/., 70, 74, 78, 91, 98, 
 280, 308, 315, 326, 338, 
 
 343, 372, 377, 386. 
 
 George's Fort, 384. 
 
 Georgetown, Baxter 
 preached at, 89; Indian 
 council held at, 106; 
 conference with Indians 
 at, 281, 291; mentioned, 
 279. 
 
 Gerard, J. W., Peace of 
 
 Utrecht, cited, 155. 
 Geste, Sieur de la, 336. 
 " Gibralter of America, 
 
 the," 242-243. 
 Giles, Capt. John, spoke 
 
 only gibberish, 99, 101, 
 
 n.; advised the people 
 
 where to settle, 100; 
 
 mentioned, 70, 89, 90, 
 
 286. 
 
 Gold, David, 277. 
 Goold, Daniel, testimony 
 
 of, 383- 
 Goold, William, Portland 
 
 in the Past, cited, 56. 
 Goolde, Daniel, 371. 
 Great Britain, i, 288. 
 Great Lake, the, 61. 
 Green, B., 84. 
 Gregory XV., Pope, 8. 
 Grenoble, 10. 
 Groton, 369. 
 Guerchville, Marchioness, 
 
 10. 
 Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
 
 300. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 
 Journal of, 317; men- 
 tioned, 317, 318, 319, 
 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 
 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 
 
 330, 33i, 332, 333, 334- 
 Hampshire, 278.
 
 Index. 
 
 419 
 
 Handsord, William, 318, 
 
 323, 324, 325, 326. 
 Hardwicke Papers, cited, 
 
 155- 
 
 Hare, the Great, Indian 
 legend concerning, 187- 
 188. 
 
 Harison, Mr., 356, 357. 
 
 Harmon, Col. Johnson, 
 attacked the Indians at 
 Pleasant Point, 128- 
 129, 171; unjustly criti- 
 cised, 130-131 ; led the 
 unsuccessful expedition 
 of 1723, 173; head of an 
 expedition against Nor- 
 ridgewock, 235-236; 
 leader of expedition of 
 1724 against Norridge- 
 wock, 237, 242 ; killed 
 two Indians and cap- 
 tured a third, 238 ; divi- 
 ded his forces, 239; 
 joined Moulton, 245; re- 
 ported the result of the 
 expedition against Nor- 
 ridgewock at Boston 
 263; received a Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel's commis- 
 sion, 263 ; received a re- 
 ward of 100, 264; men- 
 tioned, 242, 243, 247, 
 259, 267, 281, 291, 394; 
 biographical notice of, 
 
 239- 
 
 Harmon, Mary, 242. 
 Harpswell, 242, 244. 
 Harris, Samuel, testimony 
 
 of, 384. 
 Harris, Dr. Thaddeus 
 
 Mason, cited, 244. 
 Harvard College, 22, 
 
 26, 53, 118, 121, 267, 
 
 268. 
 
 Hatfield, 369. 
 Haverhill, attacked, 53; 
 
 Rolfe killed at, 53, .. 
 
 mentioned, 317. 
 Haverhill, History of, see 
 
 Chase, G. W. 
 Heath, Joseph, sent with 
 
 a message to Norridge- 
 
 wock, 91 ; letter of, cited, 
 
 91. 
 
 Hegen, Richard, 377. 
 Hegon, John, 282, 286, 
 
 290, 291, 292. 
 Hendrick, 332. 
 Hertel, Frangois, led the 
 
 war party into New 
 
 Hampshire, 19; joined 
 
 Portneuf, 19. 
 Hertel, Joseph, 391, 392. 
 Higginson, John, 58. 
 Hilton, Col., destroyed 
 
 Norridgewock, 52. 
 Histoire et Description 
 
 Generale de la Nou- 
 
 velle France, 165. 
 Hobington, H., 358.
 
 420 
 
 Index. 
 
 Hopegood, at Casco con- 
 ference, 44. 
 
 Hosanoueskact, 343. 
 
 Hudson River, the line of 
 the depredations which 
 were planned from Can- 
 ada, 15. 
 
 Hunkin, Mark, 58. 
 
 Hurons, the, 97, 108, 109, 
 in, 1 1 6, 127, 164, 182, 
 183, 184, 187, 253, 254, 
 257. 
 
 Hutchinson, Gov. 
 Thomas, carefully gath- 
 ered the material for 
 his history, 3; sustained 
 by the French archives, 
 3; gives a carefully com- 
 piled account of the 
 affair at Norridgewock, 
 258, 267. 
 
 Illinois Indians, Rale 
 started to join them, 
 37; well received by 
 them, 38; mentioned, 
 183, 184, 185, 187, 193, 
 194, 195, 197, 199, 201, 
 202, 203. 
 
 Indian Wheat, 180. 
 
 Indians ) people misled 
 
 Savages j in regard to the 
 complicity of the Jesu- 
 its with the, i, 1 6; prob- 
 ably told the story of 
 
 Rale's death to Charle- 
 voix, 5; notoriors false- 
 fiers, 5, 259; encouraged 
 by the Jesuits to repel 
 the English, 12-13, 2 7~ 
 28, 31, 40; conference 
 with Andros at Pema- 
 quid, 13; espoused the 
 cause of Castine, 14; 
 retaliation not preven- 
 ted by Andros concilia- 
 tory measures, 14, 19; 
 their outbreaks of 1689 
 promoted by the Jesu- 
 its, 1 6, 17; atrocities in- 
 flicted upon the Eng- 
 lish, 1 8; acted as guides 
 against Fort Loyal, 19; 
 led by Pere Gay, 20; 
 Gay's address to incite 
 them, 20, ./ the Eng- 
 lish would not permit 
 the Jesuits among, 21; 
 subjects of the king of 
 France, 21, 29, 343,344; 
 outdone in savagery by 
 the coureurs de dots, 24; 
 not permitted to make 
 peace, 24, 26, 29-30; 
 exhorted and influenced 
 by the clergy to con- 
 tinue the war, 24, 28- 
 29; led against York by 
 Thury, 25, 26, n.; mas- 
 sacre at York, 26; left
 
 Index. 
 
 421 
 
 old women and children 
 behind, 27, n.; carried 
 their prisoners to Can- 
 ada, 27, n.; their confi- 
 dence in Thury, 28; 
 Rale played an import- 
 ant part in their wars 
 with the English, 34; in- 
 duced to leave Maine, 
 36; Rale journeyed 
 among, 36, 37, 38; Rale 
 established among, 40; 
 led by St. Castine, 40; 
 to assist in the capture 
 of Boston, 40; parties 
 of, near Boston, 41; 
 burned their prisoners, 
 41; gave no quarter to 
 the English, 41; French 
 opposed friendly rela- 
 tions between the Eng- 
 lish and, 42, 43, 46; 
 Massachusetts expelled 
 the counselors of, 43- 
 44; Dudley sought 
 friendly relations with, 
 44; at Casco conference, 
 44-45; the action of re- 
 assuring, 46; attempted 
 treachery of, at the con- 
 ference, 48-49; join with 
 the French in an attack 
 upon the English, 49- 
 50; their war inaugura 
 ted by a feast, 50; at- 
 54 
 
 tended confession and 
 received communion be- 
 fore starting on the war 
 path, 50, 51; debauched 
 and under the control 
 of the Jesuits, 52; re- 
 ceive bounties for 
 scalps, 53, 266; attacked 
 Haverhill, 53; desire 
 peace, 56, 63-64, 351, 
 352; agree to forbear all 
 acts of hostility and 
 confess they have 
 broken their agree- 
 ments, 56-57; agree to 
 the treaty of Ports- 
 mouth, 57-58, 62; num- 
 ber of, at different vil- 
 lages, 59; what the Eng- 
 lish said to the, 59; go 
 to Quebec for powder, 
 63; Rale falsely re- 
 ported they were not 
 satisfied, 63 ; their jeal- 
 ousy continually excited 
 by the French against 
 the English, 64; their 
 idea of territorial rights, 
 64-65, 76, 79; Vaudreuil 
 supplied them with 
 weapons to use against 
 the English, 65 ; held 
 no council without call- 
 ing Rale, 66, 96, 99, 
 102-103, 226-227; called
 
 422 
 
 Index. 
 
 to a conference with 
 Shute, 68; at Arrowsic, 
 69, 110-124; Sevvall the 
 staunch friend of, 69; 
 carried the English flag 
 to the Arrowsic confer- 
 ence, 70; pleased with 
 the appointment of 
 Shute as governor, 74 ; 
 disliked English forts, 
 79 : departed leaving the 
 English colors, 79-80; 
 Rale's attempt to influ- 
 ence them against the 
 English, 80, 91, 92, ., 
 94; they beg Shute to 
 return, 80 ; asked for 
 the English colors, 80- 
 81; confirmed the rights 
 of the English to their 
 lands, 81; desire trading 
 house and locksmith, 
 82; their deceptive char- 
 acter, 85, 92 ; why they 
 were drawn to the Ro- 
 man rather than the 
 Protestant faith, 87-88; 
 doubtful if there were 
 many genuine conver- 
 sions, 88-89 I their evi- 
 dence unreliable, 90; 
 Rale may have taken 
 advantage of their 
 superstitious minds, 90; 
 desired to be friendly 
 
 with the English, 90, 91, 
 said Rale lied when he 
 wrote to Shute, 91, 92, 
 n.; continually urged by 
 Rale to attack, 6, 91,92, 
 
 94; 371,374, 395; the 
 English alarmed by the 
 threatening attitude of, 
 92; resolution to force 
 them to make amends 
 abandoned, 92 ; dreaded 
 war with the English, 
 92 ; their reply when 
 urged by Vaudreuil to 
 prevent English set- 
 tlements, 92-93, 103; 
 hindered in traffic with 
 the English, 93 ; not to 
 pay for the cattle they 
 destroy, 93, 97; those 
 who cannot support 
 themselves against the 
 English, 94; Shute de- 
 sired some to go to 
 Europe, 96; Rale threat- 
 ened to excommunicate 
 all such as went, 96; 
 English aroused at 
 Rale's assumption in 
 preventing the friendly 
 relations with, 97; at- 
 tend to their own affairs, 
 98; will force the Eng- 
 lish to quit their lands, 
 100; how they shall re-
 
 Index. 
 
 423 
 
 ceive their rum, 101- 
 102; Rale describes their 
 treatment by the Eng- 
 lish, 103-104; depreda- 
 tions of, on the Kenne- 
 bec, 105; Shute's threat 
 supposed to be to in- 
 timidate, 105; reluctant 
 to have another war with 
 the English, 105-107; 
 held council at Nor- 
 ridgewock, 106; two par- 
 ties, 106; elect a chief, 
 106; held council at 
 Georgetown, 106, 281; 
 French agents active 
 among, 107; made to 
 feel the displeasure of 
 Vaudreuil, 107; sent a 
 threatening protest to 
 Shute, 1 08; objected to 
 the settlements on the 
 Kennebec, 1721, 108; 
 the peace party of, 
 aroused Rale to action, 
 108-109; the war party 
 strengthened, 109-110; 
 kill Englishmen's cattle, 
 no, 163, 304, 310, 367; 
 held as hostages in Bos- 
 ton, 1 10, 1 12, 1 13, ;/., 
 156, 157, ., 158, 159, 
 
 319. 375^ 376, 377; Bet- 
 ter presented by, in, 
 294; complain that host- 
 
 ages are held after pay- 
 ing the debt, 112-113, 
 117-118; declare their 
 deeds void, 117; warned 
 Ral6 of the approach of 
 the English, 120, 168; 
 considered Westbrook's 
 expedition a warrant for 
 further depredations, 
 127; to meet at Nor- 
 ridgewock, 128, 170; 
 commenced their depre- 
 dations, 1722, 128, 170; 
 at first did not slaugh- 
 ter or hold all their 
 captives, 128, 171; later 
 began a wholesale 
 slaughter, 128, 130 ; 
 attacked by Harmon, 
 129; Rale's distorted 
 account of their depre- 
 dations, 129, 1 30; Shute's 
 proclamation concern- 
 ing the peaceful, 131; 
 Rale accompanied them 
 in their raids, 132; in- 
 structed in the Christian 
 virtues, 135, 138; assist 
 Rale in performing 
 mass, 136, 138; religious 
 emulation among the 
 women, 137; Rale at 
 their councils, 139-140; 
 forbidden to interrupt 
 Rale when at his devo-
 
 424 
 
 Index. 
 
 tions, 140; build tem- 
 porary chapels when 
 hunting and fishing, 
 140-141; collect maple 
 sugar, 141; machinations 
 of the English to secure, 
 142, 153-154; minister 
 sent from New England 
 to convert them, 143; 
 trading houses intro- 
 duced among them be- 
 fore Rale's time, 153; 
 asked Vaudreuil about 
 the treaty of Utrecht, 
 1 54-1 55; must have been 
 deceived by the gover- 
 nor, 155, n.; the French 
 sought to rule them, 
 though they had no 
 legal jurisdiction over 
 the country, 155; Rale's 
 false story of some which 
 are held as hostages, 
 156, 158; Rale's account 
 of their bravery, 157- 
 158; no match for the 
 civilized man, 158, n.; 
 held as hostages till the 
 cattle they had killed 
 were paid for, 158-159; 
 objected to the English 
 holding them as host- 
 ages after they had paid 
 a debt, 158-159, 160; 
 not present at an ap- 
 
 pointed conference, 159, 
 368; English refuse to 
 sell food and ammuni- 
 tion to, 160-161; their 
 patience exhausted, 161; 
 Castine an officer of, 
 161; conference with 
 Vaudreuil, 162; chanted 
 the war song, 1 70; their 
 cabins, 175-176; cloth- 
 ing, 176; description, 
 177; occupation, 178, 
 1 80; canoes, 178; food, 
 179-180; language, 181- 
 184; origin of the tribes, 
 187, 189, 190; cremation 
 among, 188-189; burials 
 and funerals among, 
 190-191, 196; religion 
 among, 191, 192; delib- 
 erate upon important 
 affairs at their festivals, 
 193-1 94; feast described, 
 194-195; costumes of, 
 195-196; position of 
 women among, 196- 
 197, the Illinois the 
 richest, 197; hunters and 
 fishers, 198; public 
 esteem among, 198- 
 199; his height of glory, 
 200; reviving the dead, 
 200; torture, 201; prefer 
 polygamy to prayer, 
 201-202; drink an ob-
 
 Index. 
 
 425 
 
 stacle to Christianity, 
 202; as converted by 
 Rale, 205-206; the Eng- 
 lish try to obtain the 
 trade of, 215-216, 217; 
 war feast to be made, 
 218; Rale exhorted 
 them not to be cruel, 
 219-220; mode of war- 
 fare, 220; are used as an 
 arm by the French, 223; 
 the English to rebuild 
 their church, 224, 225; 
 despoiled the country 
 of moose and deer, 225; 
 subsist on vegetables 
 and fish, 225-226; 227- 
 228; venerate Rale, 
 229; alarmed for his 
 safety, 229-230; in- 
 formed Rale of the ap- 
 proach of the English, 
 230-231; conveying 
 news by signs, 234; 
 discovered the pres- 
 ence of Moulton near 
 Norridgewock, 239; 
 failed of true hero- 
 ism when matched by 
 civilized men, 240; fled 
 from Norridgewock, 
 240, 261, 271; buried 
 Rale's body, 245; 
 hastened to Canada for 
 
 the protection of Vau- 
 dreuil, 245; Vaudreuil 
 could craze them with 
 brandy, 265; received 
 bounties for English and 
 French scalps, 266; as- 
 sisted by the French, 
 280, 295, 298, 301, 312, 
 322, 393; totems of those 
 at the conference at 
 Georgetown, 292; dec- 
 laration of Gov. Shute 
 concerning, 3i4~3 I 5J 
 act of Representatives 
 of Massachusetts con- 
 cerning, 315-317; cap- 
 ture Hamilton, 317; 
 depredations of, 318, 
 
 338,339. 368, 383-384, 
 384-385; to take cap- 
 tives in lieu of hostages 
 held in Boston, 319; 
 send reports of their 
 depredations to Canada, 
 319; well received by 
 Vaudreuil, 319-320, 
 321; supplied by the 
 governor with stores, 
 320, 321, 327, 330; carry 
 captives to Quebec, 32 1 ; 
 headed by Jesuits at 
 Arrovvsic, 322; deliver 
 Handsord to the gover- 
 nor, 324; conclude to
 
 426 
 
 Index. 
 
 bury the ax and send 
 captives home, 325; 
 stopped by Vaudreuil, 
 325-326; sent envoys to 
 Albany, 327; bring to 
 Quebec English scalps, 
 327; set out to avenge 
 the loss of, at North 
 Yarmouth, 327; return 
 from Albany, 327; to 
 visit New England with 
 a large army, 330; their 
 trade with Albany pro- 
 hibited, 330; the old de- 
 sire peace, the young 
 desire war, 331; to make 
 a peace at Boston, 331, 
 333; always true to 
 France, 342; claimed as 
 subjects of England, 
 342, 343; would be sad 
 to see their priest taken 
 from them, 345; the 
 English the cause of 
 the depredations, 345; 
 the depredations of, to 
 be reported to the gov- 
 ernment, 349; treaty of 
 peace must be made in 
 the presence of Vau- 
 dreuil, 351, 377, 387; 
 induced by the French 
 to make slaves of the 
 English, 352, instigated 
 by the French, 352, 369, 
 
 386; treaties of, broken, 
 365-370; claim that the 
 English encroach upon 
 their ground, 378; pre- 
 vented from making 
 peace by Jesuits, 379, 
 380, 381, 382-384; cap- 
 ture Daniel Goold, 383- 
 384; capture Samuel 
 Harris, 384-385; told 
 what to say by Vau- 
 dreuil, 387; demands of, 
 387; claimed by the 
 French as subjects, 
 390; mentioned, i, 337. 
 Instructions to the Com- 
 missioners for Canada, 
 
 346. 
 
 Iripegouans, the, 193. 
 Iroquois, the, 41, 108, 115, 
 
 116, 182, 183, 201, 252, 
 
 266. 
 Isle of St. John, 300. 
 
 Jakis, the, 193. 
 
 James //., exiled, 14; men- 
 tioned, 35. 
 
 Jaques, Benjamin, 244. 
 
 Jaques, Daniel, 242. 
 
 Jaques, Marianna, 244. 
 
 Jaques, Mary, 244. 
 
 Jaques, Mary Williams, 
 242. 
 
 Jaques, Lieut. Richard, 
 son-in-law of Johnson
 
 Index. 
 
 427 
 
 Harmon, 239, 243; frus- 
 trated the design of 
 Moulton, 242; caught 
 Rale in the act of load- 
 ing a gun, 243; de- 
 manded the priest to 
 surrender, 243; shot the 
 priest, 243, 260; his 
 story doubted, and he 
 reprimanded by Moul- 
 ton, 244, 260, 261; went 
 to his grave the self- 
 acknowledged slayer of 
 Rale, 261; biographical 
 notice of, 242. 
 
 Jeffries, John, 318. 
 
 Jesuit Catalogue, cited, 
 
 35; 
 
 Jesuites, Relations des, 
 cited, 1 1. 
 
 Jesuits, people misled in 
 regard to their complic 
 ity in the depredations 
 of the Indians, i, 16; 
 the people of New Eng- 
 land had no doubt of 
 their attempt to ruin the 
 English colonies, 2-3; 
 their character a strange 
 commingling of diverse 
 elements, 8; society of, 
 formed, 8; followed the 
 track of the great voya- 
 gers, 9; achieved a meas- 
 ure of success, 9; the 
 
 product of their age, 9; 
 pioneers in the work of 
 uplifting men, 9; pre- 
 ceded the Puritans, 12; 
 in dangerous proximity 
 to the English, 12; not 
 indifferent to the en- 
 croachments of the 
 English, 12; encouraged 
 the Indians to repel the 
 English, 12-13, *6, 27- 
 28; influential in shap- 
 ing the government's 
 proposals for an Indian 
 outbreak in 1689, 16, 
 17; missions extended 
 into Maine, 17; consid- 
 ered by the English as 
 their enemies, 2 1 ; abund- 
 ant proof to show that 
 they identified them- 
 selves with the savages, 
 29; those who taught 
 peace and not war, 32, 
 33, rc.-34, n.; their 
 names should be held in 
 grateful remembrance, 
 34; to oppose all com- 
 munication between the 
 Indians and English, 
 42, 43, expelled from 
 Massachusetts, 43; 
 priests driven from New 
 York, 44; endeavored 
 to break the friendly
 
 428 
 
 Index. 
 
 relations between the 
 English and Indians, 46; 
 had command of the In- 
 land Indians, 52; re- 
 ceived medical aid from 
 the English, 66, 67; pre- 
 dicted the end of the 
 world soon, 89; accused 
 of lieing, 91-92; is no 
 cipher, 96; is not a Bax- 
 ter or a Boston minister, 
 104; influenced the In- 
 dians to make war upon 
 the English, in, 167; 
 the authors of the 
 threatening letter sent 
 to Gov. Shute, 119; re 
 ward for capturing, 168; 
 the war of 1722 traced 
 to, 1 74; forbidden within 
 English territory, 174, 
 308, 371; kept the Indi- 
 ans faithful to the 
 French, 2 1 6, 2 2 1 ; a book 
 of high authority 
 among, 247; Martyrs de 
 Canada Bibliogr, Les, 
 cited, 267; instigate In- 
 dians, 167, 280, 288, 298, 
 352, 374; headed Indi 
 ans at Arrowsic, 322, 
 323; desired a continu- 
 ance of the war, 329; in- 
 fluenced Vaudreuil, 352, 
 
 353. 379; prevent the 
 Indians from making 
 peace, 379, .380, 381; 
 would kill the peace 
 commissioner, 381; men- 
 tioned, 276, 288, 319, 
 322, 323, 325, 329, 331, 
 
 332. 
 
 Job, Capt, 323. 
 
 John, Capt, 318. 
 
 Jordan, Capt, 277. 
 
 Jordan, Samuel, Indian 
 interpreter, 70; desired 
 by the Indians as lock- 
 smith, 82; mentioned, 
 70, 282, 292. 
 
 Jordan, Capt. Samuel, 
 Declaration of, 375. 
 
 Joseph, Capt, 282, 287. 
 
 Journal of the Commis- 
 sioners to Canada, 
 350. 
 
 Journal of the Expedition 
 from Boston to Port 
 Royal, cited, 22. 
 
 Kadesquit, mission to be 
 
 established at, 10. 
 Katholisches Kuche in 
 
 dem Vereinigten 
 
 Staten, Die, 267. 
 Kenduskeag, mission to 
 
 be established at, 10. 
 Kennebec Indians, 281.
 
 Index. 
 
 429 
 
 Kennebec Mission, In- 
 dians from, at Casco 
 conference, 44, men- 
 tioned, 41. 
 
 Kennebec River, English 
 settlements on, pre- 
 vented by Rale, 67; 
 mentioned, 25, 29, 79, 
 81, 86, 95, 105, io8,,ii3, 
 115, 128, 134, 156, 215, 
 237, 242, 291, 309. 
 
 Kennebec Savages, 91. 
 
 Ketermogus, desired to 
 remain at peace with the 
 English, 101; obnoxious 
 to Rale, 101, n. 
 
 Kettera, 292. 
 
 Ketterremuggus, 282, 291, 
 292. 
 
 King Philip's War, 36. 
 
 Kingnessanach, 186. 
 
 Kip, Rev. William Ingra- 
 ham, 135. 
 
 Kirk, Sir David, 1 1. 
 
 Kounaouons, 253, 254. 
 
 La Longue, Mons., 333. 
 La Loureur, Jean, 392. 
 La Rond, Sieur, 336, 
 
 337 
 
 Lackwadawmeck, 291. 
 Lake Superior, 331. 
 Lalande, Jean de, 391, 
 
 392, 393- 
 Lalemant, Pere, 10. 
 
 55 
 
 Lancaster, 317. 
 
 Languile, Gov., 325. 
 
 Lannerjat, letter of, to 
 Rale, 338; mentioned, 
 276. 
 
 Larrabee, Benjamin, state- 
 ment of, in regard to 
 Rale's death, 261. 
 
 Laurels, 137, 138. 
 
 Laurone, Mons., 376, 378, 
 
 . 382. 
 
 Lauverjeat, encouraged 
 the Indians to make 
 war, 174. 
 
 Le Clerc, Nicholas, 135. 
 
 Le Ronde, Sieur, 336, 337. 
 
 Lefevre, 343. 
 
 Lettres Edifiantes et 
 Curieuses, par quelques 
 Missionaires, .s^Chasse, 
 Rev. Peter de la. 
 
 Locksmith, wanted by In- 
 dians, 82. 
 
 Longuile, Charles de 
 Moyne, 386. 
 
 Lorette, 109, in, 127, 164, 
 170, 320, 321, 327. 
 
 Lorette Indians, 323, 327. 
 
 Louisbourg, 242, 243. 
 
 Louisiana, 33. 
 
 Love, Robert, 318. 
 
 Loverjat, Father, 255. 
 
 Loyard, Father, 257. 
 
 Loyola, Don Inigo Lopez 
 de Recalde, de, founder
 
 430 
 
 Index. 
 
 of the Jesuits, 7; bio- 
 graphical notice of, 7. 
 Lynde, Benjamin, 58, 384, 
 
 385. 
 Lynde, Samuel, 279, 281. 
 
 Lyons, 10. 
 
 Lyons, Province of, 35. 
 
 Machova, 190. 
 
 Mackinac, Rale at, 37. 
 
 Macuas, the, 350. 
 
 Madelaine, Jean, 392, 393. 
 
 Magerlaine Island, 300. 
 
 Maine, Jesuit missions ex- 
 tended into, 17; war 
 party to set out against, 
 1 8; leaders of the war 
 party, 18; Jesuits active 
 in inciting the Indians 
 of, 27-28; Indians in- 
 duced to leave, 36; In- 
 dians of, debauched by 
 the Jesuits, 52; the 
 English again took root 
 in, 64; the Indians ex- 
 cited by the French to 
 prevent settlements in, 
 
 93-94- 
 
 Maine, Indians of, sent a 
 protest to Shute, 108; 
 mentioned, 31 7. 
 
 Maine, History of, see 
 Williamson, William D. 
 
 Maine Historical Quar- 
 terly, cited, 91, 1 08. 
 
 Maine Historical Society, 
 
 2, 123. 
 Maine Historical Society 
 
 Archives, 90. 
 Maine Historical Society 
 
 Collections, cited, 32, 
 
 84. 
 
 Maize, 141. 
 Malaowins, the, 300. 
 Manitou, 191, 192. 
 Manuscrits,Collections de, 
 
 cited, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 
 
 26, 28,31,32, 34, 4^42, 
 
 63, 66, 94, 95. 
 Maple Sugar, 141. 
 Maquas, the, 350, 353, 
 
 355- 
 
 Marblehead, 383, 384. 
 
 Martin, Pere, Les Jesuit 
 Martyrs de Canada, 
 cited, 35. 
 
 Maruelet, 391. 
 
 Mary, the, 383. 
 
 Maskoutings, the, 193. 
 
 Massachusetts, Jesuits ex- 
 pelled from, 43; men- 
 tioned, 13, 57, 315, 346, 
 
 350, 35 6 > 357. 3 6 4, 3 6 5> 
 368, 385, 386. 
 
 Massachusetts Archives, 
 cited, 1 68, 263, 264. 
 
 Massachusetts General 
 Court, resolved to ar- 
 rest Rale, 92, 1 19, 167, 
 1 68.
 
 Index. 
 
 Massachusetts Historical 
 Society Collections, 
 cited, 20, 56, 91, 96, 1 1 8, 
 244. 
 
 Masse, Enemond, first of 
 the Jesuits to visit the 
 continent, lo-n; taken 
 prisoner by Argal, 1 1,./ 
 mentioned, 12 ; b i o- 
 graphical notice of, 10. 
 
 Mather, Cotton, Magnalia 
 Christi Americana, 
 cited, 18, 20, 22, 27, 42; 
 mentioned, 270, 271. 
 
 Matsidouanoussis River, 
 
 Maurice, Claude, 392, 393. 
 
 Medfield, 71, 89. 
 
 Medocteh, 112, 164, 165. 
 
 Memoire sur 1'enterprise 
 de Baston a Versailles, 
 cited, 41. 
 
 Menaskeh, 1 1 7. 
 
 Menaskous, 112, 165,222. 
 
 Meneval, Robineau de, 
 commander at Port 
 Royal, 21 ; taken pris- 
 oner by Phips, 21-22; 
 Lettre de, cited, 22. 
 
 Merriconeag Neck, 239, 
 242. 
 
 Merrymeeting Bay, In- 
 dians desire people re- 
 moved from, 282, 284, 
 287,291 ; mentioned, 318. 
 
 Mesambomett, at Casco 
 
 conference, 44. 
 Miamis, the, 183. 
 Michabou, 187. 
 Michibichi, 192. 
 Micmacs, the, 59, 108, 1 16, 
 
 2 57- 
 
 Middlesex, 278. 
 
 Minot, Mr., asked to man- 
 age the trading house, 
 82. 
 
 Minot, John, sent with a 
 message to Norridge- 
 wock, 91; deposition of, 
 279, 280-281; men- 
 tioned, 281; deposition 
 of, cited, 91. 
 
 Missilimakinak, Rale at, 
 
 187, 193- 
 Missionaries, whose 
 
 names should be held in 
 grateful remembrance, 
 
 34-. 
 
 Missionaries, French, see 
 
 Jesuits. 
 
 Missions de 1'Amerique, 
 Le, 267. 
 
 Mississippi River, dis- 
 covered by the French, 
 
 5 2 '. 
 Mississippi Valley, 304. 
 
 Mitchell, , held a pris- 
 oner by Rale, 241, 243; 
 tortured by Rale, 243- 
 244, 244, n.
 
 432 
 
 Index. 
 
 Mitchell, William, killed 
 at Scarborough, 241- 
 242; his son held a 
 prisoner by Rale, 241. 
 
 Mogg, firing from his 
 cabin at Norridgewock, 
 241; killed a Mohawk, 
 241-242; killed with his 
 wife and children by the 
 Mohawk's brother, 242, 
 mentioned, 282, 283, 
 292. 
 
 Mohawks, the, 97, 237, 
 320, 323, 327, 328, 331, 
 
 332. 
 
 Montreal, expedition from 
 Albany to, unsuccessful 
 22-23; mentioned, 323, 
 324, 325, 326, 330, 337, 
 350, 35i, 353, 375, 376, 
 377, 382, 391, 392- 
 
 Montserrat, 8. 
 
 Moodey, Major Joshua, 
 247. 
 
 Moody, Capt., 54, 68, 96; 
 letter of, cited, 55. 
 
 Moody, Capt. Samuel, 
 275, 281, 291, 294. 
 
 Moose, 177. 
 
 Moses, Capt., 282, 320. 
 
 Moulton, Capt. Jeremiah, 
 led expedition against 
 Norridgewock, 236, 237; 
 found the village de- 
 serted, 2 36-2 3 7; forbade 
 
 his men doing any in- 
 jury to the buildings, 
 237; his magnanimity 
 called cowardice by 
 Ral6, 237; killed two 
 Indians and captured a 
 third, 238, 262, ./ di- 
 vided their forces, 239; 
 approached the village, 
 239; allowed the Indians 
 to fire first, 240; gave 
 orders to spare Rale, 
 242, 266; his orders dis- 
 obeyed, 242; doubted 
 the story of, and repri- 
 manded Jaques for kill- 
 ing Rale, 244, 260, 261; 
 left the village un- 
 harmed, 245; found 
 Rale's vade mecum and 
 an unfinished letter to 
 De la Chasse, 245-246, 
 251; mentioned, 239, 
 247, 259, 261, 267; bio- 
 graphical notice of, 236; 
 his character, 236, 237, 
 240, 244, 245, 271. 
 
 Moulton, Mary, 239. 
 
 Mount Agamenticus, 25. 
 
 Mount Desert, Biard and 
 Masse at, 10; called St. 
 Saveur, 10; mission es- 
 tablished at, 10; mission 
 destroyed by Argal, 10- 
 1 1.
 
 Index. 
 
 433 
 
 Moxus, at Casco confer- 
 ence, 44; mentioned, 
 68, 72, 320. 
 
 Munjoy Hill, 19. 
 
 Namepick, 189. 
 Nanrantsouak, 55, 93, 94, 
 
 95, in, 112, 116, 136, 
 
 174, 215, 279,280. . 
 Nanrantsouak, see Nor- 
 
 ridgewock. 
 Nanrantsouaks, the, 93, 
 
 342, 343, 344. 
 Nathaniel, Capt, 318, 330, 
 
 333- 
 
 New Casco, see Casco. 
 
 New England, Puritans 
 settled in, 12; French 
 machinations against, 1 3 ; 
 diabolical plot against, 
 15, 17-18; imperilled 
 by Norridgewock, 23; a 
 Jesuit who became most 
 famous in, 23; enabled 
 to cultivate the arts of 
 peace a short season 
 after 1697, 42; greatly 
 troubled by the Jesu- 
 its, 52; in a serious 
 condition, 53-54; most 
 honorable men of, agree 
 to the Portsmouth 
 treaty, 63; mentioned, 
 i, 126, 135, 136, 143, 
 167, 215. 
 
 New England, History of 
 the Wars of, see Penhal- 
 low, Samuel. 
 
 New France, the southern 
 borders of, in close prox- 
 imity to the English, 12; 
 Jesuits gained an ascend- 
 ency in, 12; Frontenac 
 became governor of, 14; 
 the rulers of, continued 
 to plot against the Eng- 
 lish, 64, 65. 
 
 New France, see also Nou- 
 velle France. 
 
 New Hampshire, war 
 party sent into, 18, 19; 
 mentioned, 58, 347, 349, 
 354, 360, 366, 385 _ 
 
 New Hampshire Histori- 
 cal Society Collections, 
 cited, 1 1 8. 
 
 New York, to be attacked 
 from Canada, 15; the 
 king haggled over the 
 cost of the expedition 
 into, 23; priests expelled 
 from, 44; mentioned, 
 278, 353-354, 355, 356, 
 357. 3fo> 386, 39 6 - 
 
 New York, history of, see 
 Smith, William. 
 
 New York Colonial Docu- 
 ments, see O'Callaghan, 
 E. B. 
 
 Newbury, 53, 242.
 
 434 
 
 Index. 
 
 Newman, Thomas, 292. 
 
 Niagara, 265. 
 
 Nismes, College at, Raid 
 an instructor in the, 35. 
 
 Nordon, Nathaniel, 384. 
 
 Norridgewock, Raid slain 
 at, i; the battle at, de- 
 picted in a false light, 3; 
 the hotbed of an influ- 
 ence imperilling the 
 English, 23; Raid in 
 charge of Abnaki mis- 
 sion at, 38; chapel built 
 at, 39-40; the Indians at, 
 in favor with Rale", 40; 
 Indians from, at Casco 
 conference, 44; expedi- 
 tion planned against, 
 1705, 52 ; destroyed by 
 Hilton, 52 ; number of 
 people at, 59 ; appari- 
 tions at, 89; Minot and 
 Heath sent with mes- 
 sage to, 91 ; resolution 
 to send an armed force 
 to, 92, 119; the English 
 allowed to settle half 
 way to, 93 ; the savages 
 of, excited by Rale not 
 to permit the English to 
 extend their settlements, 
 
 94 ; church built by the 
 English with funds fur- 
 nished by the French, 
 
 95 ; Rale's letter from, 
 
 135, 174; chiefs sent 
 from, to Vaudreuil, 105, 
 164; Indian council held 
 at, 106 ; De la Chasse 
 sent to, 109 ; Westbrook 
 sent to capture Raid at, 
 120; appointed as a 
 place for the warriors to 
 assemble, 1 28, 170; Rale, 
 remained at, 134, 171- 
 172 ; Ral4 describes the 
 churches at, 136, 137; 
 Vaudreuil held a confer- 
 ence with the Indians 
 at, 162 ; Indians met at, 
 165 ; expedition plan- 
 ned against, 1723, 173 ; 
 Moulton in command 
 of an expedition against, 
 236 ; deserted when the 
 English arrived, 237 ; 
 Moulton's magnanim- 
 ity, 237 ; expedition of 
 1724 against, 237, 238; 
 to be captured by sur- 
 prise, 238 ; Moulton's 
 force discovered by a 
 savage who gave the 
 war cry, 239; the savages 
 wildly discharged their 
 guns, 240 ; contained 
 the source from which 
 spread ruin, desolation, 
 and death, 241 ; the fir- 
 ing came from two cab-
 
 Index. 
 
 435 
 
 ins, 241 ; occupied by 
 the English, 245 ; left 
 unharmed by Moulton, 
 245; set on fire by Chris- 
 tian, 245 ; the French 
 account of the battle a 
 tissue of errors, 258- 
 266 ; Hutchinson gives 
 a carefully compiled ac- 
 count of, 258, 267; Har- 
 mon's report of the 
 affair at, 261 ; under the 
 government of Great 
 Britain, 308 ; soldiers 
 sent to, 1722, 309, 311 ; 
 Hamilton and other 
 captives carried to, 
 318, 319; paper taken 
 from the church door, 
 334; mentioned, 123, 
 127, 276, 289, 307, 308, 
 322, 323, 370, 387, 394, 
 
 395- 
 Norridgewock, sec Nan- 
 
 rantsouak. 
 Norridgewocks, the, 108, 
 
 254, 261, 291, 307, 320, 
 
 372. 
 
 North Yarmouth, 327. 
 Northfield, 317, 369. 
 Nouvelle France, Histoire 
 
 et Description Generale 
 
 de la, cited, 1 1, i 7, 20 ; 
 
 Manuscripts relating to, 
 
 cited, 15, 17. 
 
 Nouvelle France, see also 
 
 New France. 
 Nouvelles des Missions, 
 
 Les, 267. 
 Nova Scotia, i, 2, 126, 
 
 373- 
 Noyes, Thomas, 58. 
 
 Obomawhawk, 282, 290, 
 291, 292. 
 
 O'Callaghan, E. B., Docu- 
 mentary History of New 
 York, cited, 20 ; New 
 York Colonial Docu- 
 ments cited, 20. 
 
 Omikoues, the, 193. 
 
 Onondaga River, 353, 386. 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, 95, 161. 
 
 " O Salutaris," translation 
 of, 184. 
 
 Ouaourene, praised by 
 Rale, 1 06 ; flattered by 
 the governor, 107; men- 
 tioned, 97, 1 13. 
 
 Ouarinakiens, the, 253, 
 
 254. . 
 Oussakita, 191 . 
 
 Outagamis, the, 193. 
 Outaouacks, the, 187, 189, 
 
 190, 193. 
 Owrene, 300. 
 
 Pannaouanskeians, the, 
 
 253- 
 Panouamske, 1 1 2.
 
 436 
 
 Index, 
 
 Panouamsque Indians, 
 the, 342, 343. 
 
 Parker, John, 292. 
 
 Parkman, Francis, error 
 of, concerning Jaques, 
 244. 
 
 Paul III, Pope, 8. 
 
 Pauscawen, 258. 
 
 Pegonakki River, 116. 
 
 Peguncourt, M., 378, 379. 
 
 Pehonuret, 1 13. 
 
 Pejepscot proprietors, 242. 
 
 Pemaquid, Andros' con- 
 ference with Indians at, 
 13 ; mentioned, 60, 78. 
 
 Pemkuit, 40. 
 
 Pemondaki Indians, 164, 
 165. 
 
 Pemster, 1 15. 
 
 Penhallow, Samuel, at the 
 Casco conference, 48 ; 
 signed the Portsmouth 
 treaty, 58 ; mentioned, 
 69,113; Indian Wars of 
 New England, cited, 46, 
 48, 50, 54, 58, 129, 262, 
 267. 
 
 Penobscot, 289, 371, 383, 
 
 384, 385- 
 
 Penobscot Mission, In- 
 dians from, at Casco 
 conference, 44 ; num- 
 ber of savages at, 59 ; 
 savages leave, for Que- 
 bec, 63. 
 
 Penobscot River, Thury 
 established a mission on, 
 17; mentioned, 25, 40, 
 109, 126, 127. 
 
 Penobscots, the, 91, 164, 
 
 372. 
 
 Penondaky, 112. 
 Pentagoet River, 28. 
 Pentagouet, 29, 31, 40, 41, 
 
 156. 
 
 Perubres, M., 376. 
 
 Peskadoe, 1 1 7. 
 
 Petit, Mathurin le., re- 
 fused absolution to 
 murderers, 32, 33 ; be- 
 came superior of the 
 Jesuits of Louisiana, 
 33 ; the king displeased 
 with, 33. 
 
 Phips, Spencer, 58. 
 
 Phips, Sir William, maxim 
 adopted by, 21 ; cap- 
 tured Port Royal, 21 ; 
 commanded expedition 
 against Quebec, 22 ; not 
 successful, 22-23 ! men- 
 tioned, 24, 57, 365, 366, 
 
 .372. 
 Pickering, John, published 
 
 Rale's dictionary, 121. 
 Pigwacket, 49, 289. 
 Pike, Rev. John, Journal 
 
 of, cited, 28. 
 Piscataqua, 98, 285 
 Piscataqua Indians, 165
 
 Index. 
 
 437 
 
 Piscataqua River, 1 10 
 
 Plaisance, 60,62,222, 223. 
 
 Plaisted, Ichabod, 58. 
 
 Plaisted, John, 58. 
 
 Pleasant Point, 128, 171. 
 
 Plot to exterminate the 
 English, 14-16. 
 
 Point Claire, 392 
 
 Ponaowamske, 94 
 
 Ponchartrain, Count Louis 
 P. de, Letter of, 33. 
 
 Port Royal, captured by 
 Phips, 21 ; mentioned, 
 10, 24, 60, 62, 215, 222, 
 223, 257. 
 
 Portneuf, Sieur de, leader 
 of the war party into 
 Maine, 18; joined by 
 Castine and Hertel, 19; 
 mentioned, 21. 
 
 Portsmouth, 349, 366. 
 
 Potherie, Bacqueville De 
 La, Histoire de 1'Amer- 
 ique, cited, 18. 
 
 Prayer, wheel of, in con- 
 tinual motion, 22. 
 
 Prise du Port Royal par 
 les Anglois de Baston, 
 piece anonyme, cited, 
 
 22. 
 
 Protestants, why they did 
 not succeed in convert- 
 ing the savages as well 
 as the Romanists, 87- 
 88. 
 
 56 
 
 Provincial Council, 236. 
 
 Puants, Bay of the, 193. 
 
 Public Records Office, 
 London, 44, 53, 56, 108, 
 123, 127, 251, 299. 
 
 Puddlestone Island, 69. 
 
 Puritans, erected their al- 
 tars in New England, 
 12. 
 
 Quebec,Frontenac arrived 
 at, 1 6; government dis- 
 organized, 1 6; war party 
 set out to Maine from, 
 1 8; the center of French 
 power in America, 22; 
 naval expedition sent 
 against, 22; Rahle ar- 
 rived at, 36; Rale jour- 
 neyed from to the Illi- 
 nois, 37: Rale returned 
 to, 38, 185; to remain to 
 the French, 60, 62; sav- 
 ages go to, for powder, 
 63; sample of Rale's wax 
 sent to, 138; the Abna- 
 kis prefer to trade at, 
 142 ; provisions sent 
 from, to Rale, 169; In- 
 dians desired Raid to 
 return to, 171; men- 
 tioned, 37, 38, 54, 55, 
 60, 62, 153, 175, 202, 
 
 219, 221, 224, 268, 270, 
 320, 321, 322, 324, 327,
 
 438 
 
 Index. 
 
 328, 329, 337, 371, 384, 
 
 385- 
 Quebec, the Bishop of, 
 
 28, 30, 
 
 Quebec Seminary, 31. 
 Quentin, Pere, 10. 
 Querebemit, 81, 82. 
 Quincey, Major John, 311. 
 Quincy, Edmund, 58, 69. 
 Quinibequi River, 156. 
 Quinibiquy Mission, 41. 
 
 Raimbault, Joseph, 392, 
 
 393- 
 
 Rale Pere Sebastian, an 
 array of papers against, 
 i ; best known of the 
 Jesuits in New Eng- 
 land, i ; his true story 
 not told by Charlevoix, 
 3, 4 ; falsehood con- 
 tinued by Chasse, 4-5 ; 
 calls the Indians dis- 
 honest, 5, 259 ; incited 
 the Indians, 6, 65, 91, 
 92, 94, 167, 174, 279, 
 281, 288, 303, 374, 387, 
 395 ; stories unjust to 
 his memory not given, 
 6; birth of, 34; entered 
 the society of the Jesu- 
 its, 35 ; instructor at 
 Nismes, 35 ; arrived at 
 Quebec, 35-36, 175; 
 learned the Abnaki 
 
 tongue, 36, 175, 1 80- 
 181 ; his missionary ap- 
 prenticeship, 36-37 ; 
 journeyed to the Illinois 
 Mission, 37, 185, 193; 
 joined the Mackinac 
 Mission, 37; spent the 
 winter in study, 38; 
 spent two years among 
 the Illinois, 38, 203 ; 
 returned to Quebec, 38, 
 185, 203; sent to take 
 charge of the Abnakis 
 at Norridgewock, 38, 
 1 75 ; to aid in prevent- 
 ing the English from 
 sowing heretical seeds, 
 39 ; set to work to build 
 a chapel, 39-40 ; met 
 Gov. Dudley at the 
 Casco conference, 47 ; 
 did not intend to be 
 seen, 47 ; said his pres- 
 ence prevented Dudley 
 from saying all he 
 wished, 47 ; the gover- 
 nor's remarks to, 47 ; 
 his account of the con- 
 ference, 47-48; admin- 
 istered the communion 
 and heard the confes- 
 sion of the Indian war- 
 riors, 50-51 ; hypocriti- 
 cally admonished them, 
 50-51 ; accused the
 
 Index. 
 
 439 
 
 English of tricks and 
 artifice, 51-52 ; his 
 chapel destroyed, 52 ; 
 heard of the negotia- 
 tions of peace, 54 ; let- 
 ter to Capt. Moody, 55; 
 must have known that 
 peace was declared, 56 ; 
 sent a false report of the 
 Portsmouth treaty to 
 the Governor-General, 
 59-62, 63-64; compelled 
 to let the savages act, 
 62 ; gave his aid to 
 stimulate war with the 
 English, 65; the savages 
 held no council without 
 calling him, 66, 66, ., 96, 
 99, 102, 103, 226-227 ; 
 could have had the es- 
 teem of the English, 66, 
 received medical aid 
 from Adams, 66, 67, 1 1 8; 
 opposed the English 
 settling on the Kenne- 
 bec, 67, 68, 1 10, ./ a 
 speech which contra- 
 dicted his position, 75-- 
 76 ; his hand shown in 
 Wiwurna's speech, 77 ; 
 artful act of, at the con- 
 ference at Arrowsic, 80; 
 letter to Shute, 80, 91 ; 
 his animosity aroused 
 by the establishment of 
 
 a Protestant missionary 
 at Arrowsic, 84-85; sent 
 a letter to Baxter, 85, 
 144 ; his opinion and 
 remarks upon Baxter's 
 answer, 86 ; waited two 
 years before he wrote 
 again, 86 ; lied when he 
 said he overcame Baxter 
 in a discussion, 87, 144; 
 his knowledge of Latin 
 compared to Baxter's, 
 87, n.; a believer in 
 omens and visions, 89; 
 predicted the end of the 
 world soon, 89; may 
 have taken advantage 
 of the savages' super- 
 stition, 90; his letter to 
 Shute shown to the 
 savages, 91; the savages 
 said he lied, 91, 92, n.; 
 continually urged the 
 Indians to attack the 
 English, 91, 91, ., 92, 
 n., 94; the English re- 
 solved to arrest him, 92; 
 the resolution aban- 
 doned, 92, 103; urged 
 by Vaudreuil to prevent 
 English settlement, 92, 
 103; prevented the In- 
 dians from paying for 
 the cattle they de- 
 stroyed, 93, 97; the king
 
 440 
 
 Index. 
 
 gratified by his attempts 
 to excite the savages, 
 94, 103, 163; feared to 
 exert all his authority, 
 95; roused the indigna- 
 tion of the English by 
 his letter to Moody, 97; 
 letter in full, 96-104; 
 threatened to excom- 
 municate the Indians, 
 96; assumed that the 
 end of the conference 
 was null, 97, 99; knew 
 o f everything that 
 passed in Europe, 98; 
 sneered at the governor 
 and interpreter, 98-99; 
 his manner of purchas- 
 ing lands, 100; why he 
 disliked Ketermogus 
 and Giles, 101, 101, n.; 
 says the Indians shall 
 kill if rum is refused 
 him, 102 ; can use his 
 own will for or against 
 war, 102; threatens war, 
 102; says the English 
 cause the troubles, 103; 
 composing a book to be 
 presented to the king, 
 103; sneer at Baxter, 
 103-104; his letter re 
 vealed the source of the 
 Englishmen's peril, 104; 
 opinion of the Boston 
 
 people of his letter, 
 104-105 ; sent word to 
 the Governor concern- 
 ing the savages and the 
 threat of Shute, 105 ; 
 unsuccessful in arous- 
 ing the savages against 
 the English, 106 ; wrote 
 in chagrin to Vaudreuil, 
 107; sent savages to 
 the Governor, 107 ; the 
 public indignation 
 aroused against, 108 ; 
 supposed to have writ- 
 ten the protest to Shute, 
 1 08 ; the peace party 
 among the Indians 
 aroused him to action, 
 108-109; packed the 
 conference at Arrow- 
 sic, 109, 1 10-1 12 ; as- 
 sisted by Vaudreuil and 
 de la Chasse, 109 ; sent 
 message to Vaudreuil, 
 1 10-1 13 ; his overthrow 
 predicted, 118, 119, n.; 
 the General Court pro- 
 posed to demand his 
 surrender, 119; the Cas- 
 tines his allies, 119 ; 
 Westbrook sent to cap- 
 ture him, 120; informed 
 of the approach of the 
 English, 1 20, 1 68 ; swal- 
 lowed the consecrated
 
 Index. 
 
 441 
 
 host and fled, 120, 127, 
 168-169; his papers 
 captured, 121 ; his dic- 
 tionary found and pub- 
 lished, 121, 121, ./ the 
 notice on his church 
 door, 122, 334; copies 
 of his papers sent to 
 England, 123 ; his box 
 owned by the Maine 
 Historical Society, 123 ; 
 the great incendiary, 
 127, 134; tells of the 
 Indians preparing for 
 war, 127-128; his dis- 
 torted accounts of the 
 depredations of the In- 
 dians, 129-130; accom- 
 panied the savages in 
 their raids, 132; de- 
 sired to excite the rage 
 of the English, 132; 
 
 133, his account of the 
 attack upon the English, 
 132-133: regarded by 
 the English as the chief 
 cause of the war, 134; 
 to be driven from the 
 Kennebec, or captured, 
 
 134, 167, 168; letter to 
 his nephew, 135; said he 
 instructed the savages 
 in the Christian virtues, 
 
 I35> 138; in I? 22 occu- 
 pied the third church 
 
 erected by him, 136; 
 made his candles, 137- 
 138; assisted at the In- 
 dian councils, 139-140; 
 too busy to perform his 
 devotions, 140, 206; ac- 
 companied the Indians 
 on their hunting expe- 
 ditions, 140-141, 227- 
 228; his only food, 141; 
 belittled a brother mis- 
 sionary, 143; lied con- 
 cerning Baxter, 144- 
 145, 153 ; his hypocrisy 
 disclosed, 145, 147; let- 
 ters of Baxter to, 145- 
 
 H7, H7-I53*. 397, 399: 
 his Latin criticised, 147, 
 148, 149; false story con- 
 cerning Indians held as 
 hostages, 156-159; re- 
 cords a boastful Indian 
 story, 157-158; inferred 
 that the English were 
 cowards, 158, ./ mis- 
 statement concerning 
 appointed conference at 
 Arrowsic, 159; his 
 method of writing his- 
 tory, 161, ., 171, n.; 
 satisfied the king, 163; 
 packed the Indian con- 
 ference, 163, 165; his 
 reason for the hatred of 
 the English toward him,
 
 442 
 
 Index. 
 
 166-167; his account of 
 his escape from capture 
 in 1722, 167-169; re- 
 ceived provisions 
 from Quebec, 169; 
 said the Indians chanted 
 the war song, 170; the 
 spirit exhibited in reli- 
 gious works compen- 
 sates his assumption of 
 superiority, 172; his 
 lack of charity, 173; he 
 took up the sword by 
 which he was to perish, 
 1 73; letter to his brother, 
 1 74; embarked from Ro- 
 chelle, 34, 175; how he 
 crossed the river of ice, 
 178; his translation of 
 " O Salutaris," 183-184; 
 describes his journey in 
 a canoe, 185-187; at 
 Missilimakinak, i 8 7; 
 given a feast by the In- 
 dians, 193; converts and 
 shrives an Indian girl, 
 203-204; hardly finds 
 sin among his converts, 
 205; entered into the 
 Indian's temporal af- 
 fairs, 205-206; feared 
 the approach of the 
 Amalingans, 206; ad- 
 dress to the Amalin- 
 gans, 207-210; visited 
 
 and converted the Ama- 
 lingans, 212-214; at 
 Arrowsic conference, 
 214; intended to keep 
 hidden, 216-217; salu- 
 tations with the gov- 
 ernor, 2 1 7; conference 
 with the governor, 218; 
 exhorted the Indians 
 not to exercise cruelty, 
 219-220; reward offered 
 for his head, 221; the 
 cause of the Indian out- 
 breaks, 221; decorated 
 the new church, 225; 
 goes with the Indians 
 on their excursions, 
 227-228; carries the 
 the church decorations 
 on hunting excursions, 
 228; venerated and pro- 
 tected by the Indians, 
 229; Indians alarmed 
 for his safety, 229-230; 
 informed of the ap- 
 proach of the English ; 
 230 ; fled with the In- 
 dians, 231 ; privations 
 and hardships of the 
 retreat, 231-233 ; fled 
 at the approach of 
 Moulton, 236 ; called 
 Moulton's magnanimity 
 cowardice, 237, 238 ; re- 
 fused to withdraw to
 
 Index. 
 
 443 
 
 Canada, 237 ; his neo- 
 phytes have no heroism 
 when matched with civ- 
 ilized man, 240 ; firing 
 from his cabin, 241, 
 260, 261, 266 ; held as 
 a prisoner and abused 
 a fourteen-year-old boy, 
 241, 243,244; Moulton 
 designed to take him 
 prisoner to Boston, 242 ; 
 caught in the act of fill- 
 ing his gun, 243 ; re- 
 fused to surrender, and 
 met his deserved death 
 from the gun of Jaques, 
 243, 260, 261 ; Indians 
 returned and buried his 
 body, 245 ; his vade me- 
 cum and an unfinished 
 letter to De la Chasse 
 found, 245-246, 2 5 1, 3 39; 
 Larrabee's evidence in 
 regard to the death of, 
 261 ; his body muti- 
 lated, 262 ; his scalp car- 
 ried to Boston, 263, 273 ; 
 advised the Indians that 
 war was just, 264-265 ; 
 must be regarded as an 
 agent of the French, 
 265 ; not a martyr, 266, 
 270-271, 273 ; much 
 sentimental writing 
 upon his death, 266- 
 
 267 ; his death due to 
 his meddling with af- 
 fairs outside of his pro- 
 fessed duty, 268, 370- 
 371 ; pronunciation and 
 spelling of his name, 
 269 ; displayed himself 
 to anger his enemies, 
 270; letter from Begon 
 to, 294-297 ; letter from 
 Vaudreuil to, 299 ; let- 
 ter from Lannerjat to, 
 338 ; house plundered, 
 344; Vaudreuil on the 
 cruelty of the English 
 towards, 346; his papers 
 prove he instigated the 
 Indians, 387, 390-391 ; 
 French intend to com- 
 plain of his being killed, 
 394; death of, 370, 394; 
 burial of, 271-272, 272, 
 n ; character of, 35, 86, 
 2 5> 2 73 ' mentioned, 
 275, 276, 299, 302, 303, 
 308, 341, 344, 379, 390; 
 letter of, cited, 51, 63. 
 
 Ramesay, Claude de, 378. 
 
 Relation de la Prise du 
 Fort Royal par les An- 
 glois piece anonyme, 
 cited, 22. 
 
 Report of the Conference 
 at Arrowsic, printed, 
 84.
 
 444 
 
 Index. 
 
 Rhode Island, 339, 340, 
 
 347. 354. 36o, 364- 
 
 Rishworth Edward, 26. 
 
 River of Canada, 136. 
 
 River of the Illinois, 193. 
 
 River St. John, number of 
 savages at, 59; trading 
 place to be established 
 at, 60 ; mentioned, 94. 
 
 Rochelle, 16, 34, 55, 175. 
 
 Rock tripe, 186, 232. 
 
 Rolfe, Rev. Benjamin, 
 killed, 53, 267 ; men- 
 tioned, 270; biographi- 
 cal notice of, 53, 268. 
 
 Rolfe, Mrs. Benjamin, 
 killed, 54. 
 
 Roman Catholics, to be 
 exempt from pillage and 
 death, 15; why they 
 succeeded in their at- 
 tempts at missionary 
 work better than the 
 Protestants, 87-88. 
 
 Roxbury, 26. 
 
 Rum, how Rale proposed 
 the Indians should ob- 
 tain it, 102. 
 
 Rutland, 168, 268, 269, 
 
 317 
 
 Saco River, 351. 
 Sagadahoc, 93, 215. 
 Sagsarrab, 339. 
 St. Castine, see Castine. 
 
 St. Francis, a call for more 
 men at, 35; mentioned, 
 295> 2 97. 322, 3 2 5 326, 
 
 , 330,376. 
 
 St. Francis Indians, 109, 
 in, 125, 164. 
 
 St. Georges, fort at, 255. 
 
 St. Georges River, 317, 
 
 342, 35 1 , 37 I 372. 
 
 St. Pierre, Count de, 300. 
 
 Saltonstall, Col., 363. 
 
 Samuel, Capt., at Casco 
 conference, 44; reported 
 that the French were 
 trying to break the 
 friendly relations be- 
 tween the English and 
 French, 46. 
 
 Sankderank, 215. 
 
 Saussaye, Sieur de, 10. 
 
 Savage, Habijah, 279, 281. 
 
 Savages, see Indians. 
 
 Scalps, price paid for, 
 
 , 328. 
 
 Scatacooks, the, 350. 
 
 Schuyler, Col. John, 323, 
 
 333- 
 Schuyler, Col. Peter, the 
 
 savages gave way be- 
 fore, 20; Report cited, 
 1 8. 
 Schuyler, Philip, 323, 324, 
 
 ^ 33 r > 332, 333- 
 Sea-flower, the, 384. 
 Senecas, the, 386.
 
 Index. 
 
 445 
 
 Sewall, Samuel, 57, 69, 70, 
 96, 119, 278; Papers 
 cited, 96. 
 
 Shea, John G. ? hisCharle- 
 voix, cited, 168, 259, 
 260, 264. 
 
 Shute, Gov. Samuel, 
 heard Rale boast of his 
 influence over the sav- 
 ages, 66; became gover- 
 nor, 68; took measures 
 to have a conference 
 with the Indians, 68; 
 held conference at Ar- 
 rowsic, 69-84; Rale sent 
 letter to, 80, 91; sent 
 Minot and Heath with 
 a message to Norridge- 
 wock, 91; letter from 
 Heath and Minot to, 
 91-92; desired some In- 
 dians to go to England, 
 96; Rale assumed that 
 his Arrowsic conference 
 was null, 97; threatened 
 to send men to protect 
 the settlers on the Ken- 
 nebec, 105; received a 
 letter from the savages, 
 1 08; sent VrudreuiTs 
 letters to the home gov- 
 ernment, 123, 125; sent 
 a letter to Vaudreuil, 
 123-127; proclamation 
 of, relative to peaceful 
 W 57 
 
 Indians, 131 ; letters of, 
 to Vaudreuil, 159, 298- 
 2 99> 3 5-309 5 letters of, 
 to Lords Commission- 
 ers, 301-302, 302-304, 
 312; declaration of, 
 313-315; mentioned, 3, 
 
 ^297, 366, 393, 395. 
 
 Simon, Pere, taught the 
 savages the gospel of 
 peace and not war, 33, 
 n.; his character, 34, ./ 
 
 Skamgar, 180. 
 
 Smith, Rev. Thomas, 247. 
 
 Smith, William, History 
 of New York, cited, 44. 
 
 Snow-shoes, 176. 
 
 Society of Jesus effected, 
 8. 
 
 Society of Jesus, see Jes- 
 uits. 
 
 Soldiers, number of, fit 
 for duty, 1722,316-317. 
 
 Soule, Pierre, 269. 
 
 South Carolina, 1 18. 
 
 Southerland, 173. 
 
 Stevens, Joseph, 173. 
 
 Stoddard, Col. John, 359, 
 
 363- 
 Stoughton, Gov. William, 
 
 43, 278; letter of, cited, 
 
 44- 
 
 Subercase, Daniel d'Au- 
 ger de, asked to pro- 
 hibit scalping, 53.
 
 446 
 
 Index. 
 
 Suffolk, 278. 
 
 Sunderland, 317. 
 
 Swan Island House, 319. 
 
 Talcot, Gov. Joseph, let- 
 ter of, to Gov. Dum- 
 mer, 361 ; mentioned, 
 
 276, 347- 
 
 Tallard, Mons., 55. 
 Taschereau, Rev. E. A, 
 
 Memoir sur 1'Acadie, 
 
 cited, 22. 
 
 Taxous, died, 106, men- 
 tioned, 297. 
 Taylor, Isaac, 292. 
 Temple, Robert, 292. 
 Temple, Capt. Robert, 
 
 318. 
 
 Terreamuggus, 288, 290. 
 Thaxter, Samuel, 353, 375, 
 
 388, 391. 
 Thet, Gilbert du, at 
 
 Mount Desert, 10; 
 
 killed, 1 1. 
 Three Rivers, 324, 378, 
 
 381. 
 Thurber, Col. Samuel, 
 
 374- 
 
 Thury, Pere Peter, estab- 
 lished a mission on the 
 Penobscot, 1 7; exhorted 
 the Indians to continue 
 the war, 24 ; led in 1692 
 the expedition against 
 York, 25, 26; joined by 
 
 Indians from Bigot's 
 mission, 25; conspicu- 
 ous in inciting the sav- 
 ages against the Eng- 
 lish, 28, 31, 40; thanked 
 and rewarded by the 
 government, 28-29, 30 ; 
 a blind leader of the 
 blind, 31, 39; haran- 
 gued to excite the In- 
 dians, 31, 32 ; to lead 
 in the capture of Boston, 
 1697,40,41; at Fort St. 
 John, 41; biographical 
 notice of, 31; letter to, 
 cited, 30, 31. 
 
 Tibierge, Memoire sur 
 1'Acadie, cited, 28; let- 
 ter of, cited, 33, 41. 
 
 Ticonic Falls, 238, 245. 
 
 Tomahawks, 199. 
 
 Totems of Indians at 
 Georgetown Confer- 
 ence, 292. 
 
 Townsend, Penn, 58, 316, 
 368. 
 
 Trading Houses, three to 
 be established, 60. 
 
 Trading houses and pro- 
 visions desired by the 
 Indians, 82 ; early in- 
 troduced among the 
 Indians, 153. 
 
 Travels of Learned Mis- 
 sionaries, cited, 32.
 
 Index. 
 
 447 
 
 Treaty at Arrowsic, 66, 
 68-84, 9 6 97- 99 101; 
 of Casco, 1678, 13, 78; 
 of 1703, 45; of Ports- 
 mouth, 56, 57-58, ., 62, 
 64, 70, 82, 83; of Rys- 
 wick, 42; of Utrecht, 56, 
 63. 125, 155, 326, 335, 
 337, 338, 345. 349 360, 
 373, 386, 390. 
 
 Trescott, Zachariah, 318. 
 325, 326. 
 
 Tripes de roches, 186, 
 232. 
 
 Trois Rivieres, 324, 378, 
 
 381- 
 
 Truck houses, early intro- 
 duced among the In- 
 dians, 153. 
 
 Tuddebawhunjerit, 282. 
 
 Tuddebawhunsewit, 292. 
 
 Turkey wheat, 141, 180. 
 
 Turner, Col., 31 1. 
 
 Turner, John, 385. 
 
 Vanhorn, Abrah, 356, 
 
 357- 
 Varones, Cassani, Patrig- 
 
 rani Menologie, cited, 
 267. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Phillippe de 
 Rigaud, Marquis de, 
 Dudley asked him to pro- 
 hibit scalping, 53; char- 
 acter of, 65; attached 
 
 the interest of the Indi- 
 ans to the French, 65; 
 did not cede the lands 
 of the Indians to the 
 English, 80; advised 
 Rale to prevent Eng- 
 lish settlements, 92 ; 
 instructed by the king 
 to hinder traffic between 
 the Indians and Eng- 
 lish, 93, 103; Ral6 sent 
 information to, 105, 164; 
 his odious character re- 
 vealed, 107, 123; to 
 assist Rale in hindering 
 the peace conference of 
 the English and Indi- 
 ans, 109; sent De la 
 Chasse to Norridge- 
 
 o 
 
 wock, 109; his letters to 
 Rale captured, 121; 
 copies of his letters sent 
 to the government, 123, 
 125; the English 
 astounded by his duplic- 
 ity, 123; letters from 
 Gov. Shute to, 123-127, 
 159, 298-299, 305-309: 
 Indians asked him about 
 the treaty of Utrecht, 
 154; must have lied to 
 the Indians, 155, ./ did 
 not strive to prevent 
 war, 161, ., 162, 382; 
 instigated the Indians
 
 448 
 
 Index. 
 
 against the English, 
 162, n., 164, 165, 386; 
 gave protection to the 
 Indians, 245; could craze 
 the savages with 
 brandy, 265; his epitaph, 
 265; accused the English 
 of murder in Rale's 
 death, 267; Dummer's 
 reply to, 267, 268-270; 
 letter of, to Rale, 299- 
 301; cheerfully received 
 the Indians after they 
 had depredated the 
 English, 320, 321, 323; 
 supplied the Indians 
 with stores, 320, 321, 
 393; permitted the en- 
 slaving of Hamilton, 
 321; released and enter- 
 tained Hamilton, 322; 
 would not permit Ham- 
 ilton and Handsord 
 to leave Canada, 324; 
 did not trust the Eng- 
 lish in exchanging pris- 
 oners, 325 ; displeased 
 because Deautell inter- 
 ceded for the release of 
 prisoners, 326; refused 
 to allow Hamilton to 
 depart, 328; abused the 
 English for extrava- 
 gance in the reward for 
 
 scalps, 328; sent Deau- 
 tell to the Goal, 328- 
 329 ; accompanied by 
 Hamilton goes to Que- 
 bec, 329; double deal- 
 ing with Hamilton, 333, 
 notice to the Governor 
 of Boston, 334; letter 
 from Gov. Dummer to, 
 337 ; letter from, to 
 Gov. Dummer, 341 ; 
 commissioners sent to 
 demand captives taken 
 by the Indians and 
 make treaty of peace, 
 
 347> 348, 354, 357> 359. 
 360, 362, 388-391; com- 
 missioners meet, 350- 
 351 ; desired to have 
 peace, 351, 378; honor- 
 able when separated 
 from the Jesuits, 352, 
 379 ; angry with the 
 Governor of New York, 
 2 53 386 ; commission- 
 ers sent to, 375, 376, 
 385-388 ; met the com- 
 missioners, 386 ; pres- 
 ent at the treaty, 387 ; 
 denied having en- 
 couraged Indian out- 
 breaks, 387; mentioned, 
 5, 102, no, in, 271, 
 272, 275, 276, 294, 295,
 
 Index. 
 
 449 
 
 2 9 6 > 297, 301, 303, 312, 
 379; letters of, cited, 
 66,94, 95, 105, 107, 113, 
 
 IS'- 
 Vaughn, William, 58. 
 
 Versailles, 16, 30, 31, 33, 
 40, 41,42. 
 
 Villebon, Robineau, Che- 
 valier de, 30,31, 33, 42; 
 Lettre du Roy, au, cited, 
 25 ; letter to the minis- 
 ter, cited, 26. 
 
 Villemarie, 391, 392. 
 
 Virginia, 52. 
 
 Voyage de 1'Acadie, cited, 
 32. 
 
 Wainwright, Mr, 348. 
 Wainwright, Capt. John, 
 
 281, 291. 
 
 Waldron, Richard, 58. 
 Waller, Capt., 356, 357. 
 Wallis, Capt. Joseph, 
 
 384- 
 Walton, Shadrach, 58,275, 
 
 281, 291, 294, 367. 
 
 Wanadugunbuent at Cas- 
 co conference, 44. 
 
 Warraeensitt, 59. 
 
 Warrawenset, 282. 
 
 Watanummon, his treach- 
 ery in delaying coming 
 to the conference, 49. 
 
 Watt's House, Arrowsic, 
 69. 
 
 Wax, from bayberries, 
 137-138. 
 
 Weare, Nathaniel, 58. 
 
 Wells, attacked by French 
 and Indians, 1703, 50; 
 mentioned, 317. 
 
 Wells, Mr., 68. 
 
 Welsteed, William, 247. 
 
 Wendell, Jacob, 332. 
 
 Wentworth, Gov. John, 
 letter from Dummer to, 
 354; mentioned, 58, 69. 
 
 Wesememis, 323. 
 
 Westaminut, 322. 
 
 Westbrook, Col. Thomas, 
 sent to apprehend Rale, 
 120; at Norridgewock, 
 120-121 ; captured 
 Rale"s papers, 121 ; 
 his expedition con- 
 sidered a warrant by 
 the savages to extend 
 their depredations, 127; 
 mentioned, 90, 91, 246, 
 263, 264, 317. 
 
 Westfield, 333. 
 
 Wewarena, 318, 322. 
 
 Wewenack, 322. 
 
 Wexar at Casco confer- 
 ence, 44. 
 
 Wharton Deed, 79. 
 
 Wheelwright, John, 58. 
 
 Willard, Rev. Joseph, 
 killed, 173, 267, 269, 
 369, 371; his scalp taken
 
 450 
 
 Index. 
 
 to Quebec, 371; men- 
 tioned, 271; biographi- 
 cal notice of, 1 73, #., 268. 
 
 Willard, Josiah, 58, 123, 
 258, 278, 294, 297, 301, 
 309. 3io, 315, 334, 338, 
 340, 346, 347, 348, 349, 
 353. 354. 355. 35^, 3 6l > 
 3H 37, 375, 383 39 2 > 
 393- 
 
 Williamson, Joseph, manu- 
 scripts cited, 90. 
 
 Williamson, William D., 
 History of Maine, cited, 
 28, 236. 
 
 Willis, William. 247. 
 
 Winslow, 238, 276. 
 
 Winthrop, Gov. Fitz-John, 
 in command of expedi- 
 tion against Montreal, 
 23; failure of his expe- 
 dition, 23. 
 
 Winthrop, John, 12. 
 
 Wessememet, champion 
 of peace, 106; elected 
 
 chief, 1 06 ; nicknamed 
 by Raid, 106 ; made to 
 feel the governor's dis- 
 pleasure, 107. 
 
 Wiwurna, 72, 73, 74, 75, 
 76, 77, 79, 81, 97, 282. 
 
 Woman, Indian legend 
 concerning, 189; posi- 
 tion of, 196-197. 
 
 Wood Creek, 350. 
 
 World, the speedy end 
 of, predicted by Raid, 
 89 
 
 Wowurnapa, 292. 
 
 Wyllys, Her: 364. 
 
 Yale College, 173, 268. 
 
 York, descent of Thury 
 upon, 25 ; massacre at, 
 26 ; Shubael Dummer 
 the first minister at, 26, 
 n.; mentioned, 236, 239, 
 279, 280, 315, 317. 
 
 Yorkshire, 236.
 
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