AKINC OF 5AAUEL ADAttS DRAKE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Class A THE MAKING OF NEW ENGLAND 1580-1643 BY SAMUEL ADAMS DRAKE WITH MAN? fLLUpT-R ACTIONS" AFD MAPS NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1886 COPYRIGHT, 1886, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. ELECTROTYPED AND PRINTED BY BAND, AVERY, AND COMPANY, BOSTON. PEEFAOE, "TELL THE TRUTH." THIS little book is intended to meet, so far as it ma} r , the want of brief, compact, and handy manuals of the be- ginnings of our country. It aims to occupy a place between the larger and the lesser histories, to so condense, or eliminate from, the exhaustive narrative as to give it greater vitality, or so extend and elu- cidate what the school history too often leaves obscure for want of space as to supply the deficiency. So when teach- ers have a particular topic before them it is intended that a chapter on the same subject be read to fill out the bare out- lines of the common-school text-book. To this end the plan has been to treat each particular topic as a unit to be worked out to a clear understanding of its objects and results, before passing on to another topic. And in furtherance of this method each unit has its own descriptive notes, maps, plans, and pictorial illustration, of all of which liberal use is made, so that all may contribute to a thorough knowledge of the matter in hand. The several topics readily fall into groups that have either an apparent or underlying historic connection, which is clearly brought out. It has been well said that antiquity cannot privilege an error or novelty prejudice a truth. As it has seemed cer- tainly better for our purpose to build with known and reliable materials than to encumber the story with loose conjectures 224092 VI PREFACE. or disputed traditions, introduced for the sake of picturesque effect, only such of the early attempts as had definite bear- ing upon colonization have been thought valuable aids to instruction. Again, so much has been done in the past ten years to clear up what was before unsettled, that the time seems none too soon for going over the ground with the added light of recent and more thorough investigation. Our narrative fully covers the critical periods of discovery, exploration, and settlement of New England from the earliest beginnings to the time when stable government, the security achieved by arms, and the development and adaptation of social or material ideas to the varied conditions of the new home had won for the first colonists a secure foothold in the New World. A faithful record of what was done by the forefathers is not only full of interest to persons of mature age, but em- bodies the best lessons for the young. They see just how their country grew to be the great and prosperous nation it is to-day. The story is like that of a child learning to walk. At first feeble and tottering, the stripling at length grows bold and vigorous and his step assured as that of manhood. But the child was father to the man. The little seed which the Pilgrim Fathers planted in misgiving and nursed in fear has increased and borne fruit on the shores of the Pacific, and the parent tree still puts forth its blossoms no less vig- orously than of old. To enhance the interest of this story, emphasis has been given to every thing that went to make up the home life of the pioneer settlers or relates to their various avocations. To know how these men lived is to know the secret process by which the New England character was so moulded as to eventually become a national force as well as type. MORIONS OF THE DISCOVERY PERIOD. CONTENTS, I. Westward Ho! PAGE THE MYSTIC COAST OF CODFISH . 1 THE LAND CALLED NORTH VIR- GINIA 5 GOSNOLD'S COLONY OF 1602 ... 8 GOSNOLD'S COLONY Continued . 14 THE FIRST WINTER. DE MONTS' COLONY, 1604 20 POPHAM COLONY, 1607 30 DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609 40 INDIAN LEGENDS 49 THE COLONY OF MADAME DE GUERCHEVILLE, 1613 51 DISCOVERY OF BLOCK ISLAND, 1614, 55 THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND, 1614-1616 58 Interlude. THE DOOM OF THE RED MEN . . 64 THE GREAT CHARTER OF NEW ENG- LAND . 65 II. Coming to Stay. THE ARK OF NEW ENGLAND, 1620, EXPLORING THE WILDERNESS . THE FIRST ENCOUNTER ... THE LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS ON PLYMOUTH ROCK LIFE IN THE OLD COLONY .. LIFE IN THE OLD COLONY Con- tinued 93 III. Historic Stepping-Stones. PAGE FIRST COMERS IN BOSTON BAY, 1621-1626 104 THE WEYMOUTH COLONY, 1622 . . 106 A LEGEND OF PEDDOCK'S ISLAND, 113 MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT, 1625 . 115 PIONEERS OF MAINE, 1623-1630. . 119 PIONEERS OF MAINE Continued . 124 THE ISLES OF SHOALS 128 PIONEERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, 1623-1629 130 PIONEERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE Continued 133 CAPE ANN, 1624 137 INDIAN TRAITS 142 IV. Coming of the Puritans. THE COLONY AT SALEM . . . THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1630 . THE SETTLERS AT CHARLESTOWN BOSTON EXPLORED AND SETTLED THE PILGRIMS OF BOSTON . . HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH TOWN AND COLONY . ( V. jOutswarms from the \^S Mother Colony. PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635 . 187 PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT Con- tinued 192 vii vm CONTENTS. RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, 1636-1637 .... 194 WARWICK PLANTATION .... 199 RHODE ISLAND PLANTATIONS . . 201 THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637 .... 203 VI. The Era of Progress. FOUNDING or HARVARD COLLEGE, 214 FIRST PRINTING-PRESS .... 216 ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTIL- LERY COMPANY . . . 218 PAGE NEW HAVEN COLONY, 1638 . . . 219 MARTHA'S VINEYARD AND NAN- TUCKET 221 DISCOVERY OF THE WHITE MOUN- TAINS . 223 DEATH or MIANTONIMO .... 226 THE COLONISTS AT WORK ... 231 PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLO- NIES . . 238 CONFEDERACY OF 1643 242 LIST OF ILLUSTBATTOm PAGE SITE OF FIRST NEW ENGLAND COLONY Frontispiece ANCIENT SYMBOL OF NEW ENG- LAND 1 COAST OF CODFISH 2 BRETON FISHERMAN 3 NOROMBEGA, 1582 4 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT .... 6 THE FIRST SHIP 7 SETTING SAIL 8 JUAN VERRAZANO 9 FISHING SHALLOP OF THE TIME . 11 SHIP AT ANCHOR 12 WHAT GOSNOLD DID 13 MAKING A WIGWAM 14 CUTTYHUNK, GOSNOLD'S ISLAND . 15 SASSAFRAS PLANT 16 CANOE 16 TARGET, SWORD AND WOLF-HOOK, 18 INDIAN SNOW-SHOE 20 WHERE DE MONTS SETTLED . . 21 POWDER-FLASK 22 THE HABITATION AT ST. CROIX . 25 INDIAN HUNTER ON SNOW-SHOES . 27 DISCOVERY CROSS 30 SAGADAHOC, OR KENNEBEC ... 31 APPROACH TO THE KENNEBEC . . 34 AN EXPLORING PARTY 36 FOOT SOLDIER OF 1607 37 ARROW-HEADS 39 CHAMPLAIN'S ROUTE 41 THE BATTLE AT LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 45 INDIAN VILLAGE 49 HURON TOTEM 50 MT. DESERT ISLAND 52 SHIP UNDER SAIL 54 BLOCK ISLAND 56 PAGE MOHEGAN HEAD, BLOCK ISLAND . 57 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH 58 POSITION OF THE NEW ENGLAND TRIBES 60 THE MAYFLOWER 67 Two PILGRIMS 70 PILGRIM HALBERD 71 INDIAN SAGAMORE'S GRAVE ... 73 FORDING A RIVER 76 PLYMOUTH BAY AND HARBOR . . 77 LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS ... 80 LANDMARKS OF PLYMOUTH ... 81 MEMORIAL OVER FOREFATHERS' ROCK 84 Gov. CARVER'S CHAIR 88 FULLER CRADLE 88 KITCHEN FIREPLACE 89 IRON POT AND PEWTER PLATTER . 90 SPECTACLES .- 91 FLAX SPINNING-WHEEL .... 92 STANDISH'S SWORD 94 RELICS OF THE PILGRIMS ... 96 HER WEDDING-SLIPPER .... 98 DRUMMERS AND FIFERS, 1620 . . 100 CHART SHOWING OUTGROWTH FOR TRADE 102 OPENING TRADE WITH INDIANS . 105 EARLY SETTLEMENTS IN BOSTON BAY ,106 GENTLEMAN IN BOOTS 107 A GROAT 109 CROCK 110 A BEGINNING 114 SHAWMUT 115 MT. WOLLASTON 116 CRYSTAL HILLS, FROM CAPE ELIZ- ABETH 119 ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE MONHEGAN ISLAND 120 A FISHING-SHIP 121 LANDING-STAGE 122 DRYING-FLAKE 123 CARRYING FISH 123 WASHING FISH 124 SACO AND CAPE PORPOISE SETTLE- MENTS 125 ISLES OP SHOALS 128 STONE CHURCH, STAR ISLAND . . 129 THE PISCATAQUA SETTLEMENTS . 131 GRAVES OF THE SETTLERS . . . 132 OLD FORT, NEWCASTLE .... 136 CAPE ANN 138 MAP or CAPE ANN AND VICINITY . 140 KING PHILIP'S WAMPUM BELT . . 143 INDIAN AUTOGRAPH 144 SKELETON AND WEAPONS EX- HUMED AT FALL RIVER .... 145 SALEM AND VICINITY 149 OLD HOUSE WITH GABLES, SALEM, MASS 150 ROGER WILLIAMS' HOUSE, SALEM, MASS 151 FIRST MEETING-HOUSE, SALEM, MASS 154 MASSACHUSETTS COLONY, 1630 . . 156 SAILING FROM THE ISLE OF WIGHT, 159 EARLIEST MAP OF BOSTON AND VICINITY 161 CRADOCK'S HOUSE, MEDFORD, MASS 162 ORIGINAL FEATURES OF BOSTON . 165 LANDMARKS IN SETTLED DIS- TRICT 168 FIRST CHURCH OF BOSTON ... 169 COMMUNION VESSEL 170 WINTHROP'S FLAGON 170 CHOPPING-KNIFE 171 SUN-DIAL, WHEEL AND CHAIR . . 172 HANGING-LAMP 173 IN THE STOCKS 174 IN THE BILBOES . . 175 PAGE PILLORY 175 WEATHER-VANE 176 GENTLEMAN IN RUFF , . . . . 177 CAVALIER 173 COLONY SEAL iso CUTTING OUT THE CROSS .... 182 SAMP PAN 185 MOCCASON 185 CLAY PIPE WITH TURTLE TOTEM . 186 CONNECTICUT AND NEW HAVEN COLONIES 188 ANCIENT MEETING-HOUSE ... 189 WILLIAM PYNCHON 193 EARLY SETTLEMENTS IN RHODE ISLAND 195 WILLIAMS' COMPASS AND DIAL . 196 BLACKSTONE'S HOME 197 BLACKSTONE'S GRAVE 198 SHAWOMET 200 OLD STONE MILL, NEWPORT, R.I. . 202 PLAN OF THE PEQUOT CAMPAIGN, 1637 204 NlNIGRET, A NlANTIC SACHEM. . 209 PORTER'S ROCKS, MYSTIC, CONN. . 210 STORMING THE PEQUOT FORT . . 212 EARLY PRINTING-PRESS .... 217 OLD STONE HOUSE, GUILFORD, CONN 219 ROUTE OF EARLY EXPLORERS . . 223 AMONG THE MOUNTAINS .... 225 DEATH OF MIANTONIMO .... 227 MIANTONIMO'S MONUMENT ... 229 WAR-CLUB AND AXE 230 AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS, 1620, 231 CHEESE-PRESS 232 W r OOL-WHEEL 232 LOOM 234 SPINNING-WHEEL 234 CHURN, WOOL-WHEEL AND HAND- REEL 236 RICHMOND'S ISLAND AND CAPE ELIZABETH 239 BLACK POINT OR SCARBOROUGH . 240 THE MAKING OF NEW ENGLAND. ANCIENT SYMBOL OF NEW ENGLAND. I. WESTWARD HO! THE MYSTIC COAST OF CODFISH. " Westward the course of empire takes its way." TT is no very uncommon thing for a man to live to be -*- a hundred years old. If we consider that the united lives of three such men would more than span the whole period of time since the first attempt was made to plant a colony in New England, we shall bring home to ourselves, sharply and clearly, the fact that the history of New England, as compared with that of Old England, is quite recent history. There is, however, a history going back to a very remote time, how remote no one can say. But that is lost. All we know is that the country itself was peopled, when our forefathers first came to it, IVfrSTltr COAST OF CODFISH. by a race' differing' from our owii in color, in language, in manners, in religion, and in almost every tiling by which one people is distinguished from another people. They could neither read nor write. They had no way of pre- serving an account of what had happened to them in the past but by word of mouth, or tradition. The old men told the story to the young men, who in turn re- peated it to their children, and so it has come down from generation to generation, until these traditions have at last been written down, not by the Indians, but by the whites who came to occupy their country. So all Ave actually know of this singular peo- ple is what the whites learned after their arri- val among them. Farther back than this we can- not go. Our ancestors called these primitive people "savages," because they lived almost in a state of nature. They called them "heathens," because they were ignorant of the Christian religion. They called them "Indians," because this continent was supposed by the first discoverers to be a part of the Indies. 1 The English claimed the country as theirs, by reason of its discovery in the reign of Henry VII., 2 just the same as if it had been uninhabited or unpossessed by any other people. And their doing so was in accord with the custom of all civilized nations at that time. It was a custom based upon might, not right, but growing COAST OF CODFISH. THE MYSTIC COAST OF CODFISH. out of the idea that it was the duty of all Christian peoples to subdue and civilize the barbarous races. Therefore from the moment of its discovery the new country was opened to all English subjects who should wish to go there, upon such conditions as the King might choose to make. Yet on the first day of the new year 1602 not a single English settlement existed in all the wide continent which England had added to her dominions more than a century before. It was the stories carried home by the earliest navi- gators, that the seas of these unknown coasts were swarming with codfish, that sent the intrepid mariners of Europe hither. They were simply fishermen. Across the wide and stormy ocean, in little ves- sels of only twenty and thirty tons burden, they took their adventurous way to the Coast of Codfish, or Baccalos, as the Breton and Norman sailors then called it. Beginning with Lab- rador and Newfoundland, these toilers of the sea slowly felt their way along the shores with line and lead as far as Massachu- setts Bay, coming with the spring, flitting with the autumn, but carrying home the cargoes that gave evidence of wealth greater than the mines of Mexico or Peru. Such was the beginning. BRETON FISHEKMAN. 4 THE MYSTIC COAST OF CODFISH. Shakspeare mentions the codfish by the name of "Poor John." Cervantes makes his knight-errant Don Quixote partake of a dinner of the kind called in Anda- lusia baccalaos, because the day was Friday, on which no good Catholic would eat meat. How did these pathfinders of the sea designate New England? Had this unknown region a name? Yes. Long before any Englishman is known to have set foot NOROMBEGA, 1582. upon it, the barbarous name of Norombega is laid down upon very ancient maps. Whence or how it came there is a mystery. But there it ;s on map after map, with one great river flowing out of it to the sea. It was de- scribed by the old geographers as a very fertile and populous region, surrounded with shallow and danger- ous seas, so full of fish that boats could not have free passage among them. THE MYSTIC COAST OF CODFISH. 5 But it is hardly worth while to dwell upon this an- cient and obscure name, because it disappeared from the maps as soon as accurate knowledge of the country was obtained. If it had any meaning at all, it was lost with those who gave it. So that, much as we should like to know its origin, this name of Norombega is rather curious than instructive. Still, it is the earliest name by which New England was known, and as such will keep its place and history. As for the work of the map-makers of the sixteenth century, so far as it relates to New England nothing like its true outline is anywhere given. But these maps do show us that our coasts were visited by Christian mariners at a very early day. 1 Indies. Columbus supposed he had 2 Cabot's voyage of 1497. Like Co- discovered some part of Asia, which was lumbus, he was trying to get to India, the object of his voyage. Hence he called It is not known what land he discovered, the islands he found West Indies, and though C. Breton is designated on a map the native race Indians. of Sebastian Cabot (1514). THE LAND CALLED NORTH VIRGINIA. WITH the daring spirits of Elizabeth's reign, the Drakes, the Frobishers, the Hawkinses, the movement to colonize the new found land had its inglorious be- ginning. Their buccaneering exploits, and the rich booty brought home from the plunder of galleons, cathedrals, or castles, had revived the piratical spirit of the old Norse sea-rovers throughout all England. Hope of gain sent adventurers into distant seas, and eager colonists to search out new lands. As Shakspeare.then wrote, " Some to the wars, to try their fortune there; Some to discover islands far away." THE LAND CALLED NORTH VIRGINIA. Toward the end of Elizabeth's reign two very remark- able men, Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh, determined to attempt an English settlement in North America. Queen Bess, as her subjects loved to call her, gave Gilbert leave to go and take possession of New- foundland in her name. Gilbert did so, but lie after- ward perished in a storm at sea, calmly reading his Bible as the ship went down. 1 " * Do not fear! Heaven is as near,' He said, * by water as by land ! ' " The Queen then gave Raleigh 2 a chance to make the trial, granting him a royal authority or patent 3 for the purpose. This patent gave Raleigh the exclusive right to plant colonies, or open a trade with those distant lands. His expedition land- ed on the South Coast. In the Queen's honor, and be- cause she was a maiden sovereign, the whole terri- tory lying between Florida and Nova Scotia was then called Virginia. After mak- ing great exertions, Raleigh failed to establish a perma- nent settlement. His failure, it is believed, led others who had the same object at heart with him to have faith that they could succeed in a different quarter. Said they: "Newfoundland is too cold, Virginia too hot, for Englishmen to live in. One is fit only for fishing, the other for raising tobacco. Why not find some place SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. THE LAND CALLED NORTH VIRGINIA. between, where the climate is more like that of Eng- land? Then we shall have no trouble in getting our countrymen to stay in it." At last this idea took root in the minds of certain no- blemen and captains who had knowl- edge of Ra- leigh's efforts. They resolved to direct their attempt to the north part of Virginia in- stead of the s o u t h. Vir- THE FIRST SHIP. ginia, then, was the name by which New England first became known to Englishmen. 1 Sir Humphrey Gilbert went to New- foundland in!583. See Longfellow's poem on Gilbert's shipwreck, while returning to England. His ship is supposed to have foundered at Sable Island, N.S. 2 Sir Walter Raleigh never came to Virginia, though he made great efforts, and spent a great deal of money in trying to colonize it. He was beheaded by order of James I., 1618, for alleged treason and conspiracy. 3 Patent, or Letters-Patent, a grant from the sovereign of exclusive rights or powers to an individual, or body of indi- viduals, to secure certain ends : in this case, to plant colonies. The original pa- tent of Massachusetts may be seen in the Secretary of State's office at Boston. GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1602. GOSNOLD'S COLONY OF 1602. " Quoth he there was a ship." IT was on Friday SETTING SAIL. the 25th of March, 1602, then thought by mariners to be an unlucky clay, that Captain Bartholomew GosnolcTs ship unfurled her sails for North Virginia. Fitted out as some say under favor of the noble Raleigh him- self, Gosnold's parting words to his patron may well have been : "My lord, I will hoiste saile; and all the wind My bark can beare shall hasten me to find A great New World!" And very possibly as the little Concord glided from her moorings at Falmouth, in Cornwall, the cheery cry of her west-country boatswain was as Shakspeare gives it in the " Tempest " : "Heigh my hearts; cheerly, cheerly my hearts: Yare, yare: tend to the master's whistle Blow till thou burst thy wind if room enough! " Gosnold's whole company mustered only thirty-two men, all told, some of whom had sailed with Sir Francis Drake. Some twenty odd were colonists who had agreed to stay in the country they were going to settle in. Had Gosnold a definite destination? Undoubtedly he had. GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1602. It seems that in reading a narrative of Verrazano's voyage 1 to the New World Gosnold had been much struck with the praises of a certain port into which the friendly natives had piloted Verrazano's ship. Its fine anchorage, the fertility of its shores, and the friendly welcome he had met with, were all set forth at much length, for the fifteen days spent in refitting his ship had given Verrazano ample time to make explorations. He gives the latitude of this place as in 41 . We have every reason to think that Gosnold was going in search of this wonderful haven. On the 14th of April Gos- nold sighted the Azores. 2 Instead of following the old track, by way of the West Indies, he had the courage to steer due Avest by the compass from these islands. And this course would bring him to the place he wished to find. Day after day, league after league the good ship sailed on, with no sail but hers on all that wilderness of waters. The sailors saw nothing but sky and sea above and about them. Great wonder was shown by Gosnold's men when one day they found the ship ploughing through vast fields of seaweed, which hurried past as if borne along by some mysterious current. This wonderful current, or river in the ocean, was the Gulf Stream, but Gosnold's sailors did not know of it and were amazed at the phenomenon. JUAN VERRAZANO. 10 GOSNOLD'S COLONY OF 1602. On the 10th of May they struck soundings. From this time they sailed cautiously, often heaving the lead and keeping a lookout at the masthead during the day. At night they shortened sail, just keeping steerage way on the ship, for fear of grounding on some unknown shoal. So they sailed with caution, having no chart to guide or landmark to lead them, until the 13th, when the quantity of drift stuff that floated by the ship and the delicious odor wafted over the sea convinced the sailors that they would see the shore on that day or the next. So, indeed, it proved, for at six in the morning they saw the long, dark, line of coast stretching out before them as far as the eye could reach. They had crossed the ocean and reached the unknown shore in just forty- nine days. 3 This day also was Friday. So they had not only sailed on Friday but had their first sight of land on Friday. As the Concord drew nearer, what was Gosnold's sur- prise to see a European shallop, 4 with mast and sail, coming off to the ship. His surprise was still greater when he saw that this boat, made by Christian hands, was manned only by naked savages. When they had come quite near, these strange beings hailed the ship, as sailors do. Captain Gosnold answered the hail. Then his men beckoned to the Indians to come on board, which they presently did without fear. One only had on any clothing; and, strange to say, he was dressed like a European. All the rest were naked, except that each had a sealskin tied round his loins like a blacksmith's apron. All were tall, big-boned, active-looking men. They had reddish, or tan-colored GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1602. 11 skins, long, glossy, black hair, tied beliind in a knot, and good, regular features, but no beards. Indeed, they would have been called fine-looking men, but for the strange custom of daubing their faces and bodies with paint, and afterwards smearing them with oil, which made them look less like men than demons. One would have white eyebrows, vermilion lips and cheeks, a jet black nose, and possibly a blue, or parti- colored, forehead and chin. This custom meant nearly the same thing to the Indian that his armorial bearings did to the white man, but it went further than this because one In- dian could tell whether another meant war or peace by the way he was painted. None of these natives could speak English, but they could pronounce the word Placentia, which made Gosnold think that some French vessel from Pla- centia in Newfoundland 5 had been here already. More- over, the shallop was a Basque, 6 or Biscay-built, boat, and the Indians knew how to handle it with the dex- terity of old sailors. These Indians had no weapons except bows and arrows bows of stout ash, arrows headed with sharp flints. Having neither pilot nor chart the captain made signs that he would like to know something about the lay of FISHING SHALLOP OF THE TIME. 12 GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1002. the land. The Indians understood him. With a piece of chalk one of them drew a rude chart of the coast on the deck. After this, with many friendly nods, grins and signs the savages went off in their shallop. Finding himself far north of where he purposed going Gosnold stood off to the southward during the rest of the day and night. At day- light the next morning the ship was completely land locked " within a mighty headland " which Gosnold at first thought must be an island. He resolved to learn if such was the. fact. If this land were an island there must be an opening some- where to the westward SHIP AT ANCHOR. through which he might sail. So having anchored, he took the shallop, and with John Brereton and three others, all well-armed, started to explore this land which blocked his way. So far as known these were the first Englishmen who had ever trod the soil of New England. The explorers had a weary tramp in their heavy armor, but on climbing some of the nearest hills they saw that what they had taken for an island was really a cape with a broad bay on one side and the open sea on the other. They then went back to the ship with their news. When they got on board again they found the deck thick with codfish that the crew had been taking while the explorers were gone. Seeing the great abundance of these fish - Gosnold gave the headland the name of GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1002. 13 Cape Cod. In doing this he had conferred the very first English name given to any part of New England. After this the Concord doubled the cape, though not without danger, for at one time she was near being lost among the shoals of Mon- omoy, which were long a terror to all navigators of this coast. Escaping from these perils, the discoverers con- tinued to feel their way along the shore, now and then receiving visits from the natives in their ca- noes, 7 or seeing them run along the shore in their eagerness to keep the strange ship in sight. Presently they entered WHAT GOSNOLD DID. the narrow sea which 011 account of Gosnold's visit has taken the name of the Vineyard Sound. With eager eyes the colonists looked upon the lovely scene before them, for here at last was their home beyond the sea. The first great island they came to was chris- tened Martha's Vineyard. 8 [For geographical names outside of New England, consult the atlas or Lip- pincott's Gazetteer.] 1 VERKAZANO'S VOYAGE was made by order of Francis I. of France. He fell in with the coast near Cape May and as- cended it as far as Nova Scotia. His ship probably anchored in the harbor of New- port, R.I. 2 AZORES, islands in the North Atlan- tic belonging to Portugal, sometimes called Western Islands. A celebrated stopping-place for the early navigators in going to America. 3 GOSNOLD'S LANDFALL was probably not far north of Cape Ann. 4 SHALLOP, a boat with sail, mast, and oars, but no deck, and used for fishing 14 GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1002. and coasting. Some carried twenty or more men. 5 NEWFOUNDLAND was frequented by the French and Portuguese long before Sir H. Gilbert took possession. 6 BASQUES, a. people inhabiting the French and Spanish provinces of the Bay of Biscay, and having a curious language of their own. 7 CANOE, a light boat, sometimes made of birch-bark, stretched upon a wooden frame, sometimes of a log hollowed out with tire. 8 MARTHA'S VINEYARD. It is not known whom Gosnold meant to honor by this name. The relations of his compan- ionsafford no clew, nor docs (iosnold him- self throw any light upon the subject. GOSNOLD'S COLONY -Continued. As soon as the sails had been furled Captain Gosnold went on shore to look for a place that would best meet the wants of the settlers. Every thing was in a state of MAKING A WIGWAM. INDIAN CRADLE. savage wildness, but every thing announced a goodly land to dwell in. There were great oaks and stately pines, luxuriant shrubbery and climbing vines, strawberries "bigger than in England," raspberries, gooseberries and huckleberries, all growing in wild profusion. Deer bounded through GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1602. 15 the thickets. Water-fowl were never seen in such num- bers before. Gosnold saw only one solitary hut made of bent sap- lings covered with bark. Near this wigwam l he found an abandoned fish-weir 2 and he also saw where fires had been kindled. The chain of islands lying next the mainland was then explored. Of fish, flesh, fowl, and fruits, there promised to be no want. Beautiful flowers blossomed on unknown plants which on being pulled up showed the finders forty or more ground-nuts growing on a sin- CUTTYHUNK, GOSNOLD'S ISLAND. gle root. Mussels, lobsters, clams, oysters, and scollops were to be had for the trouble of gathering them. Fire- wood and pure water were also plentiful. By reason of its greater security, should the savages prove unfriendly, Gosnold made choice of one of the smaller islands for a residence. In honor of Queen Bess he called it Elizabeth, 3 but this name has since been transferred to the whole group. At one end of this island there was a fresh water pond, and in this pond a little rocky islet. In this sequestered nook, where they would be doubly secure, the colonists began to build their storehouse and erect their fort. 16 GOSNOLD'S COLONY OF 1002. SASSAFRAS PLANT. While Brereton with ten men was doing this, Gosnold ranged through the islands searching for sassafras, 4 which was then worth a great price in England. It was soon found by one of his men, who hastened to re- port his discovery to the captain. On one of his excursions Gosnold went over to the mainland, where he met some Indians, whose good will he gained with gifts. So eager were they to pos- sess a knife that they will- ingly gave a beaver-skin 5 in exchange. In this way, a trade sprung up between them and the whites. During this trip Gosnold found that the islands en- closed a large body of water 6 which extended far into the land. But he did not have time to explore it. A few days after landing, fifty Indians visited the colonists on the island. They came in eleven canoes. Not wishing them to see their fort, the colonists went to meet them. When the Indians came on shore they all squatted on their heels like a pack of ex- pectant hounds. The English brought them meat and tried to enter- tain them royally. They ate heartily of every thing, but the mustard nipped their noses so sharply and caused them to make such wry faces that it was laugh- able to see them. GOSNOLD'S COLONY OF 1002. 17 After eating, the savages lit their pipes and smoked with much content. They gave some of their tobacco 7 to the whites, who found it very pleasant indeed. When it grew dark the Indians went to the opposite end of the island, where they kindled fires by striking two stones together until the sparks lit a piece of touch- wood, or tinder, which was nearly the same method practised by Europeans with steel and tinder. Each savage took with him in a little bag his stones and punk. They roasted crabs and groundnuts, and broiled herrings on the coals, which they ate with great relish. They drank out of cups that looked like skulls, but were probably only skull-shaped gourds. When they had finished their meal they grouped themselves about the fires, and stretched their naked bodies upon the bare ground, as free from care as the other inhabitants of the island. And this w T as the way these simple sons of the forest lived in summer, roaming like Nomads from place to place, but oftener spending the whole season in some favorite spot, where the huge shell-heaps show to this day what was their manner of life. The white men of course took note of every thing about the Indians, while the Indians with equal curi- osity watched every action of the whites. The whites were much surprised to find some of the savages wear- ing copper armor, or ornaments, very curiously wrought. They thought there must be mines of copper some- where about, and this added to the interest of their discovery. One Indian wore a copper breastplate ; others had chains or collars made of many hollow pieces joined together somewhat after the manner of a soldier's bandoleer. 8 Still others had ear-rings and arrow-heads of copper. So the Indians clearly had one 18 GOSNOLD S COLONY OF 1G02. metal which they had learned to use, and possibly they knew of the more precious metals which the whites were so anxious to obtain. Being armed with muskets, swords, pikes and tar- gets, the English did not fear the more numerous sav- ages, and in a fair fight would have come off victors. But they did fear treach- ery and so kept a sharp lookout. On the fourth day the Indians left the island. They pointed five times to the sun and then over to the mainland, which was their way of saying that they would come back in five days. After paddling off a short dis- tance they all gave a great shout, to which Gosnold's men replied by a blast from their trumpets and shooting off their pieces and tossing their caps in the air. So far all had gone prosperously. The men were in good health and spirits. With the furs and skins obtained by barter, enough sassafras and cedarwood had been put aboard the ship to make a good showing for the voyage, and they were impatient to meet their friends in England, and report the news. In nineteen days their storehouse had been completed and they were ready to sail. But by this time some who had agreed to stay in the country had changed their minds, and now wished to return in the ship. Some had been shot at by the Indi- TARGET, SWORD, AND WOLF-HOOK. GOSNOLD'S COLONY OP 1002. 19 ans, and began to feel they might be cut off or in some way destroyed. Some pretended that there was a plot to abandon them, and expressed fear that the ship would never return. Some made one excuse and some another. Upon a survey of the stores it was found that not enough would be left to feed the colonists O until the ship could go to England and return, and as only twelve men were willing to stay with him, Gos- nold reluctantly gave order to abandon the settlement, which accordingly was done, and on Friday the 18th of June the whole company turned from the shores they had come to with glowing hopes of a prosperous settlement. 1 WIGWAM, an Indian house made of poles planted in the ground in a circle. By bringing the ends together at the top, the frame was ready for the covering, which was sometimes bark, sometimes coarse rush mats. 2 FISH-WEIR, made by planting poles or boughs in the bed of a tidal stream, so close together as to stop the fish at the fall of the tide. A sort of fish pound. 3 ELIZABETH ISLANDS, now the town of OJosuold. They have Indian names : Cuttyhunk and Penakese, Xashawena, Pasquenese, Great Xaushon, Nbnamesset, Uncatena and Wepecket. * SASSAFRAS was highly valued for its medicinal properties and then worth three shillings the pound in England. 5 BEAVER-SKIN. The beaver was then much the most valuable fur-bearing animal in the country, and its skin was highly prized in Europe. It therefore became the chief article of commerce between Indians and whites. At first numerous, the animal grew scarce and finally became extinct through the indis- criminate slaughter made of both sexes. The Indians held it in veneration on ac- count of its superior intelligence, which in some respects was almost human. c BUZZARD'S BAY is meant. 7 TOBACCO. The Xew-England Indi- ans did not cultivate the Virginia plant, but smoked a wild sort, called Poke. Their pipes were made of red and while clay, baked in the sun. 8 BANDOLEER, a belt containing little pouches, each holding a charge of pow- der. Very similar belts are now worn by sportsmen to carry cartridges. 20 DE MONTS COLONY, 1604. THE FIRST WINTER. -DE MONTS' COLONY, 1604. WE will now follow the fortunes of a noble French gentleman, the Sieur De Monts, 1 in his attempt to plant a colony in a remote corner of New England. It must be kept in mind that the French did not acknowledge the right of England to what was then called North Virginia, but held that Verrazano had dis- covered it the first and that it belonged to them. And on their maps it was actually called New- France. 2 Emulating the example of the Spaniards in Florida, and the English in Virginia, the French had been pushing their way into Canada for many years, by way of the great river St. Lawrence, with very in- different success. Its winter climate was so cold, its navigable waters were so early and so long frozen up, that some of the more sagacious ones thought that a settlement farther south would have a much better chance. The Chevalier De Monts was of this opinion, and he made known his views to the king. 3 We should also remember that while the general name then given to the French possessions in Canada was New France, that particular part to which De Monts intended going was now called La Cadie, or Acadie. King Henry IV. granted De Monts a patent, under INDIAN SNOW-SHOE. DE MONTS COLONY, 1604. 21 the broad seal, which covered all the country now included in New England, and much besides. In order that he might carry out his plans, his majesty, the king, also granted De Monts a monopoly of the fur trade in those parts. With this grant in his possession, De Monts secured the aid of certain merchants who furnished him with the means, in whole or in part, for equip- ping two vessels with every thing needful for his col- ony. Nothing that experience or fore- sight could counsel was omitted to make this colony a suc- cess. Having collected above a hundred fol- lowers, good and bad, 4 of whom some were artisans, some laborers, some sol- diers and others gentlemen going for love of adven- ture, De Monts embarked them at Havre de Grace with order to the masters to meet at Canso in Cape Breton. They set sail in the month of April 1604, and arrived at the rendezvous early in May. As one of De Monts' companions makes a bright figure in history, we will now mention him briefly. This gentleman was Samuel de Chaiiiplain. 5 Of all the early explorers, New England is most indebted to him. And WHERE DE MONTS SETTLED. 22 DE MONTS COLONY, 1W4. though he sought to advance only the glory of France, his memory belongs to us no less than to his own coun- trymen ; for what he did has at length become an insep- arable part of our own history. So we see men of a rival nation coining to lay hold on the soil of New England. Soon after their arrival, Champlain was sent to search the coasts farther west in a little bark fitted out for the purpose. De Monts pres- ently joined him. Together they examined the Bay of Fundy, went into the An- napolis Basin, into the St. John and afterwards Passa- maquoddy Bay, 6 up which they sailed into the mouth of another fine river. On their way hither they passed by so many islands that they were not able to count them. Sailing on a league or tAVo up this river they came to a small island lying in the middle of it. Pleased with its situation, charmed with the prospecjfr around them, they resolved to make their home here, upon this spot. De Monts then and there gave the island the name of St. Croix. 7 Sending back for his vessel and his colonists to come to him, De Monts immediately began building a barri- cade across the island with those he had then with him. POWDER-FLASK. DE MONTS' COLONY, 1604. 23 Champlain was appointed to lay out the ground. As soon as. the others had joined him the work of building a storehouse, dwellings and fort was begun in earnest. All worked so energetically that the place was speedily put in a condition for defence, though the men were much pestered by mosquitoes, whose bites caused their faces to swell so that they could hardly see out of their eyes. While the forests around were echoing to the vig- orous strokes of the axe and the hammer and every thing denoted bustle on the island, Champlain was again sent to make further exploration of the coast beyond. He took twelve sailors and two savages of the country to act as interpreters. After sailing on through a mul- titude of islands he came at last to a very large and commanding one which rose from the sea into a cluster of naked mountain peaks. He quickly saw that it was one of the natural landmarks of the coast, and he therefore gave it the name which it still bears of Monts Deserts. 8 Here the Frenchmen met with Indians who were shy at first, but whose fears they soon quieted with gifts. These Indians guided Champlain into their river, called by them Pentegouet. 9 And what a noble stream it was ! Its deep tide flowed on to the sea as it had done amid the silence of ages. On all sides pleasant isles and fine meadows, tall forests and lofty moun- tains, charmed the eyes of the explorers. Yet neither town nor villages nor scarcely any sign of a human habitation Avas to be seen. All was as wild as at the Creation. Champlain sailed many leagues up this brave river until he came to a waterfall which obstructed its navi- gation. 10 From the accounts he had read of it in the 24 DE MONTS* COLONY, 1604. old chronicles, he had expected to find a large and populous city situated somewhere in this river, but instead of a city he saw only here and there a wretched cabin and now and then only a solitary Indian. Yet this was probably the locality assigned by the geogra- phers of Champlain's time, and long before him, to the fabulous city of Norombega, 11 which they asserted to be so great and populous as to have given its name to the whole surrounding region. The savages who had conducted Champlain to the falls now went away in order to notify their chief of his arrival. Soon this chief came with many others in his train to see who these strange white men were and what they wanted. De Monts and Champlain knew that to live in the country they must conciliate the natives. So Champlain talked with them as well as he could. He told them that the French had. come to dwell with them in their land, and would show the Indians how to cultivate it so as to live less miserably than they were doing. The Indians seemed well pleased with all Champlain said to them, but they were delighted when he gave them a few knives, hatchets, caps and knick-knacks in token of good will so much so that they did nothing but dance and sing all the rest of the day and night. Learning that there was another great river, still far- ther west, which the natives called Quin'i'be'qui, Cham- plain set sail for it, but after going a few leagues bad weather forced him to turn back without reaching it. In the mean time he saw and named Isle au Haut. 12 It was now October. Meanwhile the settlers had completed their houses. They had left an oblong open plot of ground in the middle of the settlement. In the DE MONT8 COLONY, 1601. centre of this stood a large tree. On one side were the dwelling of De Monts, the storehouse and the ba- kery, on the other side the curate's dwelling, the well, THE HABITATION AT ST. CROIX. A, Dwelling of De Monts. B, Public building. C, Storehouse. D, Guard-house. E, Blacksmith's shop. F, Carpenters' dwelling. G, Well. L and M, Gardens. N, Open space. O, Palisade. P, Champlain's house. Q, R, T, Other dwellings. blacksmith's shop, guard-house and gardens. Besides these they had built a cook-house and a little chapel outside the palisade, all of which were defended by a little fort 011 which cannon were mounted. 26 DE MONTS' COLONY, 1604. Winter came upon them sooner than they had ex- pected, so they could not accomplish all they intended to do. Still, they had cleared ground for planting, both on the island and the adjacent mainland, and had laid out gardens, and sowed wheat, and had put in other seeds, all of which came up well, and promised a good yield. At low tide they gathered cockles, mussels, sea- urchins, periwinkles, and other shell-fish, which helped to make their store of provisions go farther. Snow fell early in October. By December the ice began floating down the river, past the island. The cold grew* sharper, the springs froze, the north wind whistled keen and chill through the chinks of their rudely built cottages. And by and by the snow fell to a depth of three to four feet, while the thick ice that formed everywhere about the shores kept them prisoners on their solitary island. Winter had come in earnest. But a worse enemy than cold seized one after another ; for during the winter scurvy in a malignant form broke out and rapidly reduced their number. Day by day matters grew worse and worse. The colonists did not know what this terrible scourge was, nor did their sur- geon have any remedy for it. So it raged unchecked until out of seventy-nine men in all thirty-five fell vic- tims to the dread disease. Those who were attacked grew so weak that they were unable to rise, or move, or even to be helped upon their feet without fainting and falling to the ground. All this suffering and death was caused by being compelled to live on salted meat, having no fruits or vegetables, and little else for food. They were like sailors at sea, cut off from all intercourse with the world and perishing for the want of fresh provisions. DE MONTS COLONY, 1604. 27 During this period of extreme cold all their liquors froze except the Spanish wine, for their houses had been hastily built without cellars to store their food supplies in. Their cider had to be chopped up and served out like ice by the pound. For want of good water they melted snow and drank it, as they could not get to the mainland because of the ice piled about the shores of the island. For the same reason they also suffered for want of firewood, there being few trees on the island ; so that even with the for- ests all around them they could not have warm fires, but were compelled to economize their fuel to the detriment of their sick people. And this hardship added to their suffering. They had a hand-mill for grinding wheat, but the few who were not actually prostrated with sickness were too weak to operate it. And these few had to tend the sick and take care of the dying, as well as do all the necessary work, the saddest of which was digging graves for their comrades in the frozen ground. So they passed through all the horrors of an arctic winter, as far from civilization and the help of their friends as if a frozen ocean were between them. These misfortunes caused great discontent. The gay and light-hearted Frenchmen of De Monts' company were cast down by them, and they were eager to leave INDIAN HUNTER ON SNOW-SHOES. 28 DE MONTS' COLONY, 1004. the plague-stricken place. De Monts himself shared this feeling in common with his companions. He had not counted on six months of winter and such a win- ter ! The pleasant summer had deceived them. Like an enchantress, it had lured them to their ruin. In March some savages made their way to the island with game, which they had killed. This was the life these people led in winter. It was their only means of subsistence. In summer they fished, in winter they hunted, but did not cultivate the soil. For their meat the French gave the Indians bread and such other things as they could spare. The French found that these Indians had been hunting the elk, moose and deer; and that to keep from sinking in the deep snow they put on very large snow-shoes, 13 with which they could walk very rapidly, and easily overtake the animals they pursued, floundering in the snow as if sunk in the mire. Women and children wore snow-shoes like the hunters and were very expert in the use of them. When the Indians came upon the track of a wild animal they followed it up as swiftly as possible until they got near enough to shoot it with their arrows or pierce it with their spears ; for so heavy a crea- ture as the elk or moose would soon become exhausted by its struggles to escape. Then the women and chil- dren would come up, scrape off the snow, build a hut, light great fires, and all would feast as long as the venison lasted. Then to the hunt again. De Monts looked for his vessels back from France by the end of April. As they did not come he determined to get ready his small bark and go to the river St. Law- rence for help. Before he could do this, however, a vessel arrived at the settlement, to the great joy of the DE MONTS' COLONY, 1604. 29 survivors who remained to welcome her. De Monts now determined to seek a better place of settlement than this in which he had passed so miserable a winter. With this purpose the bark was manned and victualled and taking Champlain with him they set out on the 18th of" June, 1605, to explore the coasts beyond. After carefully searching all the harbors as far as Cape Cod, where the natives treacherously slew one of his men, without finding a place to his liking, De Monts returned to St. Croix. Fully determined not to pass another winter there he forthwith removed his people to Port Royal, in Nova Scotia, and so was ended disas- trously the second attempt to plant a colony in New England. 1 DE MONTS, Pierre du Guast, a native of the province of Saititonge in France. Officer of the king's household. He was a Huguenot, or French Protestant. He had already been in Canada and knew something of the country and its re- sources. 2 NEW FRANCE. This name is on all old maps made after the discoveries of Verrazano. Afterwards given to all the French possessions in North America. 3 THE BEST POINT, for settlement. We see the same idea actuating both French and English at this time namely, a site somewhere in the lati- tude of New England. 4 GOOD AND BAD. De Monts had au- thority to take, at need, convicts from the prisons in order to fill up his comple- ment of men. 5 CHAMPLAIN was a native of the same province as De Monts, his patron. He served in the civil wars, learned naviga- tion and drawing, and had been in Can- ada, Mexico and the West Indies. In these voyages he had acquired much in- formation of value to his patron. Cham- plain was a man of sterling worth, a keen observer, an accomplished geogra- pher, a good comrade, added to which the qualities of courage and persist- ency among reverses gave him a com- manding influence in the affairs of New France. He made the first authentic map of New England and the drawing given on page 25 is from his hand. He was the founder of Quebec, the discov- erer of Lake Champlain and the histo- rian of his time. PASSAMAQUODDY BAY (Indian) East- ern coast of Maine. Partly British water. The St. Croix River flows into the head of it. 7 ST. CROIX (French for Holy Cross) now De Monts Island. Called Holy Cross because two streams entered the river here, giving it the form of a cross. The name since transferred to the river, which was first called Etchemins from the natives inhabiting its shores. East- ern boundary of the United States. 8 MONTS DESERTS (French for Desert Mountains). The name is now used in the singular as Mt. Desert. Indian name Pemetiq meaning the head or " the place which is at the head." 30 DE MONTS COLONY, 1004. PENTEGOUET OR PENTAGOTJET (In- dian). Called by the English Pcimbscot at a very early day and indicating dif- ferent ways of pronouncing the Indian name, which signifies a place where there are rapids, or a stony place. 10 FALLS, near the city of Bangor. 11 NOROMBEGA. This story is traced back to an anonymous relation of 1539, which says the natives called their coun- try Xorombega. But Andre Thevet says he was there in 1556, and that the natives called it " Agoncy." Refer to p. 4. 12 ISLE AU HAUT (French for High Island) situated at the entrance to Pen- obscot Bay. 13 SNOW-SHOES (French, Kaquettes). To an oval frame of hard wood, strength- ened with cross-pieces, the Indians fastened a meshwork made of animal in- testines, in the manner of a tennis-raquet or battledore. There was a socket at one end to receive the toe ; and thongs at the other secured the snow-shoe to the wearer's ankle. POPHAM COLONY, 1607. TWENTY-THREE years had passed since the granting of Raleigh's almost royal privileges, yet no English- man occupied a foot of New England soil. Elizabeth was dead, James reigned in England, Raleigh was a prisoner in the Tower. Undismayed by previous fail- ures, each of which seems provi- dentially paving the way to final success, the great or little person- ages, whose interests or ambitions were bound up in colonization, straightway began laying their plans for a new trial. One strong motive to these efforts, if not the strongest, came from the reports brought by Gos- nold concerning the copper pos- sessed by the Indians. Since they had it, rich mines l of this metal must exist somewhere in the country. DISCOVERY CROSS. POPHAM COLONY, 1G07. 31 That seemed clear. To find these mines, to get and ship the ores back to England, was the controlling pur- pose \vith the men who equipped this colony. They hoped for some such gains as the Spaniards were reap- ing from the mines of Mexico which were the talk of all Europe. Should they succeed, it would not benefit England any the less on that account be- cause the new country would be peopled. Great oppor- tunity for wealth was then the al- luring prize set before the ambi- tious and adven- turous spirits of the time. 2 As the best means for effect- ing the desired object a division of Virginia and a division of effort were called for. This, it was thought, would promote healthy rivalry. Raleigh's privileges were therefore set aside. In their stead James now granted charters to two great com- panies, one of them called the London Company, 3 the other the Plymouth Company, 4 and Virginia was divided in nearly equal portions between them. Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, 5 was the master spirit of the Plymouth Company. He li^ ^iPuriiuy 1 " SAGADAHOC, OR KENNEBEC. 32 POPHAM COLONY, 1007. and his associates made ready two vessels, one being commanded by his kinsman, George Popham, the other by Raleigh Gilbert, which, with a hundred and twenty persons sailed from Plymouth in June 1607 for the river Sagadahoc, 6 in North Virginia. Where was this river Sagadahoc? and how came it to be chosen to begin a settlement at ? After Gosnold's return to England some of those who had helped to fit him out succeeded in enlisting Thomas Arunclel, Baron of Wardour, in the good work that Gosnold had begun. This nobleman had fitted out a ship which sailed for Virginia on Easter Sunday 1605. 7 George Weymouth was its commander. He made his first land in the latitude of Cape Cod, whence he was driven by contrary winds as far up the coast as the mouth of a fine river, which he carefully sounded and explored for many leagues. In token of possession he caused his men to set up crosses with the king's arms thereon at different points, according to the usage of civilized nations. 8 Like Gosnold, Weymouth took careful note of every thing he saw. His men caught great cod four and five feet long, over the ship's side, as fast as they could bait hooks. They took lobsters in the same way. They found the land well-timbered with great forests, well- watered with sweet streams, well-stocked Avith game, and they judged it by the trial of a few seeds abun- dantly fruitful for all kinds of English grain. In a word, they found Gosnold's reports to be true in every particular. Weymouth had been told to bring some of the natives home to England. To this end he used great friendli- ness toward them. He tried to get their confidence, POPHAM COLONY, 1G07. 33 and lull any suspicions they might have of his inten- tions. He also tried to make them believe that the whites were superior beings, and this was the way he took to prove it to them. One day when he was going among them Weymouth rubbed the steel blade of his sword with a loadstone. Having done this he aston- ished the ignorant natives by taking up a knife with his sword, making the knife follow the point around as he held the sword near it, or with other equally simple experiments. But the natives were suspicious so much so that Weymouth finally had to kidnap five of them, not being able to entice so many on board his ship at once. With these he set sail for England. As those who had sent him meant to reap for them- selves whatever advantage the voyage might bring, they kept the knowledge of the place where Weymouth had been to themselves. But the arrival of the five Indians, 9 together with the glowing reports spread abroad by Weymouth's men, gave to the cause of colonization a fresh impulse throughout the kingdom. Weymouth called the river he had discovered the Sagadahoc. He gave a glowing account of it. By his report it wanted nothing to render it a most desirable place to settle a colony in. A bold coast, a harbor in which the royal navy might safely ride, fresh-water springs, fine timber trees, fish and game in great abun- dance, with a navigable river stretching a highway for commerce with the natives far into the interior, were the features of Sagadahoc as Weymouth described them. During his brief stay he had made trial with a few seeds of the soil and had found it to promise a good harvest. He had found the simple natives willing to give a 34 POPHAM COLONY, 1G07. beaver-skin in return for things of little or no value. Altogether Weymouth's account was quite as favorable as Gosnold's. Popham's colonists purposed making their settlement in this river : and one of the Indians that Weymouth had carried off was sent back with them to be their interpreter, and tell of the greatness of England. The two ships, the "Mary and John" and the "Gift of God," got sight of the coast on the 30th of July. Night fell before they could reach it, so the sails were furled and the ships lay to until morning. The next day they stood [FORT POPHAM.] APPROACH TO THE KENNEBEC. [SEGUIN ISLAND.] in for the shore and dropped anchor 10 under shelter of a large island. Their first greeting was to come as Gosnold's had from a boat-load of savages who, after paddling round the ship, but at a safe distance, were finally persuaded to come on board. These Indians also had a boat of the same kind as that first seen on this coast by Gosriold. 11 From this place the colonists sailed south-west, as they found the coast to run in that direction, until they had brought Weymouth's landmarks to bear correctly from the ship. Again they let go their anchor under the lee of another large island, 12 for the voyage was now completed. POPHAM COLONY, 1607. 35 Skit'war'res, one of the Indians whom Wey mouth had kidnapped, was on board Captain Gilbert's ship. Tak- ing Skitwarres along with him Gilbert maimed his boat and went on shore, at Pemaquid, 13 where the Indians had a village. Upon Gilbert's approach these Indians at first ran to their arms with loud cries ; but on seeing Skitwarres in company with the English they became pacified, and welcomed the new-comers hospitably. On Sunday Captain Popham and Captain Gilbert, with nearly all their people, landed upon the island where Captain Wey mouth's cross stood, and heard a sermon preached by their chaplain. " They bade the holy dews of prayer Baptize a heathen sod : And 'mid the groves a church arose Unto the Christian's God." 14 This day, the 9th of August, 1607, marks the first formal observance of Christian worship on New England soil that is distinctly mentioned. 15 Some time was spent in exploring. It was the middle of August before the colonists entered the Sagadahoc which they knew by Sat'quin, 16 the island at its mouth. Choice was made of a site to begin settlement at the mouth of the river. 17 On the 19th all went on shore, and after hearing a sermon, the president's commission was read to the assembled colonists. Work now began in earnest. It was the lovely season of early autumn. While some cleared away the under- brush, carried earth, or helped to frame the first houses, others brought stores from the ships, went to the woods or labored in other ways. They first began building a storehouse and fort, as Gosnold and De Monts had done 36 POPHAM COLONY, 1G07. before them. While this was in progress the shipwrights were set to work building a pinnace 18 for the colonists' use. Before cold weather set in all had worked so dili- gently that they had finished their fort, mounted twelve cannons upon its walls, completed the storehouse, erected a chapel, and had built fifty cabins besides. Their pin- AN EXPLORING PARTY. nace was called Virginia in compliment to the country in which it was the first vessel to be built. While this habitation was daily growing up out of the wilderness, Captain Gilbert was actively searching the seacoast, both east and west, as well as the river itself. For a while the Indians seemed distrustful, and held aloof, but curiosity at length so far overcame their fears that numbers came to see what the white men were doing in that place. These Indians differed little in appearance from those Gosnold had seen and described. If any thing they were men of somewhat larger frame than those farther south. POP HAM COLONY, 1607. 37 Their bows were made of witch-hazel or beech, their arrows and spears headed with a sharp bone, or the pointed tail of the horseshoe-crab. In the use of both weapons they were very dexterous indeed, seldom miss- ing a deer with the one or failing to strike a salmon with the other. KnoAving this the English always wore their armor 19 when making excursions by land or water, nor did they ever feel quite safe, al- though besides his steel cap and corse- let, the explorer usually carried a target in addition to his musket, his rest, and his sword. Loaded down with all these arms rapid movement was im- possible and quick firing equally so. 20 More than once the Indians seemed almost to have made up their minds to attack the intruders. They remembered the treach- ery of Wey mouth. But their fear of the English fire- arms was so great, and the chances of open combat so unequal, that they sought for an opportunity to take FOOT SOLDIER OF 1607. 38 POPHAM COLONY, 1(507. the white men at a disadvantage, or by using stratagem to put them off their guard. This was the Indian's method of making war. No man braver than he, but it was his maxim never to run any risk if he could possibly avoid it. To steal unperceived upon his adversary was the art of war, as his fathers had taught it to him and as they had learned it from the panther, the catamount and the wild-cat of the woods. They were crafty fellows, these Indians. Once while Gilbert was making a boat journey up the river he came to an Indian encampment. The savages were all armed and painted as if going to battle. They pretended to a willingness for trade, but only as a cloak, for one of them having got into the boat he suddenly snatched up the firebrand, always kept for lighting the slow-matches and flung it into the water. He then leaped after it and struck out for the shore. Some of his comrades then seized the boat-rope and held it fast, while others fitted their arrows as if going to shoot. Gilbert's men instantly pointed their muskets at them, which, though rendered useless for the moment, caused the Indians such fear that they gave up the contest and went off into the woods. Such experiences as this convinced the English that the savages were no contemptible adversaries 'and they wisely did every thing to keep peace between them. The winter was very cold much colder than the colonists had imagined it would be and much longer. In the course of it their president fell ill and died. A few others also fell victims to disease, but on the whole, this settlement fared much better than its French prede- cessor at St. Croix had done. In the spring Captain Davis arrived with a plentiful supply of arms, tools, POPHAM COLONY, 1607. 39 victuals, and every thing necessary for the subsistence of the plantation, but its fate was already decided. Hearing by this ship that his brother whose heir he was had died and that Lord Pop- ham, their noble patron, was also dead, Gilbert would not consent to re- main longer in the coun- try. The plantation be- ing thus deprived of its head, with homesickness and discontent every day increasing, it was speedily decided to give over the attempt to remain in the country. ion was immediately carried out. ARROW-HEAD (actual size). FLINT ARROW-HEAD (actual size). The decis- 1 MINES. De Monte brought an expe- rienced miner from France. One of the very first things he did was to send this man, with Champlain, to find the mines of which he had heard report. 2 EXAGGERATED REPORTS had un- doubtedly spread over Europe. 3 LONDON COMPANY, because formed of noblemen and merchants of London. This company took the south half, or South Virginia. 4 PLYMOUTH COMPANY. Similarly formed at Bristol, Plymouth etc. This company took the northern half, extend- ing from Pennsylvania to Nova Scotia. 5 SIR JOHN POPHAM died this same year, 1607. G SAGADAHOC (Indian). From the meeting of the Kennebec and Andros- coggin rivers to the sea. Champlain says, the Indians called it Quinibequy, which has been construed into Kenne- bec and is the name now generally ac- cepted for the whole course of the greater river to the sea. In Indian the mouth of the river. * 7 EASTER. The festival observed by Christians in commemoration of the resurrection of Our Lord. 8 CROSSES OF SOVEREIGNTY. The universal Christian symbol, denoting first, possession by Christian people, secondly, sovereignty assumed in the name of the particular discoverer's prince, to be evidence to all who came after. 9 WEYMOUTH'S INDIANS. Note that they were seen on their arrival by Sir F. Gorges, who then commanded at Plym- outh, England. 10 DROPPED ANCHOR ; cables of hemp were then used. 11 I wish constantly to impress the fact that as early as this seems to us, fishing-ships were here much earlier. 12 MONHEGAN ISLAND. Weymouth 40 POPHAM COLONY, 1607. had set up a cross on it and called it St. George's Island. The earliest frequent- ed fishing-station of the New England coast. 13 PEMAQUID. The peninsula on the mainland nearest to Monhegan and twelve miles distant. Now in Bristol, Me. Also the river entering the penin- sula on the east. 14 MRS. LYDIA II. SIGOUKNEY is the author. 15 FIRST CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. Yet as De Monts had his curate at St. Croix and had also built a chapel there, it would seem that Christian worship may have been first held there. 16 SATQUIN (Indian) corrupted into Seguin. The island-landmark of the Kennebec lying between Cape Small Point and Georgetown. It shows a light 200 feet above the sea. 17 FORT POPHAM, named by the gov- ernment for this colony, now marks the site. A memorial stone with this in- scription has been placed within the walls of the fort : THE FIRST COLONY ON THE SHORES OF NEW ENGLAND WAS FOUNDED HERE. AUGUST 19TH. O. S. 1607 UNDER GEORGE POPHAM. [OLD STYLE, here first referred to, continued in use until 1752. The new year began March 25th.] 18 PINNACE, a small vessel with sails and oars, suitable for coasting where larger crafts could not go. ly ARMOR, a steel cuirass covering the wearer's breast and back, sometimes made in two parts, and laced together under the arms. 20 MUSKET-FIRING. A cannon can now be loaded and fired in less time than the muskets of that time could be. A soldier had to lay his musket in the rest, pour in the priming, and touch it off with his slow-match, carried for the purpose in a long coil. DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, 1609. THOUGH baffled in his first attempts De Monts never- theless resolved to persevere. 1 This time he determined to direct his efforts to the St. Lawrence, but instead of go- ing himself, he despatched the trusty Champlain thither, as his lieutenant. Champlain again left France in April, 1608. He entered the St. Lawrence in May, sailed up this great river as far as a place which the Indians called Quebec, 2 and then and there laid the foundations DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 41 of the city which was to be the great stronghold and key of Canada. The Canadian winter was cruel. Bnt nobly did Champlain fulfil the expectations of De Monts. Spring having come at last ,_ Champlain set out in June on a tour of ex- ploration higher up the river, which the Indians had told him came from the country of the redoubtable and warlike Ir'o'quois. 3 While on his way Champlain met with two or three hundred Hu'ron and Al'gon'- quin 4 warriors who prayed Champlain to help them fight the Iroquois, their deadly enemies. Champlain promised to do so, and to please his savage allies he caused mus- kets and arquebuses to be fired which made them give loud Cries CIIAMPLAIN'S KOUTE. of astonishment. These Indians having entreated Champlain to go back with them to the French settlement, in order that they might see the houses, he thought it best- to gratify them. Accordingly, they all returned to Quebec where 42 DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. the Indians spent several days in dancing and feasting as was their custom before going to war. When this was over all again set out for the land of the Iroquois, Champlain in his shallop, the Hurons and Algonquins in their canoes. After some days they reached the river of the Iro- quois, 5 flowing out of the great lake which the Hurons said was filled with beautiful islands and bordered by pleasant lands where their enemies dwelt. Up this stream they rowed on until they came to a rapid through which the boats could not pass. The bed of the river was strewn with rocks and shallow places. Finding it impracticable to get his shallop further on Champlain took the heroic resolution of sending it back to Quebec with all but two of his men. Telling the others that by God's grace he would soon return to them he boldly committed himself to the guidance of the Hurons. The savages passed the rapid by carrying their canoes, their baggage, and their arms through the woods until they reached the head of it. They then launched their canoes and again embarked. After paddling some leagues further the savages drew their canoes together at the shore. All then landed and began to make a camp for the night. This was done with surprising celerity. Some set to work felling trees for a barricade, 6 some stripping off bark to cover their cabins, and some went forth to see if any enemies were lurking near the encampment, for the allies had now entered the country of the Iroquois. The Hurons were accompanied by their soothsayer, or medicine-man, whom they believed was able to in- voke spirits, for the purpose of finding out whether his DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. . 43 tribe would be victorious or not. This Indian sorcerer would go into his hut, fall flat on the ground and begin his invocation to the Evil Spirit, while all the other Indians, squatted like apes around the outside of the medicine lodge, eagerly watched for some sign of their demon's presence to be manifested to them. After lying prostrate a while the soothsayer would suddenly start to his feet and begin a variety of strange antics, violently leaping, and twisting his body with sudden contortions, and also tossing his arms wildly in the air, until the perspiration covered his naked body from head to foot. Then he would speak in a strange voice which his companions believed was the spirit talking, and to which they all listened in great fear. 7 Champlain believed this soothsayer to be an impostor, but no Indians would go into battle till they had first gone through the ceremony we have described. After hearing the medicine-man's prediction they would prac- tise all the manoeuvres they meant to perform in the coming conflict, as soldiers sometimes do in a sham fight. In two days more Champlain reached the great lake which no Christian had ever seen before him. High mountains 8 rose in the east and south. The Indians paddled swiftly on over the calm surface of the lake. They told Champlain that their enemies dwelt at the foot of the southernmost mountains, but to get there it would be necessary to pass a fall which led to a second lake, 9 nine or ten leagues long. From the foot of this last lake they said it was only a short march to a river 10 which flowed into the sea. In this way Champlain first learned of the great inland highway stretching from the St. Lawrence to the Atlantic. 44 DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. As the allies drew nearer to the abode of their ene- mies they travelled only by night, keeping close during the day. And as the doing so would expose them to the risk of discovery they could neither hunt nor make fires to cook their meat, so that a little meal, thickened with water, was their only food at such times. At this time the savages would often ask Champlain if he had dreamed a dream. 11 One night he did dream that he saw all the Iroquois drowning in the lake. When he had wished to rescue them the Hurons had prevented him, saying the Iroquois were good-for- nothing fellows who richly deserved drowning. When Champlain told his dream the Hurons considered it a good omen for them and no longer had any doubt that they would conquer the Iroquois. Soon after this the Iroquois were met coming up the lake in their canoes. They had come to fight. As night was drawing on both parties agreed to wait until morning before engaging in combat. The Hurons kept the lake in their canoes, the Iroquois went on shore and securely barricaded themselves against attack. In order that they might not get scattered during the night the Hurons fastened their canoes together with poles, with- in arrow-shot of the Iroquois camp. The night was passed on both sides in singing war- songs and bandying defiances or insults to and fro ; for with all their bravery the Indians were great braggarts. The Iroquois warriors told the Hurons that they were all cowards and would see what would happen so soon as there was light enough. The Hurons were not be- hind in retorting in a like strain. When it was day the Iroquois, near two hundred strong, sallied forth out of their barricade, and after DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 45 46 DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. forming in battle order, marched slowly, but with a bold front, toward their adversaries who had landed and were waiting for them. Three war chiefs, distinguished by flowing plumes, led the Iroquois into battle. Seeing them thus come on in splendid array the Hurons seemed struck with fear for they loudly called on Champlain to lead them. So Champlain went through their ranks and out into the open space between them and their enemies to within thirty paces of the Iroquois whom he faced with his arquebuse ready in his hand. On perceiving him the Iroquois halted and gazed as if wondering who and what this strange being could be who seemed without fear. Presently recovering from their surprise the Iroquois bent their bows and made ready to send a flight of arrows among the Hurons. Champlain raised his arquebuse to his shoulder. Aim- ing straight at an Iroquois chief he fired. His shot carried dismay into the Iroquois ranks. Never before had these savages witnessed the dreadful power of the white man's firearms. Three Iroquois fell, one wounded mortally, two killed outright. Seeing this execution done among them in an instant the rest stood dismayed and irresolute while the Hurons raised loud and exult- ant cries of victory. For a moment the Iroquois braves did not seem to know what had killed their comrades, but they soon renewed the battle with a volley of arrows. . Notwithstanding the odds against them the Iroquois fought bravely on until one of Champlain's men fired upon them from an ambush which again threw them into disorder. They then broke and fled in terror, aban- doning their camp to the victors. Champlain pursued them into the woods, killing still DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 47 more of them. The Hurons also killed several and took ten or twelve prisoners. Fifteen or sixteen of the allies were wounded, but none fatally. After this victory, the Hurons took a great quantity of corn which the Iroquois had left behind. They also stripped the slain of their arms and armor. 12 They then celebrated their victory with songs of triumph and with feasting after which they re embarked with the prisoners they had taken. Toward nightfall the Indians again landed. Cham- plain saw that something was intended. Taking one of the prisoners they made a speech to him in which they upbraided him with the cruelties his people had practised toward theirs who had been taken in war. They then told him to sing his death-song if he had the courage. 13 The Iroquois did as he was bid, but his song was a sad one. While he was doing this his captors had kindled a fire. Each one then plucked out a burning brand with which he proceeded to scorch the victim's naked flesh cruelly. This was done to make him cry out with pain, so that the Hurons might exult over him and say he was a squaw and no warrior. They then tore out his nails, scalped 14 him, and otherwise mutilated the poor wretch until Champlain begged the Hurons to let him shoot the Iroquois warrior and so end his sufferings at once. After he was dead the Hurons cut out his heart and gave a piece of it to his own brother to eat. Notwithstanding all his dreadful sufferings, we are told that the Iroquois behaved with great fortitude. To show weakness in the presence of his enemies would have brought dishonor upon his whole nation. So Indian stoicism has passed into a proverb. 48 DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. Now from Champlain's having thoughtlessly taken part in this invasion of the Iroquois country came a war which lasted more than a hundred years, because the Iroquois ever after looked upon the French as their enemies. The lake where the battle was fought was called by him Lake Champlain. 15 1 DE MONTS' patent had been revoked through the efforts of rivals in France. He obtained a new one, running only one year. 2 QUEBEC. Said to mean in the Al- gonquin tongue a narrowing, or con- traction, and in this connection referring to the narrowing of the river St. Law- rence. Doubtful. 3 IROQUOIS COUNTRY is now included in the State of New York. Called Iro- quois by the French but generally known to the English as Five Nations, viz. Mo- hawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas. They became allies of the English. 4 HURONS, or WYANDOTS, were origi- nally from the region bordering on Lake Huron; ALGONQUINS from that north of the St. Lawrence and east of Lake Hu- ron. These tribes came under French control. 5 IROQUOIS RIVER, so-called because it led to the country of the Iroquois. Afterward Sorel, now Richelieu River. 6 BARRICADE, what would now be called an abatis (French) in war. In thus protecting their camps by intrench- nients the Indians followed a custom of the ancient Romans which is also prac- tised by civilized nations to-day. 7 MEDICINE -MAN. In Cooper's " Leather-Stocking Tales," the doings of these Indian magicians are well de- scribed. I commend these books for their generally accurate delineation of Indian names. 8 GREEN MOUNTAINS AND ADIRON- DACK MOUNTAINS. 9 LAKE GEORGE. 10 HUDSON RIVER. 11 DREAMS AND OMENS. All Indians put great faith in them. An evil omen commonly turned them from a design. 12 INDIAN ARMOR. Champlain says the Iroquois wore light armor of wood, interwoven with cotton yarn so as to make it arrow-proof. 13 DEATH-SONG. A chant in which the victim boasted of his e x p 1 o i t s, mocked his enemies, threatened them with the vengeance of his people and in- voked the aid of the Great Spirit. 14 SCALPING, by drawing a knife, in a circle, around the crown of the head, so that a portion of the scalp could be torn from it. As it was considered a proof of his prowess no Indian ever omitted to secure his enemy's scalp. He would do any thing to prevent his enemy from getting possession of it. The tuft of hair, or topknot, which every Indian wore was called the scalp-lock, and usu- ally decorated with eagles' or hawks' feathers. When a war-party entered their village the scalps were carried sus- pended to a pole, in triumph. is LAKE CHAMPLAIN. This lake makes for its entire length the boundary between Vermont and New York. Champlain had thus established the extreme southeast and northwest boun- daries of New England as well as first explored nearly its whole seacoast. INDIAN LEGENDS. 49 INDIAN LEGENDS.-ORIGIN OF THE EARTH AND OF MAN. NEAKLY all of the Algonquin tribes gave the sov- ereign spirit, whom they believed to have created all things, the name of Michabou or the Great Hare. Their fathers had told them that while Michabou with his court of quadrupeds was one day taking his pleasure abroad upon the waters, which then covered the whole world, he formed the earth of a single grain of sand, taken from the bottom of the ocean. Micha- bou then made men from the dead bodies of animals, found fl o a t i n g upon the waters. So we see the mod- ern idea of " ev- olution" first presented in the traditions of the ancient races of this continent, with the difference that to the Indian God was always the Creator. The tradition of the Iroquois was even more curious. It was to the effect that the King of Heaven being one day greatly provoked with his wife had cast her head- long from heaven to earth. A solitary turtle happened to be swimming upon the waves of the Great Deluge when this took place. The Queen of Heaven fell with- out hurt upon the turtle's back and so was saved from INDIAN VILLAGE. 50 INDIAN LEGENDS. drowning. In a little time, the waters having subsided, the turtle swam with his burden to the dry land and laid it at the foot of a tree where the rescued woman soon gave birth to twins. But the oldest son soon killed his brother in order that he might inherit the whole earth. In this tradition we not only have the story of the Great Deluge, which in one form or another appears in most Indian lore, but also that of Cain and Abel as resulting from the woman's expulsion from Eden. Similarly, the turtle supplies the place of the Ark in this legend. Another Algonquin legend says that after God had destroyed every living thing by the Deluge he sent a raven to explore the abyss of waters. The bird went forth but came back without bringing any tidings from the earth. He then sent a muskrat 011 the same errand with better suc- cess, for this intelligent animal brought back in its paws a little earth out of which the God created a new world. He shot arrows into the naked trunks of such trees as the Deluge had spared, and they sprouted into green branches, and the branches put forth leaves. Afterward, in order to repeople the earth, the Spirit took for his wife a female muskrat, by whom he had children. All these legends tended to strengthen the Indian's HURON TOTEM. INDIAN LEGENDS. 51 veneration for the higher species of animals, such as the beaver, the bear and the fox, in all of which he saw something like human intelligence. The beaver was wise, the hare swift, the fox cunning, the bear uncon- querable. Therefore some tribes adopted an animal as their badge, or totem, under which they fought and by which they were known, just as the knights of old were distinguished by the particular device borne on their shields. THE COLONY OF MADAME DE GUERCHEVILLE, 1613. THE Sieur De Monts had given his town of Port Royal, which he had founded after breaking up at St. Croix, to his friend and companion the Sieur De Pou'- trin'court. 1 King Henry IV. had graciously confirmed the right of the Sieur De Poutrincourt therein. So far, the fur-trade had been the sole object which the patrons of the French colonists had kept in view. Neither agriculture nor the fisheries were promoted. Trade, and trade only, was looked to as the chief resource of New France. King Henry now gave Poutrincourt notice that it was time to do something for the conversion of the In- dians of Acadie. He made known his wish that some Jesuit 2 fathers should go there as missionaries. This step was productive of the most important results to all Canada, or New France, in which, as we have said, Acadie was included. Many of the Jesuit fathers accordingly volunteered to go to Acadie, but two only, Fathers Biard and Masse, were chosen. Before they could embark, Henry had been stabbed 52 THE COLONY OF MAD AM K DE GUERCHEVILLE. in the streets of Paris by the fanatic Ravaillac. And his death put an end to the hopes of the Sieur De Monts, because the Catholic party were now in control and he was a Protestant. Madame De Guerche'ville, 3 a noble Catholic lady of the court, had taken the cause of this mission to Acadie much to heart. But for reasons of his own Pou- trincourt did not want the Jesuits to gain a foothold in his colony at all and he accordingly threw many obstacles in the way of their going. But they finally went. At last Madame De Guercheville resolved to fit out a vessel herself, and become the patron of a new colony. Other court ladies helped her. She ordered the com- mander, La Saus'saye, to provide every thing requisite for beginning a new colony which was meant to be settled in the Penobscot River. No doubt the choice was determined by the reports of De Monts and Champlain on their return to France. It was, moreover, outside the jurisdiction of Poutrincourt at Port Royal. It was to be an original colony with a religious foundation. These colonists numbered in all about thirty persons, including two other Jesuit fathers, named Jacques Quen- tin and Gilbert Du Thet. MOUNT DESERT ISLAND. THE COLONY OF MADAME DE GUERCHEVLLLE. 53 Upon his arrival with his ship at Port Royal, La Saus- saye took the two Jesuit fathers there on board and again made sail for his final destination, hoping as it was at no great distance, to reach it without accident. "But God," says the pious Biard, "ordered other- wise," for when off Manan 4 they were enveloped in so thick a fog that day and night were hardly different. For two days and nights they were tossed about at the mercy of the waves. In this extremity the fathers prayed to heaven for help and soon the fog cleared, the stars came out, and before them rose the majestic sum- mits of Mt. Desert to point their way onward. Their pilot now took them safely into a fine anchorage on the east side of the island, which in joy for their deliverance from shipwreck, they named St. Sauveur, 5 and celebrated with a mass. Here they met with friendly Indians of whom they inquired their way to their intended place of settlement. These Indians urged them to stay where they were, tell- ing them that it was so pleasant and healthful an abode that when the savages of other places fell sick they were brought to this one to be cured. Upon viewing the place again, the French colonists decided to go no further. They fixed upon a pretty little hill that sloped gently down to the sea for their settlement. Two pleasant brooks rippled about its base. The harbor was a very fine one as safe as an inland lake, so deep that the largest ship might lie within a cable's length of the shore, and spacious enough to float a royal fleet. Having first set up a cross where they landed, the colonists proceeded to pitch their tents and prepare to build houses. A fort was thrown up, as a necessary 54 THE COLONY OF MADAME DE GUERCHEVILLE. measure of precaution and protection, and gardens were laid out and every thing done to secure themselves against the season or provide for their sustenance. But they little thought of the foe flying to destroy them. During this summer of 1613 an armed ship, com- manded by Samuel Argall, 6 came from Virginia to this coast on a fishing voyage. Driven eastward by stress of weather Argall heard of the arrival of La Saussaye from the Indians, who supposed him a friend of these colonists. He determined to expel the French as in- truders upon his master's dominions. One day, the unsuspecting settlers at St. Sauveur saw a large ship bearing swiftly down upon them under a press of sail, with ensigns flying, drums beating, and trumpets sounding as if bent upon a warlike encounter. At first the colonists knew not whether this strange bark were friend or foe, but their doubts were soon cleared up for Argall returned their friendly hail with so terrible a broadside of cannon and musketry that the English vessel seemed belching flames from every side. Surprised and overpowered, the French made only the feeblest resistance. Brother Du Thet, indeed, had bravely seized a match, but was shot down in the act of firing a cannon. Some French sailors Avho were on board a bark lying in the harbor fled in terror to the shore. Two were drowned while trying to reach it. Those 011 shore made no attempt to defend themselves. A few made their escape. It was a complete surprise and sur- render. SHIP UNDER SAIL. THE COLONY OF MADAME DE GUERCHEVILLE. 55 Pretending to believe that the French were free- booters, Argall gave the settlement up to plunder. Some of the prisoners were sent off in a boat to Port Royal, the rest were taken to Virginia. Brother Du Thet was buried by his sorrowing companions at the foot of the cross they had raised when coming to the shore. In a subsequent voyage Argall destroyed all traces of this settlement. After much searching he found, and also destroyed, the houses at St. Croix which De Monts had left standing on his departure. And thus disas- trously ended the attempts of the French to gain a foothold on the soil of New England. 1 JEAN DE POUTRINCOURT accom. became so formidable that great efforts panied De Monts to Acadie in 1604. He were finally made to break it up. went back to France in the same ship 3 MADAME DE GUERCHEVILLE was that brought the colonists over, returned aided by the queen-regent, Marie De in 1606 as De Monts' lieutenant, and was Medicis. instrumental in the selection of Port 4 MANAN, or Grand Manan (Indian Royal as a place of settlement. By Manthane). The large island at the direction of De Monts, Poutrincourt entrance to Passamaquoddy Bay. with Champlain continued the explora- 5 ST. SAUVEUR. Doubt exists as to tion along the coast, begun in the pre- the exact locality of this settlement, vious year. While doing so he had a Tradition fixes it at Fernald's Point, at fight with the Cape Cod Indians, losing the southwest entrance to Somes' Sound, four men. c SAMUEL ARGALL was afterward 2 JESUITS, or Society of Jesus. Deputy-governor of Virginia. On his Founded by Ignatius Loyola in 1534. second expedition to Acadie he destroyed The members were required to take vows Port Royal, now Annapolis, N.S. King of chastity, poverty, obedience and im- James knighted him. plicit submission to the Iloly See. It DISCOVERY OF BLOCK ISLAND, 1614. WHILE the French had been working their way down the coast from the east, the Dutch had been pushing up the coast from the west. Through the solitudes of Lake Champlain, Champlain was Hearing the sources of 56 DISCOVERY OP BLOCK ISLAND. the Hudson from the north when Hendrik Hudson, 1 in searching for a western passage to Cathay, 2 " That men might quickly sail to India," was ascending this noble river from the south. Hudson went back to Holland to report his discovery to his employers. Shortly after this two Dutch mari- ners, one of whom was Adrian Block, chartered a ship to go out to this new region, which Hud- son praised so highly. Upon their favorable ac- count of it certain mer- chants of the United Provinces 3 fitted them out for another voyage. Manhattan Island was the appointed rendez- vous. Block's vessel took fire and was burnt at Man- hattan by accident. He then built himself a small yacht, or pinnace, out of timber cut on the island. With this yacht of only sixteen tons burden Block sailed to the eastward, where as yet the larger Dutch ships had not ventured. Sailing boldly through the dangerous " Hell Gate " 4 into Long Island Sound the adventurous Block coasted the shores of this great basin, finding on his way, and ascending for some distance, the beautiful river which the natives called Quoh'neht'a'cut. 5 BLOCK ISLAND. DISCOVERY OF BLOCK ISLAND. 57 Continuing his search Block looked into the Thames, or Pe'quod River, after which he steered across the Sound to Montauk Point. He next visited a large island lying to the northeast of Montauk which on that account has ever since been known as Block Island. 6 Thence Block went into Narragansett Bay, sailed through the Vineyard Sound in Gosnold's track, doubled MOHEGAN HEAD, BLOCK ISLAND. Cape Cod, bringing his voyage in this direction to an end somewhere in Massachusetts Bay, thus overlapping and continuing the explorations that Captain Smith was then making, and of which we will now speak. " The island lies nine leagues away. Along its solitary shore, Of craggy rock and sandy hay, No sound hut ocean's roar, Save where the bold, wild sea-bird makes her home, Her shrill cry coming through the sparkling foam." 58 DISCOVERY OF BLOCK ISLAND. 1 HENDRIK (Henry) HUDSON, an Eng- lish navigator in the service of the Dutch East India Company. (See Encyc.) His ship, the Half-Moon, left Amsterdam in April 1609. His last voyage was an endeavor to push his way in Cabot's track to India by the far north, this time in the service of English patrons. He was abandoned by his mutinous crew to perish among the ice-fields of the great basin which perpetuates his name, Hud- son's Bay. 2 CATHAY, ancient name for China, and the Land of Spices. To get to the East by sailing to the West was the problem resulting from the discovery that the earth is a globe. It lying in the way, our continent was discovered by accident. 3 UNITED PROVINCES, united by treaty in 1579 for mutual defence. (See art. Holland, Encyc.) 4 HELL GATE, the narrow strait unit- ing the waters of the Hudson with Long Island Sound. Originally Helle-gat. So- called from the meeting of opposing tidal currents over submerged rocks, which caused them to boil like a pot. The most dangerous have been removed by blasting, and navigation is now compara- tively safe. 5 QUOHNEHTACUT (Indian) and Con- necticut are the same. The State of Connecticut takes its name from this river. 6 BLOCK ISLAND is thought to be the one originally discovered by Verrazano and by him named Claudia in honor of the mother of Francis I. It is on many old maps. Indian Manisses. Five miles from Point Judith, R.I., to which State the island belongs. See " New England Legends." THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND, 1614-1616. IN the month of April, 1614, some London merchants fitted out two ships for a whaling voyage to North Virginia. They were also to make search for mines of gold and copper. The sending these ships was a strictly business venture having nothing whatever to do with colonization. But much more came of it than its promoters dreamed of. The ships arrived at Mon- hegan Island. Finding few whales and no gold mines CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH. THE NAMING OP NEW ENGLAND. 59 in that neighborhood, they went to fishing at that place, while a boat's crew furnished with trading goods was de- spatched to open traffic with the natives along the coast. In this boat went Captain John Smith l who was the animating spirit of the whole enterprise. He had never been in this part of Virginia before, but in South, or Old Virginia, he had already had much experience, having served his apprenticeship in that colony, as one might say. First and foremost experience had taught Smith how to deal with the Indians so as to gain their confidence and love. Freely and fearlessly he went among them. At Pemaquid Smith met the great sa- chem Do'ha'na'da, who was one of those Indians whom Weymouth had carried off to England. Their meeting resulted in Dohanada's inviting Smith to come and live with him and be his ally against his enemies the Tarra- tines 2 who were allies of the French. And Smith had made up his mind to do this. Going from place to place Smith traversed the coast as far east as the Penobscot and as far south as Cape Cod. He was a true explorer, for while trading with the Indians he questioned them about the country, the rivers, the coasts, the mountains and of themselves. All that he saw and heard was carefully noted down for future use. After a stay of three or four months Smith went back to England in one of the ships. What he had seen of the country had decided him to go back again the next year and try his fortunes as a colonist. He made known this determination to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 3 who en- couraged him to persevere in it, and Smith had even gone so far in the matter as to begin recruiting men for his purposed plantation. 60 THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND. Soldier of many wars, traveller in many lands, wise in council as he was valiant in action, of shrewd and fL.Champlain NANTUCKET" POSITION OF THE NEW ENGLAND TRIBES. confident nature, resolute and persistent in whatever he undertook, Smith was the very man to have carried his THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND. 61 project through against any and every kind of obstacle. In a word he was one of those men who know no such word as fail. To prevent interference Smith shrewdly kept his des- tination a secret until he should have matured his plans. He was not destined however to see them happily ful- filled for though he was so sanguine of success that he was willing to undertake his colony with only sixteen men besides himself, and had been made Admiral 4 of the new country, with power to govern it, he never again set foot on the shores of North Virginia. Thomas Hunt, master of the other ship, is charged with trying to defeat Smith's purpose, of which he was informed, by awakening the hostility of the Indians towards the English. Smith asserts that Hunt wished to keep the country in the comparative obscurity it then was, to the end that English merchants and masters might exclusively control the fishery and trade as they had been doing. Being bound for Spain, with his cargo of fish, Hunt stopped at Patuxet 5 and Nauset, 6 where he kidnapped twenty-seven Indians, all of whom he wickedly sold at Malaga to the Spaniards. With a vessel provided by his friends, Smith again sailed in June 1615, but he and his vessel were taken by pirates, which misadventure brought his voyage to a sudden ending. So the second attempt to plant a colony under au- thority of the Plymouth Company fell through. The time had not come for a permanent settlement. Upon his return to England Smith prepared a map and description of the new country to which he now gave the name of New England. 7 So that in name, at 62 THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND. least, the making of New England begins with the voy- age and discoveries of Captain John Smith. Now on Smith's first draught for a map, the Indian names, corresponding with the location of various tribes along the coast, were given. But with more patriot- ism than foresight Smith had these altered by Prince Charles 8 into English names. His book having been printed before the changes in the map were made we have in one the Indian and on the other the English names. Let us glance over this map and description and see how far Smith's titles have come down to us: We will first look up the Indian names because they preserve the history of an extinct people, omitting those that have dropped out of use. From Penobscot to Cape Cod Smith found at least forty Indian villages and sounded about twenty-five excellent harbors. Beginning with Penobscot, we have Pemaquid, Kennebec, Sagadahoc and Aucocisco (Casco) already named by those who had preceded Smith. Then come Ac'co'min'ti'cus (Ag'a'men'ti'cus), Pas'satY- quack (Pis' cat' a'qua), Ag'ga'wom (Ag'a'wam) and Naem'keck (Naum / keag). Then Mat'ta'hunts (Na'- hant) Mas'sa'chu'set, 9 Quon'a'has'sit (Co'has'set) and Nau'set, all of which names were first given by Smith, and have either been retained or are still used as alter- nates with the English ones. Now let us turn to the map. We find Cape Eliza- beth, 10 Cape Anna n and the River Charles 12 laid down on it among a multitude of names that have been super- seded by others. All the great bays, nearly all the great rivers except the Merrimack, 13 most of the islands and some of the mountains, as far south as Cape Cod, are more or Less accurately represented. Every thing THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND. 63 now included in the States of Rhode Island and Con- necticut is left out. Smith modestly reserved his own name to the little cluster of islands now known as the Isles of Shoals. Monhegan, Ma'nan'is, Me'tin'ic, and Ma'tin'i'cus re- ceived English names. One thing about this map of Smith's strikes us very oddly. It is that while not one solitary white settle- ment then existed in all New England, most of the names which Prince Charles gave to savage habitations were those afterward taken by the later English plan- tations. Only the locations are different. So that Smith's map awkwardly and improperly shows a sea- coast dotted with English settlements none of which were even thought of when he made it. At the close of the year 1616 what had been done for New England ? Its entire seacoast had been ex- plored. Its great bays and rivers had been located and to some extent surveyed and described. Two maps, Champlaiii's and Smith's, gave these discoveries to the world, with proximate faithfulness. The names" and abodes of the native tribes, their habits -and manners, their numbers and disposition, had been set forth in sufficient detail for practical men to understand. The resources of the country, the fishery, the fur-trade, the ship-timber, the soil, the natural vegetation and productions had been not only often described, but frequently exhibited in the ports of England, France and Spain. The route was well known. A thousand sailors had traversed it. Practical men could now act intelligently. Finally the name typical of national sovereignty and national character was of hopeful augury for the future of New England. 64 THE NAMING OF NEW ENGLAND. 1 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH had been a soldier in the Low Countries and in Transylvania, where he was captured by the Turks and sent to Constantinople as a slave. He killed his master and es- caped. He went to Virginia in 1606 and to him more than any one was owing the successful founding of that colony. 2 TARRATINES were Indians dwelling beyond the Penobscot. 3 SIR FERDINANDO GORGES was gov- ernor of Plymouth, Eng., when Wey- mouth returned from New England with the natives he had stolen. From this circumstance came Gorges' participation in colonizing New England. Upon the division of Virginia he became one of the most active members of the Plymouth Company. Gorges obtained a new char- ter in 1620 from which came all the later grants of New England. 4 ADMIRAL; implying control by land and sea. fi PATUXET (Indian), Plymouth. c NAUSET (Indian), Eastham. i NEW ENGLAND. Andre Thevet in 1556 says Cabot purposed going to Peru and America to establish there a New England. 8 PRINCE CHARLES, afterwards Charles I. 9 MASSACHUSETTS first mentioned. 10 CAPE ELIZABETH. The southern headland of Casco Bay, Me. 11 CAPE ANN, named for the queen of James I. 12 CHARLES RIVER, named for Prince Charles, afterwards Charles I. 13 MERRIMACK. The Indians told Smith of this river, but he did not ex- plore it. INTERLUDE.-THE DOOM OF THE RED MEN. THE reported severity of a New England winter could not make Sir Ferdinando Gorges forego his fixed purpose of establishing a colony on our shores. In order to show how groundless were the stories spread abroad by Gil- bert's men he sent his agent Richard Vines l to pass the winter of 1616-17 at the mouth of the Saco. Vines did this. This winter is most memorable for the fatal sickness 2 which raged among the Indians. Thousands died. Yet Vines and his men escaped although they slept in the same cabins with the dead and dying. Whole villages were depopulated. The tribes that had numbered a thousand warriors were reduced to hundreds and fifties. For years after, the bones of the unburied victims showed where the destroying angel had passed and ravaged the land. THE DOOM OF THE KED MEN. 65 This great mortality spread unchecked from Narra- gansett Bay to the Merrimack and from the Merrimack to the Penobscot. The Indians never recovered from it. It had been foretold them and they believed it was sent upon them by their Great Evil Spirit as a warning that the pale-faces should possess their land. The whites also believed that it had been sent to prepare the way for their coming. One writer of the time says that "the wondrous wisdom and love of God" was shown in send- ing " his minister to sweep away by heaps the savages." When it was foretold them by their medicine-men the Indians had scornfully answered that the Manitou could not kill them all. 1 RICHARD VINES is considered the yellow-fever, small-pox, or some un- pioneer settler of Maine. known epidemic, is equally in doubt. 2 FATAL SICKNESS, or Great Plague, But it is known that small-pox periodi- as it is usually called. Whether it was cally scourged the native tribes. THE GREAT CHARTER OF NEW ENGLAND. " The strongest nation is that which counts the most robust men interested in its defence, animated by its spirit, and possessing the feeling of its destiny. " WE should remember that the old Charter of Virginia had been divided between two companies. Gorges and his associates were dissatisfied with their charter because its privileges came short of what they desired. There- fore, the more effectually to put themselves on an equal footing with the South Virginia Company they asked the king to give them a new charter. Among other things they asked that their territory might be called New England. King James granted it to them. This grant is known as the Great Charter of New England, 1 66 THE GREAT CHARTER OF NEW ENGLAND. it being the first on which the name of New England appears, and the one from which all subsequent grants were derived. Man proposes, but God disposes. We shall now see how a handful of poor people, knit together in a com- mon bond of brotherhood, did at last what the greatest lords, with the most ample means, had been unable to accomplish. 1 GREAT CHARTER OF NEW ENG- of north latitude, or from Philadelphia LAND, granted in 1620, extended from to St. Johns, Newfoundland ; and from the fortieth to the forty-eighth parallel sea to sea. II. COMING TO STAY. THE ARK OF NEW ENGLAND, 1620. "Our fathers crossed the ocean's wave To seek this shore." Percival. "U1OR many years the Church of England had sternly persecuted those Protestants who disobeyed its or- dinances or who wished to worship God independently of its forms and ceremonies. Their preachers were impris- oned, their meetings broken up, their sanctuaries vio- lated. Those who wished simply to reform the mother church without leaving it were reproachfully called Puritans. 1 Those who wanted nothing at all to do with it were called Separat- ists. Driven by this persecution to seek an asylum in some foreign land, a congregation of these people fled with their pastor into Holland, where they could be free to worship God as they pleased. 67 THE MAYFLOWER. 68 THE ARK OF NEW ENGLAND. They took up their residence in the fair city of Ley- den. The Hollanders gave them a kind welcome, but the exiles felt that they were strangers in a strange land. Here they dwelt in peace and love for twelve years, though struggling hard with poverty all the while. But in twelve years those who had left England in the prime of life were getting to be old men and women. In that time their sons had grown to manhood and their daughters to womanhood. The young men had grown tired of a life of hardship and restraint, and on coming of age they were leaving their parents, one by one, to seek their fortunes in the army or on the sea. Should this go on of course it was only a question of time when the community would die out. So the exiles knowing this, began seriously to consider how to pre- vent it, for they hoped to increase, not diminish, to draw other Christians to them, not see themselves dwindling away by the loss of the flower of their little flock. They talked all this over, quietly and wisely, around their firesides. They discussed it long and earnestly. After much anxious thought about it they decided at last to seek another home in a distant land. Where should they go ? Some wanted to go to Guiana, some to Virginia, and others took counsel of their Dutch friends who urged the exiles to go to the new country discovered by Hendrik Hudson. And it seems this was what they really wished to do. Having decided that they would go to some part of Virginia they sought, and with much trouble finally obtained, through friends in England, a patent giving them per- mission to settle within the Southern Company's limits. THE ARK OF NEW ENGLAND. 69 Here are some of the reasons they gave to show those friends why they believed they would succeed where so many had failed : "We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, which yet in a great part we have by patience overcome. " The people are, for the body of them, industrious and frugal as any company of people in the world. "We are knit together in a most strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great conscience, and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by every one and so mutually. "Lastly it is not with us as with other men whom small things can discourage or small discontentments cause to wish themselves at home again." The men who were most forward in planning and carrying out the removal were Rev. John Robinson, the pastor, Elder William Brewster, Robert Cusliman and John Carver. These exiles were afraid of being persecuted for their religion even in Virginia. They could get no pledge from the king of freedom of worship. He would only consent to let them go unnoticed. With this promise they decided to go on, and for once the promise of a king did not fail them, for King James kept his word. Being people of small means they procured money on very hard terms of certain London merchants, or adven- turers, 2 with whom they formed a partnership. With this money they purchased the Speedwell, of forty tons, and hired the Mayflower of one hundred and eighty tons. The Speedwell came to Delft Haven 3 to take the exiles on board. Not half of the whole number 70 THE AKK OF NEW ENGLAND. went, as the more aged and infirm were left behind, but this first party was to be the pioneer company. Those who were to stay in Holland came to bid their friends farewell. It was a sad parting. With tears streaming down his aged cheeks their beloved pastor knelt down and earnestly prayed as his people went on board the ship that was to take them away. He was to keep his charge over those left in Holland, while Brews- ter took under his care the exiles, or Pilgrims, 4 as they now called themselves. A fair wind soon brought the Speedwell to Southamp- ton where the Mayflower, with other emigrants, was waiting for her. On the 5th of Aug- ust 1620 the two ships put to sea. Shortly after sailing the Speedwell sprung a leak and both ships had to put back to Plymouth. This mishap discouraged many of the colonists from going on. The Speedwell proving unseaworthy the Mayflower on the 6th of September sailed alone with a hundred and two passengers on board. TWO PILGRIMS. 1 PURITANS objected to the vestments of the clergy, to making the sign of the cross, kneeling at the Communion or marrying with a ring, as " Popish " cere- monies : also to the hierarchy of the An- gliqan Church. They were also called Nonconformiste- 2 ADVENTURERS meant those who risked money or goods in the venture. 3 DELFT HAVEN was celebrated for its earthenware called Delft. 4 PILGRIM; a traveller, especially one who goes to a holy place. EXPLORING THE WILDERNESS. 71 EXPLORING THE WILDERNESS, " The breaking waves dashed high On a stern and rock-bound coast." Hemans. AFTER a long and stormy ocean voyage the Mayflower came in sight of Cape Cod 011 the 9th of November. The Pilgrims now consulted i together about their destina- tion, for they had not yet set- tled where it should be. At length it was decided to find some place near Hudson River. Accordingly the ship was steered to the south, but she soon ran among the roar- ing breakers of Monomoy where she narrowly escaped shipwreck. Not unwillingly, it is said, the master then put back into the little harbor round the Cape, where Prov- incetown now crowds among the drifted sand-hills, and at last, on the llth of Novem- ber, the storm-tossed May- flower rode safe within the harbor. Eagerly the weary Pilgrims scanned the inhospitable shores. Whichever way they looked they saw nothing but a wilderness of barren sand-hills which the gales of centuries had heaped up. Possibly they may have seen here and there a few lonely pines or scrubby cedars PILGRIM HALBERD. chiefly resided in Dorchester, England, invited Roger Conant 4 to come and manage their affairs for them at Cape Ann. They knew him to be a man of worth who had a knowledge of the country. Conant accepted. They also asked Lyford to settle at Cape Ann as their min- CAPE ANN, 1624. 141 ister. He too accepted, and both lie and Conant removed from Nantasket to enter upon their charge at Cape Ann. It was the old story over again. Conant found him- self powerless to restrain the lawless men that the com- pany had sent out : while the company upon finding the project was a losing one gave it up in discourage- ment after only a year's trial. Most of the colonists went home in the company's ships, but Conant being a resolute man determined to hold his ground until such time as men and means could be sent to him ; for Mr. White had promised that if Conant would stay, this should surely be done. Conant, therefore, led the handful of men who continued faith- ful, in search of a less unfertile place of residence, and farther back on the mainland, on a, peninsula which the Indians called Naumkeag, he found a place more suita- ble for settlement. Weary with waiting his men often urged him to go with them to Virginia ; but Conant told them that even if they should all forsake him he would stay there alone. This was how Roger Conant came to build the first house (1626) in what is now the city of Salem of which he must be considered the founder. 1 STAGE HEAD is the traditional loca- ler most active in promoting emigration, tion. Author of the " Planter's Plea." 2 ENGLISH PARTNERS. Some of them * ROGER CONANT, already mentioned were Churchmen who did not relish the as banished from Plymouth. (See Nan- idea of helping to build up a Separatist tasket.) Entire silence is observed by Church. On this account they prevented the Pilgrims as to the cause. Bradford the old pastor, Robinson, as well as the does not mention him at all. Hubbard rest of the Leyden people, from going gives him an excellent character. He is over to their friends. They even sent out supposed to have been a moderate Puri- a minister in their own interest; and in tan, but not a Separatist. Governor's other ways threw obstacles in the way of Island in Boston harbor was fir8t called strengthening the Pilgrim Church. This Conant's. Conant went from Salem to caused trouble Moreover their business Beverly and died there in 1679. His relations were never harmonious. son was the first white child born in 3 REV. JOHN WHITE, a Puritan minis- Salem. 142 INDIAN TRAITS. INDIAN TRAITS. INDIAN SHREWDNESS. As is well known the Indians have been removed farther and farther from their homes to make room for the whites. Once, when an agent of the government was sent to a certain tribe to notify them that they must again remove, a chief asked the agent to sit down on a log. The agent did so. The chief then asked him to move, and very soon to move again, and again, until the agent got to the end of the log. The Indian then said " Move farther." " I can- not " replied the agent. " Just so it is with us " said the chief. "You have moved us as far as we can go and then ask us to move still farther.'' WAMPUM AND ITS MEANING. Among the New England Indians the manufacture and use of wampum, or shell money, seems to have begun with the Narragan- setts who sold it to the whites, who again used it the same as money in buying furs of the Eastern Indians, by whom wampum came to be highly prized. In short it represented the Avealth of a tribe. But wampum had for the Indian a higher meaning. Beautifully wrought, the belts, or strings, of shells, stood not only as his highest work of art and workman- ship, but were his records, his tokens, or pledges, of friendship, or his credentials to other peoples or tribes. 1 As we have said in the first chapter the Indians had no written records. Belts of wampum were usually exchanged between tribes to ratify treaties of peace or war or as pledges of the good faith of the parties. Hence they not only bore a character of sacredness, but symbolized 'the whole history of a war, a great council, INDIAN TRAITS. 143 or other remarkable event in the history of a tribe. We should now call this object teaching. No two belts were exactly alike. Some are very beautiful indeed and show the Indian's appreciation of art, as the idea of the belt itself does the poetic side of his nature. At certain seasons the Indians used to meet in order to study the meaning and renew the memories of the wampum belts. Seated in a circle, the belts were passed from hand to hand, while the story of each was being repeated by the old men of the tribe. In this way what each belt stood for was made familiar to old and KING PHILIP S WAMPUM BELT. young. Boys who were the sons of chiefs were admit- ted to these talks in order that they might get acquainted with the concerns of their tribe at an asre when such O things impress themselves most. Wampum also was sometimes given in pledge for private friendship. There is no instance of such a promise ever having been broken by an Indian. Wampum was made from the inner wreath of the cockle or periwinkle, some shells being white and others blue, veined with purple. The white beads were used by the Indians for stanching the flow of blood from a wound. Its commercial value differed as much as gold and silver, being first determined by the quality and next by its workmanship. In trade the strings 144 INDIAN TRAITS. passed at so much a fathom. Having little gold and silver the whites soon adopted wampum as a medium of trade. INSCRIPTIONS. So far as known, the New England Indians made but sparing use of hieroglyphics, or sym- bols, to convey intelligence or embody history. The remarkable bowlder known as Dighton Rock, 2 so long claimed as the work of the Northmen, is the solitary example of this kind. Though its meaning cannot now be deciphered, there is little room for doubt that it was the work of the aborigines. Sometimes a hunting or war party, when it became separated, would make rude drawings on the bark of trees in order to inform their friends of their success, or the direction they had taken. Individuals had their own mark, or sign-manual, sometimes of a favorite animal, but oftener de- rived from prowess in war or the INDIAN AUTOGRAPH. , . , J5C 1 j .L.L chase, which was affixed to written documents of the white men such as deeds of land or treaties. But among themselves the Indians never used such things. WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS. These were of stone, rarely of metal, nearly identical with those used by the barbarous peoples of Europe during what is called the Stone Age. England, like America, was civilized by the incoming of strangers. BURIAL RITES. The New England Indians buried their dead. In other parts of the country they were placed on scaffolds or in trees to protect them from wild beasts, showing the existence of a wholly different INDIAN TRAITS. 145 train of ideas with respect to the disposal of the body. Again, our Indians always buried in a sitting posture instead of laying the remains in a recumbent position, as was done by some tribes. Putting the dead warrior's arms, trinkets, earthen pots, with a little store of dried maize by his side was a custom common to all, for all believed in a resurrection of the body and a future state in which he would have need of these things. Burial places on a large scale were unfrequent. One such, from which several skeletons have been taken, is found on the western shore of Ossipee Lake, N. H. Princes were sometimes buried in enclosures, made of palisades, but in gen- eral no mark of a place of sepulture was left, for though the funeral rite of a warrior was celebrated with much feasting and lamentation there was no after period of mourning, and even to mention a dead person by name was held an offence among them, as tending to weaken the hearts of the living. COUNCILS. These were always opened by smoking and conducted with the greatest gravity and deliberation. Only chiefs took part in important councils. When one rose to speak he was listened to without interrup- tion. When he sat down a long silence ensued in order that his words might be properly weighed by those present. Great deference was paid to what their old men said. No greater breach of decorum could possibly SKELETON AND WEAPONS EXHDMEI) AT FALL IlIVER. 146 INDIAN TRAITS. occur than for a warrior to jump to his feet until his turn came, or interrupt a speaker until he was through. I have known three-quarters of an hour to pass without a word being spoken. Most Indians are natural orators and the language they sometimes employed to express their thoughts was very striking and appropriate, as will be seen by the fol- lowing account of the ceremony of burying the hatchet, as the making of peace with their enemies was called by the Indians. On this occasion one of the chiefs arose and proposed that a large oak which grew near by should be torn up by the roots in order that the hatchet might be buried underneath it, where it might remain forever. After he had sat down, another, who was greatly re- vered, rose to speak in his turn. Said he, "Trees may be overthrown by storms, and in course of time will cer- tainly decay. Therefore, that the hatchet may forever be at rest, I advise that it be buried under the high moun- tain which rears its proud head behind yonder forest." This proposal greatly pleased the whole assembly till an aged chief, distinguished for his wisdom, rose and gave his opinion in the following remarkable words : " Look upon me ! I am but a poor, feeble old man and have not the irresistible power of the Great Spirit to tear up trees by the roots, or overthrow mountains. But if you would forever hide the hatchet from our sight let it be cast into the Great Lake where no man can find it or bring it forth to raise enmity between us and our white brethren." The Indians always spoke of these assemblies as Coun- cil-Fires because it was their custom to light great fires in the council-house when one was being held. INDIAN TRAITS. 147 Then the chief who was to speak for his tribe would rise and address the other party in this manner: " We are come to join two bodies into one." "We are come to learn wisdom of yon brothers." Giving a belt. " We, by this belt, wipe away the tears of your friends whose relations have been killed ; and the paint from your soldiers' faces." Giving another belt. u We now throw aside the axe, which was put into our hands, by this third belt." After these formalities were over the matter in hand was taken up. Having no other record of solemn treaties than the help of memory, with the aid given it by certain distin- guishing belts, the Indian orator generally took to the council a handful of sticks one of which he would hand to some chief whose duty it then became to remember the particular article of the treaty which was being dis- cussed. As the conference went on the orator gave away his sticks one by one. Much to the astonishment of the whites the Indians were thus able to repeat all that had been said at a previous council. DECLARATION OF WAR. This was called by the Indi- ans "digging up the hatchet" as to "bury the hatchet" signified ending a war. They always made use of cer- tain solemnities. First there was a great council at which the matter was discussed in all its bearings. Then the conjurers were called upon to foretell the result. When war was decided upon the tribe usually had a great feast, followed by a war-dance, in which every warrior took part. At these dances the warriors would work themselves up to the highest pitch of frenzy. A stout post, called a war-post, was planted in the cen- 148 INDIAN TRAITS. tre of the village. Around this the braves who meant to go to war ranged themselves with their hatchets in their hands. They then began to chant their war-songs, while the boys and squaws beat time on rude drums to the wild measure of the dance. Each warrior advanced in turn to the post and struck his hatchet into it as if he were cleaving the skull of an enemy. He boasted of his former deeds and of the number of scalps he was going to take. If one of their own braves had been killed they believed his spirit would not rest until they had taken revenge. Their chiefs who wanted war sought to excite the backward ones by inflammatory appeals. Said they "The bones of your murdered countrymen lie uncovered. They cry aloud to us for revenge and it is our duty to obey them. Their spirits call to us and we must satisfy them. Let us go in pursuit of the murderers of our brethren ! Do not sit idle ! Kise up and follow the impulse of your valor ! Sharpen your hatchets ! Paint your faces so that your enemies will be afraid to look upon you ! Fill your quivers ! Make the woods echo with your voices ! Comfort the spirits of the dead with the blood of your enemies ! " 1 TOKENS. Much the same idea is em- Columbian antiquity for this inscription bodied here as in the use of signets by has now been practically abandoned by the ancient Jews, Assyrians and Greeks those most interested in establishing it to accredit a messenger. as the work of their countrymen. 2 DIGHTON ROCK. The claim of pre- IV. COMING OF THE PURITANS. THE COLONY AT SALEM. STEP by step we have traced the footprints of the pioneers. We have seen the day feebly breaking over the infant settlements. The world had waited long for the dawning, but at last the sun was rising in full splendor above the horizon of New England. At this- time it is thought that in all New England there were about three hun- dred English settlers. True to his promise, the Rev. John White had exerted himself to such purpose that he speedily enlisted many knights, gentlemen, and merchants in his humane project. He or they had conceived the idea of making in New Eng- 149 SALEM AND VICINITY. 150 THE COLONY AT SALEM. land a retreat for those persecuted English Puritans who preferred exile to tyranny at home. What the Pilgrims had done could surely be done again. Of course most of those who promised help were themselves Puritans at heart and so in sympathy with this design. But they had to use great care and tact. Without delay, these gentlemen sought a grant of the country lying between the Charles and Merrimack rivers, to which, notwithstanding all the failures to set- OLD HOUSE .WITH GABLES, SALEM, MASS. tie it, they still looked as the choicest part of New Eng- land. The Plymouth Company, by its council, readily granted what was asked, and from this time forth the new associates took the name of the Massachusetts Company. This was in 1628. Within three months the Company had got ready one little ship with about a hundred colo- nists destined for New England. This little band was going to try the experiment of the Mayflower over again. The next thing was to choose a leader to govern THE COLONY AT SALEM. 151 these people. The Company looked about them for the most fit man and their choice fell upon Captain John Endicott, 1 who was one of their own members. When asked if he would go out to New England, he said with decision that he would. Having put his affairs in order Endicott took his wife and children on board the Abi- gail. All being ready she set sail late in June, and early in September (1628) she arrived at Naumkeag. Endicott found Conant and his trusty companions waiting for him. In the Company's name he took for- KOGER WILLIAMS' HOUSE, SALEM, MASS. mal possession of the lands, houses 2 and boats belong- ing to the old Cape Ann fishing company, and then he and his people earnestly set about preparing homes for themselves before winter should overtake them. The Indians who dwelt in this neighborhood belonged to the Agawam tribe. Their sagamore's residence was at Ipswich and his name was Mascoiiomo. From these Indians Conant had received no harm. On the contrary, they often came to him for food, shelter or help when the Tarratines made war upon 152 THE COLONY AT SALEM. them, as they usually did in the harvest season; for these Tarra tines were fiercer and more warlike than the Agawams and they preferred making spoil of their neighbors to tilling the soil for themselves. When making one of these raids they would steal unperceived along the shores in their canoes to within a short march of the Agawams' village, then landing under cover of the darkness they would hide themselves in the forest until daybreak and then with wild war-whoops would sally forth upon the unsuspecting Agawams and put them to flight. This shows us why the Indians could never combine together to drive off the English, when they were so few. It was because the Indians were divided by very ancient feuds, which had lasted from generation to gen- eration. But they had never heard the fable of the cony and the hedgehog. 3 So the Agawams gladly gave the English leave to settle upon their lands. One of the first things that Endicott did was to go across the bay to Merry-Mount and cut down Morton's May-pole. After warning Morton's men to behave them- selves better in future Endicott left them to reflect upon what had happened. We are not informed how Endicott's people passed their first winter but judge it to have been a leaf taken from the Pilgrims' experience. The same fatal sickness, which in every case had proved the colonist's worst enemy, also broke out at Naumkeag. Endicott wrote to Governor Bradford for a physician 4 who was promptly sent and warmly welcomed. In the early summer (1629) the Company sent over two hundred more colonists who arrived at Naumkeag the last of June. With them came three Puritan miii- THE COLONY AT SALEM. 153 isters 5 whom the Company had engaged. They also sent word to Endicott of his formal election as governor over the colony and also forwarded to him a copy of their patent, with its broad seal attached ; with direc- tions to organize his government. These new-comers found about ten houses already built, one being " a fair new house for the governor." They saw cornfields planted, and horses, cattle and goats quietly grazing in the wild pastures around the little plantation. They had arrived at a most delightful season when every thing wore its most attractive aspect, and were in raptures with all they saw so much so, indeed, that some of them imprudently wrote home ex- aggerated accounts of the country. These planters now called their settlement Salem 6 from the Hebrew word meaning " peace." They found good clay and set up a brick-kiln, for the first bricks used had been brought over in the ships they came in ; they also began trading, felling timber, surveying lands, and exploring, like men who expected to make the coun- try their home. The Company had directed Endicott to take and ho!4 possession of other places so as to shut out rival claim- ants. He therefore sent one party to the Charles River, where we remember that older settlers had already found a home. When they came to Mishawum, they found Walford, the smith, dwelling quite contentedly among the Indians there in a thatched and palisaded cabin. With the consent of Sagamore John, chief of that place, Endicott's men began a settlement which presently (1629) took the name of Charlestown, from the river Charles that flowed before it. During this summer Endicott's colony also gathered 154 THP: COLONY AT SALEM. their first church. On the appointed day the colonists all came together and with fitting solemnity chose Sam- uel Skelton. their pastor and Francis Higginson their teacher. This was the first completely organized Puri- tan Church 7 in New England. Their second winter was one of even greater trial than the first had been. The colonists were again wasted by an infectious disease brought among them by FIRST MEETING-HOUSE, SALEM, MASS. persons who had contracted it on shipboard. Eighty died. The rest were mostly weak and sick, with desti- tution staring them in the face. So that in the follow- ing summer the colony offered a sad, dispiriting sight to its new-come friends. But Endicott was a man of Roman stamp and a wor- thy successor to sturdy Roger Conant. Moreover he knew that great preparations were on foot to sustain him and his colony. THE COLONY AT SALEM. 155 1 JOHN ENDICOTT was a man of iron will and great individuality. Naturally a leader and a Puritan of the sternest type he is found not only always on the aggressive side, but in the forefront of every movement signalling the somewhat arbitrary policy of the Puritan Fathers toward religious opponents. Though holding such extreme views Endicott was often put by the people in the high- est office within their gift, which shows that his higher qualities had won their trust. Yet his natural make-up seems more that of soldier than statesman but a soldier who would never swerve from the path of duty no matter into what dangers it might lead him. 2 FIRST HOUSES. Doubt exists as to whether the first settlers built in the neighborhood of Collins' Cove or in what is now the central part of Salem. 3 CONY AND HEDGEHOG. One stormy day, out of pity a cony let a hedgehog share her burrow. The hedgehog repaid the kindness by driving the poor cony out of her own burrow with its sharp pricks. 4 THE PHYSICIAN was Samuel Fuller. He was also deacon of the Pilgrim Church. s THREE MINISTERS were Bright, Skelton and Higginson. SALEM was so named (Peace) because of the peaceful settlement of disputes arising between old and new planters which had grown into a " dangerous jarre." The name is from Ps. Ixxvi. 2. 7 FIRST CHURCH OF SALEM. The first fully organized Congregational Church in America, Aug. 1629. Samuel Skelton and Francis Higginson were pastor and teacher. The building, restored, stands in rear of Plummer Hall, Salem. THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1630. HAVING settled Endicott in New England the Com- pany at home next petitioned for a royal charter, which the king alone could give them. So far they were a company for colonization only. It would seem that the Puritans had resolved to found a free state in New England for among them were men of broad views. Charles I. granted them a very liberal charter in 1629. It changed them from a company of merchants into a political body with officers in lawful authority, and power to govern themselves almost independently. It created a legislature, or General Court, 1 with ability to do whatever might be found needful for maintaining or defending the colony in the enjoyment of its privileges. Though they had tried and tried again the Pilgrims could never obtain such a charter as this. 156 THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1(530. Directly the Company met in secret council to see whether they would remove the seat of government from London to New England, as some had proposed doing, or keep it in England where it was. The pro- posers reasoned that where the body was the head should also be. Moreover, they claimed that such re- Roxbury j- Dorchester I 31t.Wollaston t Wessagusset MASSACHUSETTS COLONY, 1630. moval would free them from the annoying oversight of the king's ministers and bishops. In England their hands would be tied. In England they could never act quite freely or fearlessly. This was the only way in which they could work with free hands. Their best friends believed the colony could be made a success in no other way. THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1630. 157 This step was agreed upon by general consent and the Company newly organized with John Winthrop 2 as governor, in the room of Matthew Cradock. With great earnestness the company then set about getting ready ships to take out all who might wish to go to New England, for the number promised to be very great. Because throughout the length and breadth of the kingdom the Puritans were looking eagerly to- ward New England as their Promised Land. Though forbidden to meet together for public or private wor- ship, and closely watched in every town and hamlet of the realm, they found ways of communicating with each other in spite of constables or pursuivants. 3 The times were every day growing darker and darker. The future looked even more gloomy. So widespread was this feel- ing of coming evil that when the Company called for emigrants near fifteen hundred persons came to the designated seaports. Tracts setting forth the plans of the undertakers were scattered throughout England. The Company promised to give a piece of land to every colonist who should con- tribute money or goods to a common fund. He bought a share and became a shareholder. This land was to be his own. The money he paid went to equip and victual the ships, to pay the sailors' wages and provide supplies for the colony. On this plan every man could be a freeholder, instead of a sort of bond-servant, as the Pilgrims had been. Some poor people went as servants, and those who paid their own expenses had land as- signed to them. In March 1630 one company of colonists sailed for New England in the ship Mary and John. Before sail- ing, these people had formed themselves into a church 158 THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1630. and they brought their own ministers 4 along with them. In six Aveeks they arrived safely at Nantasket where their captain put them on shore much against their will, as they had meant to settle on Charles River, and thought he should have carried them there. Seeing their lonely situation some of the old planters kindly lent them a boat in which a party of picked men, all well armed, went to look up a location. This party landed first at Charlestown, where they found a house and several wigwams, but saw only one Englishman, who gave them a boiled bass to eat. It was all he had. They then rowed on up the Charles until they found it growing narrow and shallow, when they went on shore and encamped on the beautiful plain where the United States Arsenal now stands. The woods around them were full of Indians of whom the explorers stood in great fear. But they soon made friends with them. The explorers thought to make their settlement here, and so remained on the ground several days ; but mean- time their friends having found at Mat'ta'pan a location which they liked, the boat party was called back. From this landing the neighborhood was long known as Dor- chester Fields. And because many of these people belonged in Dorchester, England, they called their set- tlement at Mattapan, Dorchester. 5 It was begun early in June, or some time before that at Boston was. By April, eleven other ships were ready or nearly so. Four sailed in company from the Isle of Wight on the 8th, and got fairly to sea on the 10th. On this day they lost sight of England. Mt. Desert was the first land made by the Arbella, which was the foremost ship of the fleet, and had the PTfl C Ll, BOSTOX SEEMED A SPLENDID CITY. THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1630. 159 governor on board. Then, as she sailed along, the great White Hills rose cloud-like in the distance ; then Agamenticus, which was the landmark they were seek- ing. At the Isles of Shoals a ship was seen riding at anchor : at Cape Ann another ; with many fishing shal- lops sailing to and fro, as the Arbella drew in toward the land. It was now early June, " And what is so rare as a day in June? " Wild flowers decked All was bright and beautiful, the green shores, whose exquisite odors charmed the sea-worn emigrants' senses. Nature seemed welcoming them with fairest smiles. At four in the morning of the 12th of June, 1630, being close to her port, the Arbella fired two guns. Shortly after she came to anchor near the Cape Ann shore. Most of the people hastened on shore, where they found plenty of ripe strawberries growing wild in the fields. In the afternoon Endicott came from Salem to pay Winthrop a visit, after which Winthrop and some of the principal men and women went back with Endicott to Salem, where they supped on a good venison pasty and good beer. SAILING FROM THE ISLE OF WIGHT. 160 THE GREAT EMIGRATION, 1030. 1 GREAT AND GENERAL COURT created by the charter of 1629, was so dis- tinguished from the ordinary courts held by the Governor and Assistants. Four " great, general, and solemn " assemblies were ordered to be held in each year (Hilary, Easter, Trinity and Michaelmas Terms) for electing officers, admitting freemen and making laws. The ancient title given to its legislature is still retained by Massachusetts. 2 JOHN WINTHROP was unquestion- ably the greatest man that the Puritan movement to New England produced. His marked qualities were sagacity, pru- dence, energy without bluster and self- control without indifference. In every great public exigency we find Wiuthrop the master-spirit, eventually controlling or guiding events. His administration was never free from difficulties, seldom from dangers of no common sort, yet his sagacious policy brought the colony safely through them. It i.-< doubtful if any other man than he could have crushed the Antinomian movement. Where Wiu- throp was narrow it was the fault of his age. He was the determined foe of every innovation in government or religion, as he and others had established them. He had strong class prejudices, believed only the higher class should rule and was charged with sometimes overstepping the limits of his authority. But in every sense of the word Winthrop was a man among men a statesman, dexterous in diplomacy, patient under restraint, firm in adversity and in all things an incor- ruptible patriot. 3 PURSUIVANT, a State messenger. 4 MINISTERS John Maverick and John Warham. c DORCHESTER was first settled on the seaside from Old Harbor to Savin Hill, and on the plain between; now part of Boston. THE SETTLERS AT CHARLESTOWN. THE founders of this colony had meant to build one large, fortified town. For this purpose they brought ordnance and munitions of war in abundance. Not find- ing the situation of Salem to their liking the head men at once set about looking up a better. Two parties went up Charles and Mystic rivers as far as boats could go ; for it seems to have been their mind to settle upon one of these rivers. The reason why they preferred an inland situation to one on the seacoast was because whenever England went to war they would run the risk of having their town destroyed should they build where large ships could approach it. Indeed, at this very time word was brought that the French were coming to destroy them. THE SETTLERS AT CHARLESTOWN. 161 They had about made up their minds in favor of the Charles River, on account of better grazing and farming lands to be had a few miles up. But after bringing their ships round to Charlestown so many people had Weer EARLIEST MAP OP BOSTON AND VICINITY. SUPPOSED DATE 1635. fallen sick of ship-fever 1 that the project had to be given up. So rather from necessity than choice the principal settlement was begun early in July at Charlestown, 2 though we hear of none who favored it as a permanent site for their city. Although coming in midsummer, instead of midwin- ter, the experience of these colonists was hardly differ- ent from the Pilgrims'. Camp life in July was certainly 162 THE SETTLERS AT CHAKLESTOWN. no hardship as compared with camp life in December, yet the old fatality seemed waiting on the coming of every colony, without regard to season. This peninsula was much too small to subsist all the colonists with their cattle. They found only one spring and that one on the beach where every tide covered it, so that no water could be had till the tide fell. Con- sequently those who had many cattle drove them up CBADOCK HOUSE, CALLED THE OLD FORT, MEDFOKD, MASS. Charles River to the place that the Dorchester men had first chosen, which they called Water town. Still another party went up to the head of the tide on the Mystic, chose a location near the great marshes, and named it Medford. Here, then, are three initial points. All the people, at first, dwelt in tents, booths, or wig- wams pitched on and around the Town Hill, 3 which made the settlement look more like a camp than a city. Having their government ready organized, 110 time THE SETTLERS AT CHARLESTOWN. 163 was lost iii putting it in operation. One of the first things done was to send for Morton and hold him prisoner. Too many people were huddled together for health. The seeds of ship-fever spread rapidly among them. Water was scarce. Nourishing food could not be had. Summer heat spread the infection from tent to tent. Numbers died and some lay long unburied in their poor hovels for want of hands to dig their graves. By reason of this dreadful visitation the governor called a solemn fast which was held on July 30. This day was also chosen as most fitting to form a church and it was done accordingly. Fear and despondency drove many away. Nearly, or quite, a hundred went home in the same ships that brought them over. Others went to Piscataqua. But their going could not dismay the stout-hearted ones who bore up bravely under their many afflictions. Winthrop, the governor, wrote home that if all were to be done over again he would do no differently. Dud- ley, the bluff deputy-governor, wrote that those who were left thought themselves no worse off for those who had' gone. Still, bear up as bravely as they might, their condition was no less one of great hardship and peril from which only equal good fortune could rescue them. They had learned too late that shiploads of poor emigrants do not make a colony. Their church was the open air. Beneath the shade of a spreading tree their pastor, Mr. Wilson, 4 preached to them on the Sabbath. u We here enjoy God and Jesus Christ. Is not that enough ? " Winthrop asks of his absent wife. 164 THE SETTLERS AT CHARLESTOWN. While thus distressed, their solitary neighbor Black- stone visited them. He invited them to come over to Shawmut to live. Among other reasons he gave, Black- stone said there was a fine spring at Shawmut. Seeing always before them the high three-peaked mount that stood in the centre of Shawmut the set- tlers had already begun calling it Trimountain. 5 It is probable that the governor and others soon went to see whether a general removal would be for the best. 1 SHIP-FEVER, or scurvy, broke out as the spiritual father of the colony. at sea. The passage was long and de- When the schism in his church took tention on shipboard spread the disease. place on account of Mrs. Hutchinson he 2 CHARLESTOWN is now a part of was Winthrop's strongest ally. Boston. s TRIMOUNTAIN, TRIMOUNT and 3 TOWN HILL rises directly from the TREMONT are all different forms of the public square, next Boston side. same word, 4 REV. JOHN WILSON was regarded BOSTON EXPLORED AND SETTLED. FRONTING Charlestown, a green hill 1 rose up from the water's edge. Its sea-face was a steep gravel bluff, quite like the present harbor headlands. At the foot of this bluff the explorers landed. Going round the beach under it they found the hill nearly cut off from the rest of the peninsula by two coves, one on the seaside and one on the riverside, with a creek connecting them. Cross- ing over the low, wet ground between these coves, they began to mount the second and highest hill, which they had christened Trimountain. The Indian paths they followed led to the spring Blackstone told them of. While tasting its sweetness they saw, beyond them, on the harbor side, another pretty high hill. The men- BOSTON EXPLORED AND SETTLED. 165 who had seen service in the wars said that cannon planted on the hill where they landed and on this one would easily defend the place. They showed how these > / i n 'QT^ * f^ACON / .. / jpfc ^S HILL i 'VsrMcoce one's i \ . t'.c.,- M ,,iife ORIGINAL FEATURES OF BOSTON. two heights so protected the great cove as to make it a safe harbor ; while the one next Charlestown also would defend the entrance to Charles River. 166 BOSTON EXPLORED AND SETTLED. Shortly after passing the last or southernmost hill they came to a third cove. Three hills, the central one being highest, and three coves, the eastern being largest, were thus the prominent features of Trimountain. When they had gone as far as they could, with the peninsula always growing narrower before them, the explorers came out of the woods at a point opposite the mainland to find that Trimountain was an island, at high tides. As the tide fell it laid bare a strip of sand and pebbles over which one could then pass to the main- land. 2 It was seen that the posting of a few men here would prevent any one invading them from the land side, quite as easily as fortifying the hills would keep out those who should approach from the sea. And, as we have said, the colonists looked first arid foremost to making a good defence. The explorers had to go through thickets, briars and swamps on their way in and out. They found a stag- nant pool lying in a hollow of the great hill, not far from Blackstone's cottage ; and near by a solitary native elm 3 was thriftily growing. All the ground was over- grown with huckleberry bushes. Beginning at this place, there was a goodly breadth of nearly level, or gently sloping, land all the way down to the seaside cove. It was high, dry and sunny and was the best for building, planting and pasturage. Clumps of trees grew here and there ; but the penin- sula was nowhere thickly wooded, though there were many hollows and swampy places well covered with trees. Nor was there so much as a ledge to be seen. There were no Indians. Blackstone lived entirely alone. Isaac Johnson was the richest man among the colo- nists and much looked up to by them. He favored a BOSTON EXPLORED AND SETTLED. 167 removal and was among the first to make the change of residence which soon became general. So taking their tents and their flocks, like the Israel- ites of old, numbers crossed the river to Trimountain before the end of August. In the first boatload that went over was a romping English girl named Anne Pollard, who lived to be over a hundred years old. As the boat drew near the shore she laughingly said that she would be the first one to land, and getting on the bow she jumped to the strand before any one else. In doing this she had only repeated what Mary Chilton did at Plymouth, ten years before her. Leaving behind them the height next Charles- town, all took their way to the vicinity of the great cove and spring. The path trod by these people in going to and fro thus became the very first highway on Trimountain. While this was going on, the chief men continued for a while longer to transact the public business at Charles- town. But so many had crossed the river to stay that on the 7th of September by their style, which would now be reckoned the 17th by ours, they held a court at which it was ordered that Trimountain should be called Bos- ton. 4 This was the name they had all along meant to give their first town. 1 CONSULT plan, p. 165. supposed to be a corruption of that of 2 ORIGINAL CONDITION of Washing St. Botolph a Saxon saint who lived ton Street above Dover. in the early part of the Christian era. 3 THE ELM was doubtless the same as Many of the colonists were from Lin- that so long known as the Great Elm, colnshire and some of their most influen- which was blown down in 1876. tial patrons lived there. No better reason 4 BOSTON was named for Boston in can be given for the adoption of the Lincolnshire, Eng. The name itself is name. 168 THK PILGRIMS OF BOSTON. THE PILGRIMS OF BOSTON. THE Boston settlers located themselves chiefly around the great cove. Isaac Johnson took the square now enclosed by Washington, Court, Tremont and School streets. Governor Winthrop chose a spot nearest the LANDMARKS IN SETTLED DISTRICT. J, First burial place. W, Winthrop's house. 8, The spring gate (Spring Lane). M, Market-place. C, The first church. P, Rev. Mr. Wilson's house. M. R., Original water front (Merchants' Row). spring. People who came from the same towns in Eng- land formed little neighborhoods. Their cattle were turned out to get their own living. Hardly had a beginning been made when Mr. Johnson died. His death was much deplored for he was a wise and pious man whose whole heart was set upon the success THE PILGRIMS OF BOSTON. 169 of the colony. He was buried in a corner of his own lot, which in this way became Boston's first burial place. 1 The people saw that the great cove was to be their harbor, so they named it the Town Cove. They decided to have a beacon on the highest hill, a fort on the south- ernmost, and a mill on that next Charlestown. Very soon Bostonians spoke of their three eminences as Wind- mill Hill, Beacon Hill, and Fort Hill. Near the centre of settlement they laid out a market- place. On one side they by and by built a little church with mud walls and thatched roof; and on the other a hojise for Rev. John Wilson, their minister. But before this was done William Pynchon with others had settled Roxbury (Sept. 28). So that by the time Boston was fairly begun a chain of settlements stretched round it on the mainland. Very small and feeble ones they were. With these added the whole now numbered ten 2 in Massachusetts. The plantation at Watertown was begun by Sir Richard Saltonstall 3 and his followers. That at Med- ford was begun by Matthew Cradock's agent, with men and cattle sent over for the purpose. When it was thought best to separate, the leading men took charge of little communities of their own friends or servants. Very busy were these September days in all the plan- tations. At Boston all their household goods, provisions and animals had to be brought across the river. The FIRST CHURCH OF BOSTON. 170 THE PILGRIMS OF BOSTON. COMMUNION VESSEL. time spent at Charlestown was as good as wasted. Every thing had to be done over again with autumn close at hand. The plant- ing season was over. In- stead of getting fresh pro- visions at Salem to recruit their sick, they had found many of the people there destitute and begging for help for themselves. Win- throp had the wise foresight to hasten one of the ships home for a supply of food : and it was well that he did so. Some houses, however, were got ready for the winter. They were roughly built, thatched cottages with wooden chimneys plastered with clay. No time could be wasted on show. Each completed house sheltered as many as it would hold, but the greater number continued to live in tents or wigwams for want of means to build for themselves. And these poor people fared badly. So far the settlers had bat- tled with disease, but not with want. Their letters say " Though we have not beef and mutton yet, God be praised ! we want them not. Our In- dian com answers for all. Yet here is fowl and fish in great plenty." WINTHROP'S FLAGON. THE PILGRIMS OF BOSTON. 171 So touching the country, they told their friends that they saw little difference between the country and Eng- land. There was as good land but none so poor : sweet air, fair rivers, plenty of springs, with better water than in England. No want of any thing to those who brought means " to raise out of the earth or sea." In a word the knee-timber of the enterprise was money. Wolves prowled round the plantations. Goats and swine were killed every day. In October the settlers began to be pinched by scarcity. Maverick then went with some of them to Narragansett to buy corn. Once a day, at low tide, the women would go and gather clams and mussels on the shore. Ground-nuts and acorns sup- ported them as they had Weston's starv- \_ ing men. By the end of October their provisions were almost exhausted and fam- ine threatened them nearly. One man walked to Plymouth and back to get a little corn for his family. Another has told how he longed for the crusts he used to see on his father's table. Some had their last loaf in the oven, some had nothing left. Fortune showed them favor in one way. The winter was mild and open with only light frosts till the end of December. Bitter cold then set in. The rivers quickly froze up. Snow covered the ground. The poor beasts could no longer get their own living abroad but wan- dered up and down without shelter or food. Those who dwelt in tents became sickly and many died. More must have perished from want but for the timely arrival of the expected ship. For this relief a ^thanksgiving was ordered to be held instead of the fast that had already been appointed, to seek God in their afflictions. 172 THE PILGRIMS OB" BOSTON. 1 FOR DETAILS concerning the topog- raphy or landmarks consult " Old I -and marks of Boston." See plan, p. 168. 2 TEN SETTLEMENTS, Winnisimmet, Wessagusset, Salem, Charlcstown, Dor- chester, Boston, Watertowu, Koxbury, Medford, Nautasket. 3 SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL is the only titled personage who came to New England with these emigrants. He was one of the Assistants. He went back to England the next year, after settling Watertown, and did not again return. THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. THE Boston of 1631 was a place of so much misery and destitution that it was often spoken of as " Lost- Town." Things, however, began to mend, though owing to the bad reports carried home by those who had deserted SUN-DIAL, WHEEL AND CHAIR. the settlements, not a hundred people came over the second year. Regard was had to public safety by order- ing all able-bodied men to keep arms, and by forming them into train-bands. A watchful eye was kept on the Indians in whom the settlers did not put great trust. Moreover, before the summer was over, the Tarratines made one of their raids upon the Agawams, many of whom were killed and wounded. The Agawams fled for protection to the English, thus throwing them into THE HEART OP THE COMMONWEALTH. 173 alarm for their own safety. So the colonists had good cause to be always on the alert. Chic'a'tau'but, the aged sachem of Neponset, presently paid the governor a visit of ceremony. Though now having little power, he came in state with many in his train. The governor made a feast for the others, but took the chief to his own house, where Chicataubut be- haved with great propriety. Also a band of Connecticut River Indians came all the way to Boston to entreat for help to defend their country against the Pequots. They offered lands and gifts if the English would go and live among- them. In this way, most of the colo- nists now heard for the first time of the Connecticut. As a rule these colonists were wealth- ier than the Pilgrims. Consequently they had more comforts. Otherwise there was little difference in houses, garb or way of living, between them. Each was jealous of the other, though by and by mutual interest brought them to act to- gether. Their early dispersion among many places troubled the Massachusetts colonists. They had meant to follow the Pilgrims' example ; live all together in one strong, well-built town. It led to divided counsels and for a while it checked Boston's growth. In the time of doubt and misgiving the chief men had agreed to carry out their first plan, and begin a new town in the spring. It was to be on the Charles, and was meant for the capital. Accordingly, some of them HANGING-LAMP. 174 THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. did go to the place agreed upon, but it was found that the Boston people, most of whom had once before removed, would not do so again. So the plan for a general removal fell to the ground, though most of those who had gone already kept their purpose, and called their settlement Newtown. This was the way Cambridge came to be settled, for Cambridge was first called Newtown. The next year (1632) Boston was fixed upon as being the best place for public meetings. While ploughing, planting and building kept the set- tlers employed, the rulers found work to do in allotting lands, making orders or punishing the idle and vicious. Morton, with some others, had been sent away to England, and now Wai- ford, the original settler at Charlestown, was also ban- ished for his contempt of IN THE STOCKS. authority. For swearing, drunkenness or theft, the offender was tied up to a post and received a certain number of lashes from the beadle's whip. No one could settle among them or go outside the colony without leave obtained of the authorities. Sober and orderly conduct was strictly enforced. The lawbreaker and the vicious person were equally certain of punishment, since it was meant to have a government both of law and morals. Besides banishment, whipping, and imprisonment, in the Puritan colony branding with a hot iron, and slit- ting, or boring, the ears were sometimes inflicted. Sit- ting in the stocks or bilboes or standing in the pillory THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. 175 IN THE BILBOES. were common penalties for minor offences. Sometimes a criminal was made to wear a large capital letter 1 sewed on the outer garment, and so to carry the sign of disgrace about with him. The colonists had to build a prison before they did a schoolhouse. Going from crimes to what are called sumptuary laws, the rulers ordered every one who had cards or dice to destroy them. They forbade the use of tobacco. They did away with the ancient custom of drinking to each other at meals ; also the wearing of long hair by men and veils by women. One was thought a vain, the other an im- modest practice. For the same reason display in dress was re- proved by forbidding the wearing of lace, points, ruffs or slashed sleeves. And in this respect the rulers set the example of economy and simplicity for the rest. Wisely or not, the Puritan colo- nists now decided that none but members of their own church should be made freemen of the colony. By their charter only freemen were allowed to vote or hold office. Unless, therefore, he 1'ILLOKY. were a member of one of the churches, a colonist could have no share in public affairs. He was a citizen without political rights, or 176 THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. as we should now say an alien. And, as only Puritan churches 2 were permitted, the colonists had set up a Puritan State of which the church was the corner stone. It was in the meeting-house that the people came together both to worship and transact public business. The minister was supported by a tax laid on all citizens alike. He held a public station of high trust. Church and State being one, he preached on all questions of public concern, and as the people had made the Bible their code of laws they looked most to him for in- struction. So really the church gave direction to public affairs because public opinion was mostly formed by it. And so each church was not only a legal, inseparable part of each community, but its unit of force. This close union of Church and State was a grievance to many who could not, or would not, join the Puritan congregations. They com- plained of it as establishing a tyr- anny, similar in all respects to that WEATHER-VANE. ^^ ^ p uritans Rad deckled they could not live under. But the Puritans were firmly resolved not to open the door to those whom they considered adversaries. So the line was strictly drawn between them and the others, and as strictly main- tained. Although that form of government in which only part of the people had a voice could not be called a popular government, yet the seed of a democracy was sown in thus forming church-members into a body politic, be- THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. 177 cause it brought the common people to take an active part in the public business. Union in church fellowship led the people commonly to address each other as " brother " and " sister." But the class distinctions of old England were long ob- served. A mechanic, farmer or laborer was always spoken of as Goodman so and so. No one belonging to these callings could be a " Gentleman " 3 as that title was given only to those standing between the nobility and working-class. We learn how highly it was esteemed from the fact that a man who had been convicted of theft was condemned thereafter to be called plain Josias, instead of Mr. Josias Plaistow, as he had been formerly. Besides the servants, or apprentices, Samuel Maver- ick had a few negro slaves. But it was yet some time be- fore blacks were bought or sold like other property. After a time owning slaves became a common practice with all who could afford it. After the second year multitudes flocked to the colony. So many came over that the king became alarmed and tried to put a stop to it. Many were people of means. All wanted land, for all were farmers. Indeed, the new-comers were so numerous that Boston was not three years old before the people everywhere complained of being too much crowded. At this time they heard with real alarm that the GENTLEMAN IN HUFF. 178 THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. French had not only seized upon the Pilgrims' trading- house at Penobscot, 4 but had threatened to expel the English all along the coast. When asked to show his authority for this act the French officer had touched his sword-hilt and said, " This is my commission." Taking alarm at this menace the Massachusetts rulers made haste to send off a dozen men to secure possession of Agawam before any intruders should do so. Governor Winthrop's son John led the party. This was in March, 1633. The next year Agawam was made a town by the name of Ipswich, 5 and for the present it continued to be the fron- tier town of the colony, or in a military sense, an advanced post toward the enemy to prevent surprise. Besides offering a good defence, with access by the river from the sea, and Sa- lem within supporting dis- tance, it will be remembered that Agawam was the seat of the tribe which gave the place its earliest name. The English believed that the French would urge on the Tarratines, their allies, to renewed acts of hostility, and as the Agawams were friendly, they felt that by giving them support they would also be defending them- selves. But they dared not go farther into the wilder- ness at this time. The men who first settled Ipswich gave it a prestige that soon drew others of like quality to join them. THE HEART OF THE COMMONWEALTH. 179 The place itself had been over-praised by Smith who reasoned that where the Indians located their chief vil- lages, would be found the choicest lands. This was partly true. But Indians were often governed by reasons which did not apply to the white man's wants. They however welcomed the English among them as their defenders, sold them lands, and as friends and neighbors helped them to get settled. There was much open meadow, and the Indians had cleared a good breadth of upland for planting when they were a more numerous people. A chain of low hills stretched along the seacoast in front. Creeks and water courses ran through the intervening marshes. On the east the country was also open. With these natural safeguards the small band of Englishmen felt quite secure. But as the risk was great only a few were allowed to go in the first place. 1 CAPITAL LETTER. " D " for drunk- was restored to France, but leaving the ard, " A" for adulterer, etc. The motive old French claim to New England un- of Hawthorne's " Scarlet Letter." settled. While engaged in war at home, 2 PURITAN CHURCHES. Smarting Cardinal Richelieu The Great Cardinal under the memory of recent persecution had conceived the idea of putting new the Puritans became in their turn perse- life into the affairs of Canada and at the cutors of the church that had persecuted same time checking the English. A new them. They also believed that if Epis- company was formed of which Richelieu copal Churches were allowed, bishops was the head. In most things it was would be sent over to govern them and a patterned after the Dutch East India hierarchy created with all the evils from Company. No foreigner or heretic was which they had fled. Moreover the Pil- to be admitted into the colony. Under grims had set them the example of ex- the vigorous policy inaugurated by Riche- cluding non-church-members from a lieu the move to recover Acadia was be- share in the government. gun at Penobscot. 3 A GENTLEMAN by their law could c IPSWICH. From Ipswich, Suffolk not be whipped. Co., Eng. The first minister was Rev. 4 PENOBSCOT TAKEN. The unequal Nathaniel, or Nat, Ward, who wrote struggle between France and England a witty, though not very favorable, ac- over the Huguenots had ended with the count of the country entitled the " Sim- taking of La Rochelle. Then came the pie Cobbler of Agawam." He went back treaty of St. Germain by which Acadia to England. 180 TOWN AND COLONY. TOWN AND COLONY. LITTLE has been said about the government of the colony or its workings. In the first place the charter stood for a constitution. Indeed, it was a written con- stitution, for in it the whole frame of government was ready fitted to be put together when the colonists got to New England. All they had to do was to come together at stated times in order to elect officers, make laws or consider such other public business as might come before them. Their body was called The Great and General Court. Once a year they chose a governor, deputy-governor and eighteen of their ablest men to act as helps to the governor. Therefore these eighteen coun- sellors were called Assistants. The Governor and Assistants formed a lesser court whose du- ties were to execute the laws, with power to do certain other things which the charter named. We should now call it the executive power. At first the colonial authorities took charge of every thing. But presently town governments were formed on the model of the colonial. So simple, yet so perfect, is this model that the American village has often been called the germ of states and empires. All the citizens met and chose a certain number of their principal men to whom the town's affairs were to COLONY SEAL. TOWN AND COLONY. 181 t be intrusted. These 'overseers were afterward called Selectmen. 1 When the inhabitants came together about the town's business it was called a Town-Meeting. 2 They first chose a Moderator who put questions to vote and kept order. The Boston settlers cut off the Neck with a fence, in which was a gate and stile, for travellers who, in going to and fro, made a footway through the peninsula. In time the footpath grew to be a cartway which, in the settled part of the town, was. called The Street. Blackstone soon left them. Though he had invited the settlers to come there, it is said that he did not like their company when they had come. So rather than stay he went to Rehoboth, 3 which was then a wilderness. The settlers had given him a home-lot of fifty acres, near his house. They had also made him a freeman. But Black- stone was an Episcopalian and he could not join their church. It is also evident that he wished to live alone. He therefore sold most of his land to the town for thirty pounds, or about a hundred and fifty dollars of our money. The town then set apart the tract to be kept as a pasture and training-field, for the common use of all the inhabitants. And this was the origin of the noble park situated in the heart of Boston. It was ori- ginally a Common, not only in name, but in the uses to which it was put. Philemon Pormont was the first schoolmaster. John Coggan opened the first shop and Samuel Cole the first inn. Market days were established. Swine were not allowed to run at large. More orderly building was 182 TOWN AND COLONY. looked to, as the first comers had mostly built along the crooked paths, to which crooked streets and lanes were the successors. Stirring events were at hand. The new colony was destined to grow up with strife within and without. First the colonists heard that the Pequots had killed some English traders. They were next alarmed by the report that Endicott had cut out the cross from the national ensign, because the cross in it was a symbol of the Roman Church. Most people were offended, for they revered their country's flag. The timid ones dreaded the king's anger. So Endicott was censured for his hasty act. Increase of population made the coming together of all the freemen in General Court, which was the old way, no longer feasible. The more the colony spread out the greater the hardship became. It was therefore settled that in future each town should send deputies instead. This was the be- ginning of representative government 4 in Massachusetts. When these deputies met for the annual election, all had to pass through a room where the Governor and Assistants sat in state. Each deputy dropped his paper ballot into a hat and then went out. Elections were sometimes hotly contested, and canvassing for votes went on in much the same way that it does to-day. It is said that at one election Rev. Mr. Wilson climbed a tree, the better to make a speech to the voters. CUTTING OUT THE CROSS. TOWN AND COLONY. 183 Indeed, the clergy took a prominent part in all mat- ters of public concern. Both in the pulpit and out they had great influence. No ceremony was thought to be complete without the minister. No matter was under- taken without consulting him. So at the election of 1634 the Rev. Mr. Cotton preached to the deputies. After this it grew into a custom to have a sermon on Election Day which, consequently, was called The Election Sermon. On the Sabbath morn the loud drum called the set- tlers to church. Those who did not go were fined. There being no printing-presses as yet, when a procla- mation had to be made public a trumpeter 5 was sent abroad from town to town on horseback. When he rode into a village he would wind his horn loudly, whereupon the people would gather round him to hear the news. Meanwhile, hardy settlers had pushed out as far as Newbury 6 on the north, Hingham 7 on the south, and Concord 8 on the west. Some, more adventurous still, had gone prospecting as far even as the Connecticut : and these were loud in praise of that beautiful river. By the settlement of Newbury the frontier was ad- vanced as far as the banks of the Merrimack, with the space of a few leagues .only separating it from the Pis- cataqua, or New Hampshire, settlements. This fine stream, so strangely overlooked by the first explorers of our coasts, would have opened up to them, had they but known it, a practicable way into the interior. They had missed it and it remained for years neglected. The original settlers of Newbury went from Ipswich. They are supposed to have gone by water, ascending Parker River, which was so named for Rev. Thomas 184 TOWN AND COLONY. Parker, one of their party and their first minister. Very soon after, a second plantation was begun on the opposite bank of the Merrimack, at its mouth. This was named Salisbury. Then a third, called Rowley, filled the wide gap between Ipswich and Newbury, thus closing up the coast line of settlements extending between Plymouth Colony and the province of New Hampshire. 1 SELECTMEN. The same body exists to-day, because experience has shown it to be the best for small communities. 2 TOWN-MEETING. John Adams enu- merates town-meetings, training-days, town - schools and ministers as prime elements of a free commonwealth. 3 REHOBOTH (Hebrew) originally in- cluded Seekonk, Mass., and Pawtucket and Cumberland, R.I., Seekonk being the Indian name for them all. Black- stone's actual place of residence was Study Hill," in Cumberland, R.I. Hence he was the first white inhabitant of that State. Blackstone River, on the east side of which he settled, and the town of Blackstone, Mass., perpetuate his memory and traces of his well and grave are yet remaining. 4 REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT continued in one body until a dispute arose about a stray pig. A woman prosecuted a citizen for stealing and killing her pig. The case finally went to the General Court where the hearing occupied seven days. On a final vote a majority of the Assistants were for acquittal and a majority of Deputies for conviction, but as no sentence could pass without having a majority of both Assistants and Deputies the action failed. This virtual control of the General Court by the minority bred a jealousy which led to separating it into two bodies. 5 TRUMPETER, a sort of herald and relic of the days of chivalry. An offi- cer to whom the Town Crier succeeded. 6 OLD NEWBURY was the first settled. Newburyport is of later origin. The choice was determined by the meadow lands rather than prospective commer- cial advantage, as the settlers were farmers. For their purpose they chose with judgment. But in time they found the Merrimack their truest source of greatness. Read with this Whittier's " Prophecy of Samuel Sewall." 7 HINGHAM, originally Bear's Cove. 8 CONCORD (Indian Musketaquid). The first settlers lived in rude huts and caves on the hillside between the Public Square and Merriam's Corner. Their first winter was one of much misery. INDIAN CHARACTER. INSIGHT. Edward Winslow, of Plymouth, was a great favorite of King Massasoit's. Once, when Wins- low came to the king's lodge, after a journey, Massasoit INDIAN CHARACTER. 185 SAMP PAN. offered to go to Plymouth with him. But before they set out, the king privately sent one of his men on be- fore to spread the report that Winslow was dead. The messenger did as he was bid, and there was great sorrow among the Pilgrims. The very next day Mas- sasoit brought Winslow safe home. When asked why this false report had been sent, Massasoit answered that it was the Indians' way of making an absent friend's welcome more joyful. JUSTICE. The Indians were very eager to find out how to make gunpowder. A white trader who sold some to an Indian, told him to sow it in the ground, and it would grow like wheat. The Indian was greatly elated. He went home and sowed some of his powder without delay. Month after month he watched for it to sprout, and winter came before he found out the cheat that had been put upon him. He said nothing, but some time after, when the trader had for- gotten all about his practical joke, the Indian bought a lot of goods of him, on credit. When the time came, the trader went to the Indian and de- manded payment. The Indian quietly heard him through, then looking him in the eye, said, "Me pay you when my powder grow." SENSITIVENESS. An Indian of the Kennebec tribe who had done good service in the wars, received from the whites a grant of land and settled among them. Though not ill-treated, yet the common MOCCASON. 186 INDIAN CHARACTER. prejudice against Indians prevented any sympathy with him. This was shown at the death of his only child when none of his neighbors came near him. Shortly after he went to some of them, and said with feeling, "When white man's child die, Indian sorry. He help bury him. When my child die, no one speak to me. I make his grave alone. I can no live here." He gave up his home, dug up the body of his child, and carried it two hundred miles to Canada. MIND IN ANIMALS, A hunter once shot at a bear and wounded it. The animal set up a most piteous cry. In- stead of putting the poor beast out of his misery the Indian went to where he lay groaning and spoke to him as follows : " Harkye bear ! You are a coward and no warrior as you pre- tend to be. Were you a warrior you would show it by your firmness, and not cry and whimper like an old woman. You know, bear, that our tribes are at war with each other. You have found the Indians too strong for you and you have gone sneaking about the woods, stealing their hogs. Perhaps you have hog's flesh in your belly now. Had you con- quered me, I would have borne it with courage, and have died like a brave warrior, but you, bear, sit here and cry, and disgrace your tribe by your cowardice." He then despatched him. When asked how he thought the bear could understand him, he replied, " Oh ! bear understand me very well, Did you no see how 'shamed he looked?" CLAY PIPE WITH TUPvTLE TOTEM. V. OUTSWARMS FROM THE MOTHER COLONY. THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. HITHERTO the Dutch at New Amsterdam had nearly monopolized the Indian trade throughout Long Island Sound. They had forestalled the English in Narragahsett Bay, in the Pequot, and in the Connec- ticut Rivers. While enjoying this exclusive privilege of trade, they made no effort to take formal possession anywhere, but so soon as they saw that the Pilgrims were minded to do this the Dutch suddenly resolved to be beforehand with them. To this end they sent out men who made a fort which they named " Good Hope " 1 at Suckiag (Hartford) in the summer of 1633. The Pilgrims also had got ready a bark, with the frame of a house on board, ready to be put up without loss of time. When they came to the fort the Dutch asked them where they were going. The Pilgrims answered, " We are going up the river to trade." The Dutch then ordered them to stop or they would fire " 187 188 THE PIONEEES OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. into them. Then the Pilgrims bade them fire away for stop they would not. So the bold Pilgrims sailed past the fort without fur- ther hinderance. They landed their goods and set up their trading-house on the site of Windsor, so cutting off the Dutch from the upper river. The Dutch, indeed, New.Havenf Milfordt Dutch house-Hartford t WeMrsfield CONNECTICUT AND NEW HAVEN COLONIES. brought a company of soldiers to drive them away, but on seeing that the Plymouth men would not yield with- out a fight, the wrathful Hollanders went back as they came. This happened in the autumn of 1633. The next winter is memorable for the dreadful havoc that the small-pox made among the Indians. Again, as of old, THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. 189 they died off by scores and hundreds. The Narragan- setts alone lost seven hundred men. Other tribes suf- fered in like proportion. Hearing what numbers had been swept away, the people around Boston thought it opened the door for their proposed removal. We have told how an Indian embassy came to solicit an alliance with the Bostonians. They offered to hold ANCIENT MEETING-HOUSE. their country as vassals of the English. Meantime the fierce Pequots had subdued those Indians and overrun their country. Crafty and cruel, the Pequots had killed both English and Dutch traders. The Dutch retaliated by killing some of the Pequots. The powerful Narra- gansetts were hereditary enemies of the Pequots. Now, though their great Sachem Canonicus had once sent a 190 THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1035. defiance to the Pilgrims, the Narragansetts had after kept on good terms with the English. But as for the Pequots, the Narragansetts stood ready to fight them whenever they could do so to advantage. So the cunning Pequots having the always hostile Narragansetts on one side, and seeing the Dutch as ready to take revenge on the other, in their turn sought the alliance of the Bostonians. Their runner brought two bundles of sticks to signify how many skins and how much wampum his nation would give to have peace. The Pequots also promised to submit them- selves to the English, and wished them to come to Con- necticut. So a peace was concluded. The way being thus opened, small parties of settlers soon set out for Connecticut, going both by land and water. 2 _ With great toil and fatigue, these people made their way through swamps and thickets, where no white man had yet ventured before them. Common report said that the Connecticut took its rise so near the great northern lake that the Indians crossed over from one to the other in a day's march. Great account was made of the beaver which it was thought might be turned away from the Dutch by set- tling on this river. But the chief reason why so many English wished to go to the Connecticut was because of the fertile meadow lands there, of which they had heard. A large emigration took place in 1635, of people from Watertown, Newtown (Cambridge) and Dorchester. Their removal was strongly opposed on the ground that it would weaken the colony. But two entire churches, with their ministers, had resolved to go. Their going was quaintly likened to the removal of two candlesticks set in the dark wilderness. THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. 191 The Watertown people settled what is now Wethers- field, 3 the New town people went to Hartford, and those from Dorchester to Windsor, though these places at first had other names. Both the Dutch and the Pilgrims felt aggrieved at this intrusion of the Massachusetts people, but stay it they could not, as the growing power of the emigrants soon made them the masters. In the same year another important settlement was made. This one was planned in England and had nothing to do with the upper settlements. The younger John Winthrop had rendered essential aid to the Governor, his father, in setting forth the Massachusetts Colony. He had staid in England until the next year (1631) when he followed his father to New England. The plantation at Ipswich was begun by him. He soon went back to England, at which time the Lords Say and Brook, and other noble persons, gave him commission to begin a plantation for them at the mouth of the Connecticut. For this purpose they sent men, money and an able engineer named Lion Gardiner. 4 Late in the autumn (November) Winthrop sent twenty men to take possession. Knowing that if a fort were built here it would shut them out of the river, the Dutch tried to seize upon the same place. They failed because the English had al- ready got some guns 011 shore and would not let the Dutchmen land. So the English were now masters of the river. This plantation was afterward called Say- brook 5 in compliment to its two noble patrons. The Dutch at Good Hope being in this manner "bottled up," the Pilgrims in their turn had to make the most of a bad bargain. Their complaints were 192 THE PIONEERS OP CONNECTICUT, 1635. rather coldly treated, but at length a compromise was made with those who had intruded upon their lands. As for the Hollanders, the differences between them and the English being referred to the home governments the English minister at The Hague advised the colonists " to keep on crowding the Dutch." 1 GOOD HOPE. The Dutch trading- post was situated on the point of land where Mill River joins the Connecticut. The Indian title was purchased of the Pequots after their conquest of the river region. But having located themselves within the New England Charter limits the Dutch were regarded by the English as intruders and were so treated. They however held possession of Good Hope until 1653 when their house was seized as the property of aliens. 2 OLDHAM went overland in the sum- mer of 1633. A trading-bark was also sent from Boston to the river. Under the date of Jan. 1 Winthrop mentions that " Hall and the two others who went to Connecticut in November came now home, having lost themselves and en- dured much misery." 3 WETHEUSFIELD (Indian Pequag). The English first called it Watertown. * LION GARDINER became proprietor of the fertile island at the east end of Long Island which bears his name, as Gardiner's Bay also does. 5 SAYBROOK PATENT could hardly be definitely located by its given boundaries, which were from Narragansett River forty leagues (a hundred and twenty miles) upon a straight line near the sea- shore, toward the southwest as the coast ran. It however stopped the Dutch from encroaching further upon New England territory which the Council for New Eng- land had often been entreated to prevent. Besides the two noblemen, Lord Say and Lord Brook, whose names Saybrook perpetuates, the two great commoners Hampden and Pym were among the patentees and it is more than probable that they as well as Cromwell meditated, if they did not actually attempt, a re- moval to New England. Read English history of this period. PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT -Continued. THOSE people who had first begun plantations did not escape hardship or suffering. Many went back in the late autumn to their old homes in order to avoid starva- tion in the new. When spring came, nearly all who were left at New- town followed their friends to Hartford. They drove their flocks before them, and lived on their milk by the way. THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. 193 Their pastor, Thomas Hooker, 1 travelled with them, his invalid wife being borne in a horse-litter. Other dissatisfied colonists soon followed the example of these pioneers. In 1636 William Pynchon led a party from Roxbury to the great meadows situated above Windsor, then known by the Indian name of Agawam. They settled here, and later (1640) it was called Spring- field. 2 ' All these river settlements, except Saybrook, at first con- sented to be under the author- ity of Massachusetts, though they soon (1638, old style) formed a little confederacy, under written articles of agreement, of their own. But not until 1662 did they obtain a royal charter giving them powers of government, and defining their bounda- ries. John Haynes 3 was one of the framers of their first compact, and he was chosen their first governor under it. They took the name of Connecticut Colony from the great river, while Massachusetts had begun to be famil- iarly designated as the Bay Colony, and the long wilder- ness way between as the Bay Path. 4 Having wisely made their settlements close together these colonists could give each other a helping hand in time of need, and the need came quickly. 1 THOMAS HOOKER, an English Puri- which followed him to Connecticut In a tan divine, after much persecution came body. This fact, taken with others, in 1633 to New England. He was at shows what hold Hooker had upon hia once settled over the church at Newtown people who seemed to have looked to WILLIAM PYNCHON. 194 THE PIONEERS OF CONNECTICUT, 1635. him as their Moses. It is not unlikely that this removal may be attributed in some part to jealousy which the bringing together in a narrow field of so many eminent men naturally created. Late comers, like Hooker, found the higher places in Church and Commonwealth already filled. 2 SPRINGFIELD was so named in honor of its founder's English residence. Its settlers had leave to go under like condi- tions with other emigrants to Connecti- cut. They built their first house on the west side of the river, in the meadow since called House-Meadow, but subse- quently went to the other side on finding that the low lands were subject to over- flow. An agreement was entered into providing for the settlement of a minis- ter, division of lands, with limitation of their whole number to fifty families, and raising means to defray public charges. 3 JOHN HAYNES came with Hooker to Boston. His abilities advanced him first to the place of Assistant and next (1635) to that of Governor of Massachusetts. All accounts concede him great personal worth as well as capacity for public station. He was most influential and persevering in pushing on the movement to Connecticut, where his administration was wise and memorable. 4 THE BAY PATH followed nearly the same route as the present great high-road leading from Boston to Springfield via Brookfield. It was marked by " blazed " trees (trees from which the bark is chipped) and instead of villages there were certain camping-places at the end of each day's march which in time be- came populous towns. But the first travellers often lost themselves. J. G. Holland has written a romance of the early days entitled the "Bay Path," with Springfield for its scene of action. RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, 1636-1637. ROGER WILLIAMS, 1 the founder of Rhode Island, came to New England in 1631. He was one of those Puritan ministers who sought a refuge from persecu- tion. He was at first minister at Salem, then at Plymouth and then at Salem again, though he did not stay long in either place. Men of his own time say that Williams was a "godly and zealous" man, but one of "very unsettled judgment." One writer says he had a " windmill in his head." Williams thought the rulers had laid down false prin- ciples of government. He therefore attacked those principles. The rulers thought Williams bent on sow- ing dangerous ideas which could only breed dissensions. RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. 195 So they tried to stop his preaching them, first by mild then by harsh means, but at all events to stop them. But Williams was fearless for the right, as he be- lieved it. So he kept on until the Puritan fathers silenced him as the English bishops had silenced the Puritan ministers. Meantime Williams had made some con- verts to his way of thinking, and most people admired him, for he was a man of learning and ability. His own church at Salem held to him last and longest, but at length that too sor- rowfully gave him up as a sheep that has strayed from the fold. Roger Williams maintained that all laws which fettered a EAKLY SETTLEMENTS IN RHODE ISLAND. man s conscience were unjust. Making it an offence to stay away from meeting was one. And if one was wrong then all were. He declared those things to lie between a man and his Maker. He cen- sured the magistrates. He charged them with injustice and oppression, and the churches with corruption. In some things Williams was himself narrow, but in his 196 RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. grand idea of religious tolerance he stood far ahead of his time. Williams' aims were pure and noble. So was his character. But the Puritans had only just established their system and would by no means admit the need of such sweeping reform as he advocated. As Williams stoutly maintained his charges they banished him. Both at Plymouth and Salem Williams had spent much time in learning the Indian tongue. To do this he often slept in their filthy, smoky holes, not thinking then of the great benefit it was to be to him by and by. Williams was allowed some stay of the sentence of exile, but he was commanded not to preach. Hearing that he was holding re- ligious meetings at his house, offi- cers were sent to take him into custody. Williams had timely notice of their coming from Gov- ernor Winthrop, who privately wrote him " to steer his course " for Narragansett Bay and the WILLIAMS' COMPASS AND DIAL. T T Narragansett Bay was the great granary of early New England. The west shore and islands belonged to the Narragansetts. The east shore was the country of Massasoit. From the day of Verrazano's visit no white man had inhabited it. The Dutch and the Pilgrims had commerce with the natives but held no spot of ground on the shores of this great bay. It was in the heart of winter. Leaving his wife and children behind, Roger Williams fled in secrecy and haste. Through snow and ice he made his way to See- KHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. 197 konk, not far from the place where Blackstone lived. Here Williams began to plant and build, and others came to join him. Fearing that trouble might arise with his Massachu- setts neighbors, Governor Winslow advised Williams in a friendly letter to go outside the Plymouth limits. Ac- cordingly, Williams, with five others, went in a canoe to look for another location. Tradition says that when BLACKS-TONE'S HOME. these wanderers approached the eastern shore of See- konk River they saw Indians who called out in English, " What cheer, friends ? What cheer ? " Going round a peninsula, Williams and his com- panions landed at the foot of a hill which he pitched upon for his settlement. In gratitude for " God's merci- ful providence to him in distress," he called this place Providence. 2 198 KHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. Between these several removals, Williams says that he was sorely tossed up and down, " not knowing for fourteen weeks what bed or bread did mean." But he was not friendless. His wife and children soon joined him. People began to find their way to the exile's home. Winslow came to visit him, and noting his old friend's distress he slipped a piece of gold in Mrs. Wil- liams' hand when he went away. The Indians showed the exile great kindness. His knowledge of their language now stood him in good stead, for he may be said to have cast himself upon their mercy. This place, which Williams gratefully called Providence, was claimed by M a s s a s o i t, who owned himself sub- but Williams was told that he should not be disturbed. He bought the land of the natives over whom he soon gained great influence. Williams afterward gave up his right to the whole body of settlers. They made a simple compact to abide by all such orders as the public good might require. These rules were to be established by a majority of the inhabitants duly assembled in Town-Meeting. Two deputies were to see to their enforcement. There BLACKS-TONE'S GRAVE. ject to Plymouth Colony RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. 199 was no hint of restraint of citizenship for conscience 1 sake. 1 ROGER WILLIAMS was a Welshman, proved the salvation of the endangered educated at London and Cambridge, plantations, for he alone was able to con- Eng. He was the friend of Cromwell, trol the intractable Narragansetts. He is Vane and Milton. He wrote a few con- considered the founder of the Baptists troversial tracts but nothing of equal in America. value to his " Key " to the Indian tongue, 2 PROVIDENCE. Indian Mooshausick. which so aptly supplements Eliot's her- Williams' landing-place at Slate Kock is culean labors in the same field. It is to held in affectionate veneration by Rhode be noted in estimating Williams that Islanders. Sound judgment marked his while detesting his opinions men like selection of a site within reach of Boston Winthrop and Winslow remained his and Plymouth and at the head of naviga- friends. His generous forgetfulness of tion rather than at some point lower self when the several colonies were in down the bay. Until 1730 Providence danger is not his least claim to the title included Smithfield, Gloucester and of public benefactor; nor is the fact of Scituate. his exile less remarkable for having WARWICK PLANTATION. A YEAR or more after Providence was settled, some of the people who had cattle moved a few miles further down the bay, keeping within Williams' purchase, to a place on the Pawtuxet, where good grazing was to be had in summer and hay for winter. They settled here. Not long after, Samuel Gorton, an itinerant preacher who had been driven from Rhode Island, came among them. He proved a disturber of their peace. To rid themselves of Gorton the Pawtuxet people proffered their submission to Massachusetts. Gorton then bought Shawomet, or Warwick Neck, of Miantonimo and went there to live. He was still too near. Two petty sa- chems who thought themselves injured by the sale car- ried their complaint to Boston. 1 All the parties were ordered to appear there. Miantonimo went, but Gorton treated the summons with disdain. Gorton had some followers of his own mind. His de- 200 WARWICK PLANTATION. fiance soon brought a company of soldiers to Shawomet with order to take him at all hazards. He and his friends shut themselves up in a house, barricaded it, and declared that they would not be taken alive. The sol- diers then fired on them, though without doing them any hurt. After standing a short siege Gorton gave himself up. He and his companions were first imprisoned, and SHAWOMET. then sent among several towns for safe keeping. This was in October, 1643. When he was set free Gorton went to England to seek redress, at which time he pro- cured from the Earl of Warwick a patent to Shawomet with which he hastened back to his old residence, there- after called Warwick in honor of Gorton's noble patron. 2 1 READ WITH THIS the "Death of Miantoniino." 2 THIS CURIOUS CHAPTER shows us that notwithstanding it promised the fullest freedom of conscience Williams' compact did not in practice always attain that end. KHODE ISLAND PLANTATIONS. 201 RHODE ISLAND PLANTATIONS, 1637, THE next to settle in Rhode Island were also exiles Hying from religious persecution. The Puritans had shown in Roger Williams' case how jealous they were of new or strange doctrines. It was only a year later that they were again troubled by the spread of novel opinions which the clergy styled heresies* These so-called heresies originated in the church of Boston, and were advocated by some of the foremost men and women in the colony. At first, a great part of the church went with the new movement. There was a very gifted but ambitious woman, named Anne Hutchinson, 1 who said the ministers did not preach sound doctrines to the people. It was then thought unseemly for women to mix in public affairs. Mrs. Hutchinson gave great offence by holding meetings in her house where women could talk over religious ques- tions in private. She led all the rest in advocating the new doctrines and very many sided with her. And the town was presently drawn to one or the other side. The dispute grew to a serious quarrel so serious that the whole colony was divided into factions, for, or against, the new creed. 2 "Fierce speeches were spoken and some laid hands on others." The civil authorities then interfered. They first banished Rev. John Wheel- wright. Then Mrs. Hutchinson was also exiled. Many prominent men were disfranchised and many more dis- armed for upholding her. These severe measures were taken because it was feared that Mrs. Hutchinson's followers might make a revolution. 202 RHODE ISLAND PLANTATIONS. Driven to seek a home elsewhere, a company of eight- een travelled to Providence, where Roger Williams was. By his advice they went to the beautiful island called by the Indians Aquidneck, and by the whites Rhode Island, 3 which Williams helped them to buy of Canonicus. This was in March, 1637, old style. Settling first at the northern end of the island, so many came to join them that another settlement 4 was OLD STONE MILL, NEWPORT, R.I. begun by William Coddington 5 at the southern end, where there was a fine harbor, the next spring. The first settlement was called Portsmouth and the second Newport. At first the islanders lived independently of their brethren at Providence, under a simple government of their own making, they too being without patent or charter. But in 1643 the three towns 6 obtained a KHODE ISLAND PLANTATIONS. 203 patent uniting them in one body under the name of Providence Plantations. For a long time neither the colonists of Plymouth nor Massachusetts would recog- nize these new plantations in any way. They continued however to flourish by reason of the coming of those who thought the Puritan rule too strict. 1 ANNE HUTCHINSON was the daugh- ter of Rev. Francis Marbury. She mar- ried William Hutchinson of Lincolnshire, Eng., who brought his family to New England in the autumn of 1634. When his wife was exiled he sold his property in Boston and went with her to Rhode Island, taking a prominent part in the settlement there. Soon after his death the widow removed to New Rochelle. The Indians massacred the whole family, except one daughter, who was carried into captivity. 2 THE NEW CREED, or Familism, as it was sometimes -called, held that no one could be a Christian unless he had received an inward revelation of the Spirit. s RHODE ISLAND. From Rhodes in the Levant. The name is usually re- ferred to the year 1644, but Roger Wil- liams says that Aquidneck was so-called " by ue " in 1636. 4 ANOTHER SETTLEMENT. Palfrey thinks that trouble among the settlers at Portsmouth led to this early division. 5 WILLIAM CODDINGTON, a wealthy merchant, was the leading man in this emigration. His high position in Massa- chusetts Colony with the prominent part he took in these troubles caused his se- lection as first governor of Rhode Island Plantations. 6 THREE TOWNS. Besides these, about 1641 Richard Smith set up the first trad- ing-house in the Narraganset country in what is now Wickford, and some few people settled in the neighborhood, on particular grants obtained from the In- diaus. THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. SOMETHING has been said already about the Pequots and their behavior towards the English and Dutch. Notwithstanding their losses by disease the Indians still outnumbered the English four to one. Therefore the English were always afraid that the Indians might com- bine to attack them. The Pequot country proper was not very extensive. It was originally only a narrow strip between the Pawcatuck and Thames ; but, as we have said, these 204 THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. Pequots had overrun the country as far west as the Connecticut, and but for the whites they would have remained masters of it. The nation mustered about one thousand righting men, who had two strong forts 1 to retreat to whenever their country should be invaded. Now war with them would put these infant Connec- ticut settlements in great danger, because the Pequots could assail them with their whole power before any PLAN OF THE PEQUOT CAMPAIGN, 1637. [The dotted lines show the route taken by our forces who, after their victory, marched to Pequot Harbor (New London), where their vessels met them.] help could come. And this help was no nearer than Plymouth or Boston. So the situation of Connecticut Colony was truly one of great danger in case of war, since in the four towns 2 there were not more than three hundred fighting men, if indeed there were so many. These settlers knew that if war broke out the Pe- quots would fall upon them the first and perhaps destroy them. It is true that the Pequots had the Narragan- THE PEQUOT WAR, 1037. 205 setts at their backs who were their most inveterate enemies; but would the Narragansetts fight with the English against their own countrymen ? Would they not rather lay aside their old enmity and join with the Peqnots? So we see that the Tarratines were enemies of the Massachusetts, the Massachusetts of the Narragansetts, the Narragansetts of the Pequots, while the Iroquois were enemies of all the rest. It was clearly to the in- terest of the English to keep alive these divisions and so prevent the Indians acting together. War broke out with the Pequots while Massachusetts was banishing her people for heresy. It began in this way: Some roving Narragansetts had killed a trader named Oldham 3 at Block Island. Oldham belonged to Water- town, so Massachusetts had to call his murderers to account for the deed. Some of them were killed, and some fled to the Pequots because their own friends, the Narragansetts, washed their hands of the act. Then Governor Vane and his council resolved to chastise the Block Island Indians for this murder, and the Pequots also, unless they would give good satisfac- tion for their part in it. It was thought that a show of force would intimidate them. Accordingly drums were beaten for volunteers. A hundred men were quickly mustered. With these Cap- tain Endicott sailed for Block Island 4 in August, 1636. His orders were to put to death all the men, but to spare the women and children. While the English were wading through the surf to the shore, the Indians made a spirited attempt to drive them back to their boats. Their arrows riddled the 206 THE PEQUOT WAll, 1G37. clothing and rattled against the invaders' helmets like hail-stones. Many a stout soldier owed his life that day to wearing armor, for his arms were of no use in the surf. As the English closed with them, however, the Indians took to flight. Fourteen were killed. After burning some cornfields and wigwams, the expedition crossed over the Sound to Pequot River. 5 Here Endi- cott talked with some Pequots, but could get no satis- faction from them. Seeing they were hostile he bade them depart, for he was now come to fight them as they had often dared the English to do. His men then had a skirmish with them in which two Indians were killed. Some wigwams also were burnt. Endicott then went back to Boston, leaving his work not half done. Because, instead of frightening them, this act served only to enrage the Pequots. " You raise these wasps around us and then flee away," said the poor terrified Connecticut settlers to their Massachusetts brethren. And they had good cause. Before a month went by the Pequots were killing every settler who stirred out- side his dooryard. Those who were taken were put to cruel torture. Some were roasted alive, some hung up on trees, where their friends could see them, yet so mangled as hardly to be recognized when found. Growing bolder, the Pequots lurked in ambush around Saybrook fort and one day surprised a party while at work outside. Four were killed before they could get back into it. In order to show what an arrow shot with skill could do, the captain of the fort sent Gov- ernor Vane a man's rib-bone with the arrow that had killed him still sticking in it so firmly that it could not be pulled out. A few days later, three hundred Pequots openly beset THE PEQUOT WAR, 1037. 207 the fort. They dared the English to come out and fight them ; also mocking them by imitating the cries of those poor prisoners whom they had tortured. A well-aimed volley of grapeshot scattered them in terror. Then the marauders drew off from the fort, but contin- ued their bloody work of cutting off the settlers one by 208 THE PEQUOT WAB, 1637. one, shooting cattle, destroying crops, burning houses and the like until the poor settlers were as good as besieged in their several villages. During the winter the Pequots tried to bring their old enemies, the Narragansetts, into a league with them against the English. " Join us or the English will first destroy us and then you," was the way they reasoned. And it was a prophecy. Roger Williams heard what the Pequots were doing. Knowing that should they prevail the whites would have two thousand enemies upon them instead of one, he hastened alone to the Narragansett chiefs. He found them wavering and sullen. Canonicus reproached the English with having sent the plague among his people. Williams showed great courage. He freely mixed with the Pequot messengers whose evil looks showed how much his coming had angered them. In the end the old enmity proved strongest. Williams triumphed. So the Pequot emissaries went away full of hatred. Besides the Pequots, there were the Mohegans and Niantics. 6 The Mohegans dwelt on the west bank of the Thames, and though tributaries of the Pequots, they were on bad terms with them. So the Mohegans now joined the English against their old masters. The Niantics held aloof, though friendly to the Pequots. Much English blood had been spilled. All the colo- nies agreed to make a determined effort to crush the Pequots before they should do more harm. Connecticut raised ninety men, all of whom were eager to meet the enemy. Captain John Mason, 7 a tried soldier, led them. At Saybrook, Captain Underbill joined him with twenty more. Besides the English, Uncas, the Mohegan chief, brought seventy of his braves to fight on their side. THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. 209 With this little army Mason took the field in May against Sassacus and all his power. He sailed first for Narragansett Bay. His object was to destroy the Pequot stronghold at Mystic by attack- ing it from the rear, and his plan was to deceive the Pequots. But to do this he must march through the Narragansett country. When his little band had landed, the Narragansetts spoke with scorn of the foolhardi- ness of going a ga i n s t Sassacus with so few men. " You dare not look a Pequot in the face," they said to the handful of whites. They how- ever furnished four hundred warriors, though, at best, they were only half-hearted allies. Meaning to sur- prise the Pequots Mason marched without delay, for every moment was precious. Coming undiscovered to within striking dis- tance of the fort the English were halted for battle. Sounds of high revel could be heard in the English camp, as the Pequot scouts had seen Mason's vessels go past and no one thought of danger near. So the sav- ages were lulled into fatal security. The fort stood on the brow of a hill. It was a row of NINIGRET, A NIANTIC SACHEM. 210 THE PEQUOT WAR, 1037. stockades, twelve feet high, set in a ring, with entrances opposite each other. In it were seventy wigwams. Both entrances were blocked up with brushwood, PORTER'S ROCKS, MYSTIC, CONN., WHERE MASON BIVOUACKED. through which the assailants must force their way be- fore they could get inside. It was midnight before the Pequots had grown quiet. THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. 211 The English then got ready for the assault. At one in the morning, by the light of a splendid May moon, Cap- tain Mason marched toward one entrance, while Captain Underbill led his men toward the other. They were to meet inside the fort and give no quarter to the foe. Through fear or treachery all the Indian allies, except Uncas, now skulked in the rear. Mason told them they might keep out of harm's way if they liked, but that his men had come to look the Pequots in the face. All was silent as the English approached the fort. Not until they were within a few rods was any alarm given. Then a dog suddenly barked, and immediately after a Pequot sentinel shouted " Owanux ! Owanux ! " Giving the foe no time to rally, the English fired one volley and then charged sword in hand. Underbill's men hung back until one brave young soldier cried out, " If we may not enter, wherefore are we here ? " He then led the way into the thickest of the fight. The space inside was so crowded with wigwams that the combatants fought hand to hand. The number of enemies was constantly increasing. The English hewed a way on with their swords, for firearms could not be used in the darkness, yet the press of enemies was so great, and their resistance so determined, that the two detachments never met. Finding that he would be beaten out of the fort, Mason seized a firebrand and thrust it among the dry mats of the nearest wigwam. Others did the same. The fire so quickly spread from hut to hut that the whole fort was soon in flames. This decided the day. The rest was mere butchery. Eng- lish and Indians surrounded the blazing fortress, and by its light shot down, or drove back into the flames, all who tried to escape. In one hour the dreaded Pequot 212 THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. fort was in ashes. Between six and seven hundred had perished by fire and sword. Only seven were taken alive. Only two English were killed, but twenty had been wounded. Though this victory did not actually end the war, it completely broke the Pequots' power. There were, it is true, further combats, but after this great disaster the Pequots broke up into small bands, who were hunted STORMING THE PEQUOT TOUT. down without mercy. Sassacus fled to the Mohawks who basely slew him. Mononotto, the last great sachem, with a few followers retreated to a point of land now in Guilford. He was taken, beheaded, and his head set upon a tree, from which event the place has always been called Sachem's Head. The destruction of Mystic Fort was a most daring feat of arms which deservedly raised the fame of the THE PEQUOT WAR, 1637. 213 English very high among the Indians, who had believed the Pequots invincible. It opened the Pequot country to settlement and was the means of securing a long period of peace. 1 Two STRONG FORTS. The princi- pal one, and royal residence of Sassacus, was situated on Fort Hill in Groton, four miles east of New London. The other was on Pequot Hill, on the west side of the Mystic, near Mystic Village. 2 THE FOUR TOWNS were Saybrook, Wethersfield, Hartford and Windsor. 3 JOHN OLDHAM, who had also lived at Plymouth and Nantasket. He is almost ubiquitous. 4 BLOCK ISLAND (Indian Manisses) was in 1672 made a township with the name of New Shoreham. 5 PEQUOT RIVER. Thames River. 6 NIANTICS. The chief seat of Nini- gret, sachem of the Niantics, was in Westerly. The tribe formed an inter, mediate link between Pequots and Nar- ragansetts with whom it was closely allied by blood. 7 JOHN MASON had served in the Low Countries. He had removed from Dor- chester to Windsor when the emigration to Connecticut began. After the Pequot War he wrote an account of it. VI. THE ERA OF PROGRESS. FOUNDING OF HARVARD COLLEGE, 1636. IT is to the lasting credit of Massachusetts that while engaged in war she should have fostered education. It shows that the men of that day had high and noble aims. One of them very clearly explains the motives which led to the founding of a college at so early a time. He says that, after they had crossed the sea, had built houses and churches, provided for getting a living, and settled their civil government, the next thing thought of was the advancement of learning. Chiefly they wished to educate young men for the ministry, so as when those ministers 1 who had come from England died, others would be ready to take their places. So in October, 1636, the colony set apart four hun- dred pounds toward building a college. The next year Newtown was chosen as the place for building it ; and the next (1638), that town gave land for the site. Then the name of Newtown was changed to Cambridge, in honor of the university town of the same name in England. 214 FOUNDING OF HARVAED COLLEGE. 215 At that time there lived in Charlestown a young Puritan minister named John Harvard. He was the son of Robert Harvard, 2 butcher, of the parish of St. Saviour's, Southwark, London. This young Harvard was a graduate of Cambridge University, England. He came to New England, and shortly after he fell ill and died. It was then found that he had left half his estate and all his books to the proposed college. It is true that the legacy would not be thought large in these days of great wealth, but it was then a very large sum. For this generous gift the Court gave the college its benefactor's name, Harvard College. The first building was of wood. In it was a hall for commons, lectures and exercises ; also a library, and chambers, and studies for the students' use. It was thought by some to be " too gorgeous for a wilderness^ while others said it was too mean for a college. At best it was but an humble edifice, although the builders seemed very proud of it. By the side of the college building stood a "faire grammar schools " for the training up of the town youth and the fitting them for college. We know that much interest was felt in the success of the college because many great and small gifts fol- lowed Harvard's generous one. Perhaps an appeal was made to the public for aid in the good work, as some gave money, some books, and others silver or pewter articles ; while others, who could spare none of these things, sent live sheep for the commons' table, or home- spun cloth for the students' garments, every thing being honestly set down against the giver's name in the col- lege book. The first master, Nathaniel Eaton, was dismissed for 216 FOUNDING OF HARVARD COLLEGE. cruelty to the students. He then ran away. Henry Dunster (1640) was the first who took the title of Pres- ident. The first class of nine was graduated in 1642. One of the graduates was William Hubbard, 3 the emi- nent historian and divine. 'MINISTERS. Collectively (he Puri- 2 JOHN HARVARD. Very recently the tan ministers formed the ablest body that mystery surrounding his parentage has has ever emigrated to any country. They been cleared up. were mostly men of liberal education, " WILLIAM HUBBARD wrote a narra- high character and superior intelligence. tive of the Indian wars (Boston 1677) : The influence of such men in creating also a " History of New England, " (Cam- society must not be overlooked, for what- bridge, 1815), printed after his death, ever else it might lack every little com- The first-named publication was also munity had its patriarch who was looked reprinted in London the same year, up to with the greatest veneration. 1677. FIRST PRINTING-PRESS IN NEW ENGLAND, 1639. HARVARD COLLEGE had the first printing-press in North America. Upon the college records we read this item : " Mr. Joss Glover gave to the college a font of printing-letters, and some gentlemen of Amsterdam gave towards furnishing a printing-press." Printing had been done for the priests in Mexico a century before, but this Cambridge Press was the first one set up in the English colonies. The Rev. Josse Glover was a dissenting, or Puritan, minister, in England, who seems to have set his mind upon being the founder of printing in New England, for he came himself with the types and press. 1 Having engaged a printer named Stephen Daye he sailed with his family in 1638 for Boston. Most unfortunately, Mr. Glover died on the voyage, but the rest of the company, FIRST PRINTJNG-PHESS IN NEW ENGLAND. 217 with the press, arrived at Cambridge in the autumn. And there the " printery," as some called it, was set up, in President Dunster's house. By and by Mr. Dunster married the widow Glover, "so taking her, as well as the press, into his own house." Daye's want of skill cost him his place of printer to which his son Matthew succeeded : and after him (1649) Samuel Green, a better printer than either, took charge. The " Freeman's Oath," printed by S. Daye, in 1639, on one side of a small sheet of paper, was the first thing printed with types in what are the United States. The second and third issues were almanacs, for the years 1639 and 1640. The next was a much more im- portant work. This was the first book print- ed. It was entitled "The Whole Booke of Psalmes Faith- fully translated into English metre," and is dated 1640. For brevity's sake it is usually called the Bay Psalm Book and is so very uncommon that a copy is worth many times its weight in gold. Before this time the Pilgrim and Puritan churches used Sternhold and Hopkins' version of the Psalms, but the want of a better one seems to have been so strongly felt that two ministers, Thomas Welde and John Eliot, were appointed to make it. One specimen of their poetic style will give an idea of the church singing of that time when each line was separately read by a dea- con before it was sung by the congregation. EARLY PRINTING-PRESS. 218 FIRST PKINTING-PRESS IN NEW ENGLAND. "The Lord to mee a Shepheard is, want therefore shall not I. Hee in the folds of tender-grasse doth cause mee downe to He. To waters calme me gently leads Restore my soule doth hee : he doth in paths of righteousnes for his names sake lead me." The celebrated translation of the Bible into the Indian tongue was also printed on the Cambridge Press, but that work belongs to a later day than the one now being considered. So we see that the colonists were for some time with- out other means of duplicating public documents than that of copying them by hand. And this work was done by persons called Scriveners. 2 Instead of leaving a copy at every householder's door, one was usually nailed to the door of the meeting-house, the doing which gave it a lawful publication. 1 PRINTING-PRESS. Efforts to trace were the " copyists " of that day, when this press have proved unavailing. After ability to write a good hand was so rare doing duty for nearly a century it was an accomplishment that " writers" were probably broken up. generally men above the common rank 2 SCRIVENERS, writers, or scribes, of society. ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY, 1637. THIS celebrated corps was formed during the Pequot War, on the plan of a similar one in London. Com- posed only of the best citizens, it was meant rather for home defence, and for training up young soldiers, than for active service. As the special bulwark of the State, .great pains were taken to maintain a high standard of discipline. It is now the oldest military body in America. NEW HAVEN COLONY, 1638. 219 NEW HAVEN COLONY, 1638. A COMPANY of people of whom Theophilus Eaton 1 and John Davenport 2 were the leaders, arrived at ^Bos- ton during the Pequot War. After some hesitation they concluded to go and settle at Quinipiack, 3 a harbor OLD STONE HOUSE, GUILFORD, CONN. of Long Island Sound, lying some ten or twelve leagues west of the Connecticut. It took them a fortnight to make the voyage thither. Their first Sabbath was kept under an oak tree, Mr. Davenport preaching to them upon Christ's temptation in the wilderness. They then set about forming a civil compact in which they agreed to make the Bible their code of laws. The frame rs of this compact met in a bam. It was settled that none except church-members 220 NEW HAVEN COLONY, 1638. should be freemen of this colony. Seven men, who were called the Seven Pillars, were chosen to begin a church. They, with other church-members, then took up civil matters, and elected Eaton their chief magis- trate. Afterwards they gave their town the name of New Haven. In this way another little free State was formed, for New Haven was at first independent of all other Con- necticut settlements. The colonists were mostly well to do. They did not surfer from want or savage war- fare, as they had come in just as the Pequots had been driven out. So their colony was soon in a flourishing condition. Very soon (1639) a large company, partly from New Haven and partly from Wethersfield, removed still far- ther west to the mouth of the Housatonic, 4 and settled Milford. Another party went in the opposite direction and founded Guilford. 5 Each place was under its own government, and formed a separate commonwealth. ' Erelong all these scattered towns were brought within one or the other colony. TJie next year Fairfield and Stratford were settled, and came under Connecticut Colony. Saybrook also joined Connecticut. Southold, on Long Island, 6 and Stamford were settled, the first by new-comers (1640), the second by Wethersfield people (1641). These two places, with Milford and Guilford, annexed themselves to New Haven, and from that time they sent their deputies to the General Court there. Springfield being found to lie in Massachusetts, her people withdrew from Connecticut and joined Massachusetts. 1 THEOPHILUS EATON was a London tion drove him first to Holland and merchant. subsequently lo America. Was one of 2 JOHN DAVENPORT, a Puritan minis- the " Seven Pillars " chosen by the New ter, educated at Oxford, Eng. Persecu- Haven colonists. NEW HAVEN COLONY, 1638. 221 3 QUINIPIACK, Indian name of New Their war canoes would carry eighty men Haven. across the Sound and their wampum was * HOUSATONIC (Indian) signifying considered the best in the country. The "over the mountain." original settlers of Suffolk County were 5 GUILFORD (Indian Menuncatuc), mostly from New England. In 1644 South- settled by Rev. Henry Whitcfield and ampton was also annexed to the jurisdic- forty others. William Leet was the first tion of Connecticut. Trouble arose with civil magistrate. the Dutch who occupied what is now 6 LONG ISLAND. The natives were King's County. Later, the island was said to be very treacherous and warlike. transferred to New York. MARTHA'S VINEYARD AND NANTUCKET, 1642, 1 WE have told how Martha's Vineyard came to be dis- covered and named. Far back in the early days this island went by the Indian name of Capawock. Epenow, an Indian belonging to this island, had been kidnapped and carried off to England. Being a man of great stature, he was shown up and down London as a wonder. To get his liberty Epenow told marvellous stories about mines of gold to be found in his island home, to all of which his captors eagerly listened. Even Sir Ferdinando Gorges was so much deceived that he sent a ship to secure the gold, and Epenow went in her to show where it was. But Epenow was a crafty fellow. When the ship came to the island, she was speedily boarded by natives with whom Epenow freely talked. In order to prevent his escaping from them the English had put long gar- ments on him, and two of them always stood ready to lay hands on him should he offer to get away. Epenow had laid his plans cunningly. His clansmen sur- rounded the ship in their canoes, and when the chance came, he broke away from his guards and leaped into the sea. Then all the Indians let fly their arrows at once. The ship's company fired upon them with 222 MARTHA'S VINEYARD AND NANTUCKET. their muskets, but the Indians fought so resolutely that Epenow made good his escape. Some time after, the Indians attacked another of Gorges' captains who landed on the island with only a few men. Epenow led this attack. All the whites were slain except the captain, who got back to his boat sorely wounded. For many years no whites thought of settling upon the island. The Indians were looked upon as being the most savage, cruel and treacherous of their race. Hardly could the whites yet call themselves masters on the main, nor did any one seriously think of Martha's Vine- yard as a place of abode until the Pequot War had cowed the Indians everywhere. Then, in 1641, Thomas May hew of Watertown, Mass., was granted the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Nan- tucket. With his son Thomas, and a few others, he went to the Vineyard (1642), which was then full of Indians. The younger Mayhew 2 at once set about converting them to Christianity. What seemed a hopeless task soon bore fruit. In time the natives were turned from their savage ways, and many converted. Mayhew's first convert was an Indian named Hiacoomes, who afterward became an eminent preacher to his own people. NANTUCKET 3 was not settled until long after. It also was a very populous island whose inhabitants were very dexterous and daring watermen. But wanting a good soil it did not invite settlers like the fertile meadows of the Connecticut or the Housatonic. It also lacked har- bors ; nor could mariners approach its engulfing shoals without danger of shipwreck. Therefore, so late as 1643, the natives held sole sway over the whole island. MARTHA'S VINEYARD AND NANTUCKET. 223 The Indians had many legends touching these islands. One was that Nantucket was formed of the ashes which the Indian god Maushope emptied from his pipe, and that the fogs were caused by his smoking. 1 BOTH ISLANDS belonged to Maine (Sir F. Gorges' grant, 1639) with a pre- sumptive title in Sir William Alexan- der (Earl of Stirling) through Gorges. Both sold to Mayhew. By order of the United Colonies (1644) Martha's Vineyard was annexed to Massachu- setts. - THE YOUNGER MAYHEW was lost at sea. Williams, Eliot and Mayhew are a noble, triumvirate in our annals. Their humane methods were found more potent than the sword in solving the Indian question of their day. 3 NANTUCKET is a word probably of Indian origin. It was settled by Quakers from Salisbury, Mass. WHITE MOUNTAINS DISCOVERY OF THE WHITE MOUNTAINS, 1642. UP to this time exploration of the interior had made little progress. Neal, as we have seen, had not suc- ceeded in finding the great beaver lake. Yet it is reported that in 1636 a Captain Young, with only three companions, went up the Ken- nebec, to make discovery of that river, under the supposition that it ROUTE OF EARLY EXPLORERS. ran out of this wonderful great lake. By carrying their canoes over 224 DISCOVERY OF THE WHITE MOUNTAINS. short portages, Young's party finally reached the great river St. Lawrence. Young was taken by the French who sent him to France, but his companions came safely home again. The whites knew that far away in the north there was a cluster of very high mountains, for they had often seen them, but the mountains were so distant that no white man had ever visited them. Moreover, much mystery attached to them. The Indians said that their god dwelt high up among those lofty peaks, and told marvellous stories about great shining stones that glit- tered on the cliffs through the darkness of night. Now and then they would show a piece of crystal which they said came from the greatest mountain. So the whites at first called it the Crystal Hill. " But," said the Indians to the whites, " nobody can go to the top of Agiochook, to get these glittering stones, because it is the abode of the great god of storms, fam- ine and pestilence. Once, indeed, some foolish Indians had attempted to do so, but they had never come back, for the spirit that guarded the gems from mortal hands had raised great mists, through which the hunters wan- dered on like blind men until the spirit led them to the edge of some dreadful gulf, into which he cast them shrieking." There was one bold settler who was determined to go in search of the precious stones, cost what it might. His name was Darby Field. So in June, 1642, Field started to go to the Crystal Hill. When he came to the neighborhood of the pres- ent town of Fryeburg, he found an Indian village there. It was the village of the Pigwackets, or as it is some- times written, Pequawketts. 1 DISCOVERY OF THE WHITE MOUNTAINS. 225 Here Field took some Indian guides who led him to within a few miles of the summit when, for fear of the AMONG THE MOUNTAINS. evil spirit, all but two refused to go farther. So Field went on with these two. They clambered resolutely over rocks and among scrubby savins, no higher than a man's knee, to a sort of stony plain where there were two ponds. Above this 226 DISCOVERY OF THE WHITE MOUNTAINS. plain, rose the great peak of shattered rocks that over- looks all New England. This too they climbed. Field has said that the sight of the great wilderness land stretched out all around him, the mountains falling away beneath his feet into dark gulfs, was " daunting terrible." It is so to-day. Field stood upon the great watershed of New England. Finding the day far spent he began searching for the precious stones he had come so far to seek. He found a few crystals which he brought away, thinking them to be diamonds. He also found a deal of " Muscovy glass," or isinglass, adhering to the rocks. Some of this he also took with him. With his treasures Field then came down the mountain to the place where he had left the Indians, whom he found drying themselves by a fire, for while he was above the clouds, a sudden storm had swept over them. As they had given up the adventurous pale face for lost, their wonder at seeing him return safe and sound was very great. All then went back to the Indian village. 1 PEQUAWKETTS were driven from their ancient seat, after Lovewell's bloody fight, in 1725. DEATH OF MIANTONIMO, 1643. TOWARD the end of the year 1642 the English again grew uneasy concerning the attitude of the Indians. No hostile act on their part is mentioned, but it was said, and believed, that they were quietly arming for war. And as the Narragansetts were now much the most powerful Indian nation in New England, they were naturally regarded with most fear and distrust. DEATH OF MIANTONIMO. 227 Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, who had fought on the side of the English against the Pequots, artfully sought to deepen this distrust of Miantonimo, the Narragansett chief, whom he both hated and feared, and as Miantonimo was thought most capable of planning and executing such a project, Uncas Avas nearly successful in making the English go to war with him. Some men had actu- ally marched when cooler counsels prevailed, and they Avere recalled. Because a general rising of the Indians was expected to come sooner or later, there Avas always a party Avho favored ex- terminating them. This party Avas for immediate Avar. But the Narragansetts had also proved them- selves faithful allies in the Avar Avith the Pe- quots. To attack them then unawares, and un- heard, Avould be most unjust. Yet it Avas im- portant to knoAV the truth. Orders Avere therefore sent out to the frontier toAvns to disarm all the Indians in their neighborhood, and send the head chiefs to Boston, that they might answer to this charge of conspiracy. Among others Miantonimo came. He came fearlessly. His bearing Avas that of a chief Avho had made the Eng- lish his allies, but would never alloAV them his peers. Now the respect felt for this ignorant savage's abilities Avas such that the governor and his councillors had found it needful to settle their plan of dealing with him DEATH OF MIANTONIJIO. 228 DEATH OF MIANTONIMO. beforehand. They decided among themselves what questions to ask him, and in what order they should be put, while Miantonimo was of course unprepared. Nothing came of it. The chief gave wary answers, weighed every word, and never spoke without first taking time for reflection. He demanded proof or else that his accusers should be punished for speaking falsely, according to Indian justice. But no proof was produced none, indeed, had been found. So Miantonimo easily cleared himself, though his manner showed how deeply he felt the indignity that had been put upon him at the instigation of Uncas, whom he promptly accused of being at the bottom of the matter. When he was ready to go home, Miantonimo shook hands with the governor and such of the magistrates as were present, after the English form of leave-taking. Then going a little way off he came back to them, and gave his hand to the governor again, saying that it was for those magistrates who were absent. And so, for the present, war was happily averted. The English, however, continued true to their policy of promoting divisions among the Indians themselves. Opportunities were not wanting. In a little while two petty Narragansett sachems, whom Miantonimo had offended, appealed to the English for protection. The English heard the cause and sustained the sachems in their defiance of Miantonimo. This act still further embittered him toward the English, though he wisely refrained from seeking revenge. The next year Uncas made war on Sequasson, a Connecticut .sachem, who was the kinsman and ally of Miantonimo. Uncas killed many of Sequasson's men, DEATH OF MLANTONIMO. 229 burnt their wigwams and carried off much booty. Hearing this, which was the same as a defiance, Mian- tonimo hastened to the aid of Sequasson, though not Tlflf before he had given notice of his march to the English. They seeing no cause to interfere, left the chiefs to fight it out between themselves. Miantonimo invaded the Mohegan country at the head 230 DEATH OF MIANTONIMO. of his warriors. He had the most men but Uncas' were the better armed. For the coming battle he put on a suit of English armor. In the first combat Miantonimo suffered defeat, and being weighed down, by the armor he wore, was easily overtaken. His pursuers contented themselves with keeping him at bay until Uncas could come up, and have the honor of taking the great Narra- gansett. When Uncas laid his hand on Miantonimo's shoulder, the latter sat down in token of submission. He disdained to ask for mercy, but with Indian stoicism awaited his fate in silence. " Why do you not speak ? " WAR-CLUB AND AXE. asked Uncas. " If you had taken me, I would have besought you to spare my life." When it was known that Miantonimo was a prisoner, Gorton and other Englishmen whom he had befriended at once demanded his release. Uncas therefore took his prisoner to Hartford, and submitted the decision of the matter to the English Confederates. In secret council they determined that Miantonimo should be put to death, but in such manner that the responsibility should rest with Uncas alone. Uncas readily undertook the execution of this cruel sentence. Accordingly, the captive was delivered up to him, and while marching along with his guards was in- stantly killed by the blow of a tomahawk. So died the noblest Indian that had yet appeared in New England. 1 DEATH OF MIANTONIMO. 231 1 SACHEM'S PLAIN, near Norwich, is the scene alike of the battle between the rival chiefs and of Miantonimo's execu- tion. For many years every Indian who passed the spot added a stone to the heap over his grave, as their custom was. In time this rude monument was succeeded by a block of granite, simply inscribed. It is certain that without Miantonimo's protection no Englishman could have settled in Rhode Island and it is doubtful whether the Pequots could have been overcome without his aid. The oppor- tunity of ridding themselves of so for- midable a leader was eagerly seized upon by the English and must stand as the one pretext for his assassination. THE COLONISTS AT WORK. FIRST of all every colonist needed a house to shelter him. Therefore artisans of all sorts were most in de- mand. Carpenters, joiners, masons or tilers, brick-' makers, blacksmiths and sawyers, found instant employ- ment at their several trades ; and to avoid oppression of the poor man, the wages of labor were at first regulated by law. As husbandry was the natural resource of all, every man was a farmer. In order to live he had to be a producer. Each colo- nist had been told to bring with him sufficient provision of bread or meat to last until his first crop should be gathered in, but not many were prov- ident enough to do so and others lacked means. So only those who brought cows, goats and fowls had the means of living ready at hand. Their milk, butter, cheese and eggs were luxuries which most people had to do without. In the larger towns, like Boston and Salem, all milch- cows and goats were put in charge of a public cowherd who drove them forth at morning to the common pas- AGRICULTUKAL IMPLE- MENTS, 1620. 232 THE COLONISTS AT WOKK. ture and at night back to their owners. Horses and oxen, of which there were at first but few, were put to work hauling timber, stones, earth or other materials from place to place. Each citizen had a plot of ground set apart to him for his houselot and garden. At Bos- ton the example of the Pilgrims in laying out fields in which all should share the work of plant- ing, and all have a portion of the crop, was first followed. This plan best economized labor, and excellently answered the tempo- rary purpose of getting bread quickly, but it limited produc- tion too much, for the reasons given in the Pilgrims' case. Commonage was put in practice everywhere. 1 There were wealthy colonists who became entitled to larger grants in return for money advanced, which grants accordingly w T ere made to them next the towns, in situations where a due proportion of plant- ing, pasturage and woodland could be had. The poorer sort of people were allowed to plant on these large farms 011 the con- dition that the owners should have all the improvements these tenants might make on their lands. The tenant worked until he was able to buy a homestead for himself. The CHEESE-PRESS. WOOL-WHEEL. THE COLONISTS AT WORK. 233 owner saw his unproductive land made valuable by the tenant's labor. The country had the benefit of a larger breadth of planted land. Every man's hand found work to do in felling trees, burning brushwood, picking up stones, grubbing up roots, fencing or ploughing his planting-ground. Idle- ness was more than a fault, it was a crime punished by setting the offender at work at the hardest lab*r to be found. The Pilgrims had first proved the capabilities of the soil for growing English rye, barley, pease and beans. Corn was the native Indians' great bread crop. But inasmuch as there was not a work animal of any kind in Plymouth Colony for years, so all the labor of tilling the ground had to be performed by hand, with hoe and spade. Not much could be done in this way. The later comers, however, brought over ploughs 2 of the kind then in use in England, which was a very clumsy affair with wheels to draw it by. But the pride of every family was its kitchen garden. Perhaps no one thing gave so much true delight as tending the little patch of ground in which the first trial of the carefully hoarded seeds was being made. In a very few years the colonists had vegetables in great abundance. One of the earliest travellers in New Eng- land has told us that he saw turnips, carrots, radishes, onions, squashes, cucumbers, pumpkins and melons growing everywhere by the side of the settlers' cottages. Besides what was strictly for food uses, a prudent foresight taught these people that they would soon want articles of clothing. England was far and everything dear. And nothing was so scarce as money. Flax and 234 THE COLONISTS AT WORK. hemp were therefore early sown for domestic use. In Connecticut the planting of these two things was made obligatory on every family. Hops were also generally cultivated for making beer, which was drank by all classes of people. A few wise men planted orchards, some relics of them being still seen in the older settlements. LOOM. There is a tradition that Blackstone had one at Boston ; but it is known that after him, Winthrop and Endicott took the lead in set- ting out fruit trees, as they also had done in every work of practical utility or benevolence. We have just now spoken of those plants yielding fibre for making cloth. Among laboring people leather to some extent took the place of cloth. His leather jerkin, breeches and leggins was the laborer's every-day garb. Still, looking ahead to the future, an absolute need of providing for coming wants led to the offering of a bounty on every yard of cotton, 3 woollen or linen cloth that should be produced in the col- ony of Massachusetts. Every- body who could afford the ex- pense got a spinning-wheel. To wear a dress wholly home- spun, as well as home-made, was thought a meritorious thing. This was the first protected industry in New England. It was an SPINNING-WHEEL. THE COLONISTS AT WORK. 235 early step toward making her independent and pros- perous. Leather being an article of prime necessity, Francis Ingalls started the first tannery in the colony, at Lynn, with what hides could be picked up in the country. Salem led in the manufacture of pottery, John Pride having begun it there about 1641. Other manufactures were chiefly directed to home wants. The building of saw and grist mills was among those works of pressing necessity which had immediate attention. Those who lived in the out settlements had to trudge many a weary mile to mill with what corn they could carry on their backs, or in winter draw on a hand-sled of home manufacture. It is true, some fami- lies owned an iron or wooden mortar in which the grain was pounded in the Indians' way: but the labor was too great and the process too slow for general use. The colonists also turned their attention to the vari- ous uses to which the timber growing at their doors could be put, for they rightly accounted it one of their greatest sources of wealth. Sawed boards were everywhere in demand. So were shingles, clapboards and palings, which the farm hands made in the winter months with a hand-saw, a froe, and a hatchet. 4 By and by they made pipe-staves also, and with these, their lumber, and their dry fish the colonists began trading in a modest way with the West Indies, receiving sugar, spices, raisins, tropical fruits and many other luxuries, in exchange for their own commodities. Ship-building, 5 or rather boat-building, was another work of primary importance, and its rise marks the ad- vancing steps the colony was taking, not only in thrift, but toward opening an intercourse with the outside 236 THE COLONISTS AT WORK. world. Shallops, ketches, pinnaces, lighters and small boats were first built. These were for the coast trade and fishery. Then followed ships of one, two and even three hundred tons burden, all being laden with New England commodities destined for Spain, Portugal, or the West Indies. The going forth of a ship on such a voyage was then an event of the greatest importance and solemnity. Prayers were offered up at her depart- CHURN, WOOL-WHEEL AND HAND-REEL. ure, as there was no likelihood of her being heard from until her return to the home port. So out of some grove of tall pines or sturdy oaks was wrought a brave ship, freighted with home products and manned by home-made sailors. New England was afloat upon the seas, bearing messages of her own industry to all the nations of the earth. Finding plenty of bog-iron ores everywhere in the meadows and shallow ponds, John Winthrop Jr. went over to England in order to get help to build a forge. He was successful, returning in 1643 with money and THE COLONISTS AT WORK. 237 workmen. Works were begun the same year at Lynn, on the banks of the Saugus River. But neither of these was the one great industry of New England. That was the cod-fishery. Though an armed Indian appears on the shield of Massachusetts, the admitted importance of the fishery, as the chief source of her wealth, led to the adoption of a codfish as her peculiar symbol, and accordingly one was hung up in the colonial Chamber of Representa- tives at an early day, and is still hanging in the State House at Boston, to remind her people what they owe to this humble denizen of the sea. So when New Eng- land sent her delegates to attend the great council-fire of the Iroquois, they took with them the wooden model of a codfish as their token, or credentials, which was handed round among the sachems, and kept by them to show that New England had thus pledged herself to keep the league with them ; for the New Englanders knew that the Iroquois called their country Kinshon, that is a fish, from its greatest industry. Turning to other and minor avocations that belong to the domestic life of a people, we find soap-boilers, tinkers, tailors, glovers, coopers, shoemakers, curriers, glaziers, millers, tallow-chandlers, and even barber-sur- geons plying their several occupations in the infant colonies. With regard to the public weal inns were licensed. Watchmen went their nightly rounds crying the hour and weather. The tax-gatherer made his unwelcome visits. Train-bands were formed, in which boys of fourteen were mustered for military exercise with men. And no citizen was allowed to sue another until he should first have submitted his cause to some of the magistrates. What sagacity in the rulers, fru- 238 THE COLONISTS AT WOKK. gality in people and commonwealth had done in thirteen years, will be told in the next chapter. 1 COMMONAGE was one of the oldest brought to New England from Barba- of old customs. Though always a pro- does. The people of Rowley, Mass., lific cause of contention it has survived were the first cloth-workers. at Nantucket and Long Island, where 4 TOOLS. A broad-axe for hewing, a people lived simply, and largely by their felling-axe and grindstone were indis- flocks. Boston Common furnishes an pensable to every farmer, example of land so held to-day. B SHIP-BUILDING. Governor Win- 2 PLOUGHS. The Indians thought the throp launched the " Blessing of the first ploughman they saw was a wizard. Bay "in 1631. Governor Cradock's men A stone hoe or large clam-shell fixed to had a vessel of a hundred tons on the a handle were their implements of hus- stocks the next year at Medford. Salem, bandry. Boston and Dorchester turned out many 3 COTTON. The first raw cotton was large ships before 1642. PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLONIES. THOUGH getting some increase from it, the Old Colony had fallen far behind in the great emigration. A few of those who were left at Leyden had indeed come over. and so had others. But the great tide had rolled by her. Nor was this colony any longer one town, one church and one citadel as in the beginning, for so many had gone out from Plymouth to dwell upon more fertile lands, some to the north and some to the south. They who first went out settled Duxbury ; then Marshfield, Scituate, Barnstable, Yarmouth, Sandwich and Taunton were occupied. In 1643 there were in the whole colony six hundred men able to bear arms, or not far from three thousand people. Their going was but the natural result of a more robust growth. The younger men could no longer be kept from seeking to better their condition, since the PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLONIES. 239 country about them was being settled on all sides. But the old Pilgrims looked with no favor upon this break- ing up of their community, to the maintenance of which they had consecrated their lives. Beyond the Penobscot, Isaac Allerton, 1 of Plymouth, had started an Indian trading-post where Machias now is. The attempt was short-lived, for the French (1633) PART OF THE TRELAWNEY PATENT 1631 (NOW C. ELIZ/ABETH) RICHMOND'S ISLAND AND CAPE ELIZABETH. took both house and goods, killing two of Allerton's men who made resistance. Maine grew slowly. The French claim had shut out settlement east of Pemaquid. That part remained a sort of neutral ground. On the west, a solitary settler had made his home (1639) where Brunswick now is. Straggling hamlets were located at Richmond's Island, 2 Portland, Scarborough, and in the neighborhood of the Saco, and at Cape Porpoise. Wells had been settled 240 PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLONIES. (1643) by Mr. Wheelwright whom we have seen exiled for his opinions. All of these plantations would not have made one good-sized town. The New Hampshire plantations also made slow advance. Petty quarrels grew up among them which led to their seeking (1641) a union with Massachusetts PATENT TOJ CAM MOCK 1631. BLACK POINT OU SCARBOROUGH. for the sake of peace and order. Exeter had been settled by Wheelwright and his friends, and Hampton (1638) by Massachusetts people, but as Massachusetts claimed both places Wheelwright quitted Exeter and went to Maine, as we have said. Connecticut had withdrawn herself from the control of Massachusetts altogether. In the interior the people PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLONIES. 241 were all farmers, on the coast they were both farmers and fishermen. Massachusetts had increased to thirty towns with her west frontier on the Connecticut, and her north reach- ing beyond the Merrimack. 3 In thirteen years each mother town had hatched out a numerous brood. These thirty towns were divided (1643) into four counties. 4 But civil strife in England now put a stop to the vol- untary exile of the Puritans. Indeed, they now called upon their brethren in New England to come over and help them fight the battle of religious freedom at home. And some of the ablest did go. This new state of affairs put the several colonies wholly upon their own resources. There was no longer great demand for cattle, corn, lumber or such other products as were most wanted by new colonists. Ac- cordingly, the prices of all such commodities fell one- half in value. Money grew scarce. Public and private expenditure halted. The people would not vote money except for works of prime necessity, nor themselves spend except for actual needs. The end of growth from outside help was the beginning of a new era of growth from the inside, and though progress was for a time checked, it soon moved forward on safer ground than before. Massachusetts had also (1641) made a code of laws called " The Body of Liberties." Upon the demand of her freemen she had divided the General Court into two bodies, one being a popular branch, or House of Depu- ties, the other a board of magistrates or Councillors. Confusion had settled into order. Order brought pros- perity. Prosperity wrought stability in the Common- wealth. 242 PROGRESS IN THE OLDER COLONIES. At this time, the wisest men conceived the idea of bringing all the New England colonies into a single confederacy. 1 ISAAC ALLERT ON, one of the Pil- agent .John Winter here hi 1633, to carry grime, had been most prominent at on fishing and trading. Winter says it Plymouth and much trusted until his was no place for Indian trade because mismanagement brought about a rupture with exception of a few who lived about With his old friends, who suspected him the Saco there were no Indians within Of working more zealously for his own fifty miles of him. advantage than theirs. He then became 3 MERRIMACK. Settlement had ex- a sort of roving trader for which em- tended from Newbury to Salisbury, ployment his knowledge of the coasts Haverhill (Indian Pentucket) and An- and country rendered him a formidable dover (Indian Cochicawac). competitor of the Pilgrims. Point Aller- 4 FOUR COUNTIES were Suffolk, Essex, ton, at the entrance to Boston harbor, is Middlesex and Norfolk. The names named for him. originally signified geographical position, 2 RICHMOND'S ISLAND. Robert Trel- as Northfolk, Southfolk, etc. Norfolk awney, a merchant, had established his has now different boundaries. THE CONFEDERACY OF 1643. WE have seen the gap between English and Dutch nearly closed. But they were never good neighbors. Since the English had as good as driven them from the Connecticut, the Dutch retaliated by expelling some English settlers from Long Island. There was growing hostility on both sides. Then there were the French in Nova Scotia who kept up a defiant attitude. And there were also the Indians, with whom another and a harder struggle might come at any moment. Lastly, war between king and Parliament made the colonists feel the need of drawing closer together, until stable government should be established again in Eng- land. A majority sided with the Parliament, but in Maine and Rhode Island perhaps more sympathy was felt for the royal cause. THE CONFEDERACY OF 1(143. 243 All these motives led the colonies to seek a closer union with each other. After conference upon it Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven signed articles of union. The Maine and Rhode Island plantations were excluded because they and the others were not on good terms. Or perhaps it would be better to say that they differed so widely in government and religion that there could be little harmony between them. The Confederates took the name of "The United Colonies of New England." It was a league for both war and peace, as mutual interest might demand. Each colony retained its own independence in all things though it was bound to help the others at need. And the relative number of men that each should furnish was agreed upon. If two hundred were wanted Massa- chusetts was to raise one hundred, while the. quotas of the others were fixed at forty-five each. The agreement, or confederation, was given effect by choosing two commissioners from each colony who formed a board for settling all questions that should come before it. Thus, in 1643, the strength of the New England colo- nies stood united in a firm compact, not unlike that of the confederate Swiss Cantons. No government was established over the whole. Each member was left free to manage its own affairs, though ready to arm in its neighbor's defence. And with this league the making of New England was complete. INDEX. Acadie, French name for New Eng- land, 20; renewed attempts to settle, 51. Agamenticus, Mt. (also Indian name of York), 127. Agawam tribe, residence, 151 ; raid- ed by Tarratines, 172; supported by English, 178. Alden, John, tradition about, 83. Algonquin traditions, 49, 50. Allerton, Isaac, at Machias, 239, 242 (note'). Ancient and Honorable Artillery, when and how formed, 218. Aquidneck. See Rhode Island, 202. Argall, Samuel, at Mt. Desert, 54, 55 (note). Arms and armor won by English, 37, 40 (notes) ; arquebuse, 46. Arundel, Thomas, patron of a voy- ag to New England, 32. Avocations of the people, 237. Azores Islands, 9, 13 (note). Baccalos, its meaning, 3. Bandoleer described, 19 (note). Barnstable settled, 238. Basques, 11, 14 (note). Bay Path, 193, 194 (note). Beaver-skin, its commercial value, 19 (note). Blackstone, Rev. William, first mentioned, 114; goes to Rhode Island, 181. Block Island, discovered, 57, 58 (note)', invaded, 205, 213 (note). Block, Adrian, explores Long Island Sound, 56. Boston, explored, 164; its land- marks, 166; Blackstone's location, 166; first settlers, 167; named, 167 and note; region first occupied, 168; first burial-place, 169; emi- nences named, 169; other sites, 168, 169; way of life, 170; struggle with want, 171 ; selected for public meetings, 174; first school, shop and inn, 181. Bradford, William, first mentioned, 78; his wife drowned, 78; chosen governor, 96, 103 (note). Brereton, John, with Gosnold, 12. Brewster, William, first mentioned, 69. Brunswick settled, 239. Cambridge (Newtown), chosen for a colonial capital, 174; exodus from, to Connecticut, 192; chosen to found a college in, 214. Canoiiicus sells the island of Rhode Island to whites, 202. Cape Ann or Anna, mentioned, 62; Pilgrims at, 137; described, 138; Pilgrims abandon it, 139; aban- doned by Conant, 141. Cape Cod, visited and named, 12, 13; Mayflower puts into, 71; ex- plored^; Indians of, 74-76; towns settled, 238. Cape Elizabeth, 64 (note). Carver, John, first mentioned, 69; 245 246 INDP:X. made governor, 72; his family, 75 (note) ; dies, 96. Cathay, 58 (note). Chadbourne, Humphrey, Imilds first house at Portsmouth, 134. Champlain, Samuel de, his work in New England, 21-29, 29 (note); founds Quebec, 40; discovers Lake Champlain, 43, and names it, 48. Charles I. names points of the New England coast, 64 (note). Charlestown (Mishawurn), settled, 153; why chosen by Winthrop, 161; sickness there, 163; church formed, 1G3, 164 (note); removals to Boston, 167. Chilton, Mary, 82. Clark's Island, 78 (note). Coddington, William, 202, 203 (note). Common husbandry practised in New England, 231, 232, 238 (note). Conant, Roger, first mentioned, 114; at Cape Ann, 140, 141 (note). Concord settled, 183, 184 (note). Confederacy of 1643, its meaning, 242. Connecticut River, discovered, 56, 58 (note) ; Indian embassy at Bos- ton, 173; Dutch and English set- tlements on, 187 ; reputed source, 190. Connecticut opened for settlement, 187 ; its advantages, 190; first emi- grants, 190, 191. Cradock, Matthew, governor of Massachusetts Company, 157. Crosses of possession described, 32, 39 (note). Crystal Hille. See White Moun- tains. Cutty hunk Island, why chosen for settlement, 15; called Elizabeth, 15; reason of its abandonment, 19. Damariscove Island, a fishing-sta- tion, 123. Davenport, John, 219, 220 (note). Daye, Stephen, first printer in New England, 216, 217. De Guercheville, Madame, 52, 55 (note). De Monts, Pierre du Guast, his colony, 20-29, 29 (note); his patent revoked, 48 (note); gives Port Royal, 51. Dorchester (Mattapan), settled, 158, 160 (note); exodus of settlers to Connecticut, 190. Dress of the Pilgrims, 92. Duelling, 98. Dunster, Henry, 216; printing car- ried on in his house, 217. Dutch explorations in New Eng- land, 55-58; attempt to hold Con- necticut River, 187, 191, 192 (note). Duxbury settled, 238. Eaton, Theophilus, 219, 220 (note). Election Sermon, origin of, 183. Elizabeth, Queen of England, a patron of colonization, 6; Virginia named for her, 6. Elizabeth Islands, 19 (note). Endicott, John, takes charge of colonists to New England, 151, 155 (note); sends men to Misha- wum, 153; mutilates the flag, 182; goes against the Pequots, 205. Exeter laid out, 136. Fairfield settled, 220. Fast at Plymouth, 103 (note). Field, Darby, visits White Moun- tains, 224. First printing-press in New Eng- land, 216, 217, 218 (note). Fish-weir described, 19 (note). Fisheries of New England, 121, 122. Flax and hemp sown, 234. Food crops raised by first settlers, 233. Forefathers' Rock, why so named, 82; situation, 87 (note). Fort Popham, site of, 40 (note). INDEX. 247 Fryeburg, Me., Indian village at, 224. Gardiner's Bay, 192 (note). General Court (of Massachusetts), originated, 155, 1(50 (note)', divid- ed, 182. Gibbins, Ambrose, at South Ber- wick, 134. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, comes to Newfoundland, 6, 7 (note). Gilbert, Raleigh, at Kennebec, 32. Godfrey, Edward, settles at York, 124, 127 (note). Good Hope, 187, 192 (note). Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 39 (note); encourages Smith, 59, 04 (note); helps the Pilgrims, 99 ; hiresVines, 124. Gorges, Robert, 112 (note), 132. Gorton, Samuel, at Warwick, 199; brought to Boston, 201. Gosnold, Bartholomew, his voyage to New England, 8-14; destina- tion, 9; course, 9; lands at Cape Cod, 12; landfall, 13 (note)-, set- tlement, 15; Indians visit it, 16, 17; return to England, 19. Great Boar's Head named, 130. Great Charter of New England, 05, GO. Green Mountains discovered, 48 (note). Guilford settled, 220, 221 (note). Hampton laid out, 130. Hartford, the Dutch at, 187. Harvard College, founded, 214; col- lege press, 210. Harvard, John, 215, 210 (note). Haynes, John, 193, 194 (note). Hell Gate, 58 (note). Hilton's Point settled, 132, 133(wote). Hingham settled, 183, 184 (note). Home manufactures, 234, 235, 238 (note). Hooker, Rev. Thomas, goes to Con- necticut, 193 and note,. Housatonic, the name, 221 (note). Household furniture and utensils, 87-93. Hubbard, William, 216 and note. Hudson, Hendrik, discovers the Hudson, 50, 58 (note). Hurons, or Wyandots, 48 (note). Hutchinson, Anne, banished to Rhode Island, 201, 203 (note). Indians, traditions their only his- tory, 2; origin of name, 2, 5 (note); described, 10, 11; weapons, 11, 39, 144; wigwams, 14; manner of liv- ing, 17; metals used by them, 17; winter habits, 28; kidnapped by Wey mouth, 33; Kennebec tribe, 30, 37 ; manner of making war, 38, 39 (note), 44-47; Hurons and Al- gonquins, 41; making a camp, 42; powwowing, 43; superstitions, 44, 48 (note); torturing prisoners, 47, 48 (note); defences and armor, 48 (note); legends about the Crea- tion, 49-51; totems, 51; kidnapped by Hunt, 01; destroyed by dis- ease, 04; of Cape Cod, 74; method of storing corn, 74, of burial, 74, 75 (note), 144; fight with Pilgrims, 75; their food, 91: relations with the Pilgrims, 94, 95, 99; form of challenge, 99; of Massachusetts, 104, 105, 107-112, 173; threatened uprising against the whites, 108; legend, 114; summer migrations, 123; shell-mounds, 124; wampum, 142; inscriptions, 144; burial cus- toms, 145; councils, 145; declaring war, 147; Agawams, 151; Pequots, 173; character, 184; scourged by small-pox, 188; relations of the different tribes, 189, 204; tribes inhabiting Narragansett Bay, 196; Pequot War, 203 ; attempt to form a league against the English, 208; Mohegans and Niantics, 208 and note, 213. 248 INDEX. Indian medicine-man, 48 (note). Ipswich, planted to check the French, 178; first minister, 179 (note). Iroquois Indians, 41; their country, 48 (note) ; traditions, 49. Iroquois River, 42, 48 (note). Isle au Haut named, 24, 30 (note). Isles of Shoals, called Smith's, 63; described, 128; resort for fishing, 129, 130 (note). Jesuit fathers first sent to New England, 51, 55 (note). Kennebec, Pilgrims trading at, 124. Lake Cham plain, discovered, 43; described, 48 (note). Little Boar's Head, 130. London Company, how formed, 31, 39 (note). Long Island, first settlers and In- dians of, 221 (note). Lyford, Rev. John, mentioned, 114. Machias trading-house, 239. Maine, first settlements, 119; name of, 127 (note); growth, 239. Manan or Grand Manan Island, 55 (note). Marriage custom, 98. . Marshfield settled, 238. Martha's Vineyard named, 13, 14 (note)-, Indians, 221; settled, 222, 223 (note). Mason, Captain John, first men- tioned, 125, 133 (note); his patent, 133. Mason, Captain John (of Connecti- cut), 208; conquers the Pequots, 211. Massachusetts, first mentioned, 62, 64 (note) ; explored, 105; the name, 105 (note) ; "Wey mouth colony, 10(5; other settlements, 114-122 ; at Cape Ann, 137; at Salem, 140, 151; at Charlestown, 153, 161; at Boston, 167, and vicinity, 169; ten settle- ments, 172 (note) ; Ipswich planted, 178; Newbury, Hingham, Con- cord, 183; Salisbury and Rowley, 184; increase to thirty towns and division into shires, 241. Massachusetts Colony, schemes of its leaders, 173; choice for a capi- tal town, 174; settling its govern- ment, 174; Church and State, 176; social distinctions, 177; accessions to, 177; Ipswich planted, 178; charter and laws, 180; represen- tative government, 182, 184 (note); manner of conducting elections, 182; divided into shires, 241; code of laws, 241. Massachusetts Company, organ- ized, 150; obtain a royal charter, 155; remove the government to New r England, and reasons there- for, 156; scheme of colonization, 157; sailing of emigrants, 158; arrival in New England, 159. Massasoit, 95, 103 (note); his sover- eignty, 104; saves Plymouth, 159. Mattapan (Dorchester) settled, 158. Maverick, Samuel, residence, 114. Mayhew, Thomas, Sr., at Martha's Vineyard, 222; Thomas, Jr., 222, 223 (note). Medford settled, 169. Merrimack River, first mentioned, 62, 64 (note); settlements on, 242 (note). Merry-Mount, 115. Miantonimo, sells Warwick, 199; goes to Boston, 199, 200 (note); his war with Uncas, and death, 226, 230, 231 (note). Milford settled, 220. Mines an incentive to colonization, 30, 31, 39 (note). Mishawurn, situation of, 114 (see Charlestown); settled, 153. Monhegan Island, 39 (note), 40; Captain Smith at, 58, 94; English at, 119. INDEX. 249 Monomoy, 13; turns back the May- flower, 71. Montauk Point, east headland of Long Island, 57. Morton, Thomas, 116; in charge at Mt. Wollaston, 117; seized and banished by Pilgrims, 118, 119 (note). Mt. Desert, named, 23, 29 (note); French colony at, 52-55. Nantasket, 114. Nantucket Island, why avoided by whites, 222, 223 (note). Narragansett Bay, granary of New England, 196. Naumkeag (Salem), chosen by Co- naut for settlement, 141; arrival of Endicott, 151 ; called Salem, 153. Nauset, 61, 64 (note). Neal, Walter, at Piscataqua, 133; search for the great lakes, 134, 137 (note). Newbury settled, 183, 184 (note). Newcastle settlement, 135. New England, how claimed by England, 2, 5 (note); early names of, 3, 4; first English name, 13; French claim, 20; French name, 20; French colonies and explora- tion in, 20-29; first authentic map, 29 (note), 51 ; Dutch explorations, 55; named, 61, 64 (note); first Eng- lish map, 61; Indian names, 62, 63; English landmarks, 62; state of discovery (1616), 63; Great Charter of, 65; arrival of the Pil- grims, 71; the cod fishery, 121; number of settlers (1626), 149; Puritan emigration, 149; Win- throp's arrival, 159; a confedera- cy, 242. New France, its limits, 29. New Hampshire, early settlement, 130; named, 133; growth, 240. New Haven, settled, 219; outgrowth, 220. Newichwannock (see South Ber- wick), 137 (note). Norombega, its location and de- scription, 4, 5; Champlain at, 24; earliest mention of, 30 (note). Old Colony settlements, 238. Oldham, John, at Nantasket, 114, 192 (note)-, killed, 205. Old Style described, 40 (note). Ossipee, N.H., Indian mound at, 145. Passamaquoddy Bay, 29 (note). Passonagessit. See Mt. Wollaston and Quincy. Patent or Letters-Patent, described, 7 (note); De Monts', 48 (note). Patuxet, first mention of Plymouth, 61. Peddock's Island, legend of, 113. Pemaquid, 40 (note) ; Captain Smith at, 59. Pemaquid Point settled, 123, 124 (note). Penobscot, Pilgrims' trading at, 124; their house taken, 178, 179 (note). Pentegouet, 23, 30 (note). See Penob- scot. Pequots, first mentioned, 173; kill traders, 182; relations with other Indians, 189; tender submission at Boston, 190; their country, 203, and numbers, 204; their strong- holds destroyed, 211, 213 (note). Pequot River (Thames), 207. Pigwacket tribe and village, 224. Pilgrim Fathers, fly to Holland, 67 ; decide to go to America, 68; they embark, 70; their name, 70 (note); at Cape Cod, 71 ; exploring Cape Cod, 72-78; their compact, 72; arrive in Plymouth harbor, 78; building their village, 83; wasted by sickness, 85; domestic life, 87- 93; out-door life, 93-103; customs and beliefs, 96-98; relation to the adventurers, 98; tenure of proper- 250 INDEX. ty among, 98; patents, 90; Sabbath observances, 100, 101; citizenship, 102; elements of success, 102; explore Massachusetts Bay, 105; start trading at Kennebec, 124, and Penobscot, 125; fishing at Cape Ann, 137. Piscataqua plantations not self-sus- taining, 136. Piscataqua River, first mentioned, 62; settlements, 130; name, 133 (note) ; sources, 135. Plymouth (see Patuxet), entered by the Pilgrims, 80; named, 80, 87; site described, 80, 82; village de- scribed, 99, 100; outgrowth, 238. Plymouth Company, how consti- tuted, 31, 39 (note). Popham Colony, site of settlement, 35; history, 35-39. Popham, George, 32. Popham, Sir John, his colonization scheme, 31-39; death, 39 (note). Portsmouth, beginning of, 134; laid out, 136. Poutrincourt, Jean de, succeeds De Monts at Port Royal, 51, 55 (note). Pratt, Phinehas, runs to Plymouth, 109. Providence settled, 197, 199 (note). Puritans, 67; their creed, 70 (note); struggles with the monarchy, 125, 126; movement to New England, 149, 157. Puritan churches (in Massachusetts Colony), 179 (note). Psalmody in Puritan churches, 217. Pynchon, William, settles Roxbury, 169; leads settlers to Springfield, 193. Quebec founded, 40, 48 (note). Quincy settled, 116. Raleigh, Sir "Walter, tries to colo- nize Virginia, 6, 7 (note); patent annulled, 31. Rehoboth, 184 (note). Rhode Island (the island; see Aquidneck), 203 (note). Rhode Island, Blackstone emigrates to, 181; Roger Williams goes to, 196; Providence settled, 197; gov- ernment established, 198; War- wick, 199; Portsmouth and New- port, 202; Smith's trading-house, 203 (note). Richmond's Island settled, 239, 242 (note). Robinson, Rev. John, 69, 70. Rowley settled, 184. Rye, first point settled in New Hampshire, 130. Saco settled, 124, 127 (note). Saco and Cape Porpoise settle- ments, 239. Sachem's Head, why so named, 212. Sagadahoc River (see Kennebec), 32, 33, 39 (note). Salem (see Naumkeag), name, 153; appearance in 1629, 153; first church, 154, 155 (notes); sickness at, 154; first houses, 155 (note). Salisbury settled, 184. Saltonstall, Sir Richard, settles Watertown, 169, 172 (note). Samoset visits the Pilgrims, 94, 103 (note), 123. Sandwich settled, 238. Sassacus, a Pequot chief, 209; death, 212. Sassafras, its value, 16, 19 (note). Saugus Iron Works, 236. Saybrook, settled, 191, 192 (note); garrison attacked, 207. Scarborough settled, 239. Scriveners' occupation, 218 (note). Seguin (Satquin) Island, 40 (note). Selectmen, 184 (note). Seekonk (see Rehoboth), 197. Shawmut, situation of, 114 (see Bos- ton); called Trimountain, 164 and note. Shawomet. See Warwick, INDEX. 251 Ship-building, the beginnings, 235, 238 (note). Smith, Captain John, explores the New England coast, 59-64; his character, GO; admiral of New England, 61; names New Eng- land, 61; his maps, 62, 64 (note). Sno \v-shoes described, 30 (note). Southold, L.I., settled, 220. Springfield settled, 193, 194 (note). Standish, Myles, chosen captain, 93; escorting the settlers to church, 100, 103 (note); rescues the Wey- mouth men, 112. St. Croix Island, named, 22, 29 (note) ; French colonists of, 24-29; aban- doned, 29. St. Sauveur not identified, 55 (note). Stool-ball, 103 (note). Stratford settled, 220. Strawberry Bank (see Portsmouth), limits, 137. Tarratines, 59, 64 (note). Taunton settled, 238. Thames Elver discovered, 57. Thompson, David, first mentioned, 115; settles in New Hampshire, 130, 133 (note). Thompson's Island, situation of, 114. Tobacco, Indian sort, 19 (note). Town-meeting, organized, 181, 184 (note). Trimountain (Boston), 164 and note. Uncas aids the English against the Pequots, 208. Uncas and Miantonimo, 227. Underbill, Captain, 208. United Colonies of New England, 243. United Provinces, 58 (note). Vane, Henry (Sir), governor of Massachusetts, 205. Verrazano, Juan, voyage to New England, 9, 13 (note). Vines, Richard, first mentioned, 64, 65 (note); at Saco, 124. Virginia, named, 6; division among two companies, 31. Walford, Thomas, at Mishawum, 114; banished, 174. Warwick settled, 199. Watertown, settled, 169; exodus from, to Connecticut, 190. Wells, Me., settled, 239. Wessagusset (see Wey mouth), 112 (note). Weston, Thomas, sets a colony on foot, 106. See Weymouth. Wethersfield settled, 191, 192 (note). Weymouth, settled, 107; threat- ened by Indians, 108; unfortunate ending of, 112. Weymouth, George, makes a voy- age to the Kennebec, 32; his re- port of it, 33. White, Rev. John, 140, 141 (note); takes an active part in the Puri- tan emigration, 149. White Mountains, visited, 223; In- dian traditions, 224. Wigwam described, 19 (note). Williams, Roger, in New England, 194; conflict with Massachusetts authorities, 195 ; banishment, 196; goes to Rhode Island, 196; founds Providence, 197, 199 (note); pre- vents Indian league, 208. Wilson, Rev. John, 163, 164 (note); residence, 169. Windsor, the Pilgrims at, 188. Winnisimmet, 114. Winslow, Edward, married, 98, 103 (note); nurses Massasoit, 108. Winthrop, John, made governor of Massachusetts Colony, 157, 160 (note); arrives in New England, 159. Winthrop, John, Jr., at Ipswich, 178; goes to Say brook, 191; starts a forge, 236. Wollaston's plantation, 115. York settled, 124, 127. EPOCHS OF HISTORY. "A Series of concise and carefully prepared volumes on special eras of history. Each is devoted to a group of events of such importance as to entitle it to be regarded as an epoch. Each is also complete in itself, and has no especial connection with the other members of the series. 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EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY, A SERIES OF BOOKS NARRATING THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND AND EUROPE AT SUCCESSIVE EPOCHS SUBSEQUENT TO THE CHRISTIAN ERA. Edited by EDWARD E. MORRIS. Sixteen volumes, i6mo, with 70 Maps, Plans and Tables. Sold separately. Price per vol., $1.00. The Set, Roxburgh style, gilt top, in box, $16.00. THE BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES England and Europe in the Ninth Century. By the Very Rev. R.W. CHURCH, M.A. THE NORM AN SIN EUROPE The Feudal System and England under Norman Kings. By the Rev. A. H. JOHNSON, M.A. THE CRUSADES. By the Rev. G. W. Cox, M.A. THE EARLY PLANTAGE NETS Their Relation to the History of Europe : The Foundation and Growth of Constitutional Government. By the Rev. WM. STUBBS, M.A. EDWARD III. By the Rev. W. WARBURTON, M.A. THE HOUSES OF LANCASTER AND YORK The Conquest and Loss of France. By JAMES GAIRDNER. THE ERA OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. By Frederic SEEBOHM. With Notes on Books in English relating to the Reformation. By Prof. GEORGE P. FISHER, D.D. THE AGE OF ELIZABETH. By the Rev. M. CREIGHTON, M.A. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR, 1618-1648. By SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER. THE PURITAN REVOLUTION; and the First Two Stuarts, 1603-1660. By SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER. THE FALL OF THE STUARTS; and Western Europe. By the Rev. EDWARD HALE, M.A. THE AGE OF ANNE. By EDWARD E. MORRIS, M.A. THE EARLY HANOVERIANS Europe from the Peace of Utrech to the Peace of Aix-la--Chapelle. By EDWARD E. MORRIS, M.A. FREDERICK THE GREAT AND THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. By F. W. LONGMAN. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND FIRST EMPIRE. By WILLIAM O'CONNOR MORRIS. With Appendix by ANDREW D. WHITE, LL.D., Ex-Pres't of Cornell University. THE EPOCH OF REFORM, 1830-1850. By JUSTIN MCCARTHY. These volumes, read consecutively, form the best history of Modern Times. BOOKS AND READING. A new edition. By NOAH PORTER, LL.D., President of Yale College. With an appendix giving valuable directions for courses of reading, prepared by JAMES M. HUBBARD, late of the Boston Public Library, i vol., crown 8vo, $2.00. It would be difficult to name any American better qualified than President Porter to give advice upon the important question of" What to Read and Kow to Read." His acquaintance with the whole range of English literature is most thorough and exact, and his judgments are eminently candid and mature. A safer guide in short, in all literary matters it would be impossible to find. " The great value of the book lies not in prescribing courses of reading, but in a discussion of principles, which lie at the foundation of all valuable systematic reading." The Christian Standard. " Young people who wish to know what to read and how to read it, or how to pursue a particular course of reading, cannot do better than begin with this book, which is a practical guide to the whole domain of literature, and is full of wise suggestions for the improvement of the mind." Philadelphia Bulletin. " President Porter himself treats of all the leading departments of litera- ture of course with abundant knowledge, and with what is of equal importance to him, with a very definite and serious purpose to be of service to inexperi- enced readers. There is no better or more interesting book of its kind now wi thin their reach. "Boston Advertiser. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. ELEMENTS OF INTELLECTUAL PHILOSOPHY. A Manual for Schools and Colleges. Abridged from " The Human Intellect." I vol., 8vo, $3.00. This work is used as a text book in Yale, Dartmouth, Bowdoin, Oberlin, Bates, Hamilton, Vassar, and Smith Colleges ; Wesleyan, Ohio, Lehigh, and Wooster Universities, and many other colleges, academies, normal and high schools. ELEMENTS OF MORAL SCIENCE, Theoretical and Practical, i vol., 8vo, $3.00. From George S. Morris, Professor of Ethics, University of Michigan. "I have read the work with great interest, and parts of it with enthusiasm. It is a vast improvement on any of the current text books of ethics. It is tole- rant and catholic in tone ; not superficially, but soundly, inductive in method and tendency, and rich in that kind of practical suggestion by which, even more than by the formal statement of rules, the formation of character is capable of being determined." From E. G. Robinson, President of Brown University. " It has all the distinguishing marks of the author's work on ' The Human Intellect,' is full and comprehensive in its treatment, dealing largely with current discussions, and very naturally follows it as a text book for the class room." SCRIBNER'S BOOKS FOR THE YOUNG. Scribner's List of Juvenile Books. The great legend of the Nibelungen told to boys and girls. THE STORY OF SIEGFRIED. BY JAMES BALDWIN. With a series of superb illustrations by HOWARD PYLE. One volume, square I2mo. $2.00. Mr. Baldwin has at last given " The Story of Siegfried " in the way in which it most appeals to the boy-reader, simply and strongly told, with all its fire and action, yet without losing any of that strange charm of the myth, and that heroic pathos, which every previous attempt at a version, even for adult readers, has failed to catch. THE STORY OF ROLAND. BY JAMES BALDWIN. With a series of illustrations by R. B. BIRCH. One volume, square ismo. $2.00. This volume is intended as a companion to " The Story of Siegfried." As Siegfried was an adaptation of Northern myths and romances to the wants and the understanding of young readers, so is this story a similar adaptation of the middle-age romances relating to Charlemagne and his paladins. As Siegfried was the greatest of the heroes of the North, so, too, was Roland the most famous among the knights of the Middle Ages. " We congratulate the boys of the land upon the appearance of this book. We com- mend it to parents who are selecting literature for their children, assured, as we are, that it will convince them that books may be found which will engage the attention, and stimulate the imagination, of the young, without dissipating the mind, or blunting the moral sensibilities." Philadelphia Messenger. i THE FIRST REALLY PRACTICAL BOY'S BOOK. THE AMERICAN BOY'S HANDY BOOK; Or, WHAT TO DO AND HOW TO DO IT. BY DANIEL C. BEARD. With three hundred illustrations by the author. One volume, 8vo. $2.00. Mr. Beard's book is the first to tell the active, inventive, and practical Ameri- can boy the tilings he really wants to know, the thousand things he wants to do, and the ten thousand ways in which he can do them, with the helps and ingenious contrivances which every boy can either procure or make. The author divides the book among the sports of the four seasons; and he has made an almost exhaustive collection of the cleverest modern devices, besides himself invent- ing an immense number of capital and practical ideas. Charles Scribner's Sons, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. SCRIBNER'S STANDARD JUVENILE BOOKS. THE BOY'S Library of Legend and Chivalry. EDITED BY SIDNEY LANIER, And richly illustrated by FREDERICKS, BEN SELL, and KAPPES. THE BOY'S KING ARTHUR. THE BOY'S FROISSART KNIGHTLY LEGENDS OP WALES THE BOY'S PERCY. Four "volumes, cloth, uniform binding. Price per set $7.00. Sold separately. Price per volume $2.00. " Amid all the strange and fanciful scenery of these stories, character and the ideals of character remain at the simplest and the purest. The romantic history transpires in the healthy atmosphere of the open air, on the green earth beneath the open sky. . . . The figures of Right, Truth, Justice, Honor, Purity, Courage, Reverence for Law, are always in the background; and the grand passion inspired by the book is for strength to do well and nobly in the world." The Independent. THE BOY'S MABINOGION. Being the earliest Welsh tales of King Arthur in the famous Red Book of Hergest. Edited for boys, with an Introduction by SIDNEY LANIER. With twelve full-page illustrations by Alfred Fredericks. THE BOY'S KING ARTHUR. Being Sir Thomas Mallory's History of King Arthur and his Knights of the Round Table. Edited for boys, with an Introduction by SIDNEY LANIER. With twelve full-page illustrations by Alfred Kappes. THE BOY'S FROISSART. Being Sir John Froissart's Chronicles of Adventure, Battle, arid Custom in England, France, Spain, etc. Edited for boys, with an Introduction by SIDNEY LANIEU With twelve full-page illustrations by Alfred Kappes. THE BOY'S PERCY. With fifty text and full-page illustrations by E. B. BENSELL. Mr. Lanier's books, which made him the companion and friend of half the boys of the country, and showed his remarkable talent for guiding them into the best parts of this ideal world, filly close by giving the best of the ballads in their purest and strongest form, from Bishop Percy's famous collection. With " The Boy's Froissart," " The Boy's King Arthur," " The Mabinogion," and " The Boy's Percy," Mr. Lanier's readers have the full circle of heroes. Charles Scribner's Sons, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. SCRIBNER'S STANDARD JUVENILE BOOKS. FRANK R. STOCKTON'S POPULAR STORIES- THE STORY OF VITEAU. With sixteen full-page illustrations by R. B. BIRCH. One volume, ismo, extra cloth. $1.50. In " The Story of Viteau," Mr. Stockton has opened a new vein, and one that he has shown all his well-known skill and ability in working. While describing the life and surroundings of Raymond, Louis, and Agnes at Viteau at the Castle of De Bar- ran, or in the woods among the Cotereaiix, he gives a picture of France in the age of chivalry, and tells, at the same time, a romantic and absorbing story of adventure and knightly daring. Mr. Birch's spirited illustrations add much to the attraction of the book. A JOLLY FELLOWSHIP. Illustrated. One volume, I2mo, extra cloth. $1.50. " ' A Jolly Fellowship,' by Mr. Frank Stockton, is a worthy successor to his ' Rud- der Grange.' Although written for lads, it is full of delicious nonsense that will be enjoyed by men and women. . . . The less serious parts are described with a mock gravity that is the perfection of harmless burlesque, while all the nonsense has a vein of good sense running through it, so that really useful information is conveyed to the young and untravelled reader's rr.ind." Philadelphia Evening Bulletin. THE FLOATING- PRINCE, AND OTHER FAIRY TALES. With illustrations by BENSELL and others. One volume, quarto, boards. $1.50. " Stockton has the knack, perhaps genius would be a better word, of writing in the easiest of colloquial English, without descending to the plane of the vulgar or common- place. The very perfection of his work hinders the reader from perceiving at once how good of its kind it is. ... With the added charm of a most delicate humor, a real humor, mellow, tender, and informed by a singularly quaint and racy fancy, his stories become irresistibly attractive." Philadelphia Times. NEW EDITIONS OF OLD FAVORITES. ROUNDABOUT RAMBLES IN LANDS OF FACT AND FICTION. One volume, quarto, boards, with very attractive lithographed cover, three hundred and seventy pages, two hundred illustrations. A new edition. Price reduced fron $3.00 to $1.50. TALES OUT OF SCHOOL. One volume, quarto, boards, with handsome lithographed cover, three hundred and fifty pages, nearly two hundred illustrations. A new edition. Price reduced from $3'. oo to $1.50. Charles Scribner's Sons, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. SCRIBNER'S STANDARD JUVENILE BOOKS. WILLIAM O. STODDARD'S CAPITAL STORIES FOR BOYS. DAB KINZER. A STORY OF A GROWING BOY. One volume, I2io, three hujidrcd and thirty pages. $1.00. " The book is enlivened with a racy and genuine humor. It is, moreover, notably healthy in its tone, and in every way is just the thing for boys." Philadelphia North American. " It is full of fun, liveliness, and entertainment. Dab Kinzer will be voted a good fellow, whether at home, at school, or out fishing." Portland Press. THE QUARTET. A SEQUEL TO "DAB KINZER." One. volume, I2mo, three hundred and thirty pages. $1.00. " The boys who read ' Dab Kinzer ' will be delighted with ' The Quartet.' It is the story of Dab's school and college life, and certainly equals the former story in interest. In a literary point of view, k ranks among the best of its kind. There are few writers of boys' books who present boy-life in the strong, sympathetic, manly way that Mr. Stoddard does. His good boys are genuine, fun-loving, careless, but royal-hearted. In the words of one of their admirers, ' They're a fine lot, take 'em all round.' " Boston Post. SALTILLO BOYS. One volume, I2mo, three hundred and sixty-eight pages. $1.00. Good as were ts narrative of Mr. Stoddard's stories for boys grow better and better every year. " Dab Kinzer" and the " Quartet," SALTILLO BOYS surpasses them in i bright, manly, and yet thoroughly boy-like life in an inland town, whose actual name and locality may be shrewdly guessed by those familiar with its characteristics. The incidents are thoroughly boyish, and yet quite free from frivolity. The drift of the book is wholly on the side of frank, intelligent, and self-reliant manliness; and it is impossible for any boy to read it without absorbing a love for nobility of character, and forming higher aspirations. AMONG THE LAKES. One volume, 1 2mo. $1.00. WINTER FUN. One volume, I2mo. $1.00. ,* Mr. Stoddard's stories, "DAB KINZER," "THE QUARTET," "SALTILLO BOYS," "AMONG THE LAKES," and "WINTER FUN," are furnished in sets, in uniform binding, in a box. Price $5.00. Charles Scribner's Sons, Publishers, 743 and 745 Broadway, New York. 4 [From the CINCINNATI COMMERCIAL .] Scribner's 'Campaigns of the Civil War > are probably the ablest and most striking account of the late war that has yet been written. Choosing the flower of military authors, the publishers have assigned to each the task of writing the history of the events he knew most about. Tlius, both accuracy and a life-lik fresh- ness have been secured." THE CAMPAIGNS OF THE CIVIL WAR 13 VOLUMES, CLOTH. WITH MAPS AND PLANS. Price per Volume, $1.OO ; per Set, $12.5O. A series of volumes, contributed by a number of leading actors in and students of the great conflict of i86i-'65, with a view to bringing together, for the first time, a full and authorita- tive military history of the suppression of the Rebellion. The volumes are duodecimos of about 250 pages each, illustrated by maps and plans pre- pared under the direction of the authors. l.The Outbreak of Rebellion. By JOHN G. NICOLAS, Esq., Private Secretary to President Lincoln; late Consul- General to France, etc. A preliminary volume, describing the opening of the war, and covering th period from the election of Lincoln to the and of the first battle of Bull Run. M. From Fort Henry to Corinth. By the Hon. M. F. FORCE, Justice of the Superior Court, Cinunnatti; late Brigadier- General and Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U.S. V., commanding First Division, lyth Corps: in 1862, Lieut. Colonel of the 20th Ohio, commanding the regiment at Shiloh ; Treasurer of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee. The narrative of events in the West from the Summer of 1861 to May, 1863 ;overing the capture of Fts. Henry and Donelson, the Battle of Shiloh, etc., etc. [J-I.The Peninsula. By ALEXANDER S. WEBB, LL.D., President of the College of the City of New York : Assistant Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac, i86i-'62 ; Inspector General Fifth Army Corps; General commanding 2d Div., 2d Corps ; Major General Assigned, and Chief of Staff, Army of the Potomac. The history of McClellan's Peninsula Campaign, from his appointment to tha end of the Seven Days' Fight. fV.The Army under Pope. By JOHN C. ROPES, Esq., of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, the Massa- chusetts Historical Society, etc. From the appointment of Pope to command the Army of Virginia, to the appoint- ment of McClellan to the general command in September, 1862 V. The Antietam and Fredericksburg. By FRANCIS WINTHROP PALFREY, Bvt. Brigadier Gen'l, U.S.V., and form- erly Colonel 2Oth Mass. Infantry ; Lieut. Col. of the 2Oth Massachusetts at the Battle of the Antietam ; Member of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, of the Massa- chusetts Historical Society, etc. From the appointment of McClellan to the general command, September, i862,'td the end of the battle of Fredericksburg. VI. Chancellor 'sville and Gettysburg. By ABNER DOUBLEDAY, Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U. S. A., and Maj. Gen'l, U.S. V. ; commanding the First Corps at Gettysburg, etc. From the appointment of Hooker, through the campaigns of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, to the retreat of Lee after the latter battle. VII. The Army of the Cumberland. By HENRY M. CIST, Brevet Brig. Gen'l U.S.V. ; A.A.G. on the staff of Major Gen'l Rosecrans, and afterwards on that of Major Gen'l Thomas ; Corresponding Secretary of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland. From the formation of the Army of the Cumberland to the end of the battles tt Thattanooga, November, 1863. . The Mississippi. By FRANCIS VINTON GREENE, Lieut, of Engineers, U. S. Army ; late Military Attache to the U S. Legation in St. Petersburg ; Author of " The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78," and of "Army Life in Russia." An account of the operations especially at Vicksburg and Port Hudson by Which the Mississippi River and its shores were restored to the control of the Union. IX. Atlanta. By the Hon. JACOB D. Cox, Ex-Governor of Ohio; late Secretary of the Interior of the United States; Major General U. S.V. , commanding Twenty-third Corps during the' campaigns of Atlanta and the Carolinas, etc., etc. From Sherman's first advance into Georgia in May, 1864, to the beginning of the March to the Sea. X, -The March to the Sea Franklin and Nashville By the Hon. JACOB D. Cox. From the beginning of the March to the Sea to the surrender of Johnston- including also the operations of Thomas in Tennessee. XI. The Shenandoah Valley in 1864. The Cam- paign of Sheridan. By GEORGE E. POND, Esq., Asso- ciate Editor of the Army and Navy Journal. XII. The Virginia Campaign of 04 and >65. TJte Army of the Potomac and the Army of the James. By ANDREW A. HUMPHREYS, Brigadier General and Bvt. Major General, U. S. A. ; late Chief of Engineers ; Chief of Stan", Army of the Potomac, 1863-64; commanding Second Corps, 1864^65, etc., etc. Statistical Record of the Armies of the United States. By FREDERICK PHISTERER, late Captain U. S. A. This Record includes the figures of the quotas and men actually furnished by all States ; a list of all organizations mustered into the U. ^>. service; the strength of the army at various periods ; its organization in armies, corps, etc.; the divisions of the country into departments, etc.; chronological list of all engagements, with the losses in each ; tabulated statements of all losses in the war, with the causes of death, etc.; full lists of all general officers, and an immense amount of other valuable statistical matter relating to the War. The complete Set, thirteen volumes, in a box. Price, $12.50 Single volumes, . . . . . . i.co ** The above books for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent, post-p*n<1, upon receipt of price, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS, 743 AND 745 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. THE Navy in the Civil War I.-THE BLOCKADE AND THE CRUISERS. By Professor J. RUSSELL SOLEY, U. S. Navy. "The book is well arranged, written clearly, without technical terms, and shows great familiarity with the subject. It is marked by thoroughness of preparation, sound judgment, and admirable impartiality. It is a promis- ing beginning of the projected series ; and if the other volumes prove worthy of this, they will make a valuable addition to the Army series, which has proved so useful and popular." The Nation. II.-THE ATLANTIC COAST. By Real-Admiral DANIEL AMMEN, U. S. Navy. Admiral Ammen's history of the naval operations on the Atlantic coast, from 1861 to the close of the war, describes the active work of the navy in attacking the defensive strongholds of the Confederacy from Hampton Roads to Florida Keys. It includes a full account of the long siege of Charleston, and the scarcely less arduous operations against Fort Fisher, the capture of Hatteras Inlet, Roanoke Island and Newbern, and other minor movements along the coast. Ill -THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS. By Commander A. T. MAHAN, U. S. Navy. The achievements of the Naval force on the Mississippi and its tributaries, and on the Gulf and the Red River, either independently or in co-oper- ation with the Army, form one of the most thrilling chapters in the history of the Civil War. The exploits of Farragut, Foote and Porter, with their gallant crews and improvised vessels, teem with acts of daring, marvelous escapes, and terrific encounters. Commander Mahan has done full justice to this side of his narrative, but he has given at the same time a record of this part of the war that has greater claims to historic value than any which have preceded it. Each One Volume, 1 2mo, with Maps and Plans. Price per Volume, SI.OO. CHARLES SCRKBNER'S SONS, Publishers, 743 S 745 Broadway, New York. POPULAR BOOKS In Yellow Paper Cover . Each I vol., I 2mo, 5O cents* CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. THE LADY, OR THE TIGER? AND OTHER STORIES. BY FRANK R. STOCKTON. CONTENTS: TH.L LADY, OR THE TIGER ? OUR STORY. THE TRANSFERRED GHOST. MR. TOLMAN. THE SPECTRAL MORTGAGE. ON THE TRAINING OF PARENTS. OUR ARCHERY CLUB. OUR FIKE-SCREEN. THAT SAME OLD 'CooN. A PIECE OF RED CALICO. His WIFE'S DECEASED SISTER. EVERY MAN His OWN LETTER-WRITE* " Stockton has the knack, perhaps genius would be a better word, of writing it the easiest of colloquial English without descending to the plane of the vulgar oi common-place. The very perfection of his work hinders the reader from per- ceiving at once how good of its kind it is. ... With the added charm of a most delicate humor a real humor, mellow, tender, and informed by a singularly quaint and racy fancy his stories become irresistibly attractive." Philadelphia Times. THAT LASS O' LOWRIE'S. BY FRANCES HODGSON BURNETT. "The publication of a story like ' That Lass o' Lowrie's' is a red-letter day in the world of literature." New York Herald. " We know of no more powerful work from a woman's hand in the English language, not even excepting the best of George Eliot's." Boston Transcript. "The best original novel that has appeared in this country for many years." Philadelphia Press. SAXE HOLM S STORIES. First Series. DKAXY MILLER'S DOWRY. THE ONE-LEGGED DANCERS. THE ELDER'S WIFE. How ONE WOMAN KEPT HER HUSBAND. WHOSE WIFE WAS SHE? ESTHER WYNN'S LOVE-LETTERS. Second Series. A FOUR-LEAVED CLOVER. MY TOURMALINE. FARMER BASSETT'S ROMANCE. JOE HALE'S RED STOCKINGS. SUSAN LAWTON'S ESCAPE. "Whoever is the author, she is certainly entitled to the high credit of writing stories which charm by their sweetness, impress by their power, and hold attention by their originality." Albany Argus. " The second series of ' Saxe Holm's Stories' well sustains the interest which has made the name of the author a subject of discussion with literary gossips, and won the admiration of intelligent readers for such attractive specimens of pure and wholesome fiction." New York Tribune. POPULAR BOOKS In Yellow Paper Covers. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, ----- PuBLiSHERa THE MARK OF CAIN. BY ANDREW LANG. I vol., 1 2mo, paper, - - - 25 cents. In this story Mr. Lang shows us again his remarkable literary dexterity. It is a novel of modern life in London, absorbing, full of spirited and original incidents, exciting to the verge of sensationalism. It is one of those fortunate books which hold the reader's interest to the full from the first page to the last. 2ist Thousand. " Nothing Mr. Stevenson has written yet has so strongly impressed us with the versatility of his very original genius." London Times. STRANGE CASE OF DR. JEKYLL AND MR. HYDE. BY ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. I vol., I2mo, paper, - 25 cents. "It is a work of incontestable genius. Nothing, in my judgment, by Edgar Allan Poe, to be generous, is to be (compared to it; it has all his weird and eerie power, but combined with a graphic lealism that immensely heightens the effect. I read it in a four-wheeled cab the other night, by the help of a reading-lamp, as I traveled through miles of snow-bound streets, quite unconscious of the external circumstances of that melancholy journey. What is worth mentioning, because otherwise a good many people will miss it, is that a noble moral underlies the mar- velous tale." JAMES PAYN in Independent. THE DIAMOND LENS WITH OTHER STORIES. BY FITZ-JAMES O'BRIEN. I vol., I 2mo, paper, ...... 50 cents. STORIES: THE DIAMOND LENS. THE POT OF TULIPS. THE WONDERSMITH. THE GOLDEN INGOT. TOMMATOO. MY WIFE'S TEMPTER. MOTHER OF PEARL. WHAT WAS IT THE BOHEMIAN. DUKE HUMPHREY'S DINNER. THE LOST ROOM. MILLY DOVK. THE DRAGON FANG. "The stories are the only things in literature to be compared with Poe's work, and if they do not equal it in workmanship, they certainly do not yield to it in originality. " Philadelphia Record. "Nothing more fascinating in their way, and showing better literary workman- ship, has of late come to the front in the shape of short stories.' 1 Toronto POPULAR BOOKS In Yellow Paper Covers. Each I Vol., I 2mo, ------ 50 cents. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS. THE AMERICA'S CUP! HOW IT WAS WON BY THE YACHT AMERICA IN 1851, AND HOW IT HAS BEEN SINCE DEFENDED. WITH TWELVE FULL PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS. BY CAPT. ROLAND F. COFFIN. "A history of all the races since 1851 for the possession of the trophy, the emblem ol the yachting supremacy of the world commonly called the Queen's Cup witli an account of the English yachts Genesta and Galatea, entered for the races sailed in September, 1885, for the possession of this most coveted prize. Also descriptions of the yachts Priscilla and Puritan. The book is interesting to the gen- eral reader who wishes to keep informed upon a sport so fascinating to a large class, and is invaluable to the yachtsman on account of the completeness and accuracy of its information." Washington Post. AN APACHE CAMPAIGN IN THE SIERRA MADRE. An Account of the Expedition in Pursuit of the Hostile Chiricahua Apaches in the Spring of 1883. ILLUSTRATED. BY CAPT. JOHN G. BOURKE. "The publication of this book is of timely interest, following so soon upon the lamented death of Capt. Emmet Crawford, who was conspicuous in the campaigns described. . . . The subject is one of importance, and Capt. Bourke speaks as one who is familiar with its practical branches." New York Times. JOHN BULL AND HIS ISLAND. BY MAX O'RELL. "Certainly not in our day has appeared a more biting, comprehensive and clever satire than this anonymous French account of England. . . It is certainly not to be wondered that the volume has produced a profound sensation in London; and it will undoubtedly be widely read in this country. Enemies of England will read it with wicked glee ; her friends with a mixture of pride and humiliation ; nobody, we apprehend, with indifference." Boston Advertiser. THE RUSSIANS AT THE GATES OF HERAT. BY CHARLES MARVIN, Principal authority of the English press on the Central Asia Dispute. ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS AND MAPS. "The most important contribution to a complete understanding of the present quarrel between England and Russia." New York Tribune. " Precisely meets the public want. The sale ought to reach 100,000 at least." New York Joiirnal of Commerce. POPULAR BOOKS In Paper Covers. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, - - - PUBLISHERS. OLD CREOLE DAYS. BY GEORGE W. CABLE. Popular Edition, in Two Parts; each Complete. 30 cents. PART I. MADAME DKLPHINE. CAFE DES EXILES. BELLES DEMOISELLES PLANTATION. PART II. POSSON JONE'." JEAN-AH POQUELIN. TlTE POULETTE. 'SIEUR GEORGE. MADAME DELICIEUSE. "Here is true art at work. Here is poetry, pathos, tragedy, humor. Here is an entrancing style. Here is a new field, one full of passion and beauty. Here is a local color, with strong drawing. Here, in this little volume, is life, breath, and blood. The author of this book is an artist, and over such a revelation one may be permitted strong words." Cincinnati Times. "I have read all thy stories and like them very much. Thee has found an untrodden field of romance in New Orleans ; and I think thee the writer whom we have so long waited to see come up in the South." THE POET WHITTIER TO MR. CABLE. MRS. BURNETT'S EARLIER STORIES. LINDSAYS' LUCK, 30 cents. PRETTY POLLY PEMBERTON, 40 cents. KATHLEEN, 40 cents. THEO, 30 cents. Miss CRESPIGNY, 30 cents. " Each of these narratives have a distinct spirit, and can be profitably read by all classes of people. They are told not only with true art but with deep pathos." Boston Post. RUDDER GRANGE. BY FRANX R. STOCKTON. I vol., I2mo, paper, - - 6O cents. " Humor like this is perennial." Washington Post. "Mr. Stockton has rare gifts for this style of writing, and has developed i these papers remarkable genius." Pittsburgh Gazettt. 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. REC'D LD ^ t)CT LIBRARY USE ONLY . -p LD CIRCULATION t* ,CIHC. JUN23 LD 21A-50m-8.'61 (Cl795slO)476B General Library University of California YC 39109 U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES F7 $85 ;>