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''INTER FOLIA FRUCTUSP
THE
]G[EPHmTS.
SERIES II. 1884—86.
" lljistors is i)ut tfie tmroUeB Snoll ot JJropfitC!!."
— James A. Garfield.
EDINBURGH :
PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY.
This edition is liviited to 120 large paper, and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
'I • - •
(^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^$^J
INDEX.
^►•$S^<
PAGE
I. The Journal of King Edward VI., i
II. Lex Talionis (1647), _.,___ 87
III. Gallienus Redivivus (The Massacre of Glencoe), 1695 - 99
IV. The Declarations concerning the Birth of the Prince of
Wales (1688), 129
V. Memoirs of the Chevalier de St. George (1712), - - 159
VI. The Remarkable Meeting at Windsor in the year 1648, - 211
VII. A Dialogue between a Whig and a Jacobite (1716), - 225
VIII. The Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots (1586), - - 251
IX. Twenty Lookes over all the Roundheads (1643), - - 263
X. Memoirs of George Leyburn (1722), - - - - 273
XI. The Character of a Modern Whig (168 1 ), - - - 355
XII. A Letter from General Monck and his Army to the Par-
liament (1659), - - 363
SUPPLEMENT.
Notes descriptive of a Curious Pack of Cavalier Playing Cards, {circa
1660), by Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S., F.S.A., (Scot.) - 373
\_Illustrated xuilh thirteen copper-plates^ containing the 32 Cards IN FACSIMILE.]
mrmmm
iyi7S777
^ ' — ^
"INTER FOLIA FRUCTUS."
XLbe Journal of Ikino
lEbwarb's IReion,
written witb b\B own Iban^
From the Original in the Cotton Library.
(Nero. c. lo.)
" J^istorg 16 tjut ti^e umolletr gcroll of Iroppcg."
James A. Garfield.
Privately Printed
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1884.
>^H — . H^
This Edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies^
issued only to members.
Zbc Journal of Iking Ebwarb^e IRetgn**
ss»c^O?at-'
'T^TlJp Year of our Lord 1537, was a Prince born to King Henry
the 8/4 by Jane Seimour then Queen ; who within few
days after the Birth of her Son, died, and was buried at the Caftle of
Wind/or. This Child was Chriftned by the Duke of Norfolk, the
Duke of Suffolk, and the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury. Afterwards was
brought up till he came to fix Years old among the Women. At
the fixth Year of his Age he was brought up in Learning by Matter
Doftor Cox, who was after his Almoner, and John Cheeke Matter of
Arts, two well-learned Men, who fought to bring him up in learning
of Tongues, of the Scripture, of Philofophy, and all Liberal Sciences.
Also John Bellmaine Frenchman, did teach him the French Language.
The tenth Year not yet ended, it was appointed he fhould be created
Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwal, and Count Palatine of Chefter : At
which time, being the Year of our Lord 1547, the faid King died of
a Dropfie as it was thought. After whofe death incontinent came
Edward Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Matter of the Horfe,
to convoy this Prince to Enfield, where the Earl of Hartford declared
to him, and his younger Sister Elizabeth, the Death of their Father.
Here he begins anew again.
After the Death of King Henry the %th, his Son Edward, Prince of
Wales, was come to at Hartford, by the Earl of Hartford, and Sir
Anthony Brown Matter of the Horfe ; for whom before was made great
preparation that he might be created Prince of Wales, and after-
* The original is in the British Museum.
Ul)c Clarendon Iblstortcal Socteti? IReprtnts.
ward was brought to Enfie/d, where the Death of his Father was firft
fhewcd him ; and the fame day the Death of his Father was fhewed in
London^ where was great lamentation and weeping : and fuddenly he
proclaimed King. The next day, being the of * He was
brought to the Tower of London^ where he tarried the fpace of three
weeks ; and in the mean feafon the Council fat every day for the
performance of the Will, and at length thought best that the Earl of
Hartford, fhould be made Duke of Somerfet, Sir Thomas Seimour Lord
Sudley, the Earl of Effex Marquefs of Northampton, and divers Knights
fhould be made Barons, as the Lord Sheffield, with divers others. Also
they thought beft to chufe the Duke of Somerfet to be Proteftor of the
Realm, and G.-verr-our of the King's Person during his Minority ; to
which all the Gentlem.en and Lords did agree, becaufe he was the
Ki.ijj's I'l^cle on his Mothois fide. Alfo in this time the late King
was buried at Windsor with much folemnity, and the Officers broke
their Staves, hurling them into the Grave ; but they were reftored to
them again when they came to the Tower. The Lord Lijle was made
Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Great Chamberlainfhip was given to
him ; and the Lord Sudley made Admiral of England: all these things
were done, the King being in the Tower. Afterwards all things being
prepared for the Coronation, the King being then but nine Years old,
paffcd through the City of London, as heretofore hath been used, and
came to the Palace of Wejiminjler ; and the next day came into Wefi-
minfter-Hall. And it was asked the People, Whether they would
have him to be their King ? Who answered ; Yea, yea : Then he
was crowned King of England, France, and Ireland, by the Arch-Bifhop
oi Canterbury, and all the rest of the Clergy and Nobles ; and Anointed,
with all fuch Ceremonies as were accuftomed, and took his Oath, and
gave a General Pardon, and fo was brought to the Hall to Dinner on
Shrove-funday, where he fat with the Crown on his Head, with the
Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury, and the Lord Proteftor ; and all the Lords
fat at Boards in the Hall beneath, and the Lord Marshal's Deputy,
(for my Lord of Somerfet was Lord Marfhal) rode about the Hall to
make room ; then came in Sir John Dimock Champion, and made his
Challenge, and so the King drank to him, and he had the Cup. At
night the King returned to his Palace at Wesjlminjier, where there
was Jufts and Barriers ; and afterward Order was taken for all his
Servants being with his Father, and being with the Prince, and the
Ordinary and Unordinary were appointed. In the mean feafon Sir
• Blank In original.
Journal ot JEt)wart) tbe Stjtb. 5
Andrew Dudley^ Brother to my Lord of Warwick^ being in the Paunfie,
met with the Lion, a principal Ship of Scotland, which thought to take
the Paunfie without resistance ; but the Paunfie approached her, and
Ihe fhot, but at length they came very near, and then the Paunfie
fhooting off all one fide, burft all the overlop of the Lion, and all her
Tackling, and at length boarded her and took her ; but in the return,
by negligence, fhe was loft at Harwich-Haven, with almoft all her
Men.
In the month of * May died the French King called Francis, and
his Son called Henry, was proclaimed King. There came alfo out of
Scotland an Ambaflador, but brought nothing to pafs, and an Army was
prepared to go into Scotland. Certain Injunftions were fet forth,
which took away divers Ceremonies, and Commiffions fent to
take down Images, and certain Homilies were fet forth to be read in
the Church. Dr. Smith of 0;t/^ry recanted at Pauls certain Opinions
of the Mefs, and that Chrift was not according to the Order of Mel-
chifedeck. The Lord Seimour of Sudley married the Queen, whose name
was Katherine, with which Marriage the Lord Proteftor was much
offended.
There was great preparation made to go into Scotland, and the Lord
Proteflor, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Dacres, the Lord Gray, and
Mr. Brian, went with a great number of Nobles and Gentlemen to
Barwick ; where the firft day after his coming, he muftered all his
Company, which were to the number of 13000 Footmen, and 5000
Horfemen. The next day he marched on into Scotland, and fo pafTed
the Peafe ; then he burnt two Caftles in Scotland, and fo pafTed a streight
of a Bridg, where 300 Scots Light-Horfemen fet upon him behind
him, who were difcomfited. So he pafTed to Mujfelburgh, where the
firft day after he came, he went up to the Hill, and faw the Scots,
thinking them, as they were indeed at least, 36000 Men ; and my
Lord of Warwick was almoft taken, chafing the Earl of Huntley, by an
Ambufh, but he was refcued by one Bertivell, with twelve Hagbuttiers
on Horfeback, and the Ambufh ran away.
The \oth day of September, the Lord Proteftor thought to get the
Hill, which the Scots feeing, pafTedlthe Bridg over the River at Muf-
felburgh, and ftrove for the higher Ground, and almoft got it ; but our
Horfemen fet upon them, who although they ftayed them, yet were
put to flight, and gathered together again by the Duke of Somerfet
* Should be March.
6 tTbe Clatenbon IFDiatortcal Society IRcprlnts.
Lord Protedlor, and the Earl of Warwick, and were ready to give a
new Onfet. The Scots being amazed with this, fled theirwayes,
fome to Edinburgh, some to the Sea, and fome to Dalkeith ; and there
were flain loooo of them, but of Engliftimen 51 Horfemen, which
were almoft all Gentlemen, and but one Footman. Prifoners were
taken, the Lord Huntley, Chancellor of Scotland, and divers other Gen-
tlemen ; and flain of Lairds 1000. And Mr. Brian, Sadler, and Vane,
were made Bannerets.
After this Battel Broughtie-craig was given to the Engliflimen, and
Hume, and Roxburgh, and Heymouth, which were Fortified, and Cap-
tains were put in them, and the Lord of Somerfet rewarded with 500 /.
Lands. In the mean feafon, Stephen Gardiner Bifliop of Winchefter,
was, for not receiving the Injunftions, committed to Ward. There
was also a Parliament called, wherein all Chaunteries were granted
to the King, and an extream Law made for Vagabonds, and divers
other things. Alfo the Scots bcfieged Brougkty-craig, which was de-
fended against them all by Sir Andrew Dudley Knight, and oftentimes
their Ordnance was taken and marred.
Year II,
A Triumph was, where fix Gentlemen did challenge all Comers, at
Barriers, Jufts, and Tournay ; and alfo that they would keep a
Fortrefs with thirty, with them againft an hundred, or under, which
was done at Greenwich.
Sir Edward Bellingam being fent into Ireland Deputy, and Sir An-
thony Sf. Leiger revoked, he took 0-Canor, and 0-Mor, bringing the
Lords that rebelled into fubjedlion ; and 0-Canor and 0-Mor leaving
their Lordfhips, had apiece an lOO /. Penlion.
The Scots befieged the Town of Haddington, where the Captain,
Mr. Willford, every day made ilfues upon them, and flew divers of
them. The thing was very weak, but for the Men, who did very
manfully. Oftentimes Mr. Holcroft and Mr. Palmer did Viftual it by
force, passing through the Enemies ; and at last the Rhinegrave una-
wares fet upon Mr. Palmer, which was there with near a thoufand
and five hundred Horfemen, and difcomfited him, taking him, Mr.
Bowes Warden of the Weft-Marches, and divers other, to the num-
ber of 400, and flew a few. (Upon St. Peter s day the Bifliop of
WincheJlervvdiS committed to the Tower.) Then they made divers brags,
and they had the like made to them. Then went the Earl of Shrews-
bury General of the Army, with 22000 Men, and burnt divers Towns
and Fortrcflcs, which the Frenchmen and Scots hearing, levied their
Siege in the month of September ; in the levying of which, there
came one to Tiherio, who as then was in Haddington, and fetting forth
the weaknefs of the Town, told him. That all Honour was due to
the Defenders, and none to the Afl^ailers ; so the Siege being levied,
the Earl of Shrewsbury entred it, and viftualled, and reinforced it.
After his departing by night, there came into the Outer Court, at
Haddington, 2000 Men armed, taking the Townfmen in their Shirts ;
7
8 Zbc Claren&on Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts.
who yet defended them, with the help of the Watch, and at length,
with Ordnance, iffucd out upon them, and flew a marvellous number,
bearing divers Afl^aults, and at length drove them home, and kept the
Town fafe.
A Parliament was called, where an Uniform Order of Prayer was
inftitute, before made by a number of Bifliops and learned Men
gathered together in Wind/or. There was granted a Subfidy, and
there was a notable Difputation of the Sacrament in the Parliament-
Houfe. Alfo the Lord Sudley, Admiral of England, was condemned to
Death, and died in March enfuing. Sir Thomas Sharrington was alfo
condemned for making falfe Coin, which he himfelf confefl"ed.
Divers also were put in the Tower.
Year III
HUMF-CASTI F ^^^ taken by Night, and Treafon,
by the Scots. Mr. Willford, in a
Skirmifh, was left of his Men, fore hurt and taken. There was a
Skirmifh at Br ought y-craig, wherein Mr. Lutterell, Captain after Mr.
Dudley, did burn certain Villages, and took Monfieur de Toge Prifoner.
The Frenchmen by night aflaulted BouUngherg, and were manfully
repulfed, after they had made Faggots with Pitch, Tar, Tallow, Rofin,
Powder, and Wildfire, to burn the Ships in the Haven of Bolein, but
they were driven away by the Bollonors, and their Faggots taken.
In Mr. Bowes Place, who was Warden of the Weft Marches, was
put the Lord Dacres y and in the Lord Grafs Place, the Earl of Rut-
land ; who after his coming entred Scotland, and burnt divers Villages,
and took much Prey. The People began to rife in Wiltjhire, where
Sir William Herbert did put them down, over-run, and flew them.
Then they rofe in SuJJex, Hampjhire, Kefjt, Gloucefterjhire, Suffolk, War-
wick Jhire, Effex, Hartfordjhire, a piece of Leicejierjhire, Worcejierjhire, and
Rutlandjhire, where by fair Perfuafions, partly of honeft Men among
themfelves, partly by Gentlemen, they were often appeafed ; and
becaufe certain Commiffions were fent down to pluck down Inclo-
fures, they did rife again. The French King perceiving this, caufed
War to be proclaimed ; and hearing that our Ships lay at Jerfey, fent
a great number of his Galleys, and certain Ships, to furprife our
Ships ; but they being at anchor, beat the French, that they were
fain to retire with the loss of looo of their Men.
At the fame time the French King palled by Bullein to New-Haven,
with his Army, and took Blacknefs, by Treafon, and the Almain Camp ;
which done, New-Haven furrendered. There were alfo in a Skir-
mifh, between 300 Englifh Footmen, and 300 French Horfemen, fix
Noblemen flain. Then the French King came with his Army to
B 9
lo ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints.
Bollein, which they feeing, razed BouUngberg ; but becaufe of the
Plague, he was compelled to retire, and Chajlilion was left behind, as
Governour of the Army. In the mean feason, becaufe there was a
rumour that I was dead, I pafTcd through London.
After that they rofe in Oxfordjhire^ Devonjhire, Norfolk, and Tork-
Jhire. To Oxford, the Lord Gray of Wilton was fent with 1 500 Horfe-
men and Footmen, whofe coming, with the aflembling of the Gentle-
men of the Country, did fo abafh the Rebels, that more than half of
them ran theirways, and other that tarried, were fome flain, some
taken, and fome hanged. To Devonjhire, the Lord Privy-Seal was
fcnt, who with his Band, being but small, lay at Honington, whiles the
Rebels besieged Exeter, who did ufe divers pretty Feats of War, for
after divers Skirmilhes, when the Gates were burnt, they in the City
did continue the Fire till they had made a Rampier within ; also
after, when they were undermined, and Powder was laid in the Mine,
they within drowned the Powder and the Mine, with Water they caft
in ; which the Lord Privy-Seal having thought to have gone to in-
force them a by-way, of which the Rebels having fpial, cut all the
Trees betwixt St. Mary Outrie and Exeter ; for which caufe the Lord
Privy-Seal burnt that Town, and thought to return home : The
Rebels kept a Bridg behind his Back, and fo compelled him, with his
fmall Band, to fct upon them, which he did, and overcame them,
killing 600 of them, and returning home without any lofs of Men.
Then the Lord Gray, and Spinola, with their Bands, came to him, and
afterward Gray, with 200 of Redding, with which Bands he being re-
inforced, came to raise the Siege at Exeter, for because they had
fcarcity of Vidual ; and as he paffcd from Honington, he came to a little
Town of his own, whither came but only two ways, which they had
reinforced with two Bullwarks made of Earth, and had put to the
defence of the fame about 2000 Men ; and the rest they had laid,
fome at a Bridg called Honington- Bridg, partly at a certain Hedg in a
High-Way, and the moft part at the Siege of Exeter. The Rere-
ward of the Horfemen, of which Travers was Captain, fct upon the
one Bullwark, the Waward and Battail on the other ; Spinola^s Band
kept them occupied at their Wall : At length Travers drove them
into the Town, which the Lord Privy-Seal burnt. Then they ran to
a Bridg thereby, from whence being driven, they were in a Plain about
900 of them flain.
The next day they were met about other 2000 of them, at the en-
try of a High-Way, who firft defircd to talk, and in the mean feafon
10
Journal of B^watt) tbe St jtb, 1 1
fortified themfelves ; which being perceived, they ran theirways, and
that fame Night the City of Exeter was delivered of the Siege. After
that they gathered at Launjion, to whom the Lord Privy-Seal, and
Sir Will. Herbert went, and overthrew them, taking their chief Heads
and executing them. Neverthelefs fome sailed to Bridgwater, and
went about Sedition, but were quickly repreffed. Hitherto of
Devonjhire. At this time the Black Gaily was taken. Now to Nor-
folk ; The People fuddenly gathered together in Norfolk, and in-
creafed to a great number, againft whom the Lord Marquefs of
Northampton was fent, with the number of 1060 Horfemen, who win-
ning the Town of Norwich, kept it one day and one night ; and the
next day in the morning, with the loss of 100 Men, departed out of
the Town, among whom the Lord Sheffield was flain. There were
taken divers Gentlemen, and Servingmen, to the number of thirty ;
with which Vi6lory, the Rebels were very glad ; but afterward hear-
ing that the Earl of Warwick came against them, they began to ftay
upon a ftrong plot of Ground upon a Hill near to the Town of
Norwich, having the Town confederate with them. The Earl
of Warwick came with the number of 6000 Foot, and 1500
Horfemen, and entred into the Town of Norwich, which having
won, it was fo weak that he could fcarcely defend it ; and
oftentimes the Rebels came into the Streets, killing divers of
his Men, and were repulfed again ; yea, and the Townfmen were
given to Mifchief themfelves : So having endured their Affaults
three days, and flopped their Viftuals, the Rebels were conftrained,
for lack of Meat, to remove ; whom the Earl of Warwick followed
with 1000 Almains, and his Horfemen, leaving the Englifh Footmen
in the Town, and overcame them in plain Battel, killing 2000 ot
them, and taking Ket their Captain, who in January following was
hang'd at Norwich, and his Head hanged out ; Ket^s Brother was taken
alfo, and punifhed alike. In the mean feafon Chajlilion befieged the
Peer of Bolloin made in the Haven, and after long Battery, 20000 fhot
or more, gave affault to it, and were manfully repulfed ; neverthelefs,
they continued the Siege ftill, and made often Skirmilhes, and falfe
Affaults, in which they won not much. Therefore feeing they pro-
fited little that way, they planted Ordnance against the Mouth of the
Haven that no Viftual might come to it ; which our Men feeing, fet
upon them by night and flew divers Frenchmen, and difmounted
many of their Peeces ; neverthelefs the French came another time
and planted their Ordnance toward the Sand-fide of the Sand-hills,
12 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts.
and beat divers Ships of Vidualers at the Entry of the Haven, but
yet the Englilhmcn, at the King's Adventure, came into the Haven
and refrcfhcd divers times the Tow^n. The Frenchmen feeing they
could not that way prevail, continued their battery but fmally, on
which before they had fpent 1500 Shot in a day, but loaded a Galley
with Stones and Gravel, which they let go in the Stream to sink it ;
but or ere it funk, it came near to one Bank, where the Bulloners took
it out, and brought the Stones to reinforce the Peer. Alfo at Guines
was a certain Skirmifli, in which there was about an 100 Frenchmen
flain, of which fome were Gentlemen and Noblemen. In the mean
feafon in England ro(c great Stirs, like to increafe much if it had not
been well forefeen. The Council, about nineteen of them, were
gathered in London, thinking to meet with the Lord Protcftor, and
to make him amend fome of his Diforders. He fearing his ftate,
caufed the Secretary, in My Name, to be fent to the Lords, to know
for what Caufe they gathered their Powers together ; and if they
meant to talk with him, that they fhould come in a peaceable manner.
The next morning, being the 6th of October and Saturday, he com-
manded the Armour to be brought down out of the Armoury o^ Hampton-
Court, about 500 HarncfTcs, to Arm both his and my men, with all
the Gates of the Houfe to be Rampeir'd, People to be raifed : People
came abundantly to the Houfc. That night, with all the People, at
nine or ten of the Clock of the night, I went to Wind/or, and there
was Watch and Ward kept every night. The Lords fat in open
Places of London, calling for Gentlemen before them, and declaring
the Caufes of Accufation of the Lord Proteftor, and caufed the fame
to be proclaimed. After which time few came to Wind/or, but only
Mine own Men of the Guard, whom the Lords willed, fearing the
Rage of the People fo lately quieted. Then began the Protedor to
treat by Letters, fending Sir Philip Hobbey, lately come from his Ambaf-
fage in Flanders, to fee to his Family, who brought in his return a
Letter to the Protcdor, very gentle, which he delivered to him,
another to Me, another to my Houfe, to declare his Faults, Ambition,
Vain-Glory, entring into rafli Wars in my Youth, negligent looking
on New-Haven, enriching of himfelf of my Trcafurc, following of
his own Opinion, and doing all by his own Authority, i^c. Which
Letters were openly read, and immediately the Lords came to Windfor^
took him, and brought him through Holborn to the Tower, Afterward
I came to Hampton-Court, where they appointed, by My confcnt, fix
Lords of the Council to be Attendant on Me, at Icaft two and four
12
Journal of lEbwarb tbe Sijtb* 13
Knights ; Lords, the Marquefs of Northampton^ the Earls of Warwick
and Arundel^ the Lords, Rujfel St. John, and Wentworth ; Knights, Sir
Andr. Dudley, Sir Edw. Rogers, Sir Tho. Darcy, and Sir Tho. Wroth.
After I came through London to Wefiminjier. The Lord of Warwick
made Admiral of England. Sir Thomas Cheiney fent to the Emperor
for Relief, which he could not obtain. Mailer Wotton made Secre-
tary. The Lord Proteftor, by his own Agreement and Submiffion,
lost his Proteftorfhip, Treafurefhip, Marfhallhip, all his Moveables,
and more, 2000 /. Land, by A61 of Parliament. The Earl of Arundel
committed to his Houfe, for certain Crimes of fufpicion againft him,
as plucking down of Bolts and Locks at Wefiminjier, giving of My
Stuff away, l£c. and put to fine of 12000 /. to be paid 1000 /. Yearly ;
of which he was after relieved.
Alfo Mr. Southwell committed to the Tower for certain Bills of Sedi-
tion, written with his Hand, and put to fine of 500 /. Likewife Sir
Tho. Arundel, and fix, then committed to the Tower for Confpiracies
in the Weft Places. A Parliament, where was made a manner to
Confecrate, Priefts, Bifhops, and Deacons. Mr. Paget furrendring his
Comptrolerlhip, was made Lord Paget of Beaudefert, and cited into
the Higher Houfe by a Writ of Parliament. Sir Anthony Wingfield,
before Vicechamberlain, made Comptroller. Sir Thomas Darcy made
Vicechamberlaine. Guidotty made divers Errands from the Conftable
of France to make Peace with us ; upon which were appointed four
Commiflioners to Treat, and they after long Debatement made a
Treaty as followeth.
Anno 1549. Mart. 24.
Peace concluded between England, France, and Scotland ; by our
Englifh fide, John Earl of Bedford, Lord Privy Seal, Lord Paget de
Beaudefert. Sir William Petre Secretary, and Sir John Mafon. On the
French fide, Monjieur de Rochepot, Monfieur Chafiilion, Guilluart de Mor-
tier, and Boucherel de Sany, upon thefe Conditions, That all Titles,
Tribute, and Defences, fhould remain ; That the Faults of one Man,
except he be punifhed, Ihould not break the League. That the
Ships of Merchandize shall pafs to and fro : That Pirats shall be
called back, and Ships of War. That Prifoners Ihall be delivered of
both fides. That we Ihall not war with Scotland. That Bollein, with
the pieces of New Conqueft, and two Bafilisks, two Demy-Cannons,
three Culverines, two Demy-Culverins, three Sacres, fix Faulcons,
13
14 ^be (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprints.
94 Hagbutts, a Crook, with Wooden Tailes, and 21 Iron Pieces ; and
Lauder^ and Dunglafs, with all the Ordnance fave that that came from
Haddington, fhall, within fix months after this Peace proclaimed, be
delivered ; and for that the French to pay 200000 Scutes within
three days after the delivery of Bollein, and 200000 Scutes on our
Lady Day in Harveft next enfuing ; and that if the Scots raizd Lauder,
and we ftiould raze Roxburg and Heymouth. For the performance of
which, on the jth of Jpril, fhould be delivered at Guifnes and Ardres,
thefe Hoftages.
Marquefs de Means.
M o n fi e u r Trimoville.
Monfieur D'anguien.
Monfieur Montmorency.
Monfieur Henandiere.
Vicedam de Chartres.
My Lord of Suffolk.
My Lord of Hartford.
My Lord Talbot.
My Lord Fitzwarren.
My Lord Martavers.
My Lord Strange.
Alfo that at the delivery of the Town, Ours fhould come home,
and at the firft Payment three of theirs ; and that if the Scots raze
Lauder and Dunglafs, We muft raze Roxburgh and Heymouth, and none
after fortify them, with comprehenfion of the Emperor.
25. This Peace, Anno 1550, proclaimed at Calais and Bollein.
29. In London, Boncfircs.
30. A Sermon in Thankfgiving for Peace, and Te Deum fung.
31. My Lord Somerfet was delivered of his Bonds, and came to
Court.
April.
2. The Parliament prorogued to the fecond day of the Term in
October enfuing.
3. Nicholas Ridley, before of Rochejier, made Bifhop of London, and
received his Oath.
Thomas Thirlby, before of Wejiminjier, made Bifliop of Nortoich, and
received his Oath.
4. The Bifliop of Chichejlcr, before a vehement affirmer of Tran-
fubftantiation, did preach againft it at WcJiminJler in the preaching
place.
Removing to Greenwich from WeJlminJler.
6. Our Hortagcs palled the Narrow Seas between /)wrrand Calais,
7. Monfieur de Fermin, Gentleman of the King's Privy Chamber,
paffed from the French King by England to the Scotch Queen, to tell
her of the Peace.
H
Journal ot E^war^ tbe Sijtb^ 15
An Ambaffador came from Gujlave the Swedifh King, called Andrew^
for a furer Amity touching Merchandize.
9. The Hoftages delivered on both the fides, for the Ratification
of the League with France and Scotland % for becaufe some said to
Monfieur Rochfort Lieutenant, that Monfieur de Guife, Father to the
Marquefs of Means, was dead, and therefore the delivery was put
over a day.
8. My Lord Warwick made General Warden of the North, and Mr.
Herbert President of Wales ; and the one had granted to him looo
Marks Land,* the other 500 ; and Lord Warwick 100 Horfemen at the
King's Charge.
9. Licences figned for the whole Council, and certain of the Privy
Chamber to keep among them 2340 Retainers.
10. My Lord Somerfet taken into the Council. Guidotti the begin-
ner of the talk for Peace, recompenfed with Knightdom, 1000 Crowns
Reward, 1000 Crowns Penfion, and his Son with 250 Crowns Pen-
fion.
Certain Prifoners for light Matters difmiffed ; agreed for delivery of
French Prifoners taken in the Wars. Peter Vane fent Ambaffador to
Venice. Letters direfted to certain Irifh Nobles, to take a blind Legat
coming from the Pope, calling himself Bifhop of Armagh, Commif-
fions for the delivery of Bulloin, Lauder, and Dunglafs.
6. The Flemings Men of War would have paifed our Ships without
vailing Bonet ; which they feeing, fhot at them, and drove them at
length to vail Bonet, and fo depart.
11. Monfieur Trimaul, Monfieur Vicedam de Char, and Monfieur
Henaudie, came to Dover, the reft tarried at Calais till they had leave. 1
13. Order taken, that whofoever had Benefices given them, Ihould
preach before the King in or out of Lent, and every Sunday there
should be a Sermon.
16. The three Hoftages aforefaid came to London, being met at
Dehtford by the Lord Gray of Wilton, Lord Bray, with divers other
Gentlemen, to the number of 20, and Servingmen an 100, and fo
brought into the City, and lodged there, and kept Houfes every Man
by himfelf.
18. Mr. Sidney and Mr. Nevel made Gentlemen of the Privy
Chamber. Commiflion given to the Lord Cobham Deputy of Calais,
William Petre chief Secretary, and Sir John Mafon French Secretary, to
fee the French King take his Oath, with certain Inflruftion ; and
that Sir John Mafon should be Ambafl^ador Leigier.
15
1 6 Ubc Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts.
CommiiTion to Sir yo6n Davies and Sir William Sharrington, to re-
ceive the first Paiment, and deliver the Quittance.
19. Sir John Mafon taken into the Privy Council, and William
Thomas made Clerk of the fame.
Whereas the Emperors Ambaffadors defired leave, by Letters Patent
that my Lady Mary might have Mafs ; it was denied him. And where
he faid we broke the League with him, by making Peace with Scot-
land^ it was anfwered. That the French King, and not I, did compre-
hend them, faving that I might not invade them without occalion.
10. Lauther being befieged of the Scots, the Captain hearing that
the Peace was Proclaimed in England^ delivered it, as the Peace did
will him, taking Sureties, that all the Bargains of the Peace fhould be
kept.
18. Monfieur de Guife died.
20. Order taken for the Chamber, that three of the Outer Privy-
Chamber Gentlemen Ihould always be here, and two lie in the Palace,
and fill the Room of one of the four Knights ; that the Squires fhould
be diligent in their Office ; and five Grooms fhould be always pre-
fent, of which one to watch in the Bed-Chamber.
21. The Marquefs de Means, the Duke de Anguien, and the Con-
flable's Son, arrived at Dover.
23. Monfieur Trirnoville, and the l^icedam of Chartres, and Monfieur
Henaudy, came to the Court, and faw the Order of the Garter, and
the Knights, with their Sovereign, receive the Communion.
24. Certain Articles touching a flreighter Amity in Merchandize
fent to the King of Szveeden, being thefe.
First ; If the King of Sweden fent bullion, he Jhould have our commodities
and pay no Toll.
Secondly ; He fhould bring Bullion to none other Prince.
Thirdly ; If he brought Ozymus, and Steel, and Copper, Sec. he Jhould
have our Commodities, and pay Cujlom as an Englijhman.
Fourthly ; If he brought any other, he Jhould have free entercourse, paying
Cujlom as a Stranger, &c.
It was anfwered, to the Duke of Brunjzvick, that whereas he offered
Service with loooo Men of his Land, that the War was ended ; and
for the Marriage of my Lady Mary to him, there was talk for her
Marriage with the Infant of Portugal, which being determined, he
should have anfwer.
25. Lord Clinton Captain of Bulloin, having fent away before all his
Men faving 1800, and all his Ordnance, faving that the Treaty did
16
Journal ot lEbwarb tbe Sijtb. 17
referve, iffued out of the Town with thefe 1800, delivering it to
Monfieur Chajiilion^ receiving of him the fix Hoftages Englifh, an Ac-
quittance for delivery of the Town, and fafe Conduft to come to
Calais ; whither when he came, he placed 1800 in the Emperors Fron-
tiers.
27. The Marquefs du Means, Count / Anguien, and the Conftable's
Son, were received at Black-Heath by my Lord of Rutland, my Lord
Gray of Wilton, my Lord Gray, my Lord Lijle, and divers Gentlemen,
with all the Penfionaries, to the number of an hundred, beside a great
number of Servingmen.
It was granted, that my Lord of Somerfet fhould have all his move-
able Goods and Leafes, except thofe that be already given.
The King of Sweden^ AmbalTador departed home to his Mailer.
29. The Count d^ Anguien, Brother to the Duke of Vendofme, and
next Heir to the Crown after the King's Children ; the Marquefs de
Means, Brother to the Scotch Queen ; and Monfieur Montmorency, the
Conftable's Son came to the Court, where they were received with
much Muftck at Dinner.
26. Certain were taken that went about to have an Infurreftion in
Kent, upon May day following ; and the Prieft, who was the chief
Worker, ran away into EJfex, where he was laid for.
30. Dunglafs was delivered as the Treaty did require.
May.
2. Joan Boacher, otherways called Joan of Kent, was burnt for hold-
ing. That C hriji was not Incarnate of the Virgin Mary ; being condemned
the Year before, but kept in hope of Conversion ; and the 30//' of
April, the Bifhop of London, and the Bifhop of Ely, were to perfwade
her, but she withftood them, and reviled the Preacher that preached
at her Death.
The firft payment was payed at Calais, and received by Sir Thomas
Dennis, and Mr. Sharrington.
4. The Lord Clinton, before Captain of Bollein, came to Court,
where after Thanks, he was made Admiral of England, upon the Sur-
render of the Earl of Warwick's Patent ; He was also taken into the
Privy-Council, and promifed further Reward. The Captain alfo, and
Officers of the Town, were promifed Rewards. Monfieur de Brifay
palTed alfo by the Court to Scotland, where at Greenwich he came to
the King, telling him. That the French King would fee that if he
lacked any Commodity that he had, he wonld give it him ; and like-
wise would the Conftable of France, who then bore all the Swing.
c 17
1 8 ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society IRcprints.
5. The Marquefs de Means departed to Scotland with Monfieur de
Brifay^ to acquaint the Queen of the death of the Duke of
Gmfe.
6. The Mafter of Ayrskin, and Monfieur Morret's Brother came out
of Scotland for the Acceptation of the Peace, who after had PafTport
to go into France.
7. The Council drew a Book for every Shire, who (hould be Lieute-
nants in them, and who fhould tarry with Me ; but the Lieutenants
were appointed to tarry till Ckafiilions^ Sarcy, and Boucher els coming,
and then to depart.
9. Proclamation was made. That the Souldiers ftiould return to
Manfions ; and the Mayor of London had charge to look through all
the Wards, to take them and fend them to their Countries.
The Debt of 30000 /. and odd Money, was put over an Year, and
there was bought 2500 Cinquetales of Powder.
11. Proclamation was made. That all Wooll-winders fhould take
an Oath that they would make good Cloth there, as the Lord Chan-
cellor would appoint them, according to an Aft of Parliament made
by Edward the Third.
7. The Lord Cohham, the Secretary Petre^ and Sir John Ma/on came
to the French King to Amiens^ going on his Journey, where they were
received of all the Nobles, and fo brought to their Lodgings, which
were well dreifed.
10. The French King took the Oath for the Acceptation of the
Treaty.
12. Our AmbafTadors departed from the French Court, leaving Sir
'John Ma/on as Legier.
14. The Duke of Somerfet was taken into the Privy-Chamber, and
likewife was the Lord Admiral.
15. It was appointed that all the Light-Horfemen of Bollein^ and
the Men of Arms, fhould be payed their Wages, and be led by the
Lord Marquefs of 'Northampton, Captain of the Penfioners ; and all the
Guard of Bollein under the Lord Admiral. Alfo that the chiefeft
Captains fhould be fcnt, with 600 with them, to the flrcngthning of
the Frontiers of Scotland.
The comprehenfion of Peace with Scotland was accepted so far as
the League went, and Scaled.
16. The Mafter o^ Ayr skin departed into France.
17. Removing from Wejlminjler to Greenwich.
18. The French King came to Bollein to visit the Pieces lately dcli-
18
Journal ot lEbwar^ tbe Stjtb, 19
vered to him, and to appoint an Order, and ftaying things there ;
which done he departed,
19. Peter Vane went as AmbafTador to Venice^ and departed from
the Court with his Inftruftions.
20. The Lord Cobham and Sir William Petre^ come home from their
Journey, devering both the Oath, and the Teftimonial of the Oath,
witnefTed by divers Noblemen of France : alfo the Treaty fealed with
the Great Seal of France : and in the Oath was confeffed, That I was
Supream Head of the Church of England and Ireland^ and alfo King
of Ireland.
23. Monfieur Chajlilion^ and Morier^ and Boucherel, accompanied
with the Rhinegrave, Dandelot the Conftable's fecond Son, and Che-
nault, the Legier, came to Durefm Place, where in their Journey they
were met by Mr. Treafurer, and fixty Gentlemen, at Woolwich, and
alfo faluted with great Peals, at Woolwich, Deptford. and the Tower.
24. The AmbafTadors came to me prefenting the Legier ; and alfo
delivering Letters of Credence from the French King.
25. The AmbafTadors came to the Court, where they faw Me take
the Oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty ; and afterwards dined
with Me : and after Dinner faw a Paftime of ten againft ten at the
Ridg, whereof on the one fide were the Duke of Sufolk,, the Vice-
dam, the Lord Lijle, and feven other Gentlemen apparallel'd in Yel-
low. On the other, the Lord Strange, Monfieur Henandoy, and the
eight other in blew.
26. The AmbafTadors faw the baiting of the Bears and Bulls.
27. The AmbafTadors, after they had hunted, fat with me at Supper.
28. The fame went to fee Hampton-Court, where they did Hunt,
and the fame night returned to Durefm-place.
25. One that by way of Marriage had thought to afTemble the
People, and To make an infurrefttion in Kent, was taken by the
Gentlemen of the Shire, and afterward punifhed.
29. The Ambassadors had a fair Supper made them by the Duke
of Somerfet ; and afterward went into the Thames, and faw both the
Bear hunted in the River, and alfo Wild-fire caft out of Boats, and
many pretty Conceits.
30. The AmbafTadors took their leave and the next day departed.
June.
3. The King came to Shein, where was a marriage made between
the Lord Lijle the Earl of Warwick^ Son, and the Lady Ann Daughter
to the Duke of Somerset ; which done, and a fair Dinner made, and
19
20 Ube (Ilaren^ou Ibistorical Society IRcprints.
Dancing finifhcd, the King and the Ladies went into two Anti-
Chambers made of Boughs, where first he saw fix Gentlemen of one
fide, and fix of another, run the courfe of the Field twice over.
Their names here do follow.
The Lord Edward. Sir John Jpleby, Sec*
And afterwards came three Masfters of one fide, and two of another
whtch ran four Courfes apiece. Their names be ; t
Laft of all came the Regunete^ with three Italians^ who ran with all
the Gentlemen four Courfes, and afterward fought at Tournay ; and
so after dinner returned to Wejiminster.
4. Sir Robert Dudley third Son so the Earl of Warwick^ married Sir
John Roberts Daughter ; after which Marriage there were certain
gentlemen that did ftrive who fhould firft take away a Goofes Head
which was hanged alive on two crofs Polls.
5. There was Tilt and Tournay on foot, with as great staves as
they run withal on Horfeback.
6. Removing to Greenwich.
8. The Gefts of My Progrefs were fet forth, which were thefe ;
From Greenwich to Wejiminster, from Westminjler to Hamptcn-Court,
from Hampton-Court to Wind/or, from Wind/or to Guilford, from Guilford
to Oatland, from Oatland to Richmond, &c.
Alfo the Vicedam made a great Supper for the Duke of Somerfet
and the Marquefs of Northampton, with divers Mafques and other
Conceits.
9. The Duke of Somerfet, Marquess of Northampton, Lord Treasurer,
Bedford, and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bilhop of Winchejler to
know to what he would ftick. He made anfwer. That he would
obey and fet forth all things fet forth by Me and my Parliament ;
and if he were troubled in Confcience, he would reveal it to the
Council, and not reason openly againft it.
The firft Payment of the Frenchmen, was laid up in the Tower
for all Chances.
10. The Books of my Proceedings were fcnt to the Bifhop of
Winchejler, to fee whether he would fet his Hand to it, or promifc to
fet it forth to the People.
11. Order was given for Fortifying and Viftualling Cales for four
months ; and alfo Sir Henry Palmer and Sir Alee, were sent to the
Frontiers of Scotland, to take a view of all the Forts there, and to
report to the Council where they thought fit to fortify.
* Rest omitted. f None given.
20
Journal ot ]£t)war5 tbe Stjtb.
12. The Marquefs de Means came from Scotland in Port, and went
his way into France.
13. Commmiflions were figned to Sir William Herbert^ and thirty
other, to Intreat of certain Matters in Wales^ and alfo Inftrudions to
the fame, how to behave himfelf in the Prefidentfhip.
14. The Surveyor of Calais was fent to Calais^ firft to raze the
Walls of Risbank toward the Sand-hills, and after to make the Wall
maffy again, and the round Bullwark to change to a pointed one,
which Ihould run twenty foot into the Sea, to beat the Sand-hills,
and to raze the Mount. Secondly, to view Maubeug, to make an high
Bullwark in the midft, with Flankers, to beat through all the ftreight ;
and alfo four Sluces to make Calais haven better. Afterwards he was
bid to go to Guifnes, where firft he fhould take away the three-
corner'd Bullwark to make the outward Wall of the Keep, and to fill
the fpace between the Keep and the faid outward Wall with the
forefaid Bullwark, and to raife the Old Keep that it might defend
the Town. Alfo he was bid to make Parfon^s Bullwark, where it is
now, round, without Flankers, both pointed, and alfo with fix
Flankers to bear hard to the Keep.
Atwood and Lambert were fent to take view of Allderney, Silly, Jern-
sey, Gernsey, and the Ille of Gitto.
The Duke of Somerfet, with five others of the Council, went to
the Bifhop of Winchejier ; to whom he made this answer ; / having
deliberately feen the Book of Common-Prayer, although I would not have
made it Jo my f elf yet I find fuch things in it as fatisfieth my Confidence, and
therefiore 1 will both execute it my fielfi, and alfio fiee other my Parift?ioners to
do it.
This was fubfcribed by the forefaid Counfellors, that they heard
him fay thefe words.
16. The Lord Marquefs, Mr. Herbert, the Vicedam, Henaudie, and
divers other Gentlemen, went to the Earl of Warwick's, where they
were honourably received ; and the next day they ran at the Ring a
great number of Gentlemen.
19. I went to Debtfiord, being bidden to Supper by the Lord Clin-
ton ; where before Supper I faw certain Men ftand upon the end of a
Boat, without holding of any thing, and ran one at another, till one
was caft into the Water. At Supper Monfieur Vicedam and Henaudie
fupped with me. After Supper was there a Fort made upon a great
Lighter on the Thames which had three Walls, and a Watch-Tower ;
in the midft of which Mr. Winter was Captain, with forty or fifty
21
22. XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IRepdnts*
other Souldiers in Yellow and Black. To the Fort alfo appertained
a Gallery of Yellow Collour, with Men and Ammunition in it for
defence of the Caftle : Wherefore there came four Pinaces with their
Men in White, handfomely dreflcd ; which intending to give aflault
to the Caftle, firft drove away the Pinace, and after with Clods,
Squibs, Canes of Fire-Darts made for the nonce, and Bombards,
affaulted the Caftle ; and at length came with their Pieces, and burft
the outer Walls of the Caftle, beating them off the Caftle into the
fecond Ward, who after ilTued out and drove away the Pinaces, fink-
ing one of them, out of which, all the Men in it, being more than
twenty, leaped out and fwam in the Thames ; Then came the Admi-
ral of the Navy, with three other Pinaces, and won the Caftle by
AfFault, and burft the top of it down, and took the Captain and under
Captain. Then the Admiral went forth to take the Yellow Ship,
and at length clafped with her, took her, and affaulted alfo her top,
and won it alfo by compulfion, and fo returned home.
20. The Mayor of London caufed the Watches to be encreafed every
night, becaufe of the great Frays, and alfo one Alderman to fee good
Rule kept every night.
22. There was a privy fearch made through all Sujfex for all Vaga-
bonds, Gipfies, Confpirators, Prophefiers, all Players, and fuch like.
• 24. There were certain in EJfex about Rumford, went about a Con-
fpiracy, which were taken, and the Matter ftayed.
25. Removing to Greenwich.
23. Sir John Tates, Sherifi^of EJJex, went down with Letters to fee
the Biftiop of Londor^s Injundlions performed, which touched plucking
down of Superaltaries, Altars, and fuch like Ceremonies and Abufes.
29. ft was appointed that the Germans fhould have the Justin-Friars
for their Church to have their Service in, for avoiding of all Sefts of
Jnabaptifts, and fuch-likc.
17. The French Queen was delivered of aUhird Son, called
Monfieur d* Angoulefme.
13. The Emperor departed from Argentin to Augujia.
30. John Poynet made Biftiop of Rochejier^ and received his Oath.
5. There was Mony provided to be sent into Ireland^ for payment
of the Souldiers there ; and alfo Orders taken for the difpatch of the
Strangers in London.
7. The Ma ft cr of A r skin paflcd into Scotland coming from France.
Also the French Ambaffador did come before Mc, firft after fhcwing
Journal of JE^watD tbe Sijtb, 23
the birth of Monfieur / Angoulefme ; afterward declaring, That whereas
the French King had for my fake let go the Prifoners at St. Andrews^
who before they were taken, had Ihamefully murdered the Cardinal, he
defired that all Scots that were Prifoners might be delivered. It
was anfwered. That all were delivered. Then he moved for one
called the Arch-Bishop of Glasgow ; who fince the Peace, came
difguifed without Pafsport, and so was taken. It was anfwered. That
we had no Peace with Scotland, fuch, that they might pafs our Coun-
trey, and the Master of Erskin affirmed the same.
8. It was agreed that the 200 that were with Me, and 200 that
were with Mr Herbert, should be sent into Ireland ; Alfo that the
Mint fhould be fet a work that it that it might coin 24000 /. a
Year, and fo bear all my Charges in Ireland for this Year, and loooo /.
for my Coffers.
9. The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Treafurer, Sir William Herbert,
and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bifhop of Winchejier with certain
Articles figned by Me and the Council, containing the confeffing of
his Fault, the Supremacy, the eftabliihing of Holy Days, the abolish-
ing of fix Articles, and divers other, whereof the Copy is in the
Council Cheft ; whereunto he put his hand, faving to the confeffion.
10. Sir William Herbert and Secretary Petre were sent unto him, to
tell him, I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Confef-
fion. To which he made anfwer, that he would not put his Hand to
the Confeffion, for becaufe he was Innocent and alfo the Confeffion
was but the Preface of Articles.
11. The Bifhop of London th.t Secretary Petre, Mr. Cecil, and God-
erick, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the
Laws, and to put in the Submiffion.
12. It was appointed. That under the Shadow of preparing for the
Sea-Matters, there fhould be fent 5000 /. to the Proteftants to get
their good Will.
14. The Bifhop of Winchester did deny the Articles that the Bifhop
of London and the other had made.
13. Sir John Yates was fent into EJfex to flop the going away of the
Lady Mar^, becaufe it was credibly informed that Scipperus fhould
fleal her away to Antwerp; divers of her Gentlemen were there, and
Scipperus a little before came to fee the Landing-places.
16. It was appointed that the two hundred with the Duke of So-
merset, and two hundred with the Lord Privy-Seal, and four hundred
with Mafler St. Legier, fhould be fent to the Sea-Coaft.
23
24 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistodcal Society IReprints.
17. It was agreed, that on Wednefday next. We fhould go in one
day to IVindsor and dine at Sion.
18. It was thought beft that the Lord Bowes fhould tarry in his
Wardenfhip ftill, and the Earl of Warwick fhould tarry here and be
recompenfed.
19. The Bifhop oi Winchester \^z.% fequeflred from his Fruits for
three months.
20. Hooper was made Bifhop of Glocejler. The Merchants were
commanded to flay as much as they could their Vent into Flanders^
because the Emperour had made many flreight Laws againfl them
that profefTed the Gofpel.
21. A Mufler was made of the Boullonois^ who were fully payed for
all pafl, and a month to come. Sir John Wallops Francis Hall and
Do6lor Coke^ were appointed Commifhoners to appoint the Limits
between Me and the French King.
23. Removing to Wind/or.
22. The Secretary Petre, and the Lord Chancellour, were appoin-
ted to go to the Lady Mary, to cause her to come to Oking, or to the
Court.
25. It was appointed that half the French King's Paiment fhould
be bestowed on paying loooo /. at Calais, 9000 /. in Ireland, loooo /.
in the North, 2000 /. in the Admiralty, so that every Crown might
go for one of our Nobles.
27. Because the Rumour came fo much of Scipperus coming, it was
appointed that they of the Admiralty fhould fet my Ships in
readiness.
26. The Duke of Somerfet went to fet Order in Oxfordjhire, Sujfex,
Wiltjhire, and Hampjhire.
28. The Lady Mary, after long communication, was content to
come Lee-L to my Lord Chancellour, and then to Hunfden ; but fbc
utterly denied to come to the Court or Oking at that time.
31. The Earl of Southampton died.
14. Andrew Dory took the City of in Africa, from the Pirat
Dragutte, who in the mean feafon burnt the Country of Genoa.
8. The Emperour came to Ausburgh.
Auguft.
4. Mr, St. Legier was appointed, by Letters Patents, to be Deputy
there ; and had his CommifTion, Inflrudions, and Letters to the
Nobles of Ireland for the fame purpofc.
5. The fame Deputy departed from the Cafllc of Windsor.
H
Journal of ]Sbwatt) tbe Sijtb. 25
6. The Duke of Somerfet departed to Redding to take an Order
there.
7. It was appointed, that of the Mony delivered to Me by the
French King, there fhould be taken looooo Crowns to pay loooo /.
at Calais, loooo in the North, and 2000 in the Admiralty, and 8000
in Ireland.
8. Monjieur Henaudy took his leave to depart to Calais, and fo upon
the Paiment, to be delivered Home ; and Tremoville being fick, went
in a Horfe-Litter to Dover.
9. The French AmbafTador came to Wind/or, to fue for a PalTport
for the Dowager of Scotland ; which being granted, fo fhe came like
a Friend ; he required 300 Horfe to pafs, with 200 Keepers, which
waf not wholly granted, but only that 200 Horfe, with an 100 Keep-
ers in one Company, coming into this Realm, as fhould be appointed,
fhould, without let, pafs into France, and not return this way.
11. The Vicedam of Chartres fhewed his Licence to tarry here, with
a Letter written to the fame purpofe.
10. The AmbafTadour oi France departed not a little contented with
his gentle Anfwers.
12. Removing to Guilford.
13. The Parliament was Prorogued to the 20/^ of February n^xt
following.
Mr. Cook Mafler of Requefls, and certain other Lawyers, were ap-
pointed to make a fhort Table of the Laws and Adls that were not
wholly unprofitable, and prefent it to the Board.
The Lord Chancellor fell fore fick, with forty more of his Houfe,
fo that the Lady Mary came not thither at that time.
14. There came divers Advertifements from C hamberlain, AmbafTa-
dour with the Queen of Hungary, that their very Intent was to take
away the Lady Mary, and fo to begin an Outward War, and an
Inward Confpiracy ; infomuch that the Queen faid Scipperus was but
a Coward, and for fear of one Gentleman that came down, durfl not
go forth with his Enterprife to my Lady Mary.
16. The Earl of Maxwell ca.me down to the North-Border with a
good Power to overthrow the Gremes, who were a certain Family that
were yielded to Me ; but the Lord Dacre flood before his Face with
a good band of Men, and fo put him from his Purpofe, and the
Gentlemen, called Gremes, skirmifhed with the faid Earl, flaying
certain of his Men.
17. The Council appointed, among themfelves. That none of
D 25
26 ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprtnts.
them Ihould fpeak in any Man's behalf for Land to be given, Rever-
fion of Offices, Leafcs of Manours, or extraordinary Annuities, except
for certain Captains who ferved at Bollein, their anfwer being deferred
till Michaelmafs next.
1 8. A Proclamation that till Michaelmafs all Strangers that fued for
Penfions should go their way.
20. Removing to Oking.
15. The fecond Paiment of the French was paied, and Henaudie zndi
Tremoville delivered.
21. 8000 /. of the laft Payment was appointed to be payed to the
Difpatch of Calais, and 5000 at the North.
24. loooo /. was appointed to be occupied to win Mony to pay the
next Year, pay the outward Pays ; and it was promifed that the Mony
fhould double every month.
26. Removing to Oatlands.
27. Andrea Doria gave a hot Aflault to the Town of in
Jfrica kept by the Pirat called Drogute, but was repulfed by the
Townfmen.
29. The Pirat gave a hot Aflault to Andrea Dorea by Night, and
flew the Captain of Thames, with divers other notable Men.
31. The Duke Maurice made anfwer to the Emperour, That if the
Council were not free, he would not come at it.
September.
2. Maclamore in Ireland before a Rebel, by the means of Mr. Baber-
fon, furrendered himfelf and gave Pledges.
6. Mr Wotton gave up his Secrctaryfliip, and Mr. Cecil got it of him.
8. Removing from Nonfuch.
13. Removing to Oatlands,
22. A Proclamation was fet forth, by the which it was commanded ;
I. That no kind of Vidlual, no Wax, Tallow, Candles, nor no fuch
thing ftiould be carried over, except to Calais, putting in Sureties to
go thither. 2. That no Man fhould buy or fell the felf-famc things
again except Broakers, who Ihould not have more than ten quarters of
Grain at once. 3. That all Justices fhould divide themfelvcs into
Hundreds, Rapes, and Wapentakes, to look in their Quarters what
fuperfluous Corn were in every Barn, and appoint it to be fold at a
reafonablc price. Alfo that one of them mull be in every Market to
fee the Corn brought. Furthermore, whoever fhipped over any Thing
aforefaid to the Parts beyond Sea, or Scotland^ after eight days follow-
ing the publication of the Proclamation, fhould forfeit his Ship, and
26
Journal of Bbwart) tbe Stjtb. 27
the Ware therein, half to the Lord of the Franchize, and half to the
finder thereof; whofo bought to fell again after the day aforefaid,
ftiould forfeit all his Goods, Farms, and Leafes, to the ufe, one half of
the Finder, the other of the King ; whofo brought not in Corn to
Market as he was appointed, fhould forfeit lo /. except the Purveyours
took it up, or it were fold to his Neighbours.
25. Letters fent out to the Juftices of the Peace for the due execu-
tion thereof.
18. Andrea Doria had a repulfe from the Town of* in Africa, and
loft many of his Men, and the Captain of Thames, and neverthelefs
left not yet the Siege.
24. Order was given for the Viftualing of Calais.
26. The Lord Wiiloughby, Deputy of Calais, departed and took his
journey thitherward.
28. The Lord Treafurer fent to London to give Order for the
prefervation of the City, with help of the Mayor.
Whereas the Emperor required a Council, they were content to
receive it, fo it were free and ordinary, requiring alfo that every Man
might be reftored to his Right, and a general Peace proclaimed. They
defired alfo, that in the mean feafon no Man might be reftrained to
use his falhion of Religion.
18. The Emperor made Anfwer, That the Council fhould be to the
Glory of God, and Maintenance of the Empire at Trent ; He knew
no Title to any of his Territories, Peace he defired, and in the mean
feafon would have them obferve the Interim and laft Council of Trent;
he would alfo that they of Breme and Hamburgh, with their AfTociates,
ihould leave their Seditions, and obey his Decrees.
21. George Duke of Mecklenburgh came with 8000 Men of War to
the City of Magdeburgh, being Proteftant ; againft whom went forth
the Count of Mansfield, and his Brother, with 6000 Men, and eight
Guns, to drive him from Pillage ; but the other abiding the Battel,
put the Count to flight, took his Brother Prifoner, and flew 3000
Men, as it is reported.
October.
4. Removing to Richmond.
5. The Parliament Prorogued to the loth of January.
6. The French King made his entry into Roan.
10. It was agreed that York, Mafter of one of the Mints at the
Tower, ftiould make his Bargain with Me ; viz. To take the Profit of
* Afrod'tftum.
27
2 8 XTbe Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints.
Silver rifing of Bullion that he himfelf brought, (hould pay all my
Debts, to the Sum of 1200000 /. or above, and remain accountable
for the Overplus, paying no more but 6 s. and 6 d. the ounce, till the
Exchange were equal in Flanders, and after 6 /. and 2 d. Alfo that
he fhould declare all his Bargains to any (hould be appointed to over-
fee him, and leave off when I would : For which I fhould give him
15000/. in Preft, and leave to carry 8000 /. over-Sea to abafc the
Exchange.
16. Removing to Wejlminjler.
19. Prices were fct of all kind of Grains, Butter, Cheefe, and
Poultry- Ware, by a Proclamation.
20. The Frenchmen came to Sandefeld 2iii6. Fins-wood, to the number
of 800, and there on my Ground did fpoil my Subjeds that were
relieved by the Wood.
26. The French AmbalTadour came to excufe the forefaid Men,
faying. They thought it not meet that that Wood fhould be fpoiled of
us, being thought and claimed as theirs, and therefore they lay there.
24. There were 1000 Men embarqued to go to Calais, and fo to
Guifnes, and Hammcs, Rijhumbee, Newmanbridge, the Caufie and the
Bullwarks, with Viftual for the fame.
November,
19. There were Letters fent to every Bifhop to pluck down the
Altars.
20. There were Letters fent down to the Gentlemen of every
Shire, for the obfervation of the lart Proclamation touching Corn,
becaufc there came none to the Markets, commanding them to punifh
the Offenders.
29. Upon the Letters written back by the fame, the fecond Procla-
mation was abolifhed.
December.
15. There was Letters fent for the taking of certain Chaplains of
the Lady Mary for faying Mass, which flie denied.
19. Borthwick was fent to the King of Denmark, with privy Inftruc-
tions for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth to his Son.
20. There was appointed a Band of Horfcmcn divided amongfl the
Nobles.
An 100 to the Duke of Somerfet.
50 to my Lord Marq. Northampton.
Lord Marquefs of Dorfet. To the Earl of Warwick.
Earl of Wiltfiire.
28
Journal of BDwatb tbe Stjtb, 29
Lord Wentworth. Lord Privy-Seal.
Lord Admiral.
Lord Paget. Mr. Herbert.
Mr. Sadler.
Mr. Darcy. Mr. Treafurer.
24.. Removing to Greenwich.
26. Peace concluded between the Emperor and the Scots.
January.
6. The Earl of Arundel remitted of 8000 /. w^hich he ought to have
payed for certain Faults he had committed within 12 Years.
7. There was appointed, for becaufe the Frenchmen did go about
praftice in Ireland^ that there fhould be prepared four Ships, four
Barques, four Pinaces, and twelve Vidualers, to take three Havens ;
of which two were on the South-fide toward France^ and one in James
Cannes the Scottifh Country, and alfo fend and break the forefaid
Confpiracies.
10. Three Ships being fent forth into the Narrow Seas, took certain
Pirats, and brought them into England^ where the mofl part was
hanged.
27. Monfieur de Lanfac came from the French King by way of
requeft, to ask that Coumilis, the fifhing of the Tweed, Edrington, the
Ground debatable, and the Scotch Hoftages that were put here in the
King my Father's days, fhould be delivered to the Scots, that they
might be fuifered to Traffique, as though they were in Peace, and that
all Intereft of the foresaid Houfes fhould be delivered to the Scots.
Alfo that thofe Prifoners which were bound to pay their Ranfoms
before the Peace laft concluded, fhould not enjoy the benefit of the
Peace.
18. The Lord Cobham was appointed to be General Lieutenant in
Ireland.
30. Letters written to Mr. St. Lieger to repair to tne South parts of
Ireland with his Force.
February.
3. Mr. Croftis appointed to go into Ireland, and there with Rogers
and certain Artificers, to take the Havens aforefaid, and begin fome
Fortification.
5. Divers Merchants of London were fpoken withal for provifion of
Corn out of Danfick, about 40000 Quarters.
10. Mountford wz?, commanded to go to provide for certain propor-
tions of Vicftual for the Ships that fhould go into Ireland.
29
30 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts.
II. Alfo for Provifion to be font to Barwick and the North parts.
1 6. Whaley was examined, for perfwading divers Nobles of the
Realm to make the Duke of Somerfet Protector at the next Parliament,
and flood to the denial, the Earl of Rutland affirming it manifeftly.
13. The Bifhop of Winchefter, after a long Trial, was deposed of
his Biflioprick.
20. Sir William Pickering Kt. was difpatched to the French King for
Anfwer to Monfieur de Lanfac^ to declare. That although I had right in
the forefaid Places, yet I was content to furrender them, under Con-
ditions to be agreed on by Commiffioners on both fides ; and for the
laft Articles I agreed without condition.
25. The Lord Marquefs Dorfet appointed to be Warden of the
North- Borders, having three Sub-Wardens, the Lord Ogle, Sec. in the
Eaft, and the Lord Coniers in the Weft. Alfo Mr. Juger had the
charge for vidualling Calais.
28. The Learned Man Bucerus died at Cambridg ; who was two days
after buried in St. Mary^s Church at Cambridg ; all the whole Univer-
fity, with the whole Town, bringing him to the Grave, to the number
of 3000 Perfons. Alfo there was an Oration of Mr. Haddon made
very eloquently at his Death, and a Sermon of* after that Mafter
Redman made a third Sermon ; which three Sermons made the People
wonderfully to lament his Death. Laft of all, all the Learned Men
of the Univerfity made their Epitaphs in his praife, laying them on
his Grave.
March.
3. The Lord Wentworih Lord Chamberlain, died about ten of the
Clock at Night, leaving behind him fixteen Children.
I. Sir John York made great lofs about 2000 /. weight of Silver, by
Treafon of Englifli Men which he brought for Provision of the Mints.
Alfo Judd I 500, and alfo Trejham 500 ; fo the whole came to 4000 /.
February.
20. The Frenchmen came with a Navy of 160 Sail into Scotland,
loadcn with provifion of Grain, Powder, and Ordnance ; of which
fixteen great Ships perilhed on Ireland Coaft, two loadcn with Artil-
lery, and fourteen with Corn.
Alfo in this month the Deputy there fet at one, certain of the Weft
Lords that were at variance.
March.
10. Certain new Fortifications were dcvifcd to be made at Calais \
♦ Dr. P.vk(r.
30
journal of jE^war^ tbe Stjtb, 31
That at Graveling the Water Ihould be let in in my Ground, and fo
fhould fetch a compass by the fix Bulwarks to Guifnes, Hammes^ and
Nezunambridg ; and that there fhould be a Wall of eight foot high, and
fix broad of Earth, to keep out the Water, and to make a great Marfh
about the Territories o^ Calais 37 miles long. Alfo for Flankers at the
Keep of Guifnes, willed to be made a three-cornered Bullwark at the
Keep to keep it. Furthermore, at Newmanbridg, a maffy Wall to the
French-fide there, as was a Green. Befides, at the Weft Gittie there
Ihould be another Gittie, which Ihould defend the Viftuallers of the
Town always from Shot from the Sand-hills.
5. Mr. Archer had 2000/. in Mony, wherewith he provided out of
Flanders for Calais 2000 Quarters of Barley, 500 of Wheat.
18. The Lady M^ry, my Sifter, came to me to PTeJiminJier, where
after Salutations, ftie was called, with my Council, into a Chamber ;
where was declared how long I had fuffered her Mafs, in hope of her
reconciliation, and how now being no hope, which I perceived by
her Letters, except I faw fome fhort amendment I could not bear it.
She anfwered. That her So\il was God's, and her Faith Ihe would not
change, nor diffemble her Opinion with contrary doings. It was faid
I conftrained not her Faith, but willed her not as a King to Rule, but
as a Subjedt to obey ; and that her Example might breed too much
inconvenience.
19. The Emperor's Ambaflador came with a fhort Meffage from his
Matter of War, if I would not fufFer his Coufin, the Princefs, to ufe
her Mafs. To this was no anfwer given at this time.
20. The Bifhops of Canterbury, London, Rochefter, did consider to
give licence to fin, was fin ; to fufFer and wink at it for a time might
be born, fo all haste pofTible might be ufed.
23. The Council having the Bifhops Anfwers, feeing my Subjefts
taking their vent in Flanders, might put the whole Realm in danger.
The Flemings had Cloth enough for a Year in their hand, and were
kept far under the danger of the Papifts ; the 1500 Cinquetales of
Powder I had in Flanders, the Harnefs they had for preparation of the
Gendarmory, the goods my merchants had there at the Woolfleet,
decreed to fend an AmbafTadour to the Emperor, Mr. Wotton, to deny
the matter wholly, and perfwade the Emperor in it, thinking, by his
going, to win some time for a preparation of a Mart, convenience of
Powder, Harness, l^c. and for the Surety of the Realm. In the mean
feafon to punifh the Offenders, firft of my Servants that heard Mafs,
next of hers.
31
32 Ubc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts.
24. Sir Jnthony Brown fent to the Fleet for hearing Mafs, with
Serjeant Morgan^ Sir Clement Smithy which a Year before heard Mafs,
chidden.
25. The Ambafladour of the Emperor came to have his Anfwer,
but had none, faving that one fhould go to the Emperor within a month
or two to declare the Matter.
22. Sir William Pickering came with great thanks from the French
King.
27. Removing to Greenwich.
31. A Challenge made by Me, that I, with fixteen of my Chamber,
fhould run at Bafe, Shoot, and run at the Ring with any feventeen of
my Servants Gentlemen in the Court.
Mr. Crojled arrived in Ireland^ and came to Waterford to the Deputy,
confulting for Fortification of the Town.
Jpril.
I. The firll day of the Challenge at Bafe, or Running, the King
won.
3 Monfieur de Lanfac came again from the French King to go to
Scotland^ for appointing his Commiflioners on the Scotch fide, who
were the French AmbafTador in Scotland^ the Bishop of* the Master of
Erskin, &c.
Thomas Darcy made Lord Darcy of Chich. and Lord Chamberlain ;
for maintenance whereof he had given lOO Merks to his Heirs gener-
ally, and 300 to his Heirs Males.
6. I lofl the Challenge of Shooting at Rounds, and won at Rovers.
7. There were apointed CommifTioners on my fide, either the
Bifhop of Litchfield if he had no Impediment, or Norwich, Mr. Bowes,
Mr. Bekwith. and Sir Thomas Chaloner.
8. Sir John Tates made Vicechamberlain, and Captain of the Guard
and 120 /. Land.
5. Poinet Bifhop of Rochefier received his Oath for the Bifhoprick
of Winchefier, having 2000 Merk Land appointed to him for his Main-
tenance.
7. A certain Arrian of the Strangers, a Dutch Man, being excom-
municated by the Congregation of his Countrymen, was after long
difputation condemned to the Fire.
9. The Earl o{ Wiltjhire had 50 more in my Lord Marqucfs Dorfefs
Place, Warden in the North, and my Lord of Rutknd in my Lord
Wentworth\ Place other fifty.
* Blank in original.
32
journal ot BDwar^ tbe Sijtb. 33
10. Mr. ^Votton had his Inftrudions made to go withal to the Empe-
ror, to be as Ambaflador Legier in Mr. Morifon\s place, and to declare
this Resolution, That if the Emperor would suffer my Ambaifadour
with him, to ufe his Service, then I would his ; if he would not
fuffer Mine, I would not fuffer his. Likewife, that my Sifter was
my Subje6t, and fhould ufe my Service appointed by Aft of Parlia-
ment.
Alfo it was appointed to make 20000 pound weight for necessity
fomewhat bafer, to get gains 16000 /. clear, by which the debt of
the Realm might by payed, the Country defended from any fudden
Attempt, and the Coin amended.
11. Mr. Pickering had his Instruftions and Difpatch to go into
France as Ambaffadour Lcgicr there, in Mr. Mafon\ Place, who
dcfired very much to come home ; and Mr. Pickering had Inftruftions
to tell the French King of the appointing of my Commiffioners in
Scotland aforefaid.
2. They oi Magdeburg having in January laft paft taken in a conflift
the Duke o'l Mecklenburg^ and three other Earls, did give an Onfet on
Duke Maurice^ by Boats on the River, when it overflowed the Coun-
try, and flew divers of his Men, and came home fafe, receiving a
great portion of Viftual into the Town.
15. A Confpiracy opened of the EJex-mcn, who within three days
after minded to declare the coming of Strangers, and fo to bring
People together to Chehnsford^ and then to spoil the Rich Men's Houfes
if they could.
16. Alfo of Londoners, wh.0 thought Woodcock * to rife on May-dzy
againll the Strangers of the City, and both the Parties committed to
Ward.
23. The French King, and the Lord Clinton, chosen into the Order
of the Garter, and appointed that the Duke of So?nerJet, the Marquefs
of Nortkmnpton, the Earl of Wiltjhire, and the Earl of Warwick fliould
perufe and amend the Order.
24.. The Lords fat at London, and banqueted one another this day,
and three days after, for to fliew agreement amongft them, whereas
Difcord was bruited, and fomewhat to look to the punifliment of Tale-
bearers, and apprehending of evil Perfons.
25. A bargain made with the Foulcare for about 60000/. that in
May and Auguji fhould be payed for the defraying of it. i. That the
* Here the fenfe is not pcrfedl,
E 33
3+ XTbe (IlaveuDon Ibtstorlcal Soctet^ IReprtuta.
Foulcarc fhould be put off for lo in the lOO. 2. That I (hould buy
12000 Marks weight, at 6 s. the ounce, to be delivered at Antwerp,
and fo conveyed over. 3. I fhould pay 1 00000 Crowns for a very
fair Jewel of his, four Rubies marvelous big, one Orient and great
Diamond, and one great Pearl.
27. Mallet, the Lady Marfs Chaplain, apprehended and sent to the
Tower of London,
30. The Lord Marquefs of Northampton appointed to go with the
Order, and further Commiflion of Treaty, and that in Poll ; having
joined with him in Commifhon, the Bifhop of Ely, Sir Philip Hobbey,
Sir William Pickering, and Sir John Ma/on Knights, and two other
Lawyers, Smith that was Secretary, i^c.
May.
2. There was appointed to go with my Lord Marquefs, the Earls of
Rutland, Worcejler, and Ormond \ the Lords Lijle, Fitzwater, and Bray^
Barguenny, and divers other Gentlemen, to the number of thirty in all.
3. The challenge at running at the Ring performed; at the which
firlt came the King, fixteen Footmen, and ten Horfemen, in black
Silk Coats, pulled out with white Taffety ; then all the Lords, having
three Men likewise apparelled ; and all Gentlemen their Footmen in
white Fuftian, pulled out with black Taffety. The other fide came
all in yellow Taffety ; at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120
courfcs, and my Band touched often, which was counted as nothing,
and took never, which fcemed very flrangc, and fo the Prize was of
my Side loft. After that Tournay followed, between fix of my Band
and fix of theirs.
4. It was appointed that there fhould be but four Men to wait on
every Earl that went with my Lord Marquess of Northampton, three
on every Lord, two on every Knight or Gentleman : Alfo that my
Lord Marquefs (hould in his Diet be allowed for the lofs in his Ex-
change.
5. The Muftcr of the Gendarmoury appointed to be the firft of
yune if it were poffiblc, if not the 8//.
6. The Teftourn cried down from iz d. to gd. and the Groat from
4 ^. to 3 d.
9. One Stewart a Scotchman meaning to poifon the young ^uccn
of Scotland, thinking thereby to get Favour here, was, after he had
been a while in the 7Uvrr and Newgate, delivered on my Frontiers at
Calais to the French, for to have him punished there according to his
deferts.
34
Journal ot JEbwar^ tbe Stjtb. 3$
10. Divers Lords and Knights fent for to furnifh the Court at the
coming of the French AmbafTadour, that brought hither the order of
St. Michael.
12. A Proclamation proclaimed, to give warning to all those that
keep any Farms, multitudes of Sheep, above the number limited in
the Law, viz. 2000 ; decayed Tenements and Towns, Regratters,
Foreftalling Men that fell dear, having plenty enough, and put Plough
Ground to Failure, and Carriers over-Sea of Vi6lual, that if they leave
not thefe Enormities, they fhall be ftreightly puniflied very Ihortly,
fo that they fhould feel the fmart of it ; and to command execution
of Laws made for this purpofe before.
14. There mustered before Me an hundred Archers, two Arrows
apiece, all of the Guard ; afterward fhot together, and they fhot at an
inch Board, which fome pierced quite, and ftuck in the other Board ;
divers pierced it quite thorow with the Heads of their Arrows, the
Boards being very well-feafoned Timber. So it was appointed there
fhould be ordinarily 100 Archers, and 100 Halbertiers, either good
Wreftlers, or callers of the Bar, or Leapers, or Runners, or tall Men
of Perfonage.
15. Sir Philip Hobbey departed toward France^ with ten Gentlemen of
his own, in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold.
16. Likewife did the Bifhop of Ely depart with a Band of Men
well furnifhed.
20. A Proclamation made that whosoever found a Seditious Bill,
and did not tear and deface it, fhould be a partaker of the Bill, and
punilhed as the Maker.
21. My Lord Marquefs of Northampton had Commiffion to deliver
the Order, and to treat of all things, and chiefly of Marriage for Me
to the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter. First to have the Dote 12000
Marks a Year, and the Dowry at least 800000 Crowns. The Forfei-
ture 1 00000 Crowns at the mofl if I performed not, and paying that
to be delivered ; and that this fhould not impeach the former Coven-
ants with Scotland, with many other Branches.
22. He departed himfelf in PoU.
24. An Earthquake was at Croidon and Blechinglee, and in the moft
part of Surrey, but no harm was done.
30. Whereas before Commandment was given that 160000/. fhould
be Coined of three ounces in the Pound fine, for difcharge of Debts,
and to get some Treafure, to be able to alter all, now it was flopped,
faving only 80000 /. to difcharge my Debts, and loooo Mark weight
35
36 Ube Clareubon Ibistorical Society IRepvints.
that the Foulcare delivered in the laft Exchange, at four ounces in the
pound.
31. The Muftcrs defered till after Midjummer.
'June.
2. It was appointed that I fhould receive the Frenchmen that came
hither at Wcfiminfler^ where was made preparation for the purpofe, and
four garnifli of new VefTcls taken out of Church Stuff, as Miters, and
Golden MifTals, and Primers, and CrofTes, and Reliqucs of Plejfay.
4. Provision made in Flanders for Silver and Gold Plate, and Chains
to be given to these Strangers.
7. A Proclamation set forth, that Exchange, or Re-exchange, Ihould
be made under the Punifhment fet forth in King Henry the Seventh's
Time, duly to be executed.
10. Monfieur Marese^a/ departed from the Court to Bulloigne in Poft,
and fo hither by Water in his Galleys and Foifts.
In this Month, and the Month before was great businefs for the
City of Parma, which Duke Horatio * had delivered to the French King,
for the Pope afcited him, as holding it in capite of him, whereby he
could not alienate it without the Pope's Will ; but he came not at
his Day, for which caufc the Pope and Imperialilh raifed 8000 Men,
and took a Cartlc on the fame River fide. Alfo the French King fent
Monfieur de Thermes, who had been his General in Scotland, with a great
piece of his Gendarmory into Italy, to help Duke Horatio. Furthermore
the Turks made great preparation for War, which fome feared would
at length burft out.
21. I was cleded of the Company of St. Michael \n France by the
French King and his Order.
13. Agreement made with the Scots for the Borders, between the
Commiflioners aforesaid, for both the Parties.
In this month Dragute, a Pirat, efcaped {Jlndrea Doria, who had
clofed him in a Creek) by force of his Galley-Slaves, that digged
another way into the Sea, and took two of Andrca\ Galleys that lay
far into the Sea.
14. Pardon given to thofe Irifli Lords that would come in before a
certain day limited by the Deputy ; with Advcrtifcmcnt to the Deputy
to make fliarp War with thofe that would rcfift ; and alfo fliould
adminiflcr my Laws evcry-wherc.
* It sljould be Off.ivh.
36
Journal of lE^warb tbe Stjtb,
1 8. Becaufe of my Charges in Fortifications at Calais and Barwick
fhould be payed, it was agreed, that befide the Debt of the Realm
SoooD /. there fhould be 40000 /. coined, three ounces Fine, nine of
Allay; and ijooo pound weight fliould be coined in a Standard of
feven ounces Fine at the leaft.
17. S operantio c^m.Q as AmbaiTadour from Fenke^m Daniel Bar bar o's
Place.
16. I accepted the Order of Monjegnieur Michael by promife to the
French AmbaiTadour.
17. My Lord Marquefs of Nortkampton came to Nants with the
Commiffioners, and all those Noblemen and Gentlemen that came
over-Sea with him.
20. Upon Advertifement of Scipperus coming, and rigging of certain
Ships in Holland \ alfo for to fliew the Frenchmen pleafure at their
coming, all the Navy that lay in Gillingham-water was appointed to be
rigged, and furnifhed with Ordnance, and lay in the river of Thames,
to the intent, that if Scippetus came afterward, he might be met with,
and at least the Frenchmen fhould fee the force of my Navy.
22. The Lady M^ry fent Letters to the Council, marvelling at the
Imprifonment of Dr. Mallet, her Chaplain, for faying of Mafs before
her Houfliold, feeing it was promised the Emperor's AmbaiTadour fhe
fhould not be molefted in Religion, but that fhe and her Houfhold
fhould have the Mafs faid before them continually.
24. They anfwered, That becaufe of their Duties to King, Coun-
trey, and Friends, they were compelled to give her anfwer. That they
would fee, not only him, but alfo all other Mafs-Sayers, and breakers
of Order, ilraitly puniihed. And that as for promife they had, nor
would give none to make her free from the puniihment of the Law in
that behalf.
18. Chajiilion came to my Lord Marquefs, and there banqueted him
by the way at two times between iV^/^toand Chajieau Brian, where the
King lay.
15. Mendoza, a Gentleman of the King's Chamber, was fent to him
to condu6l him to the Court.
19. My Lord Marquefs came to C hajieau- Brian, wh-tro. half a mile
from the Caftle there met him * with an hundred Gentlemen,
and brought him to the Court booted and fpur'd to the French King.
20. The French King was inveiled with the Order of the Garter in
* Blank in original.
3 a Zbc Clarendon t)l9torical Society IReprlnts.
his Bed-Chamber, where he gave a Chain to the Garter worth 200 /.
and his Gown drclTcd with Auglets worth 25 /. The Bifliop of £/y
making an Oration, and the Cardinal of Lorrain making him Anfwer.
At Afternoon the Lord Marqucfs moved the French King to the
Marriage of the Scots Queen to be confummate, for whofe hearing he
appointed two CommifTioners.
21. The Cardinal of Lorrain, and of Chajiilion, the Conftable, the
Duke of Gui/e, ^r. were appointed CommifTioners on the part of France
who abfolutely denied the firft motion for the Scotch Queen, faying,
Both they had taken too much Pains, and fpent too many Lives for
her. Alfo a conclufion was made for her Marriage to the Dolphin.
Then was proponed the Marriage of the Lady Elixabeth, the French
King's cldcfl: daughter ; to which they did most chearfully aflent. So
after they agreed neither Party to be bound in Confcience nor Honour,
till Ihc were twelve Years of Age and upwards. Then they came to
the Dote, which was firft afked 1500000 Scutes of France, at which
they made a mock ; after for donatio propter nuptias, they agreed that it
fhould be as great as hath been given by the King my Father to any
Wife he had.
22. Our Commiflioncrs came to 1400000 of Crowns, which they
refufed, then to a Million, which they denied; then to 800000 Crowns,
which they faid they would not agree to.
23. Then our CommifTioners afked what they would offer ? First
they offered 1 00000 Crowns, then 200000, which they faid was the
moft, and more than ever was given. Then followed great Reafonings,
and fhowing of Prefidents, but no nearer they would come.
24. They went forward unto the Penalties if the Parties mifliked,
after that the King's Daughter were twelve and upwards, which the
French offered 1 00000, 50000 Crowns, or promife, that fhe fhould
be brought, at her Father's Charge, three months before fhe were
twelve, fufHciently Jewelled and rtuffcd. Then bonds to be delivered
alternately at London, and at Paris, and fo forth.
26. The Frenchmen delivered the forefaid anfwers written to my
CommifTioners.
I. Whereas certain Flemifh Ships, twelve Sail in all, fix tall Men
of War, looking for eighteen more Men of War, went to Dicp, as it was
thought, to take Monjieur le Marefchal by the way ; order was given,
that fix Ships being before prepared, with four Pinnaces and a Brigan-
tinc, fhould go both to conduft him, and alfo to defend, if any thing
38
Journal ot BOwarb tbe Stjtb. 39
fhould be attempted again ft England^ by carrying over the Lady Mary.
2. A Brigantinc fent to Diep^ to give knowledg to MonJ'ieur le
Marefchal o^ th.Q Flemings coming ; to whom all the Flemings vailed their
Bonnet. Alfo the French Ambaffador was advertifed; who anfwered,
That he thought him fure enough when he came into our Streams,
terming it fo.
2. There was a Proclamation figned for (hortening of the fall of
the Mony to that day ; in which it fhould be proclaimed, and devifed,
that it fhould be in all places of the Realm within one day pro-
claimed.
3. The Lord Clinton and Cohham was appointed to meet the French
at Grave/end, and so to convoy him to Durefme-place^ where he fhould
lie.
4. I was banqueted by the Lord Clinton at Dehtford^ where I law the
Primrofe and the Mary Wi Hough by launched.
The Frenchmen landed at Rie, as fome thought, for fear of the
Flemings lying at the Lands-end, chiefly becaufe they faw our Ships
were let by the Wind that they could not come out.
6. Sir Peter Mutas, at Dover, was commanded to come to Rie to
meet Monfieur le Marefchal, who fo did ; and after he had delivered his
letters, written with Mine own Hand, and made my Recommendations
he took orders for Horfes and Carts for Monfieur le Marefchal in which
he made fuch Provifion as was poiTible to be for the fuddain.
7. Monfieur le Marefchal fet forth from Rie, and in his Journey Mr.
Culpepper, and divers other Gentlemen, and their Men, to the number
of 1000 Horfe, well furnifhed, met him, and fo brought him to Maid-
Jhn that Night.
Removing to Weflfninfler.
8. Monfieur le Marefchal came to Mr. Bakers, where he was very well
feafted and banqueted.
9. The fame came to my Lord Cobhams to Dinner, and at night to
Gravefend.
Proclamation made that a Teftourn fhould go at 9 d. and a Groat
at "i^d. in all Places of the Realm at once.
At this time came the Sweat into London, ^\i\z\s. was more vehement
than the Old Sweat ; for if one took cold, he died within three hours ;
and if he efcaped, it held him but nine or ten hours at the moft : alfo
if he flept the firft fix hours, as he fhould be very defirous to do, then
he roved, and fhould die roving.
II. It grew fo much, for in London the \oth day there died 100 in
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40 Ubc ClareuDou IfDistorical Society IRcprints.
the Liberties, and this day 120; and alfo one of my Gentlemen,
another of my Grooms fell fick and died, that I removed to Hampton-
Court with very few with Me.
The fame night came the Marefchal, who was faluted with all my
Ships being in the Thames, fifty and odd, all with (hot well furniflied,
and fo with the Ordnance of the Tower. He was met by the Lord
Clinton Lord Admiral, with forty Gentlemen, at Grave/end, and fo
brought to Durefme-place.
13. Because of the infcftion at London, he came this day to Rich-
mond, where he lay with a great Band of Gentlemen, at least 400, as
it was by divers ellccmcd, where that night he hunted.
14. He came to Me at Hampton-Coart at nine of the Clock, being
met by the Duke of Somerjet at the Wall-end, and fo conveied firft to
Mc ; where after his Mailer's Recommendations and Letters, he went
to his Chamber on the ^uccn's-fidc, all hanged with Cloth of Arras,
and fo was the Hall, and all my Lodging. He dined with Me alfo.
After Dinner, being brought into an Inner-Chamber, he told Me, he
was come, not only for delivery of the Order, but alfo for to declare
the great Fricndfliip the King his Mailer bore Me ; which he defired
I would think to be fuch to Mc as a Father beareth to his Son, or
Brother to Brother. And although there were divers perfuafions, as he
thought, to diffuade Me from the King his Matter's Friendfhip, and
Witlefs Men made divers Rumours, yet he trufted I would not believe
them. Furthermore, that as good Miniilcrs on the Frontiers do great
good, fo ill much harm. For which caufe he defired no Innovation
Ihould be made on things that had been fo long in controversy by Hand-
ftrokes, but rather by Commiflioners talk. I anfwered him, That I
thanked him for his Order, and alfo his Love, l^c. and I would Ihew
like Love in all Points. For Rumours, they were not always to be
believed, and that I did fometime provide for the worft, but never did
any harm upon their hearing. For Minifters, I faid, I would rather
appcafc thefe Controvcrfics with words, than do any thing by force.
So after he was conveyed to Richmond again.
17. He came to prcfent the Order of Morijeigneur Michael -, where-
after with Ceremonies accullomed, he had put on the Garments, he,
and Monfieur Gye likewife of the Order, came one at my right Hand,
the other at my left to the Chappel, where-after the Communion
celebrated, each of them kiflcd my Cheek. After that they dined
with Me, and talked after Dinner, and faw fome Pallinic and fo went
home again.
40
Souvnal ot JEDwart) the Sljtb,
1 8. A Proclamation made againft Regratters, and Foreftallers, and
the words of the Statute recited, with the Punifhment of the Offen-
ders. Also Letters were fent to all Officers and Sheriffs for the
executing thereof.
19. Another Proclamation made for punifhment of them that would
blow Rumours of abafing and enhaunfing of the Coin to make things
dear withal.
The fame night Monsieur le Marefchal St. Andre fupped with Me ;
after Supper faw a dozen courfes, and after I came and made Me
ready.
20. The next Morning he came to Me to mine Arraying, and faw
my Bed-Chamber, and went a hunting with Hounds ; and faw Me
Ihoot, and faw all my Guards fhoot together. He dined with Me,
heard Me play on the Lute, Ride ; came to Me to my study, fupped
with Me, and fo departed to Richmond.
19. The Scots fent an Ambaffador hither for receiving the Treaty,
fealed with the Great Seal of England^ which was delivered him. Alfo
I fent Sir Thomas Chaloner^ Clerk of my Council, to have the Seal of
them, for Confirmation of the lafl Treaty at Northampton.
17. This day my Lord Marquefs and the Commiffioners coming to
treat of the Marriage, offered by later Inftructions 600000 Crowns,
after 400000 /, and fo departed for an hour. Then feeing they could
get no better, came to the French Offer of 200000 Crowns, half to
be paid at the Marriage, half fix months after that.
Then the French agreed that her Dote should be but ioooo Marks
of Lawful Money of England.
Thirdly, It was agreed that, if I died, fhe fhould not have the Dote,
saying, They did that for Friendships-sake without prefident.
19. The Lord Marquefs having received and delivered again the
Treaty fealed, took his leave, and fo did all the rest.
At this time there was a bickering at Parma between the French
and the Papists, for Monfieur de Thermes, Petro Strozi, and Fontivello,
with divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty, with 1500
Souldiers, entered Parma^ Gonzaga with the Emperors and Popes Band
lay near the Town. The French made Sallies, and overcame, flaying
the Prince of Macedonia^ and the Seigniour Baptista the Pope's Nephew.
22. Mr. Sidney made one of the four chief Gentlemen.
23. Monfieur le Marefchal came to Me, declaring the King his
M afters well- taking my readinefs to this Treaty ; and alfo how much
his Maftcr was bent that way. He prefented Monsieur Bois Dolphine
F 41
42 XTbe Clarenbon 1bl6tortcal Society? IReprints.
to be Ambaflador here, as my Lord Marquefs the 19th day did prefent
Mr. Pickering,
26. Monsieur le Marefchal dined with Me. After Dinner faw the
ftrength of the Englifh Archers. After he had To done, at his departure
I gave him a Diamond from my finger, worth, by estimation, 1 50 /.
both for Pains, and alfo for my Memory. Then he took his leave.
27. He came to a hunting to tell mc the News, and fhew the Letter
his Mafter had fent him, and doubtlefs of Monsieur Termes and Marig-
nans Letters, being Ambaflador with the Emperor.
28. Monsieur le Marefchal came to Dinner to Hide-Park^ where there
was a fair House made for him, and he faw the Courflng there.
30. He came to the Earl of Warwick's^ lay there one night, and was
well received.
29. He had his Reward, being worth 3000 /. in Gold, of Currant
Money. Monsieur de Gye 1000 /. Monsieur Chenault 1000 /. Monsieur
Movillier 500 /. the Secretary 500 /. and the Bifhop Peregrueux* 500 /.
August.
3. Monsieur le Marefchal do.'pzrttdi to Bolleign, and had certain of my
Ships to conduct him thither.
9. Four and twenty Lords of the Council met at Richmond, to com-
mune of my Sister Marfs matter ; who at length agreed. That it was
not meet to be fufFered any longer, making thereof an Inftrument
figned with their Hands, and fealed, to be on Record.
11. The Lord Marquefs, with the moft part of his Band, came
home, and delivered the Treaty Sealed.
12. Letters fent for Rochester, Inglefeld, and Walgrave to come the
13/^ day, but they came not till another Letter was fent to them the
I ^th day.
14. My Lord Marquefs's Reward was delivered at Paris, worth
500 /. my Lord oi Ely's 200. Mr. Hohhey\ 150 ; the reft all about one
fcantling.
14. RocheflcT, 8cc. had commandment neither to hear nor to fufFer
any kind of Service, but the Common and Orders fct forth at large by
Parliament, and had a Letter to my Lady's Houfe from my Council
for their Credit, another to her felf from me. Alfo appointed that I
fhould come and fit at Council when great Matters were debating, or
when I would.
This last month Monsieur de Termes, with 500 Frenchmen, came to
• Pertgueux.
42
Journal ot jEbwart) tbe Sijtb. 43
Parma, and entred fafely ; afterward certain iffued out of the Town,
and were overthrown, as Scipiaro, Dandelot, Petro, aud others, were
taken, and fome flain ; after they gave a Skirmifh, entred the Camp
of GonT^aga, and fpoiled a few Tents, and returned.
15. Sir Robert Dudley and Barnabe fworn two of the fix ordinary
Gentlemen. The laft month the Turks Navy won a little Caftle in
Sicily.
17. Inftructions fent to Sir James Croftes for divers purpofcs, whofe
Copy is in the Secretary's hands. The Teftourn cried down from
9 ^. to 6 d. the Groat from 3 ^. to 2 d. the 2 ^. to i d, the Penny to
an Half-penny, the Half-penny to a Farthing, ^c.
I. Monsieur Termes and Scipiaro overthrew three Enfigns of Horfe-
men at three times ; took one difpatch fent from Don Fernando to the
Pope concerning this War, and another from the Pope to Don
Fernando ; Difcomfited four Enfigns of Footmen ; took the Count
Camillo of Cajiilion, and flew a Captain of the Spaniards.
22. Removing to Windsor.
23. Rochejier, &c. returned, denying to do openly the charge of the
Lady Marfs Houfe for displeafing her.
26. The Lord Chancellor, Mr. Comptroller, the Secretary Petre,
fent to do the fame Commiffion.
27. Mr. Cover dale made Bifhop of Exeter.
28. Rochester, &c. fent to the Fleet.
The Lord Chancellor, l£c. did that they were commanded to do to
my Sifter and her houfe.
31 Rochejler, &c. committed to the Tower.
The Duke of Somerset taking certain that began a new Confpiracy
for the desftruction of the Gentlemen at Okingam two days paft,
executed them with Death for their Offence.
29. Certain Pinaces were prepared to fee that there fhould be no
conveyance over-Sea of the Lady Mary fecretly done. Alfo appointed
that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chamberlain, the Vice-chamberlain
and the Secretary Petre fhould fee by all means they could, whether
fhe used the Mass ; and if fhe did that, the Laws fhould be executed
on her Chaplains. Alfo that when I came from this Progrefs to
Hampton-Court, or Weftminjler, both my Sifters fhould be with Me, till
further Order were taken for this purpofe.
September.
3. The French AmbafTador came to declare, firft how the Emperoi
wronged divers of his Mafters Subjects and Vassals ; arretted alfo his
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44 ^be ClareuDon 1bi6torical Society IReprinte.
Merchants, and did cloakcdly begin War, for he bclicged Mirandula
round about with Forces he had made in the French King's Country.
Alfo he ftayed certain French Ships going a fifhing to the New-found-
land. Furthermore, he fet out a dozen of Ships, which bragged they
would take the Dowager of Scotland^ which thing ftaied her fo long at
Diep. Whereupon his Mailer had taken the whole Fleet of Antwerp^
conveying it to his Countrey into his Ports, by 20 Ships he had fet
forth under Baron de la Garde. Also minded to fend more help to
Piedmont and Mirandula. For this caufc he defired that on my Coafts
the Dowager might have fafe paffage, and might be fecured by my
Servants at the Sea-Coaft if any chance should happen.
He was willed to put it in writing ; he ihcwed how the Turks
Navy, having fpoiled a piece of Sicily, went to Malta, and there took
an Iflc adjacent called Gozo ; from thence they went to Tripoly. In
Tranfilvania, Rojio-Bassa was leader of the Army, and had fpoiled it
wholly.
In Hungary the Turks had made a Fort by the Mines to get them.
Magdeburg was freflily vidualled, and Duke Maurice came his way,
being fufpectcd that he had confpircd with them there.
4. It was anfwcrcd, to the French Ambaffador, That the Dowager
(hould in all my Ports be defended from Enemies, Tempeft, and like-
wife alfo Thanks were given for the News.
5. The Emperor's Ambaffador came to require. That my Sifter
Mary's Officers fliould be reftored to their Liberty, and (he fliould have
her Mafs till the Emperor was certified thereof.
It was anfwered. That I need not to anfwer except I lift, because
he spake without Commiffion, which was feen by the ftiortncfs of the
time fince the committing of her Officers, of which the Emperor
could not be advcrtifed. He was willed no more to move thefe
Piques, in which he had been often anfwered, without Commiffion.
He was anfwered. That the Emperor was by this time advertifcd,
although the Matter pertained not to him. Alfo that I had done
nothing but according to a King's Office herein, in obfcrving the
Laws that were fo Godly, and in puniftiing the Oftcndcrs. The
Promife to the Emperor was not so made as he pretended, affirmed
by Sir Philip llobhcy being at that time their Ambaffador.
6. Deliberation touching the Coin. A//7//c/vW//w, That there were
divers Standards nine ounces fine, a few eight ounces fine, as ill as
four, becaufe although that was fine, yet a Shilling was reckoned for
two Shillings, fix ounces, very many four ounces, many alfo three
40
Journal ot lE^warb tbe Sijtb. 45
ounces, 130000 /. now of late. Whereupon agreed that the Teftourn
being called to fix Pence, four with help of fix fhould make ten fine,
eight fine with help of nine, being fewer than those of eight, fhould
make ten ounces fine, the two ounces of Allay fhould quit the charges
of Minting ; and thofe of three-pence, being but few, fhould be
turned to a Standard of four of Farthings, and Half-pence, and Pence,
for to' ferve for the poor People, becaufe the Merchants made no
Exchange of it, and the Sum was not great. Alfo to bear the
Charges, for becaufe it was thought that few or none were left of
nine ounces fine, eight ounces were naught, and fix ounces were two
ways devifed, one without any craft, the other was not fully fix, of
which kind was not a few.
9. A Proclamation fet forth touching the Prices of Cattel, of Hogs,
Pigs, Beeves, Oxen, Muttons, Butter, and Cheefe, after a reafonable
price, not fully fo good cheap as it was when the Coin was at the
perfeftefl:, but within a fifth part of it, or thereabouts.
10. I removed to Farnham.
12. A Proclamation fet forth touching the Coin, That whereas it
was fo that Men for Gain melted down the Nine-pence Teftourn
continually, and the Six-pence ; also there fhould no Perfon in any
wife melt it down, upon pain to incur the Penalty of the Laws.
13. A Letter direfted to the Lord Treafurer, the Lord Great
Matter, and the Mafter of the Horfc, to meet at London:, for the order-
ing of my Coin, and the paiment of my Debts ; which done, to
return, and make report of their Proceedings.
11. War proclaimed in Britain between the Emperor and the
French, in thefe terms, (BbaVlCS IROP C)' BtpatGUC, Ct DUC bC
/IIMlaUt leaving out Emperor.
10. Four Towns taken by the French Souldiers that were the
Emperor's in Piedmont Guerra : from Amiens alfo the Emperor's
Country there was fpoiled, and 120 Caftles or FortrefTes taken.
Proclamation made in Paris touching the Bulls, that no Man
(hould go for them to Rome,
Other Ships alfo taken by Prior de Capua Merchants, to the number
of a dozen ; Prior de Capua had 32 Gallies.
19. The French Ambafl^ador fent this News alfo, That the Turks
had taken Tripoly.
20. The Secretary Cecil, and Sir Philip Hobbey, fent to London to
help the Lord Treasurer, ^c. in the Matters of the Bishops of
Chichester, Worcejier, and Duref?ne, and examination of my Sifters Men.
45
46 ITbe (Ilaren^on Ibistorical Society IReprints,
1 8. Removing to Windsor,
20. The Lords at London having tryed all kinds of Stamping, both
of the Finenefs of 9, 8, 6, 4, and 3, proved that without any lofs, but
fufFcrable, the Coin might be brought to eleven ounces fine : For
whereas it was thought before, that the Teftourn was, through ill
Officers and Minifters corrupted, it was tried, that it had the valuation
juft by eight fundry kinds of melting, and 400 /. of Sterling Mony, a
Teftourn being but Six-pence, made 400 /. 1 1 ounces fine of Mony
Sterling.
22. Whereupon they reported the fame, and then it was concluded
that the Teftourn ftiould be eleven ounces fine, the proportion of the
Fences according to the Gold ; fo that five Shillings of Silver fhould
be worth five of Gold.
23. Removing to Oat lands.
24. Agreed that the Stamp of the Shilling and Six-pence Ihould be
on one fide, a King painted to the Shoulders in Parliament-Robes,
with a Chain of the Order. Five Shillings of Silver, and half five
Shillings, fhould be a King on Horse-back, armed with a naked
Sword hard to his Breast. Alfo that Tork's Mint, and Throgmortoif s in
the Jower, fhould go and work the fine Standard. In the City of
Tork and Canterbury fhould the fmall Mony be wrought of a bafer
State. Officers for the fame were appointed.
A piece oi Barwick Wall fell, because the Foundation was fhakcn
by working of a Bullwark.
28. The Lord Marqucfs of Dorset grieved much with the diforder
of the Marches toward Scotland, furrcndered the Wardcnfhip thereof
to beftow where I would.
27. The Wardcnship of the North given to the Earl of Warwick.
Removing to Ha?npton-Court.
28. Commiflioners appointed for fitting on the Bifhop of Chichester
and Worcester ; three Lawyers, and three Civilians.
10. The Imperialifts took the Suburbs of Heading, and burnt them.
26. The Paffport of the Dowager of Scotland was made for a longer
time, till Christmas ; and alfo if Ihe were driven, to pafs quietly by
Land into Scotland.
20. Monsieur d'Angoulefme was born ; and the Duke of Vendojme had
a Son by the Princes of Navarr his Wife.
30. The Feast of Michaelmafs was kept by Me in the Robes of the
Order.
46
Jountal of Ebwarb tbe Siytb. 47
O^ober.
I. The Commiffion for the making of five Shillings, half five Shil-
lings, Groats, and Six-pences, eleven ounces fine, and Pence, with
Half-pence, and Farthings, four ounces fine, was followed and figned.
5. Jarnac came in Poll for declaration of two things ; the one, that
the Queen had a third Son of which Ihe was delivered, called Le Due
d' Jngoukfme, of which the King prayed Me to be God-father. I
anfwered, I was glad of the News, and that I thanked him for that I
fhould be God-father, which was a token of good Will he bare me.
Alfo that I would difpatch for the accomplifhment thereof, the Lord
Clinton the Lord Admiral of England. He faid, he came alfo to tell
a fecond Point of the good success of his Mailers Wars ; He told how
the laft month in Shampaign, befide Sedan, looo Horfe Imperialills,
with divers Hungarians, Martin FanroJJy being their Captain and
Leader, entred the Country; and the Alarm came,, the Skirmifh
began fo hot that the French Horfe, about two or three hundred Men
of Arms, came out and took FanroJJy 2, Brother, and flew divers. Alfo
how in Piedmont, fince the taking of the laft four Towns, three other
were taken, Monrechia, Saluges and the Town of Surges. The Turks
had come to Naples, and fpoiled the Country, and taken Oftium in
the mouth of Tyberis. Alfo in Sicily he had taken a good Haven and
a Town.
6. Jarnac departed, having lying* in the Court under my Lodging.
The Night before the Bifliops of Worcejler and Chichefter were depofed
for Contempts.
7. There were appointed to go with the Lord Admiral, Mr. Nevil,
Mr. Barnabie, Gentlemen of the Chamber ; Sir William Stafford, Sir
Adrian Poinings, Sir John Norton, Sir John Teri, Knights ; and Mr. Brook.
8. Letters direded to the Captains of Gendarms, that they fliould
mufter the ^th of November, being the Sunday after Hallow- Eve day.
II. Henry Marquefs of Dorfet, created Duke of Suffolk ; John Earl of
Warwick, created Duke of Northufnberland ; William Earl of Wiltjhire,
created Marquefs of Winchester ; Sir William Herbert, created Earl of
Pembrook,^.Yidi Lord of Cardiff-, Mr. Sidney, Mr. Nevil, Mr Cheek, all
three of the Privy-Chamber, made Knights ; also Mr. Cecil one of
the two Secretaries.
13. Proclamation figned touching the calling in of Teftourns and
Groats, that they that lift might come to the Mint and have fine Silver
of Twelve-pence for two Teftourns.
__
47
+H Zbc aiavcnbon Ibistorical Society lReprint5.
3. Prior de Capua departed the French King's Service, and went to
his Order of Knights in Malta^ partly for difpleafure to the Count
Villars the Constable's Brother-in-Law, partly for that Malta was
alTailcd often by the Turks.
7. Sir Thomas Palmer came to the Earl of Warwick^ since that time
Duke of Northumberland^ to deliver him his Chain, being a very fair
one (for every Link weighed an ounce) to be delivered to Jarnac,znd
fo to receive as much ; whereupon in my Lords Garden he declared
a Confpiracy, How at St. G eorge' s dzj laft, my Lord oi Somerset^ who
then was going to the North, if the Mafter of the Horfe, Sir William
Herbert, had not afTurcd him on his Honour that he fhould have ry)
hurt, went to raife the People, and the Lord Gray went before to
know who were his Friends. Afterward a Device was made to call
the Earl of Warwick to a Banquet, with the Marquefs of Northampton,
and divers others, and to cut off their Heads. Alfo he found a bare
Company about them by the way to fet upon them.
II. He declared alfo, that Mr. Fane had 2000 men in readinefs ;
Sir Thomas Arundel had afTurcd my Lord, that the Tower was fafe ;
Mr. Partridge fhould raife London, and take the Great Seal with the
Apprentices of London ; Seymour and Hammond fhould wait upon him,
and all the Horfe of the Gcndarms fliould be flain.
13. Removing to Westminjler, because it was thought this Matter
might eafilier and furelier be difpatched there, and likewife all other.
14. The Duke fent for the Secretary Cecil to tell him he fufpected
fome ill. Mr Cecil anfwered. That if he were not guilty, he might
be of good courage ; if he were, he had nothing to fay, but to lament
him. Whereupon the Duke fent him a Letter of Defiance, and
called Palmer, who after denial made of his Declaration, was let go.
16. This morning none was at Wejlminjier of the Confpirators.
The first was the Duke, who came later than he was wont of himfclf.
After Dinner he was apprehended. Sii* Thomas Palmer on the Tarras
walking there, Hamjnond pafTing by Mr. Vice-chamberlain's Door, was
called in by John Piers to make a match at Shooting, and fo taken.
Nudegates was called for as from my Lord his Mafter, and taken ;
likewife were John Seimour and David Seimour. Arundel alfo was
taken, and the Lord Gray coming out of the Country. Vane upon
two fcndings of my Lord in the morning, fled at the firft sending ;
he faid, My Lord was not ftout, and if he could get home, he cared
for none of them all, he was fo ftrong. But after he was found by
John Piers in a Stable of hi? Muns at Lambeth iiiulcr the Straw.
48
Journal ot B^warb tbe Sijtb. 49
Thefe went with the Duke to the Tower this Night, faving Palmer^
Arundel, and Vane, who were kept in Chambers here apart.
17. The Dutches, Crane and his Wife, with the Chamber-keeper,
were fent to the Tower for devifing thefe Treafons. James Wingjield
alfo for calling of Bills feditioufly ; alfo Mr. Partridge was attaqued,
and Sir James Holcroft.
18. Mr. Banijier dLiidi Mr Vaughan were attaqued and fent to the
Tower, and fo was Mr. Stanhope.
19. Sir Thomas Palmer confeffed that the Gandarms, on the Mufter-
day, Ihould be affaulted by 2000 Footmen of Mr. Vane\, and my
Lord's hundred Horfe ; befides his Friends which flood by, and the
idle People which took his part. If he were overthrown, he would
run through London, and cry, XtbCtt^, XtbCtt^, to raife the
Apprentices, and R ; if he could, he would go to the IJle of Wight, or
to Pool.
22. The Dowager of Scotland vf2is by Tempell driven to Land at
Port/mouth, and fo Ihe fent word fhe would take the benefit of the
fafe Condudl to go by Land and to fee Me.
23. She came from Port/mouth to Mr. Whites Houfe.
24. The Lords fat in the Star-Chamber, and there declared the
Matters and Accufations laid againfl the Duke, meaning to stay the
minds of the People.
25. Certain German Princes, in the beginning of this month,
defired Aid in Caufe of Religion 400000 Dollars, if they fhould be
driven to make fhift by neceiTity, and offered the like alfo, if I entred
into any War for them ; whereupon I called the Lords, and confidered,
as appeareth by a Scroll in the Board at Wejiminfier, and thereupon
appointed that the Secretary Petre, and Sir William Cecil another Secre-
tary, fhould talk with the MefTenger to know the matter precifely,
and the Names of thofe would enter the Confederacy.
28. The Dowager came to Sir Richard Cotton\ Houfe.
29. She came from Sir Richard Cotton^ to the Earl of Arundel to
Dinner, and brought to Mr. Brow7?% House, where met her the
Gentlemen of Sujfex.
30. She came and was conveied by the fame Gentlemen to Guil-
ford, where the Lord William Howard, and the Gentlemen of Surrey
met her.
All this month the Frenchmen continued fpoiling of the Emperor's
Frontiers, and in a Skirniifh at AJi they flew 100 Spaniards.
31. A Letter direfted to Sir Arthur Darcy to take the charge of the
49
50 xibe Claren^on Ibistorical Society 1Reprint0>
Tower ^ and to difcharge Sir John Markham upon this, that without
making any of the Council privy, he suffered the Duke to walk abroad,
and certain Letters to be fent and anfwered between David Seimour
and Mrs. Poinings, with other divers Sufpicions.
17. There were Letters fent to all Emperors, Kings, Ambafladors,
Noblemen, Men, and Chief Men, into Countries, of the late Con-
fpiracy.
31. She came to Hampton-Court, conveied by the fame Lords and
Gentlemen aforefaid; and two miles and a half from thence, in a
Valley, there met her the Lord Marquefs of Northampton, accom-
panied with the Earl of Wiltjhire, Son and Heir to the Lord High
Treafurer; Marquefs of Winchejier \ the Lord Fitzzvater, Son to the
Earl of Sufex ; The Lord Evers, the Lord Bray, the Lord Robert
Dudley, the Lord Caret, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Sir Edward Rogers,
and divers other Gentlemen, befides all the Gentlemen Penfioners,
Men of Arms and Ushers, Sewers and Carvers, to the number of 120
Gentlemen, and fo fhe was brought to Hampton- Court, At the Gate
thereof met her the Lady Marquefs of Northampton, the Countefs of
Pemhrook, and divers other Ladies and Gentlewomen, to the number
of fixty ; and fo fhe was brought to her lodging on the gueen-fide,
which was all hanged with Arras, and fo was the Hall, and all the
other Lodgings of Mine in the Houfe very finely dreffed ; and for
this night, and the next day, all was fpent in Dancing and Paftime,
as though it were a Court, and great prefence of Gentlemen refortcd
thither.
26. Letters were written, for becaufe of this Bufinefs, to defer the
Muflers of Gendarmory till the — * day of December.
November.
1. The Dowager perufcd the Houfe of Hampton-Court, and faw
fomc courfing of Deer.
2. She came to the Bifhop's Palace at London, and there fhe lay, and
all her Train lodged about her.
3. The Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Warwick, Wiltjhire, and many
other Lords and Gentlemen were fent to her to welcome her and to
fay, on My behalf. That if fhe lacked any thing (he fhould have it
for her better Furniture ; and alfo I would willingly fee her the day
following.
The zdth of Oaoher.
Crane confefTed the moft part, even as Palmer did before, and more
^ Blank in original.
5cr
Journal ot ]£^war^ tbe Sijtb, 5»
alfo, how that the place where the nobles fhould have been banqueted,
and their Heads ftriken ofF, was the Lord Paget'^ Houfe, and how the
Earl of Aruvdel knew of the Matter as well as he, by Stanhop who was
a MeiTenger between them ; alfo fome part, how he went to London
to get Friends once in Auguji laft, feigning himfelf fick. Hammond
alfo confefled the Watch he kept in his Chamber at Night. Bren^io
confefled much of this matter. The Lord Strange confefTed how the
Duke willed him to ftir me to marry his third Daughter, the Lady
Jane^ and willed him to be his Spie in all Matters of my Doings and
Sayings, and to know when some of my Council fpoke fecretly with
Me ; this he confefled of himfelf.
November.
4. The Duke of Suffolk, the Lord Fitzwater, the Lord Bray, and
divers other Lords and Gentlemen, accompanied with his Wife the
Lady Francis, the Lady Margaret, the Dutcheflles of Richmond and of
Northumberland, the Lady Jane daughter to the Duke of Suffolk ; the
Marquefs of Northampton and Winchejier ; the Countefles of Arundel,
Bedford, and Huntingdon, and Rutland; with 100 other Ladies and
Gentlewomen went to her, and brought her through London to Weji-
minfier. At the Gate there received her the Duke of Northumberland,
Great Matter, and the Treasurer, and Comptroller, and the Earl of
Pembrook, with all the Sewers, and Carvers, and Cup-bearers, to the
number of thirty. In the Hall I met her, with all the reft of the
Lords of my Council, as the Lord Treasurer, the Marquis of North-
ampton, Sec. and from the outer-Gate up to the Prefence-Chamber,
on both fides, flood the Guard. The Court, the Hall, and the Stairs,
were full of Servingmen ; the Prefence-Chamber, Great-Chamber,
and her Prefence-Chamber, of Gentlemen. And fo having brought
her to her Chamber, I retired to Mine. I went to her to Dinner ; ftie
dined under the fame Cloth of State, at my left Hand ; at her
rereward dined my Coufln Francis, and my Coufln Margaret ; at Mine
fat the French AmbaflTadour. We were ferved by two Services, two
Sewers, Cupbearers, Carvers, and Gentlemen. Her Mafter Hoflel
came before her Service, and my Ofiicers before Mine. There were
two Cupboards, one of Gold four Stages high, another of mafly Silver
fix Stages : In her great Chamber dined at three Boards the Ladies
only. After Dinner, when flie had heard fome Muflck, I brought
her to the Hall, and fo flie went away.
5. The Duke of Northumberland, the Lord Treafurer, the Lord
Marquefs of Northampton, the Lord Privy-Seal, and divers others, went
51
52 XTbe Clarendon Ibistortcal Societi^ IReprints.
to fee her, and to deliver a Ring with a Diamond, and two Nags, as a
Token from Me.
6. The Duke of Northumberland^ with his Band of a hundred, of
which forty were in Black- Velvet, white and black Sleeves, fixty in
Cloth, the Earl of Pembrook with his Band, and fifty more. The Earl
of Wiltjhire^ with 58 of his Father's Band, all the Penfioners, Men of
Arms, and the Country, with divers Ladies, as my Coufin Margaret^
the Dutcheffes of Richmond and Northumberland^ brought the Queen to
Shoreditch, through Cheap-fide and Cornhill\ and there met her Gentle-
men of Middlesex an 100 Horfe, and fo fhe was conveied out of the
Realm, met in every Shire with Gentlemen.
8. The Earl of Arnndel committed to the Tower^ with Master
Stroadly, and St. Jlhan his Men, becaufe Crane did more and more
confefs of him.
7. A Frenchman was fent again into France^ to be delivered again
to the eight Frenchmen at the Borders, becaufe of a murder he did at
Diepj and thereupon he fled hither,
14. Anfwer was given to the Germans, which did require 4CXX>oo
Dollars, if need fo required, for maintenance of Religion.
Firft, that I was very well inclined to make Peace, Amity, or
Bargain with them I knew to be of mine Religion ; for becaufe this
Melfenger was fent only to know my Inclination and Will to enter,
and not with full Refolution of any Matters.
Secondly, I would know whether they could get unto them any
fuch ftrength of other Princes as were able to maintain the War, and
to do the Reciprogue to Me if need fliould require ; and therefore
willed thofe three Princes, Duke Maurice of Saxon, the Duke of
Mecklenburgh, and the Marquefs John of Brandenburgh, from which he
was fent, to open the matter to the Duke of Pruffia, and to all Princes
about them, and fomewhat to get the good Will of Hamburgh, Lubeck,
Bremen, Sec. fhewing them an inkling of the matter.
Thirdly, I would have the matter of Religion made more plain,
left when War Ihould be made for other Quarrels, they should fay it
were Religion.
Fourthly, He fliould come with more ample Commiffion from the
fame States to talk of the fum of Mony, and other Appurtenances.
This Anfwer was given, left if I afl*cnted wholly at the firft, they
would declare mine Intent to the Stadts and whole Senates, and fo to
come abroad, whereby I (hould run into danger of breaking the
League with the Emperor.
5*
Journal of }e6war6 tbe Stjtb. 53
16. The Lord' Admiral took his leave to go into France for chriften-
ing of the French King's Son.
18. Fojfey, Secretary to the Duke Maurice^ who was here for matter
above-fpecified.
20. A Proclamation appointed to go forth, for that there went one
before this time, that fet prices of Beef, Oxen, and Muttons, which
was meant to continue but to November ; when-as the Parliament
fhould have been to abbrogate that, and to appoint certain Commiflion-
ers to caufe the Grafiers to bring to the Market, and to fell at prices
reafonable. And that certain Overfeers fhould be befides to certify of
the Justices doings.
23. The Lord Treasurer appointed High- Steward for the Arraign-
ment of the Duke of Somerfet.
At this time Duke Maurice began to fhew himfelf a Friend to the
Proteftants, who before that time had appeared their Enemy.
21. The forefaid Proclamation proclaimed.
1 7. The Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry Sidney, Sir Henry Nevil, and Sir
Henry Yates, did challenge all Commers at Tilt the third of January,
and at Tornay the fixth of Januar-^ ; and this challenge was pro-
claimed.
28. News came that Maximilian was coming out of Spain, nine of
his galleys with his Stuff, and 120 Gennets, and his Treafure, was
taken by the French.
24. The Lord Admiral entred France, and came to Bulloign,
26. The Captain of P^r//?!^^///^ had word and commandment to bring
the Model of the Caflle and Place, to the intent it might be fortified,
becaufe Baron de la Gard had feen it, having an Engineer with him,
and as it was thought had the Plott of it.
30. 22 Peers and Nobles, befides the Council, heard Sir Thomas
Palmer, Mr. Hammond, Mr. Crane, and Nudigate, fwear that their Con-
feffions were true ; and they did fay, that that was faid without any
kind of compulfion, Force, Envy, or Difpleasure, but as favourably to
the Duke as they could fwear to with fafe Confciences.
24. The Lord Admiral came to Paris.
December.
I. The Duke of Somerfet came to his Trial at Wejiminjier-Hall ',Tht
Lord-Treafurer fat as High-Steward of j?«^^»</, under the Cloth of
53
54 trbe (Ilaren5on •fctstorical Society IReprtnts.
State, on z Bench between two Pofts, three degrees high.
Lords to the number of 26, viz.
All the
Suffolk.
Northumberland.
/IDarque00.
Northampton.
Barl0»
Huntingdon.
Rutland.
Bath.
Suffex.
Worcefter.
Pembrook.
Vif. Hereford
JSarons.
Evers.
Latimer.
Souch.
Stafford.
Wentworth.
Darcy.
Sturton.
Windfor.
Cromwell.
Cob ham.
Bray.
Burgaveny.
Derby. Audley.
Bedford. \ Wharton.
Thefe fat a degree under, and heard the Matter debated.
Firft, After the Indidments were read, five in number, the Learned
Counfel laid to my Lord of Somerfet, Palmer\ Confcffion. To which
he anfwered, That he never minded to raife the North, and declared
all the ill he could devife of Palmer^ but he was afraid for Bruites,
and that moved him to fend to Sir William Herbert. Replied it was
again, that the worfe Palmer was, the more he ferved his purpofe.
For the Banquet, he fwore it was untrue, and required more Witnef-
fes. Whence Cranes Confeffion was read. He would have had him
come Face to Face. For London^ he meant nothing for hurt of any
Lord, but for his own Defence. For the Gendarmoury, it were but
a mad matter for him to enterprise with his 100 againft 900. For
having Men in his Chamber at Greenwich, confeffed by Partridge it
feemed he meant no harm, becaufe when he could have done harm
he did it not. My Lord Strange\ Confeffion, he fwore it was untrue,
and the Lord Strange took his Oath it was true. Nudigateh^ Hammond^^
and Alexander Seimour\ Confeffions he denied, becaufe they were his
Men.
The Lawyers rehearfed, how to raife Men at his Houfc for an ill
Intent, as to kill the Duke of Northumberland, was Treafon, by an Aft,
Anno tertio of my Reign, againft Unlawful Affemblies, for to devife
the Death of the Lords was Felony. To mind refifting his attachment
was Felony ; To raife London was Treafon, and to AfTault the Lords
was Felony. He anfwered. He did not intend to raife London, and fwore,
that the Witneffcs were not there. His aflembling of Men was but
54
Journal ot E^wat^ tbc St jtb» 5 5
for his own defence. He did not determine to kill the Duke of
Northumberland, the Marquefs, l^c. but fpoke of it, and determined
after the contrary, and yet feemed to confefs he went about their Death.
The Lords went together. The Duke of Northumberland would
not agree that any fearching of his Death Ihould be Treafon. So
the Lords acquitted him of High-Treafon, and condemned him of
Treafon Fellonious, and fo he was adjudged to be hang'd.
He gave thanks to the Lords for their open Trial, and cried Mercy
of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquefs of Northampton, and the
Earl of Pembrook, for his ill meaning againft them, and made fuit for
his Life, Wife, Children, Servants, and Debts, and fo departed with-
out the Ax of the Tower. The People knowing not the Matter,
fhouted half a dozen of times fo loud, that from the Hall-Door it was
heard at C^^m^-Cri?/} plainly, and rumours went that he was quit of all.
The Peace concluded by the Lord Marquefs, was ratified by Me
before the Ambaffadour, and delivered to him Signed and Sealed.
3. The Duke told certain Lords that were in the Tower, that he
had hired Bertivill to kill them ; which thing Bertivill examined on,
confeffed, and fo did Hammond that he knew of it.
4. I faw the Mufters of the new Band-men of Arms; loo of my
Lord Treafurers ; lOO of Northnmberland, loo Northampton, 50 Hunting-
toun, 50 Rutland, 120 of Pembrook, 50 Darcy, 50 Cobham, 100 Sir
Thomas Cheyney, and 180 of the Penfioners and their Bands, with the
old Men of Arms, all well-armed Men ; fome with Feathers, Staves,
and Penfils of their colours ; fome with Sleeves and half-Coats ;
fome with Bards and Staves, ^c. The Horfes all fair and great, the
worft would not have been given for less than 20 /. there was none
under fourteen handfull and an half the moft part, and almoft all
Horfes with their Guider going before them. They pafTed twice
about St. James's Field, and compafTed it round, and fo departed.
15. Then were certain Devices for Laws delivered to my Leariied
Council to Pen, as by a Schedule appeareth.
18. It was appointed I fhould have fix Chaplains ordinary, of which
two ever to be prefent, and four always abfent in preaching : one
Year two in Wales, two in Lancajhire and Darby ; next Year two in
the Marches of Scotland, two in Torkjhire ; the third Year, two in
Devonjhire, two in Hampjhire ; fourth Year, two in Norfolk and Effex,
and two in Kent and Sussex, 8cc. Thefe fix to be Bill, Harle, Perne,
Grindall, Bradford*
* The other name daflit.
55-
56 Ubc Clarenbon Ibistorical Society lReprtnt6.
20. The Bifhop of Durefme was for concealment of Treafon
written to him, and not difclofed at all till the Party did open him,
committed to the Tower.
21. Richard luordi Rich Chancellor of England, confidering his fick-
nefs, did deliver his Seal to the Lord-Treafurer, the Lord great
Mafter, and the Lord Chamberlain, fent to him for that purpofe,
during the time of his ficknefs, and chiefly of the Parliament.
5. The Lord-Admiral came to the French King, and after was fent
to the Queen, and so conveied to his Chamber.
6. The Lord Admiral chriftned the French King*s Child, and
called him, by the King's commandment, Edward Alexander. All
that day there was Mufick, Dancing, and Playing with Triumph in
the Court ; but the Lord Admiral was fick of a double Quartane, yet he
prefented Barnabe to the French King, who took him to his Chamber.
7. The Treaty was delivered to the Lord-Admiral, and the French
King read it in open Audience at Mafs, with Ratification of it. The
Lord Admiral took his leave of the French King, and returned to
Paris very fick.
The fame day the French King fliewed the Lord Admiral Letters
that came from Parmay how the French Men had gotten two Caftles
of the Imperialifts ; and in the defence of the one, the Prince of
Macedonia was flain on the Walls, and was buried with triumph at Parma.
11. The Great Seal of England delivered to the Bifhop of Ely, to
be Keeper thereof during the Lord Rich\ fickness.
The Band of 100 Men of Arms, which my Lord of Somerfet of late
had, appointed to the Duke of Suffolk.
23. Removing to Greenwich.
24. I began to keep Holy this Chrijimajs, and continued till
Twelve-tide.
16. Sir Anthony St. Legie^y for Matters laid again fl him by the
Bifhop of Dublin^ was banifhed my Chamber till he had made anfwer,
and had the Articles delivered him.
28. The Lord Admiral came to Greenwich.
30. CommifTion was made out to the Bifhop of Ely, the Lord
Privy-Seal, Sir John Gates, Sir William Petre, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir
Walter Mildmay, for calling in my Debts.
January.
1. Orders were taken with the Chandlers of London, for felling
their Tallow-Candles, which before fome denied to do ; and fomc
were punifhcd with Imprifonmcnt.
56
Journal ot B^war& tbe Sijtb,
57
3. The Challenge that was made in the laft Month, was fulfilled.
The Challengers were.
Sir Henry Sidney.
Sir Henry Nevel.
Sir Henry Gates.
Defendants.
Mr. Digby.
Mr. Warcop.
Mr. Courtney.
Mr. Knolls.
The Lord Bra^^.
Mr. Papn.
The Lord Williams.
The Lord Fitzzoater.
The Lord Ambrofe.
The Lord Roberts.
The Lord Fitzzuarren
Sir George Howard.
Sir /F////^;^ Stafford.
Sir y^-^z? Parrat.
Mr. Norice.
Mr. C^ry.
Sir Anthony Brown.
Mr. Drury.
Thefe in all ran fix Courfes a-piece at Tilt againft the Challengers,
and accomplilhed their Courfes right-well, and fo departed again.
5. There were fent to Guifnes Sir Richard Cotton, and Mr. Bray, to
take view of Calais, Guifnes, and the Marches ; and with the advice of
the Captain and Engineers, to devife fome amendment, and thereupon
to make me Certificate, and upon mine anfwer to go further to the
Matter.
4. It was appointed, that if Mr. Stanhop left Hull, then that I fliould
no more be charged therewith, but that the Town Ihould take it, and
fhould have 40 /. a Year for the repairing of the Caftle.
2. I received Letters out of Ireland, which appear in the Secretary's
Hand, and thereupon the Earldom of Thowmount was by Me given
from 0-Brians Heirs, whofe Father was dead, and had it for term of
Life, to Donnas Baron of Ebrecan, and his Heirs Males.
3. Alfo Letters were written of Thanks to the Earls of Defmond
and Clanrikard, and to the Baron of Dunganan.
3. The Emperor's Ambaffador moved me feveral times that my
Sifter Mary might have Mafs, which with no little reafoning with
him was denied him.
6. The forefaid Challengers came into the Tournay, and the fore-
faid Defendants entred in after, with two more with them, Mr. Terill,
and Mr. Robert Hopton, and fought right well, and fo the Challenge
was accomplilhed.
The fame night was firft of a Play, after a Talk between one that
was called Riches, and the other Youth, whether of them was better.
H 57
58 Ube Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IRcprints.
After forae pretty Reafoning, there came in fix Champions of either
fide.
On Touthh fide came. On Riches fide.
My Lord Fitzwatcr.
My Lord Ambrofe,
Sir Anthony Brown.
Sir William Cobham.
Mr. Cary.
Mr. Warcop.
My Lord Fitzwarren.
Sir Robert Stafford.
Mr. Courtney.
Digby.
Hopton.
Hungerford.
All thefe fought two to two at Barriers in the Hall. Then came in
two apparelled like Jlmains, the Earl of Ormond 2indi Jaques Granado,
and two came in like Friars, but the Almains would not fufFcr them to
pafs till they had fought ; the Friars were Mr. Drury and Thomas
Cobham. After this followed two Mafques, one of Men, another of
Women. Then a Banquet of 120 Difhes. This day was the end of
Chrijlmafs.
7. I went to Debtford to dine there, and broke up the Hall.
8. Upon a certain Contention between the Lord Willowby, and Sir
Andrew Dudley Captain of Guifnes, for their Jurifdiftion, the Lord
Willowby was fent for to come over, to the intent the Controverfy
might ceafe, and Order might be taken.
12. There was a CommifTion granted to the Earl of Bedford, to
Mr. Vicechamberlain, and certain others, to call in my Debts that
were owing Me, and the days past ; and alfo to call in thefe that be
paft when the days be come.
17. There was a Match run between fix Gentlemen of a fide at
Tilt.
Of one Side. Of the other Side.
The Earl of Warwick.
The Lord Roberts.
Mr. Sidney.
Mr. Novel.
Henry Gates.
Anthony Digby.
Thefe wan by four Taintcs.
18. The French AmbafTador moved, That We fhould deftroy the
Scotch part of the Debatable Ground as they had done Ours. It was
anfwercd : i. The Lord C(?/f/>rj that made the Agreement, made it
none otherwifc but as it fhould (land with his Supcriour's Plcafure :
58
The Lord Ambrofe.
The Lord Fitzwater.
Sir Francis Knollis.
Sir Anthony Brown.
Sir fohn Par rat.
Mr. Courtney.
Journal of B^war^ tbe Stjtb, 59
whereupon the fame Agreement being mifliked, becaufe the Scotch
part was much harder to overcome, word was fent to ftay the Matter.
Neverthelefs the Lord Maxwell did, upon malice to the Englifh
Debatables, over-run them ; whereupon was concluded, That if the
Scots will agree it, the Ground fhould be divided ; if not, then fhall
the Scots wafte their debatablers, and we Ours, commanding them by-
Proclamation to depart.
This day the Stiliard put in their Anfwer to a certain Complaint
that the Merchant-Adventurers laid againft them.
19. The Bifhop of jE'/y, Cujios Sigilli, was made Chancellor, becaufe
as Cujios Sigilli, he could execute nothing in the Parliament that
fhould be done, but only to Seal ordinary things.
21. Removing to Wejiminfter.
22. The Duke of Somerfet had his Head cut off upon Tower-hill^
between eight and nine a Clock in the morning.
16. Sir William Pickering delivered a Token to the Lady Elizabeth,
a fair Diamond.
18. The Duke of Northumberland having under him lOO Men of
Arms, and loo Light-Horfe, gave up the keeping of 50 Men at Arms
to his Son the Earl of Warwick.
23. The Seffions of Parliament began.
24. John Grejham was fent over into Flanders, to fhew to the Foul-
care, to whom I owed Mony, that I would defer it ; or if I paied it,
pay it in Englifh, to make them keep up their French Crowns, with
which I minded to pay them.
25. The Anfwer of the Stiliard was delivered to certain of my
Learned Council to look on and overfee.
27. Sir Ralph Faneviz% condemned of Felony in Treafon, anfwering
like a RufEan.
Paris arrived with Horfes, and fhewed how the French King had
fent Me fix Cortalls, two Turks, a Barbary, two Gennets, a flirring
Horfe, and two littles* Mules, and fhewed them to Me.
29. Sir Thomas Arundel was likewife call of Felony in Treafon,
after long controverfie, for the Matter was brought in Trial by
feven ofthe Clock in the morning.
28. At noon the Inqueft went together ; they fat fhut up in a
Houfe together, without Meat or Drink, becaufe they could not agree
all that Day and all that Night.
29. This day in the morning they did cafl him.
__
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6o zbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IRcprtnts.
February.
2. There was a King of Arms made for Ireland^ whofe Name was
Vljier, and his Province was all Ireland \ and he was the fourth King
of Arms, and the firft Herauld of Ireland.
The Emperor took, the laft month and this, a Million of pounds
in Flanders.
It was appointed that Sir Philip Hobbey fhould go to the Regent,
upon pretence of ordering of Quarrels of Merchants, bringing with
him 63000/. in French Crowns to be paid in Flanders at Antwerp, to
the Schortz and their Family, of Debts I owed them, to the intent he
might difpatch them both under one.
5. Sir Miles Partridge was condemed of Felony for the Duke of
Somerf€t\ Matter, for he was one of the Confpirators.
8. Fifty Men at Arms appointed to Mr. Sadler.
9. John Beaumont, Mafter of the Rolls, was put in Prison for forging
a falfe Deed from Charles Grandon Duke of Suffolk, to the Lady Ann
Pozvis, of certain Lands and Leafes.
10. Commiflion was granted out to 32 Perfons, to examine, corred,
and fet forth the Ecclefiaftical Laws.
The Perfons Names were thefe.
OivtUans.
Mr. Secretary Petre.
Mr. Secretary Cicil.
Mr. Traherne.
Mr. Red.
Mr. Coke.
May, Dean of Pauls.
Skinner.
The 3Bt0bOP6. The BiVtUCS,
Canterbnry. Taylor of Lincoln.
Ely. Tylor of Hadlee.
London. Mr. Cox, Almoner.
Winchefier. Sir John Cheek.
Exeter. Sir Anthony Cook.
Bath. Petrus Martyr.
Glocejler. Joannes Alafco.
Rochejler. Parker of Cambridge.
Xaw^crs.
Juftice Broomley. Goodrick. Lucas.
Juftice Hales. Stamford. Gawdy.
Gofnald. Card.
10. Sir Philip Hobbey departed with fomcwhat more Crowns than
came to 53500 and odd Livers, and had authority to borrow, in my
Name, of Lazarus Tuker loooo/. Flcmifli, at 7 per Cent, for fix months,
to make up the Pay, and to employ that that was in Bullion, to bring
over with him ; alfo to carry 3000 Mcrks weight upon a Licence the
Emperor granted the Schcitz which they did give mc. After that to
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Journal of 3E^war^ tbe Stjtb. 6i
depart to Bruges, where the Regent lay, and there to declare to he
the griefs of my Subjects.
II. There was delivered of Armour, by John Grejham Merchant,
II oo pair of Corflets and Horfemen-harneffes, very fair.
14. It was appointed that the Jefus of Lubeck, a Ship of 800 Tun,
and the Mary Goujion of 600 Tun, fhould be let out for a Voyage to
Merchantmen for a 1000 /. they at the Voyage to LevanU-end to
anfwer the Tackling, the Ship, the Ordnance, Munition, and to leave
it in that cafe they took it. Certain others of the worft of my Ships
were appointed to be fold.
9. A Proclamation was made at Paris, that the Bands of the Dolphine,
the Duke of Vendofme, the Count d' Anguien, the Constable of France,
the Duke de Guife, and d' Aumale, the Count de Sancerres, the Marefchal
'^. Andrew, Monjieur de Jarnac 2in^ Tavennes, fhould, the \^th day of
March, aifemble at Troyes in Champaign x.o refill the Emperor. Alfo that
the French King would go thither in Perfon, with 200 Gentlemen of
his Houfehold, and 400 Archers of his Guard.
16. The French King fent his Secretary de Lausbefpine to declare
this Voyage to him,* and to defire him to take pains to have Mr.
Pickering with him to be a Witnefs of his Doings.
19. Whereupon it was appointed, that he fhould have 2000 Crowns
for his Furnifhment, befides his Diet, and Barnabe 800.
20. The Countefs of Pembrook died.
18. The Merchant- Adventurers put in their Replication to the
Stiliards Anfwer.
23. A Decree was made by the Board, that upon knowledg and
information of their Charters they had found : Firft, That they were
no fufficient Corporation. 2. That their Number, Names, and Nation,
was unknown. 3. That when they had forfeited their Liberties,
King Edward the \th did reftore them on this condition, That they
fhould colour no Strangers Goods, which they had done. Alfo that
whereas in the beginning they fhipped not pafl 8 Clothes, after 100,
after 1000, after that 6000 ; now in their Name was fhipped 44000
Clothes in one Year, and but iioo of all other Strangers. For thefe
Confiderations fcntence was given, That they had forfeited their
Liberties, and were in like cafe with other Strangers.
28. There came AmbafTadors from Hamburgh^ and Lubeck, to fpeak
on the behalf of the Stiliard Merchants.
* This is imperledl.
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29. A Flemming would have fearched the Falcon for Frenchmen,
the Falcon turned, fliot off, boarded the Fleming, and took him.
Paiment was made of 63500 /. Flemifh to the Foulcare, all faving
6000/. which he borrowed in French Crowns by Sir Philip Hobbey.
March.
2. The Lord of Burgaveny was committed to Ward for ftriking the
Earl of Oxford in the Chamber of prefence.
The Anfwer for the AmbaiTadours of the Stiliard was committed to
the Lord Chancellor, the two Secretaries, Sir Robert Bowes, Sir John
Baker, Judge Montague, Griffith Solicitor, Gofnald, Goodrich, and Brooks.
3. It was agreed, for better difpatch of things, certain of the
Council, with others joined with them, fhould over-look the Penal
Laws, and put certain of them in execution. Others (hould anfwer
Suitors ; Others {hould overfee my Revenues, and the Order of them ;
alfo the fuperfluous Paiments heretofore made. Others fhould have
Commiffion for taking away fuperfluous Bullwarks.
Firft, Order was given for defence of the Merchants to fend four
Barques and two Pinaces to the Sea.
4. The Earl of Wejlmoreland, the Lord Wharton, the Lord Comers,
Sir Tho. Palmer, and Sir Tho. Chaloner, were appointed in Commiffion
to meet with the Scotch AmbafTadors, for equal divifion of the
Ground that was called the Debatable.
6. The French AmbafTador declared to the Duke of Northumberland
how the French King had fent him a Letter of Credit for his Ambaf-
fadry. After delivery made of the Letter he declared how Duke
Maurice of Saxony, the Duke oi Mecklenburgh, the Marqucfs oi Branden-
burgh, the Count of Mansfield, and divers other Princes of Germany,
made a League with his Mafter Offenfive and Defenfive; the French
to go to Strajburg, with 30000 Footmen, and 8000 Horfemen ; the
Almains to meet with them there the 25M of this month, with 15000
Footmen and 5000 Horfemen. Alfo the City of Strajhurgh had
promifed them Vi6lual, and declared how the French would fend me
AmbafTadors to have Me into the fame League. Alfo that the
Marquefs of Brandenburg, and Count of Man/field, had been privately
conveied to the French King's Prefence, and were again departed to
leavy Men ; and he thought by this time they were in the Field.
10. He declared the fame thing to Me in the fame manner.
9. It was cpnfulted touching the Marts, and it was agreed that it
was moft neccfTary to have a Mart in England for the enriching of the
fame to make it the more famous, and to be lefs in other Mens danger,
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Journal of EbwarD tbe Sijtb. 63
and to make all things better cheap, and more plentiful. The time
was thought good to have it now, becaufe of the Wars between the
French King and the Emperor. The places were the meeteft, Hull
for the Eaft parts, Southampton for the South Partsi of England^ as
appeareth by two Bills in my Study. London alfo was thought no ill
place, but it was appointed to begin with the other two.
II. The Bills put up to the Parliament were over-feen, and certain
of them were for this time thought meet to pafs and to be read, other
of them for avoiding tedioufnefs to be omitted, and no more Bills to
be taken.
15. Thofe that were appointed Commiffioners for the Requefts, or
for the execution of Penal Laws, or for overfeeing of the Courts,
received their CommifTions at my Hand.
18. It was appointed, that for the paiment of 14000 /. in the end
of Jpril, there fhould be made an Anticipation of the Subfidy of
London^ and of the Lords of my Council, which ftiould go near to pay
the fame with good Provifion.
20. The French AmbafTador brought me a Letter of Credit from
his Matter, and thereupon delivered me the Articles of the League
betwixt the Germans and him, defiring Me to take part of the fame
League ; which Articles I have alfo in my Study.
23. The Merchants of England \i2iym% been long ftaied, departed,
in all about 60 Sail, the Woolfleet, and all to Antwerp. They were
countermanded becaufe of the Mart, but it was too late.
24. Forfomuch as the Exchange was flayed by the Emperor to
Lions^ the Merchants of Antwerp were fore afraid ; and that the Mart
could not be without Exchange, liberty was given to the Merchants
to exchange and rechange Mony for Mony.
26. Henry Dudley was fent to the Sea with four Ships, and two Barks,
for defence of the Merchants, which were daily before robbed ; who,
as foon as he came to the Sea, took two Pirats Ships and brought them
to Dover.
28. I did deny after a fort, the Requeft to enter into War, as
appeareth by the Copy of my Anfwer in the Study.
29. To the intent the Ambaffador might more plainly underftand
My meaning, I fent Mr. Hobbey and Mr. Ma/on to him, to declare him
mine intent more amply.
31. The Commiffioners for the Debatable of the Scotch fide, did
deny to meet, except a certain Caftle, or Pile, might be firft razed ;
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64 XTbe (^laren^on Ibtstorical Society IRcprtnts.
whereupon Letters were fcnt to ftay our Commiflioners from the
Meeting till they had further word.
10. Duke Maurice muftered at Artnjlat in Saxony all his own Men,
and left Duke Auguft, the Duke of Anhault, and the Count oi Man/field^
for defence of his Country, chiefly for fear of the Bohemians. The
Young Lanjgrave^ Reiffenberg^ and others, muftered in HaJJen.
14. The Marquefs Albert of Brandenburgh muftered his Men two
leagues from Erdfort, and after entered the fame, receiving of the
Citizens, a Gift of 20000 Florins ; and he borrowed of them 60000
Florins, and fo eame to Steinfurt, where Duke Maurice and all the
German Princes were affembled.
April.
2. I fell fick of the Mcafels and Small Pox.
4. Duke Maurice, with his Army came to Augujla ; which Town
was at firft yielded to him, and delivered into his Hands, where he
did change certain Officers, reftored their Preachers, and made the
Town more free.
5. The Conftable, with the French Army, came to Metz, which
was within two days yielded to him, where he found great provifion
of Viftuals, and that he determined to make the Staple of Vidual
for his Journey.
8. He came to a Fort wherein was an Abbey called Gocoza, and
that Fort abide 80 Cannon-fhot ; at length came to a Parley, where
the Frenchmen got in and won it by AlTault, flew all, faving 115,
with the Captain, whom he hanged.
9. He took a Fort called Maranges, and razed it.
12. The French King came to Nancy to go to the Army, and there
found the Duchefs and the young Duke of Lorrain.
13. The Marejchal St. Andrew, with 200 Men of Arms, and 2000
Foot-men, carried away the young Duke, accompanied with few of
his old Men toward France, to the Dolphin, which lay at Rhemes, to
the no little difcontentation of his Mother the Dutches. He fortified
alfo divers Towns in Lorrain, and put in French Garifons.
14. He departed from Nancy to the Army which lay at Metz.
7. Monjieur Senarpon gave an overthrow to the Captain of St. Omers,
having with him 600 Foot-men, and 200 Horfe-men.
15. The Parliament broke up, and becaufe I was fick, and notable
to go well abroad as then, I figncdaBill containing the Names of the
Afts which I would have pafs ; which Bill was read in the Houfc.
Alfo T gave Commiflion to the Lord Chancellor, two Arch-Bifliops,
6^
journal ot ]E^watt) tbe Stjtb. 65
two Bifhops, two Dukes, two MarquelTes, two Earls, and two Barons,
to difTolve wholly this Parliament.
18. The Earl of Pembrook furrendered his Mafterfhip of the Horfe,
which I beftowed on the Earl of Warwick.
19. Alfo he left 50 of his Men of Arms, of which 25 were given
to Sir Philip Hobbey, and 2 5 to Sir John Gates.
21. It was agreed that Commiffions ihould go out for to take certi-
ficate of the fuperfluous Church Plate to Mine ufe, and to fee how it
hath been embezeled.
The French Ambaffador defired,That forafmuch as it was dangerous
carrying of Viftual from Bolleyn to Jrd by Land, that I would give
licenfe to carry by Sea to Calais, and from Calais to Jrd, in my
Ground.
22. The Lord Paget was degraded from the Order of the Garter
for divers his Offences, and chiefly becaufe he was no Gentleman of
Blood, neither of Father-fide nor Mother-fide.
Sir Anthony St. Leiger, which was accufed by the Bifhop of Dublin
for divers brawling Matters, was taken again into the Privy-Chamber,
and fat among the Knights of the Order.
23. Anfwer was given to the French Ambaffador, that I could not
accomplifh his Defire, becaufe it was againft my League with the '
Emperor.
24. The Order of the Garter was wholly altered, as appeareth by
the new Statutes. There were elected Sir Andrew Dudley^ and the
Earl of Wejlmor eland.
26. Monfieur de Couriers came from the Regent, to defire that her
Fleet might fafely, upon occasion, take harbour in my Havens. Alfo
he faid, he was come to give order for redreffingall Complaints of our
Merchants.
25. Whereas it was appointed that the 14000 /. that I owed in the
last of April, ihould be paied by the anticipation of the Subsidy of
London, and of the Lords, becaufe to change the fame over-Sea, was
lofs of the sixth part of the Mony I did fo fend over. Stay was
made thereof, and the paiment appointed to be made over of 20000 /.
Flemifh, which I took up there 14 per Cent, and fo remained 6000/.
to be paid there the last of May.
30. Removing to Greenwich.
28. The Charges of the Mints were diminifhed 1400/. and there
was left 600 /.
18. King Ferdinando, Maximilian his Son, and the Duke of Bavaria,
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66 Ube Clarendon fbistorlcal Society IReprtnts.
came to Linx, to treat with Duke Maurice for a Peace; where Maurice
declared his Griefs.
i6. Duke Maurice'^ Men received an overthrow at UIms\ Marquefs
Albert fpoiled the Country, and gave them a day to answer.
31. A Debt of 14000 /. was paied to the Foulcare.
May.
1. The Stilyard-men received their Anfwer; which was, to confirm
the former Judgment of my Council.
2. A Letter was fcnt to the Foulcare from my Council to this efFed;
That I have paied 63000/. Flemifh in February, and 140CO in Jpril,
which came to 77000/. Flemifli, which was a fair Sum of Mony to be
paid in one Year, chiefly in this bufy World, whereas it is moft necef-
fary to be had for Princes. Befides this. That it was thought Mony
fhould not now do him fo much pleafure as at another time peradven-
ture. Upon these confiderations they had advised Me to pay but
5000 /. of the 45000 I now owe, and fo put over the reft according to
the old Intereft 14 per Cent, with which they dcfircd him to take
patience.
4. Monjieur de Couriers received his Anfwer, which was. That I had
long ago given order that the Flemifh Ships Ihould not be molefted
in my Havens, as it appeareth, becaufe Frenchmen chafing Flemings
into my Havens, could not get them becaufe of the refcue they had,
but that I thought it not convenient to have more Ships to come into
my Havens than I could well rule and govern. Alfo a note of divers
Complaints of my Subjefts was delivered to him.
10. Letters were fent to my Ambafladors, That they fhould move
to the Princes of Germany, to the Emperor, and to the French King,
That if this Treaty came to any effect or end, I might be compre-
hended in the fame.
CommifTion was given to Sir John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, the
Chancellor of the Augmentation, Sir Mealier Mildmay, Sir Richard
Cotton, to fell fome part of the Chauntry Lands, and of the Houfcs,
for the paimcnt of my Debts, which was 25 1,000 /. Sterling at the leaft.
Taylor, Dean of Lincoln, was made Bifliop of Lincoln.
Hooper, Bishop of Glocejler, was made Bifhop of Worcester ^nd Glocefter,
Story, Bifhop of Rochcjlcr, was made Bifliop of Chichefter.
Sir Rober\. Bowes was appointed to be made Maftcr of the Rolls,
Commandment was given to the Treafurers, that nothing of the
Subsidy fliould be difl^urfed but by Warrant from the Board ; and
likewife for our Lady-day Revenues.
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Journal ot }£t)wart) tbe Stjtb. 67
14. The Baron of the Exchequer^ upon the furrender made by Juftice
Lecifier, was made Chief-Justice, the Attorney Chief-Baron, the
Sollicitor-Gencral Attorney, and the Sollicitor of the Augmentation,
Cofnoldy General-Sollicitor, and no more Sollicitor to be in the
Augmentation Court. Alfo there were appointed eight Serjeants of
the Law againil Michaelmafs ntxt coming.
Gaudy.
Stamford.
Car ell, &c.
16. The Mufter was made of all the Men at Arms faving 50 of
Mr. Sadlers, 25 of Mr. Vicechamberlains, and 25 of Sir Philip Hob bey'^,
and alfo of all the Penfioners.
17. The Progrefs was appointed to be by Dorchejier to Pool in
Dorfetjhire, and fo through Salijbury homeward to Wind/or.
18. It was appointed Mony fhould be cried down in Ireland d^h^r
a Pay, which was of Mony at Midfummer next ; in the mean feafon
the thing to be kept fecret and clofe. Alfo the Pirry, the Mint-
mafters, taking with him Mr. Brabazon, chief Treafurer of the Realm,
fhould go to the Mines and fee what profit may be taken of the Oar
the Almains had digged in a Mine of Silver; and if it would quit coft,
or more, to go forward withal, if not, to leave off and difcharge all
the Almains.
Alfo that of 500 of the 2000 Souldiers there being, fhould be cut
off, and as many more as would go and ferve the French King, or the
Emperor, leaving fufficicnt at Home, no Fortifications to be made
alfo yet for a time, in no place unfortified ; and many other Articles
were concluded for Ireland.
20. Sir Richard Wingfeld, Rogers, and * were appointed to
view the State of Port/mouth, and to bring again their Opinions con-
cerning the fortifying thereof.
4. The French King having paffed the Straits of Lorrain, came to
Savern four miles from Strajburg, and was vi6lualled by the Country,
but denied pafTage through their Town.
21. Anfwer came from the Foulcare, That for the deferring of
30000/. parcel of 45 Troas, he was content; and likewife August
Pyfo, he might have paied him 20000 /. as foon as might be,
22. It was appointed, that forafmuch as there was much diforder on
the Marches on Scotland-Me, both in my Fortifications of fome
Places, and negligent looking to other Forts, the Duke of Northumber-
* Blank in original.
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68 xrbe Clarendon Ibistortcal Society TReprints*
land^ general Warden thereof, fhould go down and view it, and take
order for it, and return home with fpeed. Alfo a pay of loooo/. to
go before him.
23. It was appointed that thefe Bands of Men of Arms fhould go
with me this Progrefs.
Lord Treafurer
30
Lord Admiral
15
Lord Great Master
25
Lord Darcy
30
Lord Privy- Seal
30
Lord Cob ham
20
Duke of Suffolk
25
Lord Warden
20
Earl of Warwick
25
Mr. Vicechamberlain
15
Earl of Rutland
15
Mr. Sadler
10
Earl of Huntingdon
25
Mr. Sidney
10
Earl of Pembrook
50
26. It was appointed that Thomas Grejham fhould have paied him
out of the Mony that came of my Debts 7000 /. for to pay 6800/. the
laft of the month, which he received the fame Night.
28. The fame Thomas Grejham had 9000/. paid him toward the
paiment of 20000 /. which the Foulcare rcquhed to be paied at the
PafT-mart, for he had taken by Exchange from hence 5000/. and odds,
and 1 0000/. he borrowed of the Seheits, and ten of Lazarus Tukkar.
So there was in the whole 25, of which was paid the laft of April 14,
fo there remained iiooo, and 9000/. which I now made over by
Exchange, which made 20000/. to pay the Foulcare with.
30. I received Advertifement from Mr. Pickerings that the French
King went from Savern to Aroumasjhes^ which was yielded to him ;
from this to Leimjberg^ and fo towards Spires^ his Army to be about
20000 Footmen, and 8000 Horfcmen, well appointed, befidcs Rafcals.
He had with him 50 pieces of Artillery, of which were 26 Cannons,
and fix Organs, and great number of Boots. From Leimjherg^ partly
doubting Duke Maurice's meaning, partly for lack of Vidual ; and alfo
becaufe he had word that the Regent's Army, of which were Guides
the Count de Egmont, Monfteur de Rie, Martin Vanroufe and the Duke of
Holefly to the number of 16000 Footmen, and 6000 Horfcmen, had
invaded Champaign, and fortified Afchenay; he retired homeward till he
came to Striolph, and there commanded all unprofitable Carriage and
Men fhould depart to Chalons, and fcnt to the Admiral to come to him
with 6000 Swiffers, 4000 Frenchmen, 1500 Horfcmen, and 30 pieces
of Ordnance, meaning, as it was thought, to do fome enterprifc about
Luxemberg, or to recover Afchenay which the Regent had fortified.
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journal of Bbwar^ tbe Sijtb. 69
There died in this Journey 2000 Men for lack of good Viftual ; for
eight days they had but Bread and Water, and they had marched 60
Dutch miles at the leaft, and paft many a Streight, very painfully and
labourfomly.
19. Duke Maurice coming from Aufpurg in great haft, came this day
to the firft PafTage called the Clowfe, which the Emperor had caufed to
be ftrongly fortified and viftualled, a paflage through an Hill, cut out
artificially in the way to Infpurg^ and there was a ftrong Bulwark made
hard by it, which he wan, after a long fight within an hour and an
half by Affault, and took and flew all that were within. And that
Night he marched through that Hill into a Plain, where he looked
for to fee twelve Enfigns of Lanjknights of his Enemies, but they retired
to the second Streight, and yet divers of them were both flain and
taken ; and fo that Night he lodged in the Plain, at the entry of the
fecond PafTage, where there were five Forts and one Caftle, which
with Ordnance flew fome of Duke Maurice's Men.
20. This morning the Duke of Mecklenburg, with 3000 Footmen,
caft a Bridg over a River five miles beneath the Sluce, and came and
gave Affault behind the Sluce, and Duke Maurice gave Affault in the
Face, and the Country-men of Tirol, for hate of the Spaniards, helped
Duke Maurice, fo that five Forts were won by Afi'ault, and the Caftle
yielded upon condition to depart, not to serve in three months after
the Emperor. In this Enterprise he flew and took 3000 and 500
Perfons, and 23 pieces of Artillery, and 240000 S.
The Emperor hearing of this, departed by Night from Injhpruk,
forty miles that Night in Poft ; he killed two of his Gennets, and
rode continually every Night, firft to Brixinium; and after, for doubt
of the Cardinal of Ferrara\ Army, turned to Villucho in Carinthia.
The loth of May, tarrying for the Duke d'' Alva, who fhould come to
him with 2000 Spaniards, and 3000 Italians that came from Parma.
Alfo the Emperor delivered Duke Frederic from Captivity, and fent
him through Bohemia into Saxony, to raife a Power against Duke
Maurice's Nephew.
22. Duke Maurice, after that Hala and divers other Towns about
Injhpruk in Tirol had yielded, came to Injhpruk, and there caufed all
the Stuff to be brought to the Market-place, and took all that pertained
to Imperialifts as confifcate, the reft he fuffered the Townfmen to
enjoy. He took there fifty pieces of Ordnance, which he conveied
to Aujburg, for that Town he fortified, and made it his Staple of Pro-
vifion.
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70 Ube (Ilaren^on Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts*
Certain Things which the Commiflioners for the Requefts fhall
not meddle withal..
Firft, Suits for Lands.
Secondly, Suits for Forfeits, amounting to more than 40/. value.
Thirdly, Suits for Penfions.
Fourthly, Reverfions of Farms, which have more than one Year to
come.
Fifthly, Leafes of Manours.
Sixthly, Leafes for more than 2 1 Years.
Seventhly, No offices of fpecial Trull in Reckonings of Mony, as
Cuftomers, Comptrollers, Surveyors, Receivers, Auditors, Treafurers,
and Chancellors, l£c. to be given otherwife than durante beneplacito.
Alfo all Mint-Maftcrs, and others that have a doing in the Mint, and
fuch-like. The Bifbops, Judges, and other Officers of Judgment,
quam diu fe bene gejjerit. Bailiwicks, Stcwardlhips, keeping of Parks
and Houfes, ^c. to be granted during Life.
Eighthly, Suits for forgivemcnt of Debts.
Ninthly, Releafing of Debts to be paid.
Tenthly, Suits for Mony, to the intent to pay Debts they owe elfe-
where.
Eleven, Suits to buy Land.
Twelve, Suits for Liccnfes, to carryover Gold, Silver, Lead, Leather,
Corn, Wood, i^c. that be things unlawful.
Thirteen, Unrefidence upon Benefices.
They fhall meddle with Baliewicks and Stcwardlhips, during Leafes
for 21 Years; Forfeits under 40/. Receivcrfliips, Woodwardfhips,
Surveyorlhips, ^c. during pleafurc. Inftalments of days for Debts.
To thofe Gentlemen that have well-ferved, Fee-Farms to them and
their Heirs Males of their Body, paying their Rent, and difcharging
the Annuities due to all Officers touching the fame. Keeping of
Houfes and Parks, ordinary Offices, as Yeomen of the Crown, the
Houlliold Offices, ^c.
June.
2. Sir Jo/:n PVilliams^who was committed to the Fleet for difobeying
a Commandment given to him for not paying any Penfions, without
not making my Council privy, upon his fubmiffion was delivered out
of Prifon.
4. Beaumont Mafter of the Rolls^ did confcfs his Offences, who in
his Office of Wards had bought Land with my Mony, had lent it,
and kept it from Me, to the value of 9000/. and above, more than
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this twelve month, and iiooo in Obligations, how he being Judg in
the Chancery between the Duke of Suffolk and the Lady Powis^ took
her Tittle, and went about to get it into his Hands, paying a Sum of
Mony, and letting her have a Farm of a Manour of his, and caufed
an Indenture to be made falfly, with the old Duke's counterfeit Hand
to it ; by which he gave these lands to the Lady Powis, and went about
to make twelve Men perjured. Alfo how he had concealed the
Felony of his Man to the Sum of 200/. which he Hole from him,
taking the Mony into his own hand again. For thefe Conliderations
he furrendered into my Hands all his Offices, Lands, and Goods,
moveable and unmoveable, toward the paiment of this Debt, and of
the Fines due to thefe particular Faults by him done.
6. The Lord Paget, Chancellor of the Dutchy, confefTed how he,
without Commiffion, did fell away my Lands and great Timber- Woods;
how he had taken great Fines of my Lands, to his faid particular
Profit and Advantage, never turning any to my Ufe or Commodity ;
how he made Leafes in Reverfion for more than 21 Years. For these
Crimes, and other-like recited before, he furrendred his Office, and
fubmitted himself to those Fines that I or my Council would appoint
to be levied of his Goods and Lands.
7. Whaley, Receiver of Tork-Jhire, confefTed how he lent my Mony
upon Gain and Lucre ; how he paied one Years Revenue over, with
the Arrearages of the laft ; how he bought mine own Land with my
own Mony; how in his Accompts he had made many falfe Suggeftions;
how at the time of the fall of Mony, he borrowed divers Sums of
Mony, and had allowance for it, after by which he gained 500 /. at
one crying down, the whole Sum being 2000/. and above. For thefe
and fuch-like Confiderations he furrendred his Office, and fubmitted
to Fines which I or my Council fhould affign him, to be levied o^ his
Goods and Lands.
8. The Lords of the Council fat at Guild-Hail in London, where in
the prefence of a thoufand People, they declared to the Mayor and
Brethren their floathfulnefs in fuffering unreafonable prices of Things
and to Craftfmen their willfulnefs, ISc. telling them. That if upon
this Admonition they did not amend, I was wholly determined to call
in their Liberties as confifcate, and to appoint Officers that fhould
look to them.
10. It was appointed that the Lord Gray of Wilton fhould be par-
doned of his Offences, and delivered out of the Tower.
Whereas Sir Philip Hobhey fhould have gone to Calais with Sir
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Richard Cotton^ and William Barnes Auditor, it was appointed Sir Anthony
St. Legier, Sir Richard Cotton^ and Sir Thomas Mildmay^ Ihould go thither,
carrying with them loooo/. to be received out of the Exchequer.
Whereas it was agreed that there (houldbe a Pay now made to Ire-
land oi 5000/. and then the Mony to be cried down, it was appointed
that 3000 weight which I had in the Tower, fhould be carried thither,
and coined at 3 Denar. fine ; and that incontinent the Coin Ihould be
cried down.
12. Becaufe Pirry tarried here for the Bullion, William Williams
E flay- Mailer was put in his place, to view the Mines with Mr.
Brabazon, or him whom the Deputy fhould appoint.
13. Banefler and Crane, the one for his large confeflion, the other
becaufe little Matter appeared againft him, were delivered out of the
Tower.
16. The Lord Paget was brought into Star-Chamher, and there
declared efFedluoufly his fubmifTion by word of Mouth, and delivered
it in writing.
Beaumont who had before made his ConfefTion in writing, began to
deny it again ; but after being called before my Council, he did con-
fefs it again, and there acknowleged a Fine of his Land, and figned
an Obligation in furrcnder of all his Goods.
17. Monfieur de Couriers took his leave.
2. The French King won the Caftle of Rohdemac. Certain Horfe-
men of the Regents came and fct upon the French King's Baggage
and flew divers of the Carriers, but at length, with fome lofs of the
Frenchmen, they were compelled to retire. The French King won
Mount St. Ann.
4. The French King came to Deuvillars, which was a ftrong Town,
and befieged it, making three Breaches.
12. The Town was yielded to him, with the Captain. He found
in it 2500 Footmen, 200 Horfemcn, 63 great Brafs-pieces, 300 Hag-
buts of Croke, much viftual, and much Ammunition, as he did write
to his Ambaflador.
19. It was appointed that the Bifliop of Durham^ Matter fliould ftay
till the end of the Progrcfs.
20. Beaumont in the Star-Chamber confeflcd, after a little flicking
upon the Matter, his Faults, to which he had put to his Hand.
22. It was agreed that the Bands of Men of Arms, appointed to
Mr. Sidney, Mr. Vicechamberlain, Mr. Ilobbrw and Mr. S.i.iirr, fliould not
be furniflicd, but left ofi^.
72
journal of lE^watb tbe Stjtb. 73
25. It was agreed, that none of my Council fhould move Me in
any Suit of Land for Forfeits above 20 /. for Reverfion of Leafes, or
other extraordinary Suits, till the State of my Revenues were further
known.
15. The French King came to a Town Handing upon the River
of yiofa, called Yvoire^ which gave him many hot Skirmifhes.
18. The French King began his Battery to the Walls.
14. The Townfmen of Mountmedy gave a hot Skirmifh to the
French, and flew Monfieur de Toge\ Brother, and many other Gentle-
men of the Camp.
12. The Prince of Salerno^ who had been with the French King to
treat with him touching the Matter of Naples^ was difpatched in Poft
with this Anfwer, That the French King would aid him with 13000
Footmen, and 1500 Horfemen in the French Wages, to recover and
conquer the Kingdom of Naples ; and he fliould marry, as fome faid,
the French King's Sifter, Madam Margaret. The Caufe why this
Prince rebelled againft the Emperor, was, partly the uncourteous
handling of the Viceroy of Naples^ partly ambition.
The Flemings made an Invafion into Champaign^ in fo much that
the Dolphin had almoft been taken ; and the Queen lying at Chalons,
fent fome of her Stuff toward Paris.
Alfo another Company took the Town of Guife, and fpoiled the
Country.
22. Monfieur de Tallie was fent to raife the Arrierbands and Legionars
of Picardy and Champaign, to recover Guife, and invade Flanders.
zj. Removing to Hampton-Court.
30. It was appointed that the Statds fliould have this Anfwer, That
thofe Clothes which they had bought to carry over to the Sum of 2000
Clothes and odd, fliould be carried at their old Cuftom, fo they were
carried within fix weeks ; and likewife all Commodities they brought
in till our Lady-day in Term next, in all other Points, the old Decree
to ftand, till by a further Communication the Matter fliould be ended
and concluded.
The Lord Paget was licenfed to tarry at London, and there-abouts,
till Michaelmafs, becaufe he had no Provifion in his Country.
26. Certain of the Heraulds, Lancajler and Portcullis, were commit-
ted to Ward, for counterfeiting Clarencieux Seal to get Mony by giving
of Arms.
23. The French King having received divers Skirmiflies of the
Townfmen, and chiefly two : in the one, they flew the French Light-
ic 73
74 TLbc Clarendon Ibistorlcal Soctetp IReprtnts.
horfe, lying in a Village by the Town ; in the other, they entred
into the Camp, and pulled down Tents ; which two Skirmilhes were
given by the Count of Manjfield Govcrnour of the Town. And the
Duke of Luxemburg and his 300 Light-horfe, underftanding by the
Treafon of four Priefts, the weakeft part of the Town, fo affrighted
the Townfmen and the Flemifli Souldiers, that they by threatnings,
compelled their Captain the Count, that he yielded himfelf and the
Gentlemen Prifoners, the Common-Souldiers to depart with white
Wands in their Hands. The Town was well Fortified, Vidualled,
and Furnifhed.
24. The Town of Mountmedy yielded to the French King, which
before had given a hot Skirmifh.
4. Sir John Gates Vicechambcrlain was made Chancellor of the
Dutchy.
7. Removing to Oatlands.
5. The Emperor's Ambaffador delivered the Regent's Letter, being
of this effedl; That whereas I was bound by a Treaty with the
Emperor, made Anno Dom. 1 542, at Dotrecht, That if any Man did
Invade the two Countries, I fhould help him with 5000 Footmen, or
700 Crowns a day during four Months, and make War with him
within a Month after the Requeft made ; and now the French King
had invaded Luxemberg, defiring my Men to follow the effeft of the
Treaty.
7. The Names of the Commiffioners was added, and made more,
both in the Debts, the Surveying of the Courts, the Penal Laws, ^c.
and becaufc my Lord Chamberlain, my Lord Privy-Seal, Mr. Vice-
chamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Petre, went with Me this Progrefs.
8. It was appointed that 50 poundweight of Gold fhould be coined
after the new Standard, to carry about this Progrefs, which maketh
150/. Sterling.
9. The Chancellor of the Augmentation was willed to furceafe his
CommilTion, given him in the third Year of our Reign.
3. Monfieur de Bojfy^ Grand Efcuyer to the Emperor, was made
General of the Army in the Lew-Countries, and Monfienr de Prat over
the Horfemen.
10. It was appointed here, that if the Emperor's AmbafTador did
move any more for Help or Aid, this Anfwer fhould be fcnt him by
two of my Council, That this Progrefs-time my Council was difpcrfcd,
I would move by their Advifc, and he mufl tarry till the Matter were
74
Journal of )E^war^ tbe Sijtb. 75
concluded, and their Opinions heard. Alfo I had committed the
Treaty to be confidered by divers learned Men, ^c. And if another
time he would press Me, then anfwer to be made, That I trufted the
Emperor would not wiih Me, in thefe young Years, having felt them
fo long, to enter into them. How I had Amity fworn with the French
King, which I could not well break ; and therefore if the Emperor
thought it fo meet, I would be a Mean for a Peace between them, but
not otherwife. And if he did prefs the Treaty, laftly to conclude.
That the Treaty did not bind Me which my Father had made, being
againft the profit of my Realm and Country ; and to defire a new
Treaty to be made between Me and the Emperor in the laft Wars.
He anfwered. That he marvelled what We meant, for we are bound,
quoth the Emperor, and not You. Alfo the Emperor had refused to
fulfil it divers times, both in not letting pafs Horses, Armour, Ammu-
nition, ^c. which were provided by Me for the Wars. As alfo in not
fending Aid upon the Forraging of the Low-Country of Calais.
12. A Letter was written to Sir Peter Meutas, Captain of the Ifle
of Jerfey^ both to command him that Divine Service may there be ufed
as in England; and alfo that he take heed to the Church Plate that it
be not flollen away, but kept fafe till further Order be taken.
9. The French King came to the Town Aveins in Hainault, where
after he had viewed the Town, he left it, and befieged a Pile called
Tirlokbut ; the Bailiff of the Town perceiving his departure, gave the
Onfet on his Rereward with 2000 Footmen, and 500 Horfemen, and
flew 500 Frenchmen. After this, and the winning of certain Holds
of little force, the French King returned into France^ and divided his
Army into divers good Towns to refl them, becaufe divers were fick
of the Flux, and fuch other Difeafes, meaning fhortly to increafe his
Power, and fo to go forward with his Enterprife.
12. Frederick Duke of Saxony was releafed from his Imprifonment,
and fent by the Emperor into his own Country, to the great
rejoicing of all the Proteflants.
5. The Emperor declared. That he would none of thefe Articles
to which Duke Maurice agreed, and the King of the Romans alfo.
The Copy of them remaineth with the Secretary Cecil.
Marquefs Albert of Brandenburg did great harm in the Country of
Franconia, burnt all Towns and Villages about Norimberg, and compelled
them to pay to the Princes of his League 200,000 Dollars, ten of
the faireft pieces of Ordnance, and i 50 Kintalls of Powder. After
that he went to Frankfort, to distrefs certain Souldiers gathered there
for the Emperor. 75
76 Zbc Claten^on Ibistorfcal Society IReprints.
15. Removing to Guildford.
20. Removing to Petworth.
23. The Anfwer was made to the Emperor's Ambaflador, touching
the Aid he required, by Mr. Wotton, and Mr. Hobbey^ according to the
firft Article supra.
24. Becaufe the number of Bands that went with Me this Progrefs
made the Train great, it was thought good they fhould be fent home,
fave only 150 which were pickt out of all the Bands. This was,
becaufe the Train was thought to be near 4000 Horfc, which were
enough to eat up the Country, for there was little Meadow nor Hay
all the way as I went.
25. Removing to Londre, Sir Anthony Brown^s Houfe.
27. Removing to Hahenaker.
30. Whereas it had been before dcvifed, that the New Fort of
Barwick fhould be made with four Bulwarks ; and for making of
two of them, the Wall of the Town fhould be left open on the
Enemies fide a great way together, (which thing had been both
dangerous and chargeable) it was agreed the Wall Ihould (land, and
two Slaughter-houfes to be made upon it to fcour the outer Courtins ;
a great Rampier to be made within the Wall, a great Ditch within
that, another Wall within that, with two other Slaughter-Houfes,
and a Rampier within that again.
26. The Flemings entrcd in great numbers into the Country of
Terovenne; whereupon 500 Men of Arms arofe of Frenchmen, and
gave the Onfet on the Flemings, overthrew them, and flew of them
1435, whereof were 150 Horfcmcn.
31. It was appointed, on my Lord of Northumberland's Requeft,
that he should give half his Fee to the Lord Wharton, and make
him his Deputy- Warden there.
Auguji.
2. Removing to Warblington.
3. The Duke of Guife was fent into Lorrain, to be the French King's
Lieutenant there.
4. Removing to Walt ham.
8. Removing to Port/mouth.
9. In the morning I went to Chaterton's Bulhvark, and viewed alfo
the Town ; at afternoon went to fee the Storc-houfc, and there took
a Boat and went to the wooden Tower, and fo to HaJ'elford. Upon
viewing of which things, it there was devifcd two Forts to be made
upon the entry of the Haven ; one where Ridley\ Tower ftandeth,
76
Journal ot lEbwatb tbe Sirtb* ii
upon the Neck that maketh the Camber; the other upon a like Neck
{landing on the other fide the Haven, where flood an old Bullwark of
Wood. This was devifed for the flrength of the Haven. It was
meant, that that to the Town-fide (hould be both flronger and larger.
lo. Henry Dudley who lay at Port/mouth, with a warlike Company
of 140 good Souldiers, was fent to Guifnes with his Men, becaufe the
Frenchmen alTembled in thefe Frontiers in great numbers.
Removing to Tichfield^ the Earl of Southa?ripton\ Houfe.
14. Removing to Southampton.
16. The French AmbafTador came to declare how the French King
meant to fend one that was his Lieutenant in the Civil Law, to declare
which of our Merchants Matters have been adjudged on their lide,
and which againll them, and for what Confideration.
16. Removing to Beuleu.
The French Ambaffador brought News how the City of Siena had
been taken by the French-fide on St. James's day, by one that was
called the Count Perigliano^ and other Italian Souldiers, by Treafon of
fome within the Town ; and all the Garifon of the Town, being
Spaniards, were either taken or flain. Alfo how the Marejchal Brifac
had recovered Saluzzo, and taken Verucca. Alfo how Villebone had
taken Turnaham and Mountreville in the Low-Countrey.
18. Removing to Chriji- Church.
21. Removing to Woodlands.
In this month, after long Bufinefs, Duke Maurice and the Emperor
agreed on a Peace, but Marquefs Albert of Brandenburg would not
confent thereto, but went away with his Army to Spires and Worms,
Colen and Treves, taking large fums of Mony of all Cities which he
pafTed, but chiefly of the Clergy. Duke Maurice''?, Souldiers perceiving
Marquefs Albert would enter into no Peace, went almoil all to the
Marquefs's Service; among which were principal the Count of Manf-
felt, Baron Haydeke, and a Colonel of 3000 Footmen, and 1000 Horfe-
men, called Reiffenberg; So that of 7000 which fhould been fent into
Hungary againll the Turks, there remained not 3000. Alfo the Duke
of Wittenberg did fecretly let go 2800 of the bell Souldiers in Germany,
to the Service of Marquefs Albert, fo that his Power was now very
great.
Alfo in this month the Emperor departing from Villachia, came to
Injbruk, and fo to Monaco, and to Augujia, accompanied with 8000
Spaniards, and Italians, and a little Band of a few ragged Abnains.
Alfo in this month did the Turks win the City of Tamejino, in Tranfil-
77
78 Zbc Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprinta.
vamay and gave a Battel to the Chriftians, in which was flain Count
Pallavicino^ and 7000 Italians and Spaniards. Alfo in this Month did
the Turks Navy take the Cardinal of Trent\ two Brethren, and feven
Gallies, and had in chafe 39 other. Alfo in this month did the Turks
Navy Land at Terracina in the Kingdom of Naples; and the Prince of
Salerno fet forward with 4000 Gafcoins, and 6000 Italians ; and the
Count Perigliano brought to his Aid 5000 Men of thofe that were at
the Enterprife of Siena. Alfo the Marefchal Brifac won a Town in
Piedmont called BuJJac.
24. Removing to Salisbury.
26. Upon my Lord of Northumberland's return out of the North, it
was appointed for the better ftrengthening of the Marches, that no
one Man fhould have two offices ; and that Mr. Sturley, Captain of
Barzvick, Ihould leave the Wardenftiip of the Eaft Marches to the
Lord Evers ; and upon the Lord Corners refignation, the Captainfhip
of the Caftle of Carlijle was appointed to Sir Gray, and the
Wardenlhip of the Weft-Marches to Sir Richard Musgrave.
27. Sir Richard Cotton made Comptroller of the Houfehold.
28. Removing to Wilton.
30. Sir Anthony Archer was appointed to be Marfhal of Calais, and
Sir Edward Grimfton Comptroller of Calais.
22. The Emperor being at Augujia, did ban fh two Preachers Pro-
teftants out of Augufla, under pretence that they preached feditioufly,
and left Mecardus the chief Preacher, and fix other Proteftant Preachers
in the Town, giving the Magiftrates leave to chufe others in their
place that were baniihed.
29. The Emperor caufcd eight Proteftant Citizens of the Town to
be banifticd, of them that went to the Fair at Lintx, under pretence,
that they taking Marquefs Albert\ part, would not abide his Prefence.
September.
2. Removing to Wotiffunt, my Lord Sandes Houfe.
5. Removing to Winchejler.
7. From thence to Bafing, my Lord Trcafurcr's Houfe.
10. And fo to Donnington-Csii[\c bcfides the Town of Newbcry.
12. And fo to Reading,
15. To Wind/or,
16. Stuckley being lately arrived out of France, declared, how that
the French King being wholly persuaded that he would never return
again into England, becaufc he came away without leave, upon the
apprchenfion of the Duke of Somerfet his old Mafter, declared to him
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Journal ot BDwarb tbe Si^tb. 79
his Intent, That upon a Peace made with the Emperor, he meant to
beficge Calais^ and thought furely to win it by the way of Sandhills,
for having Ricebank both to famifh the Town, and alfo to beat the
Market-Place ; and asked Stuckley\ Opinion : When Stuckley had
anfwered, he thought it impoffible. Then he told him that he meant
to Land in England, in an Angle thereof about Falmouth, and faid, the
BuUwarks might eafily be won, and the People were papistical ; alfo
that Monjieur de Guife at the fame time fhould enter into England by
Scotland-iidiQ, with the Aid of the Scots.
19. After long reafoning it was determined, and a Letter was fent
in all hafte to Mr. Mori/on, willing him to declare to the Emperor,
That I having pity, as all other Chriftian Princes fhould have, on the
Invafion of Chriftendom by the Turk, would willingly join with the
Emperor, and other States of the Empire, if the Emperor could bring
it to pafs in fome League againft the Turk and his Confederates, but
not to be aknown of the French King, only to fay. That he hath no
more Commiffion, but if the Emperor would fend a Man into England,
he fhould know more. This was done on intent to get fome Friends.
The Reafonings be in my Defk.
21. A Letter was fent only to try Stucklefs Truth to Mr. Pickering,
to know whether Stuckley did declare any piece of this Matter to him.
Barnahe was fent for home.
23. The Lord Gray was chofen Deputy of Calais in the Lord Wil-
lowby\ place, who was thought unmeet for it.
24. Sir Nicholas Wentworih was difcharged of the Porterfhip of Calais
and one — Cotton was put into it. In confideration of his Age, the
faid Sir Nicholas Wentworth had lOo/. Penfion.
26. Letters were fent for the difcharge of the Men of Arms at
Michaelmajs next following.
27. The young Lords Table was taken away, and the Mafters of
Requeils, and the Serjeants of Arms, and divers other extraordinary
Allowances.
26. The Duke of Northumberland, the Marquefs of Northampton,
the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary Petre, and Mr. Secretary Cecil,
ended a Matter at Eaton-Q,o\\(i%Q., between the Mafler and the Fel-
lows; and alfo took order for the amendment of certain fuperfluous
Statutes.
28. Removing to Hampton-Court,
29. Two Lawyers came from the French King to declare what
things had pafTed with the Englifhmen in the King's Privy-Council ;
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what and why againft them, and what was now in doing, and with
what diligence. Which when they had eloquently declared, they
were referred to London^ where there Ihould fpeak with them Mr.
Secretary Petre^ Mr. JVotton, and Sir Thomas Smith\ whereby then was
declared the Griefs of our Merchants, which came to the Sum of
50000/. and upwards; to which they gave little anfwer, but that they
would make Report when they came home, becaufe they had yet no
Commiffion, but only to declare us the Caufes of things done.
The firft day of this month the Emperor departed from Augujia
towards IJlmes ; and thanking the Citizens for their stedfasft (licking
to him in thefc perrilous Times, he paiTed by them to Strajburg,
accompanied only with 4000 Spaniards, 5000 Italians, 12000 Almains,
and 2000 Horfmen, and thanking alfo them of Strasburg for their
goodwill they bore him, that they would not let the French King
come into their Town, he went to Weyfenberg^ and fo to Spires, and
came thither the 23^ of this month. Of which the French King
being advertifed, fummoned an Army to Metz, and went thitherward
himfelf ; fcnt a Pay of three months to Marquefs Albert, and the
Rhinegrave and his Band ; alfo willing him to flop the Emperor's
PafTage into thefe Low-Countries, and to fight with him.
27. The Matter of the Debatable was agreed upon, according to
the lall inllrudlions.
26. Duke Maurice, with 4000 Footmen and 1000 Horfemen,
arrived at Vienna againft the Turks.
21. Marquefs Hajis of Brandenburg, came with an Army of
13000 Footmen, and 1500 Horfemen, to the Emperor's Army ; and
many Almain Souldiers encreafed his Army wonderfully, for he
refufcd none.
October.
3. Becaufe I had a pay of 48000/. to be paid in December, and had
as yet but 14000 beyond Seas to pay it withal, the Merchants did
give me a Loan of 40,000 /. to be paid by them the last of December^
and to be repaied again by Me the last of March, The manner of
levying this Loan was of the Clothes, after the rate of 20 j. a Cloth,
for they carried out at this Shipping 40000 Broad-Clothes. This
Grant was confirmed the \th day of this month, by a company
alTembled of 300 Merchant-Adventurers.
2. The Bullwarks of Earth and Boards in EJfex, which had a
continual allowance of Souldiers in them, were difcharged, by which
was faved prefcntly 500/. and hereafter 700 or more.
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Journal of B^warb tbe Siytb. si
4. The Duke D'Alva, and the Marquefs of Margina^ fet forth with
a great part of the Emperor's Army, having all the Italians and
Spaniards with them, toward Treves, where the Marquefs Albert had
fet ten Enfigns of Launce-Knights to defend it, and tarried himfelf
with the reft of his Army at Landaw befides Spires.
6. Because Sir Andrew Dudley^ Captain of Guifnes, had indebted
himfelf very much by his Service at Guifnes \ alfo becaufe it (hould
feem injurious to the Lord Willozvby, that for the Contention between
him and Sir Andrew Dudley^ he fhould be put out of his Office, there-
fore it was agreed. That the Lord William Howard fhould be Deputy
of Calais, and the Lord Gray Captain of Guifnes.
Alfo it was determined that Sir Nicholas Sturley fhould be Captain
of the new Fort at Barwick, and that Alex. Brett fhould be Porter,
and one Roksby fhould be Marfhal.
7. Upon report of Letters written by Mr. Pickerings how that Stuck-
ley had not declared to him, all the while of his being in France, no
one word touching the Communication afore fpecified ; and declared
alfo how Mr. Pickering thought, and certainly advertifed, that Stuckley
never heard the French King fpeak no fuch word, nor never was in
credit with him, or the Conftable, fave once, when he became an
Interpreter between the Conftable and certain Englifh Pioneers, He
was committed to the Tower of London.
Alfo the French AmbaiTador was advertifed how we had committed
him to Prifon, for that he untruly flandered the King our good Bro-
ther, as other fuch Runnagates do daily the fame. This was told
him, to make him fuspe6l the Englifh Runnagates that be there. A
like Letter was fent again to Mr. Pickering.
8. Le Seigneur de Villandry came in Poft from the French King with
this MelTage. Firft, That although Mr. Sidney's and Mr. Winter's
Matters, were juftly condemned ; yet the French King, becaufe they
both were my Servants, and one of them about me, was content
gratuito to give Mr. Sidney his Ship, and all the Goods in her ; and
Mr. Winter his Ship, and all his own Goods. Which Offer was re-
fufed, saying. We required nothing gratuito, but only Juftice and
Expedition. Alfo Villandry declared. That the King his Maftter,
wifhed that an Agreement were made between the Ordinances and
Cuftoms of England and France in Marine Affairs. To which was
anfwered, that our Ordinances were nothing but the Civil Law, and
certain very old Additions of the Realm ; That we thought it reafon
not to be bound to any other Law than their old Laws, which had
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been of long time continued, and no fault found with them. Also
yUlandr"^ brought forth two new Proclamations, which for things to
come were very profitable for England^ for which he had a Letter of
Thanks to the King his Maftcr. He required also Pardon and Re-
leafement of Imprifonment for certain Frenchmen taken on the Sea-
Coaft. It was fhewed him they were Pirats : Now fome of them
(hould by Juftice be punifhed, fome by Clemency pardoned ; and
with this Difpatch he departed.
II. Home Dean of Durham declared a fecrct Confpiracy of the
Earl of Wejimoreland, the Year of the apprehenfion of the Duke of
Somerfet, How he would have taken out Treafure at Midleham, and
would have robbed his Mother, and fold 200 /. Land ; and to pleafc
the People, would have made a Proclamation for the bringing up of
the Coin, becaufe he faw them grudg at the fall. He was com-
manded to keep this Matter clofe.
6. Mr. Mori/on, AmbafFador with the Emperor, declared to the Em-
peror the Matter of the Turks before specified ; whofe Anfwer was,
He thanked us for our gentle Offer, and would caufe the Regent to
fend a Man for the fame purpofe, to know our further meaning in
that behalf.
II. Mr. Pickering declared to the French King, being then at
Rhemes, Stucklefs Matter of ConfefTion, and the Cause of his Impri-
fonment : Who after proteftation made of his own good Meaning in
the Amity, and of Stuckkfs Ingratitude toward him, his levvdnefs and
ill-demeanour, thanked Us much for this fo gentil an uttering of
the Matter, that we would not be led with falfe Bruites and Tales.
The Bifhop Tunflal oi Durham was deprived of his Bifhoprick.
In this month Monfieur de Rue^ Martin RoJJcn^ and an Army of Fle-
mings, while the French had affembled his Men of War in Lorrain
had fent the Conftable to the Army, which lay four leagues from
f^erdun, the Duke de Guife with 7000 Men to Metz^ and the Marcfchal
St. Andrew at Verdeun^ razed and fpoiled, between the River of Some
and OJfe, many Towns, as Noyon^ Roy^ Chamy ; and Villages, Nelle^
Follambray^ a new built House of the King's, i^c. infomuch that the
French King sent the Admiral of France to help the Duke of Vendofmt
against that Army.
There was at this time a great Plague that reigned in fundry parts
of France^ of which many Men died.
20. A Man of the Earl of Tyrones was committed to the Totvcr^ be-
caufe he had made an untrue Suggcftion and Complaint againd the
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journal ot lEbwar^ tbe Sijtb. 83
Deputy and the whole Council of Ireland. Also he had bruited cer-
tain ill Bruites in Ireland^ how the Duke of Northumberland^ and the
Earl of Pembrook were fallen out, and one againft another in the
Field.
17. The Flemings, and the Englifhmen that took their parts,
aflaulted by Night Hamletue ; the Englifhmen were on the Walls, and
fome of the Flemings alfo ; but by the cowardife of a great part of
the Flemings, the Enterprize was lost, and many Men flain. The
number of the Flemings were 4000, the number of the men within
Hambletue \oo . The Captain of this Enterprife was Monfieur de Vau-
deville Captain of Gravelin.
6. Monfieur de BoiJJey entred Treves with a Flemifh Army, to the
number of 12000 Footmen, and 2500 Horfemen, Burgunions, with-
out any refiftance, because the Enfigns there left by Marquefs Albert
were departed ; and thereupon the Duke d^ Jlva, and the Marquefs
of Marion^ marched toward Metz ; the Emperor himfelf, and the
Marquefs Hans of Brandenburg, hauing with him the reft of his Army,
the ninth day of this month departed from Landaw towards Metx.
Monfieur de BoiJJefs Army also joined with him at a place called Sway-
burg, or Deuxpont.
23. It was agreed, that becaufe the State of Ireland could not be
known without the Deputy's prefence, that he fhould, in this dead
time of the year, leave the governance of the Realm to the Council
there for the time, and bring with him the whole State of the Realm,
whereby fuch order might be taken, as the fuperfluous Charge might
be avoided, and alfo the Realm kept in quietnefs, and the Revenue
of the Realm better and most profitably gathered.
25. Whereas one George Paris an Irifhman, who had been a prac-
tifer between the Earl of Defmond and other Irifh Lords, and the
French King, did now, being weary of that Matter, pra6life means to
come home, and to have his old Lands in Ireland again. His Pardon
was granted him, and a Letter written to him from my Council, in
which he was promifed to be confidered and holpen.
There fell in this month a great Contention among the Scots, for
the Kers flew the Lord of Balcleugh, in a Fray in Edinburgh ; and as
foon as they had done, they afTociatcd to them the Lord Hofne and
all his Kin : But the Governour thereupon fummoned an Army to go
againft them ; but at length, because the Dowager of Scotland hvonvcd
the Kers and Homes, and fo did all the French Faftion, the French
King having alfo fent for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horfemen
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for his Aid in thefe Wars, the Governour agreed the 5000 Footmen
under the leading of the Earl o^ Caffih ; and 500 Light-Horferaen, of
which the Ken and the Homes ihould be Captains, and go with such
hafte into France, that they might be in fuch place as the French
King would appoint them to ferve in, by Chrijlmafs, or Candlemafs at
the furtheft. And thus he trufted to be well, rid of his mod mortal
Enemies.
27. The Scots hearing that George Paris pradlifed for Pardon, com-
mitted him to Ward in Strhe/mg-Ciiiilc.
25. Monfieur de Rue having burnt in France eighteen leagues of
length, and three leagues in breadth ; having pillaged, and facked,
and razed the fair Towns of Noyon, Roy, Nelle, and Chamy, the King's
new Houfe of Follambray, and infinite other Villages, Bullwarks, and
Gentlemens Houfes in Champaign and Picardy, returned into Flanders.
23. The Emperor in his Person came to the Town of Mf/z with
his Army, which was reckoned 45000 Footmen, as the Bruit went,
and 7000 Horfemen. The Duke d^ Alva with a good Band went to
view the Town ; upon whom iffued out the Souldiers of the Town,
and flew of his Men about 2000, and kept him play till the main
force of the Camp came down, which caufed them to retire with lofs.
On the French Party was the Duke of Nemours hurt on the Thigh.
There was in the Town as Captain, the Duke of Guife ; and there
were many other great Lords with him, as the Prince of Rochfurion,
the Duke de Nemours, the Vicedam of Chartres, Pietro Stozzy, Mon/ieur
Chajiilion, and many other Gentlemen.
November.
5. Monfieur de Villandry returned to declare, how the King his
Mailer did again offer to deliver four Ships againft which Judgment
has pafTed. He said, the King would appoint Men to hear our Mer-
chants at Paris, which fhould be Men of the beft fort. He said like-
wife, how the King his Maftcr meant to mend the Ordinance, of
which Amendment he brought Articles.
7. These Articles were delivered to be considered by the Secre-
taries.
9. Certain were thought to be fought out by feveral Commiffions ;
viz. Whether I were juftly answered of the Plate, Lead, Iron, l^c.
that belonged to Abbeys t Whether I were juRly anfwcrcd the
Profit of Alome, Copper, Fuftians, ^c. which were appointed to be
fold ? and of fuch Land as the King my Father fold, and such-like
Articles.
84
journal ot jEDwarD tbe Sijtb. 85
12. Monfieur Villandry received anfwer for the firft Article, as he
did before, How I meant not by taking freely fo few, to prejudice
the rest. For hearing of our Merchants Matters at Parts, by an
inferior Council, We thought both too dilatory after thefe long
Suits, and also unreafonable, becaufe the inferior Council would
undoe nothing (though caufe appeared) which had been before judged
by the higher Council. And as for the New Ordinances, we liked
them in effect as ill as their Old, and defired none other but the Old
accuftomed ones which have been ufed in France of late Time, and
to be yet continued between England and the Low-Country. Finally,
we delire no more Words, but deeds.
4. The Duke d* Aumail being left in Lorrain, both to flop the
Emperor's Provifion, to annoy his Camp, and to take up the Straglers
of the Army, with a Band of 4.00 Men of Arms, which is 1200 Horfe,
and 800 Light-Horfe, hearing how Marquefs Albert began to take
the Emperor's part, fent firft certain Light-Horfe to view what they
intended. Those Avan-Couriers lighted on a Troop of 500 Horfe-
men, who drove them back till they came to the Duke's Perfon ;
Whereupon the Skirmifh grew fo great, that the Marquefs with 12000
Footmen, and 1000 Horfemen, came to his Mens fuccours, fo the
Duke's Party was discomfited, the Duke himfelf taken and hurt in
many places ; Monjieur de Roan was alfo flain, and many other Gen-
tlemen flain and taken. This Fight was before Toul, into which
Fort efcaped a great part of the Light-Horfe.
6. Heading Town and Caftle was taken by the Monjieur de Reux ;
The Caftle was reckoned too well ftored of all things, and rendred
either by Cowardice or Treafon. The Battery was very fmall, and
not fuitable. The moft was, that the Captain, Monfieur Feulis,
was, with one of the firft ftiots of the Cannon, flain, and his Lieute-
nant with him.
In this month Ferdinando Gonzaga befieged St. Martins in Piedmont.
18. There was a Commiflion granted out to Sir Richard Cotton, Sir
John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Walter Mildmay, to examine the
account of the fall of Mony, by the two Proclamations.
20. The Lord Ogle leaving the Wardenfliip of the Middle Marches,
because my Lord Evers Land lay there, he was made Deputy- Warden
there, with the Fee of 600 Merks ; and Sir Thomas Dacres of the
East Marches, with the Fee of 500 Merks.
24. Thomas Grejham came from Antwerp hither, to declare how
Mor.Jieur de Lanrie, Treasurer to the Emperor, of Flanders, was fent to
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him from the Regent with a certain Pacquct of Letters which the
Burgonions had taken in Bullonois, coming from the Dowager of Scot-
land: The Effect whereof was, How fhe had committed George Paris
the Irifh-man to Prifon, because fhe had heard of his meaning to re-
turn into England ; how fhe had found the Pardon he had, and divers
other Writings ; and how fhe had sent 0-Coners^s Son into Ireland, to
comfort the Lords of Ireland, Also he fhewed certain Instructions,
Anno 1548, upon the Admiral's fall, given to a Gentleman that came
hither, That if there were any here of the Admiral's Faftion, he
fliould do his uttermofl to raife an Uproar.
29. Henry Knowh was fcnt in Poll into Ireland with a Letter, to
flay the Deputy, if he met him, in Ireland, because of the Bufinefs ;
and that he fhould feem to flay for his own Affairs, and prolong his
going from Week to Week, left it be perceived. Alfo he had with
him certain Articles concerning the whole Hate of the Realm, which
the Deputy was willed to anfwer.
30. There was a Letter of Thanks written to the Regent, and fent
to Mr. Chamberlain, to deliver for the gentle Overture made to
Thomas Grepam by the Treafurer Langie. He was alfo willed to ufe
gentle words in the delivery of the Letters, wifhing a further Amity :
And for recompence of her Overture, to tell her of the French King's
practice, for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horfemen. And alfo
how he taketh up by Exchange at Lubeck 1 00000 /. whereby appear-
eth fome meaning that way the next Spring.
20. The Lord Paget was put to his Fine of 6000 /. and 2000 /.
diminifhed to pay it within the fpace of — Years, at days limited.
%%x% ^ ^tiurnn! t\\^%^ or if vxxyxt uia$ uirithjn
]fini0.
86
'' Ii)tef J^olik J^fudtu^.
LEX TALIONIS;
OR,
:a SDeclamatton against ^r Cl)aUener,
THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES AND THE MANNERS OF
YOU KNOW WHOM.
1647.
j^ISTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1885.
This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 %m all paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
OR,
H Reclamation
aoatnst
nbr Cballener,
THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES, AND
THE MANNERS OF YOU
KNOW WHOM.
Iti quo quis peccat, in eo punitur.
Nee Lex est just ior u/Ia,
Ouam necis artifices arte perire sua.
^Judges I. vers. 7.
Jnd Adonibexek said. As I have done, so God hath
requited me.
IPrtiitet) in tbc l^eare, 1647.
^
^Declamation against ^x Cl)aUener,
THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES, AND THE MANNERS OF
YOU KNOW WHOM.
What Cicero said to Cataline, and his confederates in their Conspiracic,
I say the same to Master Challener, that hee may tell it to his com-
panions in the covenant, —
^ousq, tandem abut ere patientia nostra ?
It must never be forgotten how those venerable women came in
simplicity of heart to the Parliament at Westminster to sue for Peace.
It must never be forgotten to all Posterity in what measure those
innocent Women were dealt withall by you ; some being cruelly
wounded, some most barbarously slaine.
Will not the bloud of my Lord of Stafford ; nor the bloud of my
Lord of Canterbury ; nor the bloud of Tomkins and Challener ; nor the
bloud of Teomans and Boucher ; nor all the innocent bloud of so many
thousands, which have been sacrificed in these late intestine broyles,
provoke you to seeke Peace, nor invite you to embrace Peace, when
it is so freely offered unto you. O Temporal O Mores!
In the sharp language of Cicero I did begin with you, in the blunt
honestie of Cato I intend to proceed.
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6 Zbc Clarenbon Ibistotical Qocict^g IReprints.
As the base and spungic ofFal of man (being the common sewer of
indigested excrements) can by no means returne backe any nourish-
ment into the more nobler part, the stomache, from whence it first
received it ; no more can the body possibly subsist and live without
the influence and distillation from its native and proper head.
And as in the bodies Natural, so in Politick, King Charles is the
essential head, of our Politique Body. He is the true Lord and
owner of these his Kingdomes by right of Inheritance. He holds his
title in Fee-simple, by the blessed Tenour in Capite, from God
Almighty, who is Lord Paramount of all. To God alone is the King
onely obliged to pay his Homage, and oweth not the smallest quit-
rent whatsoever to my Lord Chancellor of Scotland^ his Machivillian
eloquence, nor to Mr Ckallencr his home-spun slovenly malice.
It is a bold assertion between you both, to enter into a saucy dis-
pute about the disposing of the sacred person of the King, as if he
were a Child, a Ward, or an Ideot. When God can beare him
witnesse, Hee hath more Wit, more Judgement, and more Honestie
in Him, then any of you all, or all of you together.
Here let me interpose with my short, and true definition of him,
both as he is a man, and as he is our King : As he is a man, me thinks
I heare my Saviour saluting him, as he did Nathanael^ Behold a man
indeed in whom there is no guile. And all the world that knows him
must acknowledge with the poet, He is Homo intigcr vita, scelcrisq,
purus, and I wish to God, from my heart I could say the same of any
of you.
Now as he is our King, how can both Houses, as M. Challencr
saith, or how can both kingdoms, as my Lord Chancellor of Scotland
would have it, dare to "take upon them to dispose of him, who hath
under God the sole disposall of us all, with this limitation, with the
joynt consent, and wholesome advice of the honest and great Coun-
cell of each kingdome, and this is both Law and Gospcll.
Inconsistent and incompatible are two very good words, if rightly
applyed, but I am bound to bcleeve the Dcvill himselfe did work
very strongly upon Master Challener's weaknesse, rather than that his
owne naturall genius could be possest with such malignancy of spirit
as to make so wilde, so base, and so ungodly an application of them
both.
I had almost forgotten that remarkable badge of your through
Reformation, I meane your Covenant, and the two notorious Com-
mittees of both kingdoms : Give me leave to tell you what your
9*
%ci Ualtonts.
Covenant was at first, and what it now is ; It was at first by vertae
of Inchantment, a lowsie thread-bare ScoU/) Chaplin, who growing
wearie of the slender stipend of a bare Scotch mark per annum came
over into England to seek its further Advancement, where it became
a Sub-preacher, and so rendering itselfe incapable of holy Orders, did
take upon it to preach and teach on its own accord.
The first attempt by which this covenant sought to ingratiate itself
into the people, was by consummiting a marriage betwixt the two
Committees of both Kingdomes. The march was privately con-
tracted in the close Committee, and afterwards solemnly published
by legislative power, which marriage being thus accomplished with-
out the approbation of his matie-, without the Licence of our Church,
and without the consent of our Laws, I doubt not it may easily be
made null by a bill of divorce, and for the farther punishment of
this Inchanted Chaplaine your Covenant, let it be banished out of
this Kingdome for ever, and let it be consigned to the utmost
part of Scotland, there to pine and waste itself away upon its
owne dunghill, or else let it be presently torne in pieces, in
remembrance of the dispite which was lately done to the King's
broad Seal in the presence of both Houses.
And whereas Mr Challener saith, the Houses are accomptable to
none but God Almighty, I must answer him with these few ques-
tions.
Wko called or caused you to be a Parliament ? Was it not by the Sove-
raigne power of the King ?
Who convened the House of Co?nmons together? Was it not the free
suffrages, and elections of the people ? Can the servants be greater then their
Masters ?
Did the King and we conferre this trust and authority upon you,
thus to lord it over us ? I tell you nay ; for unlesse you speedily
returne unto your wonted Allegiance to his Maiestie, and your duti-
full afi^ections towards us, both he and wee shall suddainly call you to
a strict accompt.
Read over the Chronicles, where you shall find two Knights of the
Shire were called to an accompt by the Counties, for which they had
formerly served in Parliament ; and both of them were handed up for
their labours.
What, are you so transported and puffed up with pride by reason of
your many successes you have lately gotten in your new Modell of
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8 Ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society 1Reprint0.
War ? Must you needs stand upon your tiptoes, and think you dance
in a net ? Doc but tell me of one Ordinance you have made which
speakes the least sillable tending to a Reformation ?
The King hath made an absolute Reformation of all abuses done
under his Government, and like a gracious Prince gave us a Triennial!
Parliament to boote. But a Trienniall Parliament will not serve
your turnes, you must needs have an everlasting Parliament, quis talia
fando temperet a lacrimis ; for with horror I speak it, as you have
handled the matter, nothing stands so much in neede of a thorough
Reformation as your everlasting Parliament. For if the King and
you should be reconciled to-morrow ; and that He and you should
joyn together to govcrne us by an everlasting Parliament : We whose
Ancestors have ever been the freest subjects under Heaven should
be come the meer'st slaves upon the face of the earth.
Beware of Lex talionis.
To explain my selfe, 1 never did heare nor read of any Prince, any
great man, nor any great body of a Councell,-dare to do any act
illegall or extrajudiciall. -But God Almighty did cither retaliate
with his owne immediate vengeance, or else they were met withall
by the knownc laws of the Land, in a condigne punishment.
Sir John Hotham and his son have tasted of the one already ; and
take you heed least some, if not all of you, doe not at last feele the
smart of the other.
Felix quern faciunt aliena pericula cautum.
To prevent the like ensuing dangers which must needs fall upon
our heads, I will give you these three remarkable examples of Lex
Talionis.
1. In the dayes of K. Henr^ the 8. the Lord Chancellor Crcmwell
pcrswaded the King, that by vertue of his prerogative, he might put
any man to death, and bring it to tryall at law afterwards, and did
not the same Lex talionis light upon him, when he was the onely man
that did so .?
2. Barnavill* the Chiefe Advocate of Holland^ and one of the States,
conceived a displeasure against a younker, and nothing would serve
his turne - (though it were in his owne cause) but corporall punish-
ment. The priviledge of the Gentleman's birth was pleaded by his
lawyers; notwithstanding 5/7r;;/Ji'/7/ being prevalent with the Board of
States, perswaded them : It would be an addition to their greatncsse
* Barneyeld.
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Xej Ualtoni6.
to make a President in this kinde, and so a President was made, and
the Gentleman was whipt.
Not long after a competition grew betwixt the Prince of Orange^
and great Barnavill, wherein the Prince, having the Military party of
his side, got the better of him, so that Barnavill was confined ;
and by that same rule of BarnavilPs formerly made a President, to
whip that Gentleman, a President was made to cut off his head ;
ther's Lex talionis for him.
3. My Lord of Strafford, when he was Sir Thomas Wentvjorth, and
oracle of the House of Commons, perswaded them, that there was no
other way to cut off the Duke of Buckingham, but by accusing him of
States suggestions, under the name of high Treason ; by which
meanes if they could once sequester him from the King's elbow by
confinement ; He doubted not but accusations would come enough
against, him, to his further destruction, and did not the same Lex
talionis light upon him. Jam proximus ardet Vcaligon. It is high time,
then, for every man severally, and all of us together joyntly, to looke
about us, Least Lex talionis overtake us.
The degenerate House of Lords have altogether declined their
true fountain of Honour, the King, from whose cleare streames they
had wont to suck both their honour and honestie, by his vertuous
example. And these pittifull Lords, having throwne themselves into
Mire and Muddy Affections of the Common Rabble, are now glad to'
drink of the puddle water of Scorne, and Contempt from the meanest
Rascalls ; Ther's Lex talionis in part for them.
The adulterate House of Commons have so deviated from the
honest principles and integrity of their ancestors, and having left
their righteous middle way ; in which they had wont to walke in ;
Tire themselves out with halting between two cripples, two con-
traries of extreames : for which their black consciences, they are
forc'd to sit down, some leaning to the Presbyterian madnesse on the
one side ; some to the Independent folly on the other ; Ther's Lex
talionis in part for them.
The proud Metropolis of this Kingdome, the City of London of all
other escape Scot-free, for this Citie hath beene from the beginning
the venerable Bawd of all the Parliament's designes. It hath fed
them with million upon million, upon the publike faith, by which
meanes it manifesteth itselfe to be the chiefe fomenter of this
unnaturall War, and the grand Abettor in this unhappy difference
betwixt King and people.
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It is still fresh in memorie, how this City sent forth its spurious
scum in multitudes to cry downe Bishops, roote, and branch, who
like sholes of Herrings, or swarmes of Hornets, lay hovering»about
the Court with lying Pamphlets, and scandalous Pasquills, untill they
forc'd the King from his throne, and banisht the Queene from his
Bed, and afterwards out of his Kingdome ; besides this Citie still
continues to this day dancing attendance with their Traine bands, to
guard the causelesse feares, and jealousies of both Houses : they come
creeping with their Petitions to them, whom they might command :
would they but command their Bands to stay at home, they may
thank themselves for all the delayes, and denyalls, they have
received.
What guerdon hath this City got for all its costs and paine ? I
will tell it, This citie is stiled in the world's opinion, the Parliament's
Asse, on whose backe the members of both Houses ride at pleasure,
laying on load upon load, what they think fit. Now good City, if
you must continue still to be an Asse learne of your Predecessor.
Balaafih Asse, and tell your great masters, they have gone astray, tell
them so freely, for they dare not beate you for it as Balaam did.
Oh my poore countrey, miserable countrey, w^retchcd countrey, that
hath these five years past in innocence, drunk of the bitter cup, the
dregs whereof is reserved in store by Lex talionis iox the stupid, sense-
lesse city of London. If tkou hadst known, even thou, at least in this thy day,
the things which belong unto thy peace ! but now they are hid from thine eyes,
Luk. 19, vers. 42.
Much might be said concerning the Prince Elector, but little shall
serve the turne, Si ingratum dixeris, omnia. He hath gotten the repute
of late to become a precious babe of grace, by his princely faculty of
snuffing up the back breath of the Reverend Synod, and in a blind
devotion takes it for incense. He, good man, not considering his
Royal Unkle, nor his owne peculiar interest, which we might justly
challenge to him else in Germauy, but contents himselfe here with my
hovdi*Pet£r's whole estate.
Hitherto have we seen what hath bctydcd others, and we cannot
chuse but fore-see what must betide us, unlesse we betake ourselves
to a speedy and preventing Remedy ; Loe here it is.
(i.) Let all things be restored in Statu quo prius.
(2.) Let the Scots in the name of God, or the Dcvill that sent
them goc home.
(3.) Let King Charles (in spite of Mr Challener) with honour
and safety come home, that every one of" us may live quietly at
96
Xej Ualionts,
home, and this I am sure is very consistent with the honour of God,
and very compatible with the safety and tranquillity of the nation.
Salus Regis, et Salus Reipublicae are not only twins, but Gemini,
inseparable and individuall ; Cursed be those that have hitherto
divided them, and blessed be they who seek to cement, and re-unite
them together.
Three things have been the bane of Monarchie.
1. First, Weekely Lectures.
2. Corporations.
3. Trained-bands.
And Three Things will be the baine of Anarchy.
1. First, your New Modell of Religion.
2. Your New Modell of Government.
3. Your New Broad Scale.
Let three things be undone by you which have undone us all, and
the King shall grant us three things in lieu of them, which shall re-
make us.
The Three Things to be undone by Tou,
1. First, Let your Close Committee, and Legislative Power which
sits in the Chaire thereof (contrary to Law) be damn'd for ever.
2. Let all the Cavaleers be freed from their illegall Sequestrations.
3. Let your black Propositions which you lately sent to the King
be recal'd back, and burnt by the Hangman.
Three things wbich the King is to doe.
1. That His Majestic will be pleased to renew, ratifie, and enlarge
our Petition of Right.
2. That he will grant you an Act of oblivion.
3. That he will re-marry His Roy all Prerogative, and Magna
Charta together. Then seeke peace, and ensue it, and the God of peace will
grant it. Now that we may avoid those numbers three, which we
find to be ominous, and embrace those numbers three which are pro-
pitious ; Let us apply ourselves to that blessed number three which
is in Heaven : and let not your illiterate Synod dare to meddle with
that any more, by any audacious disputation ; but rather let us all
appeale to him, by an humble Adoration : That so that blessed
Trinitie in unitie may grant Peace to every man's conscience in par-
ticular. Peace to the whole Kingdome in generall, and Peace and joy
eternall to us hereafter.
Farewell Mr Challener.
N 97
12 TLbc ClarenOon Ibistorical Society IReprints,
H Xetter to tbe Uvm^.
How can you expect an Act of Indemnity ? So long as the King remaines
in Captivity^ the Parliament cannot grant it unto you^ for they cannot give it to
themselves.
How can you expect money? when you know the Parliament hath been so
prodigall in the distribution of such large Proportions to one another, that they
have little left to reward you wit hall.
Is it liberty of conscience you speak for ? That ycu know rests onely in the
Kings breast.
Restore the King to the Throne againe, and all these things shall be added
to you.
If you neglect this fair e opportunities the vengeance of God shall dogge you at
the heeles. Instead of a Trophic for all your Victories, you shall render your-
selves slaves to the Presbyterian Bondage, who like the Egyptian Task-
masters shall compell you to make Brick in their full tale, and without giving
you stubble.
To whom then will you fly for succour ? God will abominate you, and will
not help you ; man [especially Englishmen) will s come you, and laugh at your
misery.
Behold, I have set this day before your eyes, Honour, and Dishonour,
being the two sole Rewards of all humane Actions. Consider this
timely, and be wise.
Be it unto you according to your merit.
jfinis.
98
Iiltef $^olia ^I'udtu^/'
GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS;
OR,
ni>urtber Mill ®ut Sic
BEING A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE
DE-WITTING OF GLENCOE, GAFFNEY, &c.
j^flSTORY IS BUT THE JJ>^ROLLED ^CROLL OF j^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1885.
This edition is limited to no large paper and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
'M
GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS
nDuttbev Mill ©ut, lEtc,
Being a True Account of the
DE-WITTING
GLENCOE, GAFFNEY, &c.
T/iey gave out that the design of their Coining was to introduce
Liberty, and depose Tyrants : But having gain' d the Pozuer,
They did so Tyrannize Themselves, That the Reign of
Former Oppressors seem'd a Golden Age, if compared tvith
the Arbitrar'iness and Exaction of these pretended Deli-
verers ; which made the Sicilians think them much more
happy, %uho Expired in Servitude, than those zvho liv'd to
see such a Dismal Freedom.
— Plutarch. Life of Timoleon.
ttt^^tf
m
IPtinteC) at BMnburob, in tbe 19ear X695.
^tS5
a Xetter from a (gentleman in Scotlanb to
bi0 3f nenb at Xonbon, wbo beeir'b a ipar^^
ticular account of tbe Buefneee of (Blenco*
Edinburgh, April, zoth 1692.
Sir,
The Account you desir'd of that strange and surprizing
Massacre of Glenco take as follows : —
Mac-jan Mac-donald, Laird of Glenco, a Branch of the Mackdonalds,
one of the greatest Clans (or Tribes) in the North of Scotland,
came with the most considerable Men of his Clan to Coll.
Hill, Governour of Fort William at Inverlochy, some few days before
the Expiring of the time for receiving the Indemnity appointed by
Proclamation, which as I take it, was the First of January last,
entreating he would administer unto him the Oaths which the fore-
said Proclamation requir'd to be taken ; that so submitting himself to
the Government, he might have its Protection. The Colonel
receiv'd him with all Expressions of Kindness ; nevertheless shifted
the administring the Oaths to him, alledging that by the Proclamation
it did not belong to him, but to the Sheriffs, Bailyffs of Regalities,
and Magistrates of Burghs, to administer them. Mac-jan Complain-
ing that by this Disappointment he might be wrong'd, the Time being
now near the Expiring, and the Weather so extreme, and the ways so
very bad, that it was not possible for him so soon to reach any
Sheriff, &c. got from Coll. Hill, under his Hand, his Protection ; and
withal he was assur'd, that no Orders from the Government against
him should be put in Execution, until he were first advertis'd, and
had time allow'd him to apply himself to King or Council for his
103
6 TLbc (riarent)on Ibtstortcal Soctetp IReprints.
Safety. But the better to make all sure, (tho' this might have seera'd
Security enough for that time) with all dispatch imaginable he posted
to'^ Inverary, the Chief Town oi Argyleshire^ there he found Sir Collin
Campbel of A^akinlis^ Sheriff of that Shire, and crav'd of him the
Benefit of the Indemnity, according to the Proclamation, he being
willing to perform all the Conditions requir'd. Sir Collin at first
scrupled to admit him to the Oaths, the 'I'ime which the Proclama-
tion did appoint being elapsed by one day, alledging it would be of
no use to him then to take them : But Mac-jan represented that it was
not his Fault, he having come in time enough to Colonel /////, not
doubting but he could have administred the Oaths to him, and that
upon his refusal he had made such hast to Jnverary, that he might
have come in time enough, had not the extremity of the Weather
hinder'd him ; and even as it was, he was but one day after the Time
appointed ; and that would be very unbecoming the Government to
take Advantage of a Man's coming late by one Day, especially when
he had done his utmost to have come in time. Upon this, and his
threatning to protest against the Sheriff for the Severity of this Usage,
he administred to him and his Attendants the Oaths, Mac-jan depend-
ing upon the Indemnity granted to those who should take them ; and
having so done, he went home, and lived quietly and peaceably
under the Government, till the day of his Death.
In January last, a Party of the Earl of Jrgile's Regiment came to
that Country: the Design of their coming was then suspected to be to
take course with those who should stand out, and not submit, and
take the Oaths. The Garison of Inverlochy being throng'd, and
Glenco being commodious for quartering, as being near that Garison,
those Soldiers were sent thither to Quarter ; they pretended they
came to exact Arrears of Cess and Hearth-Money, (a Tax never
known in Scotland^ until laid on by the Parliament, 1690, after the
Parliament of England had eas'd themselves of it ;) e'er they entred
Glenco^ that Laird, or his Sons, came out to meet them, and asked
them if they came as Friends or as Enemies t The Officers answer'd
as Friends ; and gave their Paroll of Honour, that they would do
neither him nor his Concerns any harm ; upon which he wclcom'd
them, promising them the best Entertainment the Place could afford.
This he really performed, as all the Soldiers confess. He and they
lived together in mutual Kindness and Friendship fifteen days or
thereabouts ; so far was he from fearing any Hurt from them. And
the very last Day of his Life he spent in keeping Company with the
104
/iDassacre ot (Blencoe,
Commander of that Party, Capt. Campbell oi Glenlyon, playing at Cards
with him till 6 or 7 at Night, and at their parting mutual Protesta-
tions of Kindness were renew'd. Some time that very day, but
whether before or after their parting, I know not, Capt. Campbell had
these Orders sent him from Major Duncanson, a Copy whereof I here
send you.
" Ballacholis, Feb. 12. 1692.
" Sir,
"You are hereby ordered to fall upon the Rebels the
Mac-Donalds of Glenco, and put all to the Sword under 70. You are
to have especial Care, that the Old Fox and his Sons do upon no
account escape your Hands ; You are to secure all the Avenues, that
no Man escape : This you are to put in Execution at five a Clock in
the Morning precisely, and by that time or very shortly after it, I'll
strive to be at you with a stronger Party ; If I do not come to you at
five, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the King^s
SPECIAL COMMAND, for the Good and Safety of the Country,
that these Miscreants may be cut off. Root and Branch. See that
this be put in Execution without Feud or Favour, else you may
expect to be Treated as not true to the King or Government, nor a
Man fit to carry Commission in the King's Service. Expecting you
will not fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love your self. I subscribe
these with my Hand,
"ROBERT DUNCANSON.
"For Their Majesties Service, to Capt. Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon:'
Duncanson had rcceiv'd Orders from Lieutenant Collonel Hamilton,
which were as follows.
" Ballacholis, Feb. 12, 1692.
" Sir,
" Per Second to the Commander in Chief, and my Col-
lonel's Orders to me, for putting in Execution the Service commanded
against the Rebels in Glenco, wherein you, with the Party of the
Earl of Argyle's Regiment under your Command are to be concern'd:
o 105
8 XTbe ClarenDon iblstortcal Society iRcprlnts.
You are therefore forthwith to order your Affairs so, as that the
several Posts already assign'd you, be by you and your several De-
tachments fallen in Action with, precisely by five a Clock to morrow
Morning, being Saturday; at which time I will endeavour the same
with those appointed from this Regiment for the other Places. It
will be most necessary you secure those Avenues on the South side,
that the Old Fox^ nor none of his Cubs get away. The Orders arc
chat none be spar'd, from 70, of the Sword, nor the Government
troubled with Prisoners. This is all, until I see you. From
" Your humble Servant,
"JAMES HAMILTON.
" Please to order a Guard to secure the Ferry, and the Boats there;
and the Boats must be all on this side the Ferry, after your Men
are over.
'* For their Majesties Service, for Major Robert Duncanson, of
the Earl of Argyle's Regiment."
The Soldiers being disposed five or three in a House, according to
the Number of the Family they were to Assassinate, had their Orders
given them secretly. They had been all receiv'd as Friends by those
poor People, who intended no Evil themselves, and little suspected that
their Guests were dcsign'd to be their Murtherers. At 5 a Clock in
the Morning they began their bloody Work, Surpris'd and Butcher'd
38 Persons, who had kindly receiv'd them under their Roofs. Mac-
jan himself was Murther'd, and is much bemoan'd ; He was a stately
well-favour'd Man, and of good Courage and Sense : As also the
Laird Archintrikin^ a Gentleman of more than ordinary Judgment and
Understanding, who had submitted to the Government, and had Coll.
HiWs Protection in his Pocket, which he had got three Months be-
fore. I cannot without Horror represent how that a Boy about Eight
Years of Age was murthered ; he seeing what was done to others in
the House with him, in a terrible Fright run out of the House, and
espying Capt. Campbell^ grasp'd him about the Legs, crying for Mercy,
and offering to be his Servant all his Life. I am informed Capt.
Campbell inclined to spare him ; but one Drummond^ an Officer, bar-
barously run his Dagger through him, whereof he died immediately.
The rehearsal of several Particulars and Circumstances oi this Tra-
gical Story, makes it appear most doleful ; as that Mac-jan was killed
at he was drawing on his Breeches, standing before his Bed, and
106
/iDassacre of (Blencoe.
giving Orders to his Servants for the good Entertainment of those
who murthered him ; While he was speaking the Words, he was shot
through the Head, and fell dead in his Ladies Arms, who through the
Grief of this and other bad Usages she met with, died the next day.
It is not to be omitted, that most of those poor People were killed
when they were asleep, and none was allowed to pray to God for
Mercy. Providence ordered it so, that that Night was most boister-
ous ; so as a Party of 400 Men, who should have come to the other
End of the Glen, and begun the like work there at the same Hour,
(intending that the poor Inhabitants should be enclosed, and none of
them escape) could not march at length, until it was 9 a Clock, and
this afforded to many an Opportunity of escaping, and none were
killed but those in whose Houses Campbell and Glenlyon^s Men were
Quartered, otherwise all the Male under 70 Years of Age, to the
number of 200, had been cut off, for that was the Order ; and it
might have been easily executed, especially considering that the
Inhabitants had no Arms at that time ; for upon the first hearing that
the Soldiers were coming to the Glen, they had conveyed them all
out of the way : For though they relyed on the promises which were
made them for their Safety ; yet they thought it not improbable that
they might be disarmed. I know not whether to impute it to diffi-
culty of distinguishing the difference of a few Years, or to the fury
of the Souldiers, who being once glutted with Blood, stand at nothing,
that even some above Seventy Years of Age were destroyed. They
set all the Houses on Fire, drove off all the Cattle to the Garison of
Inverlochy, viz. 900 Cows, 200 Horses, and a great many Sheep and
Goats, and there they were divided amongst the Officers. And how
dismal may you imagine the Case of the poor Women and Children
was then ! It was lamentable, past expression ; their Husbands and
Fathers, and near Relations were forced to flee for their Lives ; they
themselves almost stript, and nothing left them, and their Houses
being burnt, and not one House nearer than six Miles ; and to get
thither they were to pass over Mountains, and Wreaths of Snow, in
a vehement Storm, wherin the greatest part of them perished through
Hunger and Cold. It fills me with horror to think of poor stript
Children and Women, some with Child, and some giving Suck,
wrestling against a Storm in Mountains, and heaps of Snow, and
at length to be overcome, and give over, and fall down, and die
miserably.
You see in Hamilton^ Order to Duficnnion^ there's a special Caution,
107
10 Ube (rlaren^on Ibistorical Soctct^ IReprints.
That the Old Fox nor none of his Cubs should escape; and in Duncansorf^
Order to Capt. Campbell of Glenlyon^ That the old Fox nor none of his
Sons escape; but notwithstanding all this wicked Caution, it pleas'd
God that the two young gentlemen, Mac-jan^s Sons escap'd : For it
happened that the younger of these Gentlemen trusted little to the
fair promises of Campbell, and had a more watchful eye over him than
his Father or Brother, who suffered themselves by his reiterated Oaths
to be deluded into a belief of his Integrity: He having a strong
Impression on his Spirit, that some mischievous Design was hidden
under Campbell^ specious Pretences, it made him, after the rest were
in Bed, remain in a retired Corner, where he had an advantagious
Prospect into their Guard. About midnight perceiving several
Souldiers to enter it, this encrcased his Jealousy ; so he went and
communicated his Fears to his Brother, who could not for a long time
be perswaded there was any bad Design against them, and asserted.
That what he had seen, was not a doubling their Guards in order to
any ill design, but that being in a strange place, and at a distance from
the Garison, they were to send out Centinels far from the Guard, and
because of the Extremity of the Weather relieved them often, and
the Men he saw could be no more but these. Yet he persisting to
say. That they were not so secure, but that it was fit to acquaint
their Father with what he had seen, he prevailed with his Brother to
rise, and go with him to his Father who lay in a Room contiguous to
that they were in. Though what the younger Son alledged made no
great Impression on his Father, yet he allowed his Sons to try what
they could discover. They well knowing all Skulking places there,
went and hid themselves near to a Centinel's Post, where instead
of one they discovered eight or ten Men ; this made them more
inquisitive, so they crept as near as they could without being
discovered, so near that they could hear one say to his Fellows, That
he liked not this Work, and that had he known of it he zvould have been very
unwilling to have come there; but that none, except their Commanders, knew
of it until within a quarter of an hour. The Soldier added. That he was
willing to fight against the Men of the Glen, but it was base to murder
them. But to all this was answered, All the blame be on snch as gave the
Orders; we are free, being bound to obey our Officers. Upon hearing of
these words the young Gentlemen retired as quickly and quietly as
they could towards the House, to inform their Father of what they
had heard ; but as they came nigh to it, they perceived it surrounded,
and heard Guns discharged, and the People shrieking ; whereupon,
108
/Ilbassacte of Glcnco.
being unarmed, and totally unable to rescue their Father, they
preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and
Country, and see Justice done upon those Hell-Hounds, treacherous
Murtherers, the Shame of their Country, and Disgrace of Mankind.
I must not forget to tell you. That there were two of these officers
who had given their ParoU of Honour to Mac-jan, wYiO refused to be
concerned in that Brutal Tragedy, for which they were sent Prisoners
to Glasco, where if they remain not still, I am sure they were some
Weeks ago.
Thus, Sir, in obedience to your Commands, I have sent you such
Account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhuman Masssacre
of the Laird of Glenco, and others of his Clan. You desire some
Proofs of the truth of the Story ; for you say there are many in
England who cannot believe such a thing could be done, and publick
Justice not executed upon the Ruffians : For they take it for granted,
that no such order could be given by the Government ; and you say
they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration. Sir,
As to the Government, I will not meddle with it ; or whether these
Officers who murdered Glenco, had such Orders as they pretended
from the Government ; the Government knows that best, and how to
vindicate their own Honour, and punish the Murtherers who
pretended their authority, and still stand upon it. But as to the
Matter of Fact of the murder of Glenco, you may depend upon it, as
certain and undeniable. It would be thought as strange a thing in
Scotland for any Man to doubt of it, as of the death of my Lord Dundee,
or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head. But to put
you out of all doubt, you will e'er long have my Lord Jrgyle\
Regiment with you in London, and there you may speak with Glenlyon
himself, with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal
Tragedy ; and on my Life, there is never a one of them will deny it
to you ; for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland, and
it is an Admiration to us that there should be any one in England wYio
makes the least doubt of it. Nay, Glenlyon is so far from denying it,
that he brags of it, and justifies the Action publicly : He said in the
Royal CofFee-House in Edinburgh, that he would do it again ; nay.
That he would stab any man in Scotland or in England, without asking
the Cause, if the King gave him Orders, and that it was every good
Subject's duty so to do; and I am credibly inform'd, that Glenlyon and
the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a
Reward for their good Service, in destroying Glenco, pursuant to their
Orders. 109
12 Ube Clarendon Ibistorlcal Society lReprtnt6.
There is enough of this mournful Subject : If what I have said
satisfy you not, you may have what farther Proof, and in what manner
you please to ask it.
Sir,
Tour Humble Servant, Sec.
N.B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent, did on
Thursday, June 30. 1692. when the Lord Jrgyle's Regiment was
quartered at Brentford, go thither, and had this Story of the Massacre
of Glenco from the very Men who were the Actors in it : Glenlyon and
Drummond were both there. The Highlander who told him the
Story, expressing Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon, said, Glenco
hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day, and you may see him in his
Face. I am told likewise that Sir John Lowther refused to accept of
the Place of Lord Advocate of Scotland, unless he might have liberty
to prosecute Glenlyon, and the rest of the Murtherers of Clenco, which
not being granted, James Stuart (who was forfeited for Treason by
K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W.) has now the Place.
no
GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS;
flDurtber Mill ®ut, &c
>e-©-3^
'TT^HE fore going Account of the Barbarous Massacre of Glenco, was
-■' Printed in the year 1692. in the Answer to Dr. King's Book of the
State of Protestants in Ireland : And all the Reception it met with
among many here in England, was, That it was a Jacobite Story, on
purpose to Reflect upon the Government, and that there was no such
thing: But this is now confuted by the Proceedings of the Parliament
in Scotland, this Summer Session, 1695. Wherein they have voted the
killing of the Glenco-men to be a Murther ; and yet have acquitted
Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill, who gave the Orders for
Killing of them. Why? Because their Orders were but pursuant
to the Instructions they had from Court. Where will this Lodge the
Murther? The Design, it is well enough known, is to put it upon
Sir John Dalrymple, commonly call'd Maister of Stair, one of the
Secretaries for Scotland, because he is not so Fiery a Presbyterian as the
other Secretary, James Johnston, who hath it by Inheritance to love
Crown and Mitre alike ; and to have a just Reward for it. But
Dalrymple is only a Libertine, or Latitudinarian, One of the modern
No-Religion, who are indifferent to All, so they be troubled with
none. Therefore he cares not whether Episcopacy or Presbytery,
or what else is set up, provided the People be easy with it.
Ill
H XTbe Clarenbon Ibistorical Society IReprints.
Now it being known to all the World, That the Pretence of the
Inclinations of the People in Scotland, which was made the Ground-
work for abolishing Episcopacy, and setting up Presbytery there, was
a mere Sham, contriv'd by this Johnston, and the BIGOT Presby-
terian Party in Scotland; who were all put in Power, in the
beginning of this Revolution ; and set on the Barbarous Rabbling of
the Episcopal Clergy in the West of Scotland, that they might cry
out. The Inclinations of the People were against Episcopacy: And
having, by these and other Arts (which arc fully related in Print)
Pack'd, and then surpriz'd the first Convention, or meeting of Estates,
to Abolish Episcopacy : They dare not have a new Parliament (as in
England) but keep on the same Convention (only changing the name
into that of a Parliament) to this day: Because no Free Parliament
can be had in Scotland, which would not the first day, spue out
Presbytery, and Re-Establish their much more belov*d Episcopacy,
and the People showing great Un-easiness under their present
Establishment (which hath been trick'd and forc'd upon them), all
the Craft and Violence of the Regnant Presbytery, assisted by Acts
of Parliament, and all the Countenance of the Government, having
not yet been able to Oust the Episcopal Clergy in the North, and other
parts of Scotland, or prevail with the People to admit of, or almost
give Civil Treatment to the Presbyterian Ministers sent to them, tho'
Established by Law. The Presbyterian Interest standing there upon
so slender a bottom, their Juncto think it not safe to have a Man of
Dalrymplc's Latitude in Religion, in so eminent a Post, and near the'r
King; lest he should follow the Inclinations of the People, in GOOD
EARNEST, and Call a New Parliament there, which would ruine
all their Measures : Therefore ways and means must be used to
Remove him; and leave Johnston and the Presbyterian Faction in the
sole Possession of the Court. At length, this of Glenco was pitched
upon; which was so Odious, They knew their King durst not own it:
And therefore they would throw it upon Dalrymplc, who was Secre-
tary, and attended when the instructions were sent for that Bloody
Murther. And thereby too. They would seem to take off the Odium
from their King ; This was their pretence ; and they had proof
enough against Dalrymplc : But how that Clear'd his Master will be
seen.
They produced Nine Letters of Dalrymple's (of which I have
Copies) concerning the Massacre of Glenco. And I shall have
occasion to mention them hereafter; I will now set down their
112
/iDas^acre ot Olcncoc.
several Dates, and Directions; and quote them to save repetition, only
by their Number, Letter i. ii. iii. &c. The tv^ro first are directed to
Lieutenant Collonel Hamilton, and bear Date, on the 1st, and the
other the 3d. Decemb. 1691. The 4 next are to Sir Thomas Levingston
of these several Dates, 7, 9, II and 16 of January i6g)4.
Then follov^r two more to Collonel Hill, of the i6th and 30th of the
same Month ; And lastly one of the 30th Ditto, to Sir Thomas
Levingston. It seems very strange that K. W. would suffer these
Letters to be exposed to the Parliament in Scotland, being most of
them wrote by his Order, enlarging upon, and enforcing the Execution
of Instructions, sent with them for the Massacre of Glenco, &c.
And the Regard which his Dear Presbyterians, and his Favourite
Johnston, in particular, had to his Honour, was very slender, when,
to compass their Ends, they load him so fouly, that they might load
Dalrymple too. Johnston says, No, But that he foreseeing (because
some say of his own Contriving) that the Parliament (who are most
of them his Creatures, to their Honour be it spoken) would fall upon
the Business of Glenco ; and that they must be, at least seemingly
Gratified in it, otherwise that it might obstruct the Money-Bills, did
therefore, advise his Master to send down a Commission to men of his
own choosing, to enquire into the affair of Glenco; but withal to give
secret Instructions to his Commissioner, to keep up the faid
Commission, unless the Parliament should enter upon that Business.
And if they did, then to produce the said Commission, to shew his
Majesty's Innocence, by his Care to have it Examined; and withal,
it would take the Examination of it out of the hands of Parliament
Committees, who might not manage so dextrously, as those of his own
naming.
Things being thus stated, and the necessary Orders given, it is
vilely suspected, that Johnson procured the Matter to be started in
Parliament, whereby, at once, to get rid of his Rival Secretary, and
Root up the interest of any, who had but an indifFerency towards
Episcopacy at Court; though to the utter Shipwrack of his Master's
Honour, to be Recorded for all Posterities (as if it were inseperable
from some Constitutions to betray those they serve, even though they
wish them well, and must stand and fall with them.) For con-
sidering the inflence Johnston had in that Parliament, and that they
have never yet oppos'd his Will in any thing ; and that he has
been able to suppress the least Murmur, or Hint, that looked towards
Glenco, when the Fact was New Committed; and the Horror of it
p T13
i^ TLbc (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprtnts.
fresh and Bleeding ; and now for three years after : I say, It is not
supposed by men who understand that Parliament, that it could have
been brought upon the Stage, when it was almost dead and forgotten,
if the hand of Joab had not been in it : but let him look to that.
I have only to add, as a Completion of the fore-going Narrative, that
I can from unquestionable Vouchers, give the Reader an Account of
the Orders from Court to Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill,
which are not in the Letter that goes before ; and when the Reader
is told that Hamilton (whose Order to Duncanson is inserted) had his
Order from Levingston, and Collonel Hill ; then he has the whole
thread, viz. W. R.'s Order to Levingston and Hill ; Levingston and
Hill to Hamilton; Hamilton to Duncanson; and Duncanson to
Glenlyon, who was the butcher.
You find in the Gazettes Two Sett of Instructions, one of the
nth, the other of the i6th Jan. 169;^ and I will give you an
Account of them both. Those of the iith did expressly Order
FIRE and SWORD, [these were the words] against all the Highland-
Clans, who had not taken the Oaths. After they were sent away, my
Lord Carmarthen (now Leeds) being told of it, by Dalrymple (as
I am informed) did represent it to K. W. as a thing so unknown in
these Countries, which are Governed by Laws, That Fire and
Sword would sound very harshly ; no such words having ever been
heard from any of our Native Kings. This procured the mitigation
of that order, by the Instructions of the i6th, which poured all the
Thunder upon Glenco ; because some Sacrifice must be made !
What concern'd Glenco was in the 4th of these Instructions, and is
as follows : —
WILLIAM R.
Js for MAC-IAN of GLENCO, and that TRIBE, // they
can be well disti7iguuhed from the Rest of the High-Landers ; It
will he proper for the Vindication of Puhlick Justice^ to
EXTIRPATE that Sett of Thieves,
W. R.
This was directed to Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill.
And the Parliament has voted that Levingston, or Hill's Orders did
not exceed these Instructions ; nor indeed could they : For what can
exceed EXTIRPATION ! And that to be Executed at the discrc-
/iDassacre of Glencoe* ^7
tion of Soldiers ! As it is worded in the Secretary's Letter to Sir
Tho. Levingston. "I am confident" (says he) "you will see there are
full powers given you in very plain Terms, and yet the method left
very much to your own discretion."^
Take Notice that these Instructions are Counter-sign'd W. R. at
Bottom, as well as at Top, which is not usual : For it is the Secre-
tary's Office to Counter-sign the King's Orders ; and the Reason
is, that if any thing be amiss, the Secretary must be answerablet
Therefore Dalrymple had reason to waive that Ceremony, in this
instance, and let his Master take all the Glory to himself. And lest
this should not be sufficiently taken Notice of: and that he might
have a Voucher, when time comes, he took care to inform Sir Tho.
Levingston punctually of it, in the same Letter which enclosed the
first most Bloody Instructions of the nth Jan. 169;^, for
an Universal Massacre of All, who had not taken the Oaths. And
begins in these words : "Sir, I send you the King's Instructions super
and subscribed by Himself." ^ And to show how pleasing a thing
Mercy was to them, and with what reluctancy they Prosecuted those
who had not taken the Oaths, he says in the same Letter : "Just now
Argyle tells me. That Glenco hath not taken the Oaths, at which I
Rejoyce. It's a great work of Charity to be exact in Rooting out that
Damnable Sect." And to shew how great this Charity was, and whence
it proceeded, The Wise Secretary Blurts out these words ; "I have no
great kindness for Keppoch, nor Glenco, and it's well these People are
in mercy." Well indeed ! They were in merciful hands ! Who can
say they ought not to Die, for whom such a Secretary hath no
GREAT Kindness ! But who are they must die ? ALL ! ALL !
Man, Woman, and Child! Massacre the Men, and Drive the Women
and Children to perish more cruelly in the mountains. To
which purpose, that extreme Cold Season was chosen for the Execu-
tion. " The Winter is the only Season (says the Secretary) in which
we are sure the High-Landers cannot escape us, nor carry their Wives,
Bairns, and Cattle to the Mountains."^ "It's the only time they cannot
Escape you ; for Human Constitution cannot endure to be long out
of Houses. This is the proper Season to maul them in the long cold
Nights."^ This was express'd with the Gusto of a Vulture, in expecta-
tion of a Glorious Massacre ! And then how easy it would be ! "I
expect (says he) you will find little Resistance but from the season."*
' Letter 5. = Letter i. ^ Letter 2. 4 Letter 4.
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And then what thorough work they would make? "To destroy entirely
the Country of Lochaber, Lochells, Lauds, Keppoch's, Glengaries,
Appin, and Glenco."' Here was a beautiful Feast provided ! It was a
Ravishing Prospect!
But O! how these Lyons were Enraged when any of their desired
Prey was delivered out of their Jaws. It was in a mournful strain the
Secretary tells the sad News. "We have an Account (says he) that
Lochart, and Mac-naghton, Appin and Glenco took the benefit of the
Indemnity at Inverary ; and Keppoch, and others at Inverness:"' But
after this, when Argyle told him that Glenco had not taken the
Oaths; How did he Rejoyce ! as above Quoted. "I am glad (says he)
that Glenco did not come in within the time prescribed."^ "I am
content that CLAN except itself."* "For my part, I could have wished
the Mac-donalds had not divided, (that is, that they had all excluded
themselves from mercy) and I am sorry that Keppoch, and Mac-
jan of Glenco are safe."^ But it seems they were not safe. Some
must be made a Sacrifice ; and Glenco was pitched upon for the
Victim. And the implacable Fury, which was shown against that
Clan, expressed the Rage they felt, that so many had escaped them.
And therefore that Clan was to be destroyed entirely. I assure you
(says the Secretary to his Officers) your Power shall be full enough,
and I hope the Soldiers will not trouble the Government with
Prisoners."' "For a just Example of Vengeance, I entreat that the
Thieving Tribe in Glenco may be rooted out in earnest."^ "I shall
entreat you for a just Vengeance, and publick Example, the Thieving
Tribe of Glenco may be rooted out to purpose. The Earl of Argyle
and Broadalban have promised they shall have no Retreat in their
Bounds ; the Passes to Rannach would be secured, and the Hazard
certified to the Laird of to Retreat: Then in that Case Argyle's
Detachment, with a Party that may be Posted in Island Stalker, must
cut them ofi^."^ "Pray when any thing concerning Glenco is resolved
let it be secret and sudden, otherwise the Men will shift you, and
better not meddle with them than not to do it to purpose, to cut off
that Nest of Robbers, who arc fallen in the mercy of Law."^ "I am
glad Glenco did not come in within the time Proscribed. I hope
what is done there may be in earnest, since the rest are not in a
' Letter -?, ' Letter +. ' Letter 9. * Letter 1. 5 Letter 7.
*" Letter 8.
116
/IDassacre ot (Blenco. 19
Condition to draw together to help. I think to herry their Cattle,
or burn their Houses, is but to render them Desperate Lawless Men,
to Rob their Neighbours : But I believe you will be satisfied it were
a great Advantage to the Nation, That that Thieving Tribe were
Rooted out, and Cut off. It must be Quietly done, otherwise they
will make shift for both the Men and their Cattle. Argyle's Detach-
ment lies in Keppoch well, to assist the Garrison to do all ON A
SUDDEN." Was ever so greedy a Hunt after the Lives of a Company
of Secure and Un-arm'd People, who slept fearless, and suspecting
no danger, under the Protection of those who were thus Contriving
to Massacre them, in the most Savage and Treacherous manner !
The Secretary tells Collonel Hill that "the Oaths are Indispensable." '
This was a fearful Method of Imposing the Oaths upon these High-
Landers, that none must live who would not take them ! But were
all admitted to take them? One would think so; when they were
made Indispensable. Yet notwithstanding, in that same Letter, He
gives these Directions to Coll. Hill. "Till we see what is done by the
CHIEFS, it is not time to Receive their Tenants, or Admitting them
to take the Oaths, or hoping for Pardon, 'till they give Evidence that
they are willing to pay their Rents to you, and to take Tacks for their
former Duties ; who will not do so, and were in the Rebellion, must
feel the dismal consequences of it."
Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him a Blasphemer! If the Tenants
would betray the Rights of their Land-Lords to Atturn, and Pay
their Rents to the Secretary, or his Governour, then, and not other-
wise. They should be admitted to take the Oaths: And yet they must
not live, if they did not take the Oaths : But Glenco took the Oaths;
yet that sav'd not his Life, nor his Clan.
It were reasonable here to presume that K. W. did not know that
they had taken the Oaths. First, If it had been so. This manner of
Massacre, in Cold Blood had been a Cruelty without Precedent.
Secondly, It was taking Advantage of the Time, with the Greatest
Rigour. For the Time limited by the Indemnity expired but the 1st
of January 169/^. And the Instructions for a General Massacre were
dated the iithof the same Month, at London, which was hardly
time enough to know whether he had taken the Oaths or not. But
Thirdly, Here is no room left to surmise, that K. W. did not know it;
' Letter 7.
20 ubc Clarendon Ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts.
because Secretary Dalrymple (in his Letter to Sir Thomas Levingston»
before Quoted, which is dated at London the 9th of January, i^g^z)
tells him " That they had an Account that Glenco had taken the Oaths
at Inverary;"' which was the Place where he did take them, as is told
in the foregoing Narrative. And he tells Sir Thomas, in the same
Letter: "I have been with the King. He says your Instructions shall
be despatched on Monday." And they were so. For that Monday
was the nth of January, iSg^z which day the Instructions do bear
Date. And this Letter of the Secretary's was Dated the 9th
of January 169^. which was the Saturday before. And then
he tells Sir Thomas, "That he had the Account of Glenco's
having taken the Oaths with several others ; and that he had been
with the King concerning it, and Instructions should be sent," &c,
'Tis true, his Letter of the nth, which went with the Instructions,
says, "That Argyle told him Glenco had not taken the Oaths."' But
this was no more than Hearsay; and it was not true. For Glenco had
taken the Oaths before that time; according to the Account which the
Secretary own'd was sent to him: And Argyle was an enemy to Glenco,
as appears by what is above quoted out of Letter 7. But this saying
of Argyle's to the Secretary in London, could not be of Argyle's own
Knowledge. And one would think that the Secretary of State should
have as good Intelligence as he.
But, to make the most of it, this cou'd amount to nomore than a Doubt.
And it was his duty to Suspend his further Resolution, till he might have
the Certainty from Scotland. But they did not stay for this. For
the particular Instructions to Massacre Glencoe, bore Date the i6th
of January 1691^, Betwixt which time and the nth. when Argyle told
the Secretary, as above, "They could not send to Scotland, and have
any Answerback." Now these Instructions of the 16th were no way
Conditional, to cut off Glencoe, //'he had not taken the Oaths. But
Positive, and without more ado. When it is certain that K.W. Must,
at least. Doubt whether he had taken the Oaths, or not. But it is
apparent that Colloncl Hill, who had given Glencoe his Protection,
and to whom Glencoe came to take the Oaths, I say it is certain that
he, and the other Officers there upon the Place, knew very well that
Glenco had taken the Oaths, and submitted to the Government.
Those Officers whom he receiv'd into his House, and quarter'd their
Soldiers among his Tenants, upon his laying down his Arms ; These
« Letter 4. ' Letter 3.
118
/[Dassacre ot Olcncoc.
must know that he had submitted. But if notwithstanding they must
Obey their Orders (as they did) if it be not permitted to Officers, so
much as Rescribere, to acquaint the King with any mistake may be
in his Orders ; but to Execute them blindfold, and without Asking
Questions, then let me lie out of the Reach of a Soldier.
The Reader must likewise know, that none of the Foresaid Instruc-
tions were communicated to the Privy Conncil of Scotland ; to
whom by the Constitution of that Kingdom, and Continual Custom,
all the Kings Orders are directed. They knew nothing of this
Matter, It was contriv'd to be Carry'd in such a Manner, as not to be
prevented. And when Gallienus his Thirst of Blood is once Satis
fy'd, then let Slaves Grumble, and make Inquiry ! We know how
to Manage them. Johnston hath undertaken it. Nay he hath done
it. Do/ie it! More effectually than ever was heard, or I believe,
Imagin'd, in these Nations, before this Happy Revolution : For here
is a Precedent made, and that by Parliament, That the King may
send his Guards, and Cut any Man's Throat in the Nation in Cold
Blood; Nay, he may Massacre the whole Parliament, as they are there
Sitting, by the Rule that they have given ; That is, To acquit
Levingston and Hill ; and to justify them for pursuing the King's
Orders to Massacre a whole Clan, which is no more Just, or Law,
than to Massacre a Parliament.
Let us Banter the World, or ourselves no more with Liberty and Laws !
And when Parliaments can be brought to Approve, and to Justify
all this Well ! Johnston ! Thou hast Manag'd Nobly. Thou
art fit to Serve a Monarch ! But not unless you bring your Monarch
cleverly off in this Business ; For what if you can place it upon Dal-
rymple ; And if Dalrymple should be Hang'd for Daring to send such
an Order, tho' he refus'd to Counter-sign it. What will become of
Him, who both Sign'd it, and Counter-Sign'd it, and Commanded it
to be Sent ?
If the Man such Praises have.
What must He Employs the Knave ?
Why ! did his Master never Inquire into this Matter before ?
Never before the Parliament Clamour'd! And what was the Mean-
ing of a Commission to Examine into what himself had Order'd —
But Mes James ! — And have you e'en brought your Master into this
Noose ! What can you expect from him but to be Glenco'd for vour
pains? Qui Glencoat Glencoabitur — You have brought all his Sins to
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Remembrance. The Dewitting' in Holland was almost forgot. — You
have pretty good Experience of his Temper, or you may have. But
if he suffer you to live to sec another Revolution, you may plead
Merit : For all his Enemies have not render'd him so Black ; so
effectually Proved, and Demonstrated it to the World, as your
Management has done. He is happy in his Ministers ! at least very
Justly serv'd by them !
He wants but a good Historian, that he may not lose his Character
to after Ages. And Secretary, you cannot do better than to recom-
mend your Uncle to that Office. He'll do it Deliciously ; he'll
either find or make Parallels to him out of Antient Histories (for
he'll find none among the Modern, especially in these Countries.)
And make him (I'll warrant you) Excel them all. And among the rest,
I would recommend one to him, that fits the present case so exactly,
that you would think one was copied out of the other, and it is as
follows : —
"Gallienus, ut erat Nequam & Perditus ; ita etiam, ubi necessitas
coegisset, velox, furibundus, ferus, vehemens, Crudelis — In omnes
Mesiacos tam Milites quam Civcs asperime Ceviit : Nee quemquam
suae Crudelitatis exortem reliquit : Usque adeo Asper et Truculentus
ut plerasq ; Civitates vacuas a virili sexu relinqueret.
" Extat sane Epistola Galieni quam ad Celerem Verianum Scripsit,
qua ejus Nimietas crudelitatis ostenditur: quam Ego idcirco interposui,
ut omnes intelligerent, hominem Luxuriosum crudelissimum esse, si
necessitas Postulet.
GALLIENUS VERIANO. "Non mihi satisfacies, si tantura
Armatos occideris, quos et sors Belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus
est omnis sexus Virilis, si et senes atq; impuberes sine Reprehensione
nostra occidi possent. Occidendus est quicunq ; malevoluit. Occi-
dendus est quicumq; male dixit contra me, contra Valeriani filium,
contra tot Principum Patrem et Fratrem. Ingenuus factus est Impe-
rator. Lacera, occide, concidc : Animum meum intelligcre potes, mea
Mentc irascere qui haec Manu mea scripsi." \Trebell. PoUion. Trigint.
Tyran. de Ingenuo.']
This is the Description of Gallienus, a Cruel, and a Bloody Tyrant:
And here is the Copy of some Instructions he sent to Vcrianus, an
Officer of his, about just such another Massacre as Glenco, which he
» This word is coined as an allusion to the murder of the brothers John and
Cornelius De Witt at the Hague, by the Prince of Orange's party in 167*.
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/IDassacre ot 6lenco» 23
wrote, or Sign'd with his own Hand: Wherein he Commands him,
to put all to the Sword, All that durst speak or think against him,
as well Old as Young; He bid him Plunder, Kill, Tear ; and that it
would not please him if he Kill'd only those in Arms against him,
but All of the Masculine Sex.
Here was a Great deal of Do, and many Words about it ! But
our Milder Order, bid only EXTIRPATE, and that not this or that
Body, or making Distinctions of Old or Young, Men or Women.
What need all that Cookery! But only The Whole TRIBE. That
was all ! He Scorn'd to Except the pitiful Women, as Gallienus
did. What need They be Excepted? Why! He Excepted no
Body ! Short Work's best — and Few Words. And as the Answer
to Great Britain's Just Complaint, Publish'd by Authority, 1692, says,
p. 37. in Vindication of W. R. as to this of Glenco. '■'- A milder
Order was never given ^ And he says that his Majesty has Express'd
a High Displeasure at it. It was High indeed : For we never
heard of it before. Nor are we like to hear of it, that I can see :
For all the Officers who Commanded, or who Executed it, are still
in their Respective Posts, unless Advanc'd. Nor have we heard
that so much as an 111 Word has been said by Him to any one of
them.
But this we know, by that Answer to Great Britain's Just Cojnplalnt,
that W. R. cannot plead Ignorance, that there was a great Clamour
about the Massacre of Glenco, Three Years ago : And that he has
taken no Notice of it all this time nor Now, till it was first Started
in Parliament; And that then, what he did, was, as much as he could
to take it out of the hands of the Parliament, and by all his Might
and Main, to Stifle, or at least to Baffle it. And it has been Baffled.
And this horrible addition is thereby made to the Guilt of that
Murther ; That whereas none were answerable for it before, except
only Gallienus and his Verianus's with their Accomplices, it is now
become a National Guilt (so far as the Parliament are the Repre-
sentatives of the People) by the Parliament's making GALLIENUS's
Instructions sufficient to justify Verianus in his Execution of them.
Whereby they justify the whole Murder, and bring it upon their own
Heads, and upon the Heads of their Children. For if Gallienus had
no Power by Law, to send such Instructions, they could be no
Justification to Verianus : But now that Parliament has Voted that
such Instructions arc a Justification of Verianus ; and therefore they
have yielded that Gallienus has, by Law, a Power to send such
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Instructions. And they ought to be Obey'd. And then ? Lord have
mercy upon us!
Nor has our Parliament in England been behind that of Scotland
in Sacrificing our Laws, Lives, and Liberties to an Arbitrary and
Despotick Power ; and that not only to Orders Sign'd by Gallienus
himself, but by Verianus, of his own head. Making us Double
Distill'd Vassals; Slaves of Slaves!
And the instance which (among many others) I have to give of this.
Exceeds even that of Glenco, in its having less Pretence, and acted
with the greater face of Authority, and Solemnity. I mean the
Prodigious unprecedented Manner of the Murther of GafFney in
Ireland by the command of the Lord Coningsby ; for which he was
impeached before the House of Commons in England, by Protestants
of Ireland, Gentlemen of Quality and Estates ; and of Publick and
generous Spirits ; whose noble Resentment to see their Laws so
vilely trampled under foot by those whom they had Invited thither to
protect them, brought them hither in Person, to demand Justice from
our House of Commons against Coningsby, who was one of their
Members. And that there could be nothing of Revenge in the Case,
in behalf of the Person who was Murther'd, it's notorious ; that
GafFney being a poor Fellow, a Servant to Sweetman (hereafter
mention'd) and wholly unknown, I believe, to every one of the
Gentlemen who prosecuted Coningsby; Besides, He was a Roman
Catholic and one of the Native Irish, upon both of which Accounts
he could have the less share of Interest with the British, and Irish
Protestants, who were then not wholly come out of a most bloody
War against them ; for Limerick as yet held out. And therefore
these worthy Patriots, who came over from Ireland hither to prosecute
Coningsby, could have no other Incitement, but Love of their
Country, and the Preservation of the Laws : But the Return they
had, after a long and Expensive Attendance as it was, Mortifying to
themselves, and sadly Instructive to others, will remain an Instance
of Arbitrary Government not to be equall'd in former Ages, nor
easily credible to the future. The Story, one would think, should
not need being told in England, because it was brought upon
the Stage, before the House of Commons, and is in their Printed
Votes.
Yet, all that is not, it seems, sufficient to publish it at this time ;
not one in twenty of some sort of People that I meet with, having
ever heard of it, or have forgot it. And (as 1 have told of the Story
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/iDassacre of (Blencoe. 25
of Glenco) they call it a Jacobite Invention ; and will hear no more
of it.
I will therefore present the Reader with the very Words of the
Article concerning GaiFney, which (with several others of other
Instances of High Arbitrary Government) was exhibited by the Earl
of Ballimont, and other Protestants of Ireland, against the Lords
Justices of Ireland (viz., The said Lord Coningsby, and Sir Charles
Porter, both Members of the House of Commons in England) before
the House of Commons in the Winter Session 1693. The Article
concerning GafFney is the 4th, and follows in these Words : —
" That the Lords Justices did, in Council, by word of Mouth, Order
one (BattnC^ to be Hanged, without Tryal, the Courts of Justice
being then open, and who was at that time an Evidence against one
Sweetman for the murther of Collonel Foulk's soldiers: But the said
Sweetman (giving all his real Estate to the value of jfzoo per Annum
to Mr Culliford, besides the sum of about £s^o to Mr Fielding, the
said Lords Justices Secretary, for being his Bayl) was never prosecuted
for the said murther; and the said GafFney was immediately Executed
according to the said verbal Order.
Now the Reader must know that every Tittle of the said Charge
was proved fully, and past all Contradiction. Captain Fitz-Gerald,
who is a Member of the Privy Council in Ireland, Declared that he
was then sitting at the Board; and that the Council were not advised
with at all in it. That Sweetman's Estate, valued at ;£3000, was
ofFer'd to him [Captain Fitz-Gerald] on Condition that he would
make interest to save Sweetman's Life. That Lord Coningsby, who
gave the Orders for the Executing of GafFney, was in so great haste
to have him dispatch'd out of the way (for he was an Evidence against
Sweetman) That he ordered a Provo, instead of any Legal Officer,
to be Call'd into the Councill-Chamber where GafFney was Examined:
And after having asked GafFney three or four Questions, and that he
positively denied his having any Accession to the said Murther;
Commanded the Provo to take him out and hang him up IMME-
DIATELY : And the Provo making Answer, That it would take
some time to make a Gallows ; Coningsby answered sharply, "Hang
him upon the Carriage of a Gun ;" which was done IMMEDIATELY !
Of all this Coningsby could not deny One Word before the House
of Commons : And all he said in his own Vindication was. That if he
had not hang'd GafFney so, he could not have hang'd him at all.
Which was true : For there was no Evidence against him, and
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therefore they would give him no Tryal. But why must Gaffncy
then be Hang'd ? Because, forsooth ! Some Officers in the Army
would have somebody Hang'd for the Murther of Foulk's Soldiers :
And Sweetman (in whose Backside the Soldiers were buried, and
their Coats found in his House) had given 500/. to the Lords Justices
Secretary, and his Estate to another man in Power; but GafFney was
a Poor Rogue, and had nothing to give, and therefore it was fit he
should be hang'd. And Hang'd as he was, or not at all. As
CONINGSBY honestly, but Impudently Confessed.
But now comes the Astonishing Wonder. After all these things so
plainly proved and confess'd, that the House of Commons could not
frame any manner of excuse for Coningsby ; but were forc'd to Vote
the Execution of GafFney without Tryal, to be Arbitrary and Illegal;
Yet that considering the state of Affairs, They did not think fit to
ground an Impeachment against the Lord Coningsby for the same.
This is in the Printed Votes of the 29th of January, 1693. And this
is an Original. What! Vote a man guilty, and yet that he shall
not be prosecuted! Why pray? Because of the state of Affairs.
This is very general. And such a pretence will never be wanting.
But what was this State of Affairs, at that time ? It was in the Winter
of 1690, when all Ireland except only Limerick, was in the Obedience
of K. W., when the Courts of Justice were open (as in the 'bovesaid
Article against Coningsby is exprcss'd) and the Lords Justices and
Council sitting in Peace and Grandeur in Dublin. And what was it
that cou'd or ought to have hindered giving that Poor Fellow a fair
Tryal? Other Criminals were then Tryed, in the usual form, and
why not Gaffney? How came the State of Affairs to reach him,
more than any other? Unless you will say, that it did reach to many
others : For it is express'd in the Printed Address of the Lords,
Presented to K. W. 9 March 1692, That not only Gaffney, but
several others were Executed, without any Tryal whatsoever ; And
that there were Exorbitant Abuses, great Mismanagement, and many
Arbitrary and Illegal Proceedings there, within these four Years last
past, as well since the determination of the War as before, which
includes the whole Government since the Revolution, as well during
the Administration of Gallicnus in Person, while ho was there, as of
his several Vcrianus's in his Absence. One of whom did, in Almanzor
strain, set up the High Prerogative, and Hector their Parliament in a
manner unknown to former Ages: And without Precedent from any
Lawful King that ever sat upon the English Throne in that Kingdom.
121
/iRassacre ot 0lencoe. 27
Which they have given us an Account of in Print ; to try whether
there was so much of the Spirit of English Liberty left in an English
Parliament as to Vindicate their own Privileges, in that Breach
which was made upon them, thro' the sides of the Parliament in
Ireland, a Province of their own, and may be reckoned a branch of the
English Empire. But all in vain ! They had drunk so deep in the
Cup of Slavery at Home, that they could take no notice of it Abroad.
They have stopt their Ears close against all Charmers upon that
Subject, Charm he never so wisely. They Call their Slavery, Liberty!
And where then is the Remedy ?
Thus poor Ireland was left without all hopes of Redress, to feed
upon the Melancholy Reflection, that their Liberties have been much
more notoriously violated by their Deliverers than by all the instances
which were so much as alledg'd against their Lawful King; And thence
to learn for the future, how much Rebellion is a worse Remedy,
than the Disease of Tyranny (even when it is not made a pretence)
and that it always ends in a Heavier Tyranny : Because there must
go more Force to keep under New Acquisitions, than Old Hereditary
Rights. And if all the Sacred Bonds of Natural Allegiance Fortified
with the Religious Sanction of Oaths, and Taught and Inculcated
upon Us, from our Infancy, as a Condition indispensable to our
Salvation ; if all this, and all the Honour and Reputation which the
World has justly affixed to Loyalty, with the Horror and eternal
Stain, upon the Name and Memory of Traytors and Rebels and all
the Terrors of the Laws against Treason. If none (I say) Nor all
of these Considerations, have weight enough to keep us in our
Obedience to those whom God, and the Constitution of our Country,
have placed over Us, by a Divine as well as a Legal Right : How
should an Usurper secure our Duty, who has none of these Tyes,
on his side ; but All, and every One against him? How should. How
can He do it, but by Corrupting our Representatives in Parliament,
so as to pass all his Arbitrary Designs upon Us, in their Names; and
when that fails him, by open Force ? How otherwise has any one of
them ever yet secured himself? Have we forgot our late Deliverers
in Forty One? Will no Experience serve to make us Wise? No.
Not when the Time of our Destruction is come ! We shall then, as
the Jews did before their Final Destruction by the Romans ; we do
now as they did then Obstinately refuse all offers of Mercy, for our
Rebellion, and continue to Provoke a Power, which we know too
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28 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprlnts.
strong for Us ; and which wc confess must, without a Miracle, be our
Ruine : Yet we run on, trusting only to our Dispair! And we have
not only Delivered up our Money or our Lives, without Account ;
but what used to be Dearer to English Men, The Honour of England!
Of which take this short Instance instead of many more.
" The House of Lords made (and printed) an Address, dated the
iSf/f of February 1692. Wherein They mind their King of the
Capitulation made in the Year 1678, by which it was agreed. That
the English Commander and Officer, in every Degree is to Command
every other Confederate Officer of the same Rank (except those of
Crowned Heads) without any regard to the Date of their respective
Commissions. And that the contrary was the Practice in this last
War, to the diminution of the Honour that belongeth to the Crown
of England, and to the general Dissatisfaction of his Majesty's
Subjects. And desire. That the Chief Commander of the English
Forces under his Majesty, should be a Subject born in his Majesty's
Dominions: That no Foreigner should be of the Board of Ordnance,
or Keeper of the Stores in the Tower of London : That, for the
Encouragement of the English, there should not be so many strangers
Employ'd in the Office of the Ordnance. That there hath been
many Abuses under Pretence of Pressing Men for the Fleet ; And
therefore They humbly Advise, That the Offenders should be
immediately Cashiered, and Prosecuted with the utmost Rigour of the
Law."
His Gracious Answer was, " That he would consider it." And
we may suppose. That he is considering of it still : For he hath not
perform'd one word of it : But on the Contrary, to shew the regard
he has for all the Peers of England ; and for the Honour of England;
He has acted quite contrary to this Address, more since, than before:
For not only Abroad, in Flanders, and in Savoy, are the English
everywhere under Foreign Commanders-in-Chief: But, to use them
as they deserve. He has now this last time, made a Foreigner
[Schomberg] Commander-in-Chief of all the Forces left in England.
Let the Lords Address again ! They would if they were English Men!
Or if he were an Hereditary King! But some will bear more Insults
from a Mistress than a Wife. And a King of our own making, Costs
us more than Twenty of God's sending. We think our selves bound
to Acquiesce in our own Act and Deed !
If any of the Cursed and Rebel Parliaments could have found a
126
/iDassacre ot 6lencoe» 29
GafFney or Glenco, against King Charles the First, or any of his Sons,
what a Noise would they have made? How had all the World been
filled with Apologies and Remonstrances ! What a Dismal Idea
would have been Raised of Tyranny and Arbitrary Government! In
the former Reigns, how was the Nation alarm'd with what was
Whispered; and not Whispered, or ever so much as thought of, in the
King's Bed-Chamber; in his Closet! Of Secret Leagues, and Private
Assassinations of Men that Murther'd themselves ; where there was
not the least Umbrage or Colour of Pretence ! How Industrious was
it spread and imbibed by the Mob of this Nation, That King Charles
the Second and the Earl of Essex were both Murthered by the
Procurement of one they had a mind to Blacken! And Forty Protestant
Witnesses of the greatest Quality and Reputation, were not sufficient
to make them believe a Prince of Wales ; though not one Man or
Woman in the Nation ever Depos'd any thing to the Contrary : Nor
was there any other Argument against it, besides a few Drunken
Songs. But that was enough, because it was against a Lawful King.
And on the other hand, though they see their Fellow-Subjects
GaiFney'd and Glenco'd before their Faces : Though it be Printed in
the Gazettes and Publick Votes of the House of Commons, and that
the House of Lords print their Addresses, contrary to their usual
Custom, on purpose to let the Nation see. — Yet they will not see.
No. All this is not NOW sufficient to imprint it one half-hour in
their Memories, after Reading of the Publick Papers ; they neglect
it, They forget it, as not concerning them ! Non Persuadebis, etiamsi
Persuaseris, is their Resolution. And ^os perdere vult Jupiter^
Dementat, I wish may not be their Fate.
BUT to bring our Story to an End : There is One Noble Stroke
of Secretary Johnston's behind. Whereby he thinks he has wiped
his Master's ancle, from all Imputation of the Massacre of Glenco ;
And that is. He has perswaded Lieutenant- Collonel Hamilton (whose
Order to Duncanson is in the foresaid Narrative) to abscond for some
time ; and then to slip over to K. W. in Flanders ; which he has
done. This shews as if he were more Guilty than the rest. He is
made the Scapegoat, and all this Sin laid upon his Head. But if
Hill gave his Orders to his Lieutenant-Collonel Hamilton
(which he Avers in his Order to Duncanson) Why was it more
Criminal in Hamilton to hand down his Collonel's Orders to the next
Subaltern ?
AND why must Glen Lyon, and the others who actually Committed
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30 XTbe Clarenbon Ibtstorical Society IReprints.
that Horrid Massacre, and are now in their Respective Commands in
Flanders, Why should these be Excused ?
O! No! They arc not excused, for as in the Gazette (iSM July
1695) the Parliament in Scotland has made a fierce Vote against
them, viz., That his Majesty be Addrcss'd to send them home to be
prosecuted for the same, Or Not, as his Majesty shall think fit. — OR
NOT ! This is as Civil as Heart could wish ! And whether this
Address was sent, or Not; whether it was trusted to Secretary Johnston
to send it, or Not, is all One : For instead of sending them Home to
be Tryed, Hamilton is sent to them ; And in Justice we are to
suppose that Due Care will be taken. That in this Campaign,
They shall either be Killed, Taken, or Desert. And then if we had
them again. How we would hang the Rogues.
BUT our English Parliament was much more complaysant to their
Verianus's ; they did not put them to the trouble so much as of a
Sham Absconding for a little time ; No, nor of suff^ering the least
Disgrace for thcir more Solemn and Judicial Murther: But Commanded
them to take their Places again in their Senate-House ; Thus doing
them Honour, for their Noble Breach of our Laws ; And signifying
to the Nation what Qualifications arc Expected in those whom
they Choose to Represent them ; and in whose hands they have
Deposited the Absolute and Un-Accountable Disposal of their Estates,
Lives, and Liberties ! At least, it is so understood. And the Silence
of the People in this Case, is taken for Consent.
128
THE
SEVERAL DECLARATIONS
MADE IN
COUNCIL
CONCERNING THE
mijct)) of tl)e iartnce of malts.
1688.
JilSTORY IS BUT THE jJ^ROLLED ^CROLL OP J^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1885.
This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
\
The Several
DECLARATIONS
Together with the Several
DEPOSITIONS
MADE IN
C OUNCIL
On Monday, the 22d of October 1688.
CONCERNING
The BIRTH
OF THE
PRINCE OF WALES.
N.B. — Thofe Mark'd with this Mark * are
Roman Catholicks.
London: Printed, and Sold by the Bookfellers of
London and Wejtminjier.
AT THE
COUNCIL- CHAMBER
IN
WHITEHALL,
Monday the 22M* of O£foher, 1688.
'T^His Day an Extraordinary Council met, where were
likewife Prefent, by his Majefty's Defire and Ap-
pointment, Her Majefty the Queen Dowager, and fuch of
the Peers of this Kingdom, both Spiritual and Temporal,
as were in Town. And alfo the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men of the City of London ; the Judges, and feveral of
Their Majefties Council Learn'd, hereafter Named.
The King's moft Excellent Majefty.
Her Majefty the Queen Dowager in a Chair, placed on the King's
Right Hand.
His R. H. Pr. George of Denmark,
Lord Chancellor,
Lord Prefident,
Lord Privy Seal,
Earl of Craven,
Earl of Berkeley,
Duke of Hamilton,
Lord Chamberlain,
Earl of Oxford,
Earl of Huntingdon,
Earl of Peterborow,
Earl of Salifbury,
Sic,
33
6 Ube (^laren^on Ibtstorical Socteti^ IReprtnts.
Earl of Rochefter,
Earl of Moray,
Earl of Middleton,
Earl of Mel fort,
Earl of Caftlemain,
Vifcount Prefton,
Lord Bellafyfe,
Lord Godolphin,
Lord Dover,
Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Mafter of the Rolls,
L. Ch. Juftice Herbert,
Sir Thomas Strickland,
Sir Nicholas Butler,
Mr. Titus,
Lord A. B. of Canterbury,
Duke of Norfolk,
Duke of Grafton,
Duke of Ormond,
Duke of Northumberland,
Marquefs of Halyfax,
Earl of Pembroke,
Earl of Clarendon
Earl of Cardigan,
Earl of Ailefbury,
Earl of Burlington,
Earl of Litchfield,
Earl of Feversham,
Earl of Nottingham,
Vifcount Newport,
Vifcount Weymouth,
Bifhop of London,
Bifhop of Winchefter,
Biftiop of Rochester,
Bifhop of Chefter,
Bifhop of St. Davids,
Lord North.
Lord Chandos,
Lord Montagu,
Lord Herbert of Chirbury,
Lord Vaughan Earl of Carbery,
Lord Colepepcr,
Lord Churchill,
Lord Waldegravc.
The Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London.
Sir Robert Wright, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench.
Sir Thomas Powel,
Sir Thomas Baldock,
Sir Thomas Street,
Sir Edward Lutwich,
Sir Thomas Jennor,
Sir Richard Heath,
Sir Charles Ingleby,
Sir John Rotheram,
Sir John Maynard,
Sir John Holt,
Sir Ambrofc Philips,
134
J- Juftices of the King's Bench.
V Juftices of the Common Pleas.
!- Barons of the Exchequer.
J- His Majcftics Serjeants at Law.
Ube Birtb ot tbe prince ot Males, 7
Sir Thomas Powis, His Majefty's Attorney General.
Sir William Williams, His Majefty's Solicitor General.
Sir James Butler.
Mr. North, the Queen's Attorney.
Mr. Montagu, the Queen's Solicitor.
Sir Charles Porter.
To whom His Majefty ipake to this Effeft.
My Lords,
T Have called you together upon a very extraordinary Occalion ;
"*' but extraordinary Difeafes muft have extraordinary Remedies.
The Malicious Endeavours of my Enemies have fo poifoned the
Minds of fome of my Subjects, that by the Reports I have from all
hands I have Reafon to believe that very many do not think this Son
with which God hath blefTed Me, to be Mine, but a Suppofed Child.
But I may fay, that by particular Providence, fcarce any Prince was
ever Born where there were fo many Perfons prefent.
I have taken this time to have the Matter Heard and Examined
here, Expedling that the Prince of Orange, with the firft Eafterly
Wind, will invade this Kingdom ; and as I have often ventured My
Life for the Nation before I came to the Crown fo I think My Self
more obliged to do the fame, now I am KING ; and do intend to go
in Perfon againft him, whereby I may be expofed to Accidents, and
therefore I thought it nec'effary to have this now done, in order to
fatiffie the minds of My Subjefts, and to prevent this Kingdom's
being engaged in Blood and Confufion after My Death, defiring to do
always what may contribute moft to the Eafe and Quiet of my
Subje6ls, which I have fhewed by Securing to them their Liberty
of Confcience, and the Enjoyment of their Properties, which I will
always preferve.
I have Delired the Queen Dowager to give Her Self the trouble to
come hither, to Declare what fhe knows of the Birth of My Son,
and moft of the Ladies, Lords, and other Perfons who were prefent,
are ready here to Depofe upon Oath their Knowledge of this Matter.
Whereupon the Queen Dowager was pleafed to fay,
'T^Hat when the King sent for her to the Queen's Labour, ihe came
-*- as foon as fhe could, and never ftirred from her till fhe was
Delivered of the Prince of Wales, Catherine R.
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8 XTbe (riaren&on ibiBtorlcal Society IReprtnts.
And the following Depofitions were all taken upon Oath.
Elizabeth Lady Marchionefs of Powis, Depofeth,
'T'Hat about the 29th of December laft, the Queen was likely to
Mifcarry ; whereupon (he immediately went unto her, and
offered her fome effedlual Remedies, which are made ufc of on the
like occafion ; which the Queen ordred this Deponent to acquaint the
Doctors with. The day following the Queen Dowager fent this
Deponent to fee how the Queen did ; who replied, She had a pretty
good Night, and did think fhe had Quickned, but would not be pofi-
tive till she felt it again ; That after this the Deponent did frequently
wait on the Queen in the Morning, and did fee her Shift her feveral
days, and generally faw the Milk, and fometimes Wet upon her
Smock. That fome time, after this Deponent went into the
Country, and came not up till a few days before the Queen
was brought to Bed ; and from the time of this Deponents
Return, fhe faw the Queen every day till (he was brought to
Bed, and was in the Room a Quarter of an hour before, and
at the time of her Delivery of the Prince by Mrs. Wilks Her
Majesty's Midwife, which this Deponent faw, and immediately went
with the Prince, carried by Mrs. Delabadie into the Queen's little
Bed-chamber, where fhe faw Sir Thomas Witherly fent for by the
Midwife, who gave the Child Three Drops of fomething which came
into the World with him, which this Deponent faw done ; And this
Deponent doth Aver, this Prince to be the fame Child which was
then Born, and that fhe has never been from him one day fince.
• Eliz. Powis.
Anne Countefs of Aran Depofeth,
'T'Hat she went to the Queen from Whitehall to St. James's as foon
-*- as fhe heard that her Majefly was in Labour ; when fhe came,
fhe found the Queen in Bed, complaining of little Pains ; The Lady
Sunderland, Lady Rofcomon, Mrs. Labadic, and the Midwife, were
on that fide of the Bed where the Queen lay ; and this Deponent,
with a great many others, flood on the other fide all the time till the
Queen was Delivered ; As foon as her Majefly was delivered fhe faid,
O Lord I don't hear the Child Cry, and immediately upon that, this
Deponent did hear it Cry, and faw the Midwife take the Child out
of the Bed, and give it to Mrs. Labadic, who carried it into the little
Bed-Chamber, where fhe, this Deponent, followed her, and saw
136
Ube JBtttb ot tbe prince ot Males.
that it was a Son, and that likewife Ihe, the Deponent, hath
feveral times feen Milk run out upon the Queen's Smock during
her being with Child. A. Aran.
Penelope Countefs of Peterborow Dcpofeth,
'TPHat fhe was often with the Queen, while Her Majefty was laft
with Child, and faw the Milk often upon her Mafesty's Smock,
when fhe, the Deponent, took it off from the Queen ; and often faw
her Majefty's Belly fo as it could not be otherwife but that fhe was
with Child. That the faid Deponent flood by the Bedfide on the
loth of June lall in the Morning, while the Queen was Delivered of
the Prince of Wales. P. Peterborow.
Anne Countefs of Sunderland Dcpofeth,
' I ^Hat June the loth 1688, being Trinity Sunday, the Deponent
^ went to St. James's Chapel at eight of the Clock in the
Morning, intending to Receive the Sacrament ; but in the beginning
of the Communion Service, the Man which looks to the Chappel
came to the Deponent, and told her, fhe muft come to the Queen ;
The Deponent faid, fhe would as foon as Prayers were done ; In a
very little time after, another Man came up to the Altar to the
Deponent, and faid, the Queen was in Labour, and the Deponent
muft come to Her Majefty, who then went direftly to the Queens
Bed-Chamber. As foon as the Deponent came in, her Majefty told
her, this Deponent, fhe believ'd fhe was in Labour. By this time
the Bed was warmed, and the Queen went into Bed, and the King
came in. The Queen afked, if he had fent for the Queen Dowager ;
He faid he had fent for every Body. The faid Deponent ftood at the
Queen's Boulfter, the Lady Rofcommon, Mrs. Delabadie, and the
Midwife on that fide of the Bed, where the Queen was Delivered.
After fome lingring Pains, the Queen faid, fhe feared fhe fhould not
be brought to Bed a good while ; but enquiring of the Midwife, fhe
affured her Majefty, that flie wanted only one thorow Pain to bring
the Child into the World ; Upon which the Queen faid, It is
impoffible, the Child lies fo high, and commanded this Deponent to
lay her Hand on her Majefty's Belly, to feel how high the Child lay,
which the Deponent did ; but foon after a great Pain came on at paft
Nine of the Clock, and the Queen was Delivered ; which the Mid-
wife by pulling the Deponent by the Coat, affured her was a Son, it
being the Sign fhe told the Deponent fhe would give her, the Queen
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lo Zbc Clarendon Ibistodcal Society IReprtnts*
having charged her not to let her Majcfty know prefently, whether it
was a Son or Daughter. As foon as the Midwife had given the
Deponent the Sign, the Deponent made a Sign to the King that it
was a Son. When the Midwife had done her Office, fhe gave the
Child to Mrs. Delabadie, which was a Son, and Ihe carried it into
the little Bcd-chambcr. A. Sunderland.
Ifabella Countefs of Rofcommon Deposeth,
n^Hat on the loth of June laft, fhe flood by the Lady Sunderland
in the Queens Bed-Chamber, while the Queen was in Labour,
and faw the Prince of Wales, when he was taken out of the Bed by
the Midwife. L. Rofcommon.
Margaret Countefs of Fingall Depofeth,
rriHat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager her Miflrefs into the
-*- Queens Bed-Chamber at St. James's, when the Queen was in
Labour, and flood by the Bed's Feet, when her Majcfty was Delivered
of the Prince. That the Deponent faw the Prince carried away into
another Room, and foon after follow'd, and faw him in that Room.
* Marg. Fingall.
Lady Sophia Bulkeley Depofeth,
npHat fhe was fcnt for on Trinity Sunday laft paft about Eight a
-'- Clock in the Morning to go to St. James's ; for the Man that
came, faid the Queen was in Labour, and he, and others were fent to
call every Body. That this Deponent made as much haft as fhe could
to rife and be drcfs'd, but did not get to the Queen's Bed-chamber
until a little after Nine a Clock, and then this Deponent found the
Queen in her Bed, and the Queen Dowager there fet upon a Stole,
and fome of the Ladies about her. After this Deponent having ftaid
a little while, and thinking the Queen in no ftrong Pain, fhe, this
Deponent, went out, and, being next to the Room where the Queens
Linen was a warming, heard a noifc, ind look'd to fee what was the
matter, and finding no Body there, this Deponent ran and found the
Lord Feverlliam in the Queen's little Bed-Chamber, who told this
Deponent the Child was juft born ; This Deponent afk'd him, what
is it ? His Lordfhip faid he could not tell. So this Deponent ran on
to the Queens Bcd-fide, and heard the Queen fay to the Midwife,
Pray, Mrs. Wilks, don't part the Child (which fignifies, don't cut the
Navel-String, until the after-Birth is come awav.) And while the
138
XTbe :iBirtb of tbe prince ot Males. i »
Queen was with Child, this Deponent had heard her Majefly Command
her Midwife not to do otherwife, it being counted much the fafeft
way ; but to what the Queen faid juft then (to the beft of this
Deponent's Remembrance) Mrs. Wilks replied, Pray Madam, give me
leave, for I will do nothing, but what will be fafe for your Self and
Child ; The Queen Anfwered, Do then, and then cry'd where is the
King gone? His Majefty came immediately from the other fide of
the Bed (from juft having a fight cf the Child) and anfwered the
Queen, Here I am ; the Queen faid. Why do you leave me now ?
The King kneeled on the Bed, on that fide where the Deponent
ftood, and a little after the Midwife faid, all is now come fafe away ;
Upon that the King rofe from the Bed, and faid. Pray my Lords,
come and fee the Child : The King follow'd Mrs. Labadie, and the
Lords His Majefty, into the little Bed-Chamber, where this Deponent
follow'd alfo, and faw as well as they, that it was a Prince, and that
Mrs. Wilks was in the right to defire to part the Child, For the
Prince's Face, efpecially his Forehead was blackifh, being ftunn'd, as
I have feen fome other Children, when they have been juft newly
come into the World ; but God be thanked, in two hours time that
he was drefs'd and wafli'd, (which the Deponent ftaid by and faw
done) the Prince look'd very frefti and well. This Deponent doth
further add, That all the while, the Queen was with Child, this
Deponent had the honour to pay her Duty very often Mornings
and Nights, in waiting upon her Majefty in her Drefling Room and
Bed-Chamber, and for the laft three or four Months, this Deponent
hath oftentimes feen the Queen's Milk, as well as when this Deponent
hath had the honour to put on her Majefty's Smock.
S. Bulkcly.
Sufanna Lady Bellafyfe Depofeth,
nnHat on Trinity Sunday the loth of June laft, the Deponent's
-^ Servant feeing the Queen Dowager's Coaches in St. James's at
an unufual hour, went and afked the Occafion, and was told the
Qujen was in Labour; whereupon flie came into the Deponent's
Chamber, and awaked her ; That the Queen having come to Lodge
at St. James's but the Night before, they being in a great hurry, forgot
to call the Deponent as her Majefty had ordered ; That the Deponent
made all the hafte ftie could into her Majefties Bed-Chamber ; and
found the Queen in Bed, and Mrs. Wilks her Majefty's Midwife,
fitting by the Bedfide, with her hands in the Queen's Bed ; The
Queen afked her the faid Midwife, what Ihe thought? Mrs. Wilks
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12 xrbe Clatenbon Ibtstorical Society IReprints.
alTured her Majefty, that at the next great Pain the Child would be
born ; Whereupon the King ordered the Privy-Councellours to be
called in ; That this Deponent ftood behind the Midwife's Chair,
and immediately after the Queen's having another great Pain, the Prince
was Born ; That this Deponent faw the Child taken out of the Bed
with the navel firing hanging to its Belly ; That this Deponent
opened the Receiver, and faw it was a Son, and not hearing the Child
cry, and feeing it a little black, fhe was afraid it was in a Convulfion
Fit.
S. Bellafyfe.
Henrietta Lady Waldgrave, Depofeth,
'T^Hat fhe was in the Queen's Bed-Chamber a quarter of an hour
before her Majefly was delivered, and flanding by the Bedfide,
fhe faw the Queen in Labour, and heard her cry out much.
* Henrietta Waldgrave.
Mrs. Mary Crane one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-
Chamber to the Queen Dowager, Doposeth,
^T^Hat fhe went with the Queen Dowager to the Queen's Labour
"^ on the loth of June laft, and never flirred out of the Room till
the Queen was Delivered.
That this Deponent did not follow the Child, when it was firft
carried out of the Room, but flaid in the Bed-Chamber, and faw all
that was to be feen after the Birth of a Child. That fhe, the
Deponent, then went to fee the Prince, and found him look ill, and
immediately went to the King, and told his Majesty fhe feared the
Child was fick ; that his Majefly went immediately to the Prince, and
came back and faid it was a milleke, the Child was very well.
* Mary Crane.
Dame Ifabella Wentworth, one of the Gentlewomen of the
Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Deposeth,
rpHat file often faw the Milk of her Majefty's Breafl upon her
-*- Smock, at which the Queen was troubled, it being a common
faying, that it was a fign the Child would not live. And that (he,
the Deponent, did once feel the Child stir in the Queen's Belly while
her Majefly was in Bed, and that fhe was prefcnt when the Child
was Born, and flaid till flic heard it cry, and then went to fetch
Vinegar for the Queen to fmell to; flie, the Deponent, heard the
Queen command the Midwife not to tell her of what Sex it was, for
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ITbe JStttb ot tbe prince ot Males. 1 3
fear of furprizing her Majefty : When the Deponent brought the
Vinegar, Ihe did defire to fee the Child, Mrs. Delabadie having it in
her Arms. The Child looked black, whereupon the Deponent
delired Do6lor Waldegrave to look to it, believing it was not well :
That the Deponent faw the Navel-ftring of the Child cut, and three
drops of the Blood, which came frefh out, given to him for the
the Convulfion Fits.
Ifabella Wentworth,
Dame Catherine Sayer, one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed
Chamber to the Queen Dowager, Depofeth,
^ I ^Hat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager to the Queen's Labour,
-^ and was all the time by the Bedfide, and flood there, till the
Queen was Delivered, and follow'd the Child, when it was carried by
Mrs. Delabadie to the Bed-Chamber, and took a warm Napkin and
laid it on the Child's Breaft, believing the Child was not well.
Catherine Sayer.
Dame Ifabella Waldegrave, one of the Gentlewomen of the
Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Depofeth,
rpHat fhe was conflantly with the Queen, her Majefly was likely
-■- to mifcarry, and had often feen Milk in her Majefty's Breafl,
and was with the Queen at the time of her Labour with the Prince,
and faw the Prince taken out of the Bed, and went after Mrs.
Delabadie with the Prince in her Arms into the little Bed-Chamber,
and was by when the Child was fhewn to the King that it was a Son;
and this Deponent took the After-burden, and put it into a Bafon of
Water, and carried it into the Queen's Clofet.
* Ifabella Waldgrave.
Mrs. Margaret Dawfon, one of the Gentlewomen of the
Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Depofeth,
rpHat on the Tenth of June laft, in the Morning, fhe was fent for
-*- by the Queen out of St. James's Chappel, where fhe was at
Prayers, and that coming up into the Queen's Chamber, fhe found
her fitting all alone upon a Stool by the Bed's-head, when the Queen
faid to her, this Deponent, fhe believed her felf in Labour, and bid
her, the Deponent, get the Pallat Bed, which flood in the next Room,
to be made ready quickly for her ; but that Bed having never been
aired, the Deponent perfwaded the Queen not to make ufe of it :
141
H TLbc Clarenbon Iblstortcal Society IReprints.
After which the Queen bid the Deponent make ready the Bed (he
came out of, which was done accordingly. The Deponent further
faith, That fhe faw fire carried into the Queen's Room in a Warming-
Pan to warm the Bed, after which the Queen went into her Bed, and
that the Deponent ftirrcd not from the Queen until her Majefty was
delivered of a Son. That fhe the Deponent, well remembers, that
on the 29th of December laft her Majefty was afraid of Mifcarrying,
which was about the time Ihe quickned ; and that after the Queen had
gone 22 Weeks with Child, her Majefty's Milk began to run, which
fhe the Deponent often faw upon her Smock, and that the 9th of May
her Majefty apprehended mifcarrying again with a Fright.
Margaret Dawfon.
Mrs. Elizabeth Bromley, One of the Gentlewomen of the
Bed-chamber to the Queen, depofeth,
'TpHat flie was fick all Winter, till a little before Eaftcr laft, when
•^ Ihe the Deponent came into Waiting ; That from that Time
till the Queen was brought to Bed, ftic the Deponent faw the Queen
put on her Smock every Morning, by which means ftie faw the Milk
conftantly fall out of her Majefty's Breafts, and obferved the Bignefs
of her Majefty's Belly, which could not be counterfeit. That the
Deponent came from Whitehalto the Queen's Labour to St. James's the
Tenth of June laft, and remained in theroomtill theQueen wasdelivered
and afterwards ; but did not follow the Child, till fome time after,
when ftie the Deponent went to fee what colour'd Eyes he had.
Elizabeth Bromley.
Mrs. Peligrina Turini, One of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-
chamber to the Queen, depofeth,
'"P^Hat file conftantly attended the Queen, when flie was laft with
-*- Child, and that on the Tenth of June laft, ftie was in Waiting
on her Majefty, who called her on the faid Tenth of June in the
Morning, and told her the Deponent, flie was in Pain, and Bid her
fend for the Midwife, her Ladies and Servants, after which flie the
Deponent stay'd with the Queen during her Labour, and until ftie
was delivered of the Prince of Wales.
* The Mark of Pclegrina X Turini.
142
i
I
XTbe mvtb oi tbe prince ot Males* 15
Mrs. Anna Gary, One of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-
chamber to the Queen Dowager, depofeth,
' I "*Hat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager from Somerfet-houfe to
St. James the Day the Queen was brought to Bed, and went
into the Queen's Bed-chamber, where flie this Deponent ftay'd, till
the Queen was deliver'd, and faw the Prince as foon as he was born.
* Anna Gary.
Mrs. Mary Anne Delabadie, Dry Nurfe to the Prince,
Depofeth,
'"T^Hat she was with the Queen all the time her Majefty was with
Ghild, and drefs'd her every Day, and in all the Nine Months
did not mifs above Six Days, and that at feveral times by reafon of
Sicknefs.
That on Sunday morning the loth of June last, fhe the Deponent
was fent for to the Queen, who was in Labour, That the Deponent
came prefently, and was with the Queen all the Time of her Labour,
and that kneeling down by the Midwife, giving her Gloaths for the
Queen, the Midwife told this Deponent, that immediately on the
next Pain, the Queen would be delivered, which accordingly flie was.
That this Deponent whifper'd to the Midwife, afking whether it was
a Girl, Ihe anfwered. No ; whereupon the Midwife parted the Ghild,
and put it into the Receiver (that the Deponent had given her) and
then delivered the Ghild to the Deponent, and bid her go and carry
it to the Fire, and take care of the Navel, which this Deponent did,
and the King and Gouncil followed her, and the King afked this
Deponent, what it was, who anfwered, what he delired ; the King
replyed. But let me fee, whereupon the Deponent prefently (hewed
his Majefty that it was a Son, and the Privy Gounfellours then prefent
faw it one after another. The Deponent fat with the Prince in her
Lap, till the Midwife had done with the Queen, then the Midwife
came and took the Prince from this Deponent, and afked for a Spoon
for to give it three Drops of the Blood of the Navel-ftring, which
the Midwife cut off by the Advice of the Phyficians, who said, it was
good againft Fits. That the Deponent held the Spoon when the
Midwife dropp'd the Blood into it, and ftirred it with a little Black
Gherry Water, and then it was given to the Prince ; that the Queen
fent for this Deponent, and gave her the Prince to take care of him in
quality of Dry Nurfe, which fhe has hitherto done ; and further de-
pofeth it to be the fame Ghild that was born of the Queen. And that
H3
1 6 xrbe Clatenbon Ibtstorical Soctetp IReprints.
Mrs. Danvers, one of the Princefs of Denmark's Women, and formerly
Nurfe to the Lady Ifabella, coming to fee the Prince, fhe told this
Deponent, Ihe was glad to fee the fame Marks upon his Eye, as the
Queen's former Children had.
• Mary Anne Delabadie.
Mrs. Judith Wilks depofeth,
' I ^Hat being the Queen's Midwife, fhc came often to her, efpecially
when her Majefty was in any Danger of mifcarrying, and many
times felt the Child ftir in her Belly, and faw the Milk run out of
her Majefty's breafts ; that on Trinity Sunday laft in the Morning
about Eight of the Clock, the Quccn fent Mr. White, Page of the
Back-stairs, to call her this Deponent, believing her felf in Labour ;
when the Deponent came, fhe found the Queen in great Pain and
Trembling ; the Queen told her flic feared it was her Labour, it being
near the time of her firft Reckoning, flie the Deponent defired her
Majefty not to be afraid, faying, flie did not doubt that it was her full
Time, and hoped her Majefty would have as good Labour as fhe always
had ; and whilft her Majefty was fitting trembling, her Water broke,
and immediately she fcnt for the King, he being gone to his own
Side, and let him know in what Condition fhe was, and defired him
to fend for whom he pleafed to be prefent. The Queen ordered this
Deponent to fend for Mrs. Dawfon and the reft of her Women; Mrs.
Dawfon came prefently, and the Countcfs of Sunderland with her,
and the reft of the Women alfo ; that moft of them faw her this
Deponent make the Bed fit for the Quccn to be delivered in ; which
when it was ready her Majefty was put into, and about Ten a Clock
that Morning, the Queen was delivered of the Prince of Wales by
her this Deponent's AfTiftance, and afterwards flie the Deponent
fhewed the After-burthen to the Phyficians, and before them the
Deponent cut the Navel-ftring, and gave the Prince Three Drops of
his Blood, to prevent Convulfion Fits, according to their Order. And
this Deponent further faith. That when the Child was born, it not
crying, the Queen faid fhe thought it was dead, this Deponent afTurcd
her Majefty it was not, and defired Leave to part the Child from the
After-burthen : Which the Queen was unwilling to have done,
thinking it might be dangerous to her fclf; but the Deponent
afTuring her Majefty it would not, her Majefty gave Confcnt ; where-
upon the Child prefently cryed, and then the Deponent gave it to
Mrs. Labadic.
144 • Judith Wilkes.
I
I
Zbc Birtb ot tbe iprince ot Males, 17
Mrs. Elizabeth Pearfe, Laundrefs to the gueen, Depofeth,
npHat about Nine of the Clock on the loth of June laft in the
-■- Morning, fhe came into the Bed-chamber, and heard the Queen
cry out, being in great Pain, in which flie continued until her delivery;
after which fhe the Deponent faw the Prince of Wales given by the
Midwife to Mrs. Labadie ; that immediately after the Deponent faw
the Midwife hold up the After-burthen, Ihewing it to the Company,
and then the Deponent fetch'd her Maids, and with them took away
all the foul Linnen hot as they came from the Queen ; That for a
Month after her Majefty's Lying-in, the Deponent well knows by the
wafhing of her Linnen, that the Queen was in the fame Condition
that all other Women ufe to be on the like Occafion ; and that fome
time after her quick'ning it appeared by her Smocks, that her Majefty
had Milk in her Breafts, which continued until Ihe was brought to
Bed, and afterwards during the ufual Time.
Elizabeth Pearfe.
Frances Dutchefs of Richmond and Lenox, depofeth,
'T^Hat fhe the Deponent was not at the Queen's Labour, becaufe
fhe did not know it Time enough, but as foon as fhe did, fhe
made all the Hafte fhe could to drefs her ; but the Queen was
delivered before fhe the Deponent came ; And that at a Time when
the Queen apprehended fhe fhould mifcarry, and the Phyficians made
her Majefty keep her Bed for that Reafon, the Deponent went one
Evening to wait upon her Majefty, and as fhe ftood by her Bed-fide,
her Majefty faid to her. My Milk is now very troublefome, it runs
fo much. The Deponent afked the Queen if it ufed to do fo ; who
anfwered. It ufed to run a little, but now the Fright I am in of
mifcarrying, makes it run out very much, as you may fee, throwing
down the Bed Cloaths to the Middle of her Stomach, and fhewing
her Smock upon her Breaft to the faid Deponent, which was very
wet with her Milk.
* F. Richmond and Lenox.
Charlotte, Countefs of Litchfield, depofeth,
'T^Hat fhe was not at the Queen's Labour, (being in Child-bed her
■^ felf) but that fhe was almoft conftantly with the Queen, while
fhe was with Child, and hath put on her Smock, and feen the Milk
T 145
i8 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society TReprints.
run out of her Brcaft, and felt her Belly, fo that fhe is fure that fhe
could not be deceived, but that the Queen was with Child.
• C. Litchfield.
Anne Countefs of Marifchall, depofeth,
'TpHat Ihe was feveral times in the Queen's Bed-chamber when flic
fhifted her felf and hath feen her Smock ftain'd with her
Milk ; That fhe was not at the Queen's Labour, tho' fent to by One
of her Ladies, being lick of a Fever ; but does in her Confcience
believe her Majefty was with Child, both by her Belly and her Milk.
A. Marifchall.
George Lord Jeffreys, Lord Chancellour of England, depofeth,
'T^Hat he being fent for to St. James's on the Tenth of June laftby
a MefTcnger that left Word the Queen was in Labour ; foon
after he, this Deponent, came to St. James's, and was fent for into the
Queen's Bed-chamber, and to the beft of his, the Deponent's Appre-
henfion, the Queen was in Labour, and had a Pain or two to the befl
of his, the Deponent's Remembrance, before the refl of the Lords
were called in. The Deponent flood all the time at the Queen's
Bedfide, and heard her cry out feveral Times as Women in Travail
ufe to do, and at length after a long Pain, it was by fome of the
Women on the other Side of the Bed, faid the Child was born. The
Deponent heard the Queen fay, fhe did not hear it cry. The
Deponent immediately afk'd the Lord Prefident what it was, he
whifpered that it was a Boy, which the Deponent underftood he had
hinted to him by the Lady Sunderland. Immediately the Deponent
faw a Gentlewoman, who he had fince heard her Name to be Mrs.
Labadie, carry the Child into another Room, whither the Deponent
followed, and faw the Child when fhe firfl opened it, and faw it was
black and reeking ; fo that it plainly fcemed to this Deponent to have
been newly come from the Womb. The Deponent doth therefore
depofe, he doth fleadfaflly believe the Queen was delivered of that
Child that very Morning.
Jeffreys C.
Robert Earl of Sunderland, Lord Prefident of His Majcfly*s
Privy Council, and Principal Secretary of State, depofeth,
npHat on Sunday Morning the loth of June lafl, he was fent to,
•^ to come to St. James's the Queen being in Labour. The
Deponent immediately went, and found many of the Council there.
146
Uhc mvtb oi tbe prince ot Males^ 19
After having been fome time in an outward Room, firft the Lord
Chancellour, and then the reft of the Council were called into the
Queen's Bed-chamber, where in a fhort time her Majefty was brought
to bed. The Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie carry the Child into the
next Room, whither the Deponent followed, with many more, and faw
it was a Son, and had the Marks of being new born.
Sunderland P.
Henry Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Privy Seal, depofeth,
n^Hat on the loth of June laft, being Sunday, he had Notice given
him that the Queen was in Labour, whereupon the Deponent
repaired to St. James's betwixt Nine and Ten of the Clock in the
Morning, where he found feveral Lords of the Council ; in a little
time after they were all called into the Queen's Bed-chamber ; in lefs
than a Quarter of an Hour after, Ihe fell into the Sharpnefs of her
Labour, her cries were fo vehement and efpecially the laft, that the
Deponent could not forbid himfelf the being concern'd for her great
Pain ; which the Deponent exprelTing to the Lord Chancellour, he
told the Deponent it was a Sign Her Majesty would the fooner be
delivered, or Words to that Purpose, which proved very true, for
prefently after fhe was fo ; the Deponent heard a Whifpering up and
down that it was a Prince, for no Man was permitted to fpeak it aloud,
left the sudden Knowledge of it might have discomposed the Queen ;
the Deponent did not go in with fome Lords when the Child was
carry'd into the next Room, which was the Occafion the Deponent
did not fee him when he was uncovered and drefs'd.
* Arundel C. P. S.
John Earl of Mulgrave, Lord Chamberlain of His Majefty's
Houftiold, faith, it is not to be expected one of his Sex
fhould be able to give full Evidence in fuch a Matter,
but depofeth,
n^Hat he was juft at the Bed's Feet, and heard the Queen cry very
much, then the Deponent followed the Child into the other
Room, and it feemed a little black ; the Deponent alfo faw it was a
Boy.
Mulgrave.
William Earl of Craven, depofeth,
rpHat he attended the King at St. James's, the loth of June laft, in
-■- the Morning, to receive the Word of his Majefty; the King
had Notice brought him, that the Queen was upon the Point of
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20 ubc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Societi^ IReprtnts.
falling into Labour, upon which the King commanded this Deponent's
Stay and Attendance; and after the Space of One Hour and fomething
more, this Deponent was, with fome other Lords of his Majefty's
Privy Council, called into the Queen's Great Bed-chamber to be
prefent at her Delivery, and as near as this Deponent can remember,
the Queen made Three Groans or Squeaks, and at the Laft of Three
was delivered of a Child ; the which was carry'd out into the Little
Bed-chamber ; and there by the Fire this Deponent faw it cleanfing:
and this Deponent further faith, that he took that particular Mark of
this Child, that he may fafely averr, that the Prince of Wales is that
very Child that then was fo brought out of the Queen's Great Bed-
chamber, where this Deponent and others were prefent, as aforefaid,
at her Majefty's Labour and Delivery.
Craven.
Lewis Earl of Feverlham, Lord Chamberlain to her Majefty
the Queen Dowager, depofeth,
f I ^Hat being in Bed upon the loth of June between 8 and 9 a
Clock in the Morning, Mr. Nicholas, One of his Majefty's
Grooms of his Bed-chamber, came into this Deponent's Room, and
told him that the King had fent him to tell the Queen Dowager,
that the Queen was in Labour, and told him further that the Queen
Dowager had given Order for her Coach, as foon as ftie heard the
news of the Queen's Labour. The Deponent drelTed himfelf with
all fpeed, and came to wait upon the Queen Dowager, who was ready
to go into her Coach, as Ihe did; the Deponent went into One of her
Coaches to wait upon her Majefty as he us'd to do, having the
Honour to be her Lord Chamberlain ; we went to St. James's, and
then led her Majefty into the Queen's Bed-chamber, and finding the
Queen in Pain, the Deponent went into the next Room, where were
feveral Lords of the Privy Council, from whence the Deponent heard
the Queen cry out feveral times, and a very little after the Lords of
the Council were called in, and the Deponent followed them into the
Bed-chamber, and a very little after the Queen cry'd louder, and then
faid. Pray do not tell me what it is yet. The Deponent went out of
the Room, to tell the News that the Queen was brought to Bed ; and
when the Deponent came in again, the News was, that it was a
Prince ; and immediately the Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie with the
Child wrapt up in her Hands, and in the Crowd ; upon which the
148
Uhc JBtrtb ot tbe prince ot Males. 21
Deponent defir'd to make room for the Prince, and followed her into
the Little Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw the Prince as a
Child newly-born, as he believed it.
Fcverfham.
Alexander Earl of Morray, depofeth,
^T^Hat he came not to St. James's till half an Hour after the Queen
was brought to bed, and only heard that her Majefty was brought
to Bed of a Prince, which the Deponent verily believes, as he is alive,
Ihe brought into the World that very Morning, being the loth of
June laft, 1688.
* Morray.
Charles Earl of Middleton, One of his Majefty's principal
Secretaries of State, depofeth,
n^Hat the loth of June laft paft, betwixt 8 and 9 of the Clock in
the Morning, he had Notice that the Queen's Majefty was in
Labour, whereupon the Deponent made what Hafte he could to St.
James's ; the Deponent found the Earl of Craven waiting at the
Queen's Bed-chamber Door towards the Drawing-room, which was
then fhut; juft after the King opened it, and called the Earl of Craven
and the Deponent in ; the Deponent afked his Majefty, how the
gueen was ? He was pleafed to anfwer the Deponent, you are a
married man, and fo may know thefe Matters ; the Water is broke or
come away, or to that efFeft ; and then bid the Deponent go into the
Dreffing-room within the Bed-chamber, where the Deponent found
feveral Perfons of Quality ; above half an Hour after, to the beft of
this Deponent's Memory, all the Company in that Room were called
into the Bed-chamber j the Deponent ftood near the Bed's Feet on the
left Side, where he heard the Queen's Groans, and prefently after
feveral loud Shrieks ; the laft, the Deponent remembers continued fo
long, that he then wondred how any Body could hold their Breath fo
long; prefently after the Deponent heard them fay, the Queen was
delivered : whereupon the Deponent ftepped up to the Bed fide, and
faw a Woman, he fuppofes, the Midwife, kneeling at the other Side of
the Bed, who had her Hands and Arms within the Bed-cloaths for a
pretty while, then the Deponent faw her fpread a Cloth upon her
Lap, and laid the End of it over the Bed-cloaths, and then fetch a
Child (as the Deponent firmly believes, for he could not then fee it)
out of the Bed into that Cloth, and give it to Mrs. Labadie, who
brought it round to the Side where the Deponent ftood, and carry'd
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it into a little Room, into which the Deponent immediately followed
the King, and faw her fit down by the Fire, and heard her fay, It is a
Boy ; upon which the King faid, Let me fee it, thereupon (he laid
open the Cloth, and fhewed all the Child, faying, There's what you
wilh to fee ; the Deponent doth not charge his Memory with the
very Words, but the Sense of what he heard. The Deponent looked
upon the Child at the fame time, which appeared to be very foul.
This Deponent defireth Pardon if he doth not know the proper
ExpreiTion, but hopes his Meaning is plain.
Middleton.
John Earl of Melfort, depofeth,
THat on Sunday the loth of June laft, betwixt 8 and 9 in the
Morning, the Deponent was informed, that the Queen was in
Labour ; the Deponent went to St. James's and waited in the Queen's
Drawing-room till fome of the Gentlemen told him he might go in ;
the Deponent fcratched at the Door of the Bed chamber and finding
no Anfwer, he ran down by the Garden Side and came to the
Queen's Back-ftairs, and finding the DreiTing-room Door open, the
Deponent went into the Queen's Bed-chamber, where he faw a great
Number of Company, Lords and Ladies Handing about the Bed : the
Deponent heard the Queen cry out in great Pain, as Women ufe to
do when they are near being brought to Bed ; the Deponent heard
her complain, and a Woman's Voice which the Deponent thought to
be the Midwife, telling her fhe would be quickly well, fhe would be
brought to Bed immediately ; within a little the Deponent heard the
Ladies behind the Bed fay, the Queen was brought to Bed, and the
Queen cry out. The Child is dead, I do not hear it cry, and immedi-
ately the Child cryed ; within a little the Deponent faw a Woman
bring a Child from within the Bed ; the Deponent looked foearneftly
at the Child, that he knew not what Woman it was ; the Child was
in the Condition of a new born Child, lapp'd up in loofe Cloaths ;
the Deponent faw him carried into the Little Bed-chamber, and went
about by the Drcfling Room, and entrcd by the other Door into the
Room where the Prince was, and faw him in the Condition of a new
born Child ; and the Deponent by the Oath he hath taken, believes
him to be the Queen's Child.
• McIfort.
150
Ubc mvtb ot tbe prince ot Males. 23
Sidney Lord Godolphin, Lord Chamberlain to the Queen,
depofeth,
n^Hat he was called into the Queen's Bed-chamber, with the reft of
the Lords of the Council, being one of the laft; and the Queen
Dowager being there, and feveral Ladies, the Room was fo full that
the Deponent could not get near the Bed, but flood by the Chimney;
There the Deponent heard the Queen cry out feveral times, as
Women ufe to do that are in Labour : and the lall Cry that the
Deponent heard, was much greater than the other; immediately upon
that, the Deponent was called out of the Room, to give fome diredions
about the Lodgings that were preparing for the Child, which were
not ready; the Deponent made haft back again, but as he was coming,
he met People running with the News that the Queen was Deliver'd
of a Son, whereupon the Deponent went into the little Bed-chamber,
and faw the Child.
Godolphin.
Sir Stephen Fox, Knight, Depofeth,
^T^Hat on Sunday the loth of June laft paft, about 9 of the Clock,
as he came out of the Chappel at Whitehall after the firft
Sermon, hearing that the Queen was in Labour, he, the Deponent,
made hafte to St. James's, becaufe in waiting, as an Officer of the
Green Cloth, to warn the feveral Servants below Stairs to be in
their Offices, that upon that occalion there might not happen to
be any thing wanting of Houlhold Provilions and Neceffaries under
his, this Deponent's, Command; but firft going up by the Back-
Stairs, into her Majefty's Dreffing-Room, and being there with many
others, he heard her Majefty cry out very loudly ; whereupon this
Deponent haftned to the Green-Cloth, and ordered the feveral
Servants to deliver out of their feveral Offices whatfoever fhould be
called for, and as this Deponent was returning back to the Queen's
faid Dreffing-Room, he was told, A Prince was born : Upon which
News, He, this Deponent, went into the Queen's Little Bed-chamber,
and faw the young Child before he was drefs'd.
Ste. Fox.
Lieut. Col. Edward Griffin, depofeth,
rpHat upon Sunday the loth of June laft, he had the Honour to be
-'- in waiting upon the King with the Stick, and between 8 and 9
in the Morning, this Deponent was in the Queen's Dreffing Room at
24 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints.
St. James's, with feveral Lords of the Council, and after fomc time
we were there, the King came out of the Queen's Bed-chamber, and
called all the Lords in, and this Deponent went in along with them,
being in waiting ; immediately after the faid Lords and this Deponent
were in the Room ; the Queen cryed out extremely, and faid. Oh, I
die ; you kill me, you kill me : And the Midwife (as this Deponent
believeth) anfwered. This one Pain, Madam, and 'twill be over ; then
prefently Mrs. Dawfon made this Deponent the Sign that the Child
was born : Then this Deponent heard the Queen fay. Don't tell mc
what it is yet; and Mrs. Dawfon came to this Deponent, and
whifpered him in the Ear, 'Tis a Prince, but don't take notice of it
yet. Then Mrs. Delabadie brought away the Child from the Bed-
fide, and carry'd it into the Little Bed-chamber, and the King and
the Lords of the Council went after her, but this Deponent did not
follow them.
Edward Griffin.
Sir Charles Scarburgh, Firft Phyfician to the King, depofeth,
rr^Hat upon the Deponent's coming to Vifit Her Majefty then lying
-'- at St. James's on Sunday the loth of June, 1688, as the Deponent
went up the Back-ftairs, he heard the joyful Acclamation that a Prince
of Wales was Born, upon which the Deponent haftned prefently into
the Little Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent found Mrs. Labadie
juft fitting down before the Fire, with the new born Prince wrapped
in the Mantles, lying in her Lap. Then paffing to the Queen in the
next Bed-chamber, the Deponent congratulated the happy Birth of
the Prince, and her Majefty's fafe Delivery. The Queen was wearied
and panting, but otherwife in good Condition : Then the Midwife
brought to the Deponent the After-birth reeking warm, which Sir
Thomas Witherley with the Deponent examined, and found very found
and pcrfeft. After a while the Deponent underftood that a Medicine
was mentioned among the Ladies for a certain Remedy againft Convul-
fions : It was fome Drops of Blood from the Navel-ftring ; the
Deponent confultcd Sir Thomas Witherly and the other Phyficians ;
and to fatisfie the Women, it was allowed of; there being, as was
conceived, no Danger in the thing. Whereupon, the Midwife, with
a fmall knife, flit the Navel-ftring beyond the Ligature, from which
came fomc Drops of frcfli Blood, taken in a Spoon, and given the
Child, being mixed with a little Black-cherry-water. Thus much
the Deponent hath to fay upon her Majefty's prefent Delivery.
152
Zhc Btrtb oi tbe prince of Males. 25
Now for the Time of the Queen's Conception, fhe often told the
Deponent and others, that fhe had two Reckonings ; One, from
Tuefday the 6th of September, when the King returned from his
Progrefs to the Queen then at Bath ; and the other, fromThnrfday the
6th of Oftober, when the Queen came to the King at Windfor; but for
fome Reafons the Queen rather reckoned from the latter ; tho'
afterward it proved jufl to agree with the former. Moreover, her
Majefty, when, according to her reckoning, fhe was gone with Child
12 Weeks, faid. That Ihe was quick, and perceived the Child to move ;
the Deponent returned no Anfwer to the Queen, but privately told
thofe about her, that in truth it could not be in fo fhort a Time,
Yet the Queen was in the right, only miftook her Reckoning ; for
fhe was then full Sixteen Weeks gone with Child; about which
time fhe ufually quickned with her former Children, and accordingly
was brought to Bed on the loth of July i688, and within Three or
Four Days of full Forty Weeks.
Charles Scarburgh.
Sir Thomas Witherley, fecond Phyfician to the King,
depofeth,
rriHat on Sunday the loth of June, the Deponent was prefent in
-^ the Queen's Bed-chamber, when the Prince of Wales was born ;
the Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie bring the Child from the Midwife,
and carry him into the next Room, whither the Deponent followed
her, and faw the Child before he was cleaned ; and having a Com-
mand from the Queen, that there fhould be Two Drops of the Blood
of the After-burthen given the firft Thing ; we the faid Deponent
and the other Phyficians did take Two Drops of Blood from the Navel-
fb-ing which remained upon the Child, and gave it in a Spoonful of
Black-cherry-water, as the Queen commanded. After this the
Deponent faw (as alfo did the other Phyficians) the After-burthen
entire.
Tho. Witherley.
Sir William Waldgrave Knt. Her Majefly's firft Phyfician,
Depofeth,
rpHat in the Progrefs of Her Majefty's being with Child, the
-*- Deponent having the Honour to wait upon Her as ufual, upon
the 13th of February, 1687. about Ten in the Morning, fhe told the
Deponent, fhe had Milk in her Breafts which dropp'd out ; it was
then thought the 19th week according to One Reckoning, but
u 153
26 xibe Clarendon 1bl5torical Society "Keprints.
according to Another Reckoning, it was the One or Two and
Twentieth Week ; the Deponent alfo AfHrmeth, That her Majefty
took fuch Adftringent Medicines, during the moft part of her being
with Child, in order to avoid Mifcarriage ; That if fhe had not been
with Child, they muft have been Prejudicial to her Health, and of
dangerous Confequence. Upon the loth of June, 1688. the
Deponent was called at his Lodging in Whitehall to wait upon the
Queen, being told fhe was in Labour, upon which the Deponent
immediately went to St. James's, and fo into the Queen's Bed-
chamber, and found her beginning her Labour, it being about Eight
of the Clock in the Morning ; The Deponent ftirred not from thence,
but to get fuch Medicines as were fit for Her Majefty, and then
returned again, and was in the Bed-Chamber when Ihe Cried out, and
was Delivered ; the Deponent followed Mrs. Delabadie, who took the
Prince in her Arms fo foon as he was Born, and carried him into the
Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw him upon her Lap, and was
by when he took two or three drops of the Navel-ftring frefh warm
Blood, which was mixed with Black-Cherry-water, then returned
into the great Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw the After-
burthen frelh and warm.
♦.William Waldgrave.
Dr. Robert Brady, one of His Majefty's Phyficians in
Ordinary, Depofeth,
rriHat a little before Ten of the Clock in the Morning, on the
-*- Tenth of June 1688. the Deponent was in tbe Queen's little
Bed-Chamber at St. James's, where the Deponent faw the Prince of
Wales in Mrs. Labadie's Lap by the Fire fide ; the Deponent defired
to fee the Linnen and Blankets opened in which he was wrapped ;
which being done, the Deponent faw it was a Male Child, and the
Navel-ftring hanging down to, or below the Virile parts, with a
Ligature upon it, not far from the Body, but did not fee any After-
burthen hanging at, or joined to it not being at the Birth ; The
Deponent afked how long he had been Born, the ftandcrs by told
him, At three Quarters of an Hour after Nine of the Clock, the Queen
was Delivered.
Robert Brady.
>54
Zbc mittb of tbe prince of Males- 27
James St. Amand, their Maje flies Apothecary,
Depofeth,
n^Hat from the beginning of November laft, he hath generally every
-^ Day, till the 9th of June, 1688. given, by the Phyficians Orders,
Reftringent and Corroborating Medicines to the Queen's Majefty ;
That on the loth of June he was fent for in hafte to come to St James's
to her Majefty, w^ho, the Meffenger told him, was in Labour ;
That the Deponent then received a Note from the Phylicians for
Medicines for her Majefty, which the Deponent was obliged to ftay
and prepare, and fo came not to St. James's till the Queen was
Delivered; the Deponent meeting, juft as he was going into the Bed-
chamber, Mrs. Labadie with the Young Prince in her Arms ; the
KING, and feveral of the Lords, foon after following into the little Bed-
chamber ; where the Deponent faw the Child Naked, before it was
Cleanfed from the Impurities of his Birth ; and alfo faw the Navel-
ftring cut, and fome Drops of Frefh Blood received into a Spoon,
which the Deponent mingled with a little Black-Cherrv- Water, and
faw given by the Phylicians' Orders to the Child ; and afterwards
going into the Great Bed-Chamber, where the Queen was delivered,
he faw the After-burthen, &c. frefh.
Ja. St. Amand.
After thefe Depofitions were taken. His Majefty was pleafed to
acquaint the Lords, That the Princefs Anne of Denmark
would have been prefent ; but that ftie being with Child,
and having not lately ftirred abroad, could not come fo far
without hazard. Adding further,
A ND now, My Lords, although I did not quefljon but every
Perfon here Prefent was fatisfied before in this Matter ; yet
by what You have heard. You will be better able to fatisfie Others.
Befides, if I and the Queen could be thought fo Wicked as to
Endeavour to Impofe a Child upon the Nation, You fee how impof-
lible it would have been ; neither could I My Self be impofed upon,
having conftantly been with the Queen during Her being with Child,
and the whole Time of Her Labour. And there is none of You but
will eafily believe Me, who have fuffered fo much for Confcience-
fake, uncapable of fo great a Villany, to the Prejudice of My Own
Children. And I thank God, that thofe that know Me, know
well that it is My Principle to do as I would be done by, for
155
2 8 uhc Clatenbon Ibistorlcal Societi^ IReprints.
that is the Law and the Prophets : And I would rather die a Thou-
fand Deaths, than do the leaft Wrong to any of My Children.
His Majefty further faid,
TF any of my Lords think it NecefTary the Queen (hould be fent
-^ for, it fhall be done. But their Lordlhips not thinking it
NecefTary, Her Majefty was not fent for.
TT is ordered this Day by His Majefty in Council, That the
feveral Declarations here before made by His Majefty, and
by Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager, together with the
feveral Depofitions here entred, be forthwith Enrolled in
the Court of Chancery. And the Lord Chancellour is
ordered to caufe the fame to be Enrolled accordingly.
"FN Purfuance of which Order in Council, the Lord Chancellour on
-*- Saturday the 27th day of Oftober following in the High Court
of Chancery (many of the Nobility and Lords of his Majefty's moft
Honourable Privy Council being there prefent) caufed the aforefaid
Order in Council and Declarations of his Majefty, and likewife that
of her Majefty the Queen Dowager to be openly and diftinftly read in
Court, as the fame are Entred in the Words aforefaid, in the Council
Book. And the Lords and Ladies, and other perfons who made the re-
fpeftive Depofitions aforefaid, being prefent in Court, were Sworn again,
and having heard their feveral Depofitions diftinftly Read in the Words
aforefaid, and being feverally Interrogated by the Court to the Truth
thereof, they all upon their Oaths affirmed their refpedlive Depofitions
to be True : and did likewife depofc (except fome few, who came in
late to the Council Chamber, or fome who ftood at too great a
diftance) that they heard His Majefty, and Her Majefty the Queen-
Dowager make the feveral Declarations aforefaid, and that the fame
as they had been Read, were truly Entred as they did believe, in the
Council Book, according to the Senfe, Intent and Meaning of what
His Majefty the King, and Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager did then
declare. And for as much as the Earl of Huntingdon and the Earl
of Peterborow, who were able to depofe to the Matters aforefaid, had
not been Examined at the Council Board, but had brought their
feveral Depofitions in Writing, which they delivered into Court, the
faid Lord Chancellour, after the faid Earls were feverally Sworn,
156
Ube iBtrtb ot tbe prince ot Males* 29
Ordered their Depofitions to be openly Read in thefe Words
following,
"TTPon Trinity Sunday, loth. June, 1688. 1 went to St. James's Houfe
^^ about Nine a Clock in the Morning, and followed my Lord Chan-
cellour, through the Lodgings to the Dreffing-Room, next to Queen's
Bed-Chamber, where divers Lords of the Council were met upon
occalion of the Queen's being in Labour, the King came feveral times
into the Room, and amongft other things was pleafed to tell us, that
the Queen came exaftly according to Her firft Reckoning, which was
from the King's Return from His Progrefs, to Bath in September,
1687. After this the Counfellours were ordered to come into the
Bed-Chamber, and I flood on that fide of the Bed, that had the
Curtains drawn open, I heard Her Majefty Cry out feveral times.
I ftaid in the Room during the Birth of the Prince of Wales. I faw
him carried into the little Bed-Chamber, whither the King, the Lords
and my felf in particular did follow him.
Huntingdon.
T Had the Honour to be in the King's Chamber in the Morning,
-*- when Word was brought him, the Queen was not well, and
followed him into the Dreffing Room next Her Majefty's Bed-
Chamber, where I ftaid till His Majefty called me come in, which
was about the beginning of Her Pains. I Confefs the Compaffion I
had for Her Majefty, hearing Her Cries, made my ftay there very
uneafy. One of the laft efpecially feemed to me fo Sharp, as it really
forced me for a little Time to ftop my Ears with my Fingers to avoid
hearing more of the like ; when fetting them at Liberty, I heard no
more but perceived a fudden Satisfadlion in the Faces of the AfTiftants,
feveral faying, that the Queen was delivered, and foon thereupon I
faw the Prince brought from about the Bed, and carried into the
little Bed-Chamber, whither I went afterwards, to behold him more
particularly, where I faw him as a Child newly Born.
* Peterborow.
A Fter which the faid Earls did feverally upon their Oaths affirm
■^-^ their Depofitions to be True as they had been Read, and that
they were prefent in Council, and heard His Majefty and Her Majefty
the. Queen-Dowager make the feveral Declarations aforefaid, and that
the fame were Entred in the Council Book as they did believe
IS7
30 Xlbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints*
according to the EfFeft true Scnfe and Meaning of what their
Majefties declared in Council ; Whereupon His Majefty's Attorney
General moved the Court, that the faid Declarations of his Majefty,
and of Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager, and the fevcral Depofitions,
and the Order of Council Ihould be Enrolled in the Petty-Bag Office,
and in the Office of Inrolraents in the Court of Chancery, for the
fafe Prefervation and Cuftody of them, which the Lord Chanccllour
Ordered accordingly.
jfints.
158
MEMOIRS
OF THE
CHEVALIER DE ST.
GEORGE,
WITH
SOME PRIVATE PASSAGES
OF THE
LIFE of the late KING JAMES II,
1712.
NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED,
JilSTORY IS BUT THE Ur«tROLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY."
— ^James a. Garfield-
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1885.
This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
MEMOIRS
OF THE
Chevalier de St. George,
With some
PRIVATE PASSAGES
OF THE
LIFE
Of the late
King JAMES II.
Never before published.
L O ND O N:
Printed in the Year M DCC XII.
(Price One Shilling.)
MEMOIRS
OF THE
Chevalier de St. George, &c,
TTT'HATEVER the Reader may conceive under this Romantic
Title, I must ask his Pardon, for some few Pages at least, to
be a little serious : As to the Original of this Young Hero, let him
take it as it stands in History, without putting me to the trouble of
ascertaining, that either the Chevalier De St. George is James IH.
or James III. Son of James II. Something therefore relative to these
Memoirs, let me say of his (supposed or pretended) Father, since I
shall else begin a Structure without any Foundation at all, which
would seem a very Miraculous as well as Unaccountable piece of
Work.
I cannot remember, that ever England had a fairer Sunshine, or
Prospect of Happiness, than at the joyful Restoration of the Royal
Family; when after a long and unnatural Exile, they were restored
to their lawful Rights and Honours. The Reign succeeding I shall
not meddle with, nor pretend to decide whether it was the Prince or
the People that occasioned the domestic troubles that were then
Predominant ; yet this I think I am obliged to say, and which all
reasonable Men will I believe own. That the Exile I have Mentioned
was the grand Motive, or Foundation of the Troubles we have
undergone since.
The Queen Mother, who was banished with her Children, took
care to inspire them early with favorable Sentiments of her own
Religion, and to dissipate the Prejudice of former Education. What
effect it had on the rest, I cannot exactly say ; but on the Duke of
York it took such Root, that together with his Correspondence with
the Catholicks in Flanders, contributed to strengthen the immoveable
Impressions he had received of the Truth of the Catholic Religion. '
163
6 Zbc Clatenbon Tbistorical Society IReprtnts.
After his Return to England, he soon made himself beloved and
respected by the Nobility and Gentry; nor did he want a sufficient
share of Interest in the Hearts of the Common People. He
commanded the Navy against the Dutch, and in Two Engagements
sufficiently raised his Reputation : But this Prosperity did not last
long ; for without any Eclipse of his Merit, he began to decline in
the Hearts of the People ; when they perceived that either he had
changed his Religion, or, at least, had a mind to do it : And what
added to it was the Suspicion likewise that he had converted the
Dutches his First Wife, who died in the infancy of these Rumours,
which therefore lessened the impression it began to make on the
People. And they were yet in some hopes for the Duke himself:
but he had ere this made his Abjuration to Father Simons an English
Jesuit. And tho' the measures he took were always most Prudent,
and he did not publicly declare himself to be a Catholic, 'twas
nevertheless mighty difficult with him, not to discover to the
Protestants, that he had separated from their Communion.
The Parliament took the Alarm, and from that time Measures were
contrived to alter the Right of Succession. There were some
Bishops of the Church of England, who, fore-seeing the Effect of so
violent a Proceeding, would have stopped the Blow ; to which end
they addressed themselves to the Duke himself. They begged of
him only to accompany the King his Brother to Chappel, when His
Majesty went to the Protestant Prayers : They humbly represented
to him, that such a wise Proceeding, might lay the Tempest that had
been raised against him, and prevent the Bill of Exclusion from
making its way thro' the Parliament. But they could not prevail
with him, receiving for Answer, these Words, — " My Principles do
not suffer me to dissemble my Religion after that manner ; and I
cannot obtain of my self to do Evil that Good may come of it."
This Constancy of the Duke's threw the King into such disorders,
that he had very great need of all his Authority and Force : For as
he had a tender love for him, he was moved with the Danger
wherein he saw him ; resolving to support him against the Torrent
of his Enemies, which in the main he did ; nevertheless the Duke
found himself obliged to resign his Place of Grand Admiral, and his
other Trusts ; Those who stuck the closest to him before, removed
themselves from his Person ; and this unhappy Prince, who was
Presumptive Heir to Three Kingdoms, and had been used to behold
a Crowd of admiring Courtiers about him, was of a sudden reduced
164
/IDemotrs ot tbe Cbevalter Oe St. Ocovqc. 7
to the Condition of a Private Person, and abandoned by all the
World.
Yet so far did the King's Endearments go, and the better to prevent
the Alteration of the Succession to the Crow^n, that he of himself
proposed to the Duke of York a Second Marriage. As his Majesty
had no Legitimate Children, and indeed despairing of ever attaining
that Blessing ; he judg'd it convenient that his Brother who had but
Two Daughters left, should have an Heir, who might one day sit on
the Throne of England. The Princess thought on by His Majesty,
was the Lady Mary d' Este, Sister to Francis, Duke of Modena, and
Daughter to Alphonso D' Este, the Third of that Name, Duke of
Modena, by Madam Laura Martinessi, his Wife. She was born upon
the 25th of September, Anno 1658, and had not passed the 15th
Year of her Age, when at Modena she was married to his Royal
Highness, by his Proxy, Henry, Earl of Peterborough, who with a
noble Retinue attended her Highness and the Dutchess-Dowager her
Mother into France ; and after having resided some time at Paris,
they came to Calais, and thence to Dover, where they arrived Nov.
2 1st, 1673. At Dover she was received by the Duke, where the
Marriage betwixt them was personately Consummated by the Right
Reverend Father in God, Dr. Nathaniel Crew, Lord Bishop of
Durham, and now Lord Crew.
At London they were entertained with high Respect at the Court
of England, where the Dutchess-Dowager, her Mother, having
continued about the space of Six Weeks, in Order for the Settlement
of her Daughter, she returned to Italy, to manage Affairs in the
Infancy of the Duke her Son.
This Marriage met with great Opposition on the part of the
Parliament, because the Princess was a Roman Catholic, yet the
King gave little regard to what was Remonstrated to him on that
account. He was pleased after, that the Dutchess proved fruitful,
from whence he hoped a numerous Progeny to supply the Throne,
which he judged in Time would eat up and destroy all manner of
Prejudice. And here I think it will not be improper to repeat the
Issue she had by the Duke, before the Person I am writing of, was
said to be born.
On the loth of January, 1674, she was brought to Bed of a
Daughter, at the Palace of St. James's. She was Baptised by the
Name of Katherine Laura, having for Godmothers the Ladies Mary
and Anne, her Half-Sisters, and the Duke of Monmouth for her
165
8 Ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Socteti? IReprlnts,
Godfather. She died the Year following, Anno. 1675, o" ^^^ 3^ o^
October, and was interred in the Vault of Mary, Queen of Scotland.
Isabella of York, Second Daughter of His (then) Royal Highness,
James, Duke of York, and the Lady Mary D' Este, his Second Wife,
was born at St. James's, the 28th of August, Anno. 1676. Her
Godmothers were the Duchess of Monmouth and the Countess of
Peterborough, and her Godfather, Thomas, Earl of Derby, Lord High
Treasurer of England, now Duke of Leeds. This young Princess
died at the Age of 3 Years 6 Months, and Odd Days, viz. the 2d. of
March, 1680, and was privately buried in the Vault of Mary, Queen
of Scots.
Charles of York, Duke of Cambridge, first Son of His Royal
Highness, James, Duke of York, by the Lady Mary D' Este his
second Wife, was born at St. James's, the 7th of November, Anno.
1677, and the Next Day was Baptised by the Bishop of Durham ;
the King his Uncle, and the Prince of Orange, were his Godfathers;
and the Lady Isabella his Sister his Godmother. He died suddenly
on the 1 2th of December the same Year, and was interred privately
in the Tomb of Mary, Queen of Scots.
Chariot* Maria of York, third Daughter of James, Duke of York,
by the Lady Mary D' Este his second Wife, was born at St. James's,
the 15th of August, 1682, and two Days after was christened by
Henry, Bishop of London. Her Godmothers were the Countesses
of Arundel and Clarendon ; and the Duke of Ormond her Godfather.
She died the 6th of October following, and was interred privately
in the Vault of Mary, Queen of Scots.
None of these Children surviving long, gave Wings to the
Ambition of the Duke's enemies ; but had a contrary effect on the
King's Spirits, and those who had any esteem for him. Another
thing now trumped up, that mightily helped to overwhelm the Duke's
Interest, and alleviate even the good Opinion the King had of him,
and this was the Popish Plot, wherein the Duke was brought in. The
Accusers boldly gave out, that they were first to have assaulted the
King's Person, and after that to have made away with all the
Protestants. The Parliament took the Alarm and encouraged the
Discovery of it ; and the King, when he met them, told them in his
Speech : "That he had been informed of a Design against his Person,
by the Jesuits," whereupon a Bill was brought in and passed into an
• Sic,
166
/iDemotrB ot tbe Cbevalter Oe St. George. 9
Act, For the more eiFectual preserving the King's Person and
Government, by disabling Papists from sitting in either House of
Parliament, Five of the Popish Lords were committed to the Tower,
and impeached of High Treason, One of which was beheaded :
Diligent search was made after the Priests, and the Religious, several
of them were hanged up in London, and others died miserably in the
Prisons they were sent to.
The King however was very unwilling to lend an ear to the
Suspicions raised against his Brother, and therefore did all he could
to endeavor to clear him of the Insinuations laid against him : The
Duke despised the scandalous Discourses, and false Reports that were
made of him : But he was little sensible of the pressing Instances,
and indeed the Reproaches of his Friends, who carried them so far, as
to condemn the firm Steddiness of his Mind, giving it the Name of
Prejudice and Obstinacy in Opinion. They remonstrated to him,
that he would be the occasion of his own, and the King's Ruin ; and
the utter Extinction of the Catholic Faith in England ; and the
Overthrow of the State. A greater Check he yet met with from the
King, who urged his Reasons with great Strength, and earnestly
begged him to be contented to keep his Religion within his own
Breast, without discovering and giving open Proofs of it to the
World ; who at such a juncture would not fail to improve it to his
Ruin. He likewise remonstrated to him the great Hardships they
had undergone already from the implacable Temper of the English
Nation, and concluded all with assuring him that he should never
want his Protection, did he not put it out of his power to cherish
and support him. But the Duke remained inflexible, and resolved to
hazard all, rather than dissemble his Religion.
The King, on the other hand, finding something must of necessity
be done to appease the Minds of the People, thought fit to have the
Duke to remove to Brussels, and after some Months ordered him to
pass into Scotland. He obeyed the King with an entire Submission,
and instantly prepared to be gone : But it was a smart Trial with a
Heart so tender as his, to take leave of the King on these Conditions.
On the other hand, he found the King softened into Tears, and
the Dutchess his Consort Inconsolable on this occasion. Neverthe-
less he still bore up against his own Tenderness, and the violent
Motions of Nature that worked so strongly on his Mind, and so
without Trouble or Complaint set out as the King had commanded
him.
167
10 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts*
During his residence in Scotland, he sufficiently won upon the
Hearts of the People, and the Parliament there by a solemn
Deputation returned their most humble Thanks to His Majesty, that
he had ser^ them a Prince so very acceptable to them : Which
favourable Account made way for his Return into England a Few
Months after.
In the Year 1680, a New Parliament being called, the Commons
fell into a debate of the Popish Plot, and came to several rigorous
resolutions, the first of which was against the Duke of York as being
a Papist ; and after several speeches it was resolved that a Bill should
be brought in (this was the Second Bill of Exclusion) to disable
James, Duke of York, from inheriting the Imperial Crown of
England, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging :
Which Bill passed the Lower House, and was carried up to the
Lords by William Lord Russel, but at the second reading the Lords
threw it out : and the King, upon the Warmth that grew in Parlia-
ment, found himself obliged to dissolve them.
Soon after the King calling a New Parliament to meet at Oxford,
a Third Bill of Exclusion was brought in, read the first time, and
ordered a Second Reading, but the King thought fit again to prorogue
them. Soon after the Duke returned to England, where he was
received in a very affectionate manner by the King ; and the Act
drawn up against him was no more talked of.
The Duke's Friends had now in their turn an Instance of Triumph,
in the Discovery of the Ryehouse Plot, for which several of his most
inveterate Enemies suffered Death, and others were sufficiently
mortified. From whence to the death of his Brother King Charles
II. and his attaining the Crown, he had a clearer sunshine of Peace,
than the Foregoing Part of his Life had been acquainted with : Nor
shall I omit one Passage at his Brother's Decease, which is borrowed
from an Author,* who seems to be of Credit.
"As his Zeal was ever the same in Adversity, so he took care to
preserve it in Prosperity : He passionately desired the King's
Conversion, and found it pretty well advanced, when he came to
discourse the King upon such Occasions as he thought most
seasonable.
" The King gave him a Paper he had composed himself, and writ
with his own Hand, which contained a Summary of the most Material
* Father Francis Brcttoneau*» Abridgment of the Life of King Jamci U,
168
/iDemotrs ot tbe Cbe\?alter ^e St. George, » »
and Solid Arguments for the Truth of the Catholic Religion. In
fine, Heaven gave a blessing to these good Dispositions, and the Duke
had this Comfort, when he lost his Brother, to see him die in the
Bosom of the True Church.
" King Charles II. fell sick, and on the 4th Day of his Illness, was
by his Physicians given over : When Two Protestant Bishops came
to wait on His Majesty, they began the read, as is usual, at the Bed's
Feet, the Office for the Visitation of the Sick. When they came to
the Place where the Sick Person is exhorted to make Auricular
Confession, but at the same time is told, that there is no Command
obliges him to it, and he may if he pleases dispence with it ; the
Bishop of Bath stepped up to the King, made him a short Exhorta-
tion, and asked him if he repented of his Sins ? The King having
answered. He did so ; His Lordship pronounced the form of Absolution^
after the Manner of the Church of England. When the Office was over,
the Bishop returned to the King to ask him whether he was willing
to receive the Sacrament ; and to exhort him to it. But the King
answered him not a Word. His Lordship urged, and the King was
pleased to tell him he would think on it. The Bishop still insisting
on it. His Majesty still evaded it.
"The Duke of York did not let slip so fine an Occasion. He
ordered all those who were by the King's Bedside to withdraw ; and
then addressing himself to the King, he testified his Joy to see him at
last (as he thought) resolved to execute what his Conscience had so
often solicited him to do ; and offered at the same time to call for a
Priest. For God's sake Brother, answered the King, go send for one.
But, added he, Won^t you expose yourself too much? To which the Duke
replied. Sir, tho^ it should cost me my Life, I will get you one. He went
out immediately, and by a .particular Accident, or a very singular
Providence, the First Priest he met was Father Huddlestone, a
Benedictine, the same that contributed much towards the Saving the
King's Life after the Battle of Worcester, when that Prince hid
himself all Night in the Hollow of a Tree. Father Huddlestone
was shewed up a Private pair of Stairs into a Closet near the King's
Bedchamber. As soon as the King knew him^ he gave order for all
that were in the Chamber to retire, except his Brother.
"The Duke however had a mind that the Earl of Bath, First
Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and the Earl of Feversham, Captain
of the Guards, both Protestants, should stay and be Witness of what
passed. This Precaution he thought necessary to prevent the
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malignant Consequences that his Enemies might have made from
thence, in case the Duke had staid alone with the King, when His
Majesty was in that weak condition.
"Father Huddlestone went in, received the King's Abjuration,
heard his Confession, and afterwards administered him the Sacraments.
There was no delaying the Matter, for a few Hours after the King
died. He acknowledged upon his Death-Bed, that next to God, he
owed the Grace of his Reconciliation to the Church, to the indefati-
gable Zeal and tender Affection of the Duke his Brother. Nay more,
he asked his Pardon aloud for the severe Treatment he had several
times given him ; and testified to those who were present, in terms
of Esteem, Friendship, and Tenderness not to be expressed, how
much he was touched with the Resignation and Patience which the
Duke had all along shewn on these Occasions."
After the Death of King Charles TI. the Duke of York was
proclaimed King of Great Britain, by the Name of James II. Publick
Rejoicings were heard in all Cities ; and the Acclamations, and
Shouts of Joy, which were heard from all parts, gave occasion to hope
for a very happy Reign both to Prince and People.
If he had followed the Advice of his Council, he would have been
a little remiss in the point of Religion : They would have persuaded
him to stay some time before he publicly declared himself a Catholic.
Of this opinion were several Catholicks themselves ; but all the
Reasons they offered him, made no manner of impression on his
Mind, and the Sunday after his accession to the Crown he heard
Mass publicly.
Not fully content with this Proceeding, he designed to re-establish
Liberty of Conscience in England by Act of Parliament, wherein
the Catholicks should be comprehended, as well as the rest of the
Nonconformists ; mean time he gave it out beforehand, as some of
the ablest Lawyers after serious Examination, assured he might by
Virtue of his Prerogative Royal.
The present Juncture was favourable enough for the King to make
his Orders obeyed, and execute what he had undertaken, as to
Liberty of Conscience. One would have thought that the Defeat of
the Duke of Monmouth, and the Earl of Argyle, who took up Arms,
one in England, and the other in Scotland, should have confirmed
his Authority. But the Prejudice to the Catholic Religion had so
deeply prevailed in the Hearts of the People, that it soon raised new
Troubles, and hindered the King's Intentions.
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It was insinuated to the People, that the King designed to destroy
the Church of England, and introduce Popery, by main Force ; that
their Liberties and Properties were in danger, and themselves of being
oppressed by an Arbitrary Government. These Reports eat into the
People's Minds, and there lay corroding ; and from that time nothing
but Complaints and Murmurings were heard over all the Nation :
After all the most Moderate Men confessed, that excepting the Case
of Religion, they could not wish for a King fitter to procure the
Advantage of the Nation, both in respect to his personal Virtues, and
of his great Insight in Trade and Government.
Whilst Affairs were at this Crisis, the Queen, who had already had
Four Children, as we have mentioned, was now with child, and
sufficient cause of Joy it was to the King's Friends, especially the
Catholicks : A Proclamation was published appointing a public
Day of Thanksgiving to be observed in the Cities of London and
Westminster, and soon after in all other Places of the Kingdom, and
a suitable Form of Prayer was likewise ordered to be prepared for that
purpose.
This News caused various Reflections throughout the Nation, and
instead of allaying the former heat of the People, enflamed them the
more. They entertained a Prejudice, which no doubt was instilled
into them, that the Queen's Big Belly was only a Feint, an artifice of
the R. Catholicks, for some end or other ; but yet they knew not
what Name to give it. And as every thing seemed to forward the
King's Misfortunes, about this Time the Bishops were sent to the
Tower, a Proceeding the King was more to blame in, than the
Blackest Incidents they had to charge him with.
On the loth of June, between the Hours of 9 and lo, a Rumour
spread that the Queen was in labor ; the Town took the alarm, and
People seemed not a little surprized. This was not only confirmed,
but was soon followed with the News of her being brought to bed of
a Prince, and in the Afternoon the following Account was published
by Authority.
"Whitehall, June 10. This Day between 9 and 10 in the Morn-
ing, the Queen was safely delivered of a Prince at St. James's ; His
Majesty, the Queen-Dowager, most of the Lords of the Privy
Council, and divers Ladies of Quality being by."
The Prince of Orange himself, and the States of Holland, sent to
compliment the King upon this Occasion, and acknowledged the new
Prince, as did almost all the Cities in the Kingdom, who thereupon
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sent their Addresses to His Majesty, full of Expressions that signified
a most sincere Fidelity and Zeal. Notwithstanding which there was a
very deep Resentment lay hid in the Breasts of most People. The
Prepossession they had that the Prince was imposed on them, was
agitated by other melancholy Circumstances ; that the Order of the
Church and Constitution were in danger of being totally subverted :
And this, as a stronger Physic on the Mind, drove out all lesser
Humors, and divested them even of the Respect and Allegiance they
owed to their Sovereign. It unluckily happened too, that Five Days
after this Account was published of the Birth of the Prince, the
Bishops were brought to Trial, and the Army lay then encamped at
Hounslow Heath: Two things which did grievously alarm and afflict
the People : The former needed no Aggravation of Words to provoke
them, the Trial was public, and as universally resented : The other
required a little Art to possess them, that it was an Irish Catholic-
Army, and designed to keep a heavy hand over the Kingdom, if they
pretended to dispute the King's Authority in repealing the Tests and
Penal Laws, by which Method he designed to introduce his own
Religion.
This worked so effectually, that People were every where ripe for
Self-Defence, and the King was no less than accused of imposing a
Child for his Lawful Successor, to the Prejudice of his own
Daughters, for whom he had always expressed all the Affection and
Tenderness imaginable, and they to him, and paid all the Duty and
Respect due to an indulgent Father : And notwithstanding all the
Royal Favors he had bestowed, yet he could depend on nothing but
his Army ; nor with any great Confidence on them, which made him
resolve to try how far he might trust their Fidelity, and therefore
endeavoured to engage them, both Officers and Soldiers, to sign a
Writing, whereby they should promise to contribute as far as in them
lay, towards supporting the King's Design of taking off the Test and
Penal Laws. This Project was thought fit to be proposed to all the
Regiments one by one, and the first. His Majesty's Desires were made
known to, was the Earl of Litchfield's Regiment, who all thereupon,
both Officers and Soldiers (Two Captains and some private Men
excepted) laid down their Arms; at which the King being astonished,
commanded them to take up their Arms again. This was a sufficient
Experiment of the Temper of the Soldiers ; and His Majesty found
that nothing but new modelling the Army would do.
Things standing in this disposition, a Memorial of the Church of
/iDemotrs ot tbe Cbex>aUer De St Ocovqc. i 5
England was drawn up privately, and sent to the Prince and Princess
of Orange, to implore their Protection, whilst many of the Nobility
and Gentry joined in these Sollicitations ; and others withdrew
themselves into Holland, where they gave the Prince Assurances of a
sufficient Power, that would immediately join him on his landing.
In the mean time, His Majesty had resolved to call a Free Parlia-
ment, to establish an Universal Liberty of Conscience, and to remedy
all the Complaints of his Subjects. The Charter of the City of
London was restored, the Suspension of the Bishop of London taken
off; the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace, who had
been removed for disputing His Majesty's Commands, were suffered
to resume their Commissions ; and a Proclamation was published for
restoring Corporations to their ancient Charters.
The Rumor of the Prince's being an Impostor began to spread
with greater Warmth, and to this was added, that his true Mother
was to be brought over with the Dutch Fleet : Being now about Four
Months old, he received private baptism in the Chappel of St. James's,
on the 15th of October, of which the Following Account was
published by Authority.
"Whitehall, Oct. 15. This day in the Chappel of St. James's,
His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, being before christened,
was solemnly named (amidst the Ceremonies and Rites of Baptism)
James, Francis, Edward. His Holiness, represented by his Nuntio,
Godfather, and the Queen-Dowager Godmother. The King and
Queen assisted at the Solemnity, with a great Attendance of Nobility
and Gentry, and a Concourse of People, all expressing joy and
satisfaction, suitable to the Place and Occasion.
And now to stifle the Suspicion and Report, which had gained but
too much credit, that the Prince was not lawfully born of the Queen's
Body, the King assembled an Extraordinary Council, where the
Queen Dowager, the Peers that were in Town both Spiritual and
Temporal, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the Judges, and His
Majesty's Council at Law, were present.
To whom His Majesty delivered himself in this manner,
" My Lords,
" nr Have called you together upon a very extraordinary Occasion ;
-*- but extraordinary Diseases must have extraordinary Remedies.
The malicious Endeavors of my Enemies have so poisoned the Minds
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of some of my Subjects, that by the Reports I have from all hands, I
have reason to believe, that very many do not think this Son, with
which it hath pleased God to bless me, to be mine, but a Supposed
Child. But I may say, that by particular Providence, scarce any
Child was ever born, where there were so many Persons present.
"I have taken this time to have the Matter heard and examined
here, expecting that the Prince of Orange, with the first Easterly
Wind will invade this Kingdom : And as I have often ventured my
Life for the Nation before I came to the Crown, so I think my self
more obliged to do the same now I am King ; and do intend to go in
person against him, whereby I may be exposed to Accidents, and
therefore I thought it nccessaay to have this now done, in order to
satisfy the Minds of my Subjects, and to prevent this Kingdom being
engaged in Blood and Confusion after my Death ; desiring to do
always what may contribute most to the Ease and Quiet of my People,
which I have shewed by securing to them their Liberty of Conscience,
and the Enjoyment of their Properties, which I will always
preserve.
"I have desired the Queen-Dowager to give her self the trouble to
come hither, to declare what she knows concerning the Birth of my
Son ; and most of the Ladies, Lords, and other Persons who were
present, are ready here to depose upon Oath their knowledge of this
Matter.
After His Majesty had ended his Speech, the Queen Dowager
rising from her Chair, which was placed pn the King's Right Hand,
was pleased to declare in the manner following.
" rpHAT when the King sent for her to the Queen's Labor, she
-'- came as soon as she could, and never stirred from her till she
was delivered of the Prince of Wales." To which she signed
" Catherina R."
The Clerk of the Council was then ordered to receive the Oaths
of the Ladies, Lords, and other Persons, who had any Evidence to
deliver in this Matter.
These were
•
THE Marchioness of Powis.
The Countess of Arran.
The Countess of Petcrborow.
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/IDemotts of tbe Cbev^alter t)e St. George. 17
The Countess of Sunderland.
The Countess of Roscommon.
The Countess of Fingal.
The Lady Bulkley.
The Lady Belasyse.
The Lady Waldgrave.
Mrs. Mary Crane and Mrs. Anne Cary, Gentlewomen of the
Bedchamber to Queen Dowager.
Mrs. Isabella Wentworth, Mrs. Catherine Sayer, Mrs. Isabella
Waldgrave, Mrs. Margaret Dawson, Mrs. Eliz. Bromley,
Mrs Pelegrina Turini, Gentlewomen of the Bed-chamber
to the Queen.
Mrs. Mary Ann Delabadie, Dry Nurse to the Prince.
Mrs. Judith Wilkes, Her Majesty's Midwife.
Mrs. Eliz. Pearce, the Queen's Laundress.
The Dutchess of Richmond and Lenox.
The Countess of Litchfield.
The Countess of Marischal.
George, Lord JefFeries, Lord Chancellor.
Robert, Earl of Sunderland.
Henry, Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Privy Seal.
John, Earl of Mulgrave, Lord Chamberlain of the Household.
William, Earl of Craven.
Lewis, Earl of Feversham, Lord Chamberlain to Catherine,
Queen Dowager.
Alexander, Earl of Murray.
Charles, Earl of Middleton.
John, Earl of Melfort.
Sidney, Lord Godolphin, Lord Chamberlain to the Queen.
Sir Stephen Fox. Kt.
Lieutenant Colonel Edward Griffin, afterwards Lord Griffin.
Sir Charles Scarborough, Kt. First Physician to the King.
Sir Thomas Witherley, Second Physician to the King.
Sir William Waldgrave, Kt. First Physician to Her Majesty.
Dr. Robert Brady, One of His Majesty's Physicians in Ordinary.
James St. Amand, Their Majesties' Apothecary.
All these declared, with some little Differing Circumstances, the
Birth of the Prince ; the greatest part, as they attested, having seen
it before it was cleansed from the Impurities of its Birth, with all
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other infallible Tokens of his being immediately born of the Queen's
Body.
After these Depositions were taken, the King was pleased to
acquaint the Lords, that the Princess Anne of Denmark, his Daughter,
would have been present, but that she being with Child, and having
not lately stirred abroad, could not come so far without Hazard. "And
now, my Lords," adds the King, " altho* I did not question but all
here present were before satisfied in this Matter ; yet by what you
have heard, you will be the better able to satisfy others. Besides, if
I and the Queen could be thought so wicked as to endeavor to impose
a Child upon the Nation, you see how impossible it would have been;
neither could I my self be imposed upon, having constantly been
with the Queen, during her being with child, and the whole time of
her Labour. And there is none of you but will easily believe me,
who have suffered so much for Conscience-sake, uncapable of so
great a Villainy, to the Prejudice of my own Children. And I thank
God, that those who know me, know well it is my Principle to do as
I would be done by ; For that is the Law and the Prophets; And I w.juld
rather die a Thousand Deaths, than do the least wrong to any of my
Children."
"If any of my Lords think it necessary the Queen should be sent
for it shall be done ;" which the Lords declined, saying, they had
received satisfaction enough from what the King had declared.
Then an Order in Council was made, "That the Declarations
before made, by His Majesty and by Her Majesty the Queen Dowager;
together with the several Depositions then entered, should be forth-
with enrolled in the Court of Chancery.
In pursuance of which Order in Council, the Lord Chancellor, on
Saturday the 28th of October following, in the High Court of
Chancery, many of the Nobility, and the Lords of His Majesty's most
Honourable Privy Council, being present, caused the aforesaid Order
of Council, and the Declarations of His Majesty, and the Q. Dowager,
to be openly and distinctly read in Court, as the same were entered in
the Words aforesaid in the Council Book. And the Lords and Ladies,
who made the respective Depositions aforesaid, being present in
Court, were sworn again, and having heard their Depositions distinctly
read in the Words aforesaid, and being severally interrogated by the
Court to the Truth thereof, they all upon their Oaths affirmed their
respective Depositions to be true ; and did likewise depose (except
some few, who came late into the Council Chamber, or some who
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/llbemoirs ot tbe Cbevalier De St. George. 19
stood at too great a distance) that they heard His Majesty, and Her
Majesty the Queen-Dowager, make the several Declarations aforesaid,
and that the same, as they had been read, were truly entered into
the Council Book, according to the Sense, Intent and Meaning of
what His Majesty the King, and Her Majesty the Queen-Dowager
did then declare. And for as much as the Earl of Huntingdon, and
the Earl of Peterborow, who were able to depose to the Matters
aforesaid, had not been Examined at the Council Board, but had
brought their several Depositions in Writing, which they delivered
into Court, and were to the same effect with the rest, the Lord
Chancellor, caused them to be openly read, and examined them
severally upon their Oaths to the Truth thereof. Whereupon His
Majesty's Attorney General moved the Court, that the said Declara-
tions of his Majesty, and of Her Majesty the Queen Dowager ; and
the several Depositions, and the Order of Council, should be enrolled
in the Petty Bag Office, and in the Office of Enrolments in the Court
of Chancery, for the safe Preservation and Custody of them, which
the Lord Chancellor ordered accordingly.
Before this His Majesty had received the Compliments of
Congratulation from most of the Princes of Europe, the Prince and
Princess of Orange not excepted ; and Addresses from all Parts of
the Kingdom to the same purpose. And not only this, but the most
Spritely and Ingenious of the Two Universities employed their Pens
in celebrated Verses, to congratulate the King on this Occasion.
There seemed a glorious Interval of Peace and Happiness, and a
hopeful Promise of Lasting and Infinite Blessings to the Nation ; but
in the Mazes of Providence there is something ordained for Man not
to see, and which the most glorious and fair Appearance of is only
delusive. In One of those famous pieces of Poetry I have mentioned,
the Author seems to have had much such another Thought, and indeed
to prophesy something of Futurity.
NCE more my Goddess, hear thy Priest,
Indulge me, O indulge this last Request!
The Mightiest Boon thou hast in store,
1 ask, but grant, and I will ask no more.
Oh let me enter to the Inmost Room,
The darkened Retirement of Apollo's Doom.
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20 Ube Clarenbon Ibistorical Soctetp IRepttnts.
The sacred Mirror there expose^
The Wondrous Magic-Glass^
Which from its bright reflective Face,
Fate's inmost Secrets shows,
And great Futurities already come to pass.
There I would view when James shall late repair.
In the first Orbs to shine a Star ;
And guide with guardian Rays, his People from afar.
There I would view his Godlike Son
With Shouts ascend his Father'?, Throne ;
And cheer, with mighty Hopes, the drooping Albion.
Next, Goddess, I would see him reign.
Crowned and uncontroVd, the Monarch of the Main.
Whilst humble Belgians sue for Peace,
And the far East and West the British Power confess.
Let him next on land appear.
Bold, yet cautious, open, and yet wise.
Generous, and yet frugal, good without Disguise.
With Justice mild, and piously severe.
Shew me Goddess, shew me this.
And let thy Oracles to morrow cease.
Alas, the Muse the well meant Prafr denies.
She struts, frowns, and thus replies :
•* With Furious Folly, and with Zeal Profane,
The uneasy Britons still would pry
Into the Depths of late Futurity ;
Whilst Heaven showers present Blessings down in vain.
What Time shall come, and what the Fates will do.
Concerns not thee, O Man to know ;
To-day is thine, seize the useful Now !
But nothing happy, Man can please.
Wanton and lawless grown, with Luxury and Ease.^*
How near this Poet hit the Temper of his Countrymen, I need not
shew ; they were not to be pleased, Cabals were formed against the
King, and an Intelligence kept with the Prince of Orange, who was
invited over, and being succoured by the Hollanders, appointed a
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/IDemotrs of tbe Cbevalier ^e St Gcovqc^ 21
numerous Fleet, with which he passed into England with an Army of
13000 Men. The King in a very indulgent manner, offered whatever
his Subjects could reasonably require, if Reason and their own
Interest could have reclaimed them ; but the Frenzy was grown too
strong : The Prince was advancing with his Troops, and the King
seeing no other means of healing this Breach, put himself at the head
of his Army, and marched against the Enemy, when drawing near to
them, he soon found what he had to trust to ; his Army was instantly
abandoned by almost all its Officers, most of which had been gained
by the Prince of Orange's Emissaries, who instead of doing their
Duty to attack him, went over to him.
The Desertion in short was so general, that the King's own
Creatures forsook him, and even those he had overwhelmed with his
Royal Goodness were found in the Confederacy. In this Confusion
of Affairs he judged it improper to continue at the head of such an
Army, from whom he could promise himself no Subjection, and
therefore retired again to London.
Mean time provision was to be made for the Security of the Queen,
and Prince of Wales (then so called) who was now not above Six
Months old, whom the King caused privately to pass into France ;
and intended himself soon to follow them. At length he got out of
Whitehall, parted from London, and imbarked ; but being obliged to
put ashore again for Ballast, he was arrested and discovered near
Feversham, where he was so rudely treated by the Mob, as very much
exercised his Royal Patience ; the Dignity of his Person not being
sufficient to guard him from those mean Insolencies, which but to a
Private Person would have been accounted infamous Outrages. Here
however he received the courtesy of having his wearing Cloaths
brought him, being sent on board a Man of War then in the Hope,
below Gravesend, for that purpose ; and as soon as 'twas known at
London of his being stopped at Feversham, the Lords sent him his
Coaches and Guards, and at the same time deputed the Earl of
Feversham to go and engage him to come back.
The King had no time to deliberate, for he was no longer Master
of his own Proceedings, and therefore took Coach and submitted to
be conducted to London : The People, by their loud Acclamations,
testifying an extraordinary Joy and entire Devotion to the King's
Interest ; which was but a Transitory Comfort, for about Midnight,
when the King lay fast asleep void of all Fear and Suspicion, the
Lords Hallifax, De la Mere, and Shrewsbury, came to awake him, and
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to tell him from the Prince of Orange, that it was found necessary
for him to retire from London. They offered him at the same time
his choice of Hampton Court or Ham, for the Place of his Retreat,
but the King desired to go to Rochester, which was granted him, and
thither he was carried Prisoner.
Here he continued some few Days, always bearing in mind that he
was a Christian and a King, till he met with a favorable Opportunity
for his Escape. There was a Boat waited for him at the Seaside, the
King passed unobserved thro' a Garden, stepped into the Boat, and
set sail for France, whither in a day or two he happily arrived. He was
received in France with all the Marks of Honor and Distinction
suitable to his Character, and hasting to St. Germans he there found
the Queen and Prince (so-called) newly arrived. And here one may
pretty well judge what were the Sentiments of the Hearts of their
Britannic Majesties at this afflicting, yet joyful Interview. They now
saw one another again after so sorrowful a Parting, and so many
Dangers they had both undergone ; but at the same time could not
but reflect deeply on the Condition they were reduced to, which yet
was very much alleviated by the obliging and generous Offers of the
King of France, and the repeated Promises he made them, to succour
and assist them with all his Power.
But this mutual Comfort of seeing one another again did not last
long, the King had not been above Two Months at St. Germans,
before he thought himself obliged, for the Good of his Affairs, to pass
into Ireland, where the Lord Tyrconnel, at the head of the Catholics,
still maintained the King's Authority. The King sailed thither, and
there sustained the War against Duke Schombergh for above a
Twelvemonth, till King William arriving with a numerous Force of
veteran Troops, had the advantage of the King's Army, and defeated
him at the Passage of the Boyne ; after which he was advised by My
Lord Tyrconnel, and all the General Officers to retreat to France,
where, about Two Years after, his Queen bore him a Daughter, who
was born the 28th of June, 1691, and christened Louise Marie, about
the time of her Father's Disappointment by the Defeat at La Hogue \
from which time the Residue of his Life was wholly employed in
Exercises of Piety and Devotion, of which he was a very shining
Example to the time of his Death.
For some time before which he made it his daily Prayer to God,
that He would be pleased to take him out of this troublesome World,
and on this Subject he had some conversation with the Queen, who
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/IDemoirs ot tbe Cbevaller ^e %t Ocovqc. 23
seemed very sensibly afflicted at his having so passionate a desire of
Death, telling him that she looked upon the Preservation of his Person
as necessary for the Good of her and her Children. But she received
no other Answer but this, "That God Almighty would take care of
her, and her Children, and that his Life gave him no Capacity of
doing any thing for them." He would often have communication
with his Children, especially the Prince of Wales (as they then called
him) in whom the King was infinitely delighted, as finding in him,
tho' yet very young, a Genius capable of arriving at the highest
Accomplishments, which the King would passionately indulge him in,
and by repeated Instructions take all imaginable care to fructify his
tender Mind with the most Useful and Noble Sentiments, to which
in Nature he seemed so apparently inclined.
About Midsummer, 1701, the King was seized with a dead Palsy,
and grew dangerously ill upon it. The Physicians being of opinion
that he might receive some benefit from the Waters of Bourbon, he
went thither, and took them with some Success : But some Months
after he began to spit Blood again, as he had done before his Journey
to Bourbon ; and on the 2d of September he was taken very ill ; in
which State he continued for Two Days, and then his Physicians
began to Despair of his Life. The same Day he made a general
Confession, which he had scarce finished before he was taken with
such a Weakness as was followed by a Vomiting of Blood, which had
like to have choaked him, however, he recovered himself a little, and
called for the Prince of Wales (as then called) who immediately
entered the Chamber ; but it was a sad Spectacle for him to see the
King covered with Blood, and half dead. He ran to embrace him,
and the King held out his Arms to him himself, and embraced him with
all the tenderness imaginable. He blessed him, and as he gave him
his benediction, recommended to him above all things to stand fast
by his Religion, and the Service of God, whatever came of it, and to
have always for the Queen all the respect and submission due to the
Best of Mothers. He likewise let him understand how much he was
indebted to the King of France, which he charged him never to
forget: What else the King had to say to him, he gave him in Writing,
and bid him read it often when His Majesty was gone ; a Copy of
which is hereafter printed.
It was not without some Violence that the Prince was taken from
him, the King would fain have held him ; " Leave me my Son," said
he, "let me give him my Blessing once more;" which when he had
181
24 Ube (Tlaren^on Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts.
done, he suffered him to retire to his own Apartment. After which
the King ordered the Princess his Daughter to be brought him ; to
whom he spoke much in the same Terms ; and gave her his blessing:
And the Princess, melted into Tears, gave him to understand by the
Abundance of them the inward Sorrow of her Heart.
When the King had done speaking to his Children, he ordered the
Protestant Lords, and his Domcsticks of the same Religion, who were
in his Chamber, to come near him. He exhorted them every one
in particular to embrace the Catholic Religion, assuring them that if
they followed the Advice he gave them, they would feel the same
Consolation that he did, whenever they found themselves in the same
Condition they then saw him in. Nor did he forget the Catholicks,
whom he exhorted to live according to their Faith, and all together to
pay a lasting and just obedience to the Prince.
The King of France, who had not missed One Day to inform
himself of the state of his Health, and had been already twice to see
him, paid him a third visit. His Most Christian Majesty went first
into the Queen's Chamber, where he declared to her the Resolution
he had taken, That "provided it pleased God to take the King her
Husband, he would acknowledge the Prince of Wales (as he was then
called) for King of England," Upon which the Queen sent
immediately for him, and acquainted him with what His Most
Christian Majesty designed to do in his favour ; to whom the King,
resuming the Discourse, said, " Sir ; you are going to lose the King
your Father, but you shall always find another in me, and I shall look
on you as my own Child." At which the Prince, embracing the
King's Knees, assured him, "That he would also have the same
respect for his Majesty, as he had had for the King his Father. That
he would never forget how much he was indebted to him, but
preserve the Acknowledgement of it whilst he lived."
The King of France passed from thence into the King of England's
Apartment, and went to his Bedside. The Courtiers out of Respect
would have withdrawn ; but His Most Christian Majesty signified to
them, that he would be glad to let the World know what he had
to say ; then addressing himself to the Sick King, he repeated aloud
what he had before declared to the Queen concerning the Prince,
adding withal, to the King's Consolation; "That he perceived in
him those early Appearances of Vertue and Honor, that could not
but strengthen His Majesty in his Affection to him, besides the
Obligations of Conscience and Affinity, which he had always
indispensably thought himself under."
182
/iDemoits of tbe Cberalier t)e St. George. 2 5
It is impossible to represent the Sentiments of the English Court
upon this Occasion. Without any regard to the measures of Decency,
every one was eager to testify their grateful Acknowledgements to the
Most Christian King. They threw themselves at his Feet, and in
Sentiments mingled with Comfort and Sorrow, made the Chamber
ring with Applauses and Sighs, insomuch that the Thanks of his
Brittanic Majesty could not be heard : And the Most Christian King
found himself so sensibly touched, that he could scarce restrain from
Tears, and therefore retired.
I shall here repeat no more of this sad Catastrophe of the English
King, he lay till the i6th of September, when he resigned his Soul to
God, and was with very little Pomp and Ceremony interred in the
Parish Church of St. Germans, as a private Gentlemen, according to
the Request of his Will, and no Epitaph on his Tomb, but these four
words, " Here lies King James."
Thus I have run thro' the Life of this unfortunate King, which I
shall conclude with the Instructions he left in Writing to the Prince
of Wales, as he was then called : but penned some time before his
Death.
" T7"INGS not being responsible for their Actions, but to God
-*-^ only, they ought to behave themselves in every thing with
more circumspection than those that are of an Inferior Condition ;
and if Subjects owe a faithful Obedience to their King, and his
Laws, the King is likewise obliged to take a great care of them, and
to love them like a Father. Then as you hold the first rank among
them, and that you must be one day their King your self, I believe it
to be my duty, as your King, and your Father, to give you the
following advice : And I find my self yet more obliged to it, when I
reflect on your Age, my own, and the present State of my Affairs.
" I. Serve God as a perfect Christian, and be a worthy Child of
the Roman Church. Let no Humane Consideration, of what nature
soever, be ever capable to draw you from it. Remember always that
Kings and Princes, and the Great Ones of the Earth, shall give an
Account of their Conduct before the Dreadful Tribunal of God, where
every one shall be judged according to his Works. Consider that you
are come into the World to glorify God, and not to seek your
Pleasure. That it is by Him that Kings Reign ; and that without His
particular Protection, nothing can prosper of all that you undertake
183
26 XLbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Socteti^ IReprints.
Serve then the Lord in the Days of thy Youth, and you shall receive
a Recompence in the Land of the Living. Begin by times, and
without Delay. Never forget that there are greater things expected
from Persons in High Stations, than from others : Their Example
gives great impressions, and is always most followed, be it as it will.
"II. If it pleases God to re-establish me upon my Throne, I have
reason to hope that I shall put things in that Condition, that it shall
be more easy for you to govern my Kingdoms after me, with Security
of the Monarchy, and intire Satisfaction of all the Subjects. A King
cannot be happy if his Subjects be not at ease, and the Subjects
also cannot securely enjoy what belongs to them if their King be not
at his ease, and in capacity to protect and defend them. Therefore
preserve your Prerogatives, but disquiet not your Subjects, either in
their Estates or their Religion. Remember the great Precept, Do not
to others what you would not have done to your self. Take great
care that no body oppresses the People with Vexatious Law-Suits,
or Undertakings that are chargeable to them : I told you, and it is
true, that a King ought to be the Father of his People, and conse-
quently to have a tenderness for them that is altogether fatherly.
"III. Live in peace with your Neighbors, and know that Kings
and Princes may commit the same Injustice with the most notorious
Robbers, that openly attack the Passengers upon the High-Ways, or
the Pyrates, that take whatever they meet : Without doubt they'll be
punished for it at the Judgment of God. Then suffer yourself not
to be drawn away by Ambition, and the Desire of a False Glory, so
far as to forget the Precept of the Law of God and Nature, which I
told you but just now. Hearken not to the Counsels of those
that shall persuade you to Enlarge your Estates and Dominions
by Unjust Acquisitions, but be content with what is your own.
" IV. Do your endeavour to establish by a Law the Liberty of
Conscience ; and whatever may be represented to you about it, never
leave that Design until you have compassed it. It is a grace and
particnlar favor that God does them, whom he enlightens with His
Knowledge, in calling them to the True Religion ; and it is by
Mildness, Instructions, and a good Example, that they are won, much
more than by Fear or Violence.
184
/Memoirs ot tbe Cbepaltet 5e St George. ^7
"V. If you begin early to live well, it will be much easier to you
to preserve your innocence, than to recover it after once you shall
have lost it. Forget hot the good Instructions that have been given
you, to shun Idleness, and Bad Company. Idleness will expose you
to all sorts of Temptation, and Bad Company will be a Poison to you,
of which you'll hardly scape the Influences. Suffer no Persons to
come near you that talk obscenely or impiously, and by their Railleries
endeavor to destroy Christianity it self, and turn into ridicule the
most Holy and Religious Practices.
" VI. Nothing is more fatal to Men, and to the Greater Men (I
speak with a dear-bought Experience) than to be given over to the
Unlawful Love of Women, which of all Vices is the most seducing,
and the most difficult to be conquered, if not stifled in its Birth : It
a Vice that is but too universal and too common in Young People ;
there are but few that apply themselves to know the Danger of it,
and are not drawn to it by Bad Example, as well as the Suggestions
and Artifices of the Devil ; no body ought to be so much on guard
as your self; because it has pleased God to make you, by your Birth,
what you are ; for the more Men are elevated, the more they are
exposed ; especially if they live in Peace and Plenty. But what
ought more to oblige you to watch over your self, is the Remembrance
of the terrible Example of David ; he was hardly established in his
Throne, but he forgot the great Things that God had done for him,
and suffered his Eyes to dazzled by the Sight of a Woman, so far as
to fall into the Sin of Adultery, and from Adultery into that of
Murder. Could but all, that, with him, have had the misfortune of
falling into those heinous Crimes, remember the sincere Repentance
he had of them, and imitate him ; not forgetting the Chastisements
and Afflictions that God sent him in this World, to save him in the
next.
"VII. Master your self so much as never to be transported by
Anger. That Passion offends God, and is grating to Men, and while
it lasts, takes away the Reason and Judgment of him that gives
himself over to it. It has been the Ruin of Several Great Men.
What a King says is not easily forgot ; and there is nothing but Fear
and Religion that can hinder Men from resenting it, and being
revenged of it. Anger makes a Prince incapable of governing ; for
how shall he rule others, when he cannot rule himself.
2A 185
2 8 Ube Clarendon Ibistortcal Soctetp IReprlnts*
"VIII. Take not pleasure in feasting; but shun all sorts of
Excesses that ruin Health, and makes Men unfit for Business. It is
very hard to leave the Habit of them when once it is contracted.
The Excess of Wine kills in a short time those that are of a Hot
Constitution, and besots them that are Phlegmatic. I believe it is
not necessary to enlarge upon this Point, since few Princes among the
Civilized Nations are addicted to so foul a Vice.
"IX. I must yet give you warning not to suffer your self to be
engaged, either by the Heat of Youth, Ambition, Interest, or
flattering Councils, into an Offensive War that is not evidently just :
Otherwise it would be all at once to violate the Divine and humane
Laws. Kings and Princes, to come again to the Comparison which
I made you, can no more justify the Injustice which they do to their
Neighbors, in taking (unless it be by way of Reprisal) their Cities
and Provinces, than the Highway-men and Pirates can that which
they do to Private Persons, when forcibly they take away their Goods.
You ought, when Necessity requires it, to preserve and defend what
is lawfully your own, in taking up Arms, and repelling Force by
Force. You owe that to your self; you owe it to your Subjects.
But to be the Aggressor in an Unjust War, is an Undertaking of
Fatal Consequence for this Life, and that to come. For in the first
place, God pardons not if we make not restitution : And that Princes
seldom do. In the second place, what Devastation makes not War in
Provinces and whole Kingdoms, by the Ruin of so many Thousands
of innocent Persons ? Besides these general Rules of Conscience, a
King of England ought of good Politicks to be more circumspect in
this Point, than any other. For not being able, without the assistance
of his People to begin and carry on a War, and the People of England
never believing it their Interest to furnish Money for making
conquests abroad, it follows necessarily, that the Charges of the War
fall upon the King's Funds, and upon what we call the Civil List, and
that so the King gets in debt.
" X. For the same reason a King of England ought to take care
that in his Expences he exceeds not his Revenue, and that he applies
himself to what is agreeable to the People, and tends to the Public
Good. If you find any of your Ministers, or Officers, that abusing
the Power with which you have trusted them with, employ it to vex
and oppress your Subjects, take away their Places, and punish them
1 86
/IDemoirs ot tbe abcvalicv t>c St Ocovgc. 29
your self, without giving them over to the Examination of a Parlia-
ment, who desire no better than to snatch them out of your hands,
and bring them to justice themselves ; which would but weaken your
Authority, and discourage those that serve you faithfully.
"XI. Apply your self principally to know the Constitution of the
English Government, that you may keep, both you and your Parliament,
each in the due Bounds that become the one and the other. Further,
be instructed concerning the Trade of the Nation, make it flourish by
all Lawful Means. It: is that which enriches the Kingdom, and which
will make you considerable abroad. But above all, endeavour to be
and to remain superior at Sea, without which England cannot be
secure.
The Prince (as he was then called) was about Thirteen Years of
Age at the Death of King James, fraught with the blooming Appear-
ance of all manly Virtues, which now began to ripen in him, so as to
attract the eyes of the Court of France. 'Tis true, the King's
generous Design of declaring him King of England, according to the
Promise he had given, did not pass uninterrupted through the Council;
yet even those who disapproved it, took pride in excusing themselves
from any manner of Prejudice and Disrespect, but on the contrary
declared, " They should be glad of any Opportunity to serve him,
whose Interest they could never think of deserting, were not that of
their own Country in the Scale, the inevitable Commencement of a
War depending from the express Terms of a Peace very lately
concluded. And therefore if they did not think this a proper Season
to proclaim his Title, they could not doubt but they should merit His
Majesty's, and the Prince's Excuse in what they had said." The
D de T , the D de M , the Counts of V e, d—
C , M. Ch — d, and others, were of this opinion ; but the King
was steadfast in his Resolution, and the Dauphin, who was the last
that spoke in Council, left no objection unanswered, either in respect
to the King's Honor or Advantage, that did not entirely convince His
Majesty of the Justice and Integrity of such a Proceeding ; and of
the same opinion were all the Princes of the Blood.
The King, who in his Heart was resolved before, took a great deal
of pleasure in the Dauphine's Words, and immediately gave Orders
for the proclaiming him King of Great Britain, &c. as soon as the
Breath was out of King James's Body, and the People very willingly
187
30 xibe Clarenbon Ibistortcal Socteti? IReprints,
proclaimed their Satisfaction, by joining in it their loud and hearty
Acclamations. The usual Ceremony on this Occasion being
punctually observed : The Queen Mother was appointed Regent, my
Lord Middleton gave up the Seal, all the Lords took the Oaths of
Fidelity, the Servants kissed his Hand, and every thing stood as it did
in King James's Days.
The King of France (who had not only Proclaimed him in his own
Dominions, but had likewise given Orders to his Embassadors to do
the same in all the Courts of Europe) thought it now a very great
Argument of his Affection to him, to take care of his future Educa-
tion : Thus far he had proceeded in all necessary Literature, and
was ready to be initiated in the more Manly Exercises of Life : His
most Christian Majesty therefore ordered him proper Masters at his
own Expence, to instruct him in the most useful parts of the Mathe-
matics, particularly Navigation, Fortification, and the like ; the
former of which (Navigation) he is said to be an exquisite Master of,
as he is likewise of most of the European Languages. To these more
Masculine Accomplishments were added Riding, Dancing, Fencing,
Shooting ; and such like Embellishments, as together made up the
Character of the Person that the French had proclaimed him to be.
Those who have conversed with him, allow him to be endued with
excellent Wit, and those who have seen him under the trials of it,
are of the same opinion as to his Courage. In the Twelfth Year of
his Age, as he was Hunting with the Duke of Berry and others in the
Forest of St. Germain, they had a monstrous Boar in Chase, the
Company were dispersed and the (pretended) Prince meeting the Boar
separately, having only with him one Servant, shot him in the Body
and ended the Pursuit. At which kind of Exercises of Shooting,
Running, or Flying, there are few among the French, tho' they are
very Excellent at it, that exceed him. His Dexterity in Riding and
Fencing might likewise be added among these other Qualifications,
but it is enough to say, that there was nothing wanting to contribute
any thing to his Education. Thus far the Accounts of French
Authors go. He is proclaimed there, and stiled King of England, a
Detachment of Fifty of the French Guards appointed him, with
Twelve Yeomen of the Guard, Six Guard du Corps, a proper Division
of Houshold Servants, and an Allowance of 50000 Livres a Month,
conveyed constantly to St. Germains in an Iron Cart ; together with
a Private-Purse from the French Court of near as much more :
And here wc leave him a little to see how this is relished in other Places.
188
/iDemoirs^f tbe Cbev^letr t>c St, (Beorge, 3^
Ir ^ ^^^^ aid, the People seemed to be in a wonderful Surprize.
For'iney had been taught to look on him as an Impostor, and his
most Christian Majesty had, to reap the Fruits of Peace, but a little
before acknowledged King William, as King of Great Britain, who
being a Prince of a very great Spirit, was sufficiently puzed by such
a Proceeding. He immediately writ to the King of Sweden, as
Guarantee of the Treaty of Ryswick, to give him an Account of the
manifest Violation thereof, and at the same time sent an Express to
the Earl of Manchester, his Ambassador at Paris, to come immediately
away, without taking leave ; and Monsieur Poussin, the French
Secretary here had suddain Notice to depart the Kingdom, The
Nation addressed the King, and agreed in an unanimous adherence to
his Majesty, expressing an Abhorrence of this Action in the French
King, so that many who were no Enemies to the Person proclaimed,
began to fear his most Christian Majesty had proceeded a Step too
far.
King William was so Active, that he immediately formed the Grand
Alliance, which the French were not able to prevent, and then
Dissolving the Parliament, called a new One, before whom he laid
the Copies of those Treaties, which they unanimously approved; and
one of the first Things transacted, was the passing an Act for the
Attainder of the (Pretended) Prince of Wales. But this was hardly
done before King William died ; yet Matters were so far carried in
Parliament, that a War was inevitable, which had been already begun,
in Italy, of which I have not room here to repeat any thing, if it
were material, more than saying, that the French King meerly drew
it on himself thro' his immovable and generous Principle of supporting
the (Pretended) Prince ; for he might otherwise have made very good
terms for his Grandson, by a reasonable Partition, or at least have
warded off the English share in it, which has been much the heaviest,
and without which, this War could not in human Probability, but have
proved successful on his side.
On the contrary, in the Year 1706. The most Christian King
found himself under the Necessity of suing for Peace ; yet it was not
without severe struggles of Conscience to depart from the Promises he
had made the late King James II. He consulted the Court of St.
Germains, and in a private Conference with the Queen Dowager, and
the (pretended) Prince at that time, "assured them that he would
never depart from their Interest, tho' the present Exigency of Affairs,
and the pressing Instances of his Subjects had obliged him to make
i8q
32 Zbc Clacen&on ibtsfdrical Soctetp iReprlnts.
-V
some Overtures of Peace to the Enemy." They rtid lleshJiis
Majesty's Compliment with Sighs ; and the (pretended) Prince
himself replied, "That not only his Interest, but even his Life it self,
was too small a Consideration for his most Christian Majesty to put
in Composition with the Good of his Kingdom. I am Content,"
says he, " to leave my Cause to Providence, being entirely assured of
your Majesty's sincere Affection to me."
However, for the present, his Majesty's good Wishes for Peace
were baffled, by some who thought it their Interest to carry on the
War, and would be contented with nothing but the utter Ruin of the
French Nation, which when the King found, he exerted himself in a
very wonderful Manner ; the Offers of Peace that he had made,
softncd the Hearts of his Subjects, and very much helped to alleviate
the Hardships they lay under, so that his Majesty, contrary to the
Expectations of the Enemy, and even surpassing their Belief, was in
a Capacity next Year, not only to stop the Torrent of the Confederates
in Flanders, but to be victorious in Spain, at the Battle of Almanza.
In Germany the Marshal de Villars likewise made a very advantageous
Irruption into Germany ; and in Provence the Allies had been forced
to retreat from before Toulon. As these Successes did not a little
Elevate the drooping Spirits of the French Nation, so it likewise put
some Life into the Court of St. Germains.
Another thing was likewise before the French Court, that promised
them some Advantage. The Scotch Lords at St. Germains, had not
been idle, in improving the Opportunity the Union of the two
Kingdoms had given them to sound the depth of the Male-contented
Party in Scotland ; and so good a Correspondence was held there,
that they had the earliest notice of all that passed, and how the
Nation stood affected, which was constantly communicated at
Versailles. The French King, however, with his usual Caution, was
not too hasty to credit the Business ; tho* it appeared to have a very
good face, till a List was produced of the Names of many Leading
Men in Scotland that were ready to receive (as they called it) their
lawful King James VIII. The King therefore, at the repeated
instances of the Scotch Lords, dispatched thither the Marquis dc
Nangis, by whom he sent the necessary Arms for an Expedition, and
ordered him to bring back the best Intelligence possible, not only of
the Truth of what had been laid before him, but what Force would
be required to put it in action, and what Strength the English would
be able to send thither on a sudden ; who upon his Return brought
190
/|[>emoits of tbe (lucvaltet be St* Georae. 3 3
the King large Assurances of having a strong Party in that Kingdom
ready to join them, and all manner of reasonable Hopes of succeeding
in the Enterprize.
Under these Circumstances, the Affair was dispatched to the Court
of Rome, and related with such feeling Aggravation of being a great
Means towards promoting the Cause of the Holy Catholic Religion ;
and likewise so tenderly remonstrated by the (pretended) Prince
himself in a dutiful and moving Letter to His Holiness ; that he was
prevailed with to furnish a considerable Sum of Money towards so
hopeful an Expedition, which he remitted to France ; And so diligent
was His Most Christian Majesty in expending it in the necessrry
Preparations for this Expedition, which were transacted with such
Secrecy, that the Design was rather guessed at than known, and every
thing got ready before the Spring.
The Chevalier de St. George (for this was the Name he had now
assumed) who had had several Interviews with the French King on
this Occasion, was charmed with this new Opportunity of putting
himself into the World, having a secret Impulse of Glory that spurred
him forwards to appear in something worthy of the Character that
was given him ; and of putting in Action those Rudiments of Honor,
which he had learned with so much Pleasure. He now received the
compliments of the Chief of the French Nobility on his intended
Expedition, who flocked to wish him good success therein : and he
likewise in his turn visited the Princes and Princesses of the Blood,
and if we may believe Report (for it will be no Wonder to find Love
in the Breast of a sanguine Prince at the Age of 20) he paid some-
thing more than a formal visit of leave to the blooming Mademoiselle
de C , on whom he had looked for some time with passionate
eyes, as made it whispered at Court, that they too apparently betrayed
something more than a common Respect due to so celebrated a
Beauty. Why this Affair has been no more talked of, is perhaps the
Reasons of State that moved in the Necessity of dissipating such a
Match ; and tho' of late, thro' the prevailing persuasions of the
Queen, it has been less a Subject of Discourse at Court, yet 'tis
certain he never speaks of her to this Day without discovering the
tender Remains of a broken and disappointed Passion.
To return therefore to his Military Affairs ; the day before his
Departure from St. Germans, the K. of France came thither to pay
him a visit, and bid him adieu. He received the King in the most
dutiful and affectionate Manner, having a great crowd of Courtiers
191
34 Ube ClatenDon IbtstoiJ^Socl^il^JSepnnts.
about him, and began with expressing so.«e extraordinaiy Sentiments
of Thanks for what the King had been pleased to do for him in this
Affair. The King told him very gayly, that he came not to receive
his thanks for it, but to wish him good success, and likewise to furnish
him with a Sword, which he desired him to wear in the Cause he
went on, and to remember if it proved successful that it was a French
Sword. The Chevalier returned the Compliment, by assuring His
Most Christian Majesty, "That if it were his good fortune to get
possession of the Throne of his Ancestors, he would not content
himself with returning him Thanks by Letters and Embassadors, but
would shew his Gratitude by his Actions." The King likewise asked
him if he was satisfied in the choice of Officers and Servants that he
had made to attend him ? To which the Chevalier replyed. That,
as in every thing else, he left it entirely at His Majesty's Disposal.
And now having taken his final leave, he set out for Dunkirk on
the 8th of March (N. S.) Nor will it be necessary to reiterate the
sad Parting between him and the Queen ; as likewise the Princess
his (supposed) Sister. The Grief of the former was inexpressible,
unless thro' the Multitude of Tears which she shed, that could best
delineate it ; she embraced him often, and sunk under a Thousand
Fears and Cares for his Safety, as if she seemed to doubt of ever
seeing him again : The latter likewise drowned in Tears, hung about
him in a very tender and affectionate Manner, and Expressed very
dreadful Apprehensions she conceived of his Safety.
In the mean time, while every thing was hurrying on for that
Expedition, the French King who had entertained great Hopes of
its Success, thought it no longer worthy to be made a Secret, and
therefore sent the following Circular Letter to his Ministers at Rome,
Switzerland, and Geneva, and other Neutral Places, the very next
Day after the Chevalier's Departure.
" T Have long been of Opinion, that the assisting the King of
-^ England to possess the Throne of his Ancestors, would be for
the general Good of Europe ; I believe a Peace would be the
Consequence of its Success ; and that this Prince's Subjects will
esteem themselves equally happy to Re-establish him in the Place of
his Predecessors, and in being themselves delivered from the continual
Impositions, wherewith they arc Over-whelmed, to maintain a War
altogether Foreign to them.
"As the Scots have yet more Reason than the English to be
192
/iDemoirs of tbe Cbevalter De St. George. 35
Disatisfyed with the present Government of England, it appears to
me a convenient Opportunity to restore that Nation her Lawful
Sovereign, and to enable the Prince to deliver it from the Oppression
it has suffered since the Revolution, which happened under the late
King of England James II.
" These are Reasons which have determined me to Equip a
Squadron of my Ships at Dunkirk, and to furnish the King of
England with a considerable Number of my Troops, to accompany
him to Scotland to support those his faithful Subjects, who shall
Declare for him.
"He left this Place Yesterday, to go to Dunkirk, in order to
Embark and get with all Expedition to Scotland. His Intention is
not to enter the Kingdom by Right of Conquest, but as Legal
Possessor of it. He will behave himself in like manner with Respect
to all his Dominions, who shall pay the Obedience they owe him,
and his Subjects will only be distinguished according to the Zeal and
Aifection they shew to him, without Examining what Religion they
professed in which he leaves them to their entire Liberty.
" I have not Thoughts of enlarging my Power by assisting to Re-
establish this Prince. 'Tis sufficient that I do an Act of Justice in
Vindicating the Honour of Crowned Heads, highly Affronted in the
Person of the King his Father ; and my Wishes will be entirely
accomplished, if by God's Blessing on the Endeavors, the Success
become the Means of procuring a lasting Peace, so necessary to all
Europe.
" As this Resolution of mine will soon spread itself thro* Europe,
my Will is, that you speak of it in the Manner I Direct you. Given
at Versailles this Eighth of March, 1708."
His Holiness upon this appointed public Prayers, in the English,
Scotch, and Irish Churches at Rome, for the Success of the Under-
taking, and granted Indulgences to such as should put up those
Prayers.
The Chevalier, upon his arrival at Dunkirk, found fresh Marks of
the French King's Esteem. He was furnished with very Fine Tents,
a Considerable Quantity of Gold and Silver Household Plate, of
curious workmanship ; Cloaths for his Life-Guards, Liveries for his
Household, and all other Necessaries for his Expedition. The Mottoes
or Devices on his Colors and Standards were adapted to the Purpose.
On some there was that of the Royal Standard of England — " Dieu et
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36 Ube ClatenDon fbistorical Society IReprints*
mon droits God and my Right : On others, Nil desperandnm Christo Duce
et Auspice Christo^ I don't despair since Christ is my Guide and
Helper ; And on others, Cui Venti et Mare obediunt, impera Domine,
et fac Tranquilitatem ! O Thou whom the Winds and the Sea obey,
command Lord, that it be calm." Whilst he is here, waiting only
the favorable Event of Wind and Weather, let us see what is doing
elsewhere.
Notwithstanding the great Secrecy with which this Expedition had
been Concerted, it could not be supposed but that Time would bring
about the Discovery of it. It was at first suspected in Holland, who
gave intimation to Her Majesty's Minister, M. Cadogan. This
Gentleman had a watchful Eye on these Preparations ; but it was not
till the Chevalier came to Dunkirk that he made any real Discovery
(nor even then as to the Place where they were designed) at what time
he sent immediate notice to England ; where on the 4th of March
(O. S.) Mr. Secretary Boyle acquainted the House of Commons,
That Her Majesty had ordered him to lay before them several
Advices received the Night before, and that Morning, of great
Preparations that were making at Dunkirk, for an Invasion upon
England by the French, and the (pretended) P. of Wales was come
to Dunkirk : Which produced the following Address to Her Majesty.
** "TTT^E Your Majesty's most faithful and obedient Subjects, the
' ' Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great
Britain in Parliament assembled, do beg leave to return our most
hearty Thanks to Your Majesty, for being generously pleased to
communicate to your Parliament the Intelligence you have received
of an intended Invasion of this Kingdom by the pretended Prince of
Wales, supported by a French Power.
"We are so sensible of the Happiness we enjoy under Your
Majesty, and are so afflicted with the dangerous Consequences of such
an Attempt both to your Person and Government, that with Hearts
full of Concern to Your Majesty's Safety, we beseech Your Majesty
that you will be pleased to take particular care of your Royal Person,
and we on our parts are fully and unanimously resolved to stand by
and assist Your Majesty with our Lives and Fortunes, in maintenance
of your undoubted Right and Title to the Crown of these Realms
against the pretended Prince of Wales, and all other your Enemies
both at home and abroad.
"The care Your Majesty has taken for the defence of your
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/iDemotts ot tbe Cbevalier De St GeorGC. 37
Dominions, and particularly in fitting out so great a Fleet in so short
a time, gives satisfaction and encouragement to all your Good Subjects
who are likewise very sensible of the Zeal the States-General have
shewn upon this Occasion.
"As a farther Instance of our Duty we humbly desire that you
would be pleased to order that the Laws against Papists and Non-
jurors be put in Execution, and that directions be given to seize and
secure such Persons, with their Horses and Arms, as Your Majesty
shall have cause to suspect are disaifected to your Person and Govern-
ment.
"And as we doubt not but by the Blessing of God, upon the
Continuance of Your Majesty's Care, your Enemies will be put to
Confusion, so we readily embrace this Opportunity to shew to Your
Majesty and the whole World, that no Attempts of this kind shall
deter us from supporting Your Majesty in a vigorous Prosecution of
the present War against France, till the Monarchy of Spain be
restored to the House of Austria, and Your Majesty have the Glory
to compleat the Recovery of the Liberties of Europe.
To which the Queen replied :
" My Lords, and Gentlemen,
" nr Have such entire Dependence on the Providence of God, and
-'- so much Trust in the faithful Services of my good Subjects,
that I hope this Attempt will prove Dangerous only to those who
undertake it.
"I am extreamly Sensible of your Concern and Affection for me
and my Government, and shall have a very particular Regard to the
Advice you give Me upon this Occasion.
"I am also very well pleased with the Justice you have done the
States General, in taking Notice of their timely Care for our Safety,
and their Readiness to give us all possible Assistance.
"The firm Resolutions which you Express upon all Occasions, of
Supporting me in bringing this War to a Safe and Happy Conclusion,
as it is most essentially obliging to me, so I assure my self it will
mightily Dishearten our Common Enemies, and give the greatest
Encouragement and Advantage to our Allies."
The Commons likewise ordered a Bill to be brought in, to
empower her Majesty to secure and detain such Persons as her
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Majesty should suspect were Conspiring against her Person and
Government. And pursuant to the Parliaments Desire in
their Address, a Proclamation was Issued, declaring the Chevalier
and all his Accomplices, Adherents, and Abettors to be Traitors and
Rebels. Strictly Charging all Papist Recusants, to repair to their
Places of Abode, and not remove from thence above the Distance of
Five Miles ; and also to depart out of the Cities of London and
Westminster, and from all Places within Ten Miles distance of the
same.
And here it is certain, that the Catholicks in England and Scotland
in many Places were great Sufferers thro* this Expedition : Who tho*
they are by Principle obliged to wish the Chevalier well, yet it is
thought that many of them were not over warm in this Affair, as
believing if it was Unsuccessful, it would be a means of laying them
under fresh Hardships.
A Bill was likewise actually brought in, and ready to pass, wherein
there was a Clause, for discharging Vassals from their Allegiance to
their Superiors, the Leaders or Chieftains of Clans, in case they
resisted them that took part with the Chevalier. Besides the former
united Address of the Lords and Commons, there were two other
presented on the 13th of March, in Answer to Her Majesty's Speech
of the loth, wherein were contained very warm Expressions against
the Chevalier and his Adherents.
Upon the first Notice of the French Armament at Dunkirk, Major
General Cadogan had repaired to Brussels, and Concerted with
Monsieur de Auverqucrque, the March of the British Forces to be
Shipped of for Great Britain, and how to supply their Room in their
several Garrisons. From Brussels the Major General went to Ghent,
and having Conferred with General Lumly the Governor of that
Place, and Commander in Chief of the British Troops, Orders were
given to Ten Battalions to hold themselves in a readiness to March
at an Hour's Warning. This done, that General repaired to Ostend,
to forward the Preparations which were making there for the
Embarking of those Regiments, as soon as there should be certain
Advice, that the Twelve French Battallions that were to attend the
Chevalier in his intended Expedition were actually Embarked. On
the other Hand, the Admiralty of Great Britain fitted out a Fleet
with such incredible Diligence and Expedition, that appearing in
sight of Dunkirk before it could have been expected, a Stop was put
to the Embarkation of the Troops, and frequent Exprcsscss Dispatched
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/iDemoirs ot tbe Cbevalter &e St Oeorae, 39
to Paris for new Orders. The Count de Fourbin who commanded
the Squadron, having represented to the French King, That he might
indeed get out of Dunkirk Harbour, and perhaps Land the Troops,
but that he could not be answerable for his Majesty's Ships.
Notwithstanding which, he received positive Instructions to Re-
Imbark the Troops, and put to Sea with the first fair Wind. In the
mean time, to cover the Reason of Dis-imbarking the Troops, it was
given out that the Chevalier was indisposed of the Measles, attended
with an Ague ; but the last Orders coming, that pretence vanished.
And Count de Fourbin having received Advice that the British Fleet,
forced from their Station by the high Winds, was seen off the coast
of Bretany, they began to Re-imbark the Troops, and the Wind
turning fair on the 17th of March, they laid hold of that Oppor-
tunity, and sailed out of Flemish Road ; but the Wind veering
towards Night, forced them to anchor again in Newport Pits, where
they continued till the 19th, and then sailed directly for Scotland.
In the mean time the British Fleet, under Sir George Bing, which
was considerably reinforced, returning to their Station off Graveling,
the next day received notice that the French Fleet was sailed, when
leaving Admiral Baker with a strong Squadron, to convoy the Troops,
they sailed directly after to Scotland. Besides Ten Battallions
embarked at Ostend, a considerable Reinforcement was sent from
England toward Scotland, consisting of Two Troops of Guards, the
Duke of Northumberland's Regiment of Horse, a Squadron of Horse
Grenadiers, Two Regiments of Dragoons, One Detachment of 16
Men per Company out of the Foot Guards, besides several Regiments
of Foot ; whom the Earl of Leven, before dispatched to Edinburgh,
was to command.
On board the French Ships there was 10 Battalions (besides some
Troops that were to follow them) with sufficient Stores, and 400
Non-commissioned Officers, for the raising of more Forces : The
whole commanded by Count de Gace,* a Mareschal of France. The
Chevalier himself was on board the Mars, with the said Mareschal de
Gace, the Duke of Perth, the Lord Middleton, the Lord Galmoy ;
and other Officers, and Persons of Distinction. Notwithstanding
the Design was given out to be on Scotland in general, yet the Castle
of Edinburgh was the particular Place aimed at, the Plan of which
had been laid before the Council at Versailles, where the Design was
unanimously approved.
* Sic. It should be de Grace.
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In Scotland at this time they were in the greatest Confusion ;
those who were Friends to the Chevalier, and wished well to the
Expedition, were under various Apprehensions, and not without
Fears of being seized and imprisoned, as it happened to a great many;
others were in as great Pain, not only from their Apprehensions of
the French Fleet, which was to invade them, but likewise of the
Chevalier's Friends within, whom they expected to rise in arms in
many Places of the Kingdom, which Fleet appeared on the Coast,
having reached the Frith of Edinburgh the 23rd of March (N. S.) in
the Morning.
Upon Sight whereof the Country was in an alarm. At Edinburgh
the Magistrates assembled the Corporations, to know what assistance
they could expect from them in defending themselves, and keeping
the Peace of the City ? Upon which it was resolved that the
Freemen should keep guard by turns in their respective Halls, and be
ready upon the first Notice of any Disorder.
On the other hand great Diligence was used in observing and
securing several Persons, suspected either of holding correspondence
with the Chevalier, or at least being inclined to favour his Design ;
amongst whom were the Dukes of Hamilton, Athol, and Gordon, and
many other Persons of Note. As to the French Fleet, tho' they had
been on the Coast a whole Day and Night, yet no body came off to
them, and the English followed them so close, as wholly disappointed
their Landing, and obliged them to steer out of the Frith, where they
were at anchor, and to make use of the Favor of the Night and a
small Breeze, to further their Escape. Of which the following
Account was given by the Count de Gace, otherwise called the
Mareschal dc Mantignon, to M. Chamillard.
" SIR,
" T" Had the Honor to acquaint you with our Embarkation at
-*- Dunkirk, the 17th past, and you shall see by the following
Journal what has happened since till our Return.
"The 17th of March, at 4 in the Afternoon, the Chevalier de
Fourbin set sail with the Fleet ; but about 10 in the Evening the
Wind proving contrary, we were obliged to cast Anchor in the Downs
of Newport, where we were detained the i8th and 19th. The
ProteuSj on board of which were 400 Landmen, the Guerrier (or
Warrior) and the Bnrre?itin with 200 Men each, were obliged by the
198
/IDemoirs ot tbe Cbevaliet De St. (Beorge. 4'
high Winds, to put back into Dunkirk. The same day (19th) at Ten
in the Evening, the Wind having chopped about, we set sail again,
and having pursued our course the 20th, 21st, and 22d, with a strong
Gale, we made the Frith of Edinburgh the 23d in the Morning, and
in the Evening, cast anchor at the Mouth of it. The 24th in the
Morning, as we made ready to enter the Frith, wp discovered a great
Number of Ships which we soon found to be the Enemies Squadron,
to the Number of Twenty Eight Sail, who we Judged to be the
same that appeared off Dunkirk, whereupon Monsieur de Fourbin
resolved to bear off by the Favour of a Land Breeze, which very
luckily carried us from the Enemy ; The latter pursuing us very close
all that Day (24.) and four of their best Sailors being come up with
our Sternmost Ships, the Enemy's foremost Ship attacked at four in
the Afternoon, the August with whom she Exchanged some Shot, for
some time after the English bore down upon the Salisbury, which
was more a Stern, and Endeavoured to put her between herself and
another English Ship that was coming up to her. The Fight between
those two Ships and some others on both sides lasted till Night,
during which time, the Salisbury made a great Fire with their small
Arms.
" Our Fleet being dispersed, and the Enemy near us. Monsieur de
Fourbin steered false during the Night, which had a good Effect, for -
the next Day (the 25th) we found ourselves with twenty Sail at a
considerable Distance from the Enemy, whereupon I Discoursed
Monsieur Fourbin, to know of him, whether having missed our
Landing in the Frith of Edinburgh we might not attempt it in
another Place ; He proposed to me Inverness, which is a very remote
Part in the North of Scotland, and we went immediately to the
(pretended) King of England, who Entertained the Motion with Joy,
and told us, 'We ought to Concert together the Measures that were
to be taken, and he would pursue our Resolutions.'
"The Question now was to get Pilots to Conduct us thither, and
give us the necessary Notice : But there being none in our Squadron
that was acquainted with that Port, Monsieur de Fourbin detached a
Frigate, with the Sieurs Caron and Bouyn, to fetch some from the
Cape of Buccaness. All that Day (25) we steered with a pretty
favourable Wind towards the North of Scotland, but about Eleven at
Night, there arose a strong contrary Wind, which having continued
the next Day with Violence, Monsieur de Fourbin told me, it was
high time to acquaint the (pretended) King with the Inconvenience
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42 Ube Clarenbon ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts.
of pursuing our Course, which were the inevitable Dispersion of the
Fleet, the Danger the Ships that should be separated would be in,
either of falling into the Enemies Hands, or of Perishing on the
Coast, if they were driven thither, and even the want of Provisions.
" The impossibility Sieurs Caron and Bouyn found of approach-
ing the Shoar, by reason of the stormy Weather, and consequently of
bringing Pilots to Guide us ; the Uneasiness and Danger of Landing
in a Port we were Strangers to, where the Enemy might come up
again with us, together with other Hazards and Difficulties, having
been represented to the (pretended) King by Monsieur de Fourbin,
in the presence of the Duke of Perth, my Lord Middleton, Mr.
Hamilton, my Lord Galmay, and Messieurs de Beauharnois and
d'Andrezel, the (pretended) King of England, with the unanimous
Advice of all those Gentlemen resolved to return to Dunkirk, where
we could not arrive before this Day, by the reason of the Calms
and contrary Winds.
I am, &c.
The following Letter was likewise wrote from Dunkirk,
by an Officer of Distinction to his Friend at Paris.
Dunkirk, April 12. N.S., 1707.
" ^TT^E were in such a Hurry on our Expedition to Scotland, the
* ^ Design being communicated to none but our Prince's
Privy Council till we were on our March, that I neither could not
durst say anything of it, but now we are returned I believe it won't be
disagreeable to you to know the Truth of the Matter.
"When the Prince set Sail, three Battallions and some Provisions
that could not be got ready to go with him, were ordered to follow
him to Leith Road, which accordingly we did four Days after, in
Seven Privateers, Commanded by Monsieur Zoust, and got to Leith
Road without meeting any Ships in our Passage. We were much
surprised to find no Ships at our Place of Rendezvous, and therefore
put out Dutch Colours, and went close in with the Town of Leith,
to get Intelligence. A Boat came of to us with two Pilots, who told
us, that the French Fleet had not been there, but that Advice was
come from the English Fleet, which lay off the Frith Mouth, that
the People on Shoar took our Ships to be Dutch East-India Men, that
they heard had been upon the Coast.
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/llbemoirs ot tbe Cberalter be St. Gcovqc^ 43
" We kept the Pilots on Board, and made all the haste we could
out of the Firth, keeping close under the South Shoar, to cover us
from the sight of the English, whom we saw off Fifeness, about three
Leagues to the Northward of us, steering our Course North-East, we
came up within two Days with the Body of the French Fleet, all
scattered, and resolving homeward. I went on board the Mars, where
I was told the Prince and Privy Council were, to receive further
Orders, and to give an Account of my Expedition, and there heard of
their Escape by the luckiest Accident in the World : They had got
into the Firth on Friday Night, having heard nothing of the English
Fleet, and anchored off Pittenweim and Creil, with Design to Land
near Leith in the Morning, when in the Night they heard the
English Fleet fire the Signal for their Ships to come to an Anchor.
Monsieur Fourbin knowing the meaning of it, immediately sent a
Boat on Board of every Ship in his Squadron, ordering them to put
out their Lights, and to Sail one by one out of the Firth, and steer
a North-East Course till they should come off the town of St.
Andrew's, which accordingly they did, but the Wind and tide being
against them, the English made them in the Morning and pursued them.
In the Pursuit, which lasted three Days, they lost the Salisbury, the
Blackwall, foundred since at Sea, the Deal, Castle, Sun, and Squirrel v^^
are afraid are lost on the Coast of Holland, and the Triumph, which
we thought also lost, is got in, but much shattered. On Thursday,
put just off of Zealand, our small Squadron fell in with four English
third Rates, which frighted us out of our Wits, for we were in so
dismal a Condition, that we could not make any Defence, and we
must have surrendered ; but they knowing nothing of our Circum-
stances bore away from us, and we got that Afternoon into Dunkirk
Road, and next Day our Prince arrived with the rest in so miserable
a Condition all of us, that the Soldiers when they crept on Shoar,
looked more like Rats than Men. The Prince suffered much in his
Health, and what with Fatigue and Chagrin looked very thin, but to
put a good Face on the Matter, Dressed himself very fine, in an
Embroidered Suit, and a blue Feather in his Hat ; when he went
ashoar, where he was received by abundance of Ladies in their
Coaches, with Looks that put me in Mind of an English Funeral.
When he went off the Noise was all over, Long live the King ; but at
our return shrugging of Shoulders and shaking of Heads gave a
dismal Welcome. Poor Clermont and his Brother are taken in the
Salisbury, and my Lord Dumbarton is either with them or lost in the
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44 XTbe Clarendon 1bi6tortcal Society IReprtnte.
Blackwall. General Dorington, Gilmoy, and some of our Bottle
Friends, are now very ill at Mr. GofTs House here, the Macdonalds
&c. are gone up to St. Germans with the Prince."
" I need not tell you that the Foundation of our whole Design
was the Castle of Edinburgh, which miscarrying by the Arrival of
the English Fleet, the Prince's Council did not think fit to land any
where else. The Plan of this Castle was laid before a Council of
General Officers at Versailles, and it was unanimously concluded,
that with the Troops, Mortars, and Bombs, which we carried it could
not hold above 3 Days. We designed to have made a False Attack at the
Postern Gate, while 3 Battallions should enter the Outworks that
front the City, and lodge under their Half Moon, which would
oblige them the next day to surrender. By the Taking of this
Castle we should have had the Regalia; and I am told, Two Protestant
Archbishops would have crowned the Prince in the High Church.
The Equivalent from England being also in this Castle, would have
been a great supply to us for raising of Men. We have above
400 Officers with us for that Purpose, all Pretty Fellows, that have
served in the Wars of Italy and Spain, and above 100 Chests of
Money. Some were for Landing in Murray Firth, if it had only
been to refresh our Troops, but you know how nicely the French
King's Orders arc be obeyed, and how little Power he gives o^ his
Troops to any Ally, but always secret ones to his own Generals.
We Scots and Irish might have landed, but the French were
restrained to Musselburgh and Leith, or no where."
To these Accounts, we shall on the other hand subjoin, those that
were written by Sir George Bing, from on board the Midway, the
13th and 15th of March, O. S. The first whereof is as follows.
"According to the Opinion we had framed when we left the Station
of Dunkirk, it has proved that the Enemy was designed for Edinburgh.
This Morning we saw the French Fleet in the Mouth of the Firth,
off of which Place we anchored the Last Night, and sent a Boat
ashore to the Isle of May, from whence we had an account that the
French came to an Anchor yesterday in the Afternoon : They sent
one Ship up into Leith Road, which had a Flag at the Main Topmast
Head : They reported it a Blue one, but we are rather of opinion
that it is the Standard. The People of the Island say, that by the
time that Ship could get up before the Town, they heard several
Guns fire, which were in the Manner of a Salute. The Ship that
202 -).
/iDemotrs ot tbe Cbe\>alter be St. (Beorge, 45
went up yesterday, came down this Morning, and is now within Two
Leagues of us : She appears to be a Ship of 60 Guns, but has now
no Flag on board. We saw this Morning, when they weighed, a
Flag at the Main Top-Mast Head on board of one of their Ships.
They stand from us, and we after them with all the sail we can."
The Second Letter was as follows, " We chased the Enemy to the
Northward of Buchaness, sometimes with reasonable Hopes of coming
up with them. The Dover and Ludlow Castle being the only Clean-
Sailing Ships we had : They were the first which came up with part
of the Enemy's Squadron, passing by some of the Smaller to engage
some of the larger Ships, and stop them till they should be relieved.
They attacked 2 or 3 of their Ships, amongst which was the Salisbury.
They did not part with them till more of our Ships arrived, but
worked their Ships in a handsome manner, to cut them off from the
rest of the Fleet ; but in the Darkness of the Night they all got out
of our Sight, except the Salisbury^ who falling in amongst our
Headmost Ships, the Leopard entered Men on board her. We were
informed by the Officers who were taken, that there were 12
Battallions on board their Squadron, commanded by the Count de
Gace, a Marshal of France, the pretended Prince of Wales, Lord
Middleton, Lord Perth, the Macdonalds, Trevanion, and several other
Officers and Gentlemen on board the Mars, in which also was
Monsieur Fourbin, who commanded the Squadron. The Number
and Strength of their Ships are very near the Account we lately
received from Dunkirk, nor were they joined by the Brest
Men of War : And they further assure us that the Ships our
out Scouts saw off of Calais, were Privateers and their Prizes going
into Dunkirk. The Morning after this Chase we saw but
18 of the Enemies Ships as far as we could perceive them from the
Mast-head, in the ENE of us. Having no prospect of coming up
with them, we lay off and on Buccaness all day yesterday, to gather
all our Ships together ; and this day it blowing hard at N E with a
Great Sea, judging the Enemy could not seize the Shore to make any
attempt, we bore up for this Place, which was thought most reasonable,
not only to secure, but to give Countenance and Spirit to Her
Majesty's Faithful Subjects, and discourage those that could have
Thoughts of being our Enemies."
There were taken on board the Salisbury, the Lords Griffin and
Clermont, Colonel of a Regiment, and Son to the Earl of Middleton,
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46 Zbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IReprints.
with Mr. Middleton his Brother, and Colonel Francis Wauchup ;
together with the Marquiss de Levy, a French Lieutenant General,
one aid de Camp, one Colonel, two Lieutenant Colonels, five
Captains, two French Lieutenants, Fifteen Irish Lieutenants, ten
Serjeants, ten Corporals, ten Lanspessades, with M. de Segent,
Commissary of War; and about 1 80 Soldiers: Besides the Ships
Company of about 300 Men, Officers included. As for the four first
mentioned, as well as the fifteen Irish Lieutenants, being Subjects of
Great Britain, they were brought to London, and Committed, the
former to the Towcx, and latter to Newgate. Many State Prisoners
were likewise brought from Edinburgh to London, who had been
confined in the Castle of Edinburgh, and that were admitted to Bail,
except such against whom there was any particular Information,
which I think was very few ; not one Person having suffered on this
Account. The Lord Griffin indeed was sentenced upon a former
Outlawry for High Treason, a Rule of Court was made out for his
Execution, and a Warrant passed for fulfilling the same, but he was
reprieved the Night before the Sentence should have been Executed ;
and in the End died in the Tower on the loth of November, 17 10.
And now Sir George Bing having continued in Leith Road, till he
had Intelligence the French Fleet was returned to Dunkirk, he
returned to the Downs, and thus ended this memorable Expedition,
which had put Britain into a thousand Hopes and Fears. It is
therefore time to pursue the Chevalier, who was by this time returned
to France.
The Gentleman who wrote one of the foregoing Letters from
Dunkirk, seems to be mistaken, when he says the Chevalier returned
to St. Germans, for he went from Dunkirk to St. Omers, where he
spent some time among the English Gentlemen there, who in the
Welcome they gave him, could not but mix with sad and dejected
Looks, some Sighs and affectionate Expressions of Sorrow, for the
unfortunate Disappointment he had met with : But he had learned
80 much of the Hero, as to shew a perfect Unconcernedness at what
they said, and with a becoming Serenity, very rare in one so young,
turned the Discourse to other things.
The Armies being now ready to take the Field in Flanders, he
besought the French King that he might serve among his Troops
there, then Commanded by the Dukes of Burgundy and Vendosme
which the King not only complied with, but permitted the Duke of
Berry to accompany him. They arrived in the Army some Days
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/IDemoirs of tbe Cberaller t)e St George, m
before the Battle of Audenarde, in which the Chevalier was present
during the whole Action, and did the Duty of Aid de Camp to the
Duke of Burgundy, whom he constantly attended during the heat of
the Day. Not only the Paris Gazette^ and other French News Papers,
gave large Accounts of the intrepid Behaviour of the young Princes,
but Officers who were on the Spot could not restrain speaking of it
in their Letters, tho' they were writ in a very great Hurry and
Perplexity ; Which because they are not Foreign to the Subject of
these Memoirs ; as well as that they give a Concise Account of the
Action, it would seem a Neglect to overlook them.
A Letter written by a French Officer the Day after the
Battle of Audenarde.
" "T Can only send you the unwelcome Relation of the Particulars
of the Battle, which happened yesterday about two in the
Afternoon noar Audenarde. 'Twill prove a great Blow to France ;
for without Exaggerating the Matter, we had above loooo Men
killed, wounded, or taken. The Action was very ill managed on our
side ; for instead of attacking the Enemy when they began to pass
the Schelde near Audenarde at Eleven in the Morning, we let them
come over the River quietly, which they would not have adventured
to do, had we in any tolerable Manner offered to dispute their
Passage ; but seeing us stand still, they were encouraged to prosecute
their first Design, and began to pass over two Bridges which they had laid.
As fast as their Horse and Foot came over, they ranged themselves in
Order of Battle against us, and while our Generals were in Suspense,
what Resolutions to take, whether to venture an Engagement or not,
the Enemy's Army continued coming over the River, and soon
possessed themselves of some Villages and Hedges ; so that at last
our Generals were compelled to endeavour to dislodge them.
Accordingly, our Infantry advanced, and the Ground was disputed
two or three Hours, with a terrible Fire and great Obstinacy on both
sides ; but our Foot being tired with Charging the Enemy five or six
times, and disheartened to see themselves not supported by our Horse
(who could not act because the Ground was so full of Inclosures)
and pressed hard by the Enemy, were at length forced to retire, and
quit the Ground to them. We Dragoons were obliged to endure the
continual Fire of the Enemies Foot and Cannon, without daring to
stir, because we were on the Right of the King's Household, who
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suffered as much as we. Toward the Evening, we were fallen upon
by a great Number of the Enemy's Horse, to hinder us from succouring
the rest, who were put to the Rout ; and of Seven Regiments of
Dragoons, we lost above half : At last, we saw no other Exedient^
but to force our way thro* the Enemy ; but first we sent to see
whether we could be assisted in that Design by any of our Forces :
In the mean time Night came on apace, and we were informed that
the King's Household (whose Retreat was covered in some measure
by us) were at too great a Distance. Things standing thus, our
Resolution of breaking thro' the Enemy sunk, and some of the
Enemy's Adjutants summoning us to yield our selves Prisoners of War*
we submitted to it, seeing no other way to save our Lives. At least
Forty of our Regiments are reduced to a wretched Condition, the
greatest part of them being killed or taken, so that it will be long
before they can be Re-established. Of four Regiments of the King's
Household, at least half were taken Prisoners, and among them are
several Persons of Note. The Chevalier de Longville, and 15 other
Officers were mortally wounded, and two of them are since dead.
The Regiments of PsifFer and Villars are quite ruined, and almost all
their Officers are taken, with all their Baggage, &c.
"The Dukes of Burgundy, Berry, and the Chevalier de St. George,
staid at the Head of the Household during the whole Action, and
Retreated with them to Ghent, where we are just now told they arc
safe arrived. I cannot pretend to tell you yet what the Result of
this Battle will be, or how our Generals will square their Motions,
which we are like to have no farther Share in this Campaign."
"Yours,"
Another Letter had in it this Expression.
"That there was not wanting those, who advised the Princes to set
out Post for Ipres, but this they generously refused, and staid at the
Head of the Troops till the very last." And the Duke de Vendosme
in his Letter to the King of France, assured him, " That the
Chevalier de St. George, and the Duke de Berry, were very forward
during the Battle."
The next Summer, the Chevalier made the Campaign under the
Marshal de Villars, who had a particular Charge of him, and with
whom during the whole time of continuing in the Field, he
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constantly accompanied on all Duties, and rode with him continually
when he visited the Lines, or Reconnoitred the Enemy, and in the
Battle of Mons; or Blaregnies, was present with him in the Heat of
all the Action, as we may find by the Marshal de Bouflers Account
thereof to the King, where he has these Words, in the Conclusion of
his Letter, applied to the Behaviour of those that Distinguished
themselves in the Battle.
" T Cannot now give your Majesty any particulars of this Action,
but will endeavor to send them to morrow, or next day : I
can assure Your Majesty that all the General Officers did their Duty
perfectly well, and with the greatest Bravery and Skill; but Monsieur
d'Artagnan, who commanded the Right of the Foot distinguished himself
in a particular manner, as well by his Valor as by his good Orders :
He had 3 Horses killed under him, and received 4 Blows on his
Cuirass : The D. de Guiche, who was also on the Right, a little
forwarder than M. D'Artagnan, behaved himself with all possible
Skill and Bravery, and received a Musket Shot in his Leg : The
Marquis Damfort and M. de la Frazelliere, who were also on the
Right, and in M. d'Artagnan's Rear, shewed the same Valor and
Capacity : M. de Gassion, who commanded the Right Wing of Horse,
did Wonders at the Head of your Majesty's Household, and shewed
on this Occasion his Courage and Ability, having pushed and defeated
more than 2 or 3 of the Enemies Lines Sword in Hand. The
Gendarmes, Light Horse, Musqueteers, and Horse Grenadiers also
did wonders : The P. de Rohan, and M. de Vidame did all that could
be expected from Persons of the greatest Valor : The Gendarmarie
did Wonders also, and the Marquis de la Valiere was everywhere,
and charged with all possible Bravery at all the different Charges.
The Cavalry behaved themselves very well, and all the Troops, as
well as the Foot, stood with incredible Firmness one of the briskest .
Cannonades that ever was : All the Foot did Wonders and
distinguished them.
" The Chevalier de St. George behaved himself, during the whole
Action, with all possible Bravery and Vivacity. I say nothing of
Your Majesty's Left, by reason I was not there, but I know that all
the General Officers, and all the Troops, animated by the Mareschal
de Villar's Presence and Example, behaved themselves' with all
possible Valor,"
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Upon his Return from this Campaign, the Chevalier was compli-
mented by the Principal of the Court of France ; for the Mareschal
de Villars had likewise given such an account, as served to heighten
the public Opinion of him.
I am now, for want of more Room, drawing to a Conclusion of
these Memoirs. And it may be well presumed there are many things
that will not bear mentioning, with regard to the Strictness of Caution
we are now tied up to. As there is no Offence designed, so I cannot
but suppose there will be none taken. Were he of no other
Consideration but his adding a Clause (and perhaps one of the most
considerable) in the whole Articles in this memorable Treaty of
Peace, it seems sufficient to warrant an Undertaking of this nature,
and to record a NAME in some collected manner, that is; and indeed
but barely is, scattered and interspersed thro' so many Scraps of History.
I shall only further remember the Reader, that Last Year he made a
tour thro' the Eastern Parts of France, while at the same time there
was a great Armament to Toulon and Brest ; which amused a
considerable part of Europe, and gave foundation to a Surmise, that
some Expedition was to be made in his Favor.
He had before had an interview with the French King, who in a
very solemn manner, tho' not without Impressions of Concern, told
him, that he found himself under the necessity of giving Peace to
his People ; and that some Overtures had passed which gave him
hopes of obtaining that long desired End : He proposed therefore to
him many Places for his Retreat, which he was assured must attend
the Issue of the Affair: But remembered to him what he had formerly
said on this Subject, for which he assured him he should never alter.
He visited most of the Principal Towns of that Part of France,
and likewise the Army of the Duke de Berwick : But as there was
a good Space of Time, in which the Public News gave no account of
his Journey, it comfirms me in the Opinion of what I have been
confidently told ; That he then visited the Place of his Retreat, when
he quits the Realms of France, and had a private interview with a
certain Prince that is to receive him.
The beginning of April last, a few Days after his (supposed) Sister,
he was visited with the Small Pox, and in great Danger of Death,
but Providence designed to lengthen a LIFE, tho' meanly treated in
History, that has a very large share in the most momentous Affairs that
relate to this part of Europe, and would yet be of more Regard were
not France reduced to the Necessity of Submitting, that the
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/ll>emoirs of tbe Cbevalier ^e St. Gcovqc. 5 '
Preservation of their National Religion in Britain, is the most just
and reasonable part of their Government ; and which to Subvert,
will not only be the most difficult thing in Nature, but always
preferred above the Concern for their Lives and Safety.
I Conclude all with an Account of the Death and Character of the
Princess Louisa Maria Teresa, Daughter of King James II. who died
of the Small Pox at St. Germains, the i8th of April, 171 2. as it was
said to be sent in a Letter from a Nobleman of France, to his
Correspondent at Utrecht.
" My Lord,
" ~r Send you by these, the sad and deplorable News of the much
-*- lamented Death of the Princess Royal of England, who died
of the Small-Pox, the l8th of this Month, at St. Germains, who as
she was one of the greatest Ornaments of that afflicted Court, so she
was the Admiration of all Europe ; never Princess was so universally
regretted. Her Death has filled all France with Sighs, Groans, and
Tears. She was a Princess of a majestical Mien and Port ; every
Motion spoke Grandeur, every Action was easy and without any
Aff'ectation or Meanness, and proclaimed her a heroine descended
from the long Race of so many Paternal and Maternal Heroes ;
Majesty sat enthroned on her Forehead, and her curious large black
Eyes struck all that had the honor to approach her, with Awe and
Reverence ; but all her External Glories, though the greatest of
her Sex, were nothing to her Internal, and she seems to have
established the Opinion of Plato, who asserts, " That the Soul frames
its own Habitation, and that beautiful Souls make to themselves
beautiful Bodies." She had a great deal of pleasant Wit, joined with
an equal Solidity of Judgment ; she was Devout, without the Defects
that young Aspirers to Piety are sometimes incident to ; and though
she complied with the Diversions of the Court, her greatest Pleasure
was in pious Retirement, She was very afi'able, and of a sweet mild
Temper, full of Pity and Compassion, which is the distinguishing
Character of the Royal Family of the Stuarts. To sum up all in a
few Words, she was a dutiful and obedient Daughter, an affectionate
Sister, tenderly loving and beloved by the Hero her Brother. On
both their Countenances were divinely mingled the noble Features
and Lineaments of the Stuarts and the D' Este's, and Beauty
triumphed over both, with this only Difference, That in him it was
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more Strong and Masculine as becoming his Sex, in her more Soft
and Tender as more suiting with hers; in both, excellent and alike.
She was four Years younger, as if designed by Providence to confute
the black Calumny of her Brother's Birth, and her Royal Mother's
Inability of having Children. To be short, in her the Distressed
have lost a certain Comforter, her Servants an excellent Mistress,
and the World one of its most precious Gems. She died expressing
the warmest Sentiments of Piety, and the most perfect Resignation,
uttering often her Royal Father's dying Words and Ejaculations, as
Inheritrix of his Piety. The great Discomposure of my Mind on
this sad Occasion, and my gushing Tears hinder me to add any more.
Adieu."
jftnts.
210
A FAIT H FUL
MEMORIAL
OF THAT
REMARKABLE MEETING
OF
Many Officers of the Army in England,
at Windsor Castle, in the Year 1648.
1659.
J^ISTORY IS BUT THE JJl^OLLED ^CROLL OF JPrOPHECY."
— James A. Garfield
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY
This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
A FAITHFUL
MEMOEIAL
OF THAT
REMARKABLE MEETING
OF
Many Officers of the Army in England,
at Windsor Castle, in the Year 1648.
AS ALSO,
A DISCOVERY
OF THE
Great goodnefs of God, in his gracious meeting of them, hear-
ing and anfwering their fuit or fupplications, while
they were yet fpeaking to him.
ALL
Which is humbly prefented, as a precious Patern and Prefident
unto the Officers and Souldiers of the faid Army (or elfe-
where) who are or fhall be found in the like path, of fol-
lowing the Lord in this evil day; fearching and trying
their waies, in order to a through Return
and Reformation.
By William Allen, late Adjutant-General
of the Army in Ireland.
Turn you at my reproof: be 60 Id I will pour out my wrath upon
yoUj I will make known my words unto you.
LONDON,
Sold by Strivewel Chapman, at the Crown in Popes-head
Alley. 1659.
To Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, and other the Officers
of the Armies in England, Scotland, and Ireland,
efpecially to fuch of them, who in the fence of the
dangers of the day, have been of late (as is faid)
betaking themfelves to that moft necefTary duty of
fplemn AddrefTes, and fervent fupplications to the
Lord, humbling their fouls before him, in the fence
of their own and others abominations abounding in
this day; with unfeigned defire and endeavour to find
out, and forfake them accordingly ; with all others in
the Armies, that are or fhall be found fearching and
trying their waies in order to return: The following
Narrative is humbly tendered by a late member of
them, and now a mourner for them ; yet unfeignedly
defiring their profperity in the path of repentance.
TTAving underftood, that you have of late been much converfant
"*"*■ in feeking the Lord, in this day of diftrefs, and enquiring (as
becomes you) into the caufes of his difpleafure againft us (which
feems to wax hot) all which if performed in a right fence, obferving
right rules and ends, may be of much ufe to help in time of need.
Yet knowing the aptness of our own with others hearts to mifcarry
in fuch duties, and thereby mifs of the defired fuccefs, by either
fetting up the ftumbling-block of our iniquity before our eyes, or
having any fecret regard thereto in our hearts, the efFeft of which is
to fhut out Prayer ; I held it my duty to contribute my mite to this
work of weight, by prefenting you with a prefident once famous
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amongst us, by the fuccefs the Lord crown'd it with, and us in that
path in a day of very great diftrcfs round about : and defire that fo far
as you fhall fee this praftife here prefented, with the method therein
obferved, to agree with the revealed will of God contained in the
Scripture, relating to the duty of his people, in fuch a pofture, that
you will not be afFraid to make it your patern, fince the Lord hath
formerly born fuch a witncfs to it, and written fuch bleffing upon it,
as may well be fet up as a Pillar of Remembrance in the midft of us,
to his praife, as well as our direction to, and in like duties in future
ftreights.
In the year 47. you may remember, we in the Army were engaged
in aftions of a very high nature, leading us to very untroden paths,
both in our contclls with the then Parliament, as alfo conferences
with the King ; in which great works wanting a fpirit of faith, and
the fear of the Lord, and alfo unduly furprized with the fear of man,
which alwaies brings a fnare ; we, to make hafte, as we thought, out
of fuch perplexities, meafuring our way by a wifdom of our own,
fell into Treaties with the King and his party ; which proved fuch a
fnare to us, and led into fuch labyrinths by the end of that year, that
the very things we thought to avoid, by the means we ufed of our
own devifing, were all with many more of a far worse and more
perplexing nature, brought back upon us, to the overwhelming our
fpirits, weakning our hands and hearts, filling us with divifions,
confufions, tumults and every evil work, and thereby endangering the
ruine of that blefled caufe we had with fuch fuccefs been profpered
in till this time : for now the King and his party, feeing us not
anfwer their ends, began to provide for themfelves, by a Treaty with
the then Parliament, fet on foot about the beginning of 48. The
Parliament alfo was at the fame time highly difpleafed with us, for
what we had done, both as to the King and themfelves ; the good
people likewife, even our most faithful friends in the Nation,
beholding our turning afide from the path of fimplicity we had
formerly walkt (and been bleft and thereby much endeared to
their hearts, began now to turn and withdraw their afFedlions from us
in this politick path in which we had ftept, and walkt in, to our hurt,
the year before. And as a farther fruit of the waies of our own
backfliding hearts, we were also filled with a fpirit of great jealoufie
and divifions among our fclves, having left that wifdom of the word,
that is firft pure, and then peaceable, that we were now fit for little
but to tear and rend one another, and thereby prepare our fclves, and
216
XTbe f^cctim at MinDsor*
the work in our hands, to be ruined by the common Enemy, as
thefe that were ready to fay, as many others of like fpirit in this
day, of the like fad occassions amongft us, Lo, this is the day we
looked for. The King and his party prepare accordingly to ruine all,
by fuddain insurreftions in moft parts of the Nation, the S/:ot
concurring with the fame defigns, comes in with a potent Army under
Duke Hamilton. We in the Army in a low, weak, divided, perplext
condition in all refpefts, as aforefaid, fome of us judging it a duty to
lay down Arms, and quit our ftations, putting ourfelvcs into the
capacities of private men, lince what we had done, or was yet
in our hearts to do, tending as we judged to the good of thefe poor
Nations, was not accepted by them.
Some alfo encouraging themfelves and us to such a thing, by urging
for fuch a pradice the example of our Lord Jefus, who when he had
born an eminent Teftimony, to the pleafure of his Father, in an aftive
way, fealed to it at laft by his fufferings ; which was prefented to us
as our patern for imitation.
Others of us were different minded, thinking foraething of another
nature might be farther yet our duty, and therefore were by joynt
advice, by a good hand of the Lord led to this refult, vix, to go
folemnly to fearch out (and humble our fouls before the Lord in the
fence of) our iniquities, which we were perfwaded had provoked the
Lord againft us, to bring fuch fad perplexities upon us, as at that
day, out of which we faw no way elfe to extricate our felves.
Accordingly we did agree to meet at Wind/ore Caftle, about the
beginning of 48. and there fpent one day together in Prayer, inquiring
into the caufes of that fad difpenfation. Coming to no farther refult
that day, but that it was ftill our duty to feek ; and on the morrow we
met again in the morning where many fpake from the Word, and
Prayed ; and the then Lieutenant-General Cromwell did prefs very
earnellly, on all there prefent, to a thorough confideration of our
aftions as an Army, as well as our waies particularly, as private
Chriftians, to fee if any iniquity could be found in them ; and what
it was, that if possible we might find out, and fo remove the caufe of
fuch fad rebukes, as were upon us by reafon of our iniquities, as we
judged at that time. And the way more particularly the Lord led us
to herein, was to look back, and confider what time it was that we
could with joynt fatisfaftion, fay to the bell of our Judgements, the
prefence of the Lord was amongst us, and rebukes and judgements
were not as then upon us. Which time the Lord led us joyntly to
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8 Ube Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts*
find out and agree in ; and having done fo, to proceed, as we then
judged it our duty, to fearch into all our publick actions as a Army,
afterwards duly weighing (as the Lord helpt us) each of them, with
their Grounds, Rules, and Ends, as neer as we could ; and so
concluded this fccond day with agreeing to meet again on the
morrow : which wc accordingly did, upon the fame occafion,
rcalTuming the confideration of our debates the day before, and
reviewing our actions again ; by which means we were by a gracious
hand of the Lord led to find out the very fteps (as we were then all
joyntly convinc'd) by which we had departed from the Lord, and
provoked him to depart from us ; which we found to be thofc curfed
carnal confejences, our own wifdom, fears, and want of faith, had
prompted us the year before, to entertain with the King and his party.
And at this time, and on this occafion, did the then Major Goff (as
I remember was his title) make ufe of that good word, Prov. i. 23,
Turn you at my reproof, t^c. which (we having found out our fin) he
urged as our duty from thofe words, and the Lord fo accompanied by
his Spirit, that it had a kindly efFe6l, like a word of his, upon moft
of our hearts as were then prefent ; which begot in us great sence,
(hame, and loathing our felves for our iniquities, and juftifying the
Lord as righteous in his proceedings againft us : and in this path the
Lord led us not only to fee our fin, but alfo our duty ; and this fo
unanimoufly fet with weight upon each heart, that none was able
hardly to fpcak a word to each other for bitter weeping, partly in the
fenfe and fhame of our iniquities of unbelief, bafe fear of men, and
carnal confultations, (as the fear thereof) with our own wifdoms, and
not with the word of the Lord, which only is a way of wifdom,
ftrength and fafety, and all befidcs it waies of fnares : and yet were
alfo helpt with fear and trembling, to rejoyce in the Lord, whofe
faithfulncfs and loving kindness we were made to fee yet fail'd us not;
but remembrcd us ttill, even in our low eftate, becaufe his mercy
endures for ever. Who no fooner brought us to his feet, acknow-
ledging him in that way of his, viz. fearching for, being afhamed of,
and willing to turn from our iniquities, but he did direft our fteps,
and prefently we were led, and helpt to a cleer agreement amongft
our felves, not any diflienting, that it was the duty of our day, with
the forces we had, to go out and fight againft thofe potent enemies,
which that year in all places appeared againft us, with an humble
confidence in the name of the Lord only, that we fhould deftroy
them ; alfo enabling us then, after ferious fceking his face, to come
218
XTbe /IDeettng at Mtnbsor,
to a very cleer and joynt refolution on many grounds at large then
debated amongft us, that it was our duty, if ever the Lord brought us
back again in peace, to call Charles Stewart, that man of bloud, to an
account, for that bloud he had fhed, and raifchief he had done, to his
utmoft, againft the Lords caufe and people in thefe poor Nations :
and how the Lord led and profpered us in all our undertakings this
year, in this way, cutting his work fhort in righteousness, making it a
year of mercy equal, if not tranfcendant to any fince thefe Wars
began, and making it worthy of remembrance by every gracious foul,
who was wife to obferve the Lord and the operations of his hands,
I wiih may never be forgotten ; bringing us together again, from all
parts fhortly after, with admiration ; each ones heart as it were filled
with the wonders belheld, and occafion given to all to fay each to
other, Lo, what hath God wrought ! the Kings Armies in all places
broken, his ftrong holds moft of them taken : he himfelf all that time
treating with the then Parliament, and both of them delirous to
conclude ; yet by an over-ruling Providence hindred, and the King
fo infatuated, as he ftands difputing Punftilio's till he lofes all, and
himfelf with it, and is fetcht away from his place of Treaty to a
Prifon, in order to execution, which fuddenly followed accordingly;
and all this done within lefs then three quarters of a year, even to
aftonifhment of our selves, and other beholders both at home and
abroad ; yea our very enemies then were made to fay, God was
amongft us of a truth, and therefore they could not ftand againft us.
But alas, who would have thought that fo few years would have
worn out the memory of fuch a not-to be-forgotten mercy, or that
any of thofe that then faw his works, and fang his praife, fhould fo
foon forget what their eyes had feen, as not to wait for his faithful
counfel in future ftreights ! Yet behold, how fome direftly, and
others confequentially are now faying. All thefe things were but the
produft of a potent politick partie flufht with fuccefs ; and others,
though more modeft and moderate, yet it's to be feared, in too eager
a purfuit of falling in with, or fear of being hurt by what is uppermoft,
if not timely complying, at once in the lump adventure to cry up
abfolute obedience to the powers that are, though thereby they
condemn themfelves and others, as tranfgreflbrs and rebels for oppofing
thofe that were; together with the whole feries of aftion made
glorious by Gods appearances with us, beyond parallel of any late
years : and thus doth the name and works of the Lord fufFer (as
Chrift of old) between thefe two, who almoft equally, though not
219
lo zbc (Tlaren^on Ibistorical Society IReprlnts.
alike intentionally, rob the Lord of his glory, and give great occafion
to the worft of our enemies the more to blafpheme.
This is the brief, yet true account of this matter, with the blcffed
effefls of it, as a manifeftation of the Lords inclination and difpofition
to poor returners ; who is ftill the fame, becaufc he hath faid, and
will perform it, as in yer. 29. 12, 13. Then Jhall ye call upon me, and ye
Jhall go and pray unto me^ and I will hearken unto you. And ye Jhallfeek me
andjinde me, when ye Jhall fearch for me with all your hearts. And I have
a little hope that this precious patern, thus prefented, may not be
without fome ufe to you in this day, if the Lord lead your hearts
rightly to confider it. That we are a poor broken, divided, intangled,
bewildered people in our publick affairs; none but they that are very
great ftrangers in our Ifrael can be ignorant : for who hath known
and obferved former daies, when the Candle of the Lord Ihin'd on
Tabernacles, by the light of which we walkt thorough darknefs, and
Ihall compare thofe daies with thefe four or five years part, can look
upon them without a heart deeply affefted, to think what once we
were (when we followed the Lord, though in a land that was not
fown, when we were a more plain fimple-heartcd people, yet
profpered by the Lord to the terrour of enemies abroad and at home,
through an eminent prefence of God with us) and what now we
are, fince we have turned afide into the carnal, empty, formal fhews
of the Nations, admiring, (and afting by) their Policies, and faying a
confederacy with them, fearing their fear, and not fanctifying the
Lord in a way of believing : how are we become the tail, and not
the head, a hifling, yea, a fcorn to the bafcft of Nations ! what rebukes
at Sea, at Land ! what difappointments of enterprizes ! what ftroaks
on many formerly eminent publick inftruments! what impoveriftiing
of thofe poor Nations, by decay of Trade in all parts, to the ruine of
many ! what fore vifitations, and of long continuance on the Nations
thoroughout, by deaths, and lingering pining difeafes ! Yea, what
hcart-dividings are amongft thofe that have been as one flick together,
ufed in the hand of the Lord, in his works of wonder in the midst of
us, and thereby endangering the whole interefl we have fought for,
into the hands of fuch as are known enemies, or at befl have been
but faint friends to it and us, in daies of diftrcfs? And are not all
thefe things worth confidcring and enquiring into, by every gracious
heart, with the caufes of them? for fure the Lord afflids not without
caufc, nor grieves not the fons of men willingly.
And would you inquire aright, pursue the method laid down in the
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W)c /TOeetina at Min^sor^
Cafe prefented; inquire when could you with joynt fatisfaftion, fay,
At fuch a time the prefence of the Lord was with you ; and thefe
fore hands of difpleafure that have of late years attended you, were
not upon you, nor works in your hands as now. And if you can but
find that, let me advise and befeech you, as you tender the delivery of
your own fouls, and good of thefe Nations, weigh aftion by adlion
fince, and fee where you have gone out of that profperous path you
were formerly in, and fear not to look into any aftion you are, or may
be concerned to look into, in which you think evil may be at the
bottom ; for that remaining, will cause greater fhakings then the
moil flrift enquiry you make can do : and confider what as an Army
you have done, with the grounds of it, and what you have engaged
before God, Angels and Men to do ; and either, if it be your fin,
make your repentance as publick as your evil hath been, and fo clear
your felves; or elfe up and be doing, whatever you judge your duty,
in the face of whatever difHculties you meet with ; and in that path
doubt not of Gods being with you, while you are with him : but if
you will neither purfue your duties in one refpeft or other, know of a
certain, the Lord who is a jealous God, will not be mockt by any
who is not flronger then he, but will be above men, and make them
know, he will be {o in thofe things in which they deal moft proudly,
and deliverance fhall arife fome other way, with fore rebuke to you,
for your fhameful neglefts of duty in fuch a work of weight which
you have been entrufted with, and mull ere long be called to an
account how you have difcharged it.
Alas, may we not fay, and fliall we be afraid to fay, We, our Rulers,
Prophets, Armies, People, have finn'd ; yea, have grievously departed
from the Lord, and help nor healing is not to be had, but in returning
from what evil foever is in our hands or hearts ? It is not Power, nor
Policy nor Forraign confederacies ; 'tis not Prayers, though frequent,
or feemingly fervent, no, though attended with tears and confelTions,
without thorough forfakings, will be a path of fafety for us, Jfa. 58.
No, the voice of the Lord is plain to Rulers, Armies, People, T/>us
faith the Lord, Confider your waies : Why do we labour in the fire fior very
vanity? Why is wifdom hid from the Prudent? Why do we fow
much in prayers, tears, confeffions, and hazardous undertakings at
home and abroad, and bring in little, and what we get is as it were
put into a bag with holes, and the Lord in a way of rebuke feems to
blow upon it? is it not that we fhould confider our waies! Oh
fearch and try, yea call in the help of God and good men in this, to
221
1 2 ubc Clarendon Dtstorical Soctetg IReprints.
fee if there be any way of iniquity in your hearts or hands, and clear
your felves of it, with manifefting mod indignation againft it. And
for your help herein, if it may be, let me humbly caution you to take
heed of advifing only with fuch that may be most pleafing to you ;
felf-love is apt in fuch cafes to blind much : yea, or with fuch only
or chiefly, that are or may be under the influencing power of
profitable imployments, fl:eer'd by the favours, or fear of the frowns
of Rulers ; but rather with fuch who have been perfons of known
integrity, and ancient conftant friends to the good old caufc of God,
and their Country, in all its viciflitudes and loweft ebbs ; not Shimei-
like curfing and deferting in a day of diftrefs, and changing their
Languages when it tended to the change of their conditions, for
outward advantage ; but fuch as have not been plcafcd with their
higheft, most profitableft promotions and preferments, when they
could not fee the caufe of God and their Country promoted alfo ;
and let not thofe names of odium, of difl'atisficd, i^c. (that they have
been clothed with, the better to anfwer the evil defigns of fome)
afiright you in this matter: and if you dare thus purfue duty in this
path of fimplicity prefented to you, without fetting up the flumbling-
block of any your iniquities before you, I am pcrfwaded (not without
many dcmonftrable grounds producible from the word) you will find
it a path of peace, through the Lords blefling it ; and you, in the
flncere applying to it, will be direfted and led to grounds more
cleerly laid, for an unanimous, vigorous profecution of the old dying
caufe, by its beft and trueft friends, then hitherto you have found ; or
at leaft will find it cfFeftual to the refcue of your own fouls out of
paths of danger, which for want of pondering according to the Word,
you may be walking in to your great hurt. And therefore, let mc
befcech you in all finccrity, as you tender your own, and thefe poor
Nations welfare, apply to it with speed. For your betaking your
felves to any other courfcs, will prove fruitless as aforefaid ; for the
Lord hath fmittcn, and can only heal ; and if ever he do, he will do
it in this way, Hof. 5. If what I have propofed, prove any way
advantagious to the ends for which it is offered, viz. to caufe you to
fearch, try, and turn from the evil of your ways ; I have my end, and
let the Lord have glory : but if this poor means, in much faithfulnefs
and tendernefs prefented to you, be rejeftcd or flighted by you ; 1
fhall, I hope, be inabled to mourn in fecret for you before the Lord :
and fliall have this fatisfaftion, when I (hall have come to lye down
in the dull, which how foon it may be I know not, that I have in
222
Zbc /iDeetino at Mtn^sor. 13
fome meafure delivered my own foul, and endeavour'd the like for
yours ; and Ihall earneftly entreat the Lord, that this poor word of
warning amongft many others in this day prefented to you, may not
one day meet you, as a witnefs againft you, for not regarding it : for
I am well alTured it fhall live, fpeak, and have its fruit, when you and
I fhall ceafe to be.
JVilliam Allen.
223
POSTCRIPT.
THIS Paper was Jent to the Prefs about fix weeks
fince^ to have been made publick at that time ; but by an
unexpected obftru^ion^ hath hitherto been hindred: but
hoping it may be yet of Jome ufe^ is therefore now publijht.
April 23, 1659.
i
" Ii|tef ^olikjWtu^
DIALOGUE
BETWEEN A
aatl)ig anU a Jacobite
UPON THE SUBJECT OF THE LATE
REBELLION
AND THE EXECUTION OF THE REBEL
LORDS, ETC.
1715-16.
j^ISTORY IS BUT THE U]S(R.OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1885.
This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copin,
for Subscribers only.
A
DIALOGUE
BETWEEN A
Whig and a Jacobite
Upon the Subject of the late
EEBELLION^
And the Execution of the
Rebel-Lords, &c.
Occasion'd by
The Phoenomeon in the Skie^March 6,
1715-16.
O Te Hypocrites^ ye can dijcern the Face of the Skie^ but
can you not dijcern the Signs of the Times ? Mat. xvi. 3.
LONDON:
Printed for J, Roberts, in Warwick Lane:
And Sold by the Book-fellers of London and
Westminfter. 17 16.
Price Fourpence.
DIALOGUE
BETWEEN A
m^iS anU a Jacobite, etc.
Jacobite. — QO, Neighbour, now I hope you are convinc'd : Did you
'^ obferve the Appearances in the Skie t'other Night ?
The very Heavens teftify againft you. I muft own, I did not myfelf
fee what fome fancy'd refembl'd Men, whether with Heads or with-
out ; but I faw what fatisfy'd me that God Almighty is difpleafs'd with
fuch Proceedings, I wilh the Blood of thefe Gentlemen don't cry
for Vengeance againft us. Deus aver tat Omen! Tho' after all, God,
I hope, will plead the Caufe of the Church.
Whig. — You wou'd amaze me, but that I know what Company you
keep, and have heard enough of fuch Stuff as this of late ; tho' I am
forry to hear One with grey Hairs on his Head talk fo extravagantly :
And I muft tell you, after all your Noife and Din for the Church, as
if you, and the Gentlemen of your Stamp, were the only Pillars of it,
you take Methods to make yourfelves and the Church too ridiculous.
The Blood of thefe Gentlemen cry for Vengeance ! Pray, Sir, what
can you fay for thefe Gentlemen ? If you, or any Jacobite in Britain.,
can offer one Word of fober Reafon to juftify what they have done ;
to excufe, or fo much as palliate the Crime of their Rebellion, I'll be
willing to die to atone for the Blood that's fhed, and to redeem
what's behind.
229
6 tTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Socteti? IReprints.
J. — You are warm, Neighbour ; I perceive IVe raised the Old
Man in you. I hoped when God himfelf had taken the Work into
his own Hand, you wou'd have been more soft'ned ; but it Teems you
are the fame Man ftill, and 'tis like your Party will purfue the fame
Mcafurcs, notwithftanding Heaven fo openly declares againft
W. — Againft what ? Speak out, if you have any Thing to fay : If
you mean, againft the Ingratitude of a ftupid Nation, that have
enjoy'd the BlcfTings of the Reformed Religion, and a free Govern-
ment fo long, and yet know not how to value them ; If you mean
againft the prcfcnt unnatural, unreafonable, horrid Rebellion, there's
fome fenfe in it : But, I suppofe, 'tis fomething elfe you point at ;
Tou would infinuate fome extraordinary Iniquity in the prefent Times, that the
Foundations are out of course, the Government ufurped, the Adminifiration
corrupt, and, as was faid, of the Old World, the Land filled with Violence ;
and that all this was legible in the Face of the Skie on Tuefday
Night.
J , Ah Sir, fuch Reflections are but too well grounded, tho' I know
you make light of them.
W. You feem to exprefs yourfelf with an Air of Concern, as if
you was in earneft ; and tho' I've very little Hopes of removing the
obftinate Prejudices you have imbibed, yet having found you a
Perfon of good Nature, and in other Matters not unpersuadable, I
shall be willing to talk a little with you, if you pleafe, upon the
Subjeft you have ftartcd ; and all that I shall aflc of you, as a Poflulatum,
is. That you will not renounce common Senfe, deny palpable Matter
of Fail, and evident Reafon. I fhall fall dirc6lly upon the Point in
Hand, and dcfirc we may ufe as few Words necdlefly as poflible,
becaufe I have but a little Time to fpend with you.
I.) Don't you think that Rebellion is a very heinous Sin ?
J , — -Yes certainly, the Scripture fays, '7/i as the fin of Witchcraft.
W. You alledge the hackney Text of your Party on fuch Occafions ;
but excufc mc, if I fay, 'tis impertinent, it fpeaks of King SauVs Sin
againft God, and not of Civil Rebellion ; however, it ftiews the
Senfe you have of the Thing, and that is enough for my prefent
Purpofe.
(2.) Don't you allow, if King George be the rightful Sovereign of
thcfc Realms, that then the prefent Infurrcftion is Rebellion, and the
Gentlemen, you fo tenderly fympathize with, are Rebels?
J. If he he? Now you make mc fmile ; I thought you wou'd (how
your weak Side prefently.
230
H Dialogue between a Mbtg ant) a Jacobite* 7
W. Smile ! But furely it mull: be at your own Folly ; I know
Nothing elfe you have to fmilc at : I'll go further, and alTert, He has
as full and as juft a Title to the Crown he wears, as any Prince in
Chrijlendom to his ; and I challenge you, and all the Jacobites in
England, to difpute that Point with you ; and that you may not think
me confident without Reafon, I shall let you see the Grounds I
go upon.
(i.) 'Tis certain, and even capable of Demonftration, that the
Right and Title any Prince on Earth has to his Crown, or the
fupreme Government, depends upon the Conftitution, Law, or
Cuftom of that Country where he governs : It would be but an odd
Complement to any Man's Intelleftuals, to fuppofe he needed a
formal Proof of this. I fpeak not here of extraordinary Cafes, as a
divine Appointment formerly among the Jews, or Conquefl now :
But ordinarily no Man has any Right but what the Law derives to
him ; which is true of all univerfally, from the meaneftt Subjeft, to
the Sovereign upon the Throne.
Hence (2.) Look round the World, (and you'll find the Founda-
tion or Rule of Right to the Crown or Government) is not every
where one and the fame, fix^d and invariable, but different, according to the
different Laws and Conftitutions of the feveral Countries : In Poland,
'tis the Eleftion of the People, that gives Right according to their
Conftitution : In France, and fome other Places, a Female, tho' next
in blood, and the only IlTue of the Prince that reigns, has no Right,
being excluded by what they call the Salique Law : Here in England,
the Crown is partly Hereditary, and the Right of fucceeding to the
Government from Birth, tho' with Limitations and a Power in the
Government of fetting afide the next in SuccelTion, and fixing on
another, as the Exigencies of the State are judged to require. Thus
by the 13th of Mz., Cap. i. 'tis made High-Treason to affirm. That
the Laws and Statutes do not bind the Right of the Crozvn, and the Defcent,
Limitation, Inheritance, and Government thereof Which is renew'd in thefe
Terms by the 4th of Q. Jnne, Cap. 8. That if any fhall affirm, That
the Kings and ^eens of England, by and with the Authority of Parliament,
are not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient Force and Validity to limit
and bind the Crown of this Realm, and the Defcent thereof, every fuch Perfon
fhall be guilty of High-Treafon ; and being convicted. Sec. fhall fuffer of Death,
and all Loffes and Forfeitures, as in Cafe of High- Treafon. So that tho'
we have, to avoid the Confufion of frequent Eledions, fettled the
Crown on Families, 'tis with Reftridlion, and a Power of limiting the
231
8 XTbe (TlarenDon Ibtstorlcal Society IReprints.
Succeflion ; no Man's Birth alone makes him King, unlefs he has
the Qualifications the Laws require : to deny this, is no lefs than
High-Treafon.
(3.) In Purfuance of this inherent, neccffary Power in the Govern-
ment, of providing for its own Safety, and Limiting the Succeflion,
our States have wifely excluded all Papijis, and made them for ever
incapable of fucceeding to the Britijh Crown ; the Words of the Aft
are : * Whereas it has been found by Experience^ that it is inconfijlent with the
Safety and welfare of this Protejiant Kingdom to be governed by a popijh
Prince^ or by a King or ^een marrying a Papijl ; Be it therefore Enacted,
That all and every Perfon that is, or Jhall be reconciled to, or hold Communion
with the See, or Church of Rome, or Jhall profefs the popijh Religion, or Jhall
marry a Papijl, Jhall be excluded, and be for ever incapable to inherit, pojfefs,
or enjoy the Crown of this Realm, or to ufe, or exercife any Regal Power, Sec,
Andinfuch Cafe, or Cafes, the People Jhall be, and are hereby abfolv^d of their
Allegiance.
(4.) Befides this general Exclufion of Papijls, your Pretender is by
'Name excluded,^ and attainted o^ High Treafon ; nay, 'tis declar'd High-
Treafon, advijedly, and directly to maintain and affirm, That the pretended
P, of Wales, Jiyling himfelf K. of England, by the name of James the
Third, hath any X Right or Title to the Crown of thefe Realms. And I
need not tell you. That the fame Law that has put an unmovable
Bar in the Way of the Pretender, has fettled the Crown on King
George and his Family, being Protejlants, 12. W. Cap. 2. 5. An Cap.
8. And in the prefent Oath of Allegiance and Abjuration, which feveral
of you Gentlemen have taken, you own King Georgeh Title in the
llrongell Terms. I'll rub up your Memory, by reciting a Part of it :
/, A. B. do fine ere ly acknowledge, profefs, tejlify, and declare in my Confcience
before God, and the World, That our Sovereign Lord King George, is lawful
and rightjul King of this Realm, Sec. And I do folemnly and fincerely declare
in my Confcience, that the Perfon pretending to be the Prince of Wales, during
the Life of the late K. James, and fince his Deceafe taking upon himfelf the
Style and Title ofK. of England, tffc. hath not any Right or Title whatfo-
ever to the Crown of this Realm : And I do renounce, refuj'e, and abjure any
Allegiance or Obedience to him. Sec. Now, Sir, this being the State of
the Cafe, this being the Law and Conftitution of England, 'tis fo
evident, as not to admit of Debate, That King George // the only Perfon
that hath any Right to the Britifli Crown, and to whom the Subjects can with
• fV.ScM. Scff, 2 Cap. 2. t 4 ^' Cap. 3. t 4 ^» Cap. 8.
232
H 2)ialo^ue between a Mbto an5 a Jacobite. 9
afafe Confcience pay Allegiance. And I fcarce need make the Inference
for you, That therefore the Pretender has no Claim or Right : And
again, therefore thofe concern'd in the prefent Infurreftion, are Rebels.
J. You have been very particular on this Head. I am fenfible
where the Right is, according to your ASis of Parliament ; But you take
no Notice of a divine Right, which all the Afts of Parliament in the
World can't affedl : Kings are born to their Crowns, as other Heirs in
a Family to their Eftates, and their Right is divine, hereditary, and
unalienable.
W. You would not be pleased, fhould I give fuch Talk its proper
Name : However, I fliall take the Freedom to tell you, That I have
examin'd your Notion carefully, and am well affur'd 'tis meer Whim,
and fubfifls no where but in the confus'd Imagination of a Tory.
Pray, what do you found this Dream of a divine, indefeafible Right
upon ? Is there any Declaration from Heaven for it ? When was it
made, and to whom ? For my Part, I have read the Bible from firft
to laft, and can't find one Word of it ; and I dare fay no Body elfe,
unlefs inftead of feeking it there, he bring it along with him. You
can't prove, nor all the Jacobites on Earth, that God has appointed any
one particular Species of Government, as what he would have obtain
univerfally and in every Nation : Much lefs has he fix'd the Right,
the Manner, and Order of Succeflion. The Jews indeed, were put
under Kingly Government, at their own foolifli and finful Requeft
(after they grew weary of the Theocracy) and againft the Remon-
ftrances of God and the Prophet. Their firsft King [Saul) had a
divine Right, being chofen immediately by God, as well as the
People ; and yet this was fo far from being indefeafible and heredi-
tary, that he forfeited the Crown by his Male-Adminiftration, was
rejefted of God, and his Pofterity depriv'd of the Succeflion. David^
their next King, was chofen out of a mean Family, and was the
youngeft of all Jefe's Sons, (i Sam. xvi. ii.) And tho' he was a good
Prince, and the Crown was fettled in his Family ; yet fo as no Way
favours your Notion of hereditary Right, Solomon, one of his younger
Sons being appointed to fucceed him, to the Exclufion of Abjalom,
Adonijab, &c. who according to the Law of Birth-right, might claim
before him : And if you purfue the Scripture Hiftory of this Matter
you'll find other Inllances enow to the like Purpofe. Now I ask you,
Where's your divine, indefeafible, hereditary Right of Kings ? You
fee it has no Foundation in Scripture. When God chofe a King for
his People the Jews, the firft Royal Family was depriv'd of the Crown
* G 233
10 XTbe (Ilaren^on Ibistorical Society IRepttnts^
after a fingle Reign ; the fecond had the Crown continu'd in a
younger Branch : And are not thefe admirable Precedents for divine,
hereditary, indefeafible Right ? Or can it be imagin'd. That if there
was any fuch Thing, thefe firft Examples fhou'd be fo abfolutely
againft it. You fay, your Pretender has an hereditary Right, which
no humane Laws or Settlements can make void. But whence is this
Right? If you anfwer, Becaufe he's of the Family of the Stuaris, who
had a divine, indefeafible Right : I reply, Sau/ had a more divine
Right than they, and yet his Children were excluded : Tho* after all,
I don't fuppofe the Jewifh Polity was defign'd for a Pattern to all the
World, or that thefe Inftances abfolutely bind us either in one
Refpeft or another : However, they may ferve for what we call,
Argumentum ad hominem, and fhew how lame your Plea is from Scrip-
ture in Behalf of a divine Right. Not that I deny Government in
itfelf to be divine, and that Monarchy is an excellent Species of it,
(for fome Countries ;) but what particular Form of Government,
whether Monarchy, Ariftocracy, or a Common-wealth, (hall be
eftablifh'd in this or that Nation ; what Perfons fhall be entrufted
with the Adminiftration, and how the Right of Succeflion fhall
descend ; all this is humane: The Scripture meddles not with it : which
it may be is what the Apoftle Peter intends ; when fpeaking of
* Government, he calls it an Ordinance of Man^ or a humane Crea-
ture. Government in general, is the Ordinance of God, as the
Apoftle Paul calls it ; but the Specification of it is from Man,
and humane. I might further take Notice, what Confufion your
Notion would involve the World in : It would unking the greateft
Part, if not all the Monarchs on Earth. And pray look over the Lift
of our own Princes, fince the Norman Conqucft, and fee what Work
it wou'd make among us. What Right William I, whom we call, the
Conqueror, had, I can't imagine, if your Scheme have any Senfe in it ;
and I am fure, his Son, William II, had none ; he being a younger
Brother, and the cldeft Son {^Robert) alive when he was made King^
Nor had Henry I, Stephen, John, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, Richard
III, any Right by Proximity of Blood : So that you wou'd do well to
confider, that while you turn fo many of our Kings into Ufurpcrs, you
turn their Laws into Nullities, undermine our Titles to our Eftates,
and fet us together by the Ears, fcuffling for them. But I'll have
done with this Chimera, which indeed is regarded no where, any further
•i Pet. ii. 13.
*34
a S)ialooue between a MbtG anb a 3acobite* n
than Mens particular Interefts are ferv'd by it ; no, not in France ;
Witnefs the Salique Law, mention'd before ; witnefs the prefent King
of Spain's renouncing the Crown of France, for himfelf and Heirs ; as
his Grandfather did that of Spain, when he marry'd the Infanta. 'Tis
plain, they admit of no Notion of a divine Right, but what is suhje£l to
Reafons of State, and varies, as their Interell varies ; if they did, they
wou'd not furely pretend to controul it by humane Compadls.
J. But you'll grant, if K. James II, had not been a Papif, nor his
Son bred up in the Catholick Religion, he wou'd have had a Right,
nor wou'd our Law-Makers have gone about to exclude him ; and is
it not hard a Man fhould lofe his Birth-Right, purely for Confcience Sake,
and on the Account of Religion ?
W. I find you take your Pretender^s Royal Birth for granted, and 'tis
like, think I do fo too ; becaufe I did not before call it in queftion :
But I mull tell you, it has fo many Marks of Impofture in it, that if a
Son in my Family was half fo fufpicious, I fhou'd not efteem it
honourable to make him my Heir, and beftow my Eftate upon him.
And fince, without Defign, I have fallen upon this Subjedl, I fhall
mention to you fome Circumftances of his Birth, which you may find
more at large in the Memorial of the Englijh Protejlants to the Prince
and Princefs of Orange. They take Notice, "That the Cuftom
in England, of Notifying to the next Heir the approaching Delivery of
the Queen, was omitted. Her Breads never fwell'd, nor was any
Milk ever feen in them. The Queen, contrary to her former
Cuftom, withdrew into a private Room, when fhe chang'd her
Linnen, and wou'd never fufFer any Proteftant Lady to be by. The
Place of her pretended Lying-in was fo varioufly reported, that the
Ladies moft concern'd knew not how to prepare for Attendance : Her
Royal Highnefs, the Princefs of Denmark, was kept at the Bath till
the Time was over : The Queen was late at Cards on Saturday Night,
very well ; and on a fudden faid, fhe wou'd Lie-in at St. James's :
She cry'd-out the very next Day about Ten a Clock, when moft of
the Proteftants Ladies were at Church. In the Room where the
Queen lay, there was a private Door within the Rail of the Bed into
another Room, from whence a Child might be convey'd into the
Queen's Bed unfeen. Three popifh Confidents, the Midwife, Mrs.
Labadie, and Mrs. Tourain, paf'd thro' that fecret Door backward and
forward, none of the Lords of the Council being able to fee any
Thing that was done ; only they were feen in the Bed-Chamber with
the King, that their Names might be publiih'd to the People. The
235
12 ubc Clatenbon ibistorical Societi^ iReprints.
Queen was Deliver'd in a very little Time. No Signs of Her
Majefty's known Weaknefs in the Pangs of Birth appear'd ; but all
was fuddenly dispatch'd, and the Midwife delivering fomething clofe
cover'd to Mrs. Labadie, they went both thro' the private Door in fo
great hafte as to leave her Majefly in thofe Moments, when her (the
Midwife's) Affiftance was moll wanted ; and as none faw what was
taken out of the Bed, none heard any Child Cry in it." Now con-
fidering the violent Sufpicion of the Nation of a Cheat, in fo much
that the Queen's great Belly was ridicul'd in Lampoons, that flew even
about Whitehall itfelf, 'tis ftrange, to Amazement, that no more Care
was taken to give the Publick Satisfaftion. I remember, that 'tis faid
of the Emprefs Conjlantia^ Wife to Henry IV, Emperor of Germany,
That being in Years, and the People fufpefting Ihe was paft Child-
bearing, Ihe prepar'd a Place in publick, where fhe remain'd till her
Labour, with Keepers, that no Suppofititious Child might poflibly be
convey'd to her ; and there, in the Sight of the Citizens, fhe brought
forth a Prince, who was afterwards Frederick II. But here, all Things
are huddl'd up in Darkncfs ; and fo manag'd, that if the Birth was
real, 'tis impoffible for an unprejudic'd Perfon, not to queftion it.
It incrcafes the Sufpicion, that the Fapifls, (who knew their Caufe
was like to be ruin'd, if K. James died without an Heir Male, that
might exclude his Protejiant Daughters) were fo mightily folicitous in
the Affair ; which no doubt would fet their Heads at Work : And
tho' at the Time of the Birth, many of them call'd it miraculous, yet
they fpoke of it before with flrange AfTurance, That the Queen would
have a Child, and that it would be a Son. When the Earl of Cajllemain
was fent AmbalTador to the Pope by K. James, the Jesuits fhew'd one
of his Retinue a Device, fignifying their Expeftation and Confidence
with Reference to this Matter, and implying, as one wou'd think,
that they were let into the Secret : The Device was a Lilly, from
whofc Leaves diftill'd fome drops of Water, which, as Naturalijis fay»
becomes the Seeds of new Lillies ; and the Motto was, Lachrymor in
prolem, I weep for a Child ; and underneath was this Dijlich:
Pro Natis, Jacobe gemis, Flos candide Regum ;
Hos Natura iibifi neget AJlra dabunt.
•* O James, thou bcft of Kings, doll thou weep for Children, if Nature
denies. Heaven will grant the BlcfTing." But that neither Nature,
nor the Stars gave K. James this Son, but that he was the Birth of a
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21 ©taloQue between a Mbt^ an& a Jacobite* 13
foftjh Juggle^ and Impojiure, the Circumftances before-mention'd render
it at leaft grofsly fufpicious. So that I muft tell you, had I as great
an Opinion as you, of Nearnefs and Relation of Blood, I fhould prefer^
on that very Account, the Title of King George (in whom the Royal
Families oi Plant aginet and Stuart are united) to that of the Pretender^
whom no Body knows (except a Few in the Secret) whence he is.
And befides, when you talk fo much of his Right, and his Birth-
Right, you fhould call to Mind, that the good People of England have
their Birth-Rights as well as your Pretender ; even tho' his Birth was
unqueftionably Royal. We have all of us a Birth-Right to our
Ellates, Religion and Liberties : And pray how comes his Right to
fuperjede and null all our Rights P Who gave him, or any One elfe, a
Right to ruin Mankind ? to trample on the Necks of Millions of
People, and tear out their Bowels ? which muft be the Confequence
of owning the Right of a Papijl^ and fubmitting to the Pretender: For
my Part, as the Law has made me free (the Law of God has left me
fo, the Law of Nature, and the Law of the Land has made me fo) I'm
refolv'd to ftand faft in my Liberty, as long as I can, and never
facrifice the Bleffings of my Birth and dear Country, to the Luft of
your Sham-Sovereign.
J. This is all Exclamation : Can you imagine, we delire to be un-
done any more than you ? We are not for parting with our Religion,
or Liberties either ; but expeft to have them better fecur'd, by that
Sovereign you fpeak of, with fo much Contempt, under whom we may be
all happy.
W. Better fecur'd ! Why ; were they ever fafer than under the
prefent Adminiftration ? or humanely fpeaking, is it poflible they
ihould ? But fuppofe, that really your Religion and Liberties were
in Danger, where lies the Wifdom of feeking to a popilh Pretender to
refcue them ? If you knew what Popery is ; if you knew the
Confcience of a popifti Prince ; you wou'd never wifh to fee a
Proteftant Church under his Protedlion ; which is juft the fame
Thing, as for a Flock of Sheep to choofe a Wolf for their Shepherd. The
Pretender is a Wolf by Principle, whatever he is by natural Inclina-
tion : As a pupil of France, bred up in the Maxims of arbitrary
Government, he's taught to deftroy our Civil Liberties ; and as
a Papiji, he's fworn to deftroy our Religious. Methinks, you cannot
but refleft upon his refuling juft now the Coronation-Oath in
Scotland ; which muft be becaufe he wou'd not come under any
Obligations to favour your Herefy ; nor have his Oaths caft up at
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1 4 Ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Society 'Reprints.
every Turn by you, and thrown in his Way, while he was accomplifh-
ing the Work he has undertaken : And for the fame Reafon, no
gueftion, 'tis, that he does not (o much as promife to fupport our
Church and Religion, in his Declaration, Dated from Commercy. He
fays indeed. Let the Religious Right of all our Subjects receive a Confirma-
tion in a Free Parliament ; let Confciences truly tender ^ be indulged. But he
promifes Nothing. Which I mention, not to his Reproach at all ; for
I look upon this plain Dealing, to be the mofl honourable Thing I
ever heard of him. In the mean time, 'tis no fmall Reproach to you,
who call yourfclves Protcftants, that you thus ftickle for one that does
not fo much as fpcak you fair, nor give you any Affurances for the
Security of your Religion : It (hews your Credulity, the Grofsnefs of
the Infatuation you are under ; and I muft needs fay, looks like
a Judgment of God upon us, who for our Sins has given up fo great a
Body of Unthinking People to llrong Delufions : I wifh it be not to
theirs, and all our Ruin.
I know but one Thing you can fuggeft againft what I have been
hinting ; I don't fay one Thing, which has any Weight in it ; for that
it has not, but with which you can poiTibly cheat yourfelves into a
Confidence in the Pretender ; and that is. That tho' he has been a
little upon the Refervc with you ; yet his known Goodnefs, the
Obligations he'll be under to you for his Advancement, and even his
own Interefl will oblige him to be kind to the Church of England^ and
prote6l you in all your Privileges both Civil and Religious. To this
I anfwer (i.) That you have a Prince upon the Throne from whom
you may juftly expeft all this : I would not Icflen the great King
George fo far as to compare him with your Pretender ; but furely it
muft argue Diftradlion in a Church of England-Mzn to think himfself
and Religion Safer, under fuch a Tool as the St. Germar^s Pupil, than
under a ftanch Proteftant, The wisest and bravest Prince in Christendom.
Pretender defigns you no fuch Favour as you expedl, from his faying
Nothing ofity when it might have ferv'd his Intereft with fome of you
at leart ; tho' others are resolv'd to efpoufe him upon any Terms, and
to run all Hazards for him, without fo much as looking before them
or asking Questions. (3.) I add, fhould his Inclinations be never fo
kind to you, (and I believe he never intends you the Honour of
Martyrdom if you don't prevent him by your Apoftacy) nay, (hould
he promife and fwear by all that's facrcd to maintain your Eftablifh-
mzxiX^^ tis what he canU do: Principle would controul Nature, and the
prior and fupcrior Obligations of Confcicncc cancel the moft folcmn
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H Dialogue between a Mbtg an^ a Jacobite. 15
Stipulations with Protestants. The religion he has learnt teaches him,
That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks. He's bound on Penalty of
Depofition and Damnation, to deftroy them out of his Dominions.
The Decrees of two General Councils [Conjiance and Lateran) hang
over his Head, arm'd with the moll terrible Anathemds in Cafe he
fhould be remifs in the Difcharge of his Duty, and fhew Mercy to
Hereticks contrary to his Vows. I'll give you the Words of the
Council of Lateran: * If the Temporal Governour, being required and
admonijhedj shall neglect to purge his Country of Herefy, let this be fignifyd to
the Pope, that from henceforth he may declare his Subjects free from their
Allegiance. Nay, Pope Martin V, went fo far as to tell the Duke of
Lithuania, That he Sin'd mortally if he kept his Oath with Hereticks.
So that Ihould this Youngfter you dote on, give you the Security of
Promifes and Oaths, he would regard them no more than his pre-
tended Father did, who, you know, made all the haste poflible to
break them : Nay, fhould he be touch'd with Compaflion, with a
Senfe of Honour and Gratitude towards a Company of Mad-men, that
were willing to ruin themfelves and Pofterity to ferve him ; yet the
Terrors of the holy Father's Rod, the Jnathema^s of the Church, the
Dread of a future Purgatory, and Hell, would force him thro' thefc
lefTer Reftraints : He must perfecute and deftroy you whether he would or
not ; the fame Argument would urge him to it, that one of the Popijh
Lords is faid to make ufe of when he engag'd in this Rebellion, viz.
his Salvation lay at Stake.
J. But still, methinks, 'tis a little harfh, that a man who has done
Nothing to forfeit it, Ihould lofe his Right, purely on the Account of bis
Religion.
W. Harfb ! Not at all, when what you call his Right would be the
Ruin of the Community, as in this Cafe, I have undeniably prov'd it
would J fo that I do and muft maintain, was his Birth lefs fufpected
and abfolutely neceflary for the Safety of the State, {Protejlant ;) nor
would you yourfelf think it any greater Hardfhip (had you not loft the
Power of fober Cofideration) than 'tis to deprive a Lunatick of his Estate,
and difpofe of it to the next Heir of a fober Mind : For who fees
not that a Papift is far more unfit to be entrufted with the Govern-
ment of a Proteftant Kingdom, than a Lunatick with a private Eftate ;
the one would only injure a particular Family, the other deftroy a
Community. Pray reflect on the Practice and Conduft of the Papijls
*Sub. Innocent. III. An. 1 21 5 Can 3.
1 6 Ubc (^laren^on Ibistorical Socteti? IReprtnts^
in this Matter, of whom of late you begin to fpeak fo favourably ; Do
they allow Protestants any Right to Crowns among *era ? *Tis their
avow'd Dodlrine, That Herefy in a Prince is an univerfal Forfeiture
of his Crown, his Life, and All : accordingly their Church deprives,
depofc, excommunicates heretical Kings, and leaves them to the
Mercy of Ruffians, who may murder them and be guiltlefs. You
remember the Fate of Henry IV, of France^ who was forc'd to declare
himfelf a Fapiji before he could fit quietly on his Throne ;
and being afterwards fufpedled to incline too much to the HugonotSy
Ravilliac was imploy'd to affaffinate him. Now pray, my good
Neighbour, can you give me any Reafon why we in England fhould not
exclude a Papiji^ as well as the Papijls every where exclude Protejiants;
cfpecially when the Religion of the latter includes, as its effential
Principles, univerfal Love, Charity, and Compaffion ; and the Religion
of the former breathes nothing but Fire and Faggot, Defolation and
Slaughter.
J. You're a warm Advocate for your Cause ; and I muft confefs
have ofter'd more for it than I expefted could have been faid ; But
you muft grant the prefent Government has not taken the moft
proper Methods, to reconcile its Enemies, and recommend it felf to
the Nation : Our Church can go as far as any Society in the World
in true Loyalty ; but has not loft the Senfe of Feeling ; OppreJJion will
make a wife Man mad.
W. I am glad you have mention'd this ; it being the common
Topick your Party infifts upon to afperfe the prefent Government,
and fpread their Venom among the People ; but really 'tis the moft
unreafonable and impudent Slander, that ever was invented : Full
two Years are not cxpir'd fince his Majefty's happy Acceffion ; 'tis
easy to look back upon the Occurrences of fo fhort a Reign ; and to
recount the fcveral Tranfadlions thereof; which furely muft be frefti
in their Memories, that cry out fo loudly of Oppreffion, as to take up
Arms, and attempt to dethrone their lawful Sovereign on that
Account : Now Sir, we'll bring this Matter to a fpecdy IfTue. I
have only one Thing to demand of you, than which Nothing can be
more reafonable, viz. That if neither you nor any of your Party
throughout Britain^ can produce a Single Inftance of Injuftice, Tyranny,
or Oppreffion, in his Majefty's whole Adminifttration hithero ; that
you'll then grant the Clamour raifed againft the King, muft be Nothing
but Malice, and the Contrivance of a bafe Fadlion, that have vile Ends
to fcrve thereby. This, Sir, is what I ask of you, and if after all your
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H BialoGue between a Mbi^ anb a 5acobtte» 17
Noife you can alledge Nothing in the Government that has so much as
the Appearance of Tyranny in it, and I challenge Malice itfelf to do its
worft; then I expeft you'l defert your Party, and be alhamed of your
Cause and Company for the future.
J. You come clofe now, and think to pinch me : I own I have
not been fo bufie in Politicks, as to be able to anfwer you fully in
this Matter ; but I have heard feveral Complaints, that I can't think
are wholly groundlefs : You may be fure we can't but with Concern
fee the Friends of the Church all turn'd out of Place and in Difgrace:
If a Man fpeaks a word amifs, he's prefently bound over and hal'd to
Prison : The Habeas Corpus Act, the greatest Relief of the oppreiTed
Subjeft, is now fufpended, that no Man can have the Benefit of that
Law ; nor is this the worft of it, a Handing Army is kept up to awe
the Subjeft, and terrify the Nation.
W. You need not plead Insufficiency ; you underftand well enough
the Shibboleth of your Party, and have alledg'd all that ever I heard
from any of them ; and how perfectly nothing 'tis, I fliall (hew you
in a few Words. Yomt first Complaint, that the Church has fufFer'd,
and is in Danger, by the Change of the Miniftry, is odd enough at
this Time a Day. I'm fatify'd many who once fell in with that Cry,
are now alham'd of it, when they fee what Courf^ fome of thofe
Gentlemen were fleering ; and indeed if your difgrac'd Friends are
necefTary to the Safety of the Church, you muft mean the Pretender
is fo too, (for thither they were carrying you) ; which is fo fenfelefs
a Sham, that I leave you to blufh at it when you become capable of
calm Refledlion : I might further re-mind you, that They in Place
now, are all Church-Men ; yea, better Church-men than thofe that
are turned out : Nor has there been one A61 of Injuftice or Unkind-
nefs done to the Church, fince the Change you make fuch a Stir
about. What you talk of a Standing-Army is moft abfurd, when
you your felves have occafion'd it by your Confpiracies and Rebellion;
nor have you any Thing after all to fear from this Standing Army.
The King was Abfolute in his own Country, and had an arm'd Force
ready to execute his Pleafure at any Time, and yet none ever heard
the leafl Attempt or Inclination to Opprefs any of his Subjefts there.
Befides, you fhou'd consider this flanding Force is judg'd necefTary
by the Government ; is rais'd and continued by Confent of the
Parliament, and will you call this OpprefTion and Tyranny, ISc.
efpecially when the NeccfTity is from your felves ? As for what you
fay of Pcrfons being taken up and imprifon'd for a Word l^c. 'tis a
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1 8 XTbe Clarenbon Dtstortcal Society IReptints.
poor Pretence, I hardly believe you can think the Government ought
to pafs by fuch Infults as are offered it, without fhewing its Refent-
ment ; and indeed you might as well defire the King to refign all at
once, and leave you Tories and Jacobites to fill his Throne as you
pleafe, and trample upon his faithful Subjedls. The Sufpenfion of
the Habeas Corpus Aft may appear to fome a more ferious Matter, and
look like an Hardihip ; but really is no fuch Thing : This Adt was
made in the 31ft Year of K. Charles 11 : In the ift Year of K. William
and Q. M?ry, two Adls pafs'd to fufpend it, i.e, to enable their
Majefty's to Apprehend, Detain, and Commit without Bail, fuch
Perfons as they Ihould find just Caufe to fufpeft were confpiring
againft the Government, which was thought in that Time of Con-
fufion, nccclfary for the common Safety. At the Time of the
horrid Affafli nation-Plot, in the 7th and 8th Year of K. William^ the
like A61 pafs'd ; and upon the Pretender's attempting to Land in Scot-
land in the 6th of Q. Anne^ the fame Power was given Her Majefty
by Parliament, to Apprehend and Detain fuch Perfons, as Her
Majefty fliould fufpeft were confpiring againft her Perfon and
Government ; and now on Occafion of the prefent Rebellion, which
makes the Reafon and Neceflity as urgent as in any of the former
Inftances, the fame Power is granted his Majefty ; and pray what is
there amifs in this ? Where lies the Oppreflion of it ? The King
does not difpenfe with the Law by his own abfolute Authority, as you
know the Prince did whom your Pretender calls Father ; but 'tis done
by the Legiflature, pro re nata^ for a limited Time only, and to anfwcr
a prefent Neceffity.
J . But fure you can't juftify the Severities us'd of late : Never was
there fuch Slaughtering before ; you may well imagine it will occafion
Murmuring and Uncafinefs among the People, to fee fo much noble
Blood attainted, and fo many Lives taken away for I know not what :
Read all our Hiftories, and I don't believe you'll be able to parallel
this in any Reign fince the Reformation, nay fince the Conqueft :
Mercy and Goodncfs is the Glory of a Prince ; and methinks a
Government that owes its Being to a Pretence of fecuring us from Tyranny
and Cruelty^ fhou'd not lay its Foundation in those very Crimes,
W. I know the poor Sots, that range about the Streets, between
Drunk and Sober, talk at this Rate ; but I'm forry the Infcftion
fhou'd reach above the Mob. However, fmcc you have efpoufcd this
Notion, weak as it is, and own it as one of your Prejudices against
the Present Government, I shall debate the Matter a little with you,
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H H)taloGue between a Mbt^ an^ a Jacobite^ 19
and fo take Leave. It may be neceffary to put you in Mind (for I
fee you have very miftaken Apprehenfions of governing Mercy) thai
when God himfelf was pleas'd to do the Part of a Sovereign Magistrate
(as I may exprefs it) and take the Adminiftration of Government into
his own Hand more immediately, as in the Jewish Theocracy, he
appointed Capital Punishments for Offenders against the State ; and
you know, or may know, that when thefe Criminals were conniv'd at,
and exempted from Punishment in such Inftances as the Law required
it, the Land was efteem'd polluted, as by the Execution of Justice it
was efteem'd cleanfed, and the political Guilt expiated : Now Jball
Man be more Righteous or more merciful than God? Or shall that be
call'd unmerciful in an earthly Sovereign, which the God of Heaven,
when he stood in the Relation of a King to his People, fo flrictly
requir'd and executed : I grant that Mercy is the Excellency of a
Governor, and fhou'd triumph when there's Room for it, and it may
confift with the publick Safety; but in many Cafes, what fome call
Mercy, is not Mercy but foolifh Compaffion ; and the Exercife of it
argues fuch Weaknefs in the Prince, as would expofe his Government
to Contempt and Ruin.
But to come direftly to the Point in Hand, ^'/z; the Rebellion and
SuiFerings of the Rebels : I find you make light of the former, and
ilrangely aggravate the latter : Let me ask you one plain Queftion :
You know that in the Reigns of K. Charles II, and K. James II,
feveral took up Arms againft the Government, at firft under more
obfcure Leaders ; the fecond Time under the Dukes of Monmouth and
^rgyle, and were proceeded againfl with Rigour : Now I ask what
you think of this ? Were thefe Infurreftions, Rebellion ; and the
Executions done upon thofe concern'd in them, juft and necelTary ;
or were they A6ls of Tyranny afnd Unmercifulnefs in the Govern-
ment ?
J. No Man of Senfe and Loyalty ever thought other, but that
thefe Infurredlions were an hellijh Rebellion, and the Government
afted honourably in profecuting the Rebels in the Manner they did.
Those Fanaticks deferv^d ten times more !
W. Very well, then I hope you'll grant that if the prefent Infurrec-
tion your Friends engag'd in, hath more of the horrid Nature of
Rebellion in it, and many Aggravations, the former had not ; and if
the Proceedings of the Government againft the Rebels of that Time,
were more fevere than his prefent Majesty's againft the Rebels of this
Day, then you'll grant I fay. Tour Clamours againji King George on this
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Head are unreafonable, and muft acquit the prefent Government, or con-
demn the former you fo much applaud.
J. If and If: This If fpoils all : If you can prove what you
fuppose, ril grant you all you ask ; but I defy you.
W. I fhall prove it prefcntly; and defy you and all your Party to
objeft one Word of Reason against what I fay. The Thing I have to
do, is to fhew that the prefent Rebellion is worfe than that under
King Charles and King James the II; and yet the Sufferings of the
Rebels lefs: In order to which, I (hall compare the one with the
Other, with refpeft both to the Crime and Punijhment. I fhall begin
with the Crime, the Rebellion it felf.
(i.) In the former Rebellion, there was a Papiji at one Time near
the Throne, at another Time, (as in MonmoutBs Rebellion) aftually
upon it ; whom they confider'd as bound to deflroy them and their
Religion, as they knew he intended it. In this Rebellion here's a
Proteftant upon the Throne ; whofe Family has been celebrated for
their Steadinefs to the Proteflant Interefl ; and his prefent Majefly
is not a Whit behind his Illuflrious Anceftors in this Refpeft : So that
They took up Arms againft a PapiJl ready to devour them ; ;your Friends
join with Papijis againfl a Proteftant^ Zealous to Defend and Protcft
them.
(2.) In the former Rebellions they had the utmoft Provocation given
them. They did not fright themfelves with Imaginary Evils ; but faw
their Religion and Liberties invaded ; felt themfelves almoil undone
by continued A6ls of Violence againft and contrary to Law. I can't
pretend at this Time to enumerate all the OpprefTions of thofe
Reigns ; they would fill a Volume. But fince you feem quite to have
forgot thefe Things, I fhall a little refrefh your Memory. In Scotland
the poor People were almoft harraffed out of their Lives. Lauderdale^
the Tool of the Court at that Time, obtained an A61 of Parliament
declaring ; That by virtue of the King's Supremacy, the ordering of the
Government of the Church do's properly belong to his Majejiy ; and that he may
EnaSi and Emit fuch Orders and Conjiitutions, concerning Church- Adminijira-
tions, Perfons employed in the fame, and all Ecclejftaftical Meetings, &c. as he
shall think fit, &c. In Purfuit of this, to force the People to Con-
formity, and to comply with the King's Will in Matters of Church-
government and Religion, high Commijfton- Courts were fet up, (too like
the Spanijh Inquifition) and feveral fcvere Orders were made. It was
requir'd of the People to give Bond for themfelves, Wives, Children,
and Servants, to frequent the Parifh-Church, never to go to the
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H Bialooue between a Mbi^ an^ a Jacobite* 21
Worfhip of the Presbyterians in their Field-meetings whither they
were driven ; Nay an Oath was put upon them to difcover all they
knew that reforted to thefe Meetings, and deliver up all Vagrant
Preachers. Thefe Orders were executed by Dragoons, who exaftcd
the aforefaid Bond, which if any refus'd, they had lo or 12 Soldiers
quarter'd upon them, and Sums of Money demanded befides the
Free-Quarters. And when they had drain'd the poor People to that
degree, they had Nothing left to anfwer the Soldiers Demands, they
were tied Hand and Foot, and dragg'd to Prifon like Beafts. At laft
thefe Methods not prevailing to fupprefs their Meetings as they
defir'd, Orders were given for the Soldiers to Attack the People
wherever they were alTembled for Worfhip, which they often did,
mingling their Blood with their Sacrifices. Now it was upon fuch
Oppreffions as thefe, that they took up Arms ; firft at Pent land- hills ^ and
afterwards at Bothwell-bridge in 1679. How the Cafe was in England-)
1 need not tell you ; all the World faw King James aim'd at nothing
lefs than the utter Subverfion of the Government and Protellant
Religion ; the preventing of which was the Occafion of MonmoutHs
Infurredlion, as he owns in his Declaration. " Unlefs, says he, we
could be contented to fee the Reformed Religion and fuch as profefs
it, extirpated ; Popilh Idolatry establifh'd, the Laws of the Land
trampled under Foot, and all that is facred and civil violated : And
unlefs we could be willing to be Slaves as well as Papifis, and forget
the Example of our noble Anceftors, who convey'd our Privileges to
us at the Expence of their Blood and Treafure ; and withal be
unmindful of our Duty to God, our Country, and Pofterity ; deaf to
the Cries of our opprefs'd Friends ; and be content not only to fee
them and ourfelves imprifon'd, robb'd, and murder'd, but the Protefiant
Intereft throughout the World betray'd to France and Pome ; We are
bound as Men and Chriftians to betake ourfelves to Arms, y^."
(3.) They were depriv'd of all Profpe6l of Relief, and Hopes
of Redrefs : In Scotland th-o. Law was over-ruled, and fufpended in a
a great meafure : And in England all Methods imaginable were us'd>
to fubjeft the Law, and both the Makers and Interpreters of it to the
Will of the Prince. The Declaration mention'd before takes notice,
" That perjur'd Judges were fuborn'd to declare for the King's
difpensing Power : That fuch were advanc'd to the Bench that were the
Scandal of the Bar : That by packing Juries, by falfe Returns, new
illegal Charters, and other corrupt Means, they were depriv'd of al^
Expedtation of Succour where their Anceftors us'd to find it ; fo that
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fay they, that which ought to be the Peoples Fence againft Tyranny,
is become the Means of eftablifhing arbitrary Powpr, and confirming
their Thraldom." Thus Matters were circumftanc'd with them ;
They were un^ont^ without any Remedy, unlefs what the Sword brought,
which they look'd upon as their laft Refort, and only poflible Means
of Safety : How far this is your Cafe, I leave the moll hardcn'd
Jacobite among you to confider ; and only defire you to refleft upon
one Particular relating to the Judges : That now they not only hold,
quam diu bene fe gejferint, but his present Majefty has gencroufly
increas'd their Sallaries, that they might be more above Temptation,
whereas before they were not only Clofetted, but to render 'em more
obfequious, their Patents ran durante Beneplacito. Upon the Whole.
(4) 'Tis evident thofe Rebels fought for their Religion, Laws,
Liberties, againft Oppreflion, Popery, and Tyranny : 'Tis as Evident
you are Free, and fight for Slavery : are at Liberty, and feelc for
Chains : Both your Religion and Eftatcs are Safe, and have, it may
be, the beft Guardian of any Protejiant Church or Nation in the
World ; and yet Nothing will ferve you but a raw Youth, a Defendant
on France, and Tool of Rome, that hates both you and your Profeffion.
Blufh O ye Heavens at the Stupidity and Folly of thefe Men ! Don't
miftake me, I'm not vindicating the former Insurreftions headed by
Monmouth and others, that's none of my Bufinefs ; but 'tis as clear as
the Sun at Noon-day, that your's is a black Crime compared with
Theirs : If they were Ofi^cnders, you are Sinners before the Lord exceed-
ingly, as was faid of the Men of Sodom; And if you'll allow me to
speak my Thoughts freely, I muft say the prefent Rebellion is the
moft Complicated Villany that ever was aftted among Mankind,
since Absalom drew the Sword againft his own Father.
J. I'm a little furpriz'd, I confefs, at your Difcourfe ; I did not
imagine Things had been thus: I muft own if what you fay be true ;
they had far more Cause to complain than we have : But do you fay
they fujer^d more, if you can make that out, you'll filencc me for ever.
W. I Ihall make it out prefently : I'm glad 'tis with any Profpeft
of Succefs with you. A few Remarks upon the Methods taken with
the Rebels then, compar'd with what you fo much complain of now,
will be fufiicicnt for your Conviction.
(i.) The Number of Sufferers at that Time was confiderablc. In
Scotland They were driven like Sheep to the Slaughter. Both the Noble-
men that led the Parties, Monmouth and Argyle, loft their Heads :
Jeferies condemned above 500 Persons in two Places only, Taunton
246
H BialoGue between a Mbig anb a Jacobite* 23
and Wells; whereof 239 were executed; befides what were difpatch'd
at Dorchefter, Exeter^ and Winchefier; fo that he had fome Grounds for
his brutish Boaft, when he return'd from the West, (vix.) That he had
hanged more Men than all the Judges of England fince William the Con-
queror. Nor would fo many have efcap'd as did, had not the Judge's
Covetoufnefs pleaded stronger than the King's Mercy for their Lives :
Pardons were fold at all Prices, from 10/. to 14.000 Guineas : and
thofe that had no Money rarely found any Mercy.
(2.) Several fuffer'd without any Legal Trial and Conviction :
Which was common in Scotland; where the Soldiers, being impower'd
by the Council, us'd to tender an Oath to fuch as they fufpected, and
if they did not anfwer to Satiffaftion, they Jhot or stabbed them upon the
Spot. There were near 100 facrificed to the Rage of the Soldiers in
this manner: And if they defir'd 7)";)^^ to recommend themfelves to
God, they were anfwer'd with a Scoff : What the Devil have you been
doing fo mapy Tears; hanU you had Time enough to pray in the Caves and
Mountains ?
(3.) When they allow'd them the Formality of a Trial, the Injuftice
and Tyranny appear'd as flagrant in perverting the Law, as when they
fet it wholly afide. They would try Prifoners without either Accufers
or Libel, requiring them to anfwer fuper Inquirendis, to any Queflions
that Ihould be put ; And fome times they would offer them fuch
Oaths as they knew they would not take, and then proceed againft
them without any more ado : And if in fome notorious Cafes the
Jury fcrupled to bring in the Perfon Guilty, the King's Advocate by
Threatnings forc'd them to it ; as did Jefferies in the Cafe of Mrs.
Lijle whom the Jury brought in 3 Times, not Guilty, but were fo
He6tor'd by the Judge, that they were forc'd to comply and cry
Guilty.
(4.) A Variety of Arts were us'd to trick People out of their Lives,
and involve them in the Guilt of Rebellion againft whom they had
no Proof at all. Witnefs the State-Queftions in Scotland, invented to
infnare fuch as they had a Mind to deftroy : As what they thought of
the Rifingat Bothwell- Bridge, and of the Death of the Bifhop of St. Andrew's,
whether the one was Rebellion, and the other Murther ? Many were
imprifon'd for a Year together, and. never told for what ; and not
having fufhcient Matter of Accusation against them. Spies were fent
in among them under the Pretence of being Prifoners, who by con-
verfing with them might fifli out fomething which their Enemies
might make an Handle of to condemn them. Nay, thofe that were
247
24 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints.
never conccrn'd in their Insurreftions, if they gave a Night's Lodging
to any of the Rebels, or a Meal of Meat, it wou'd be made a Sort of
Treason, and coft them their Necks. Jefferies trapan'd a great many
out of their Lives, by telling them, "If they pleaded not Guilty, and
were found fo, they fhould have little Time to live ; but if they
expelled Favour, they must plead Guilty." By which Eighty Perfons
were deluded and immediately condemned and executed. Mrs. Lijle,
mention'd before, a Woman of extreme Age, fuffer'd for High Treason,
upon Jefferies^s Sentence, for only harbouring a Non-Conformist
Minifter, tho* in no Proclamation.
(5.) Their Manner of Proceeding against the Criminals, either
upon their Trials, or at their Executions, was barbarous to the laft
Degree. The Bothwell-Bridge Prifoners were brought to Edinburgh
and kept in an open Church-yard, for Days and Nights, without any
Thing to fhelter them from the Cold or Rain: Sometimes a Number
of them were cram'd into the fame Room, and so wedg'd together,
that they could not (loop but their Excrements went from them
standing : Some of them by Boots and Thumkins had the Marrow
squeez'd out of their Legs and Thumbs, to make them confefs :
Others, when under Examination, were kept waking by the Soldiers
eight or ten Nights together till they were almoft diftrafted, and ready
to fay any Thing their Enemies would have them : And when they
came to execute any of them, they generally put off all Humanity :
Often the Sufferers might not have Leave to fpeak a Word at their
Death, in Vindication of themfelves, but were hurried out of the
World ; or at leaft the Drums were kept beating, ^c. that they could
not be heard. Some had their Ears cut off upon one Sentence, and
were hang'd upon another : Some were tied to a Stake within the
Sca-Mark, and there left to perifh leisurely by the increafing Waves :
Others had their Hands and Privy Members cut off, and their Heart
pluckt out and thrown into the Fire before their Face.
In England Matters were carried much after the fame fort. To fay
nothing oi Jefferies, whose very Name is Infamous, and gives a Sort
of Horror and Indignation, cfpccially in the IVeJl, Collonel Kirk
aded the Butcher beyond moft you have heard of: He caus'd Ninety
wounded Men at Taunton to be hang'd, not only without permitting
their Relations to fpeak to them, but with Pipes playing, Drums
beating. Trumpets founding, and all other Military Rejoycings. At
another Time he invited his Ofiicers to Dinner, near the Place where
fomc of the condcmn'd Prisoners were to be executed, and ordcr'd
248
H Dialogue between a Mbig anb a 5acobite. 25
Ten of 'em to be turn'd off with a Health to the King, Ten with an
Health to the Queen, and Ten more with a Health to Jefferies: But
nothing is more Infamous in the Brute, than his Decoying a fair
Virgin to his Embraces, with the promife of faving her Brother's Life ;
and when he had gratify'd his vile Inclinations, hang'd the Man on
the Sign of the Houfe before the abus'd DamfeFs Face.
(6.) I fhall only further obferve, that great Numbers were made
Criminals, Indifted, Imprifon'd and Punifh'd even to Death (fome of
'em) for slight OJences : Much lefs than many of your Party are
guilty of every Day. I could give you the Names of Scores that
were Fin'd and Whip'd for fpeaking againft the Government, and
complaining of Oppreffion : The Taunton Girls were Fin'd Forty and
Fifty Pound a Piece for flourilhing Monmouth's Colours : Nay, a Con-
ftable was hang'd for executing Monmouth's Warrant ; and 'tis faid
another poor Man met with the fame Fate, for the horrid Treafon of
Three Pennyworth of Hay for his Horfe.
And now, Sir, I leave it to your own Ingenuity and Confcience, to
determine the Cafe between the Sufferers, (the former and prefent
Sufferers.) Can you find any Paffages in the Proceedings of the
Government againft the prefent Rebels, that anfwer the ftrange
Inhumanities I have been fpeaking of? Is there as much Blood-fhed
now as there was then ? Tho' the Crime of this Rebellion is a
Thoufand Times greater, and many Thoufand Times more have
efpous'd it direftly or indiredly. Are any executed now without a
Trial, or condemn'd without Evidence ? Do you know of Arts us'd
to trick Men out of their Lives, or to involve innocent Perfons in the
Guilt of fuch Crimes they have never been concern'd in? Are any
Profecuted or Hang'd for harbouring Rebels, or giving them a fmall
Relief, when almoft ready to famifh for Want ? Is every Word
fpoke againft the Government made criminal, as heretofore ? If fo,
the Women and Girls durft not talk fo much faucy Treafon at their
Tea-Tables as they do, but would be taken up, and whipp'd for it, as
indeed they well deferve. A61 impartially. Sir, as becomes an honeft
Man, and then I need fay no more, but refer the Matter wholly to
your felf : Only I muft tell you what I expeft from you, unlefs you
can except againft what has been faid ; viz. That you'll never after
this pretend to excufe the prefent moft unreafonable Rebellion :
That inftead of reproaching his Majefty's Government your felf,
you'll Rebuke fuch as do : And that as an Englijh-Mzn and Frotefant,
you'll (hew your Gratitude ; That thofe unhappy Men, whom you're
D 249
26 Zbc Claren&on Ibistortcal Society? IReprints.
now convinc'd you have thought too well of, have not been able to
ruin themfelves, their King and Country, as they attempted
y. Sir I thank you for your free Convcrfation : I fhall e.ndeavour
to recolleft what you have faid, and impartially confider it : I hope
it will at leaft have this EfFeft, that I fhan't be fo eafily impofd
upon, and carried away with every foolifli Prejudice, as I perceive I
have too much been heretofore. But pray, Sir, what do you think
after all, of the o^i/ appearances the other Night ?
W. We have fpent too much of our Time in Politicks to enter
upon Philofophy now. They might proceed from a Natural Caufe,
and be no more Monitory and Ominous than the Moon-fhine.
However let them fignify what they will, I'm fure They can't fignify
God^i Approbation of the horrid Enterprise of thefe Rebels^ or his Displeafure
at the Punifhment that has overtaken them. 'Tis no lefs than
Blafphemy thus to intereft Heaven in fo great a Villany. I think the
Country-man put a far better Scnfe upon the Fhanomenon^ (viz.) That
it was an Illumination and publick Rejoycings in the Heavens, for the Defeat
of King George's Enemies.
250
"Iiltef J^olia Ffudtu^.
THE
EXECUTION
jiaif , pill ©f mmi.
JilSTORY IS BUT THE JJi^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
— ^^^^^^^o-^
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1886.
This edition is limited to 1 20 large paper and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
i
AN ACCOUNT
EXECUTION
fl^ar?, Hueen of t)COts,
NOT HITHERTO PUBLISHED.
Being a Letter from
Robert Wyngfield, Esq; to Lord Treasurer Cecil.
LONDON:
Printed for and sold by James Crockatt, in Prujeian- Court, over
against Surgeon's-hall, in the Old-Bailey. MDCCLII.
A CIRCUMSTANTIAL ACCOUNT
OF THE
EXECUTION
MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS.
By ROBERT WYNGFIELD, Esq.
5>»;c
"TT maye pleafe your good Lordfhipp, to be advertifed, that according
-*- as your Honour gave me in command, I have heer fett downe in
writting the trew Order and Manner of the Execution of the Lady
Mary laft Queen of Scots, the 8th of February laft, in the great Hall
within the Caftle of Fotheringtray, togither with relation of all fuch
Speeches and Adions fpoken, and done by the fayde Queen, or any
others, and all other Circumftances and Proceedings concerning the
fame, from and after the Delivery of the faid Scottish Queen, to
Thomas Andrews, Efq; high Sherife for hir Majeftyes County of
Norfolk, vnto the End of the fayde Execution, as followeth :
It being certyfied the 6th of February laft, to the fayde Queen, by
the Right Honourable the Earl of Kent, the Earl oi Shrews berry, and
also by Sir Amias Pawlet, and Sir Drue Drurie, hir Governors, that
255
6 XTbe Claren^on Ibtstorical Society IRcprtnts.
fliec was to prepare hirfelf to die the 8th of February next, fhe
feemed not to be in any Terror, for ought that appered by any of hir
outward Gefture or Behaviour, (other than marvelling fhee fhould
die) but rather with fmiling Cheer and pleafing Countenance digefted
and accepted the fayde Admonition of Preparation to hir (as fhe
fayde) unexpedled Execution ; faying that hir Death fhould be
welcome unto hir, feeing hir Majeflie was fo refolved, and that that
Soule were too too farr vnworthye the Fruition of the Joyes of
Heaven for ever, whofe Bodye would not in this World be content
to endure the Stroake of the Executioner for a Moment. And that
fpoken, fhee wept bitterlye and became filent.
The fayde 8th Day of February being come, and Tyme and Place
appointed for the Execution, the Queen being of Stature tall, of
Bodye corpulent, rownde fhouldcred, hir Face fat, and broade, double
chinned, and hazell-eyed, hir borrowed Hair aborne ; her attyre was
this, on hir Head fhee had a drefTing of Lawne edged with Bone-
lace, a Pomander Chayne, and an Agnus Dei about hir Neck, a
Crucifix in hir Hande, a Payre of Beades att hir Girdle, with
a golden Crofs at the End of them, a Vale of Lawne faflened to hir
Caule, bowed out with Wyer and edged round about with Bone-lace;
hir Gowne was of black Sattin printed, with a Trayne and long
Sleeves to the Groundc, with Acorn Buttons of Tett, trymmed with
Pearle, and fhorte Sleeves of Sattyin black Cutt, with a Pair of
Sleeves of purple Velvet whole under them, hir Kirtle whole of
figured black Sattin, and hir Petticoate Skirts of crimfon Velvet, hir
Shoes of Spanifh Leather with the rough Side outward, a Payre of
green Silk Garters, hir nether Stockings worfted colour watchett,
clocked with Silver, and edged on the Topp with Silver, and next hir
Leg a payre of Jarfye Hofe white, i^c. Thus apparreled fhe departed
hir Chamber, and willinglye bended hir Stepps towards the Place of
Execution.
As the CommifTioners, and divers other Knights, were meeting the
Queen coming forthc, one of hir Servants called Meluiriy kneeling on
his Knees to his Queen and Miflrefs, wringing Handes and fhedding
Tears, ufed thefe Words unto hir : " Ah ! Madam, unhappy me, what
Man on Earth was ever before the McfTcngcr of fo important Sorrow
and Heavincfs as I fhall be, when 1 fhall Reporte that my good and
gracious Queen and Miflrefs is behedded in England?^* This fayde,
Tears prevented him of any further fpcaking ; whereupon the fayde
Queen powring forth hir dying Tears, thus anfwcrcd him, " My good
256
jEgecution ot /ibar^t (Slueen of Scots* 7
Servant, ceafe to lament, for thou haft Caufe rather to joye than to
mourne, for now Ihall thou fee Mary Stewardess Troubles receive
their longe expelled End, and Determination, for know (fayde Ihee)
good Servant, all the World is but Vanity, and fubjcft ftill to more
Sorrow, than a whole Ocean of Tears can bewayle. But I pray thee
(fayde ihee) carry this McfTage from me, that I dye a trcwe Woman
to my Religion, and like a trewe Queen of Scotland and France^ but
God forgive them (sayde fhee) that have longe defired my End, and
thirfted for my Blood, as the Harte doth for the Water Brookes.
Oh! God (fayde fhee) fhow thou art the Anchor of Truthe, and
Truthe itfelfe, knoweft the inward Chambar of my Thought, how
that I was ever willing that England and Scotland fhould be vnited
togither. Well, (sayde fhee) commend me to my Sonne, and tell
him, that I have not done any Thinge preiudiciall to the State
and Kingdome of Scotland;" and fo refolving hirselfe agayne
into Tears, fayde, " good Meluin farewell," and with weeping
Eyes, and hir Cheekes all befprinkled with Tears, as they were,
kiffed him, saying once againe farewell, good Meluin, and praye for
thy Miftris and Queen." And then fhe turned hirfelf unto the
Lordes, and told them fhee had certayne Requefts to make vnto
them. One was, for certayne Monye to be payde to Curie hir
Servant ; Sir Amias Pawlet, knowing of that Monye, anfwered to this
Effect, It fhoulde : " Next, that hir poor Servants might have that
with quietnefs which Ihee had given them by hir Will, and that they
might be favourably intreated, and to fend them fafely into their
Countries," to this (fayde fhee) " I conjure you laft, that it would pleafe
the Lordes, to permitt hir poor diftreffed Servants to be prefent about
hir at hir Death, that their Eyes and Harts maye fee and witnefs how
patiently their Queen and Miftrifs would endure hir Execution, and
fo make Relation when they came into their Country, that fhee dyed
a trewe conftant Catholique to hir Religion," Then the Earle of
Kent, did anfwer thus. " Madam, that which you have defired, can-
not conveniently be granted, for if it fhould, it weare to be feared,
leaft fomme of them, with Speeches or other Behaviour, would bothe
be grevous to your Grace, and troublefome and vnpleafing to vs and
our Companye, whereof we have had fomme Experience, they would
not fticke to putt fomme fuperftitious Trumpery in pradlife, and if it
were but in dipping their Handkerchieffs in your Grace's 'Blood,
whereof it were very vnmeet for vs to give Allowance."
" My Lords, (fayde the Queen of Scots) I will give my Worde
E 257
8 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society iReprints.
although it be but dead, that they fhall not deferve any blame in any
the Adlions you have named, but alas (poore Soules) it would doe
them good to bidd their Miftris farewell ; and I hope your Miflris
(meaning the Queen) being a Maydcn Queen, will vouchfafe, in
Regard of Woman-hood, that I ihall have fomme of my own People
about me att my deathe, and I know hir Majeftie hath not given you
any fuch ftreight Charge or Commiflion, but that you might grant me
a Requeft of farr greater Courtefie than this is, if I were a Woman of
farr meaner Calling than the Queen of Scots." And then perceiving
that Ihee could not obtayne her Requeft without fome Diflicultyc,
burft out into Tears, faying,
" I am Cofcn to your Queen, and difccndcd from the Blood Royal
of Heftry the Vllth. and a marryed Queen of Fraunce^ and an annoynted
Queen of Scotland^^ Then upon great Confultation had betwixtc the
two Earles, and the others in CommifTion, it was granted to hir, what
fhee inftantly before earneftly intreated, and defired hir to make
Choice of fix of her beft beloved Men and Women. Then of hir
Men fhee chofe Meluin^ hir Apothecary, hir Surgion, and one old Man
more, and of hir Women, thofe two which did lye in hir Chamber.
Then with an unappalled Countenance, without any Terror of the
Place, the Perfons, or the Preparations, ihee came out of the Entrye
into the Hall, ftcpt upp to the Scaffold, being two Foote high, and
twelve Foote broade, with Rayles round about, hanged and covered
with black, with a lowe Stoolc, longc fayre Cufhion, and a Blocke
covered alfo with blacke. The Stoole brought her, fhee fat downe ;
the Earle of Kent flood on the Right Hande, and the Earle of
Shrewsbery on the other ; other Knights and Gentlemen floode about
the Rayles : The CommifTion for hir Execution was redd (after
filence made) by Mr. Beak, Clark of the Counfell, which done, the
People with a loude Voice fayde, God fave the Queen. During the
reading of this CommifTion, the fayde Queen was very silent, liftning
vnto it with fo carelefs a Regard, as if it had not concerned hir at all
nay, rather with fo merry and cheerfuU a Countenance, as if it had
been a Pardon from hir Majeftie for hir Life, and with all ufed fuch a
ftrangncfs in her Wordcs, as if flicc had not knowne any of the
AfTcmbly, nor had been any Thing fecne in the English Tongue.
Then Mr. Dodlor Fletcher, Deane of Peterborough, ftanding direftly
before hir without the Rayles, bending his Bodye with great reverence,
vttercd this Exhortation followingc.
" Madame, the Queen's Moft Excellent Majeftie (whom God
*S8
JEjecution of /IDar^t dueen of Scots, 9
preferve longe to reigne over us,) havinge (notwithftanding this
Preparation for the Execution of Juftice juftly to be done vpon you,
for your many TrcfpafTes against hir Sacrid Perfon, State, and
Government) a tender Care over your Sowle, which prefently depart-
ing out of your Bodie, muft either be feperated in the trew Fayth in
Chrifte, or perifli for ever, doth for Jefus Chrille offer vnto you the
comfortable Promifcs of God, wherein I befeech your Grace, even in
the Bowells of Jefus Chrifte to confider thefc three Thinges.
" Firft, your State pafte, and tranfitory glorie : Secondly, your
Condition prefent of deathe : Thirdly, your Eftatc to comme, eyther
in everlafting Happinefs, or perpetual! infelicitye. For the firft, lett
me speake to your Grace, with David the King, forgett (Madam)
yourfelfe, and your owne People, and your Father's House ; forgett
your natural Birthe, your royal and princely Dignitie, fo fhall the
King of Kings have Pleasure in your spirituall bewtye, &c.
" Madam, even now, Madam, doth God Almightye open yow a
Doare into a heavenly Kingdom ; Ihutt not therefore this PafTage by
the hardening of your Hart, and grieve not the Spirit of God, which
may feale your Hope to a Day of Redemption."
The Queen 3 or 4 tymes fayde unto him, " Mr. Deane, trouble not
yourfelf nor me ; for know that I am fettled in the auncient Catho-
lique and Romaine Religion, and in Defence thereof, by God's Grace
I minde to fpend my Bloud."
" Then," faid Mr. Deane, " Madam, change your Opinion, and
repent you of your former Wickednes : Settle your Faythe only upon
this Grounde, that in Chrijl Jefus yow hope to be faved." She
anfwered agayne and agayne, with great Earneftnefs, " Good Mr.
Deane^ trouble not yourfelf any more about this Matter ; for I was
borne in this Religion, have lived in this Religion, and am refolved
to die in this Religion."
Then the Earles, when they faw how farr unconformable fhe was
to hear Mr. Dearie's good Exhortations, fayde, " Madam, we will praye
for your Grace with Mr. Deane, that you may have your Minde
lightned with the trew Knowledge of God andjhis Worde."
" My Lordes," anfwered the Queen, "if yow will praye with me,
I will even from my Harte thanke you, and think myfelfe greatly
favoured by you ; but to joyne in prayer with you in your Manner,
who are not of one Religion with me, it were a Sinne, and I
will not."
Then the Lordes called Mr. Deane agayne, and badd him faye on,
259
lo Ube Clarendon Ibistorical Societi^ IReprlnts.
or what he thought good els : The Deane kneeled and prayed, as
follows : Oh mojl gracious God, 8cc.
All the Aflembly, fave the Queen and her Servants, fayde the
Prayer after Mr. Deane as he fpake it, during which Prayer, the
gueen fat upon her Stoole, having her Jgfius Dei, Crucifix, Beades,
and an Office in Lattyn. Thus furnifhed with fuperftitious Trum-
pery, not regarding what Mr. Deane fayde, fhe began very faftly with
Teares and a lowde Voice to pray in LattWy and in the Midft of hir
Prayers, with over much Weeping and Mourning dipt off hir Stoole,
and kneeling prcfcntly fayde divers other Lattin Prayers. Then fhe,
rofe and kneeled down agayne, praying in Englijh for Chrifl's
afHifted Church, an end of hir Troubles, for hir Sonne, and for the
gueen's Majeftye, to God for Forgivcnes of the Sinnes of them in
this Iflande : She forgave hir Enemyes with all her Harte, that had
longe fought hir Bloud. This done fhe defired all Saints to make
Interceffion for hir to the Saviour of the World, J ejus Chrift, Then
fhe began to kifs hir Crucifix, and to Crofs herfelf, faying thefe
Wordcs : " Even as thy Arms, oh Jefu Chriji, were fpread here upon
the Crofs, fo receive me, fo receive me into the Armes of Mercy."
Then the 2 Executioners kneeled downe unto hir, dcfiring hir to
forgive them hir Death : Shee anfwered, " I forgive you with all my
Harte ; for I hope this Death fhall give an end to all my Troubles."
They, with her 2 Weomen helping, began to difroabe hir, and then
fhe layde the Crucifix upon the Stoole. One of the Executioners,
took from her Neck the Agnus Dei, and fhe layde hold of it, faying,
fhe would give it to one of hir Weomen, and withall told the Execu-
tioner that he fhould have Monye for it. Then they took off her
Chayne, fhe made herfelf unready with a kind of Gladnefs, and fmil-
ing, putting on a payre of Sleeves with her owne Handcs, which the
twoo Executioners before had rudely put off, and with fuch Speed, as
if fhce had longed to be gone out of the Worlde.
During the Difroabing of this Queen fhe never altred hir Counte-
nance ; but fmiling, faid, fhe never had fuch Groomcs before to make
hir unreadyc, nor ever did putt off hir clothes before fuch Company,
At lengthe unattyred and unapparclled to hir Petticoatc and Kirtlc,
the 2 Women burft out into a great and pittifull Shrieking, crying,
and lamentation, croffed themfelues, and prayed in Lattine. The
Queen turned towardes them, embraced them, and fayed thcfe Words
in French, Ne cry vous fay pr aye pur vous, and fo croffed, and kiffcd ihcm,
and bad them praye for her.
260
JEjecutton ot /llbar^, divieen of Scots* n
Then with a fmiling Countenance fhe turned to her Men Servants,
Meluin, and the reft, crofted them, bad them farewell, and pray for hir
to the laft.
One of the Weomen having a Corpus Chrijli Cloathc, lapped it up
three Corner wife, and kifted it, and put it over the Face of the
Queen, and pynned it faft vpon the Caule of hir Head. Then the 2
Weomen departed. The Queen kneeled downe on the Cuftiion
refolutely, and without any Token of Fear of Death, fayde allowde
in Lattine, the Pfalme, In te domine conjido: Then groaping for the
block, ftiee layde down hir Head, putting hir cheane over hir backe
with bothe hir hands, which holding there ftill, had been cut off^, had
they not been efpyed. Then ftie laid hirfelf upon the blocke moft
quietly, and ftretching out hir Armes and Leggs, cryed out. In Manus
tuas, Domine, commendo Spiritum meum, 3 or 4 times.
Att laft while one of the Executioners held hir ftreightly with one
of his Hands, the other gave two Stroakes with an Axe before he did
cut off" hir Head, and yet left a little grifsle behinde.
She made very fmall Noyfe, no Part ftirred from the Place where
fliee laye. The Executioners lifted upp the Head, and bad Godfave
the ^een. Then her drefling of Lawne fell from hir Head, which
appeared as graye as if ftie had been threefcore and ten Years olde,
powled very ftiorte, her Face much altred, her Lippes ftirred upp and
downe almoft a Quarter of an Hower after hir Head was cutt ofi\
Then faid Mr. Deane, So perijh all the Queenes Enemyes. The Erie of
Kent came to the dead Body, and with a lower Voice fayde. Such end
happen to all the Queenes and Gofpells Enneniyes.
One of the Executioners plucking off^ her Garters, efpyed her little
Dogg, which was crept vnder her Cloathes, which would not be
gotten forth but with Force ; and afterwards would not departe from
the dead Corps, but came and layde between hir Head and Shoulders
a Thing much noted. The Dogg, embrewed in her Bloud, was
carryed awaye and waftied, as all things elfe were that had any
Bloud, fave thofe Things which were burned.
The Executioners were fent awaye with Money for their Fees, not
having any one thing that belonged vnto her.
Afterwards every one was commanded forth of the Hall, faving the
Sheriff" and his Men, who carryed hir upp into a great Chamber,
made ready for the Surgeons to embalme hir, and there flie was
embalmed.
And thus, I hope, (my very good Lord) I have certifyed your
261
12 zbc (^laren^on Ibistortcal Socteti? IReprtnts^
Honour of all A6lions, Matters, and Circumftances, as did proceed
from hir, or any other att hir Death : Wherein I dare promife vnto
your good Lordfhip (if not in fome better or worfe Wordes then were
fpoken I am fomcwhat miftaken) in matter, I have not any Whitt
offended : Howbcit, I will not fo juftifye my Duties herein, but that
many things might well have been omitted, as not worthy notinge.
Yet, becaufe it is your Lordfhip's Faulte to defire to know all, and fo
I have certyfied all, it is an Offence pardonable, fo rcfting at your
Honors further Commandment, I take my leave this 1 1 th of /"^^riy-
ary, 1586.
Tour Honour'' s^ in all humble Service to Command.
R. W.
262
" Ii\tef ^olia J^ftidtti^.'
^went^ Xoohes
OVER ALL THE
ROUND-HEADS
^bat ever Iive^ in tbe Morl^
j4lSTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OF j^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
»-3^^^^-<"»
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1886.
This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies,
for Subscribers only.
TWENTY
LOOKES
Over all the
ROVND-HEADS
that ever lived in the World.
1. Heathenijh Round-heads.
2. Round-head Vowers.
3. Aged Round-heads.
4. Davids Round-heads.
5 . Round-head Mourners.
6. Ifraelitijh Round- heads.
7. Round-head Corinths.
8. Golgothan Round Heads.
9. Feminijh Round-Heads.
10. Oxford Round- heads.
12.
13-
H-
15-
16.
17-
18.
19.
20.
. Englijh Round-heads.
EJJex Round-heads.
Women Round-head.
Court Round-heads.
Round-head Cat.
Round-head Friers.
Round-head Citizens.
Strange Round-heads.
Round-head Seperatists.
Round-heads of the time.
^
REFORMATION,
1643.
^^fimmmmmmm
W'MmM.
^^^W^^
i^^s
mm^m
^^^M
^K^^
^^Mi
TWENTY LOOKES
OVER ALL THE
ROUNDHEADS
IN THE WORLD.
I. Heathenijh Round-heads.
rpHE firft Round-heads that I have read of, were the Heathen in
-*- the land of Canaan, v^rhofe manner w^as, to cut their locks
round, as fome doe now, hanging equally to one proportion about
their heads : but the Lord commanded the Ifraelites, that they fhould
not transforme nature, but cut their haire according to the fafhion
that God had made it to grow ; and therefore charged them not to
round their heads, nor fhave off their muchatoes. Lev. I9. 27. By
thefe Round-heads is meant such as is when the lockes are cut round,
as Tindall tranflates it.
2, Round-head Vowers.
There was a cuftome in the old Law, to dedicate a mans felfe to
God by a vow for a certaine time ; and whofoever did cut and trim
the haire of their head in pride, during the time of that vow, were
termed Round-heads ; and therefore the Lord forbad them fo to doe.
Num. 6. 5. The Lord forbad them to cut their lockes during the
time of the vow.
3. Aged Round-heads.
Sometimes the crowne of the head is bare by reason of age, when
the haires of the gray head fall off, and so leave a round baldnefle on
the top of the head, as Elias his head was, by reason of which a company
of unruly boyes mocked him, and called him Round-head, or bald-pate-
267
6 XTbe (^laren^on fbistorical Society IRepttnts.
But we may read in 2 Kings 2. at the latter end, immediately two and
fourty of thofe boyes were tome in peeces by two beares which God
fent amongft them out of the wood, which could not chuse but bee a
heavie fpeftacle to their parents and friends when they came and faw
their children tome in peeces, and pulled into morfels bit by bit by
the cruell beares.
4. Davids Hound- heads.
The messengers of David^ that were sent to Hanun King of Ammon,
were fhaven and made Round-heads : for the Kings Counfel had
perfwaded him to deride them in great fcornc of the children of Ifrael
the people of God, when as they were fent from David vf\t\), an intent
to prepare a way for David to doe good to the children of Ammon ;
which by rcafon of this their dcrifion of the people of God, it brought
upon them a great overthrow, when David was hereby ftirred up to
come againft them, as it is i. Chron. 19. These had their haire
(haved ofF quite round.
5. Round-head Mourners.
There was a cuftome in the Judaicall Law to (have the crowne of
the head in time of mourning, as the Friers doe now ; which ceremony
is at this time fuperftitious. Thus did Job round his head when he
faw himfelf in that fudden great afiliction. Job. i. 20.
6. Israelitijh Round-heads,
The Prophet Efay told the Ifraelites, that God would make them
round-heads by (having all the haire off from their heads, &c. Ifai.
7. 20. They had highly offended God, and therefore this judgement
was denounced againft them, meaning the taking away of their nobles
and rulers by the Ihaving of the head.
7. Round-head Corinths.
There is a decent wearing of (hort haire, fuch as Citizens and civill
men weare, which was derided and fcorned of fome fhag-hair'd
Ruffians amongft the Corinthians; which Pau/ reproves them for fo
deriding the decent wearing of the haire, and exhorts thofe that fcorne
them for it, to cut their haire fhort alfo, as it is i Cor. 11. at the
beginning. I wonder how fuch fliag Ruffians dare now fcorne at the
decent wearing of haire, when indeed themfclves arc the Abfclonians
268
Ube 1Roun^bea^s.
that provoke the Lord to curfe the land for their foolifh pride, and
wanton wearing of lovc-lockes and unfeemly haire, (I had almoft faid
periwig.)
8. Golgotha Round-heads.
In the Gofpel we find a place called Golgotha, that is, dead mens
fculls, the round fculls of dead men, Joh. 19. 17, whither our blefled
Lord and Saviour was led to be crucified; and happy are those round-
heads that receive the benefit of his bloud, and rife to glory by the
vertue of his refurredlion.
9. Feminijh Round-heads.
In the reigne of Henry i. the Engliflimen Ihaved off their beards,
and made their faces fmooth like women, and let their haire grow
round their heads in its full length, wherein they gloried, contending
with women who Ihould bee the moft abfolute feminine Round-head.
Lib. Dunelm.
10. The Oxford Round- heads.
In the reigne of Henry 3, King of England, there were divers Oxford
schollars who flew their chiefe cooke at Ofney Abbey : for which
fa6l 12. of them went bare-head from Pauls Church in London to the
Abbey to doe penance, for which they were derided a long time after.
Mat. Par. Tpodigm. Thefe were called the Round-heads of Oxford.
L.D.
II. Englijh Round- heads.
In the reigne of Edward 3. the Englifli men used to weare their
haire cut fliort, round their heads : but after that King lohn of France
was taken and brought over into England, it grew a fafliion (in a fliort
time) for men to weare long haire over their flioulders, and thofe that
went after the old Englifli decent manner, were called Round-heads.
Stow.
12. Effex Round-heads.
In the dayes of Richard 2. the heads of the Jurors in Essex were
chopped off by the countrey that rofe againft them in that rebellion,
Chro. Ma. Lo. but fome of them were executed for their labours, as
traytors.
13. Women Round-heads.
About this time alfo those women were derided as much as men
are now by the name of Round-heads, except they wore, as the
fafliion then was, high attire on their heads, picked like homes.
Stow,
269
8 Hbe Clarendon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints.
14. Court Round-heads.
In the dayes of Henry 8. it being a fafhion to weare long haire, and
for men to fhavc their beards quite off, King Henry therefore com-
manded all about this Court to weare their hair fhort. And to give
them an example, he caufcd his owne head to be polled, and from
thenceforth his beard to be notted, and no more (haven. Chro. i.
Brift.
1 5 . Round- head Cat.
In the Reigne of Queene Mary (at which time popery was greatly
exalted) then was Round-heads fo odious by them, that in derifion of
them was a Cat taken on the fabbath day, with her head ihorne, and
the likenefle of a veftmcnt caft over her, with her feet tied together,
and a round piece of paper like a linging cake betwixt them ; and
thus was fhe hanged on the gallows in Cheapefide, ncere to the
Crofle, in the Parilh of Saint Mat hew ; which Cat being taken downe,
was carried to the Bilhop of London, and he very revercndly fent it
to Dodlor Pendleton (who then was preaching at Pauls Crofle) for a
prefcnt, commanding it by him to bee fhowne to the congregation.
Row. Lea. The Round-head Fryers cannot abide to heare of this
Cat.
1 6. Round-head Fryers.
About the fame time, there was a company of Round-head Fryers,
in London, who had plotted a notable peece of knavery, and had got
one Elizabeth Crofts^ a maid about 18. years of age, to counterfeit cer-
taine fpeeches in a wall of an houfe, without Alderfgate, where they
had made her a convenient place for performing that falacy, through
the which the people of the City were wonderfully molefted, for that
all men might heare the voycc, but not fee her perfon ; fome faid it
was an Angell, and a voice from heaven ; fome faid it was the holy
Ghoft, l^c. This was called the fpirit in the wall ; flie lay there
playing in a ftrangc whiftlc, made for that purpofe, which was by
them given to her : idem^ and they forged conilructions of her voycc,
which was at lall found out, and flie confeft it openly at Pauls Crofle.
17. Round- head Citizens.
In thefe latter times, the fliagge head Cavalliers, wearing all long
haire, and the Citizens of London cutting their hairc fliort round
about their heads, there being fo great a controverfic between the
270
XTbe 1Rount)beaD6»
Cavalliers and the Citizens, to the end that they might make the
Citizens ominous, they branded them, with a refolution among them-
felves to ftrive that they might every where be called Round- heads,
and therefore fpread an univerfall tearme and appellation on all that
cut their haire fhort, to bee called Round-heads, which quickly was
every where fpread up and downe the Country.
1 8. Strange Round-heads.
This terme of Round-heads became fo great a name on a fuddaine
here in England, that the Kingdome (in moft part) and indeed every
where moft people, wondred what thefe Roundheads fhould be ; ima-
gining that they were fome new feft that was fprung up.
19. Round- he ad Seperatijis.
People paufing, and imagining what thefe Round-heads were, in
the end it was taken for granted, that Brownifts, Anabaptifts, l^c. and
fuch like, whofe braines fay they run round from one fchifmaticall
opinion to another, and is never fixed, are the Round-heads.
20. The Rouf id- heads of the time.
But now if a man have any religion in him, then (fay they) he is a
Round-head, if he profelfe the truth heartily, then hee is branded for
a Round-head ; he that is no fwearer, curfer, cheater, drunkard,
whooremafter, quarreller, he is scandalized with the name of a Round-
head ; he that abhorreth Atheifme, hates idolatry, ufeth only yea, and
nay, in his communication, keepes the Sabbath, loves the King, and
Parliament, and is courteous, charitable, chill and modeft ; thefe are
the men whom the blades of our time br.i id with the name of Round-
heads, and indeed every honeft man is now call'd Round-head.
Js Papijls call us Heriticks, fo Atheifts Round-heads 7?mke us,
L et them joy in their Periwigs, for Rome fhall never take us.
zz zz zz
271
" Ii^tef ^olia f^\i6txif
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
THE
/nbemoirs
OF
A JOURNAL OF HIS AGENCY FOR PRINCE
CHARLES IN IRELAND IN THE YEAR |
1647.
J^ISTORY IS BUT THE Ut^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^'ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
— ^►.s^^^-« —
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
1886.
This edition is limited to mo large paper, and 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers only.
1
THE
MEMOIRS
OF
GEORGE LEYBURN.
Dodlor of Divinity, Chaplain to Henrietta Maria
QUEEN of ENGLAND.
BEING
A Journal of his Agency for Prince CHARLES in Ireland in the
Year 1647.
Accompanied with Original Instructions and Letters to
the Author, from Prince Charles, Queen-Mother, the Duke of
Ormond, Lord Digby, Lord Clanriccard, the Pope's Nuncio, ^c.
Publijh^d without the leaft Alteration from the Original in the Author's
own Hand.
To which is prefix'd,
An Account of the Author's Life, with his Remarkable
Prediftion concerning General Monck, and the Reftoration of
King CHARLES the Second, mention'd by Dr. Tho?nas Gumble,
in the LIFE of that great General.
LONDON: Printed for W. L E W I S near the Piazza in Covent Garden.
MDCCXXII.
an account of tbe autbor'6 Xlfc
— >>.$^^$-
"T^R. George Leyburn was born in Wejimoreland oi a very ancient
-^^^ Family, known in those Parts a confiderable time before the
Conqueft, and which afterwards was diftinguifh'd by feveral honour-
able Alliances, efpecially with the Dacre^s and NorfoWs. The
Eftate belonging to the Family was formerly very confiderable, but
by Degrees much impair'd by HeirelTes ; and in Queen Elizabeth'' s
Days it was ftill more reduced, by the unfortunate Circumftances of
James Leyburn, Efq ; who was executed at Lancajler March 22, 1583.
George Leyburn was Born in the Year 1597, and fent very young to
Study in the Englijh College in Dozvay, where he was enter'd a Mem-
ber of that Houfe March 13. 161 7, under the Name of George Brad-
ley. He made a confiderable Progrefs in all Sorts of Learning, and
June 12. 161 8, anfwer'd to his two Years Labour in Philofophical
Studies, under the celebrated ProfefTor Thomas White, otherwife Black-
loe. Having run thro' two Years of Theological Learning, he under-
took to teach a LelTon of Humanity, which Employment he began in
October 1620, and having perform'd it fome Years with fingular
Applaufe, he reafTum'd his Theological Studies and compleated 'em ;
during which Time he receiv'd the Order of Priefthood, vix. Augujl
5. 1625. In 1627, having laid in a good Stock of Divine Learning,
he was defirous to polifh it, and improve himfelf fomewhat farther in
the famous Univerfity of Paris, for which Place he fet out from
Doway, November 3, the Year above-mention'd. Here he remain'd
two or three Years, and became a noted Tutor in Arras College.
Afterwards being invited over into England, he took Doway in his
'^77
6 TLbt ClarenOon Distorical Soctctg IReprints.
Way, and began his Journey from thence Augujl 29, 1630. He was
foon admitted to the Queen's * Prefcnce, made one of her Chaplains
and Favourites. Some Difturbances happening in the Queen's
Family on Account of Religion, the Englijh Chaplains were obliged
to abfcond. It was Mr. Leyburn's Misfortune to be apprehended and
confin'd. He was defignd to be profecuted, but by the Queen's
Means it was exchanged into Banifhment. And now he was again
refolved to make a further Progrefs in Theological Studies, and
fetling at Doway, he fpent fome Years in teaching Philofophy and
Divinity. It was during this Time that he took a Journey to the
Univerfity of Rheims, where he compleated the Degree of Doftor of
Divinity, and was invited by the Arch-Bilhop, at the Head of a Pro-
vincial Synod, to anfwer to his Aft in their Prefence, which Piece of
Honour he refus'd with remarkable Modefty. Defiring foon after to
return into England, which was about the breaking out of the Civil
Wars, he found every Thing in great Confufion ; and had not been
there long before he was taken up and committed to the Tower. It
was about 1644, when he became acquainted with Colonel Monck,
then a Prifoner in the fame Place foj adhering to the Royal Caufe.
I muft not omit fome remarkable PafTages which happen'd between
thefe two, and which are related by Dr. Thomas Gumble\ in his Life of
General Monck, Page 1 19. Take 'cm in the Author's own words. "/
muji here crave leave to tell you a Story, and becaufe none may believe it forged,
for this Relator hath heard it above fifteen Tears ago, and is able to bring
good Tejlimony thereof; while General Monck was in the Tower, one Dr.
Leyburn, a Profeffor in Divinity, and a Roinijh Priejl, came often to fee the
General in the Tower, and it was upon fome little Acquaintance which he had
with him in the Company of Sir Thomas Cademan, the late Queen\
Phyfician ; fome Friends of his ask'd this Leyburn {if I do not mijlake his
Name) why he gave hijnfelf the Trouble to vifit this Monck yJ often. He
replies, that within fome Years that Perfon Jhou'd be the gt eat est Perfon of the
three Nations, {and fo he was for fome Time before the Kiv^s Return) ; and
long afterwards the fame Perfon being at Supper with the General and other
Friends, a little before his Expedition into Scotland with Cromwel, he
publickly afferted at the Table, that k Jhou^d within fix Months, or there-
■ 1
* Henrietta Maria.
t Thomas Gumble, D.D., Chaplain to General Morck. "The Life of Gen. Monck,
Duke of Albemarle, London, 1 67 1, 8vo." In French, 1672, i2mo. — The London
Retrospective Review (xiii., 265-277; and xiv., 153-179) fays: "Curious .ts a
specimen of the Tory or Royalist mode of writing History which prevailed during the
period immediately following the Restoration."
278
Ube Hutbor's %iU^
abouts^ be a General in the Norths and within forne Tears Jhou^d command the
three Nations. This indeed proved true, but by what Means this Ley burn
pretended this Fore-knowledge I cannot imagine ; I do not retnember that he
ever caft his Nativity ; bnt fome think that he took this up, from fecret Lines
and Marks in his Face ; which wou'd render the Story very incredible, tho' the
General had a Soldier-like and Majejlick Countenance : But this is certain,
that Leyburn came out of the Spanifh Netherlands after his Majejlfs
Reft oration, and vifited the General ; and also, tbat he did Prophecy of this
long before: Now that fuch a vain Predi£lion jhould have any Influence upon
the General* s Faith, is to me very doubtful. I know he never lijten^d to fuch
vain Prognofticks. He told me this Story himfelf in Scotland." Thus far
Dr. Gumble, who doubts not of the Fa6l, but is puzzl'd about the
Manner. I have been affur'd by fome, who were perfonally
acquainted with Dr. Leyburn, that he was a Perfon of fuch extraordi-
nary Piety and Regularity in his Condu6l, that few were better intitl'd
to the Secrets of Divine Providence, and it feems as much for the
Credit of the Royal Caufe to make Heaven bufie on this Occafion, as
to draw unaccountable Inferences from the Lines of the Face. But
to proceed, when Dr. Leyburn had obtain'd his Liberty, he went over
into France, where he was very ferviceable to the Suffering Party.
In the Year 1647, Prince Charles and Queen Mother engaged him to go
over into Ireland, and report the real Grounds of the Mifunderftand-
ings between the two Confederate Roman Catholick Armies. This
Journey being over, he drew up the Particulars of his Agency, to give
the Prince and Queen a true Idea of their Affairs in Ireland. In
1648, Richard Smith, Bifhop of Calcedon, refiding then in Paris,
appointed Dr. Leyburn to be his Vicar General in England, jointly
with Mark Harrington alias Drury, Batchelor of Sorbon. Afterwards,
upon the Deceafe of Dr. William Hyde, Prefident of Doway College,
our Author was inflall'd in that Place June 24, 1652, which he
enjoy'd above eighteen Years, and refign'd to his Nephew John Ley-
burn, about the Middle of 1670, being at that time call'd up to Rofjie.
He remain'd at Rome about a Year and a half, then returning into
England, after having fetled fome Domellick Affairs, he took his leave
of it, and fpent the Remainder of his Days at Chaalons in Champaign,
where he gave up his laft Breath December the 29th, 1677, leaving
behind him a Character becoming the Primitive Ages ; and the In-
habitants of Chaalons to this Day pay a Refped: to his Memory, little
inferior to that of a canonized Saint. He was Do6lor of Divinity of
the Univerlity oi Rheims, Prefident oi Doway College, Chaplain to the
279
8 XTbe ClarenOon f)i6torical Society IReprints.
Queen of England, Vicar General to the Bifhop of Calcedon, and Agent
to Prince Charles in Ireland. He was learned, pious, and warm with
Zeal, both in Publick and Domeftick Concerns. He had been twice
a Prifoncr, and as often Banifli'd. His Life was attended with
fcvcral Controverfics, and Contradidlions, which he always made a
Hand of to his Improvement in Virtue, and the word Part of his
Charaftcr was that of being obftinately Good. Tho' he did not
afFc6l appearing in Print, yet he has left fome Inllanccs of his
Abilities in that Way, ziiz.
1. An Encyclical Epiftle to his Brethren.
2. Holy Charadlcrs.
3. As to the prefent Performance it has been refcrv'd in Manu-
fcript ever fince 1648 ; now what Credit may be given to him in
Regard of the Subjcft he treats of, may be learnt from thefe Words of
the Lord Clanriccard in Ireland^ to Sir John Winter the Queen's
Secretary at Paris. '-''From this worthy Bearer you may be pleased to receive
a very clear and perfect Account , both of Perfons and Anions here ; and his
known Piety, andfetPd Zeal to the Service of their Majefies, does mojl jujlly
deferve a fpecial favourable Regard and firm Belief.'^ This Letter of
Credence was written by Lord Clanriccard, General of the Confede-
rate Catholicks in Ireland ^ox the King, and brought over by Dr. Ley-
burn, the Original whereof is in my Cuftody. And what Character
is here given of our Author, I believe the Hiftory it felf will make
good, to which! remit the Reader.*
* Of the 3 works here named, only the last is mentioned by Alibone.
280
a preface.
TN this following Difcourfe, being accidentally and haftily written
for my own Inftruftion, and the Satisfa6lion of thofe, who in
that Imployment had Authority to take an Account and judge of my
Adlions ; I have willingly omitted all Circumftances whatfoever, that
did not precifely tend to thofe Ends ; fetting down nothing but
Matters of Fa6l. But now that I meet with fome Friends, who
having heard of this Manufcript, delire to fee it, willing, as it feems,
to be guided out of thofe Mazes, into which the Difcourfes and
Reports of feveral Fadlions have engaged them, concerning the PalTa-
ges and Tranfadlions of Things in the Kingdom of Ireland^ I have
thought fit, as well as my Memory will permit me, by way of
Preface, to fet down fo much of the State of that Country, at my
Arrival thither, as may ferve for the better Underftanding of this
following Relation; which, when all is done, whether or no it will
give them the Satisfadliion they defire, I know not ; and if in the
Computations of fome Things, as Places, Numbers of Men, or the
like, I Ihall be 'miftaken, they muft pardon me ; for I undertake no
exaft Defcription, but only to fay {o much, as may give a Reader the
better means to judge of the whole Matter, and neither indeed at my
being there, did I clog my Memory with the Obfervation of fuch
Things, being more intent on the Bulinefs I had then in Hand, then
on the Conlideration of Matters not fo neceffary.
Ireland, which I judge to be, at lead, as great as England, take off
Wales and Cornwall, is divided into four Provinces, Leinfter* Munjler,
* This, throughout the original, is spelt Leimster.
H
lo Zbc (riaren&on Ibistorical Societi^ IReprtntg*
Connaught, and Ulfler: In the whole, there were three Parties openly
declared againft each other, in this manner commanded. The firft,
by my Lord Marquifs of Ormond, Governor of the Kingdom for the
King, under the Title of Lord Lieutenant. The fecond, by that
which they called the Supreme Counfel of the Confederate Catho-
licks. The third, by thofe three (as I conceive, independant of each
other) the Lord of Jnfequeen^ Sir Charles Coute^ and Colonel Monroe^ all
under the Englijh Parliament, though the laft had a more immediate
Relation to his Country-men the Scotts. The Lord Lieutenant was
polTefs'd in Leinfler of Dublin, the principal City of the Kingdom (and
equal to any other I have feen in England, except London) with the
adjacent Territory, fome ways twenty, fome ways thirty Miles about
it ; in which he had all the Sea Ports on that Coaft, with divers Gar-
rifons, as Tredaugh, Trim, Carlow, and others, out of which he could
draw fome 2000 Foot, whereof, as I believe, the moft part were
Catholicks, and fome 400 Horfe, moft Proteftants, and the Com-
manders, for the greater part, if not all Proteftants, Englifh or Scotts.
Befidcs thofe, he had then received from the Parliament of England,
as 1 take it, three Regiments of Foot, whereof there were two
quartered in Dublin, the third in Trim and Tredaugh ; as alfo fome
Quantity of Ammunition.
The Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks were
pofTefs'd of all the reft of Leinfler, in Quantity of Ground, as I guefs,
three parts of four, wherein Wexford, Rofe, and Kilkenny, were the
moft confiderable places ; with all the Ports, but thofe in my Lord of
Ormondes Quarters. I think likewife, they had much about the fame
Proportion in Munfler, with thofe chief Towns Waterford, Limerick,
and Clonmell ; with many other Towns and Caftles ; all the Ports up
to Youghall: They were likewife poflcfs'd oi almofl all Connaught, with
Galloway the principal Town and Haven, and all the others except
Sligo. In IJlfter, the greateft Province in Ireland, they had few
Places, except Charlamont, and fome Caftles on the Borders of Con-
naught, though from thence came moft of their bcft Foot under
Oneale their General for that Province. They had, not long after
my coming thither, on foot thofe Forces, under Prefton their
General for Lcinfter, betwixt fix or seven thoufand Foot, and one
thoufand Horfe, as I verily believe by the Poll. In Munfter, under
my Lord of Worcefter, who commanded with the King's Commiflion,
though with their Confent, againft my Lord Infequeen, five or fix
thoufand Foot, and near one thoufand Horfe : In IJlfter, and upon
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iPretace. "
the Borders of Leinfter and Connaught under Oneale, nine or ten
thoufand Foot and Horfe.
My Lord of Infequeen^ by the Parliament made Prefident of Munfter,
was in that Province pofTefs'd of Toughall, Kinfale^ and Corke^ with
fome other places adjoining ; and about as much Territory (as I can
guefs, having never been there) as my Lord of Ormond had in
Leinfter : He was able, out of his Garrifons, to draw into the Field
fome 5000 Foot, almoft all Englifh ; and fome eight hundred or a
thoufand Horfe, Englifh.
Sir Charles Coote, by the Parliament made Prelident of Connaught,
was poffefs'd in that Province of Sligo a Port Town, and Coleraine,
otherwife called Londonderry, with fome places on the Borders of
Ulfter. He could make two or three thoufand Foot Englfh and Irfh,
and fome two hundred ill Horfe.
Colonel Monroe commanded in Ulfier for the Parliament, and was
in that Province poffefs'd of Knockfergus, Carickfergus, and divers
others Places : He could draw into the Field three or four thoufand
Foot, all Scotts or Scottijh Irifh, of which there are many Inhabitants
of that Country, and fome two or three hundred Horfe. Thofe
were the feveral Parties, or Faftions, with their Leaders : Thefe the
Places, Territories, and Quarters of which they Hood feverally
poffefs'd ; and thefe the Forces, they could upon Occafion draw into
the Field, at my Arrival in Ireland.
And now for the Reader's better underftanding, it remains that I
briefly, and hiftorically fay fomething of every one of them. And
firlt, of the Marquifs of Ormond. He, one of the nobleft of the old
Englifh Families, and by King James his Command, taken from his
Father, brought into England young, under Abbots, Bilhop of Canter-
bury bred a Proteltant, after returned into Ireland, and there fettled,
was by the late King Charles, about the Year 1645, made Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland ; that Kingdom, during the Interval from my
Lord of Strafford's Death, having been governed by Commiffioners,
and Thofe managing things there totally according to the Parliament
Intereft, gave the King caufe to remove them, placing my Lord of
Ormond in that Government, who receiving the Command of the
Englifh Army, made War for fome time fharply and fuccefsfully on
his Countrymen, the Irifh Confederate Catholicks, until the Civil
War broke out in England, between the King and his Parliament.
The King finding on the one fide that the Money he had confented
(hould be raifed for the War of Ireland, was imployed againft himfelf ;
283
1 2 xrbe (^aren^on Distorical Society IReprints.
and on the other, needing the Afliftance of that Army, caufed my
Lord Lieutenant to make a CefTation with the Irifk^ and fo drew all,
or the greateft Part, of thofe Forces over to him. After which, the
Ceflations were continued from time to time, until (after the Battle
of Nasby^ where the Blow was fo fatal, as the King could no longer
make Head againft the Parliament) a Peace was concluded between
my Lord Lieutenant of the one Part for the King, and four or five
Commiffioners on the other Part for the Irifh: Which Peace was no
fooner made than broken ; the Nuncio, then refiding there for the
Pope, with the Clergy, protcfting againft it, and excommunicating
all the Adhearers to it, with whom in time joined all the confidcrable
Towns and Caftles in Ireland, thai were not actually in the Poflcf-
fion of the Lord Lieutenant, or the Parliament ; and generally
fpeaking, all the People Catholick, who were not otherwife over-
awed by living within the Quarters of one, or the other ; only fome
of the Nobility and Gentry, as alfo of the Clergy excepted, induced
thereunto, either by their Allegiance to the King, my Lord of
Ormondes Intcreft in the Nation, or laftly, Averfion to, and Fear of
Oneale and the old Irifh ; fo as my Lord Lieutenant's Heralds, fent to
Proclaim the Peace, were at Limerick, the principal Town of Munfter,
beaten and wounded ; and himfelf, attended with fomc two thoufand
Foot, and four hundred Horfc, thinking by his Authority, fo accom-
panied, to make good the Peace, was, by the Appearance of Mac-
Thomas, at a diftancc, in the head of the Leinfler Horfe (from whom
he received no fatisfadory Anfwer) and the notice of Oneale^s march
towards him with his Army, forced in great Trouble and Diforder to
make his Retreat to Dublm ; where, expc6ling a Siege, he prefently
endeavoured to ftrengthen himfelf, within by Fortifications, without
by dcftroying the Country towards the Confederate Quarters, which
the Irifh, by their flow Proceedings, gave him Opportunity enough to
do ; who fome three or four Months after, in the middle of Winter,
approached Dublin with two Armies under the Commands of Oneale
and Pre/ton, independant of each other ; when the Marquifs of Clan-
richard, a Catholick, and the greateft Perfon of Ireland, after the Lord
Lieutenant, with whom he was then in Dublin, offered to treat, which
accepted by Pre/ton and his Officers, an Agreement was made and
Sworn to, but not perfefted by prefent Execution of the Things
agreed, fo that it came to nothing ; for which my Lord Lieutenant
accufed Pre/ton of too little Care of his Word, and too much Fear of
the Nuncio and Clergy ; and he again, my Lord, of Subtilty, in fct-
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Ipvetace* 13
ting Divifion amongft them, and Delay in performing Things to be
done on his Part ; whereby, through the Unfeafonablenefs of the
Weather, and Want of all things, he was forced to retreat, his Army
diffolving of it felf. And now the King having put himfelf into the
Scotts Hands, with whom he treated, my Lord of Ormond 6idi fo too ;
for furrendring up his Authority, and thofe Places under his Com-
mand into the Power of the EngUJh Parliament of the fame Fa6lion ;
during the time of which Negotiation, he was content, for his better
Defence againll the Irifh^ to receive fome Number of Parliament
Foot into his Garifons, with certain Quantities of Ammunition, for
which, and for Performance of Articles agreed on, or to be agreed on,
he delivered his Son, my Lord of Offory, as a Hollage. Thus much
concering my Lord of Ormond.
And now to fay fomething of the Supreme Counfel, or the Con-
federate Catholicks, I muft draw a little higher towards the Spring
that fo the Reader may the better judge of the whole. The pre-
dominant Fadion in the Englijh Parliament, knowing no fo likely
Impediment to the Deligns they had in hand, as that which might
proceed from the Catholick Party, which though not very great in
England^ in refpedl of their Numbers, yet was numerous in Ireland,
the Hundredth Ir'ifh Man not being a Proteftant, and abominating
all of that Religion, had no fo good Way to affright the King from
making ufe of that AiTistance, as by all Means they could polTible, to
thruft the Irifh into Rebellion, and then to accufe the King, the
Queen being a Catholick, as the Author of it ; from whence divers
Things would follow. Firft, that they fhould, with the help of their
Scottifh Friends, have a good Occafion to deilroy and extirpate that
People, pofFeffing themfelves and their Party of their Lands ; as alfo,
the Catholick Religion in the three Nations. Secondly, the King
having this Principle infufed into him, that Nothing was fo neceffary
to his Safety, as the clearing himfelf and the Queen from that
Imputation, would be fo far from feeking Affiftance that Way, as he
fliould not dare to refufe joining with them, in fuch A6ls of Parlia-
ment as they Ihould propofe to him, for the better perfedling thofe
Defigns ; provided, the Pretence were the repreffing or punifhing of
that Rebellion, by which it would come to pafs, that they would levy
what Forces, or raife what Monies they pleafed, which afterwards
they might convert to what Ufe they thought fit ; and all this, as
Things were difpofed, was no hard Matter to compafs : For, the
Irifh had not enjoyed fuch a pleafant Bondage under the Euglijh, but
285
14 "(Lbc Clavcnbon Distottcal Society IReprints.
that they had contraflcd Ill-will enough againft their Mailers, befides
which, other Things contributed. Firft, The Example of the Scons
then marched into England againft the King with an Army ; the
manifeft Combination with them of the Englifh Puritans, then highly
Predominant, by Reafon of other Circumftances, in the two Houfes
of Parliament ; which, if prevailing, the Deftruftion of the Irifh and
Catholick Religion muft follow. And as thofe Things, with other
Circumftances, might give the moft Reafonable amongft them Caufe
enough to be troubled ; fo wanted They no Provocation from Thofe,
who fate then at the Helm of the Government, and were totally of
the Parliament Fa6lion. But as there is no Cruelty like that of
Slaves, when they get the upper Hand ; of which we have divers
Examples, both Roman, Grecian and Carthaginian, fo thofe People had
no fooner ftiaken off their Fetters, but they did run haftily and
furioufly to all kind of bloody Executions ; and as their Rebellion was
without Order, fo were their Adlions without Meafure ; none that
was called Englljh, and was within Reach, efcaping their Fury ; nor
in this firft Heat was the Name of Catholick a Protedion, but all
went together ; fo that in JJlfter, Connaught, fome Part of Munjler, and
generally all Places without the Englifh Pale, they either killed the
Engli h, or forced them to forfake their Habitations : After getting
into Bodies, they affailed the Caftles and Houfes of fuch of their
Catholick Country-men (which were in great Numbers) as would fain
have been Quiet, and continued their Obedience to the Englifh
Government : Those petitioned the Council at Dublin, either to be
proteftcd, or to have Arms given them, whereby they might protedl
thcmfclves ; but being negledled, both in the one, and in the other,
and fearing that the Faults of a Part, would be imputed to the Whole,
and confequently the Innocent fufFer with the Guilty ; made thus
defperate, they did for the moft part join with the reft, as well thofe
of Englifh as Irifh Extradlion, amongft whom were many of very good
Quality ; and getting into fome Form, raifed Something like an
Army, but were from time to time beaten by the Englifh, though in
far lefs Numbers, partly for Want of Arms and Ammunition, of which
they were exceedingly deftitute ; partly, that they trufted more to
their Heels than their Hands, which laft may proceed of fevcral
Caufes : As that no Servile Nation were ever good Soldiers, until
Cuftom and Succefs had given them Spirit ; that they arc (it may be)
the bcft Footmen in the World ; that they have fo many Boggs and
FaftncfTcs well known unto them, by which they hope to cfcapc ; but
286
preface. 15
whatfoever the Reafon was, they had almoft ever the Worft of the
Englijh, even when they were better Officer'd, and wanted neither
Ammunition nor Arms, until the King (as hath been formerly
mentioned) called away that Army, which had, with his Confent,
been employed againft them by the Parliament ; and which had
more than fufficiently revenged all the Evils committed even by the
most Guilty, leaving nothing of Cruelty, either on their Bodies, or
Eftates, unexecuted ; this being the Difference, that the one was
done by a rude headlefs Multitude ; the other, by Soldiers under
Order and Command. From the Beginning they had endeavoured
to put themfelves into a kind of Government, by affembling the
Nation together, according to the Form before used in their Parlia-
ments, brought in by the Engiifh, confifting of the Nobility, Clergy,
and Commons ; chufing Knights and BurgefTes out of fuch Places as
were of their Party, or not in the a6lual Poffeffion of their Enemies :
This AlTembly made divers Acts or Ordinances, causing a Declaration
to be printed, expreifing the Motives of their taking Arms, wherein
they mention the principal to be the Defence of the Catholick
Religion, the King's juft Prerogatives, his Perfon, and the Queen's,
with their Liberties, l^c. againft the Puritans and Seftarifts, i^c. as
may appear in their Declaration, fet out in May 1642. To which
was added, an Oath for all People to take to the fame Purpofe.
They also formed that Body, which they called the Supreme Council
of the Confederates, confifting of fome of every State, Nobility,
Clergy, and Commons, about four and twenty in Number, which
during the Intervals of the AlTemblies, had a kind of limited Govern-
ment and Power, to call the Aflembly on Occafion : In the mean
time, as hath been faid, their Armies had commonly the Worft; yet,
my Lord of Cajilehaven, their General for Munjier, did them fome good
Services ; as also, Prejion their General for Leinjier^ though the latter
was overthrown by my Lord of Ormond in a great Battel near Rosse ;
which Misfortune, it may be, made them firft think of employing
Oneale, who before had been feen walking up and down Kilkenny alone
and unconfidered ; for even then the Supreme Council, whereof the
major Part were old Englijh Men of States and Fortunes, gotten by
their Anceftors from the Irijh^ had no Mind that Oneak, or any of the
ancient PoffeiTors, ftiould get into Command ; but now, Neceflity
inforcing to make ufe of all Hands, and almoft afhamed to deny him,
who, belide the Antiquity of his Extraction, had the Fame of a very
good Soldier, as having long ferved under the Spaniard^ in Places of
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1 6 Zbc (^laren^on Dtstorical Societi? IReptints.
confiderable Command ; they made him their General of Ulster, then
wholly poflefs'd by the Scotts and English, except Charlemont, which
Sir Philome Oneale, in the Beginning of their Rebellion, had furprized
and fortified. Notwithftanding which, he foon got an Army out of
that Province, and fome other Places ; very many of the old Irish,
ranging themfelves under him, and became fo confiderable, as not
long after he durft encounter Monroe, General for the Parliament of
that Province, and in a great Battel overthrew him, with very great
Slaughter of his Men, and the taking all his Baggage. Not long
before this, while thefe Things were in Agitation ; of the one Side a
Nuncio was come from the Pope, who to that Purpose had been
petitioned, by the whole Catholick Party of the Nation ; and on the
other Side, the then Earl of Glamorgan, now Marquifs of Worcefter,
with Commiflion and Instru6lions from the King, to advance and
conclude a Peace with the Irish, with whom my Lord of Ormond had
from time to time continued CelTations : Accordingly my Lord of
Worcefter proceeded fo far, as he, for the King, and certain Com-
miflioners appointed for that Purpofe by the Irish, concluded a Peace;
whereby on the one Part, there was convenient Provifion made for
Catholick Religion, and Indemnity of the Nation : And on the other,
an Army of Irish was to be levied, and fent for the King's AfTiftance
into England', the Conditions of which Peace were to be concealed ;
the King, it feems, fearing that their untimely Revealing, might
Prejudice him with his Protcftant Subjects ; fo that very few Copies
of the Original being difperfcd, yet it fo happened, that one of them
was found (as it was faid) in the Archbifhop of Thune his Pocket, flain
by the Scottish Forces, and fent to the Parliament of England ; which
coming to my Lord Lieutenant's Knowledge, the Earl of Worcefter,
ignorant of the Matter, was, by Letters, invited to Dublin ; where,
accufed by my Lord Digby, the King's principal Secretary, and then
prefent, of having concluded that Peace without fufficient Authority,
he was made Prifoner in the Cartle of Dublin, and not long after
releas'd upon a Bail of 40000/. to appear and anfwer the Accufation,
whenfoever he (hould be called ; the King in the mean Time, by his
Declaration, difclaiming my Lord of Worceftcr's Aft. After which the
Ceffations being continued from time to time, and certain Conditions
for a Peace offered by my Lord of Ormond, an AfTembly was called,
where the greater Part of the Laity was for accepting thofe Conditions,
though thereby Catholick Religion was not fo provided for, as in the
Peace made with my Lord of Worcefter ; and though oppofed by the
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Ipteface* 17
Nuncio, and moft of the Clergy, yet was it carried in the Affirmative,
that the Temporal Part of the Peace being Satisfadlory, there Ihould
be no Mention of the Spiritual, but they would truft the King*s
Goodnefs ; rather making Choice of that, than to have the Abolition
only of the Penal Laws expreffed, which by the Lord Lieutenant
was, in the King's Name offered ; and fo fome Plenipotentiary
Commiffioners were authorized to conclude, which the Nuncio find-
ing himfelf not able to hinder, all he could obtain was, a Delay of
the Signing and Sealing until May ; pretending that there was an
Agreement made by the Pope, with the Queen of England's confent
at Rome^ which he hoped would be fent to him before that time,
wherein the Splendor and Safety of Catholick Religion was more
amply provided for, than it had been with the Conclufion made with
the Earl of Worcefter, But the Time prefix'd being come, and no
News of the other Agreement from Rome, the Commiffioners did Sign
and Seal the Peace ; and all that followed thereon I mentioned
before, this only excepted, that not long after, the Commiffioners,
who had figned the Peace, were accufed of not having done their
Duty, nor difcharged their Truft, and therefore imprifoned ; and an
AfTembly being called, the A6ts done by the Ecclefiaftical Authority
were confirmed, and the Peace voted invalid ; though at the fame
Time the imprifoned Commiffioners were fet at Liberty, and declared
Innocent.
But now methinks the Reader fhould wonder at all those ftrange
Turns ; nor will I undertake to fatisfy him, in giving my Judgment
of the Reafons, having refolved in the fhorteft Method I could, to fet
down only Matters of Fadl ; from which yet, my hope is, I fhall not
be thought to vary, if I here relate, what I have heard the Nuncio,
and thofe of his Party fay, in their Juftification : For, what hath been
faid on the other Side is in Print, lately written, as it is reported, by
one Dodlor Calligan, eloquently, and in very good Latin.
Firft, the Nuncio fays, that the Pope, though he was from time to
time informed of the mercilefs Proceedings of the Englijh Parliament
againft the whole Ir'ijh Nation, for the tumultuous Rebellion of a
Part ; thereby demonftrating, it was not fo much their Fault, as their
Religion, which they meant to punifh ; yet he had no Intention
otherwife to meddle in the Bufinefs, than by his Prayers for them,
until his Aid and Affiftance was importuned by the Vote of the whole
Nation Catholick, which, as the Common Father of the Church, he
could not deny.
I 289
1 8 Zbc Claten&on Distortcal Socicts IRepttnts.
That himfclf being chofcn to this Imployment, all the Inftructions
he had from the Pope, tended to those two Ends : First, the
Prcfervation and Increafe of Catholick Religion ; then, the fettling
the Iris/> Nation in their due Obedience to the King. Concerning
which two Inftructions, there was no Prudent Man, let him be of
what Religion he will, but muft believe the Pope did intend, the
firft fhould be firft done.
That at his coming into Irelafid^ he found the Irish generally
inclining to a Peace with the Royal Party ; of which feme confidered
the Intereft of Religion more, and fome lels.
That for his Part, none defired that Peace more than he, being a
main Part of his Inftructions, provided that Religion were firft pro-
vided for. That it was true, he had to the uttcrmoft of his Power,
together with the Clergy, oppofed the Conclufion of that Peace,
agitated in the Aflembly of the Irish^ January 1646, becaufe by it
there was no Provifion at all for Religion, nor the Church ; as alfo,
that when he could not hinder the Vote made for it, he procured a
Delay of the Signing and Sealing, until May following, and of the
Publication until July^ in Hopes that before that time, he ftiould hear of
fome Agreement made between the Queen of Eng/and^ and his Holi-
ncfs at Rome, where it was then in Agitation, as he could make appear.
That my Lord Lieutenant being not to be perfwaded from
publifhing the Peace, and attempting to fecond the Publication with
Force, he had proceeded to Excommunication of all the Adherers to
it, and oppofed Force with Force.
That he was fo far from denying or extenuating any Thing he had
done, as he (hould neither have performed the Truft repofed in h'vm^
nor his Duty to the Pope and Catholick Religion, if he had done
otherwife ; to which, befides many other Reafons, those which princi-
pally induced him were.
That it was apparent to all fuch as had fought to inform their
Underftandings, concerning the modern Differences amongft Chriftians,
that of all the Sedls in Rebellion againft the Government of the Roman
Church, none hath been tranfported with fo much Rancour and
Malice to Catholicks and Catholick Religion, as those, to whose
Hercfics, Calvin gave a Beginning.
That the whole Scottijh Nation, to fpcak generally, and the
governing Part in the English Parliament, who at this Day both drive
one and the same Interell, confift totally and abfolutcly of those
Scdtarifts.
290
pteface. 19
That the King hath always feconded his Hopes of being reftored
to his Rights, rather on an Agreement and Accord to be made with
them, than either, Conquering or Beating them into their Duties ; as
may appear by all his Proclamations, Declarations, and MefTages fo
often fent for Treaties, and in the Treaties themfelves.
That in all the Declarations and MefTages fent from the Parliament,
and in all those Treaties had been with the King, this Demand was
principally infilled on, viz. the Diftindtion of Catholicks, and Catholick
Religion, in England and Ireland, and in the laft, under the Name of
Rebels, in which, generally fpeaking, they would have included all
the Catholick Natives, the Extirpation of the Nation : That as the
Recovery of his Crown and Dignity, with the Prefervation of his
Church, was the King's principal Intereft, fo was he not to hope his
attaining in any Degree to both, or either, by any Accord to be made
with thofe Seftaries, but by confenting to divers their Demands,
though never fo much contrary to his Inclination and Juflice ; of
which, one and the principal, on which they did and would ftill
insifl, was the lafl above-mentioned concerning Catholicks.
That thefe PremifTes had been fo well known to the King and his
Minifters, as it had been the true Reafon, why he would never treat
of any Peace with his Irish Subjeds, until the defperate Condition of
his Affairs compelled him : Neither then would he treat or conclude
with them in avowed or exprefs Terms, concerning the Particular of
Religion ; becaufe he would not do, what he fhould again be forced
to undo : And therefore did he fend the Earl of Worcejfer, a great
Nobleman of England, and a Catholick, into Ireland, with private
CommifTions and Inflructions, authorizing him to make a Clandeftine
Peace with the Irish, therein including their Satisfaftion concerning
Religion ; which if difcovered, he might, at his Pleafure, difavow, as
after it came to pafs, when by the Accident of finding the Copy of
that Peace in the Bifhop of Thume's Pocket, (if at leaft that Story be
true) it came to his Parliament's Knowledge.
That this Means having failed, and his Affairs in England flill
preffing more and more, he made ufe of my Lord of Ormondes Power
and Faftion in the Kingdom, to force thofe that would not aflent to
fuch a Peace as he would have : Which Game my Lord of Ormond
play'd fo dexteroufly, efpecially, in making ufe of the Divifions,
betwixt the Old and New Irish, thereby fetting Catholick againfl
Catholick, many preferring that Intereft, before the Splendor and
Dignity of their Religion, as that fhameful Peace (to ufe his own
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20 ube (Ilaren^on l)i6totical Socteti^ IReprints.
Words) was at laft concluded, himfelf and the Clergy in vain oppofing;
befides a great Number of the Laity: Wherein, what shuffling. Breach
of Promife, and Betraying of Trust had been ufed, would be too long
to fpeak of. That the Motive, which had induced fo many of the
Irish Nobility and Gentry to vote that Peace, and which the Principal
of that Faflion ufed to perfwade the others, was, that the King would
make good thofe Conditions granted by the Earl of Worcejier, with
his Commiffions and Authority, however he had been forced, for the
Satisfaftion of his other Proteftant Subjefts, openly to difavow them ;
and which was fecretly implied by thofe Words in the Peace, of
referring Conditions for Religion unto the King's good Will and
Pleafure.
That before the Scaling, and long before the Publication of the
Peace, the King had voluntarily caft himfelf into the Power and Mercy
of the Scottijh Army, where he was detained as a Prisoner, and thereby
rendered uncapable of the Power, if he had the Will, ever to satisfy
that Expcdlation. To conclude, the Catholick Irijh^ that were a
hundred for one Protestant, had always been fo defirous of uniting
themfelves under the Royal Authority, as if his Majefty would in any
Time, being at Liberty, and Sui Juris, have given his Royal AfTcnt to
their just Petitions and Demands for Religion, and their Churches,
with what belonged unto them, they had fo much Confidence in his
Justice and Goodness, as they would have infilled on no other Security
for the Thing granted, than his Royal Word and Promife : But now,
that he had put himfelf into the Power of his, and their mortal
Enemies, where he was Prisoner, and consequently unable to Protect
them, and out of whofe Hands he ihould never get, but by a Com-
pofition made to their Destruction ; there was left no imaginable Way
to fecure any Accord ihould be made, but by giving them a Catholick
Governor; fuch a one, as he himfelf fhould have juft Reason to truft ;
of which he had many Noble Englijh Men, and of them they would
refufe none. For, as for my Lord of Ormond, they neither would,
nor ever could think themfelves fecure under him ; who if he were
fo valuable, as to be efteemcd more than the Union of all that Nation
under his Obedience ; if through that, there came Inconvenience to
his Affairs ; it was not their Fault, the Law of God in Confervation
of their Religion, not a Religion founded but Yesterday, in the
Opinion of particular Men, but a Religion they had received from
their Anceftors Time out of Mind ; and the Law of Nature in prc-
ferving their Throats from Cutting, being above all other Laws
292
Ipretace* 21
whatsoever. To all this my felf did then make such Objeftions, as
I could remember : As, that it was no Wonder, if the King were
backward in relying or trailing on them, who had not only rebelled,
but in their Rebellion had proceeded with such Cruelty against his
Englijh Proteftant Subjects amongft them.
That the King, and all other English^ had Cause to fufpeft General
Oneale^ and those that adhered to him, to have Defign for Extirpation
of the English, fhaking off the Government, and drawing in the
Spaniard.
That the King was no Enemy to Catholicks ; but being to rely
upon his Proteftant Subjefts for Re-e6lablifhment into his Throne
he durft not feem to favour them, but was forced to pretend to the
Contrary.
That the Church of England purely confidered, and abftrafted from
thofe other Sefts, did agree in that which was Eflential to Catholick
Religion, in moft of their Tenets, and did acknowledge herfelf to be
defcended from the Catholicks, and from them to have received both
the Scriptures, and their Ordination of Bifhops and Priefts.
That it was not to be wonder'd at, if the King fought an Agree-
ment with his Parliament, rather than to continue a Civil War, which
muft deftroy fo many of his Subjefts, and of which the Event is always
doubtful.
That concerning the King's Declaration againft, and difavowing his
Commiffions given to the Earl of Worcejler ; Firft, it was but a bare
Affirmation of the Earl's, that the Commiffions were fuch ; the
Bufiness paffing only between the King and him. Secondly,
those Commiffions, were either all, or for the moft Part, Blanks ;
which if the Earl did fill up otherwife than he Ihould, the King was
not bound to juftifie ; and as the principal Reafon that moved the
King, to fend him into Ireland, was, to appear in granting fuch Things
concerning Religion, wherein my Lord of Ormond would not ; fo was
he not to do any Thing therein, but with my Lord of Ormondes
Knowledge and Confent.
That it was not ftrange, if when the King thought fit to make a
Peace with the Irijh, he ought to make fuch a one, as he thought
might conduce, and be moft advantageous to him, in the prefent
Condition wherein he was, to which the Grants of their Demands for
Religion in that Conjundlure of Time, had been as he conceived, fo
deftruftive, as it would have made his other Proteftant Subjefts, fall
from his Obedience, and leave to affift him in the Recovery of his
293
22 XTbe (naren&on Distortcal Sodcti? IReprints.
Regal Power, and Authority ; and therefore he made ufe of my Lord
of Ormonde his Governor of that Kingdom, to produce fuch a Peace,
at he might juftifie ; In contriving of which, by all fuch Means, as
his Intereft in that Kingdom gave him, my Lord of Ormond had done
but his Duty to the King in obeying his Orders and Commands, and
to his own Confcience, being a Froteftant, not to give his Confent,
that the Roman Bifhops and Clergy fhould be polTeft of the Churches,
and Church Livings in Ireland ; and confequently, his own Bifhops
and Clergy excluded ; which was alfo the King's Care.
That the late Peace, advantageous, or difadvantageous, or however
it was brought to pafs, was on the one Side concluded by Authority
of the great Seal of England ; and on the other, by the Affent of the
major Part of the Votes, orderly taken in an AfTembly of the Irifh
Nation, according to their own Conftitutions ; by which. Power was
given to thofe Commiflioners of their own Choice, to conclude a
Peace ; who according to the Commiflions given them (which were
extant) had proceeded ; which Peace fo made, no after Accidents
could invalidate, for fo all Agreements, and Contrafts made in the
World, would be little to the Purpofe : And therefore, the Allega-
tions made of the King's putting himfelf into the Power of the
Scott^s^ and the Confequences like to grow thereby, were not
efFeftual.
That if they thought themfelves unfecure under the Government
of my Lord of Ormond^ becaufe he was a Protejiant^ which Objeftion
might also be made againft the King himfelf, how much more Caufe
had the King to doubt his own Security, being now in the Hands of
his Parliament, if he fhould avowably give them a Catholick Governor ?
And therefore they fhould do well, not to exadl any fuch Thing from
him, which he could not do, either with the Safety of his Crown or
Perfon.
To all this it was replied, that as no Rebellion is juftifiablc, fo was
there never any more excufable than that of the Irish^ for the Matter,
though not for the Manner ; for their Rebellion was not againft the
King, but againft their Fellow Subjects, and mortal Enemies to them,
and to their Religion, who under the Name of a Parliament, had
then adually in their Pay, an Army of Scottish Rebels ; by the Terror
of which, they did as it were, hold a Dagger at the King's Throat,
forcing his Confent to fuch pernicious Demands as they fuggeftcd to
him : And for the Manner, as it was not defenfible, fo was it that,
which all Governors muft expcdl from Thofe, whom they hold in the
294
preface. 23
Nature of Slaves, and not of Subjefts, which was the Irish Condition;
which reckoning yet they had paid to the uttermoft Farthing, the
English Army fent thither by the Parliament, not only exceeding
them in all inhuman Afts of Cruelty, but indeed all others that we
have heard, or read of.
That General Oneale his Power, was wholly derived from the
Nuncio and Clergy, from whom he principally received the Means
of levying and paying his Men, who if they were fatisfied in their
Demands for Religion, he would yield to reafonable Conditions.
And concerning that of bringing in the Spaniard^ it was a Bugbear to
affright Children ; all wise Men being too well acquainted with the
Spanish Condition at that Time, who had too much on his Hands
already, to embroil himfelf with a new War ; that being an Invention
of the French Agents in the Kingdom of Ireland^ who fought all they
might to divert the King from putting himfelf on the Affiftance of his
Catholick Subjedls, but rather to embrace that of the Scotts^ their
ancient Allies ; as alfo, out of this Suppofition, that the Irish and
English Catholicks are more affefted to the Spaniards than to the
French; and confequently, if the King Ihould be by their Means
re-eftablifhed, his Inclinations would lead that Way.
That, how the King's Affections to Catholicks flood, they did not
know, but this was manifeft, that if he could have compounded with
his Parliament, he would have facrificed them all.
That they could not diflinguifh the Church of England from the
Refl, neither by their Writings, nor Aftions ; for out of no Country,
fince the Beginning of thefe modern Herefies, had ifTued Books more
virulent againft the Pope, and Catholick Religion, written by Bifhops
and Doftors of that Church ; neither was there any Place in the
World, where fuch cruel Laws had been made, and put in Execu-
tion againft Priefts, and Catholicks of the fame Nation, as thofe made
by Men living in, and under the Government and Communion of
that Church.
That no Man can doubt, but my Lord of Worcester's CommifTions
were real, all figned with the King's Hand and Seal, in which he
promifed on the Word of a King, to make good whatfoever he fhould
conclude ; and that my Lord of Worcester was ready to juftifie, that he
had exadlly followed his Inftrudions ; and particularly, that concern-
ing my Lord Lieutenant, whom he had made acquainted with all,
that he tranfaded with the Irish^ of which he could produce Proof.
That not only in his Opinion, but in the Opinion of others as
29s
24 XTbe (i:(aten5on Distottcal Soctetp IReptints*
wife, and who wifhcd the King*s Rc-eftablifhraent as much as any;
the fureft Way to that Rc-eftabli(hment had been, by granting their
juft Demands for Religion, to rely on the Affi fiance of his Catholick
Subjc6ls, which Demands only extended to a Toleration in England^
and the Face of the Church fettled in Ireland, without impofing any
Thing on himfelf, or Protestant Subjefts, who (hould be as free
amongft them, as thcmfelves ; nor refufing to joyn with any his other
Subjcdls of what Religion foever, in his AfTiftance for Recovery of his
Authority, and all thofe Prerogatives enjoy'd by his Anceftors ;
which AfTiftance as it was more certain, being to come from People
in Union ; fo was it more powerful, not only confifting in Ireland ;
which if the King had been pleafed to take a Courfe accordingly,
would foon in Spight of all his Enemies and theirs, have been united
in his Obcdiance ; but alfo in the Pope, who in his Particular, would
have contributed much himfelf; and both would and could in that,
have joined all the Clergy, in all the Chriftian Countries.
That as the King's Counfels and theirs, on whom he rely*d, have
always gone upon contrary Principles, the EfFcfts of which have been,
that he is now fain to fubmit himfelf to the Mercy, and throw him-
felf, as it were, at the Feet of thofe, who had been the Beginners and
Contrivers of all his Miffortunes ; who had branded his Perfon and
Family with the bafeft Slanders; and being his Enemies, and the
Enemies of his Church, were alfo the moft mortal and irreconcileable
Enemies of Catholicks and Catholick Religion. So no Body muft
think it ftrange, that now he had left himfelf in a State, no longer
to be able to Proteft them, if they fought their own Prefervation,
which could not be, but by having a Catholick Governor.
Thefe Reafons, with others to the fame purpofe, I heard fometimes
from the Nuncio, fometimes from the Bifhop of Clohar, efteemed one
of the ablcft Men of that Nation ; which how efFeftual they are, I
leave to the Reader's Confideration ; who out of them may pofTibly
draw fomething, which may the better make him to judge of the
whole Matter. And now to lay fomething briefly of my Lord of
Infcqueen, who being of that ancient Family of the Obrians, a Young
Man of Spirit and Courage ; when the English Army fent by the
King and Parliament firft came over, had raifed a very good Regi-
ment, and done confidcrable Service againft his Countrymen : After,
when that Army was recalled, he in Perfon came into England,
together with his Regiment, intending, as it feems, to ferve the King ;
but whether diftafted for being rcfufcd, the Prcfidcntfhip of Munster
296
preface. 25
being, as I have heard, promifed to the Earl of Portland ; or inclinable
to the Presbyterian Fadlion, which is no impoflible Suppolition, having
been bred under Sir William St. Legcr, Prefident of Munster, whofe
Daughter he Married ; whatfoever the Caufe was, he returned into
his Country, and there took up Arms for the Parliament, by whom he
was made their Prefident of Munfter. And having, with the Help of
the Lord Bro/nll, Son to the Earl of Corke, poffefs'd himfelf of Toghall,
Kingfale and Corke, whereof two are Haven Towns, all confiderable
in Munster, he did, with Affi fiance of Men and Money from the
English Parliament, make War on the Confederates, who lay neareft
in his Way, prevailing often upon them, and taking divers Towns and
Caftles, whilft I was there. And after the Surrender of Dublin^ and
before my coming away, in a pitch'd Battle, being given by Confent
of both Sides in mutual Letters, overthrew my Lord Taste^ then
General for the Confederates, with his Army, killing many, amongft
the reft, that famous Alexander Macdonnel, otherwife Coil-kito, and
taking many Prifoners, with much Baggage, and in that Viftory,
breaking the very Heart of the Confederates Affairs : This falling out
not long after Preston's Overthrow by Jones, which I mention, becaule
there is nothing of it in the Difcourfe before, to which it was not
pertinent.
And now for Sir Charles Coote and Monroe, I fhall not need to fay
much more of them, than I have already, more than the firft was the
Son of that Sir Charles Coote, Provoft Marfhal of Ireland, of whom it is
faid, that he would bid his Irish Prifoners blow in his Piftol, and then
would difcharge it. Monroe, an Irish Scot, as I think was he, to whom
the Faftion in the English Parliament would willingly have configned
the Command of the Army, fent over againft the Irish; but that being
oppofed by the reft, it was carried for Parfons, and Borlacie, their then
Commiffioners for the Government of Ireland ; which in Effed: was
all one, as to their Purpofe.
297
A DISCOURSE
OF
MY JOUHNEY INTO mELANB,
AND MY EMPLOYMENT THERE.
♦gFV IS Majesty, the late King my Master, being a Prisoner at
11^1 Holmby, and all Negotiations for his Deliverance and
Re-establishment being rendred fruitless ; it was thought
fit by the Queen, and Prince of Wales, with their Council, that some
Body should be sent into Ireland, with Letters and Instructions to
my Lord of Ormond, for the Settling of a Peace in that Kingdom ;
and for that Purpose, 1 was by her Majesty chosen, and accordingly
received these Instructions following, signed by the Queen.
299
1bet ni>aie8t^'8 instructions.
»€?
I. ^ p%OU 'shall with all convenient Speed imbark
^JU^ your self for the Kingdom of Ireland ; and
after your Arrival there, you shall with all possible
Speed repair to the Place, where you shall understand
the Lord Lieutenant and Lord Digby to be, and to
them you shall deliver all such Letters, as are directed
to them from Us and the Prince.
IL You shall inform the said Lord Lieutenant, how
sensible We and the Prince are of the present Troubles
of that Kingdom, as well in Consideration of the King's
Affairs in general, as particularly out of the Apprehen-
sion of the great and imminent Danger, that may
thereby happen to those, which yet remain under the
Obedience of him the said Lord Lieutenant ; and how
desirous We and the Prince are, to contribute all that
Is in our Power, to reconcile the Things in Question,
between the said Lord Lieutenant, and the Confederate
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30 TLbc (^laren^on Dlstottcal Society IRepttnts.
Catholick Subjects in Ireland ; whereby all of them
may be firmly united under the Authority of our dearest
Lord the King ; and thereby enabled to defend them-
selves against the Common Enemy, and seasonably
assist the King in his other Dominions.
III. You shall shew unto the Lord Lieutenant all
the Papers and Dispatches wherewith you are charged,
and particularly our Letter to the Nuncio now in
Ireland, and the Clergy ; as likewise, these your
Instructions : And you shall, from Us and the Prince,
acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that these Preparations,
as likewise all that is hereafter mentioned to be
agitated by you with the Nuncio, Clergy and Con-
federate Catholick Subjects of that Kingdom, are not
intended as any conclusive Opinions from hence; much
less, as any positive Directions from Us and the Prince ;
but are only propounded by Us to the Lord Lieutenant,
as probable Expedients to be considered of, resolved,
varied, used or rejected by the Lord Lieutenant, as he
upon the Place (best able to judge) shall think fit.
IV. You shall likewise acquaint the said Lord
Lieutenant from Us, and from the Prince, that if he
shall think fit to make use of any of these Expedients,
'before, or hereafter mentioned ; or to direct the
302
m>s Journey into 5telant). 31
Delivery of any of the said Letters or Dispatches ; or
to appoint you to pursue all or any of these Instruc-
tions, or any others, that the said Lord Lieutenant
shall give you in their stead ; that then both We and
the Prince will always avow and justify the same, as
Our Advice and Directions, in such Manner as the
said Lord Lieutenant shall propound, and think proper
for the Service.
V. When the said Lord Lieutenant shall have read
and considered of the said Letters and Dispatches,
you shall either deliver them according to their
Addresses, or suppress them as he, the Lord Lieuten-
ant shall think fit ; and you shall in Our Name, and
the Name of the Prince, deliver Civilities to any
Person, or Persons, according as he, the said Lord
Lieutenant, shall advise you : As likewise, you shall
vary from, and pursue the rest of your Instructions in
such Manner, as the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit ;
and in all other Things, you shall govern your self
according to the Advice and Orders of the said Lord
Lieutenant.
VI. If he, the said Lord Lieutenant, shall direct you
to repair to the Nuncio, or the Assembly of the
Clergy, or to the Supreme Council of the Irish, or to
303
32 ube Clarendon Ibtstorical Socict)? lReprint0^
their General Assembly now met at Kilkenny, you
shall, upon all Occasions, when your Discretion shall
think fit, publish, avow, and declare, the great Inclina-
tions, which We and the Prince have, to contribute
effectually all that shall be proper for Us and Him, to
the speedy concluding a happy Peace in Ireland ; and
how willing and desirous We and the Prince are to
advance that good Work, as well by Our Mediation
with the King in their Behalf (as there shall be Cause)
as otherways in what We may.
VII. You shall further let them know, how season-
able to the King's Affairs, a good Conclusion of a
Peace in Ireland would be ; as also, upon all fit
Occasions you shall press and insist upon the Necessity
of it, with Relation to themselves, and the great
Honour and Advantage, which the whole Irish Nation
will have by such a Peace ; and on the contrary, what
Use the Common Enemy will make of the Continuance
of these Distractions, even to the endangering of the
whole Nation and Catholick Religion there.
VIII. You shall apply your self, as you shall see
Cause, to such Persons amongst the Irish, as you shall
find to have Credit and Power amongst them, and
Inclination to conclude a Peace upon more moderate
304
fJX^^ Journey into 3relan^^ 33
Conditions ; and shall let them know from Us and the
Prince, how acceptable to the King, Our Sel^ and the
Prince, such their Endeavours are, and will be ; and
how ready We will be, really to express Our good
Acceptance of their Service therein, by such Marks of
Our Favours, as shall be most suitable to their Con-
dition, and most proper for them to receive.
H. R.
These were one Sort of Instructions I received, which were not to
be kept so private, but that they were in some Cases communicable.
Those that follow were not so.
305
Iprivate instructions*
I. ^ [^C)U shall deliver to the Lord Lieutenant of
^JJ^ Ireland, Fourteen Blanks now given into
your Possession by Us and the Prince ; Six others are
Signed by Us alone, and the other Six by the Prince
alone.
II. You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that
We and the Prince do authorize and appoint him, to
fill up all the said Blanks in such Manner, and to such
Purpose, and with such Contents, as he shall think
most proper for the Service of our dearest Lord the
King in his Irish Affairs : And you shall assure him,
the said Lord Lieutenant, that as We and the Prince
repose this Trust and Confidence in him, that he shall
make such Use of them, as he shall think fit, for the
Advancement of the Peace in Ireland ; so will both of
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3^ TLbc Clarendon Distorical Society? iReprintB.
Us at all Times avow and justify those Instruments so
to be filled up by him, as Our own Acts, and as done
by Our particular Directions and Command.
III. You shall more particularly acquaint the Lord
Lieutenant from Us and the Prince, that if in the
Treaty of the Peace, or in the Conclusion thereof, he
desires to be assisted with any further Authority,
grounded upon any Letters sent to him from the King,
or otherwise in Our Power, then We desire him, the
said Lord Lieutenant, to fill up the Blanks Signed by
Us or the Prince, or any other of the said Blanks
Signed either by Us or the Prince, with such
Authority from Us, or from Us and the Prince, or
from the Prince only, in such Manner as he shall find
most proper and conducing to such a Peace.
IV. You shall likewise particularly acquaint him, the
Lord Lieutenant, that if he shall think it proper for the
Advancement of the Peace there, that your self, or your
self with any others now in Ireland, should in Our
Name and authorized by Us, repair to the General
Assembly now held at Kilkenny, or the Supreme
Council of the Irish, or to any other Body, or Persons
with the Overtures of a Treaty, or any Particulars, i i
308
/IDI^ 5ourne^ into 5relan&. 37
order to, concerning or conducing to the same, Our
Desire is, and We hereby authorize him the said Lord
Lieutenant accordingly, that he should fill up one or
more of the said Blanks signed by Us, in the Nature
of a Commission, Letters or Instructions, with such
Authority from Us, and in such Manner, as he shall
think fit ; and that he would accordingly, insert the
Name of such Person, or Persons, as he shall think fit
to be joyned with you, in this Employment from Us.
V. You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that
upon Advertisement of the Restraint made on the
Person of the King at Newcastle, We enter'd into a
serious Debate of his Affairs ; and particularly con-
sidering of the Proposition made to Us formerly by the
Lord Digby, when he came from Ireland ; and that
thereupon, both We, and the Prince do much incline
to the Opinion then delivered to Us by the Lord
Digby ; That after a Peace made in Ireland, it will be
fit for the Prince in Person to repair to Ireland ; and
there, by his Presence, to unite that Nation under the
King's Authority, and imploy Forces from thence for
his Assistance, as his Affairs in England and Scotland
shall require. Therein you are to desire the Lord
Digby from Us, and from the Prince, to send Us
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38 Ube (^Iaren^on Ibistorical Socicti^ IReprints.
speedily his Opinion and Advice : And if he shall
approve those Propositions, that he order his Business
accordingly.
VI. You are to acquaint the Lord Lieutenant with
the Proposition made to Us by the Earl of Craford in
the Name of the Marquis of Montross himself, and
many other Persons of Quality and Condition in the
Highlands of Scotland , '[and shall thereupon assure
him, that Our Zeal to serve the King in the Recovery
of his Liberty, and Defence of his Crown, now in
Hazard, is such, that if the Design (after the Peace
shall be made in Ireland, and that Nation shall appear
in Arms for the King's Assistance) shall be approved
by his Judgment, as the most probable to attain the
End aforesaid ; We shall be willing to give Our
Consent to the pious Inclinations and Desires of the
Prince, to expose his person to all the Danger and
Accidents, that are to be expected in such an Attempt,
in hope thereby, to bring real Succours to the Distresses
of the King his Father : In the mean Time you are to
propound to the Lord Digby Our Opinion ; that the
Irish should be encouraged all that may be, to send
such sufficient Succours to the Earl of Antrim in
Scotland, as may continue a Footing there, and so
confirm the King's Party in that Kingdom, as to render
310
/IDs 3o\xxnc^ into 5telan^♦
39
that Design practicable, when it shall be proper to
attempt it.
VII. These Particulars you are to communicate to
none but the Lord Digby, and Lord Clanriccard;
unless the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit to give you
other Orders concerning the same.
H. R.
3"
Then follows the Prince's Approbation of all the Instructions of
both Sorts ; with his Command to put them in Execution, in these
Words.
Charles, px.
T3tle haue peru$e6> an6 bo fully approue of your
3n$truction$, bearing Date hereuiith, anb signeb by
our Royal JFlother; anb bo appoint anb authorize
you, $0 far as you shall finb lis nameb therein, to
put the same in Execution.
Cbarles, Ipr.
TJle haue peruseb, anb bo fully approue of your
priuate 3nstructions, bearing Date herewith, signeb
by our Royal IFlother; anb bo hereby appoint anb
authorize you, so far as you shall finb lis nameb
therein, to put the same in Execution,
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42 Zbc Clatcnbon Dtstortcal Society IReptints.
With these Instructions, and many Letters, not only to my Lord
Lieutenant, Lord Clanriccard, and Lord Digby ; but also from the
Queen to the Nuncio, and Clerg)', to Oneale and Preston, with all
the considerable Persons then amongst the Irish, I parted from Paris
about he i6th of March, 1647, in Company of my Lord of Craford
mentioned in the Instructions. At Orleans finding by Letters, as
also by the Print from London sent after me, that my Lord of
Ormond was deepiy engaged in a Treaty with the Parliament, so as
possible I might not be able to come to him at all, if Dublin were
surrendred before my Arrival ; and in that Case having Nothing in
my Instructions, I took the Boldness to write to her Majesty, desir-
ing to know what it was her Pleasure I should then do, if that should
so fall out, to which at Nantz, I received this Answer.
^^Rusty and well Beloved We greet you well ; upon Considera-
^L, tion of what you writ unto Us since your Departure, We
have thought fit hereby to signify unto you, that at your
Arrival in Ireland, if you find the City of Dubhn besieged in such
Sort, as you cannot have Access to Our Right Trusty, and entirely
Beloved Cousin, the Marquis of Ormond, or that it be surrendred to
the Rebels ; in such Case, you forbear not the present Delivery of
your Letters to the Nuncio, and Confederate Catholicks of Ireland,
to whom We have written by you ; and you are to assure them from
Us, that as the Consideration of the Service of our dearest Lord the
King, and the Interest of Catholick Religion, hath continually
inclined Us, most passionately to desire the Peace of that Kingdom ;
so is there nothing that may conduce therein to their Satisfaction and
Security, wherein We will not contribute Our best and promptest
Assistance. You shall not fail before long, to receive further Direc-
tions from Us ; in the mean Time you are to pursue those We have
already given you, and execute the same with all possible Diligence ;
whereof. We remain Confident : And so We commit you to the Pro-
tection of the Almighty. From the Lovre at Paris, March the 1 9th,
1647.
/ilM? Journey into 5telan^♦ 43
With this Letter I received another from the Secretary as
follows :
SIR,
^^ send you herewith an Answer of your Letter to her Majesty,
'^f' whereby you will receive full Light and Satisfaction of what
you write : And by her Special Command I am to advise
you, to make all fitting Application both to the Nuncio, and Others
the most considerable Persons amongst the Clergy, to possess them
with a real BeHef of her Majesty's Cordial and Affectionate Inten-
tions to comply with and further on her Part, whatsoever may set
forward the happy Settlement of that Kingdom, to their Satisfaction
and Security in Point of Religion ; which being her chiefest Aim, and
sufficiently provided for, her Majesty expects in the winding up of
that Bottom, those fitting Regards towards his Majesty's Affairs, and
present Condition, as may justify to her and the World, the Merits of
their publick Professions and Proceedings. Her Majesty will be very
sensible of particular Deservings in this Kind, and resent them with
the uttermost Effects of her Favour, or Mediation for their Desires,
&c. March the 19th, Lovre,
It was about the latter End of March, that we parted from Nants,
(for, no sooner could we find a Passage) in an Irish Merchant's
Vessel of some 200 Ton, heavily laden, and without any considerable
Danger, more than being very much affrighted, got into Ireland
about six or seven Days after at Waterford, and yet so unluckily, as
the Assembly at Kilkenny, after it had resolved Things as opposite
to the Means of attaining those Ends for which I was come thither,
as could be, broke up that Night at Ten of the Clock, which they would
not have done, had they first heard of my Landing, for so Mr.
Baron, who had been Agent here in France for the Confederate
Irish, and to whom I sent a Post so soon as I was in Waterford, writ
back to me. Indeed, I was very Unfortunate, for the Assembly had
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44 XTbe (riaren&on Dtstorlcal Socicti? 1Reprtnt0.
both Power and Means to do or undo what they had done, to the
Prejudice of a Treaty, which the Supreme Council, limited within
Bounds by the Assembly, afterward had not. At Waterford I had
Notice that my Lord Digby, with my Lord of Castlehaven, lay
secretly within a Mile or two of the Town, ready to set Sail for
France ; to my Lord Digby I sent presently, and had Answer, that
Mr. Slingsby, his Secretary, would be with me the next Morning,
which he was, and told me, that he looked for my Lord very soon.
I stayed from Sunday until Wednesday, in that Expectation, at
Waterford, which is but twenty Miles from Kilkenny ; but then fear-
ing to give the Council Jealousy, who at that Time beheld my Lord
Digby as their Enemy, and who was come secretly into their
Quarters without a Pass, I parted toward Kilkenny, my Lord of
Craford being gone before, where the next Morning I was, by Mr.
Baron, brought to the Council ; to whom (after they had caused me
to sit in a Chair, not far from my Lord of Antrim their President,
nor would they hear me until I had done so) I delivered the
Cause of my Coming thither, which was, the Queen and Prince's
Desire of a Peace in that Kingdom ; and for the Queen, she was not
only moved to it for the King's Interest, but also by her Zeal to the
Catholick Religion, and Good of the People ; that for the Catholick
Religion, she did not conceive (abstracting from miraculous Pro-
vidence) how it could be preserved from Ruin, but by a Peace ; to
which End her Majesty had made Choice of me, a Catholick, before
any other, to send thither with Instructions and Letters to my Lord
of Ormond, who was the Kings Lieutenant over that Country, to
whom I was first to make my Address : And therefore I had for the
present, no other Particulars to communicate with them, more than
desire their Pass, with a Warrant for Post-Horses, and Convoy for
my Safety to the Borders of their Quarters. After this, being so
advised by Master Baron, I did rise and go out, and not long after
had Orders for what I desired, and the next day parted for Dublin,
being fifty Miles, whither I came the Day after, and was that night
brought to my Lord of Ormond, to whom I delivered such Letters
316
{
/ID^ Journey Into 3relan^♦ 45
as were for him ; and then said, " That I was sure those Letters
expressed Civilities from the Queen and Prince, much better than I
could ; and that therefore I had nothing more now to say, until I had
deciphered such Instructions as I had, which were many, and would
take up some good Time ; and by which his Lordship would find the
Confidence her Majesty and the Prince had in him, which was great,
as no Reports could shake, though we had Weekly News of
Treaties with the Parliament, for the Delivery up of those Places
under his Command." To which his Lordship Replyed, " That
Confidence shall never deceive them; and, that he, who had
ventured himself, his Wife, and all his Children in the King's Ser-
vice, would make no Scruple of venturing or casting away one Son,
when there shall be Cause (this he spake because his Son was then
Hostage with the Parliament) yet if there be Necessity, he should
give up those Places under his Command rather to the English
Rebels than the Irish Rebels, of which Opinion he thought every
good English Man was." To this I replied nothing, but after some
Questions and Answers concerning Things in France, parted from
his Lordship to my Lodging ; and after two Days (for so long it was
before I could decipher my Instructions, a Work to which I had not
been accustomed) I returned to his Lordship with them, written out
in mine own Hand, which having read unto him, I gave them,
together with the fourteen Blanks, into his Lordship's Possession,
and so returned towards my Lodging; where, by the Way, I met
with my Lord Digby newly alighted, who told me he had neglected
his Voyage at the present for France, desirous to see what Fruits my
coming thither would produce ; and, after I had given him Letters,
we parted. The next Day being Wednesday, I intended to wait on
my Lord of Ormond at Dinner; but at Eleven of the Clock,
I was sent for by my Lord Digby, and told by him, that it
was my Lord of Ormond's Pleasure I should forthwith go to
Kilkenny, and move the Council for renewing the Cessation
(which would expire on Saturday following at Twelve of the
Clock) for three Weeks longer, which Order I obeyed; and
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in the Afternoon, coming to receive my Lord Lieutenant's further
Commands, he delivered me the Cessation signed on his Part.
I desired to know what I should say, in Case they should
object that my Lord did it, but to gain Time, that he might receive
more Forces from the Parliament. He answered, I should receive
Orders for that on the Way, if, on Consideration, there were Cause.
I desired to know his Lordship's Pleasure, what I should do with
those Letters I had to the Nuncio, Clergy and Others, with the
Confederates ; he told me I should follow my Lord Digby's Directions.
So I parted that Night with my Lord Digby to Leslip : and there my
Lord Digby thought fit I should deliver all those Letters. The next
Day, on the Way, a Post overtook me from my Lord Lieutenant,
with these Letters from his Lordship.
SIR,
©N further Consideration of the Discourse we had Yesterday
touching a Cessation, I think fit to give you Power, to
undertake to the Confederate Party, that if a Cessation be
agreed on, I will not receive, into the Garrisons under my Command
Forces from the Parliament, during three Weeks, to begin from
Saturday next the 17th of this Month, the Cessation being agreed
upon until then : But you are desired to use your uttermost
Endeavour to procure a Cessation without this Condition, or at leas
that it be kept private ; which last you are to engage them in, before
you consent to the said Condition. And so I rest your Affectionate
Friend, Ormond. Dublin Castle the 15th of April, 1647.
On Friday I came to Kilkenny and after Discourse had with the
French Agents, Monsieur du MouUin, Monsieur de la Monerie, and
Monsieur Tallon, whose Advise I was to receive in it ; the next Day
in the Morning I moved the Council, from whom I had Answer to
this Purpose : That their Army was well advanced on its March to
Carlogh, (a strong Castle in my Lord's Quarters) and that they did
3x8
/llMc: Joutnei? tntc Jrelanb.
47
not know what to do with it for Three Weeks, but must so long keep
their Army on Foot to no Purpose. But if my Lord would have a
Cessation for six Months, on the terms agreed upon by them,
they would agree. The Propositions themselves were as follow.
319
iDuertures for an Accommobation beliuereb by Doctor
$erar6 Pennel> anb Seofrie Baron, 'Esquire,
from the general Assembly of the iDonfeberate
itathoUchs, the 36 of Tflaroh 1646.
z'
I. ^^HAT each Party should continue their respective Govern-
ments independent of each other, within such Quarters
as by the Accommodation shall be agreed on, until a
Peace.
II. That both should join in a War both by Sea and Land, against
the Enemies of his Majesty and this Nation ; and that neither Party
shall make Peace, Cessation, or other agreement, or enter into any
Commerce or Traffick with the said Enemies, without the Consent of
the other, until a Peace.
III. That Dublin and the other Garrisons within your Lordship's
Quarters, may be secured against the said Enemies.
IV. That the Confederate Cathohcks within the Quarters that
shall be agreed on by this Accommodation to be left to your Lordship,
shall be secured of the free enjoying of their Religion, Lives, Estates
and Liberties.
V. The like for all other Catholicks in the said Quarters.
VI. That your Lordship shall suffer none to live within your
Quarters, but such as shall Swear the Performance of the Accomo-
dation.
N 321
so TLbc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints^
VII. That your Lordship shall enjoy the Profit of your Estate in
the Quarters of the Confederate Catholicks, paying such Contribu-
tions out of it, as the Confederates shall do out of theirs.
VIII. That the Confederates will contribute to the Maintenance
of your Lordship's Charge in a competent Way.
IX. That during the Accommodation, no Outlawries be prejudicial.
With the Paper above-mentioned, relating to these Propositions, I
departed from Kilkenny towards Leslip Castle, Sir Nicholas White's
House, six Miles from Dublin, where my Lord Digby was ; to him
I delivered it, who two Days after returning from my Lord
Lieutenant with this following Answer, but not signed, my Lord
Lieutenant giving the Reason, because the Propositions sent before
from the Assembly to him, were not signed.
322
Ansvuers to the lOuertures from the (tonfeberate
iDatholichs, sent by iEerrar6 Fennell an6
Seofrie Baron, Esquires ; an6 Uheuiise, to the
last Paper of the 10th of Iflay, 1647, sent by
relatiue to the
former
^^"^HE two first Propositions are such, as appear fitter to be
^^^ treated in a League Offensive and Defensive between neigh-
bouring Princes, than between his Majesty's Governor of a
Kingdom, and his subiects of the same, dechned from their Obedience,
with whom it is inconsistent with his Majesty's Lieutenant to join,
otherwise than by their Return to their Obedience, and Submission
to his Majesty's Authority.
To the 3d, when they are thus returned to their Obedience, and
have submitted to his Majesty's Authority, it will be then seasonable
to consider of securing the Garrisons in this Article mentioned, against
all Enemies of his Majesty and the Nation.
That the five other Propositions are such, as may be fit to be
considered in case of a Cessation, which when they shall propose
unto us, we shall take into Consideration, and give such Answer
thereunto as shall be reasonable.
That since in their last Paper they declare, that they resolve to
insist positively upon the Votes of the late Assembly, which, as we
understand them, are inconsistent with those Grounds, on which there
can be any Hope of ever settling any Peace in this Kingdom. If
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52 XTbe (riaren&on 1bi5torlcal Society IRepttnts,
they have any real Desire of the same, they will take the Course to
be freed from their Obligation of insisting upon those Votes, if any
such be upon them ; and to be invested with Power to propose such
Things, as may with Honour and Safety be hearkened unto.
This last my Lord added, because of their Votes in the Assembly
against the last Peace, without Recalling of which, and Submission
to the said Peace, my Lord Lieutenant was resolved not to treat with
them, on any Terms ; and this my Lord Digby told me, of whom
when I demanded, why my Lord Lieutenant would do nothing in
order to those instructions, with so many Blanks signed by the Queen
and Prince, as I had brought him ; his Lordship's Reply was, that
my Lord Lieutenant was wiser. If I shall deliver my Opinion, it is,
that my Lord Lieutenant having received a legal Commission from
the King to conclude a Peace, and that Peace concluded and broken
by the Irish, he did not think it safe, without a new Authority, as
legally founded, to make another Peace, and therefore it was, that
my Lord Digby answered me he was wiser. I then desired of my
Ijord Digby to know what it was, that my Lord Lieutenant would
have ; and that he would draw up something for me to carry to the
Council, by Way of Proposition to them ; to which my Lord con-
sented, and presently writ out a Paper and gave me ; but the next
Morning, before my Departure, called for it back, saying he was
fearful I might be surprized by some Horse on the Way; and
therefore I must find some Way to preserve it in my Remembrance,
without the Writing ; whereupon I was forced to set down two or
three words only in the Beginning of a Line, so to help my Memory,
and parted towards Kilkenny, and the third Day came to Clonmell in
Munster, whither the Council were removed ; there I gave them my
Lord Lieutenant's Answer, and desired that a Committee might be
appointed to speak with me, which was done ; and soon after the
Bishop of Limerick, my Lord Muscrey, and Mr. Nicholas Pluncket,
appointed for that Purpose, met me ; to whom, after some Discourse,
I delivered in this Paper, which I had, as well as my Memory would
serve me, drawn up according to my Lord Digby's Sense,
324
Propositions mabe by me to the Committee, about
the 18th of may, 1647.
■^
F you do intend a Submission of the whole Catholick Party
to his Majesty's Authority.
II. If you intend to do it by going on the Foot of the former
Peace, the only Way which in Possibility is left, either for your
Security, or any Body's else, that is to deal with you ; the King's
Condition being such as it is.
III. If for such other Agreements, as either are in the Marquiss of
Clanriccard's Engagement, or such further Advantages as may be
obtain'd from the Queen and Prince, you will take such Security as
may be reasonably devised, and will give the like for what concerneth
you.
IV. If you be not enabled of your selves to go thro' with a Peace,
you will, when it shall be seasonably proposed, accord to the Calling
of an Assembly.
V. If you will presently in Order to this, send to obtain a Cessation
from Month to Month for six Months, one Month only to be known,
on reasonable Conditions for both Parties ; one whereof I suppose
on my Lord's Part will be, such an Enlargement of his Quarters, as
may serve for the reasonable Maintenance of his Men, in Case there
be a Breach with the Parliament ; which Quarters shall be secured
to be restored if there be Cause ; during which Cessation, Things
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54 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprtnts.
may be negociated in France, with the Queen and Prince ; mutual
Securities agreed on, and my Lord have Time to disengage himself.
VI. If you will trust me, and some one or two Persons more, that
you shall think fit, with the Entrance into the Manage of this Business,
as long as there shall be Reason to keep it secret.
VII. Lastly, if you will proceed on these Grounds speaking gene-
rally ; then I will do my best to bring all This to pass, and have
Reason to be Confident I shall perform it.
326
/iDp 5ournei? into Jtelanb. ss
After this was read, Mr Pluncket objected, that the Foundation of
all my Propositions was impossible to be laid; and that was, the
Proceeding on the last Peace, which had been voted against by the
Assembly, and all the Adherents to it excommunicated by the Nuncio.
I replied, that what one Assembly had voted, another might unvote,
if they should see Cause; that the Nuncio's Excommunication against
the Adherers to the Peace, was not, that there was any Thing evil in
that Peace, in which there were many excellent Provisions for the
Benefit of the Nation ; but that there was not so much Good, in it
for the Securing of Catholick Religion, as he thought necessary ; and
when he should see that reasonably secured any other Way, it would
be all one to him, and the Excommunication might be recalled :
After some other Discourse, we parted, they promising to render an
Account of the Thing to me speedily. Three or four Days after, the
Council sent for me, and did speak to this Purpose ; That though it
was a very unusual Thing to treat with a Person that shewed no
Kind of Commission or Authority, yet they were so Confident of me
on the one Part, and so desirous on the other, to lay hold on any
Thing might tend to a Peace, as they had taken my Propositions into
Consideration, and had agreed concerning an Answer, which for the
present I could not receive, but was desired to go along with the
Bishop of Clohar, to Kilkenny, some 20 Miles off, where the Nuncio
then was, and there I should have it. So the Bishop and I
parted together, who by the Way told me, that when we had been at
Kilkenny, we must go to General Oneale, that lay with his Army
some 30 Miles beyond. After we had been some two Hours in Kil-
kenny, the Bishop found me out, and told me that my Lord Nuncio
he feared would be some Stop to our Proceedings; and that I should
do well my self to speak with him, which I presently did, my Lord of
Clohar being Interpreter. The Nuncio began, saying, that he would
willingly consent to the making of a Peace, but not a Cessation, for
that, Cessations had been the Reason why the Irish Affairs had no
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56 Ube Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts.
better Progress ; and that my Lord of Ormond did it, but to gain
Time, that so he might receive more Forces from the ParHament. I
reply'd, that now there could be nothing possible done without a
Cessation, the Additions for Religion being to be transacted into
France and back again : As also a new Assembly was to be called
for Confirmation of Things agreed on. And as for the Landing of
Parliament Forces, I did not doubt, but the Council had sufficiently
provided for that, in the Conditions of the Cessation, which once
signed by my Lord Lieutenant, would be infallibly kept. He
answered, that my Lord Lieutenant had deceived him, and he durst
not trust him. And after some other Discourse, in which I could
see he was not my Lord Lieutenant's Friend, in the End I wished
him to be advised what he did, in hindring of an Act decreed by the
Supreme Council, that gave so great Hopes of a Future Peace,
whereof if 111 should come, it would be attributed to him. He
desired me to rest satisfied untill to Morrow, when he would again
speak with me ; in the mean Time he would write to the Council.
The next Day he came to my Chamber and told me, that the
Council had by their Letters signified their Consent to his Desire ;
which was, that it might be deferred untill Friday come Fortnight,
when he would call a Convocation of all the Clergy of Limerick ;
alledging to me how much better it would be, that it were done by
the Council and Congregation together, than by the Council alone ;
desiring me that I would signify as much to Dublin : I reply'd, I
feared that Delay might prove fatal, for that I was most assured, the
Parliament Commissioners with good Forces and Instructions to
satisfy my Lord of Ormond in all his Demands, lay at the Water-
side, expecting nothing but a Wind; who, if they arrived in the
Interim, it would be too late afterwards to talk of any Agreement
What the Nuncio's Reason was for this Delay, I cannot certainly tell ;
whether he really intended, not to have a Thing of so great Con-
sequence done without the Consent of the Clergy of the Kingdom ;
or whether having no Intention to conclude with my Lord of
Ormond on any Terms, he had no other Way to break off the
328
/Il>^ 5ournep into Srelant)^ 57
Council's Decree, to which Oneale himself, had been consenting, I
know not ; but this I believe, that this Delay, was the Cause that
rendered all my Labours fruitless : For, the Council and Oneale, of
whose Intentions I was advertised by David Oneale, having agreed to
the Cessation, as was desired, by which the Parliament Forces would
have been excluded from Landing, all the Rest would have followed.
My Opinion is, that the Latter was the Cause, and that he and the
Bishop of Clohar would run any Hazard rather than accord with my
Lord of Ormond; against whose Person, I found in the Nuncio,
great Animosity; my Lord of Clohar being a better Hider of his
Thoughts. Soon after I signify'd what had been done, by an
Express, to my Lord Digby, and with my Letters, sent a Copy of the
Propositions I made to the Council : From whom not long after, I
received this Answer.
SIR,
^ LA OURS of the 27th May I received not until Yesterday Night,
I f and whenever it had come unto my Hands, you may be
C?^ sure I should have hasten'd my Answer to you, since here
is nothing that possesseth me more, then the importance of this
Business we have in Hand, concerning which you have collected,
and represented very rightly my Sence in the Paper you sent me ;
unto which upon further Thought I can add nothing, but that I
daily grow more confident of my being able to do good, if in any
Time these People you have to deal with, will enable me in any pro.
portion of reasonableness. I am very glad of the Assembly of the
Clergy at Limerick, and should be gladder of a general Assembly ;
for I can never hope to extract any Usefulness out of this Kingdom,
but by an unanimous and entire Consent of the Catholick Party, to
whatsoever settlement shall be made. I expect with impatience the
the Result of the Assembly at Limerick, in Way of Answer to the
Propositions, of which I am sure you will not be slow to advertise
me. As for Daniel Oneale's Proposition, if it be meant for all the
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58 Ube (riarcn&on Dtstottcal Socteti? IRcprtnts.
Accommodation, is for the present aimed at, without Relation to the
former Peace, is ridiculous ; but if there be intended by it, that the
former Peace stand valid, and unusually submitted to, such a Kind of
Government Assistant to their Quarters, may be continued till they
be secured in the conditional Concessions that shall be agreed on, the
Proposition in that Sense may not be very unreasonable; but this
you must lay as a Ground, that without preserving good the former
Peace, (I mean, without Prejudice to any Additional) not my self,
much less my Lord Lieutenant, can meddle at all in any Conjunction
with them, since it is that alone, that can restore them to the Quality
of such Subjects, as the King's Lord Lieutenant can joyn with. I
shall add nothing at this present, but only desire you to hasten unto
me, if possible, Security for Repair, and Residence in their Quarters,
and the Transportation mentioned to you ; since, if this Traffick
between us should take vent, I do not know how soon I might run
Hazard in these Parts ; when as, if once I have my Retreat secure, I
shall be bold : besides that there may be suddenly such an Oppor-
tunity of drawing Men away from the Parliament, as if once lost,
cannot be recovered. God send you in your Endeavours, the Success
that is wished by your affectionate Servant,
George Digbv.
Leslip, June
3d, 1647.
That which I observe in this Letter is, that my. Lord acknowledgeth
me to have rightly digested his Sense into Propositions. Secondly,
whereas he mentioneth a Proposition made by Daniel Oneale (not
spoken of before, and which I have not by me) it was something of
a joint Government, as one may perceive by the Letter, whereby my
Lord Lieutenant should have governed by Assistance of the Con-
federate Council in their Quarters, until the Peace had been perfect.
With his Uncle Owen Oneale's Consent, Daniel Oneale came on
Purpose with it to Clomell, with Intention to propose it to the Council,
330
/llb^ Journei? intc ^relan^♦ 59
where he was made Prisoner for coming without a Pass. To me he
gave it, when I came to see him, and I to the Council; to which
nothing was said, because the other Propositions were then on Foot ;
how ever it was, and what soever it had been, there was nothing to
be done without recaUing the former Peace, as is Thirdly to be
observed in my Lord's Letter; a Thing very difficult, if not impossible,
for a new Assembly must be called to unvote, and the Nuncio
perswaded to recall his Excommunication ; all which did not
dishearten me so, but that I still had hopes, until I received this
second Letter from my Lord Digby, which was as followeth :
SIR,
^ L^ESTERDAY the Parliament Commissioners landed with 6o<j
I ^ Horse, and 8 or 900 Foot ; they hastily and infinitely press
^^^^ my Lord Lieutenant's Performance of Conditions and
Surrender of the Places, with as much Eagerness, as if they feared
something might thwart them out of England. If I receive not from
you within five Days, positive and reasonable Resolutions unto what
I proposed, it will be too late to hope any Good in the Main; besides,
this Place will grow too hot for me : I do therefore desire you to
hasten unto me a safe Conduct from the Irish, to pass and embark in
their Quarters ; and to reside for a while, and embark such men as I
can draw away from hence ; which if they will presently allow, I am
confident I can in a short Time draw away the better Part of the
Parliament Forces, and if I might secretly lye for some Time, in
some private Place, in their Quarters to confer with you and them,
they would not repent it. I have nothing more to add, but to desire
you to hasten an Answer to your Affectionate Servant,
George Digby.
P.S. If you find them likely to be reasonable, send me Word in
what Condition their Armies are, to march suddenly, if Occasion
should be. June the 8th, 1647.
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6o XLbc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society Ifteprint^.
I was, two or three Days before the Receipt of this Letter, come to
Clomell, to*attend the Resolutions of that Congregation the Nuncio
had called, intended at Limerick, but by Accident transferred to
Clomell, and so longer deferred, than was at first spoken of by the
Nuncio, to me ; sent for by the Nuncio and Clergy, they had made
some Objections to me concerning the Propositions, but insisted
especially on the Impossibility of having any Thing to do with the
former Peace, which had been condemned by the Clergy and People
of the whole Nation ; and no wonder (to use their own Words) since
whatsoever Provision had been made for the Temporal Part, there
had been so little for Religion, as that God was not once named in it.
My Reply was something long, but resolved into these two Heads,
that my Lord Lieutenant neither would or could treat on any other
Foundation, the King's Condition being as it was ; That all the Peace
being good for the Nation, the Defects in securing Religion might be
provided for some other Way, to their Contentment.
Being returned to my Lodging, I received these Letters from my
Lord Digby above-mentioned, with which I went presently to the
Council ; and having told them that was come to pass, which I had
so long feared, and which they did enough believe : I read such
part of my Lord Digby's Letter to them as I thought fit, and then
spoke to this Effect: — "That there was now no longer time for
Delay, near two Days of the five limited in the Letter being expired ;
that if they would delay to do, he would no longer delay to speak
freely to them, though I had little Hope that should prevail, if their
own imminent Danger, in the Loss of those Places under my Lord
Lieutenant's Power, to the Parliament, did not move them : That
the King my Master being in that Condition, as they did well
know, had given the Queen and Prince of Wales Power to treat
and conclude in the Business of Ireland ; who accordingly had been
pleased, not only to send me with Letters and Instructions to my
Lord Lieutenant ; but also with Letters to all the principal Persons
and Corporate Towns amongst them ; whereby they might see the
real Intentions of the Queen and Prince, to contribute all that lay in
/IC)^ Journey into Jrelanb. 6i
their Power to such a Peace as might be for the King's Service, and
Good of the Nation, and particularly of the Queen, for Advantage of
Catholick Rehgion : That I had now been in the Kingdom more
than two Months, and seen very little Effects of those Protestations
they had entered into, of their Obedience to the King, which they
could not otherwise shew now (especially in the present Conjuncture
of Things) but by Demonstration of their Desire to return under the
Authority of his principal Governor my Lord Lieutenant : That my
Commands being to come back so soon as I should see no Hopes oi
their Union with my Lord Lieutenant, I was resolved very soon to
return and give an Account according to the best of my Understand"
ing of the Irish Affairs, which had not been the less Cause ot my
Sending thither ; the Queen having been pleased (though unworthy)
to make Choice of me, not only as an honest Man, but as a Catholick,
who therefore was not likely to give a worfe Colour to the Proceedings
of the Confederates than they deserved ; but that as yet I could say
Little for their Advantage, unless they did, in this Instant of Time,
do Something that might alter my judgment in their Favour."
After this I withdrew ; and two Hours after my Lord Muscrey, and
another, whose name I have forgotten, were sent to me with tl'^ese
Answers to my Propositions.
■tr
O the first we do intend it.
II. When we understand the Matter, and Assurance oi
the Additionals to the late Peace, we shall then call an Assembly,
who only have Power to proceed upon the Foot of the late Peace,
and to conclude therein, as they shall find Cause.
III. We intend to take and give such Security for the additional
Advantages, as shall be agreed upon until a Settlement in Parliament.
IV. We will, when it shall be seasonable, call an Assembly.
333
62 ttbe Clarent)on Ibistotical Soctetp IReptints.
V. We will agree to a Cessation for two Months, the one visible,
the other secret, until the Expiration of the first ; and in Case there
be a dear Resolution of a Breach with the Parliament, we shall then
treat upon Enlargement of Quarters, or other Consideration for
Maintenance of those of his Lordships Soldiers, as adhere to the
King, upon Security of Restitution as is offered. We also agree to
mutual Security during the Cessation and Negotiation with the
Queen and Prince.
VI. We agree to this.
VII. Needs no Answer. June the nth.
With these I received the Copy of a Cessation, importing three
Things ; First, a Cessation from all Hostility, according to the usual
Manner in such Cases. Secondly, obliging my Lord, during the
Time, to receive no more Forces from England or Scotland into any
of his Ports, Cities, or Garrisons. Thirdly, That my Lord should
not, during the Time, assist the Enemies of the Confederates in
Ulster or elsewhere in Ireland, nor receive Forces from them.
With these Papers I presently departed, and came the next Night
to Ballisonnon, the Castle of Mac Thomas, fifty Miles from Clomell,
and twenty from Dublin, the outermost Garrison of the Confederates,
which I thought the fittest Place for me to lye in, for the hearing
from both Parties. From whence I sent away, by Sir Richard
Barnnel, the Answers to the Propositions, with the Cessation to my
Lord Digby, with so much Speed, as it came^within the Time he had
limited ; which Messenger was no sooner parted, but I had a Letter
from my Lord Digby's Secretary, in which, amongst many others,
were these Words.
^H^ Y Lord Lieutenant hath written to my Lord yesterday,
r^ 11^ that all his Conditions were fully assented unto by the
Parliament ; and that if he heard not from the Irish on
Tuesday or Wednesday at Night, he would put it past Recovery, &c.
334
i
Jffl^^ Journey into Jrelanb* 63
And again, Nothing is more certain, than that my Lord Lieutenant
will put himself and all his Party into their Hands, if now they give
him not such an Answer as may in Security and Honour invite him
to treat with the Irish, whereby the Law will be in their own Hands.
Leslip, 1 2th of June, 1647.
Soon after I received another from the same Hand, wherein, after
he had informed me of Fairfax his taking the King from Holmby, he
concludes with these Words : For God's sake make haste to come or
write to us your Irish Decrees : now they make themselves and us
happy if they will but comply a little. Leslip, the 15 th of June,
1647. A Day or two after I received these,
SIR,
mPON Tuesday last, the Lord Lieutenant being fiercely press'd
by the Commissioners to Surrender, and both needing and
desiring the Assistance of his best Friends, with Hazard in
the doing, and with great Disturbance since, I got into the Castle at
Night, where I now am, and where I received Yesterday your
Dispatch of the 14th, unto which, in Regard 01 our present
Distractions, I can return at this Time but a very short
Answer; which is, that the Answer you sent carries a Shew of so
much more reasonable Disposition in the Council there, than I have
met with heretofore, that I shall willingly engage my self to deal
with you farther upon it, and I will hazard my Life, or secure such a
Suspence in the Lord Lieutenant's giving up the Government, as shall
allow Time to see whether it may be brought to good Effect ; and I
conjure you be not disturbed with any Thing you shall hear from any
Body but my self, for the Matter here is exactly secret, pray God it
be so there, or else all will be undone ; it will be impossible, without
ruining all, for me to come into those Quarters, and to return to
these ; but by that Time you shall have sent me the Pass I desired
for my self and the Gentleman depending upon me, to Leslip, I am
confident I shall have settled the Business of the Cessation, and be
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64 Ubc Clarenbon Distorical Society IReprtnts.
ready to come thither for good and all, till I pass into France to
perfect all Things. Whatever the Event be, be assured of the clear
and faithful Endeavour of your affectionate humble Servant,
George Digby.
P.S. I pray be sure, whatsoever you direct to me, to send it by
safe Hands, and carefully writ in Cypher. If the Irish Forces could
suddenly press us at Trim, or any where but here, it would help us
much, but let them beware coming near Dubhn. June 17, 1647.
I think after this Letter (though Matters in Dublin were brought
to that narrow Straight) yet I had not Cause utterly to despair of
Success to my Endeavours : I did not know that the Face of Things
in England were changed; the King in a Kind of Liberty at
Hampton Court ; the Parliament, which had been hitherto Presby-
terian, and with which my Lord Lieutenant had held his Treaty, was
become now Independent, quite another Thing; so that I was confi-
dent my Lord of Ormond would be very wary of parting easily from
his Government, without fresh Commands from the King, which,
whatsoever they were, I was contented. Full of these Hopes, I
presently writ to the Council for my Lord Digby's Pass, and his other
Desires ; as also letting them know, I doubted not of good Success ;
desiring that their Army under General Preston, might with all speed,
be put into a Posture of marching, for that I thought we should have
sudden Occasion to use them ; from whom some two Days after, I
received Answer, that it should be done. About the same Time this
Letter came to me from my Lord Digby's Secretary.
SIR,
yH^ AKE all the Speed that can be, in procuring the I^rd
^11^ Digby's Pass and Desires, for till that come he will not
stir; and the whole Business runs a great Hazard by
Delay. You must also make it your Business to draw the Irish
336
UX^V Journei? into 3relan^♦ 65
Forces to Trim, or some other Garrison (Dublin excepted) immedi-
ately ; If these Things be effected speedily and well, doubt not at all
of the Success of the Matter in the End. I rest, Yours, &c.
Friday Noon, Leshp.
P.S. Send all your Dispatches hither to me upon all Occasions :
Let me hear speedily of your Receipt of this, and what you intend
to do in the whole Matter. Deal both with Preston and Oneale ;
hasten Oneale to Trim, and Preston to the Nas, and Minouth ; but
let him there stop and come no nearer Dublin. This will be well
done whatsoever be the Event, and 'tis great Weakness to neglect it.
This Letter was presently seconded by an other from the same
Hand.
SIR,
>^^HIS Morning yours of the 19th, came to my Hands, I am
^^^ glad to hear of General Preston's Resolution ; but all will
yet be nothing, unless Oneale also do his Part : Therefore,
make it your Business, and let the Irish look upon it as theirs, to see
it done out of Hand; Let no private Animosities, or particular
Interest or Design, divert Oneale from the Work,, nay, nor delay
him ; for if this Moment of Time be lost, it will be for ever
irremediable : Therefore do you, and let the Council lay all their
Strength to perswade him to it ; if he refuse, the Ruin and Desola-
tion of Ireland, and his Nation will be his Guilt. This is the Place
where the Parliament will lay the Ground of the War, and it will
prove an irresistible Torrent, to drown the Kingdom without Remedy,
unless they be weeded out now presently. If these Garrisons were
taken in, and the Irish Armies lodged in these Quarters, the Parlia-
ment would soon be starved, and reduced to Nothing that Way, if
neither the Peace took, nor Dublin were taken. These Parliament
Ambassadors have already sent into Denmark for 40000 Barrels of
P 337
66 XTbe (rlaren^on Dietortcal Society IRcprtnts.
Rye, and intend to block the Irish Harbours out of Hand, to prevent
all Supply of Ammunition from them : They may here perceive how
great a Storm hangs over them ; yet, if they will but engage their two
Armies together in the Work, and resolve secondly, and heartily to
embrace the Means, with its Appendances ; and if they will send a
full, and unquestionable Pass speedily, all will yet do well; that
otherwise, any of that trifling will make fall to Nothing. Be not
startled at any Thing you shall hear of the Lord Lieutenant, who
hath given them the Power of the Army, and keeps the Sword and
Castle for five weeks ; in which Time and less, all must be done that
will be, with and by the Irish. I rest, Yours, &c. The inclosed is
for General Preston ; let me hear what you have done, and hope from
Oneale. Leslip Jun. 20th, 1647.
The next Day after my Receipt of his Letter, arrives the Writer
himself, and shews me a Letter of Credit from my Lord Digby,
written in Limons, not to be read untill it was warm, in these Words ;
Least outward Appearance should beget Distrust, I have thought fit
to send this Bearer unto you, to acquaint you at large with the
Grounds of every Thing ; I pray you give him full Credit, from your
affectionate Servant, George Digby, 21st of June, 1647. He made
a long Narration to me, which I thought fit, in a Business of so great
Concernment, to make him set down in Writing ; which he did under
his own Hand, and is as followeth, Word for Word.
" That the Commissioners being landed before any Return to the
Propositions came, and possess'd of Dublin, and all other Garrisons,
with Master Powers, they having Store of money, and the Marquis of
Ormond none at all, with which to feed the Soldier ; and lastly,
having brought him a full Performance of all Conditions, even of
those, whereon he did most ground the Hope of an Evasion ; and
now being fiercely press'd to a Surrender on his Part, was resolved
to perform his Engagement immediately, and writ so to the Lord
Digby ; who had in several Letters perswaded his Delay, to see if yet
any good might possible be done : But now finding nothing but a
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A^ journey into Jtelanb^ 67
personal Interview, and most serious Conference able to hinder the
Marquis of Ormond any longer from accomplishing the Work, he
notwithstanding the most imminent Hazard of the Attempt, ventured
by Night, to steal into Dublin Castle, to prevent the Surrender the
next Day intended ; where, upon his Arrival, (which procured a very
great Disturbance) he wrought so effectually upon the Marquis of
Ormond, that he brought him the next Day to declare to the
Commissioners (under Pretence of doubting the Authenticalness of
their Powers, and of Expectation of the Parliaments solemn Engage-
ments of the Faith of both Houses, for the Security of himself, and
all his Party, whether perhaps excepted or not excepted) that unless
they would yet give him five Week's Time to hold the Sword and
Castle in order to his Satisfaction in these Particulars, he would
rather die in the Gate with a Halbred in his Hand, than give it up.
In which Resolution the Commissioners finding him positive, at last
assented, that if he would surrender into their Hands the Militia
forthwith, they would permit him the Sword and Castle, together
with any three Companies he should chuse for his Guard for the
fore-mentioned Time. This was all that could possibly be done in
order to a Suspence, they having already, by Reason of their Money,
and overpowering Number, all Things else in their Hands. The
Answers to the Propositions intervening, have given good Hopes by
the reasonable Face of them, that the Irish may, yet upon Terms, be
brought yet to his Majesty's Obedience, and so both serve him, and
preserve themselves ; of which, whilst the Marquis of Ormond can in
Reason cherish a Thought, he will not willingly run on in this
extreme Course, which the former Proceedings of the Irish did
necessitate him unto; and that so far, that they suffered him to
engage almost beyond Recovery, before they did make any Overture
of any better Disposition. Now, the only remaining Ways of effect-
ing this are ; First, That if in this Time the Distractions in England
grow to that height, that the Parliament Party here, may see them-
selves deprived of Hopes of Supply, and unable to subsist, should
court the Marquis of Ormond to continue here, and so both reduce
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68 Ubc (riarent)on Ibistortcal Society iReprtnts.
the Power into his Hands, and give him Time to treat and perfect a
happy Accomodation. Secondly, That if, in this Time, Monsieur
Tallon come back from France, furnished so with Monies and other
Things, which the Marquis of Ormond verily expects, he shall soon
be able to regain hi/ own old Forces, and ruin theirs, who are far
more amenable than his, having most of them served the King in his
Armies in England ; and so by this Means re-investing himself both
in the Military and Civil Government, give both Power and Time
to make a Peace. Thirdly, if in this Time, he can work either upon
any of the Commissioners, or Chief Commanders of their Forces,
and so reduce both them and the Power into his own Hands.
Fourthly, And indeed, of all the Rest the most present and certain,
if in this Time, the Irish can march into these Quarters so strong
and considerable, as to take the Out-Garrisons (of all which the
Marquis of Ormond wishes they could possess themselves) and
distress Dublin so, as to make the Commissioners desire a Cessation,
which the Irish refusing to Assent unto, unless the Marquis of
Ormond would take it upon himself the visible Power, and give him
Time, according to the Length of the Cessation, more or less, to
continue and perfect the desired Union, and re-establish the King's
Government : Now in Order to bringing this last Means about, you
are desired to let the Council know, the unavoidable Danger that
hangs over them, and their Nation, if they lay not immediately aside,
all by Ends and private Interests and Animosity, to attend this
Business, to make them sensible that the other Forces of Ulster,
Munster, and Connaught will only be kept a Foot, by the Parliament
to divert and distract their Powers ; but that here, in Leinster, they
intend to lay the great Foundation of a War ; here to keep their
grand Army ; here to place their Government ; and here to erect
their Magazines of Ammunition and Victual. You are desired to
inform them, how that they have already sent into Denmark for huge
Provisions of Corn ; how 30000I. per Month, is set aside of Contribu-
tion in England for the War of Ireland ; how the Parliament intends
to endeavour the blocking up of all their Harbours. Hereby you
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rtb^ Joutnei^ into 5relanb, 69
will do well to let them see, that this is the only and last Opportunity,
that ever will be offered them to make their own Preservation, by
killing the Disease in the Beginning, before it grow too strong ; and
before, by the Marquis of Ormond's quitting, a Peace with the King
become impossible. You will also let them know, how certainly the
Parliament is like to grow to an irresistable Strength, if this Occasion
be let slip, and how easily they might now distress and destroy them,
before great Forces, and those great Provisions they expect, come.
It were fit they did know, that supposing their Armies come down
considerably strong, how much Master they must needs be of these,
who cannot possibly make above 6000 Foot, and 1000 Horse ; and
what certain Advantages they will be sure to get by taking all the
adjacent Garrisons, and possessing the EngHsh Quarters : But you
are, if possible, to engage them, that they will grant a Cessation
whensoever the Marquis of Ormond shall think it necessary ; and if
a Cessation be demanded by the Parliament, they will not accept it,
but by his appearing in it, likewise to oblige them, that without the
Marquis of Ormond's Permission (unless by a Siege, or some other
Accident, he be reduced unto a Condition, that is not possible to be
known) they will make no Attempt upon Dublin ; and to prevent
the Worst in such a Case, as that he should be necessitated to call
them to that Work ; or they, seeing an Opportunity, should, contrary
to their Ingagement, and his Desire, lay hold of it ; that you would,
after you have set their Armies forward (which must be done in the
first Place) descend to Particulars with them concerning Additionals
to the Peace to be made as reasonable as you can, and to engage
them under their Hands, that with those Additionals under such
Security, they will entertain the Peace, acknowledge the King's
Government, and admit the Marquis of Ormond for the King's
Lieutenant, whensoever he shall assent unto them, notwithstanding,
that in the mean Time, those Holds should come into their
Possession.
" It is requisite that you press all that may be possible, to bring
Owen Roe, as well as General Preston, to the Work, that with more
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70 trbe <llaren^on Ibistorical Society Ifteprlnts.
Speed and Security it may be performed. If this cannot be effected,
that General Preston may, if possible, be made up loooo Foot, and
2000 Horse, or near unto it ; and without Delay, by special Order
directed thither, and instructed in all reasonable Things, to follow
the Advice of the Marquis of Ormond and the Lx)rd Digby. Lastly,
a main part of your work must be to create a confidence in them of
the Marquis of Ormond and the Lord Digby's good Intentions to
them, which both of them, and especially the latter, with so much
personal Hazard hath made appear. Instruct them also to let the
Marquis of Ormond and Lord Digby see they have a Confidence in
them, and assure them it is the best Way to do their Work, and all
they wish for will, beyond Expectation, be done to their Hands, if
with a generous Resignation they will cast themselves and their
Business upon them. You must needs procure a full, free and indefi-
nite Pass for the Lord Digby in his publick Capacity to come to
their Quarters, with a competent Number of Attendants, and to
embark for France, or what Place he please, without Interruption
under what Pretence soever. I need not tell you how you are to
inculcate Secrecy unto them, nor to warn you to give in no Paper
concerning it, with the Marquis of Ormond, or Lord Digby, expresly
named in it: If they make Scruple how he can, in Respect of his
Hostage, go thro' here with them, you can satisfy them in that
Particular, what Way he hath left to do it."
These were the Instructions given me by the Secretary, grounded
upon his Letter of Credit from my Lord Digby, and indeed very
contrary to my Expectation, considering the Letters I had
from his Lordship but three days before, of the 17th, wherein he
made no Doubt of concluding the Cessation, which also I had
written to the Council, as also for a Pass for him as he desir'd ; and
I do wonder how they should think that I, who had never shewed
any Commission from the Queen, or Prince, nor was so much as to
use either of their Names, how or from whence the Credit should
come, that must support me, not only to treat with, but to manage the
Council in such a Line of Method as was given me by these direc-
342
/IR^ Journci? into JreIan^• it
tions, on which I will forbear to comment, my meaning being to write
here only Matter of Fact. Well, I shrunk up my Shoulders, and
presently departed from Ballisonon towards Kilkenny, whither the
Council were now come from Clomell ; where, about the 25th of
June, I arrived; and the Council not being all come together, it was
the 28th, before I could move them, which then I did in all the
Particulars before mentioned, of which, after I had spoken, I gave
them in a Paper abbreviated as I thought fit; to which, the next
Day, they replyed, that General Preston should, within ten Days, be
ready to March so strong, as there should be no Need of General
Oneale, with other Things, magnifying their own Army, and despising
the Parliament Forces. I then, after I had been with several parti-
cular Persons, went again to the Council, earnestly importuning
Oneale's coming, insisting principally on these two Reasons; first
that a Business that so much concerned them, could never be done
too surely ; that I conceived there was great Danger in the English
Horse, though against double their Number. Secondly, that my
Lord Lieutenant would never think himself sure enough ; for, when-
soever he should stir, if he made it not good, no less than his Life
would pay for it. But all would not do, so much did their Hatred,
for to nothing else can I ascribe it, to the old Irish, over-ballance
their Reason. As for the Nuncio, however possibly he might be
content the Parliament should rather have those Places, than my
Lord of Ormond stay in the Kingdom, which yet I do not aver for a
Truth, howbeit, most certainly he was very willing that Oneale should
have his Part of the Enterprize ; who himself was so desirous (of
which T am most certain) as he forbore proceeding on his Design
against Sligo, in Expectation to be summoned to that Business, then
lying idle in Connaught, with an Army of loooo Horse and Foot.
Indeed I was press'd by some Gentlemen of good Quality in that
Country, to write myself to Oneale, they assuring me he would
March on my Letter; whether it were so or no I know not, but I
thought it not fit to try, nor durst I offend the Council. In this
Interim I received a Letter from General Preston as followeth.
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12 Ube Claten^on Ibistortcal Society IReprints.
SIR,
^^ RECEIVED yours of the 2Tst, and do expect such a Number
'^m' of Forces, as I shall go without any great Danger to effect
any Thing I take in Hand. I understand General Oneale's
Forces are advanced into Connaught, and himself at Athlone ; whether
he will return or not, is yet unknown to me. My Army is daily
mustering, and will, God willing, suddenly be in a Body ; if then any
Occasion, with Assurance, shall be offered, I shall be ready to answer
it, or any other Service that may tend to his Majesty's Advantage,
and the Good of this Nation. In the mean time you shall have
timely Notice before I move, who am your humble Servant. Camp
2ist of June.
And not long after, another written to him by my Lord Digby's
Secretary, in which he desires him, after his reading it, to send it to
me, it seems for the News sake; for there he tells him, that "the King
was come to London, &c. And then, I send you this to rejoice, for
I know you love the King, and all that love him, in our Nation.
The Commissioners in Dublin sate all Night, admitting no Access
unto them." And this in Cypher, " Make haste in your Business, and
lose no Time in your March to these Parts, but come as w^ell accoutred
as you can. This is the Scene, &c. July the ist, 1647."
Another of the 3d to me, from the same Hand.
SIR,
^^ WONDER exceedingly I have not heard from you all this
'^F' Time, you knowing to how short a Limit we are confined :
The Distractions in England are grown to so great a Perfec-
tion, that it is believed really the King is in London, and the
Parliament dissolving. I beseech you press the Irish to be quick in
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UX^^ Journey into 5telanb. 73
the whole Business ; principally their Advance, and the Pass ; at
least, let us know speedily the Result of their Councils. My Lord is
affectionately yours, and commands it to be signified by your, &c.
July the 3d, 1647.
Then another.
SIR,
1^ RECEIVED just now, yours of the last of June, and thank
% you for it. The Mutiny the other day at Dublin, may
sufificiently let you see the Importance of the Irish Advance
into these Parts ; for had they been within eight miles of Dublin,
ready to march at an hour's Warning, I do not know why much of
that we aim at, might not then have been compassed ; but I make
no question, if they be at that Distance suddenly, nearer than which
they must not come yet, unless they mean to unite them all, and
make them attempt the Destruction of those, on whom our Hopes
depend: Such Opportunities will daily be offered, but I fear the
Delays : for a little more Force will make us loose them all, &c.
July the 4th, 1647.
About the 13th of July, General Preston sent me this Copy of a
Letter he had received from the fore-mentioned Secretary, with
another Copy of a Letter to be signed and written by him to my
Lord Lieutenant, of which I was to have the Council's Approbation,
and had it ; being drawn by the said Secretary. Take this first to
Preston. " If there was not a Fate of Distruction hung over this
Kingdom, it were impossible that your Army could have stayed so
long out of these Quarters, into which, if you had briskly advanced,
you might infallibly e'er this, have had most of the Garrisons but
Dubhn, or have forced the Commissioners to have put back all theirs,
into the Marquis of Ormond's Hands, and enabled him and others
to haue compassed that Good for the Kingdom which they most
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74 TTbe Clarendon Dtatorical Societi? IReprints.
heartily desire : And yet, if they advance a good Way the next Week,
it is probable, that our End may be compassed of preserving this
Nation ; but I fear I shall find it their Fate, that they must not con-
tribute unto the re-establishing of his Majesty's Authority so much as
here ; but that on the contrary, when the Affairs of England shall
have re-settled my Lord Lieutenant here, without your Help, which
is confidently believed before the Time prefix'd for his quitting will
be ; then your Armies will be ready to March and make War upon
him, however that you see Things now omitted here, that might
enable us to preserve Ireland from Calamities that threaten it. The
Pressures for your Advance are renewed now in the only Minute
of Time for you to advantage your selves, and to merit from the
King at one Time. The inclosed Draught of a letter is offered unto
you, as very requisite to be sent by you to the Marquis of Ormond.
When you are upon your March, you will do well to send the copy
of it to and the Council, that it may be dispersed in
Print, soon after you have sent the Letters to Dublin. I pray you
also send to a Copy of this my Letter to you, to peruse
privately. The Affairs of England go on well. Your most faithful
humble Servant, &c.
" P.S. Lose no Time, I conjure you ;
will further you in all Things ; there can nothing be thought of so
advantageous to your Business, nor so plausible to the World, as
your sending this Letter when you come, than this, which Preston
was, upon his March, to send to my Lord Lieutenant."
{Enclosed Draught^
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/ll^^ Journey into 3relan0, 7S
My LORD,
m
EING now upon my March with an Army beyond the Limits
of the Confederate CathoHck Quarters ; I have thought it
my Duty to his Majesty, and your Excellency his Lieuten'
ant, to declare unto you, that the Ground of my Advance into these
Quarters, is my Understanding that the Power and Command in
them is no longer in your Excellency, nor in any deriving Authority
from his Majesty, but on the contrary, in the Hands of Parliamentary
Rebels, the Supplanters of his Power in the three Kingdoms ; that as
we think our selves bound, both by Allegiance, in Relation to our
Sovereign, by Conscience in Relation to our Religion, and by the
Law of Nature for Self-Preservation, to prosecute War against them
to the uttermost of our Lives and Fortunes, which by the Grace of
God we shall do, renouncing all Treaty or Correspondency with
such : So on the other side, I do sincerely profess unto your
Excellency that I, and all under my Command, are so sensible of the
most unhappy Misunderstanding, since the last Peace, and so
passionately desirous, if possible, of redeeming the said Misfortune,
that could I be so happy as to receive from your Excellency any
Assurance, that yet the Power and Authority from his Majesty
remains in you, and that there might be any Hope of our being
admitted to his Service upon such Terms, as may be consistent with
our Religion, and natural Freedom of Subjects, that I should be so
far from proceeding a Step in any Act of Hostility, that on the
contrary I shall most gladly embrace any Way of Treaty or Cessation,
that may tend to that blessed End (and for which alone we will ever
fight) of settling a happy Peace in this Kingdom, in perfect
Obedience to his Majesty ; which shall be testified to the World by
the Actions of your Excellencies most humble Servant, &c."
About the i$th of July, General Preston having sent this Letter by
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a Trumpet, advanced into the English Quarters with an Army con-
sisting by the Pole, of between 7 and 8000 Foot, and about 11 00
Horse ; the Foot, as lusty appearing Men, and as well accoutred with
Arms and Cloaths, as ever I did see ; and the Horse in Appearance
equal to our ordinary Troops in England ; and hearing that the
Enemies Horse were advanced to the Nas, a Garrison of theirs some
8 Miles, as I remember, from Dublin, marched towards them ; the
Enemy drawing out their Horse, which were presently charged by
the Irish Horse, and after some Time forced back into the Town ;
which the Irish entring with them, they quit, as their Foot had done
before, and so retreated towards Dublin, Preston having much ado
to restrain his Horse from the Pursuit; who it seems feared their
whole Armies being drawn out to second them, his Foot being not
yet come up : But it was not so, for the English Horse despising the
Irish, had some 4 or 500 of them drawn out from the Rest of their
Strength, and had paid dearly for their Bravado, if Preston had not
been too wise : However this gave more Wisdom to the English,
and more Folly to the Irish ; The First not so confident as before ;
the letter more confident after, than there was Reason. In the
mean Time I received this Letter from the Secretary.
SIR,
^^ Had yours of the 8th, the Time prefix'd, for my Lord's Sur-
"^f" render of the Sword and Castle draws so near, that if by fair
Means we cannot compass our Ends, we must try it by
Force ; but to this there is something absolutely necessary ; to wit,
that you have a positive Assurance from the Council, that if the
Power shall be again recovered into my Lord Lieutenant's Hands,
that we shall be sure of a present Cessation for 3 or 4 Months, in
which to procure from the King the Powers and Conditions for a
Peace; for this, that you have a solemn Engagement under their
Hands, we expect to be suddenly certified ; without which, we shall
not venture on any Act of Violence, to recover the Power ; the Irish
348
/Dbl? SourncK? into Jrelan^. 77
are not wise if they stick at any Thing. Let me have your Answer
speedily ; there is no fresh News out of England ; we have Reason
to be confident, that by this Time, Things are at a good Issue there.
July the 15th.
In the mean Time it seems the Council had Notice by some com-
ing out of Dublin, that my Lord was not Master of the Castle, into
which, as those informed, he had admitted some Companies of Par-
liament Foot ; so that when I came to move them about th Assure-
ance demanded in the last Letter from the Secretary ; they told me
of their Informations ; as also, that my Lord had never meant in
good Earnest, but that I had been deceived ; which, however they
seemed to believe I was not wiUingly ; nor meant I to deceive them.
Soon after which, they sent me a Paper by the Bishop of Limerick
in Answer to those Assurances, and other Things I demanded of
them, which what they were, may be collected out of the former
Instructions and Letters ; which Paper I have lost : But by the Copy
of a Letter of mine, the Substance may be guess'd at ; my Letter was
thus to the Secretary.
SIR,
^y^KE Copy of the Letter I received in yours, is consented unto,
^^^ and dispatched away. In mine of the 8th, I gave you
Reasons for the Council's Delay in returning me Answer to
those your Desires, by me proposed to them ; as also, that they had
now promised me a speedy Resolution, in Order to which, Yesterday
my Lord of Limerick gave me a Paper ; the Substance of which was,
that as they had hasten'd their Army's Advance to those Ends and
Purposes desired, all that might be, so was it now well forward on its
March, so strong as they doubted not at all, it would be able to do
the Work, without the Help of General Oneale ; that as for those
other Things desired, which were of Substance to the main Business
349
78 XTbe Clarendon Dtstorical Society IRcprtnts.
in Hand (and what those Things are, I doubt not but you can easily
collect) the general Face of Affairs had received great Alteration
since my Delivery of these last Propositions in two Things, which
were not then known. The First, that my Lord had not only
divested himself of the Power of the Militia, but also, that he was
not at all Master oi the Casde; of which last, they were most
certainly informed by the Examination of Divers, that they were
lately come out of the Castle, and Town of Dublin, tho' they did
believe I did not know it, when I gave in the Propositions. The
Second was, the late Alteration of his Majesty's Condition, whose
Orders they did not know, my Lord Lieutenant in this Vacation of
Time, would not be slack to send for, and being come, would do his
best to obey them, what Obligation soever of domg, or not doing,
this, or that ; in the mean Time they should put on themselves ; and
that therefore, it should be great Imprudence in them, to oblige
themselves to any Thing further than the present Condition of their
Affairs required, untill such Time as some Person interested would
appear ; and be likewise, as there should be Cause, obliged. That
they had already given great Testimony of their good Desires, and
Intentions to do any Thing, tending to their Submission to his
Majesty's Authority, in their Answers given to my Propositions;
which altho' authorized by no Body that appeared, nor undertaken by
me further than His Verbis: I would do my best Endeavour to bring
them to pass; yet they had in a full Council and Congregarion
assembled, answered fully to every one of them. That howsoever,
when it should appear to them, that my Lord was re-invested with
his former Power, to which End he should command the Assistance
of their Army when he pleased, they would be ready to do any
Thing, in Order to the making good of those Answers, they had
given to my first Propositions. Lastly, concerning the desired Pass
for my Lord Digby, as they had much Expectation of the good
Offices his Lordship might do in these Businesses, being in a Place
so near my Lord Lieutenant, so were they loth to give him any
Encouragement to come away, before they might see what IssuQ
350
/ID^ Joutnc)^ into Jtelant), 79
Things would have, which had been the true Reason of delaying it
so long. But if that, by any Accident, he should be in the mean
Time occasioned to come into their Quarters, he should not doubt
of finding Safety and Protection there, for him and his, and Permis-
sion to go to Sea, when and whither he would. Kilkenny, July i8th.
This Answer of the Council was not without Grounds ; nor their
Information of Things in the Castle of Dublin false, though as then
I would not believe it : But within 3 or 4 Days I was put out of my
Doubt by this Letter from my Lord Digby, which should have come
3 Days sooner.
SIR,
♦#¥^Aving received certain Information 01 the State of Affairs
II ^f in England, from one employed thither by me, who hath
had Access to the King himself; and finding Things
there, tending to sudden and entire Settlement, but so much to the
King's Advantage as was hoped : And the Discovery to the Parlia-
ment Commissioners out of the Irish Quarters of all Things formerly
in Transaction between us ; I hold it absolutely necessary that I
should confer with you, to let you see the true State of every Thing,
and to new mould our Business, that no Accident may raise a
Suspicion of your not being dealt sincerely with : You are conjured
to hasten hither to Leslip, in which there cannot^be the least Danger
for you, the Parliament Army lying as it doth, or advancing nearer as
it intends this Day. Leslip, July 19th, 1647.
That Day I received this Letter, being the 23d, I parted from
Kilkenny, and the next arrived to my Lord Digby, from whom I had
this : " That the Commissioners having Notice, from I know not
whom, of our Intelligence, had seized Colonel Barie, and my Lord
Taffe in the Town, and had gone presently to my Lord in the
351
So Zbc Clarenbon Iblstorical Societi^ IReprints,
Castle, letting him know their Suspicion, demanding Assurance by
Permission of some Companies of their Soldiers to enter the Castle,
which my Lord had accorded to them, resolved now to proceed in
his Agreement with the Parliament. And the 28th of July, the Day
prefix'd, to deliver the Sword and Castle into their Power ; that yet
for all this I could not be troubled, for he had notwithstanding my
Lord's Departure, great Hopes nevertheless of doing the Business."
I replied, " That I could not chuse but be troubled, yet must be con-
tented whether I would or not ; that I was of his Opinion, there was
yet much Good to be done, of which I was glad his Lordship did
not Despair; but yet, that would now prove difficult, which before
had been easy. From Leslip I went to Preston's Army, who after
taking the Nas, leaving there a Garrison, marched to Minouth, a
Castle of my Lord of Kildare's, I think not above 4 or 5 Miles from
Dublin ; and after 2 or 3 Days, took that by Assault ; there likewise
leaving some Men, he went and sate down before Trim : where I
found him much troubled at my Lord of Ormond's Surrender, and
very little confident of any Thing I could say to him, though I
informed him of what Numbers about Dublin consisted; that they
intended to march to him, so soon as the Scots were come to them,
whom they expected every Day, being 2000 Horse and P'oot ; that I
did yet hope we should find some Means or other to introduce the
King's Authority amongst them on Conditions to their liking." He
answered, " He should be very glad of it, and that there was nothing
he and that Army could do should be wanting." I told him likewise,
" That my Lord Digby would be accountable for Leslip, which he
had forborn to take in, upon my Lord's undertaking that Charge."
From thence I went with Monsieur Monerie the French Agent, who
was likewise there, to a Knight's House, who was Brother in law to
my Lord Lieutenant, whose Name I cannot remember, Ten Miles
off, where, by Appointment, we were to meet my Ix)rd Digby, and
my Lord TafTe, who both accordingly came thither. The next Day
my Lord Digby desired me to return to the Army, and if it might be,
to procure a meeting between the Bishop of Feme, with Mr. Plunkctt,
352
as^ Jotttnei? into 5relan^♦ Si
then Commissioners from the Council with the Army, and my Lord
Digby and my self, about laying a new Foundation of our Business;
I found them very incredulous and backward; yet they agreed, upon
my Importunity, to meet the next Day at a certain Place, whither
my Lord Digby, my Lord Taffe, and I, were no sooner come, but we
had Notice that Jones was drawn out of Dublin with his Army march-
ing behind us ; and soon after a Note from the two Commissioners,
that they could not come for the said Reason. So we parted, my
Lord Digby to Leslip, my Lord Taffe and I towards Kilkenny, all
of us expecting the Event of that Battel, which all of us feared was
towards ; I say feared, for we had done our endeavour to disswade
Preston from fighting, both my Lord Taffe and I alledging, the Danger
of the English Horse, as also the Coming up of the Scots the Night
before. But my Lord of Ormond's Action had rendred Preston and
the rest so distrustful, as they believed every Thing the less, because
it came from any they conceived to have been of the Party; but it
had been better for them they had believed ; for within five Days
after Preston was Overthrown, and 4000 Men killed on the Place,
and almost all his Commanders Prisoners, he himself escaping very
hardly : and with the Ruin of this Army were all my Hopes, as to
the doing any further good in Ireland, likewise ruined; for that I
resolved, although I had received no new Order from the Queen, with
next Conveniency to depart for France. But my Lord Digby, for the
whom I had, notwithstanding all this, procured a Pass to come to
Kilkenny, though with much ado, desired me not to stir untill I
heard from him out of France ; alledging that there was no Body but
my self left to do the King's Business there, whatever Resolution
should be taken. I told my Lord, I would not stay at any Desire,
but if he would Command me, I would Obey, being so tied by my
Instructions. He did so, with promise to recommend my good
Endeavours to the Queen and Prince, and that I should soon hear
from him, and so we parted, he to Sea, and I, not long after, to
Galloway, where then my Lord Clanriccard was, who invited me so
kindly, as from that Time, which might be about the End of August,
R 353
^2 Ubc CIaren&on Dtstorical Society IReprints.
I never left him until March, that I set Sail to France. At my Lord
Clanriccard's, about the Beginning of November, I received a Com-
mand from the Queen for my Return, whose Date was more than
three Months old, which I did not presently obey, expecting to hear
tom my Lord Digby, which I did about February, to this purpose :
" That he did see no farther Occasion for my Stay in Ireland, and
that I might come when I pleas'd." And about the latter end of
March following, in the soonest Passage from Galloway I could find,
in Company of my Lord of Worcester and my Lady, we set Sail,
arriving at Havre de Grace in five Days.
354
THE
CHARACTER
OF A
O0KRH WHIG,
OR
an aiamo&e ^rue Xoi^al protectant
(1681.)
^ISTORY IS BUT THE JJl^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield.
—<H^^^^9<*—
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
x886.
This edition is limited to 1 20 large paper, and 400 small paper copies,
for Subscribers only.
Ube (Tbaracter ot a fin)obevn
Mbio,
OR
AN ALAMODE TEUE LOYAL PEOTESTANT.
E is a Certain Insect bred in the Corruption of the late
Rebellion, and is (for the most part) a Traytor Ex
traduce.
At his Majesties happy Restauration he lay stupified without Sense
or Motion, but began by little and little to crawl with new life in the
warmth of the Act of Oblivion, and afterwards wantonly basked him-
self in the Rays of Royal Indulgence and Toleration, till the old
Poisonous Ferment began to work and float afresh, and furnished him
with Vigour, and Insolence sufficient to hiss Venom in the Sacred
Face of his Great and Gracious Preserver. And though he be
sufficiently Conscious of the black Ingratitude, and repeated Provoca-
tions, with which he hath ail-along abused and affronted the King's
God-like Patience and Forbearance, yet the Fool hath had the
Impudence to flatter himself with Agag^ and say. Surely the bitterness
of Death is past ; little thinking that he is still reserved to be hewed
in pieces before the Lord.
357
4 XTbc (^Iaren^on Dtstottcal Socteti? IReprints*
His Aspect is generally Meagre and Malicious, as representing on
the one side the Puritanical Fool, on the other the Political Knave.
His Profession (I cannot call it Religion) is of the Geneva-Stamp ;
not that his Conscience, or Prudence ever engaged him in a judicious
Inquest, or sober Tryal of this or any other; or that his Wit and
Judgment were ever capable Rationally to discern and choose, (for
in Speculations of this kind, Nature and his Education have removed
him but one degree from an Idiot) but his Father begetting him in
the hot Zeal of this Persuasion, and his Dam all that while fixing her
teeming Fancy with Adulterous lust on their able Holder-forth, he
was moulded a strong Presbyterian in the very Womb, and so proves
a rank Phanatick by the Pure force of Imagination and Extract:
Nor hath he himself been since wanting to improve these natural
Dispositions, and Exalt the Rebellious Genius he derived from his
Sire and Dam ; for observing (or rather being told) that the Presby-
terian Principles stood in the greatest Opposition to the Established
Government, he hath with irreversible Obstinancy Espoused the
good Old Cause, and with the Sacred Solemnity of a Sacramental
Vow hath devoted himself, Life, and Fortune, to the utter Extirpa-
tion of Prelacy, and the Royal Race of the Stuarts.
To effect all which, and that he may the more safely, and indis-
cernibly accomplish his prefidious Designs, he lies perdue in the
unsuspected Covert of a Protestant ; and though that word for ought
he knows of the rise and reason of it, may be Hebreiv for a Baboon,
yet he assumes and affects it upon all occasions, because he fancies
that it denotes, and signifies distinction and opposition ; and he loves
all things, and terms of Separation and Contradiction at his very
heart. But farther observing that many wise and honest men have
plainly discover'd that this Religion of his, and as he manages it,
proves in the consequence of Affairs no better than an Anti-
monarchick-Heresie, therefore the better to supply all its defects, and
answer all objections against it, he Palliates its apparent Falshood
and Treachery with the specious Epithets of Truth and Loyalty, and
358
XTbe Cbaractet of a /lI^o^ern WbiQ. 5
with unparallel'd Impudence he once for all roundly stiles himself,^a
true Loyal Protestant. He hath been hatching Rebellion, and work-
ing under-ground the Subversion of Church and State for these many
years past, but hath bestir'd himself with all imaginable Application
since the breaking out of the horrid Popish-Y\o\ ; as imagining that
he might with more Success and Safety spring his own Mines (which
he had carried on to the very Foundations of the Government) at a
time when we were wholly taken up in detecting the Trains and
Treacheries of the Romish Pioneers : And this hath afore-time in all
Ages since the Reformation been his Usage, then more especially to
disturb and divert his Governours with Petitions, Grievances, Tolera-
tion, Comprehension, and a thousand Tricks and Artifices, when he
hath seen their Endeavours and Intentions bent and busied another
way, and engaged in Rescuing us from the Imminent Dangers of our
Popish Adversaries.
The Plot, Party, and Arbitrary Government is his dayly Out-cry,
the Common place and burden of his Seditious noise and clamour,
and the Pretences of his impertinent Fears and Jealousies ; whatever
his Factious humour dislikes is Popish^ and where the Case will not
admit of a positive direct Plea, then Popishly affected doth the busi-
ness \ and any thing that bridles and restrains his Licentious
Insolence, and Seditious Practices is Arbitrary, and Tyrannical.
But for all the loud Hue and Cry he makes after the Plot, himself
hath proved the chiefest hinderer of its full and home discovery, so
that 'tis now almost quite spent and lost in running down a Channel
of almost three years distance from its first Spring and Fountain.
He plainly foresaw that 'twould thwart and prevent his Designs, if it
had forthwith been Traced to the Fountain-head, and there stopt and
ended presently (as it might very easily have been) when we were at
the near distance of 78, and 79 ; he rather Chose to Wire-draw it at
length with Tricks and Finesses, as having many Stages of devices
that were to run parallel with it, and many Plots and Stratagems of
his own that he cou'd never Accomplish without this Pretence and
359
6 Ubc Clarendon Di5torical Soctets IReprtntB.
Exclamation, that, there hath been, and is still a horrid Popish Plot,
CT*c, That, is Still, doth his business.
And thus he hath kept the Plot at Bay for these three years to
amuse and divert us, whilst all the while he is in the hot and eager
Pursuit of other Game.
He endeavours to Poison the people, and Scare the Nation into
Rebellion by Libelling the best King and Government in the world ;
insinuating malicious and groundless Suggestions of imminent
Popery and Tyranny, by horrid Stories of Smithfieid Flames, Irish
Massacres, ^c. by the Villanous Prints of Carr^ Curtiss^ and
a whole Pack of scurrilous Scoundrels, and by a Thousand Artifices
dayly hammer'd out on the Forge of Faction by Republican
Operators in their respective Cabals : In a word he hath done all he
can to reduce the State of these Kingdoms to present Blood-shed and
Desolation, hoping thereby to make his own Markets, purchase his
Revenges, and glut his Malice, or at least hide his abominable
Head (due long since to Pubhck Justice) in the general Confusion.
Again, our true Loyal Protestant to shew how highly he Values his
Sovereigns Content and Quiet, is frequently tormenting him with his
impertinent Petitions, and that about things as much beyond the
reach and judgment, as they are beside the duty and proper business
of the Sawcy Petitioner; especially since he knows how that his
Majesty hath Proclaimed not an Aversion only, but a general
Prohibition to such Dangerous and Seditious Muster-Rolls, and
Factious Pragmatical intermedlings : But his greatest Artifice and
the Court Bugbear as he thinks, is the perpetually making the King's
Ears ring with Clamours about the Succession ; so that instead of a
Joyful and Dutiful Exclamation of Vive le Roy^ he is dayly Saluting
him with a Memento mori : This was so harsh and grating to Queen
Elizabeth^ that she returned a sharp Reprimende to such as motion'd
it, telling them besides, That it was to dig her Giave before she was
Dead. Our Modern IVhig^ I say, would lay these Kingdoms in
360
tTbe Cbaractet of a /iDobetn WLUq. 7
Blood and present Desolation, the better forsooth to prevent the
imaginary Evils of a (pretended) Popish Successor, and such
Chimaras as his factious Fancy only hath Conceived in the Womb of
Futurity and bare Possibility. His tender Conscience can easily
dispense with Disinheriting a Royal Prince of his undoubted Right
to three Crowns, upon a supposition only of being of an Opinion
different from himself; and yet nothing can serve his own turn, but
Repealing Acts of Parliament to indemnifie his Scismatical Separa-
tion, and that he may neglect the Service of God, and break the
Laws of the Land with absolute Impunity : This he prettily Stiles,
Uniting his Majesties Protestant Subjects, though in effect and intent
'tis no better than admitting the Trojan Horse (a Magazine of
mischiefs) within the Walls, and we should quickly find that a Ruit
alto a Calmine would be the Fatal Consequence in our Church. He
knows well enough that he hath Blasphemed his R. H. beyond all
hopes of Pardon, and therefore his All is at Stake, there is now no
Retreat, his Case is desperate, and he must now push it home in his
own Defence.
This is our True Protestants Loyal Behaviour towards the Child-
ren of that Royal Father who was so lately Murdered by his Faction
whereas if he had but the least Grain of his so much boasted Loyalty,
or indeed of Christianity, he would strive to Expiate that loud-Crying-
Guilt, and shew his deep aborrence of that Fact, by paying strict
Allegiance to the present Possessor of the Throne, though he were
the worst of Tyrants, and by not opposing his R. H, the rightful
Successor, though he were a profest Mahometan.
He hath along Danced to the Jesuits Pipe, and steer'd by his Com-
pass we know, but of late he hath openly profest, and avowed such
Doctrines as these : That 'tis lawful to take any Oath whatsoever
with a Mental Salw for the sake of the good Old Cause. That no
Faith is to be kept with the Tory-Party, That the selfsame Evidence
in one Case is Truth and very Oracle, in another Perjury, and Sub-
ornation ; and, that Truth, and Justice may Salva Conscientia be nipt
s 361
8 TLbc Claren^on Distortcal Society IReprlnts.
in the bud by Ignoramus^ when Biila Vera wou'd be in an ill Presid-
ent, prove prejudicial to the Cause, and of bad Consequence when
his nearer and dearer Friends turn comes to be Concerned, 6^r.
To Conclude, a Modern Whig is the very Spawn of Antichrist, the
Counterpart to Popery, the Jesuits Burn-Crack, the Shame of the
Reformation, and the Scandal of Christianity.
362
"I^tef f^olik f^fudtti^."
A L ETT ER
FROM
1bi6 Eycellencie tbe %orb
General ^oncft,
ANM THE OFFICKKS UNBEK HIS COMMAND,
TO THE
PARLIAMENT
T3EaE3E SOXJLI>I3E3RS XJ:)Nri>3EI3E?: T3EaE3EM:.
^^•v\/^/^<'v^•^.^^^w^/^^
«• JilSTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OP J'ROPHECY."
— James A. Garfield
•— •►6^$^^*—
PRIVATELY PRINTED
FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
x886.
^
This edition is limited to 120 large papef, ana 400 small paper copies^
for Subscribers onh.
i
LETTER
From His
EXCELLENCIE
THE
LORD GENERAL
MONCK,
And the Officers under his Command,
TO THE
Bbarliament;
In the Name of Themfelves and the
Souldiers under Them.
LONDON :
Printed by John Macock. 1660.
A Letter of His Excellency
and his Officers, &c.
Mr. Speaker,
)'E cannot but with thankfulness acknowledge the
wonderful Goodness of God to you, in your
Return to the Discharge of your remaining Trust;
and to ourselves, and your Forces under our
Commands, (after some difficulties) in bringing of us, by a tedious
March, in such safety to this place, to wait upon you in asserting the
Freedoms of our Native Country : and being here, (as we have to our
utmost Hazard and Power been instrumental in your Return, so) we
shall be still ready to pursue your Commands so far as possibly we
may. To evidence which, we have observed and executed your late
Orders in relation to the Chains, Posts, and Gates of the City; which
was something grievous to Us, and to the Officers and Souldiers under
our Commands ; and that because we do not remember any such
thing was acted upon this City in all these Wars ; and we fear that
many sober people are much grieved at it, and apprehend further force
to be offered to them, while they seem principally to desire the speedy
filling up of the House, which you have declared for, as well as we
have express'd our just desires of; and are apt to doubt, lest, what
we have done, may be so far from answering the expected end, as
367
6 Ubc Clarendon Ibtstottcal Society IReprints.
that it may encrease the discomposure of mens spirits in the Nation.
Upon this occasion, it comes fresh into our minds, that when by the
treachery of some Officers of the Army you were interrupted, we
declared to the world, That f/ie Ground of our undertaking was not
onely your return to your Trusty but also, the Vindication of the
Liberties of the People, and the Preservation of the Rights of our
Country, the Protection and encouragement of the Godly and Faithful
therein, as the establishment of the Peace of these Nations, Which
Declarations made before the Lord, Angels and Men, in the day of
our Extremity, we (as we expect the blessing oi the Lord upon our
future Undertakings) cannot but still own, and stand by.
We finde that the asserting of the just Liberties of the People, is
that which the generality of the Nation is much in expectation of ;
and that many sober people (together with our selves) are under fears
lest this great price that God hath put into your and our hands, (as
your Servants) should not be improved, but that we shall run in
Confusion again. Therefore we humbly crave leave to present before
you, some Grounds of our Fears : We are afFraid that the late won-
derful and unparallell'd Deliverance, is not so publickly and solemnly
acknowledged as it might be, that the Lord (who wrought so
stupendiously) may have the Glory of all : We are troubled that
some as yet do sit in the House, who are impeached of Treason: We
cannot but observe that divers Members of your House, (who
contrary to their Trust, acted in that Illegal and Tyrannical Committee
of Safety) are not actually disabled from sitting there : notwithstand-
ing Colonel Lambert hath onely the Vote of Indempnity to secure
him from as High Crimes as have been committed in this Nation,
and is not obedient to your Orders, yet he seemeth to be winked at.
We understand that Sir Henry Vane upon bare pretence is permitted
to stay about the City, to the great Dissatisfaction of your best
Friends ; that there are dangerous Consultations, and that of those
who had a chief hand in your late Interruption, and the hazarding of
the whole Nations, contrary to our Expectation. VVc find continued
368
H HLettet of General /iDoncft.
in the Army some Persons of dangerous Principles, and such who
were active enough in the late Defection. Though we are far from
wishing the ruine of any, yet we could desire that your signal Indul-
gence to late Notorious Offenders, did meet with that Candid Recep-
tion from them as to be so much the more ingenious in their
professed Repentance ; but we observe that many of them do seek to
justifie themselves, and are not without their Agents in print to
palliate their foul enormities ; which maketh us yet to suspect that we
are in some danger of returning into the late distempers that You and
the Nation are but newly delivered from.
We are not ignorant, that there are those who lately struck at the
Root of English Parliaments in Practise and Design, thereby have
inflamed the Nation, and given great advantage to the Common
Enemy, yet they are not without a strange confidence to precipitate
men into a belief, that they are the only Persons against the One, and
for the Other. With grief of heart we do remember and would
lament over the too palpable Breach of Engagements in this
Nation; Therefore we should think it a duty rather to mourn
over the same, than to promote any new Oath to be taken at
this time : Yet we perceive that there is a design to provoke
the Parliament to enforce an Oath upon the Nation, and do
take notice, that amongst others, there are some who are most forward
to promote the said design, who have made the least (if any)
Conscience in keeping Engagements already taken. Here we must
not silence our deep resentment of a bold Petition, and of dangerous
consequence, which was lately presented to You, the consequence
whereof (if You should an answer their desires) would be to exclude
many of the most conscientious and sober sort of men from serving
under You in Civil and Military Imployments, who have and would
prove themselves most faithful; and a door would be opened in
design to retrive the Interest of those who have (by the just Hand of
our Gracious God) made themselves so apparently obnoxious. More-
over (which is not the least part of the Venome of that Petition) we
T 369
8 XTbe Clarendon fbistotical Society IRcprlnts.
clearly see the same Spirit, which of late would have puU'd away the
by-you-declared-just Maintenance from Ministers, would now provoke
You by an Oath to endanger the forcing away of many of the most
Godly from their maintenance. In urging our fears from the premises
that concerns some of different principles from us, we would not be
thought to (as we do not) design any thing that may incur the censure
of unjust rigidity. We freely profess our desires, that tenderness of
Conscience may have its full just liberty, but we cannot in judgement,
accompt that tenderness of Conscience which will not scruple at
treachery it self, or any Unrighteousness to carry on corrupt Designs.
Having presented You with our fears, we shall adde our Resolution,
That by the help of God we shall stand by You in the pursuance of
what we have declared for; And therefore do make this humble
Request to You ; We could desire. That whilst You sit, Your utmost
endeavours may be to manifest your affectionate desires for the
Publique Good of these Nations ; Our further desire is. That those
Regiments under your consideration (whose Officers are not) may be
speedily pass'd. And in regard we find that the Grand Cause of the
present Heats and Dis-satisfactions in the Nation is, because they are
not fully Represented in Parliament, and seeing no other probable
Expedient whereby to keep the Nation in peace, then by filling up
your Number ; We must therefore make this our main desire, upon
which we cannot but insist, that you would proceed to Issue forth
Writts in Order to Elections : For the better effecting whereof we
entreat, That You would conclude upon due and full Qualifications,
that not only those who have been actually in Arms against the
Parliament may be excluded, but also such who in the late Wars
betwixt King and Parliament have declared their dis-affection to the
Parliament : And because the distracted condition of this Nation is
at this hour so evident and pressing, we are constrained for the just
maintenance of Your Authority and the satisfaction of all true English
Men, earnestly to desire. That all the Writts may be Issued forth by
Friday next, returnable at the usual and legal time ; For we think it
370
{
H Xettet of 6enetal /iDoncft*
convenient to acquaint you, that to pacific the minds of this Great
City, in the prosecution of your late Commands, the Chief of Us did
give an assurance thereof.
And we must not forget to remember you, that the time hastens
wherein you have declared your intended Dissolution; which the
People and our selves desire you would be punctual in. Hereby the
Suspition of your Perpetuation will be taken away, and the People
will have assurance that they shall have a Succession of Parliaments
of their own Election ; which is the undoubted Right of the English
Nation : You have promised and declared no less : Both the People
and your Armies do live in the Hope and Expectation of it. That
we may the better wait, for your full and free Concurrence to these
just Desires on the Nations behalf, upon Mature Deliberation, we
have thought it our duty as to continue the usual Guards for the
safety of your sitting, so for the present to draw the rest of the Forces
under our Command into the City, that we may have the better
opportunity to compose spirits and beget a good understanding in
that great City, formerly renowned for their resolute adhering to
Parliamentary Authority, and we hope that the same spirit will be
found still to breath amongst the best, most considerable, and
interessed persons there. This Action of ours, as we hope it will
(through the blessing of God) be of good use for the present peace,
and future settlement of these Nations. These are our thoughts
which we communicate to you, in the Names ot our selves, and the
Officers and Souldiers under our Commands,
We are.
Your Honors ?nost
White-hal humble Servants,
Feb. II. 1659.
George Monck.
371
lo XTbe GlatenDon Ibtstorlcal Society IReptlnts.
Tho. Sanders. Tho. Read. \
Leon, Litcot. Ra. Knight. I
Jo. Ciobery. Dan. Redman, j
Jo. Hublethorne. J
Ethelbert Morgan ^ Lievt. Coll.
Nathaniel Barton^ Major.
Tho. Johnson. 1
Jer. Smith.
Tho. Prytne. \ Majors.
Fran, Nichols, l
Peter Banister, )
g^be Ent>»
372
EXPLANATORY NOTES
OF
CavaUer ip^la^ing Carbs
TEMP. CHARLES II.
FORMING
OF
THE COMMONWEALTH.
EDMUND aOLDSMID, E.E.H.S.,
F.S.A. (Scot).
|li''.i|llii'ii||lN|iM|||i''#'.iilh||li''<it
JE^tuburgb:
E. & G. GOLDSMID.
1886,
Jntrobuction.
Through the courtesy of Lord Nelson, the very curious Pack of
Cards here presented in facsimile was placed at the disposal of the
AuNGERVYLE SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH. The Committee of this
Society were very anxious to reproduce these extremely quaint
memorials of a by-gone age, but on enquiry it was found that the
cost of re-engraving the fifty-two cards on copper, the only really
satisfactory method, would be far beyond the means of a Society
then barely numbering 120 members. Being Honorary Secretary
both the Aungervyle and Clarendon Historical Societies, I suggested
that the work should be undertaken at the joint expense of the two
Societies. This was rather outside the plans of the Clarendon, but
the Committee at length agreed to provide a portion of the necessary
funds on condition that after the fifty-two cards had been re-produced
in thirteen plates, accompanied by a small explanatory pamphlet, a
second series of the Cards, the precise facsimile of the originals,
should be presented to each member of the two Societies. There
still remained, however, a considerable sum to be raised. I thereupon
proposed, after satisfying the above conditions, to purchase the
plates from the Societies. These are now in my possession. The
work, executed by the firm of Murdoch and Son, of this City, is
perfect in every detail, and heavy though the cost has been, I feel
sure that in this case at any rate, the object aimed at has been fully
attained. Not a line, not a stroke of the original, but appears in
exact counterpart in the reprint.
INTRODUCTION.
Lord Nelson, unfortunately, had lost, or never had in his possession,
two Cards, the ace and three of hearts. After much trouble, these
have been supplied from another source, and, with the exception that
the figures of Cromwell and Fairfax in the latter are on a somewhat
smaller scale than those on the threes of the other suits, it would be
difficult to suspect that they did not belong to the original pack.
In the following notes, I have merely attempted to explain the
allusions contained in the Cards. A few however remain riddles
to me.
EDMUND GOLDSMID.
Edinburgh, 12M October 1885.
A PACK OF CAVALIER PLAYING
CARDS.
(Circa 1660.)
0#<X>^<X>^0
1. ^de of Sekft^.
Cromwell^ Ireton and Hudson all in y^ same boate.
In 1650, Cromwell was named Commander-in-Chief in Ireland;
Ireton, his son-in-law, his deputy; and Hewson or Huson (here
misprinted Hudson) governor of Dublin. In the plate they are
sailing away from the sun of loyalty towards the night of treason.
The portrait of Cromwell at the stern is not to be mistaken. Next
to him is Hewson distinguished from Ireton by his older features.
% ^de of dlub^.
A Free State or a Toleration for all sorts of Villany.
In the Mystery of the Good Old Cause* (London 1660) a Royalist
attack on the leading members of the Long Parliament, the author
says of the Roundheads, " Their pretences were no doubt the most
specious and plausible that could be imagined, .... but, alas!
never were these things more pretended to, and less in reality
* Reprinted by the Aungervyle Society. Second Series.
6 A PACK OF
designed ; greatness, wealth and command were the inducements of
the most hypocritical persons in the world to profane the name of
God .... to murder many innocent persons .... to ruin many
noble families, etc., .... but let destruction be the reward of our
destroyers, let the prey be torn out of their teeth, let the blood they
have shed fall upon their own heads, and let their names be detested
and infamous to all posterity !"
3. Sde of ^j>kde^.
BradshaWf the Jay lor and y hangman^ keepers of the liberty of
England.
Bradshaw was appointed president of the High Court of Justice in
1648, a year "of reproach and infamy above all years which had
passed before it ; a year of the highest dissimulation and hypocrisy,
of the deepest villany and most bloody treasons, that any nation was
ever cursed with or under: a year, in which the memory of all
transactions ought to be erased from all records, lest, by the success
of it, atheism, infidelity and rebellion, should be propagated in the
world." (Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 154,
Oxford 1726, folio). He was born in 1586, died in 1659, ^^^ his
body exhumed and hung in chains at the Restoration. He was a
cousin of Milton, who has written a Eulogy of him in his Second
Defense of the People of England.
4. Sde of f)ikinoi\d^.
The High Court of Justice or Oliver's Slaughter-House.
" The charge and accusation, upon which they resolved to proceed
against the King, being thus settled and agreed upon, they began to
consider in what manner and form to proceed, that there might be
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 7
some appearance of justice. ... A new form they did erect never
before heard of. They constituted and erected a Court that should
be called the High Court of Justice. The number of the Judges
named was about an hundred and iifty .... Bradshaw .... was
named president .... and with great humility accepted the office,
which he administered with all the pride, impudence, and supercilious-
ness imaginable." — {Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii.
p. 138-139)-
5. II of Sekrt^.
Onsley. Father and Sonne.
This is evidently a misprint for Onslow. Sir Richard Onslow,
Kt., " of the old stamp, a gentleman of Surrey, of good parts and
considerable revenue," successfully weathered the tempests of the
period. He was commander at the siege of Basing House, was
driven from the House of Commons by Pride's Purge, and was after-
wards at the head of a Surrey regiment at Worcester. He spoke
strongly in favour of Cromwell's becoming king. Later he became
a member of the Convention Parliament which restored Charles 11. .
6. II of diub^.
Lenthall. Father and Sonn.
William Lenthall, of Lincoln's Inn, a Counsellor at Law, and
Speaker of the House of Commons. " Oliver (Cromwell) once made
a spunge of him, and squeezed him out of ;^i 5,000. Who turning
him and his tribe out of doors, he veered about to save himself and
his great offices ; and he that had been so long bell-weather in the
Commons House, was thought, for his compliance and his money, to
deserve to be one of the herd of Lords in the Other House,"
{Mystery of the Good Old Cause.) John Lenthall, son of the speaker,
was knighted by Oliver Cromwell, made a Colonel of foot, and
governor of Windsor Castle.
8 , A PACK OF
^. II of ^pkde^.
Parry. Father and Sonne.
Query, Sir George Parry^ one of the Commissioners for Dorset-
shire, who with those of Somerset and Cornwall, met Prince Rupert
at Bridgewater shortly before the Battle of Naseby ? — {Clarendon's
History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii. p. 393).
§. II of f)ikinoi\cl^^.
Vane. Father and Sonne.
" Sir Henry Vane was of very ordinary parts by Nature, and had
not cultivated them at all by art, for he was illiterate. But being of
a stirring and boisterous disposition, very industrious and very bold,
he still wrought himself into some employment His malice
to the Earl of Strafford transported him to all imaginable thoughts
of revenge, .... and that disposed him to sacrifice his honour and
faith and his Master's interest, that he might ruin the Earl, and was
buried himself in the same ruin ; for which, being justly chastised by
the King and being turned out of his service, he was left to his own
despair * He grew into the hatred and contempt of those who
had made most use of him ; and dyed in universal reproach, and not
more contemn'd by any of his enemies than by his own son ; who
had been his principal conductor to destruction." — (Clarendon^s
History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii., p. 132).
Sir Harry Vane, the younger, " was a man of extraordinary parts.
.... He was chosen to cozen a whole nation which was thought
to excel in craft and cunning,* which he did with notable pregnancy
and dexterity." — {Clarendon! s History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii., p. 233).
" He totally ousted Sir William Russel. He was a discontent
during all Oliver's and Richard's government. He is, no doubt, a man
of much religion, and would have become one of the rulers in Israel,
if the intended match between his son and Lambert's daughter had
not been spoiled by the restitution of the Rump." — (Mystery of the
Good Old Cause.)
* The Scots.
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 9
9. Ill of Sekft^.
" Cromwell pypeth unto Fairfax P
Cromwell is here represented playing the pipe and tabor to Fairfax,
who is performing a Morris dance. This dance was brought to
England in the reign of Edward III., it is said by John of Gaunt.
It was originally a military dance, in which bells were jingled, and
swords clashed. The word Morris is a corruption of Moorish. In
ancient times it used to be danced by five men and a boy, but in the
reign of Elizabeth, we have an instance of Kempe, one of Shake-
speare's colleagues at the Globe Theatre, having danced alone all the way
from London to Norwich. — (Kenifs nine daies wonder^ reprinted in
Goldsmid's Collectanea Adamantcea^ No. 29). Thomas, Lord Fair-
fax, warmly espoused the cause of the Parliament when the rupture
with the King took place. He was, however, opposed to the execu-
tion of the King, and became a warm advocate of the Restoration.
He died in 1671.
10. Ill of (i\uM.
^^ Bulstrod and Whitlock present to Oliver the instrument of
Governments
On the 26th of June, 1657, the ceremony of conferring the
protectorate on Cromwell took place. " After a short speech, ....
Withrington, the Speaker, with the Earl of Warwick and Whitlock.
vested him with a rich purple velvet robe lined with ermines ; . . . .
then the Speaker presented him with a fair Bible of the largest
edition, richly bound ; then he, in the name of all the people, girded
a sword about him ; and lastly, presented him with a sceptre of gold,
which he put in his hand, and made him a large discourse of those
emblems of government and authority. Upon the close of which,
there being little wanting to a perfect formal Coronation but a crown
lo A PACK OF
and an Archbishop, he took his oath, administered to him by the
Speaker. — (Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ Vol. III., page 343.)
Bulstrode and Whitlock spoken of as two men on the Card, are one
and the same. "Bulstrode Whitlocke, .... before the troubles
was an intimate friend to Sir Richard Lane, who, going to Oxford,
entrusted him with his chambers in the Temple ; of which, with all
the goods and an excellent library, he hath kept possession ever
since ; and would not own that ever he knew such a man, when Sir
Richard's son was brought to wait upon him in his greatness ....
Under Dick he was made Commissioner of the Seal ; and, he being
discarded, wheeled about and worshipped the Rump. . . . He hath
a good fleece, and heir to Lilly the Astrologer." — {Mystery of the
Good Old Cause).
11. Ill of ^i)kde^.
" H. Martin defends Ralphs who designed to kill the King."
" Henry Martin, colonel of a regiment of horse and a regiment of
whores. He had given him ^^3000 at one time, to put him upon
the Holy Sisters, and take off from the Levellers. He had the reputa-
tion of a precious saint from his youth, in reference to all kinds of
debauchery, uncleanness, and fraud, having sold his estate three
times over." — {Mystery of the Good Old Cause).
1% III of Diiiinor^d^.
•* Simonias slandering y^ High Priest to get his place.'^
One of the riddles I have spoken of in the Introduction, unless it
refers to Cromwell having urged the trial of the King.
13. IV of ftekrt^.
" The Rump roasted salt it well it stinks exceedingly''
The long parliament, not proving itself sufficiently complacent,
CA VALIER FLA YING CARDS. 1 1
Colonel Pride entered the House with two regiments of soldiers^
imprisoned 60 members, drove 160 into the streets, and left only 60.
These were called the Rump. The name was revived in the Pro-
tectorate of Richard Cromwell, and to distinguish the two, the former
was called the Bloody Rump^ and the latter the Rump of a Rump,
" The few,
Because they're wasted to the stumps,
Are represented best by rumps."
(Butler's Htidibras, Part iii).
14. IV of dluH
" A Covenanting Scot and an English Independent differ about ye
things of this world."
"There was a wonderful difference, throughout their whole
proceedings, between the heads of those who were thought to sway
the Presbyterian Counsels, and those who govern'd the Independents,
though they were equally masters of dissimulation, and had equally
malice and wickedness in their intentions, though not of the same
kind .... The Presbyterians submitted to their senseless and
wretched clergy; whose infectious breath corrupted, and govern'd
the People, and whose authority was prevalent upon their own wives,
and in their domestic affairs in order to corrupt and seduce them. . .
whereas Cromwell and the Independents .... considered what was
necessary to their main end; and then, whether it were right or
wrong, made all other means subservient to it ; couzen'd and deceiv'd
men as long as they could induce them to contribute to what they
desired ; and when they would keep company with them no longer,
compelled them by force to submit to what they should not be able
to oppose : and so the one resolv'd, only to do what they beHev'd
the People would like and approve ; and the other, that the People
should like and approve what they had resolv'd." {Clarendon's
.History of the Rebellion, vol. iii., pp. 63-64).
12 A PACK OF
15. IV of 0pkde^.
^^ Argyle a muckle Scotch knaue in gude faith Sir."
Archibald Campbell, Marquis of Argyle, a zealous partisan of the
Covenanters, and the opponent of Montrose. Born in 1598 he
succeeded to his fathers titles in 1638. In the same year he was
called to London with other Scotch Nobles, and advised the abolition
of Episcopacy in Scotland. In 1641 he was created Marquis. He
acquiesced in the Protectorate of Cromwell, and for this at the
restoration he was committed to the Tower. In 1 661 he was sent to
Scotland, tried for high treason and beheaded.
16. IV of Diknjoiid^.
" Laird of Warriston an arrant knaue An my Soul man"
"It was agreed that the committee of safety should consist of three-
and-twenty persons, , . . . men try'd, and faithful to the public
interest .... besides three or four others who had been the kings
judges, with Warreston, Vane, Steel, and Whitlock." — Clarendoiis
History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 402).
1^. V of Sekrt^.
" The E. of Pern. : iny^ H. of Com. thanks y Speaker for his
Admission.
On the 29th of January 1643, a letter was addressed by Members
of both Houses at Oxford to the Earl of Essex. Clarendon observes
"This letter was subscribed by His Highness the Prince, the Duke
of York, and three-and-forty Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Viscounts, and
Barons, and 118 Members of the House of Commons; ... so that
the numbers at London were very thin; for there were not above two-
and-twenty peers, who either sat in the Parliament, or were engaged
in their party; that is to say, the Earls of Northumberland,
Pembroke, Essex, etc." — {C/arendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol.
ii. p. 274).
CAVALIER FLAYING CARDS, 13
According to Clarendon, vol. ii. pp. 127-128, the Earl of Pembroke
was a weak man with a great sense of his own importance, whom
disappointed ambition "Got into actual rebellion, which he never
intended to do."
i§. Y of dlttfe^.
" Sir H. Mildmay beaten by afoot boy^ a great breach of privilege. ^^
It is said that in the year 1642, Sir H. Mildmay got mixed up in
a brawl in Fleet Street. Whether this Card alludes to that fact or
not, I cannot tell. Clarendon states that Sir John Danvers and Sir
H. Mildmay were the only two members of the High Court of
Justice, whom the King knew besides the officers in the army. —
(ClarendorHs History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii, p. 144).
19. V" of ;^j>Me^.
^^ Nye and Godwin^ Olivet^ s Confessors P
In ^^ an ordinance appointing Commissioners for approbation of
Pub iique Preachers" printed by "William Du Card and Henry Hills
printers to His Highness the Lord Protector" 1653, appear the names
of Dr. Thomas Goodwin and Mr. Philip Ny as Commissioners for
such approbation. A copy of the pamphlet is in my possession, and
it will be reprinted by the Clarendon Historical Society at an
early date.
0^0. V of f)ikn|oi\(i^.
" Sir W. Waller looses two army s yet getts by ye bargained
Sir WiUiam Waller was defeated at the battle of Roundway Down
by Lord Wilmot, losing 600 killed, 900 prisoners, all their cannon,
arms, ammunition and baggage. He was again defeated at Cropredy
14 A PACK OF
Bridge, by the army under the King in person, when he again lost all
his artillery. He was however, subsequently named Lieutenant of
Ireland. — {Clarendon^ s History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii. p. 179;
p. 311; and vol. iii. p. 70).
^1. yi of Sekft^.
" Worsley an Inckk Weaver A man of personal valor. ^^
Worsley, one of Cromwell's Major-Generals, and a most dear
friend of his, was the first M.P. for Manchester, and his statue is in
the Town Hall. . . . The incles were tapes; and the word comes
into Shakespeare's Winter's Tale. The word is now very little known,
except in a proverb, " As thick {i.e. as intimate) as Incle-weavers."
I do not see this pack mentioned in the History of Playing Cards.
Can the date of publication be proved ? It looks as if they were
intended to keep up the spirit of the Cavaliers in depressed times. —
Communicated by John Bailey, Esq., F.S.A., Manchester.
2^% YI of CluM-
*^ Desbrow Olivers Champion haueing a cannon in each pocket. ^^
With reference to the proposal in Parliament to elect Cromwell
King, Clarendon observes : "That which put an end to the present
debate was that some of his own family who had grown up under
him, and had their whole dependance upon him, as Desborough,
Fleetwood, Whaley, and others, passionately contradicted the motion.'
— (ClarendorCs History of the Rebellion, vol. iii., page 339.)
^3. VI of ^|)kde^.
" Skippon a waggoner to S''- F. Vere one of Olivers Hectors.'''
Major-General Skippon was left in charge of the Army by the
CAVALIER FLAYING CARDS. 15
Earl of Essex, when the latter fled from Fowey to Plymouth. Skippon
surrendered all his Artillery, too barrels of powder, and about 6000
arms (muskets) on condition that the officers should be convoyed in
safety to Poole or Southampton. Skippon was originally a waggoner,
as stated in the Card. — {Clarendon's History of Rebellion, vol. ii.>
page 327.)
^4. VI of ©ikmond^.
" Kelsey, a sneeking Bodice maker a gifted Brother.^'
On October 17th, 1645, ^ "summons to surrender was sent to the
Garrison (of Langford House, near Salisbury) and fair and equal
conditions were speedily agreed upon. Lieutenant Colonel Hewson
and Major Kelsey being deputed to act for Cromwell." — (Godwin's
Civil War in Hampshire, page 248.) This is probably the individual
alluded to.
^5. VII of Se^ft^.
" Nathaniel Fines whereby hangs a tale.''
" Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, brother of Lord Say and Sele, who
had been educated at Winchester College, and had been admitted to
a Fellowship at New College, Oxford, in quality of Founder's kin,
surrendered Bristol to Prince Rupert on 26 July (1643.) and on the
last day of the same month reached Southampton, at the head of 80
horse, each of whom had a woman riding behind him." — Mercurius
Aulicus, August 5th, 1643.) This, I presume, is the tale alluded to.
26. VII of dlulD^.
"Harrison the Carpenter cutting down ye home of ye beast in Daniel"
Harrison was the son of a butcher near Nantwich, in Cheshire,
and he it was who, with Ireton, succeeded in bringing the King
i6 A PACK OF
before the High Court of Justice. — {Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion^ vol. iii., page 141.) Of the beast in Daniel, it is said, " I
beheld, and the same horn made war with the Saints .... but the
judgment shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion, to consume
and to destroy it unto the end." — (Daniel, chap, vii., verses 2 1 and 26.)
27. VII of ^fkde^.
''Feek the seer.''
Feek was one of Cromwell's officers, who at the celebrated meeting
at Windsor, in 1648, declared that in a vision the Almighty had
appeared to him and announced that Monarchy should never more
prevail in England. — {The Saints Triumph, 1648, page 3.
28. VII of Dikiriond^.
^^ Marshall curseing Mevoz."
At Edgehill, " the reverend and renowned Master Marshall, Master
Ask, Master Mourton, Masters Obadiah and John Sedgwick and
Master Wilkins, and divers others, eminently pious and learned
pastors rode up and down the army through the thickest dangers and
in much personal hazard most faithfully and courageously exhorting
and encouraging the soldiers to fight valiantly and not to fly, but
now, if ever, to stand to it and fight for their religion and laws." —
(Jehovah Jirah, by John Vicars, p. 200.)
29. VIII of Sekrt^.
''Lambert Kt, of y golden Tulip."
When Lambert was cashiered by Parliament, he and eight other
officers of the Army conspired to wrest the power from Parliament.
The badge adopted by the conspirators was a yellow tulip.
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 17
30. yiii of diub^.
'"''Pride Oliver's drayman P
Parliament not proving willing to condemn Charles I., "^^.s purged oi
its unruly members by Colonel Pride, (who was said to have been
originally a drayman) who entered the house and drove i6o members
into the streets, leaving 60 oi \hQ faithful io govern the kingdom and
murder their monarch. — (Imprisonment and death of King Charles
I., Aungervyle Society reprint, p. 58).
31. YIII of ^pkde^.
" Scot Olivers clerk or tally tnanP
Scott was one of the members of the long parliament, and with
Robinson was sent to Monk to " give some check to that license of
addresses and resort of malignants." — Clarendon's Rebellion^ vol. iii.
p. 410.
3^. VIII of ©ikinoiid^.
" Don Haselrigg Kt. of ye codled braine.^^
" Haselrigg was of a rude, and stubborn nature, and of a weak
understanding." — {Clarendon's Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 401).
33. IX of Sekft^.
" Huson the cobler entring London''
Hewson, who had originally been a cobbler, became Lt.-Col. of
Cromwell's Ironsides.
1 8 A PACK OF
34. IX of dliib^.
*' The army entring the city persuifig the apprefiticesT
Parliament had voted that "the mihtia of the city of London
should be put into such hands as the army should desire
Many thousands, apprentices and young citizens, brought petitions to
parliament" in opposition. Parliament "durst not deny concurrence,
the apprentices behaving themselves so insolently, that they would
scarce suffer the door of the House of Commons to be shut." —
{Clarendoiis Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 36). The army assembled at
Hounslow Heath, and Colonel Rainsborough having seized in the
night the defences of London Bridge, "the army of horse, foot and
cannon marched next day through the city." — {Clarendon's Rebellion^
vol. iii. p. 39).
35. IX of >^pkde,<.
" A Committee at Derby House to contijiue the warr^
Parliament had appointed a committee " for the raising of men . .
and listing in all places, companies of volunteers" which met at
Derby House.
36. IX of !)ikinor(d><.
'■'• Lenthall runs away with his 7Jiace to the army.''
The Army having declared against the Committee of Safety,
Lenthall the Speaker recovered his spirit and went into the city
uniting with the army against the committee. — {Clarendon's Rebellion,
vol. iii., p. 407.)
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 19
37- X of SekfU
" The Rump and dreggs of the house of Com. remaining after the
good Members were purged out"
The explanation of this Card will be found above. (See VIII of
Clubs.)
38. X of CluH
" Oliver seeking God while the K. is murtheted by his order"
Cromwell who signed the warrant for the Execution of Charles I.,
is said to have spent the night of the 29th of January, 1648, in
prayer, and to have taken good care to let his fanatic followers know it,
39- X of ^f)kde^.
"^ coniitte at Haberdashers hall to spoyle the caua leers, as the
Jews did the Egyptians."
Parliament, after the battle of Edgehill appointed a comiriittee to
sit at Haberdashers Hall to consider the fines to be imposed upon
those of the King's adherents w^ho had been taken prisoners there.
40. X of f)ikir|oi\(i^.
" A comittee for plundered ministers, Miles Corbet in the chaire."
This card speaks for itself.
41. Ki\^ve of Sekft^.
" Hugh Peters shews the bodkins and thimbles giuen by the wives of
Wappinfor the good old cause."
Hugh Peters was born at Fowey, publicly whipped and expelled
from the University of Cambridge, and obliged to leave England for
20 A PACK OF
adultery. After some years spent in Holland and America, he
returned in 1641, and became chaplain to Lord Brooke's regiment.
He was a most burlesque preacher, and actually performed the act
stated on the card. He styled the king Barabbas and compared
the army to Christ. He advised the destruction of Stonehenge.
Clarendon calls him the "ungodly confessor" who contrived the
tragedy of the two Hothams {Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 383). He is
said to have been one of the masked executioners of Charles I. He
was beheaded October i6th 1660, and certainly deserved his fate if
any of the Regicides did.
42. Ki)kveof dlub^.
'''' Ireton holds that saints may pass through all fortns to obtain
his ends''
Ireton was born in 16 10, and commanded the left wing of the
Parliamentarians at Naseby. He married a daughter of Oliver
Cromwell, whom he succeeded as Commander-in-Chief in Ireland,
where he died in 1651.
43. l^ticive of Hpkde^.
" Sir H. Vane finds a distinction betimxt a Legal and an Evangelical
Conscience.''
Vane was the principal mover of the Solemn League and Covenant,
but did not sit on the King's trial.
44. Ki^^ve of f)ikn)oi|d>^.
" H. Martin moues y House that y King may take the Covenant ^
Martin, Vane and Hazelrigg were the principal supporters of the
self-denying Ordinance.
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 21
46. Queen of Sek^i't^^.
" The damnable engagement to be true and faithfully
The taking of the Holy League and Covenant. (See Queen of
Diamonds).
47- Queei) of dlub^^.
'''Joane hold my staff Lady ProtedoresseT
Another riddle. Cromwell's wife's name was Elizabeth. Query,
7vhat 7vas Lady Lamberfs 7ta7?ie ? {See next card).
48. Queei\ of ^pkde^.
" The lady Lambert and Oliver under a strong conflicts
It was said that an improper intimacy existed between Cromwell
and Lambert's wife, but although the Protector is known to have been
somewhat profligate in his youth, this charge seems to be mere
calumnv.
49. Qtieei) of f)iiiinoi|d^.
" The Takeing of the Holy League and Covenant ^
The Holy League and Covenant between England and Scotland
was solemnly adopted by Parliament on the i6th of November 1643
It was accepted by Charles II. in 1650, but repudiated by him at
his Restoration, and declared to be illegal by Parliament. —
{Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 229).
Z2 A PACK OF
" The saints think it meet that the Rump make a league with OnealeP
Lord Broghill, president of Munster, and Sir Charles Coote,
president of Connaught had shewn enmity to the Rump, who there-
upon coquetted with the Irish party. — {Clarendon's Rebellion, vol.
iii. p. 434).
51. l^^iil^ of dluH
" Oliver declars himself, and the Retells to be the Gadly party.
This card needs no explanation.
52. Kii}^ of 0j)k(ie0.
" Bradshazv in y^ High Court of Justice insulting of the King.''
" The King demanded by what authority they brought him thither,
the President answered that they derived their authority from an act
made by the Commons . . . The King demurred to the jurisdiction
of the Court, but the President overruled this." When the iniquitous
sentence was read, "The King would have spoken something before he
was withdrawn, but being accounted dead in law immediately after sen-
tence was pronounced, it was not permitted." — {Ludlotv's Imprison-
ment and Death of Charles 1. — Aungenylc Soc. Rep. pp. 62-65).
CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 23
53. ffii|^ of ©ikinond^^.
" Sir H. Mild may solicits a Cityzen's wife, for which his owne
corrects himT
On September 9, 1641, the House of Commons appointed Pym,
St. John, Sir H. Mildmay, Sir H. Vane, and others (six to form a
quorum), as a Committee, with extraordinary powers, to act during
the recess, " To draw resort and reverence to them from ahnost all
sorts of men." Mildmay is said to have used his political power to
further his own projects of lust and greed. — {Clarendoiis Rebellion^
vol. i., pp. 168 et seq.).
]f i n i 6.
CvoiixweVtJre^ton, and.
jCiv3,sofv, all VTL yjaiiic
Soate..
JlFree- Jiate or cl tolleraliorv
Jor cdlfovl oj Villcuny.
B i^adfhX.the layloiTandy Hangman
keepers of the Lzhe-rty ofEiwlanc.
Jke J/iah Coui'^t oflujiice o\
Olive 1'^ flaiiahUr koufc .
Btdjhrod cund^ W hi tlo ch 'p r*eje nth
Oliver the Iri/trutnenis ofGovemrn.
Ji.Jlia,rtin de/end^^Ralph wh
deflgn'd to kill the King .
Simonias Jlandnng yJ^fi^hPreift
to Reikis Place.
JhdR.uvip roaj ted J alt it IV ell
itjtinks ejcceedin^ly.
.. / Co uena ntino Scot 3: an Eiwh ffi In :
iependent differ ah out y things oftkxs
-Ar^y le a, muclcle Scotch ?(hatu
in gudejnifh Sir.
LairdofWai'^^e/ion ait arrant
Knaue^iL my Saul iinxut.
J he K of Pern: in y J-C.ofCom:tha
n hy Speake rfor hifjldmifswn .
SK^^ttdinay ly eaten Ijy ajoot'
looy a^Teat yreach qfPrx'viltd^
S'.WWallei'^ loofes livo ^rmys
yet oetts bi/ y haiyatne .
1
cfh KCfv Ohirefs Champion haue
na a Cannon in eaciv rochet .
Kclfey ajhcahn^ Bodice maktr
a Gifted Brolht
\ey
^^ or/ley an [nchle 7Ve aveKa
man ofPer/onal ValoK.
Skippcn a Wa^aonertc S.F.Vtrt
one of Oliuers. Sectors .
r. !. I''. 1.1 /,
Uatkaittel Fzrves
IV here hy han^s a, tale.
J/arrifoii the Cai'j^enlei'^ cutting
downy hcime ofy BeaftinDamel
^I4a7yna.u cuinfeina ^c vol..
Pri dc O li vc K D raynt an
ocot Olivers Clej^/c ot-
J/ally man .
Don Hafeh^y^ K. * ^y
Co died hi'-ainc .
Jlu/on the Col^lei'-eith^na
J he xAnizy eiztrtnatke City
per/ut7ia the ^Ap prentices.
4
K
H
fc 1
■
B
^ Comittee atDeKdyJxoiye
to conttniie the Ipari''.
L ait hall J^uti7ts atvay IVitk
hisJ\Iace to the ^rmy.
ofCoiivreinainui^; after' the oood
nicniheT-s iverej^uKpe^ out.
live J" /eekina (jodwhil& the K.
/J" murthered hy his or^er.
Jl Comitte atJiahcrdafhersKall
to jpoylc the CaualeefS, as the
lews did the Ejfypttans.
♦
X
^^
^^^ — =j=— ^riWMfllt "
^ -_^ J
' ' T\^k
i
llljr
■
A ComitteeJorPliLndcL
red Mi
nifters Miles Corbet in the Chaire
1 — 'j
^ Knave
Jiii^h PeteTsjlieivs the hodtcins and.
ihimhles giuen hy the ivivts ofWap:
-.ptnjor" the^ood old cause .
4|k Knave
My^^'
•p. »
if
m
1 lit ipH
^\1
1 4 ij iiiii|Ji 'it'1ili;lira
y
iii:i^i»:^
^^3
Iretoii holds that Saints vtairjfop thr:
oujkaU formes to ohtame kis ends.
Knave
o.H Vane finds a dijhnctio n helivixt
aLejal^ an Evan^ diced Con/ctt
aenc
Knave
Jj f^nftiii moties i^J/oii/e that^
JCxn^ may take, the Coiienant.
Queen
S^he Damnahle enaac/emcnt
to be time and Faith^dl
♦ Qi
lie en
I a am hold viy Staff
Lj ady Tto lectoi'-efse .
jkt Lady fj ami ert and Oliver
inidej^ a/tT'ona Conflict.
Queen
J lie takein^ oftlie^ Jloly
Leaauc and Covenant
J lie Saints thtnktt meet that the.
Rump make aLeaaut w. One ah
King
i/Iiuer Jeclars hm/elfandtJie R^
veUs tohe the Gadhr larhr
♦ King^
Bi'^adfhawiny J{iqh Cour^t of
Itiftic& iiifidting oj the Ktna .
SZ^JHilmayJoh'ctts a Cityzem
iv^c^onv his ownc Collects him