UC-NRLF ■III k\ i M -^^^ .iS'>^»-^"v\ J^ qJ. r- Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/clarendonhistoriOOclarrich ''INTER FOLIA FRUCTUSP THE ]G[EPHmTS. SERIES II. 1884—86. " lljistors is i)ut tfie tmroUeB Snoll ot JJropfitC!!." — James A. Garfield. EDINBURGH : PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY. This edition is liviited to 120 large paper, and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. 'I • - • (^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^$^J INDEX. ^►•$S^< PAGE I. The Journal of King Edward VI., i II. Lex Talionis (1647), _.,___ 87 III. Gallienus Redivivus (The Massacre of Glencoe), 1695 - 99 IV. The Declarations concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales (1688), 129 V. Memoirs of the Chevalier de St. George (1712), - - 159 VI. The Remarkable Meeting at Windsor in the year 1648, - 211 VII. A Dialogue between a Whig and a Jacobite (1716), - 225 VIII. The Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots (1586), - - 251 IX. Twenty Lookes over all the Roundheads (1643), - - 263 X. Memoirs of George Leyburn (1722), - - - - 273 XI. The Character of a Modern Whig (168 1 ), - - - 355 XII. A Letter from General Monck and his Army to the Par- liament (1659), - - 363 SUPPLEMENT. Notes descriptive of a Curious Pack of Cavalier Playing Cards, {circa 1660), by Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S., F.S.A., (Scot.) - 373 \_Illustrated xuilh thirteen copper-plates^ containing the 32 Cards IN FACSIMILE.] mrmmm iyi7S777 ^ ' — ^ "INTER FOLIA FRUCTUS." XLbe Journal of Ikino lEbwarb's IReion, written witb b\B own Iban^ From the Original in the Cotton Library. (Nero. c. lo.) " J^istorg 16 tjut ti^e umolletr gcroll of Iroppcg." James A. Garfield. Privately Printed FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1884. >^H — . H^ This Edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies^ issued only to members. Zbc Journal of Iking Ebwarb^e IRetgn** ss»c^O?at-' 'T^TlJp Year of our Lord 1537, was a Prince born to King Henry the 8/4 by Jane Seimour then Queen ; who within few days after the Birth of her Son, died, and was buried at the Caftle of Wind/or. This Child was Chriftned by the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, and the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury. Afterwards was brought up till he came to fix Years old among the Women. At the fixth Year of his Age he was brought up in Learning by Matter Doftor Cox, who was after his Almoner, and John Cheeke Matter of Arts, two well-learned Men, who fought to bring him up in learning of Tongues, of the Scripture, of Philofophy, and all Liberal Sciences. Also John Bellmaine Frenchman, did teach him the French Language. The tenth Year not yet ended, it was appointed he fhould be created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwal, and Count Palatine of Chefter : At which time, being the Year of our Lord 1547, the faid King died of a Dropfie as it was thought. After whofe death incontinent came Edward Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Matter of the Horfe, to convoy this Prince to Enfield, where the Earl of Hartford declared to him, and his younger Sister Elizabeth, the Death of their Father. Here he begins anew again. After the Death of King Henry the %th, his Son Edward, Prince of Wales, was come to at Hartford, by the Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown Matter of the Horfe ; for whom before was made great preparation that he might be created Prince of Wales, and after- * The original is in the British Museum. Ul)c Clarendon Iblstortcal Socteti? IReprtnts. ward was brought to Enfie/d, where the Death of his Father was firft fhewcd him ; and the fame day the Death of his Father was fhewed in London^ where was great lamentation and weeping : and fuddenly he proclaimed King. The next day, being the of * He was brought to the Tower of London^ where he tarried the fpace of three weeks ; and in the mean feafon the Council fat every day for the performance of the Will, and at length thought best that the Earl of Hartford, fhould be made Duke of Somerfet, Sir Thomas Seimour Lord Sudley, the Earl of Effex Marquefs of Northampton, and divers Knights fhould be made Barons, as the Lord Sheffield, with divers others. Also they thought beft to chufe the Duke of Somerfet to be Proteftor of the Realm, and G.-verr-our of the King's Person during his Minority ; to which all the Gentlem.en and Lords did agree, becaufe he was the Ki.ijj's I'l^cle on his Mothois fide. Alfo in this time the late King was buried at Windsor with much folemnity, and the Officers broke their Staves, hurling them into the Grave ; but they were reftored to them again when they came to the Tower. The Lord Lijle was made Earl of Warwick, and the Lord Great Chamberlainfhip was given to him ; and the Lord Sudley made Admiral of England: all these things were done, the King being in the Tower. Afterwards all things being prepared for the Coronation, the King being then but nine Years old, paffcd through the City of London, as heretofore hath been used, and came to the Palace of Wejiminjler ; and the next day came into Wefi- minfter-Hall. And it was asked the People, Whether they would have him to be their King ? Who answered ; Yea, yea : Then he was crowned King of England, France, and Ireland, by the Arch-Bifhop oi Canterbury, and all the rest of the Clergy and Nobles ; and Anointed, with all fuch Ceremonies as were accuftomed, and took his Oath, and gave a General Pardon, and fo was brought to the Hall to Dinner on Shrove-funday, where he fat with the Crown on his Head, with the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury, and the Lord Proteftor ; and all the Lords fat at Boards in the Hall beneath, and the Lord Marshal's Deputy, (for my Lord of Somerfet was Lord Marfhal) rode about the Hall to make room ; then came in Sir John Dimock Champion, and made his Challenge, and so the King drank to him, and he had the Cup. At night the King returned to his Palace at Wesjlminjier, where there was Jufts and Barriers ; and afterward Order was taken for all his Servants being with his Father, and being with the Prince, and the Ordinary and Unordinary were appointed. In the mean feafon Sir • Blank In original. Journal ot JEt)wart) tbe Stjtb. 5 Andrew Dudley^ Brother to my Lord of Warwick^ being in the Paunfie, met with the Lion, a principal Ship of Scotland, which thought to take the Paunfie without resistance ; but the Paunfie approached her, and Ihe fhot, but at length they came very near, and then the Paunfie fhooting off all one fide, burft all the overlop of the Lion, and all her Tackling, and at length boarded her and took her ; but in the return, by negligence, fhe was loft at Harwich-Haven, with almoft all her Men. In the month of * May died the French King called Francis, and his Son called Henry, was proclaimed King. There came alfo out of Scotland an Ambaflador, but brought nothing to pafs, and an Army was prepared to go into Scotland. Certain Injunftions were fet forth, which took away divers Ceremonies, and Commiffions fent to take down Images, and certain Homilies were fet forth to be read in the Church. Dr. Smith of 0;t/^ry recanted at Pauls certain Opinions of the Mefs, and that Chrift was not according to the Order of Mel- chifedeck. The Lord Seimour of Sudley married the Queen, whose name was Katherine, with which Marriage the Lord Proteftor was much offended. There was great preparation made to go into Scotland, and the Lord Proteflor, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Dacres, the Lord Gray, and Mr. Brian, went with a great number of Nobles and Gentlemen to Barwick ; where the firft day after his coming, he muftered all his Company, which were to the number of 13000 Footmen, and 5000 Horfemen. The next day he marched on into Scotland, and fo pafTed the Peafe ; then he burnt two Caftles in Scotland, and fo pafTed a streight of a Bridg, where 300 Scots Light-Horfemen fet upon him behind him, who were difcomfited. So he pafTed to Mujfelburgh, where the firft day after he came, he went up to the Hill, and faw the Scots, thinking them, as they were indeed at least, 36000 Men ; and my Lord of Warwick was almoft taken, chafing the Earl of Huntley, by an Ambufh, but he was refcued by one Bertivell, with twelve Hagbuttiers on Horfeback, and the Ambufh ran away. The \oth day of September, the Lord Proteftor thought to get the Hill, which the Scots feeing, pafTedlthe Bridg over the River at Muf- felburgh, and ftrove for the higher Ground, and almoft got it ; but our Horfemen fet upon them, who although they ftayed them, yet were put to flight, and gathered together again by the Duke of Somerfet * Should be March. 6 tTbe Clatenbon IFDiatortcal Society IRcprlnts. Lord Protedlor, and the Earl of Warwick, and were ready to give a new Onfet. The Scots being amazed with this, fled theirwayes, fome to Edinburgh, some to the Sea, and fome to Dalkeith ; and there were flain loooo of them, but of Engliftimen 51 Horfemen, which were almoft all Gentlemen, and but one Footman. Prifoners were taken, the Lord Huntley, Chancellor of Scotland, and divers other Gen- tlemen ; and flain of Lairds 1000. And Mr. Brian, Sadler, and Vane, were made Bannerets. After this Battel Broughtie-craig was given to the Engliflimen, and Hume, and Roxburgh, and Heymouth, which were Fortified, and Cap- tains were put in them, and the Lord of Somerfet rewarded with 500 /. Lands. In the mean feafon, Stephen Gardiner Bifliop of Winchefter, was, for not receiving the Injunftions, committed to Ward. There was also a Parliament called, wherein all Chaunteries were granted to the King, and an extream Law made for Vagabonds, and divers other things. Alfo the Scots bcfieged Brougkty-craig, which was de- fended against them all by Sir Andrew Dudley Knight, and oftentimes their Ordnance was taken and marred. Year II, A Triumph was, where fix Gentlemen did challenge all Comers, at Barriers, Jufts, and Tournay ; and alfo that they would keep a Fortrefs with thirty, with them againft an hundred, or under, which was done at Greenwich. Sir Edward Bellingam being fent into Ireland Deputy, and Sir An- thony Sf. Leiger revoked, he took 0-Canor, and 0-Mor, bringing the Lords that rebelled into fubjedlion ; and 0-Canor and 0-Mor leaving their Lordfhips, had apiece an lOO /. Penlion. The Scots befieged the Town of Haddington, where the Captain, Mr. Willford, every day made ilfues upon them, and flew divers of them. The thing was very weak, but for the Men, who did very manfully. Oftentimes Mr. Holcroft and Mr. Palmer did Viftual it by force, passing through the Enemies ; and at last the Rhinegrave una- wares fet upon Mr. Palmer, which was there with near a thoufand and five hundred Horfemen, and difcomfited him, taking him, Mr. Bowes Warden of the Weft-Marches, and divers other, to the num- ber of 400, and flew a few. (Upon St. Peter s day the Bifliop of WincheJlervvdiS committed to the Tower.) Then they made divers brags, and they had the like made to them. Then went the Earl of Shrews- bury General of the Army, with 22000 Men, and burnt divers Towns and Fortrcflcs, which the Frenchmen and Scots hearing, levied their Siege in the month of September ; in the levying of which, there came one to Tiherio, who as then was in Haddington, and fetting forth the weaknefs of the Town, told him. That all Honour was due to the Defenders, and none to the Afl^ailers ; so the Siege being levied, the Earl of Shrewsbury entred it, and viftualled, and reinforced it. After his departing by night, there came into the Outer Court, at Haddington, 2000 Men armed, taking the Townfmen in their Shirts ; 7 8 Zbc Claren&on Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts. who yet defended them, with the help of the Watch, and at length, with Ordnance, iffucd out upon them, and flew a marvellous number, bearing divers Afl^aults, and at length drove them home, and kept the Town fafe. A Parliament was called, where an Uniform Order of Prayer was inftitute, before made by a number of Bifliops and learned Men gathered together in Wind/or. There was granted a Subfidy, and there was a notable Difputation of the Sacrament in the Parliament- Houfe. Alfo the Lord Sudley, Admiral of England, was condemned to Death, and died in March enfuing. Sir Thomas Sharrington was alfo condemned for making falfe Coin, which he himfelf confefl"ed. Divers also were put in the Tower. Year III HUMF-CASTI F ^^^ taken by Night, and Treafon, by the Scots. Mr. Willford, in a Skirmifh, was left of his Men, fore hurt and taken. There was a Skirmifh at Br ought y-craig, wherein Mr. Lutterell, Captain after Mr. Dudley, did burn certain Villages, and took Monfieur de Toge Prifoner. The Frenchmen by night aflaulted BouUngherg, and were manfully repulfed, after they had made Faggots with Pitch, Tar, Tallow, Rofin, Powder, and Wildfire, to burn the Ships in the Haven of Bolein, but they were driven away by the Bollonors, and their Faggots taken. In Mr. Bowes Place, who was Warden of the Weft Marches, was put the Lord Dacres y and in the Lord Grafs Place, the Earl of Rut- land ; who after his coming entred Scotland, and burnt divers Villages, and took much Prey. The People began to rife in Wiltjhire, where Sir William Herbert did put them down, over-run, and flew them. Then they rofe in SuJJex, Hampjhire, Kefjt, Gloucefterjhire, Suffolk, War- wick Jhire, Effex, Hartfordjhire, a piece of Leicejierjhire, Worcejierjhire, and Rutlandjhire, where by fair Perfuafions, partly of honeft Men among themfelves, partly by Gentlemen, they were often appeafed ; and becaufe certain Commiffions were fent down to pluck down Inclo- fures, they did rife again. The French King perceiving this, caufed War to be proclaimed ; and hearing that our Ships lay at Jerfey, fent a great number of his Galleys, and certain Ships, to furprife our Ships ; but they being at anchor, beat the French, that they were fain to retire with the loss of looo of their Men. At the fame time the French King palled by Bullein to New-Haven, with his Army, and took Blacknefs, by Treafon, and the Almain Camp ; which done, New-Haven furrendered. There were alfo in a Skir- mifh, between 300 Englifh Footmen, and 300 French Horfemen, fix Noblemen flain. Then the French King came with his Army to B 9 lo ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints. Bollein, which they feeing, razed BouUngberg ; but becaufe of the Plague, he was compelled to retire, and Chajlilion was left behind, as Governour of the Army. In the mean feason, becaufe there was a rumour that I was dead, I pafTcd through London. After that they rofe in Oxfordjhire^ Devonjhire, Norfolk, and Tork- Jhire. To Oxford, the Lord Gray of Wilton was fent with 1 500 Horfe- men and Footmen, whofe coming, with the aflembling of the Gentle- men of the Country, did fo abafh the Rebels, that more than half of them ran theirways, and other that tarried, were fome flain, some taken, and fome hanged. To Devonjhire, the Lord Privy-Seal was fcnt, who with his Band, being but small, lay at Honington, whiles the Rebels besieged Exeter, who did ufe divers pretty Feats of War, for after divers Skirmilhes, when the Gates were burnt, they in the City did continue the Fire till they had made a Rampier within ; also after, when they were undermined, and Powder was laid in the Mine, they within drowned the Powder and the Mine, with Water they caft in ; which the Lord Privy-Seal having thought to have gone to in- force them a by-way, of which the Rebels having fpial, cut all the Trees betwixt St. Mary Outrie and Exeter ; for which caufe the Lord Privy-Seal burnt that Town, and thought to return home : The Rebels kept a Bridg behind his Back, and fo compelled him, with his fmall Band, to fct upon them, which he did, and overcame them, killing 600 of them, and returning home without any lofs of Men. Then the Lord Gray, and Spinola, with their Bands, came to him, and afterward Gray, with 200 of Redding, with which Bands he being re- inforced, came to raise the Siege at Exeter, for because they had fcarcity of Vidual ; and as he paffcd from Honington, he came to a little Town of his own, whither came but only two ways, which they had reinforced with two Bullwarks made of Earth, and had put to the defence of the fame about 2000 Men ; and the rest they had laid, fome at a Bridg called Honington- Bridg, partly at a certain Hedg in a High-Way, and the moft part at the Siege of Exeter. The Rere- ward of the Horfemen, of which Travers was Captain, fct upon the one Bullwark, the Waward and Battail on the other ; Spinola^s Band kept them occupied at their Wall : At length Travers drove them into the Town, which the Lord Privy-Seal burnt. Then they ran to a Bridg thereby, from whence being driven, they were in a Plain about 900 of them flain. The next day they were met about other 2000 of them, at the en- try of a High-Way, who firft defircd to talk, and in the mean feafon 10 Journal of B^watt) tbe St jtb, 1 1 fortified themfelves ; which being perceived, they ran theirways, and that fame Night the City of Exeter was delivered of the Siege. After that they gathered at Launjion, to whom the Lord Privy-Seal, and Sir Will. Herbert went, and overthrew them, taking their chief Heads and executing them. Neverthelefs fome sailed to Bridgwater, and went about Sedition, but were quickly repreffed. Hitherto of Devonjhire. At this time the Black Gaily was taken. Now to Nor- folk ; The People fuddenly gathered together in Norfolk, and in- creafed to a great number, againft whom the Lord Marquefs of Northampton was fent, with the number of 1060 Horfemen, who win- ning the Town of Norwich, kept it one day and one night ; and the next day in the morning, with the loss of 100 Men, departed out of the Town, among whom the Lord Sheffield was flain. There were taken divers Gentlemen, and Servingmen, to the number of thirty ; with which Vi6lory, the Rebels were very glad ; but afterward hear- ing that the Earl of Warwick came against them, they began to ftay upon a ftrong plot of Ground upon a Hill near to the Town of Norwich, having the Town confederate with them. The Earl of Warwick came with the number of 6000 Foot, and 1500 Horfemen, and entred into the Town of Norwich, which having won, it was fo weak that he could fcarcely defend it ; and oftentimes the Rebels came into the Streets, killing divers of his Men, and were repulfed again ; yea, and the Townfmen were given to Mifchief themfelves : So having endured their Affaults three days, and flopped their Viftuals, the Rebels were conftrained, for lack of Meat, to remove ; whom the Earl of Warwick followed with 1000 Almains, and his Horfemen, leaving the Englifh Footmen in the Town, and overcame them in plain Battel, killing 2000 ot them, and taking Ket their Captain, who in January following was hang'd at Norwich, and his Head hanged out ; Ket^s Brother was taken alfo, and punifhed alike. In the mean feafon Chajlilion befieged the Peer of Bolloin made in the Haven, and after long Battery, 20000 fhot or more, gave affault to it, and were manfully repulfed ; neverthelefs, they continued the Siege ftill, and made often Skirmilhes, and falfe Affaults, in which they won not much. Therefore feeing they pro- fited little that way, they planted Ordnance against the Mouth of the Haven that no Viftual might come to it ; which our Men feeing, fet upon them by night and flew divers Frenchmen, and difmounted many of their Peeces ; neverthelefs the French came another time and planted their Ordnance toward the Sand-fide of the Sand-hills, 12 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts. and beat divers Ships of Vidualers at the Entry of the Haven, but yet the Englilhmcn, at the King's Adventure, came into the Haven and refrcfhcd divers times the Tow^n. The Frenchmen feeing they could not that way prevail, continued their battery but fmally, on which before they had fpent 1500 Shot in a day, but loaded a Galley with Stones and Gravel, which they let go in the Stream to sink it ; but or ere it funk, it came near to one Bank, where the Bulloners took it out, and brought the Stones to reinforce the Peer. Alfo at Guines was a certain Skirmifli, in which there was about an 100 Frenchmen flain, of which fome were Gentlemen and Noblemen. In the mean feafon in England ro(c great Stirs, like to increafe much if it had not been well forefeen. The Council, about nineteen of them, were gathered in London, thinking to meet with the Lord Protcftor, and to make him amend fome of his Diforders. He fearing his ftate, caufed the Secretary, in My Name, to be fent to the Lords, to know for what Caufe they gathered their Powers together ; and if they meant to talk with him, that they fhould come in a peaceable manner. The next morning, being the 6th of October and Saturday, he com- manded the Armour to be brought down out of the Armoury o^ Hampton- Court, about 500 HarncfTcs, to Arm both his and my men, with all the Gates of the Houfe to be Rampeir'd, People to be raifed : People came abundantly to the Houfc. That night, with all the People, at nine or ten of the Clock of the night, I went to Wind/or, and there was Watch and Ward kept every night. The Lords fat in open Places of London, calling for Gentlemen before them, and declaring the Caufes of Accufation of the Lord Proteftor, and caufed the fame to be proclaimed. After which time few came to Wind/or, but only Mine own Men of the Guard, whom the Lords willed, fearing the Rage of the People fo lately quieted. Then began the Protedor to treat by Letters, fending Sir Philip Hobbey, lately come from his Ambaf- fage in Flanders, to fee to his Family, who brought in his return a Letter to the Protcdor, very gentle, which he delivered to him, another to Me, another to my Houfe, to declare his Faults, Ambition, Vain-Glory, entring into rafli Wars in my Youth, negligent looking on New-Haven, enriching of himfelf of my Trcafurc, following of his own Opinion, and doing all by his own Authority, i^c. Which Letters were openly read, and immediately the Lords came to Windfor^ took him, and brought him through Holborn to the Tower, Afterward I came to Hampton-Court, where they appointed, by My confcnt, fix Lords of the Council to be Attendant on Me, at Icaft two and four 12 Journal of lEbwarb tbe Sijtb* 13 Knights ; Lords, the Marquefs of Northampton^ the Earls of Warwick and Arundel^ the Lords, Rujfel St. John, and Wentworth ; Knights, Sir Andr. Dudley, Sir Edw. Rogers, Sir Tho. Darcy, and Sir Tho. Wroth. After I came through London to Wefiminjier. The Lord of Warwick made Admiral of England. Sir Thomas Cheiney fent to the Emperor for Relief, which he could not obtain. Mailer Wotton made Secre- tary. The Lord Proteftor, by his own Agreement and Submiffion, lost his Proteftorfhip, Treafurefhip, Marfhallhip, all his Moveables, and more, 2000 /. Land, by A61 of Parliament. The Earl of Arundel committed to his Houfe, for certain Crimes of fufpicion againft him, as plucking down of Bolts and Locks at Wefiminjier, giving of My Stuff away, l£c. and put to fine of 12000 /. to be paid 1000 /. Yearly ; of which he was after relieved. Alfo Mr. Southwell committed to the Tower for certain Bills of Sedi- tion, written with his Hand, and put to fine of 500 /. Likewife Sir Tho. Arundel, and fix, then committed to the Tower for Confpiracies in the Weft Places. A Parliament, where was made a manner to Confecrate, Priefts, Bifhops, and Deacons. Mr. Paget furrendring his Comptrolerlhip, was made Lord Paget of Beaudefert, and cited into the Higher Houfe by a Writ of Parliament. Sir Anthony Wingfield, before Vicechamberlain, made Comptroller. Sir Thomas Darcy made Vicechamberlaine. Guidotty made divers Errands from the Conftable of France to make Peace with us ; upon which were appointed four Commiflioners to Treat, and they after long Debatement made a Treaty as followeth. Anno 1549. Mart. 24. Peace concluded between England, France, and Scotland ; by our Englifh fide, John Earl of Bedford, Lord Privy Seal, Lord Paget de Beaudefert. Sir William Petre Secretary, and Sir John Mafon. On the French fide, Monjieur de Rochepot, Monfieur Chafiilion, Guilluart de Mor- tier, and Boucherel de Sany, upon thefe Conditions, That all Titles, Tribute, and Defences, fhould remain ; That the Faults of one Man, except he be punifhed, Ihould not break the League. That the Ships of Merchandize shall pafs to and fro : That Pirats shall be called back, and Ships of War. That Prifoners Ihall be delivered of both fides. That we Ihall not war with Scotland. That Bollein, with the pieces of New Conqueft, and two Bafilisks, two Demy-Cannons, three Culverines, two Demy-Culverins, three Sacres, fix Faulcons, 13 14 ^be (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprints. 94 Hagbutts, a Crook, with Wooden Tailes, and 21 Iron Pieces ; and Lauder^ and Dunglafs, with all the Ordnance fave that that came from Haddington, fhall, within fix months after this Peace proclaimed, be delivered ; and for that the French to pay 200000 Scutes within three days after the delivery of Bollein, and 200000 Scutes on our Lady Day in Harveft next enfuing ; and that if the Scots raizd Lauder, and we ftiould raze Roxburg and Heymouth. For the performance of which, on the jth of Jpril, fhould be delivered at Guifnes and Ardres, thefe Hoftages. Marquefs de Means. M o n fi e u r Trimoville. Monfieur D'anguien. Monfieur Montmorency. Monfieur Henandiere. Vicedam de Chartres. My Lord of Suffolk. My Lord of Hartford. My Lord Talbot. My Lord Fitzwarren. My Lord Martavers. My Lord Strange. Alfo that at the delivery of the Town, Ours fhould come home, and at the firft Payment three of theirs ; and that if the Scots raze Lauder and Dunglafs, We muft raze Roxburgh and Heymouth, and none after fortify them, with comprehenfion of the Emperor. 25. This Peace, Anno 1550, proclaimed at Calais and Bollein. 29. In London, Boncfircs. 30. A Sermon in Thankfgiving for Peace, and Te Deum fung. 31. My Lord Somerfet was delivered of his Bonds, and came to Court. April. 2. The Parliament prorogued to the fecond day of the Term in October enfuing. 3. Nicholas Ridley, before of Rochejier, made Bifhop of London, and received his Oath. Thomas Thirlby, before of Wejiminjier, made Bifliop of Nortoich, and received his Oath. 4. The Bifliop of Chichejlcr, before a vehement affirmer of Tran- fubftantiation, did preach againft it at WcJiminJler in the preaching place. Removing to Greenwich from WeJlminJler. 6. Our Hortagcs palled the Narrow Seas between /)wrrand Calais, 7. Monfieur de Fermin, Gentleman of the King's Privy Chamber, paffed from the French King by England to the Scotch Queen, to tell her of the Peace. H Journal ot E^war^ tbe Sijtb^ 15 An Ambaffador came from Gujlave the Swedifh King, called Andrew^ for a furer Amity touching Merchandize. 9. The Hoftages delivered on both the fides, for the Ratification of the League with France and Scotland % for becaufe some said to Monfieur Rochfort Lieutenant, that Monfieur de Guife, Father to the Marquefs of Means, was dead, and therefore the delivery was put over a day. 8. My Lord Warwick made General Warden of the North, and Mr. Herbert President of Wales ; and the one had granted to him looo Marks Land,* the other 500 ; and Lord Warwick 100 Horfemen at the King's Charge. 9. Licences figned for the whole Council, and certain of the Privy Chamber to keep among them 2340 Retainers. 10. My Lord Somerfet taken into the Council. Guidotti the begin- ner of the talk for Peace, recompenfed with Knightdom, 1000 Crowns Reward, 1000 Crowns Penfion, and his Son with 250 Crowns Pen- fion. Certain Prifoners for light Matters difmiffed ; agreed for delivery of French Prifoners taken in the Wars. Peter Vane fent Ambaffador to Venice. Letters direfted to certain Irifh Nobles, to take a blind Legat coming from the Pope, calling himself Bifhop of Armagh, Commif- fions for the delivery of Bulloin, Lauder, and Dunglafs. 6. The Flemings Men of War would have paifed our Ships without vailing Bonet ; which they feeing, fhot at them, and drove them at length to vail Bonet, and fo depart. 11. Monfieur Trimaul, Monfieur Vicedam de Char, and Monfieur Henaudie, came to Dover, the reft tarried at Calais till they had leave. 1 13. Order taken, that whofoever had Benefices given them, Ihould preach before the King in or out of Lent, and every Sunday there should be a Sermon. 16. The three Hoftages aforefaid came to London, being met at Dehtford by the Lord Gray of Wilton, Lord Bray, with divers other Gentlemen, to the number of 20, and Servingmen an 100, and fo brought into the City, and lodged there, and kept Houfes every Man by himfelf. 18. Mr. Sidney and Mr. Nevel made Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Commiflion given to the Lord Cobham Deputy of Calais, William Petre chief Secretary, and Sir John Mafon French Secretary, to fee the French King take his Oath, with certain Inflruftion ; and that Sir John Mafon should be Ambafl^ador Leigier. 15 1 6 Ubc Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts. CommiiTion to Sir yo6n Davies and Sir William Sharrington, to re- ceive the first Paiment, and deliver the Quittance. 19. Sir John Mafon taken into the Privy Council, and William Thomas made Clerk of the fame. Whereas the Emperors Ambaffadors defired leave, by Letters Patent that my Lady Mary might have Mafs ; it was denied him. And where he faid we broke the League with him, by making Peace with Scot- land^ it was anfwered. That the French King, and not I, did compre- hend them, faving that I might not invade them without occalion. 10. Lauther being befieged of the Scots, the Captain hearing that the Peace was Proclaimed in England^ delivered it, as the Peace did will him, taking Sureties, that all the Bargains of the Peace fhould be kept. 18. Monfieur de Guife died. 20. Order taken for the Chamber, that three of the Outer Privy- Chamber Gentlemen Ihould always be here, and two lie in the Palace, and fill the Room of one of the four Knights ; that the Squires fhould be diligent in their Office ; and five Grooms fhould be always pre- fent, of which one to watch in the Bed-Chamber. 21. The Marquefs de Means, the Duke de Anguien, and the Con- flable's Son, arrived at Dover. 23. Monfieur Trirnoville, and the l^icedam of Chartres, and Monfieur Henaudy, came to the Court, and faw the Order of the Garter, and the Knights, with their Sovereign, receive the Communion. 24. Certain Articles touching a flreighter Amity in Merchandize fent to the King of Szveeden, being thefe. First ; If the King of Sweden fent bullion, he Jhould have our commodities and pay no Toll. Secondly ; He fhould bring Bullion to none other Prince. Thirdly ; If he brought Ozymus, and Steel, and Copper, Sec. he Jhould have our Commodities, and pay Cujlom as an Englijhman. Fourthly ; If he brought any other, he Jhould have free entercourse, paying Cujlom as a Stranger, &c. It was anfwered, to the Duke of Brunjzvick, that whereas he offered Service with loooo Men of his Land, that the War was ended ; and for the Marriage of my Lady Mary to him, there was talk for her Marriage with the Infant of Portugal, which being determined, he should have anfwer. 25. Lord Clinton Captain of Bulloin, having fent away before all his Men faving 1800, and all his Ordnance, faving that the Treaty did 16 Journal ot lEbwarb tbe Sijtb. 17 referve, iffued out of the Town with thefe 1800, delivering it to Monfieur Chajiilion^ receiving of him the fix Hoftages Englifh, an Ac- quittance for delivery of the Town, and fafe Conduft to come to Calais ; whither when he came, he placed 1800 in the Emperors Fron- tiers. 27. The Marquefs du Means, Count / Anguien, and the Conftable's Son, were received at Black-Heath by my Lord of Rutland, my Lord Gray of Wilton, my Lord Gray, my Lord Lijle, and divers Gentlemen, with all the Penfionaries, to the number of an hundred, beside a great number of Servingmen. It was granted, that my Lord of Somerfet fhould have all his move- able Goods and Leafes, except thofe that be already given. The King of Sweden^ AmbalTador departed home to his Mailer. 29. The Count d^ Anguien, Brother to the Duke of Vendofme, and next Heir to the Crown after the King's Children ; the Marquefs de Means, Brother to the Scotch Queen ; and Monfieur Montmorency, the Conftable's Son came to the Court, where they were received with much Muftck at Dinner. 26. Certain were taken that went about to have an Infurreftion in Kent, upon May day following ; and the Prieft, who was the chief Worker, ran away into EJfex, where he was laid for. 30. Dunglafs was delivered as the Treaty did require. May. 2. Joan Boacher, otherways called Joan of Kent, was burnt for hold- ing. That C hriji was not Incarnate of the Virgin Mary ; being condemned the Year before, but kept in hope of Conversion ; and the 30//' of April, the Bifhop of London, and the Bifhop of Ely, were to perfwade her, but she withftood them, and reviled the Preacher that preached at her Death. The firft payment was payed at Calais, and received by Sir Thomas Dennis, and Mr. Sharrington. 4. The Lord Clinton, before Captain of Bollein, came to Court, where after Thanks, he was made Admiral of England, upon the Sur- render of the Earl of Warwick's Patent ; He was also taken into the Privy-Council, and promifed further Reward. The Captain alfo, and Officers of the Town, were promifed Rewards. Monfieur de Brifay palTed alfo by the Court to Scotland, where at Greenwich he came to the King, telling him. That the French King would fee that if he lacked any Commodity that he had, he wonld give it him ; and like- wise would the Conftable of France, who then bore all the Swing. c 17 1 8 ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society IRcprints. 5. The Marquefs de Means departed to Scotland with Monfieur de Brifay^ to acquaint the Queen of the death of the Duke of Gmfe. 6. The Mafter of Ayrskin, and Monfieur Morret's Brother came out of Scotland for the Acceptation of the Peace, who after had PafTport to go into France. 7. The Council drew a Book for every Shire, who (hould be Lieute- nants in them, and who fhould tarry with Me ; but the Lieutenants were appointed to tarry till Ckafiilions^ Sarcy, and Boucher els coming, and then to depart. 9. Proclamation was made. That the Souldiers ftiould return to Manfions ; and the Mayor of London had charge to look through all the Wards, to take them and fend them to their Countries. The Debt of 30000 /. and odd Money, was put over an Year, and there was bought 2500 Cinquetales of Powder. 11. Proclamation was made. That all Wooll-winders fhould take an Oath that they would make good Cloth there, as the Lord Chan- cellor would appoint them, according to an Aft of Parliament made by Edward the Third. 7. The Lord Cohham, the Secretary Petre^ and Sir John Ma/on came to the French King to Amiens^ going on his Journey, where they were received of all the Nobles, and fo brought to their Lodgings, which were well dreifed. 10. The French King took the Oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty. 12. Our AmbafTadors departed from the French Court, leaving Sir 'John Ma/on as Legier. 14. The Duke of Somerfet was taken into the Privy-Chamber, and likewife was the Lord Admiral. 15. It was appointed that all the Light-Horfemen of Bollein^ and the Men of Arms, fhould be payed their Wages, and be led by the Lord Marquefs of 'Northampton, Captain of the Penfioners ; and all the Guard of Bollein under the Lord Admiral. Alfo that the chiefeft Captains fhould be fcnt, with 600 with them, to the flrcngthning of the Frontiers of Scotland. The comprehenfion of Peace with Scotland was accepted so far as the League went, and Scaled. 16. The Mafter o^ Ayr skin departed into France. 17. Removing from Wejlminjler to Greenwich. 18. The French King came to Bollein to visit the Pieces lately dcli- 18 Journal ot lEbwar^ tbe Stjtb, 19 vered to him, and to appoint an Order, and ftaying things there ; which done he departed, 19. Peter Vane went as AmbafTador to Venice^ and departed from the Court with his Inftruftions. 20. The Lord Cobham and Sir William Petre^ come home from their Journey, devering both the Oath, and the Teftimonial of the Oath, witnefTed by divers Noblemen of France : alfo the Treaty fealed with the Great Seal of France : and in the Oath was confeffed, That I was Supream Head of the Church of England and Ireland^ and alfo King of Ireland. 23. Monfieur Chajlilion^ and Morier^ and Boucherel, accompanied with the Rhinegrave, Dandelot the Conftable's fecond Son, and Che- nault, the Legier, came to Durefm Place, where in their Journey they were met by Mr. Treafurer, and fixty Gentlemen, at Woolwich, and alfo faluted with great Peals, at Woolwich, Deptford. and the Tower. 24. The AmbafTadors came to me prefenting the Legier ; and alfo delivering Letters of Credence from the French King. 25. The AmbafTadors came to the Court, where they faw Me take the Oath for the Acceptation of the Treaty ; and afterwards dined with Me : and after Dinner faw a Paftime of ten againft ten at the Ridg, whereof on the one fide were the Duke of Sufolk,, the Vice- dam, the Lord Lijle, and feven other Gentlemen apparallel'd in Yel- low. On the other, the Lord Strange, Monfieur Henandoy, and the eight other in blew. 26. The AmbafTadors faw the baiting of the Bears and Bulls. 27. The AmbafTadors, after they had hunted, fat with me at Supper. 28. The fame went to fee Hampton-Court, where they did Hunt, and the fame night returned to Durefm-place. 25. One that by way of Marriage had thought to afTemble the People, and To make an infurrefttion in Kent, was taken by the Gentlemen of the Shire, and afterward punifhed. 29. The Ambassadors had a fair Supper made them by the Duke of Somerfet ; and afterward went into the Thames, and faw both the Bear hunted in the River, and alfo Wild-fire caft out of Boats, and many pretty Conceits. 30. The AmbafTadors took their leave and the next day departed. June. 3. The King came to Shein, where was a marriage made between the Lord Lijle the Earl of Warwick^ Son, and the Lady Ann Daughter to the Duke of Somerset ; which done, and a fair Dinner made, and 19 20 Ube (Ilaren^ou Ibistorical Society IRcprints. Dancing finifhcd, the King and the Ladies went into two Anti- Chambers made of Boughs, where first he saw fix Gentlemen of one fide, and fix of another, run the courfe of the Field twice over. Their names here do follow. The Lord Edward. Sir John Jpleby, Sec* And afterwards came three Masfters of one fide, and two of another whtch ran four Courfes apiece. Their names be ; t Laft of all came the Regunete^ with three Italians^ who ran with all the Gentlemen four Courfes, and afterward fought at Tournay ; and so after dinner returned to Wejiminster. 4. Sir Robert Dudley third Son so the Earl of Warwick^ married Sir John Roberts Daughter ; after which Marriage there were certain gentlemen that did ftrive who fhould firft take away a Goofes Head which was hanged alive on two crofs Polls. 5. There was Tilt and Tournay on foot, with as great staves as they run withal on Horfeback. 6. Removing to Greenwich. 8. The Gefts of My Progrefs were fet forth, which were thefe ; From Greenwich to Wejiminster, from Westminjler to Hamptcn-Court, from Hampton-Court to Wind/or, from Wind/or to Guilford, from Guilford to Oatland, from Oatland to Richmond, &c. Alfo the Vicedam made a great Supper for the Duke of Somerfet and the Marquefs of Northampton, with divers Mafques and other Conceits. 9. The Duke of Somerfet, Marquess of Northampton, Lord Treasurer, Bedford, and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bilhop of Winchejler to know to what he would ftick. He made anfwer. That he would obey and fet forth all things fet forth by Me and my Parliament ; and if he were troubled in Confcience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly againft it. The firft Payment of the Frenchmen, was laid up in the Tower for all Chances. 10. The Books of my Proceedings were fcnt to the Bifhop of Winchejler, to fee whether he would fet his Hand to it, or promifc to fet it forth to the People. 11. Order was given for Fortifying and Viftualling Cales for four months ; and alfo Sir Henry Palmer and Sir Alee, were sent to the Frontiers of Scotland, to take a view of all the Forts there, and to report to the Council where they thought fit to fortify. * Rest omitted. f None given. 20 Journal ot ]£t)war5 tbe Stjtb. 12. The Marquefs de Means came from Scotland in Port, and went his way into France. 13. Commmiflions were figned to Sir William Herbert^ and thirty other, to Intreat of certain Matters in Wales^ and alfo Inftrudions to the fame, how to behave himfelf in the Prefidentfhip. 14. The Surveyor of Calais was fent to Calais^ firft to raze the Walls of Risbank toward the Sand-hills, and after to make the Wall maffy again, and the round Bullwark to change to a pointed one, which Ihould run twenty foot into the Sea, to beat the Sand-hills, and to raze the Mount. Secondly, to view Maubeug, to make an high Bullwark in the midft, with Flankers, to beat through all the ftreight ; and alfo four Sluces to make Calais haven better. Afterwards he was bid to go to Guifnes, where firft he fhould take away the three- corner'd Bullwark to make the outward Wall of the Keep, and to fill the fpace between the Keep and the faid outward Wall with the forefaid Bullwark, and to raife the Old Keep that it might defend the Town. Alfo he was bid to make Parfon^s Bullwark, where it is now, round, without Flankers, both pointed, and alfo with fix Flankers to bear hard to the Keep. Atwood and Lambert were fent to take view of Allderney, Silly, Jern- sey, Gernsey, and the Ille of Gitto. The Duke of Somerfet, with five others of the Council, went to the Bifhop of Winchejier ; to whom he made this answer ; / having deliberately feen the Book of Common-Prayer, although I would not have made it Jo my f elf yet I find fuch things in it as fatisfieth my Confidence, and therefiore 1 will both execute it my fielfi, and alfio fiee other my Parift?ioners to do it. This was fubfcribed by the forefaid Counfellors, that they heard him fay thefe words. 16. The Lord Marquefs, Mr. Herbert, the Vicedam, Henaudie, and divers other Gentlemen, went to the Earl of Warwick's, where they were honourably received ; and the next day they ran at the Ring a great number of Gentlemen. 19. I went to Debtfiord, being bidden to Supper by the Lord Clin- ton ; where before Supper I faw certain Men ftand upon the end of a Boat, without holding of any thing, and ran one at another, till one was caft into the Water. At Supper Monfieur Vicedam and Henaudie fupped with me. After Supper was there a Fort made upon a great Lighter on the Thames which had three Walls, and a Watch-Tower ; in the midft of which Mr. Winter was Captain, with forty or fifty 21 22. XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IRepdnts* other Souldiers in Yellow and Black. To the Fort alfo appertained a Gallery of Yellow Collour, with Men and Ammunition in it for defence of the Caftle : Wherefore there came four Pinaces with their Men in White, handfomely dreflcd ; which intending to give aflault to the Caftle, firft drove away the Pinace, and after with Clods, Squibs, Canes of Fire-Darts made for the nonce, and Bombards, affaulted the Caftle ; and at length came with their Pieces, and burft the outer Walls of the Caftle, beating them off the Caftle into the fecond Ward, who after ilTued out and drove away the Pinaces, fink- ing one of them, out of which, all the Men in it, being more than twenty, leaped out and fwam in the Thames ; Then came the Admi- ral of the Navy, with three other Pinaces, and won the Caftle by AfFault, and burft the top of it down, and took the Captain and under Captain. Then the Admiral went forth to take the Yellow Ship, and at length clafped with her, took her, and affaulted alfo her top, and won it alfo by compulfion, and fo returned home. 20. The Mayor of London caufed the Watches to be encreafed every night, becaufe of the great Frays, and alfo one Alderman to fee good Rule kept every night. 22. There was a privy fearch made through all Sujfex for all Vaga- bonds, Gipfies, Confpirators, Prophefiers, all Players, and fuch like. • 24. There were certain in EJfex about Rumford, went about a Con- fpiracy, which were taken, and the Matter ftayed. 25. Removing to Greenwich. 23. Sir John Tates, Sherifi^of EJJex, went down with Letters to fee the Biftiop of Londor^s Injundlions performed, which touched plucking down of Superaltaries, Altars, and fuch like Ceremonies and Abufes. 29. ft was appointed that the Germans fhould have the Justin-Friars for their Church to have their Service in, for avoiding of all Sefts of Jnabaptifts, and fuch-likc. 17. The French Queen was delivered of aUhird Son, called Monfieur d* Angoulefme. 13. The Emperor departed from Argentin to Augujia. 30. John Poynet made Biftiop of Rochejier^ and received his Oath. 5. There was Mony provided to be sent into Ireland^ for payment of the Souldiers there ; and alfo Orders taken for the difpatch of the Strangers in London. 7. The Ma ft cr of A r skin paflcd into Scotland coming from France. Also the French Ambaffador did come before Mc, firft after fhcwing Journal of JE^watD tbe Sijtb, 23 the birth of Monfieur / Angoulefme ; afterward declaring, That whereas the French King had for my fake let go the Prifoners at St. Andrews^ who before they were taken, had Ihamefully murdered the Cardinal, he defired that all Scots that were Prifoners might be delivered. It was anfwered. That all were delivered. Then he moved for one called the Arch-Bishop of Glasgow ; who fince the Peace, came difguifed without Pafsport, and so was taken. It was anfwered. That we had no Peace with Scotland, fuch, that they might pafs our Coun- trey, and the Master of Erskin affirmed the same. 8. It was agreed that the 200 that were with Me, and 200 that were with Mr Herbert, should be sent into Ireland ; Alfo that the Mint fhould be fet a work that it that it might coin 24000 /. a Year, and fo bear all my Charges in Ireland for this Year, and loooo /. for my Coffers. 9. The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Treafurer, Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Petre, went to the Bifhop of Winchejier with certain Articles figned by Me and the Council, containing the confeffing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the eftabliihing of Holy Days, the abolish- ing of fix Articles, and divers other, whereof the Copy is in the Council Cheft ; whereunto he put his hand, faving to the confeffion. 10. Sir William Herbert and Secretary Petre were sent unto him, to tell him, I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Confef- fion. To which he made anfwer, that he would not put his Hand to the Confeffion, for becaufe he was Innocent and alfo the Confeffion was but the Preface of Articles. 11. The Bifhop of London th.t Secretary Petre, Mr. Cecil, and God- erick, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put in the Submiffion. 12. It was appointed. That under the Shadow of preparing for the Sea-Matters, there fhould be fent 5000 /. to the Proteftants to get their good Will. 14. The Bifhop of Winchester did deny the Articles that the Bifhop of London and the other had made. 13. Sir John Yates was fent into EJfex to flop the going away of the Lady Mar^, becaufe it was credibly informed that Scipperus fhould fleal her away to Antwerp; divers of her Gentlemen were there, and Scipperus a little before came to fee the Landing-places. 16. It was appointed that the two hundred with the Duke of So- merset, and two hundred with the Lord Privy-Seal, and four hundred with Mafler St. Legier, fhould be fent to the Sea-Coaft. 23 24 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistodcal Society IReprints. 17. It was agreed, that on Wednefday next. We fhould go in one day to IVindsor and dine at Sion. 18. It was thought beft that the Lord Bowes fhould tarry in his Wardenfhip ftill, and the Earl of Warwick fhould tarry here and be recompenfed. 19. The Bifhop oi Winchester \^z.% fequeflred from his Fruits for three months. 20. Hooper was made Bifhop of Glocejler. The Merchants were commanded to flay as much as they could their Vent into Flanders^ because the Emperour had made many flreight Laws againfl them that profefTed the Gofpel. 21. A Mufler was made of the Boullonois^ who were fully payed for all pafl, and a month to come. Sir John Wallops Francis Hall and Do6lor Coke^ were appointed Commifhoners to appoint the Limits between Me and the French King. 23. Removing to Wind/or. 22. The Secretary Petre, and the Lord Chancellour, were appoin- ted to go to the Lady Mary, to cause her to come to Oking, or to the Court. 25. It was appointed that half the French King's Paiment fhould be bestowed on paying loooo /. at Calais, 9000 /. in Ireland, loooo /. in the North, 2000 /. in the Admiralty, so that every Crown might go for one of our Nobles. 27. Because the Rumour came fo much of Scipperus coming, it was appointed that they of the Admiralty fhould fet my Ships in readiness. 26. The Duke of Somerfet went to fet Order in Oxfordjhire, Sujfex, Wiltjhire, and Hampjhire. 28. The Lady Mary, after long communication, was content to come Lee-L to my Lord Chancellour, and then to Hunfden ; but fbc utterly denied to come to the Court or Oking at that time. 31. The Earl of Southampton died. 14. Andrew Dory took the City of in Africa, from the Pirat Dragutte, who in the mean feafon burnt the Country of Genoa. 8. The Emperour came to Ausburgh. Auguft. 4. Mr, St. Legier was appointed, by Letters Patents, to be Deputy there ; and had his CommifTion, Inflrudions, and Letters to the Nobles of Ireland for the fame purpofc. 5. The fame Deputy departed from the Cafllc of Windsor. H Journal of ]Sbwatt) tbe Sijtb. 25 6. The Duke of Somerfet departed to Redding to take an Order there. 7. It was appointed, that of the Mony delivered to Me by the French King, there fhould be taken looooo Crowns to pay loooo /. at Calais, loooo in the North, and 2000 in the Admiralty, and 8000 in Ireland. 8. Monjieur Henaudy took his leave to depart to Calais, and fo upon the Paiment, to be delivered Home ; and Tremoville being fick, went in a Horfe-Litter to Dover. 9. The French AmbafTador came to Wind/or, to fue for a PalTport for the Dowager of Scotland ; which being granted, fo fhe came like a Friend ; he required 300 Horfe to pafs, with 200 Keepers, which waf not wholly granted, but only that 200 Horfe, with an 100 Keep- ers in one Company, coming into this Realm, as fhould be appointed, fhould, without let, pafs into France, and not return this way. 11. The Vicedam of Chartres fhewed his Licence to tarry here, with a Letter written to the fame purpofe. 10. The AmbafTadour oi France departed not a little contented with his gentle Anfwers. 12. Removing to Guilford. 13. The Parliament was Prorogued to the 20/^ of February n^xt following. Mr. Cook Mafler of Requefls, and certain other Lawyers, were ap- pointed to make a fhort Table of the Laws and Adls that were not wholly unprofitable, and prefent it to the Board. The Lord Chancellor fell fore fick, with forty more of his Houfe, fo that the Lady Mary came not thither at that time. 14. There came divers Advertifements from C hamberlain, AmbafTa- dour with the Queen of Hungary, that their very Intent was to take away the Lady Mary, and fo to begin an Outward War, and an Inward Confpiracy ; infomuch that the Queen faid Scipperus was but a Coward, and for fear of one Gentleman that came down, durfl not go forth with his Enterprife to my Lady Mary. 16. The Earl of Maxwell ca.me down to the North-Border with a good Power to overthrow the Gremes, who were a certain Family that were yielded to Me ; but the Lord Dacre flood before his Face with a good band of Men, and fo put him from his Purpofe, and the Gentlemen, called Gremes, skirmifhed with the faid Earl, flaying certain of his Men. 17. The Council appointed, among themfelves. That none of D 25 26 ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprtnts. them Ihould fpeak in any Man's behalf for Land to be given, Rever- fion of Offices, Leafcs of Manours, or extraordinary Annuities, except for certain Captains who ferved at Bollein, their anfwer being deferred till Michaelmafs next. 1 8. A Proclamation that till Michaelmafs all Strangers that fued for Penfions should go their way. 20. Removing to Oking. 15. The fecond Paiment of the French was paied, and Henaudie zndi Tremoville delivered. 21. 8000 /. of the laft Payment was appointed to be payed to the Difpatch of Calais, and 5000 at the North. 24. loooo /. was appointed to be occupied to win Mony to pay the next Year, pay the outward Pays ; and it was promifed that the Mony fhould double every month. 26. Removing to Oatlands. 27. Andrea Doria gave a hot Aflault to the Town of in Jfrica kept by the Pirat called Drogute, but was repulfed by the Townfmen. 29. The Pirat gave a hot Aflault to Andrea Dorea by Night, and flew the Captain of Thames, with divers other notable Men. 31. The Duke Maurice made anfwer to the Emperour, That if the Council were not free, he would not come at it. September. 2. Maclamore in Ireland before a Rebel, by the means of Mr. Baber- fon, furrendered himfelf and gave Pledges. 6. Mr Wotton gave up his Secrctaryfliip, and Mr. Cecil got it of him. 8. Removing from Nonfuch. 13. Removing to Oatlands, 22. A Proclamation was fet forth, by the which it was commanded ; I. That no kind of Vidlual, no Wax, Tallow, Candles, nor no fuch thing ftiould be carried over, except to Calais, putting in Sureties to go thither. 2. That no Man fhould buy or fell the felf-famc things again except Broakers, who Ihould not have more than ten quarters of Grain at once. 3. That all Justices fhould divide themfelvcs into Hundreds, Rapes, and Wapentakes, to look in their Quarters what fuperfluous Corn were in every Barn, and appoint it to be fold at a reafonablc price. Alfo that one of them mull be in every Market to fee the Corn brought. Furthermore, whoever fhipped over any Thing aforefaid to the Parts beyond Sea, or Scotland^ after eight days follow- ing the publication of the Proclamation, fhould forfeit his Ship, and 26 Journal of Bbwart) tbe Stjtb. 27 the Ware therein, half to the Lord of the Franchize, and half to the finder thereof; whofo bought to fell again after the day aforefaid, ftiould forfeit all his Goods, Farms, and Leafes, to the ufe, one half of the Finder, the other of the King ; whofo brought not in Corn to Market as he was appointed, fhould forfeit lo /. except the Purveyours took it up, or it were fold to his Neighbours. 25. Letters fent out to the Juftices of the Peace for the due execu- tion thereof. 18. Andrea Doria had a repulfe from the Town of* in Africa, and loft many of his Men, and the Captain of Thames, and neverthelefs left not yet the Siege. 24. Order was given for the Viftualing of Calais. 26. The Lord Wiiloughby, Deputy of Calais, departed and took his journey thitherward. 28. The Lord Treafurer fent to London to give Order for the prefervation of the City, with help of the Mayor. Whereas the Emperor required a Council, they were content to receive it, fo it were free and ordinary, requiring alfo that every Man might be reftored to his Right, and a general Peace proclaimed. They defired alfo, that in the mean feafon no Man might be reftrained to use his falhion of Religion. 18. The Emperor made Anfwer, That the Council fhould be to the Glory of God, and Maintenance of the Empire at Trent ; He knew no Title to any of his Territories, Peace he defired, and in the mean feafon would have them obferve the Interim and laft Council of Trent; he would alfo that they of Breme and Hamburgh, with their AfTociates, ihould leave their Seditions, and obey his Decrees. 21. George Duke of Mecklenburgh came with 8000 Men of War to the City of Magdeburgh, being Proteftant ; againft whom went forth the Count of Mansfield, and his Brother, with 6000 Men, and eight Guns, to drive him from Pillage ; but the other abiding the Battel, put the Count to flight, took his Brother Prifoner, and flew 3000 Men, as it is reported. October. 4. Removing to Richmond. 5. The Parliament Prorogued to the loth of January. 6. The French King made his entry into Roan. 10. It was agreed that York, Mafter of one of the Mints at the Tower, ftiould make his Bargain with Me ; viz. To take the Profit of * Afrod'tftum. 27 2 8 XTbe Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints. Silver rifing of Bullion that he himfelf brought, (hould pay all my Debts, to the Sum of 1200000 /. or above, and remain accountable for the Overplus, paying no more but 6 s. and 6 d. the ounce, till the Exchange were equal in Flanders, and after 6 /. and 2 d. Alfo that he fhould declare all his Bargains to any (hould be appointed to over- fee him, and leave off when I would : For which I fhould give him 15000/. in Preft, and leave to carry 8000 /. over-Sea to abafc the Exchange. 16. Removing to Wejlminjler. 19. Prices were fct of all kind of Grains, Butter, Cheefe, and Poultry- Ware, by a Proclamation. 20. The Frenchmen came to Sandefeld 2iii6. Fins-wood, to the number of 800, and there on my Ground did fpoil my Subjeds that were relieved by the Wood. 26. The French AmbalTadour came to excufe the forefaid Men, faying. They thought it not meet that that Wood fhould be fpoiled of us, being thought and claimed as theirs, and therefore they lay there. 24. There were 1000 Men embarqued to go to Calais, and fo to Guifnes, and Hammcs, Rijhumbee, Newmanbridge, the Caufie and the Bullwarks, with Viftual for the fame. November, 19. There were Letters fent to every Bifhop to pluck down the Altars. 20. There were Letters fent down to the Gentlemen of every Shire, for the obfervation of the lart Proclamation touching Corn, becaufc there came none to the Markets, commanding them to punifh the Offenders. 29. Upon the Letters written back by the fame, the fecond Procla- mation was abolifhed. December. 15. There was Letters fent for the taking of certain Chaplains of the Lady Mary for faying Mass, which flie denied. 19. Borthwick was fent to the King of Denmark, with privy Inftruc- tions for the Marriage of the Lady Elizabeth to his Son. 20. There was appointed a Band of Horfcmcn divided amongfl the Nobles. An 100 to the Duke of Somerfet. 50 to my Lord Marq. Northampton. Lord Marquefs of Dorfet. To the Earl of Warwick. Earl of Wiltfiire. 28 Journal of BDwatb tbe Stjtb, 29 Lord Wentworth. Lord Privy-Seal. Lord Admiral. Lord Paget. Mr. Herbert. Mr. Sadler. Mr. Darcy. Mr. Treafurer. 24.. Removing to Greenwich. 26. Peace concluded between the Emperor and the Scots. January. 6. The Earl of Arundel remitted of 8000 /. w^hich he ought to have payed for certain Faults he had committed within 12 Years. 7. There was appointed, for becaufe the Frenchmen did go about praftice in Ireland^ that there fhould be prepared four Ships, four Barques, four Pinaces, and twelve Vidualers, to take three Havens ; of which two were on the South-fide toward France^ and one in James Cannes the Scottifh Country, and alfo fend and break the forefaid Confpiracies. 10. Three Ships being fent forth into the Narrow Seas, took certain Pirats, and brought them into England^ where the mofl part was hanged. 27. Monfieur de Lanfac came from the French King by way of requeft, to ask that Coumilis, the fifhing of the Tweed, Edrington, the Ground debatable, and the Scotch Hoftages that were put here in the King my Father's days, fhould be delivered to the Scots, that they might be fuifered to Traffique, as though they were in Peace, and that all Intereft of the foresaid Houfes fhould be delivered to the Scots. Alfo that thofe Prifoners which were bound to pay their Ranfoms before the Peace laft concluded, fhould not enjoy the benefit of the Peace. 18. The Lord Cobham was appointed to be General Lieutenant in Ireland. 30. Letters written to Mr. St. Lieger to repair to tne South parts of Ireland with his Force. February. 3. Mr. Croftis appointed to go into Ireland, and there with Rogers and certain Artificers, to take the Havens aforefaid, and begin fome Fortification. 5. Divers Merchants of London were fpoken withal for provifion of Corn out of Danfick, about 40000 Quarters. 10. Mountford wz?, commanded to go to provide for certain propor- tions of Vicftual for the Ships that fhould go into Ireland. 29 30 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts. II. Alfo for Provifion to be font to Barwick and the North parts. 1 6. Whaley was examined, for perfwading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of Somerfet Protector at the next Parliament, and flood to the denial, the Earl of Rutland affirming it manifeftly. 13. The Bifhop of Winchefter, after a long Trial, was deposed of his Biflioprick. 20. Sir William Pickering Kt. was difpatched to the French King for Anfwer to Monfieur de Lanfac^ to declare. That although I had right in the forefaid Places, yet I was content to furrender them, under Con- ditions to be agreed on by Commiffioners on both fides ; and for the laft Articles I agreed without condition. 25. The Lord Marquefs Dorfet appointed to be Warden of the North- Borders, having three Sub-Wardens, the Lord Ogle, Sec. in the Eaft, and the Lord Coniers in the Weft. Alfo Mr. Juger had the charge for vidualling Calais. 28. The Learned Man Bucerus died at Cambridg ; who was two days after buried in St. Mary^s Church at Cambridg ; all the whole Univer- fity, with the whole Town, bringing him to the Grave, to the number of 3000 Perfons. Alfo there was an Oration of Mr. Haddon made very eloquently at his Death, and a Sermon of* after that Mafter Redman made a third Sermon ; which three Sermons made the People wonderfully to lament his Death. Laft of all, all the Learned Men of the Univerfity made their Epitaphs in his praife, laying them on his Grave. March. 3. The Lord Wentworih Lord Chamberlain, died about ten of the Clock at Night, leaving behind him fixteen Children. I. Sir John York made great lofs about 2000 /. weight of Silver, by Treafon of Englifli Men which he brought for Provision of the Mints. Alfo Judd I 500, and alfo Trejham 500 ; fo the whole came to 4000 /. February. 20. The Frenchmen came with a Navy of 160 Sail into Scotland, loadcn with provifion of Grain, Powder, and Ordnance ; of which fixteen great Ships perilhed on Ireland Coaft, two loadcn with Artil- lery, and fourteen with Corn. Alfo in this month the Deputy there fet at one, certain of the Weft Lords that were at variance. March. 10. Certain new Fortifications were dcvifcd to be made at Calais \ ♦ Dr. P.vk(r. 30 journal of jE^war^ tbe Stjtb, 31 That at Graveling the Water Ihould be let in in my Ground, and fo fhould fetch a compass by the fix Bulwarks to Guifnes, Hammes^ and Nezunambridg ; and that there fhould be a Wall of eight foot high, and fix broad of Earth, to keep out the Water, and to make a great Marfh about the Territories o^ Calais 37 miles long. Alfo for Flankers at the Keep of Guifnes, willed to be made a three-cornered Bullwark at the Keep to keep it. Furthermore, at Newmanbridg, a maffy Wall to the French-fide there, as was a Green. Befides, at the Weft Gittie there Ihould be another Gittie, which Ihould defend the Viftuallers of the Town always from Shot from the Sand-hills. 5. Mr. Archer had 2000/. in Mony, wherewith he provided out of Flanders for Calais 2000 Quarters of Barley, 500 of Wheat. 18. The Lady M^ry, my Sifter, came to me to PTeJiminJier, where after Salutations, ftie was called, with my Council, into a Chamber ; where was declared how long I had fuffered her Mafs, in hope of her reconciliation, and how now being no hope, which I perceived by her Letters, except I faw fome fhort amendment I could not bear it. She anfwered. That her So\il was God's, and her Faith Ihe would not change, nor diffemble her Opinion with contrary doings. It was faid I conftrained not her Faith, but willed her not as a King to Rule, but as a Subjedt to obey ; and that her Example might breed too much inconvenience. 19. The Emperor's Ambaflador came with a fhort Meffage from his Matter of War, if I would not fufFer his Coufin, the Princefs, to ufe her Mafs. To this was no anfwer given at this time. 20. The Bifhops of Canterbury, London, Rochefter, did consider to give licence to fin, was fin ; to fufFer and wink at it for a time might be born, fo all haste pofTible might be ufed. 23. The Council having the Bifhops Anfwers, feeing my Subjefts taking their vent in Flanders, might put the whole Realm in danger. The Flemings had Cloth enough for a Year in their hand, and were kept far under the danger of the Papifts ; the 1500 Cinquetales of Powder I had in Flanders, the Harnefs they had for preparation of the Gendarmory, the goods my merchants had there at the Woolfleet, decreed to fend an AmbafTadour to the Emperor, Mr. Wotton, to deny the matter wholly, and perfwade the Emperor in it, thinking, by his going, to win some time for a preparation of a Mart, convenience of Powder, Harness, l^c. and for the Surety of the Realm. In the mean feafon to punifh the Offenders, firft of my Servants that heard Mafs, next of hers. 31 32 Ubc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts. 24. Sir Jnthony Brown fent to the Fleet for hearing Mafs, with Serjeant Morgan^ Sir Clement Smithy which a Year before heard Mafs, chidden. 25. The Ambafladour of the Emperor came to have his Anfwer, but had none, faving that one fhould go to the Emperor within a month or two to declare the Matter. 22. Sir William Pickering came with great thanks from the French King. 27. Removing to Greenwich. 31. A Challenge made by Me, that I, with fixteen of my Chamber, fhould run at Bafe, Shoot, and run at the Ring with any feventeen of my Servants Gentlemen in the Court. Mr. Crojled arrived in Ireland^ and came to Waterford to the Deputy, confulting for Fortification of the Town. Jpril. I. The firll day of the Challenge at Bafe, or Running, the King won. 3 Monfieur de Lanfac came again from the French King to go to Scotland^ for appointing his Commiflioners on the Scotch fide, who were the French AmbafTador in Scotland^ the Bishop of* the Master of Erskin, &c. Thomas Darcy made Lord Darcy of Chich. and Lord Chamberlain ; for maintenance whereof he had given lOO Merks to his Heirs gener- ally, and 300 to his Heirs Males. 6. I lofl the Challenge of Shooting at Rounds, and won at Rovers. 7. There were apointed CommifTioners on my fide, either the Bifhop of Litchfield if he had no Impediment, or Norwich, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Bekwith. and Sir Thomas Chaloner. 8. Sir John Tates made Vicechamberlain, and Captain of the Guard and 120 /. Land. 5. Poinet Bifhop of Rochefier received his Oath for the Bifhoprick of Winchefier, having 2000 Merk Land appointed to him for his Main- tenance. 7. A certain Arrian of the Strangers, a Dutch Man, being excom- municated by the Congregation of his Countrymen, was after long difputation condemned to the Fire. 9. The Earl o{ Wiltjhire had 50 more in my Lord Marqucfs Dorfefs Place, Warden in the North, and my Lord of Rutknd in my Lord Wentworth\ Place other fifty. * Blank in original. 32 journal ot BDwar^ tbe Sijtb. 33 10. Mr. ^Votton had his Inftrudions made to go withal to the Empe- ror, to be as Ambaflador Legier in Mr. Morifon\s place, and to declare this Resolution, That if the Emperor would suffer my Ambaifadour with him, to ufe his Service, then I would his ; if he would not fuffer Mine, I would not fuffer his. Likewife, that my Sifter was my Subje6t, and fhould ufe my Service appointed by Aft of Parlia- ment. Alfo it was appointed to make 20000 pound weight for necessity fomewhat bafer, to get gains 16000 /. clear, by which the debt of the Realm might by payed, the Country defended from any fudden Attempt, and the Coin amended. 11. Mr. Pickering had his Instruftions and Difpatch to go into France as Ambaffadour Lcgicr there, in Mr. Mafon\ Place, who dcfired very much to come home ; and Mr. Pickering had Inftruftions to tell the French King of the appointing of my Commiffioners in Scotland aforefaid. 2. They oi Magdeburg having in January laft paft taken in a conflift the Duke o'l Mecklenburg^ and three other Earls, did give an Onfet on Duke Maurice^ by Boats on the River, when it overflowed the Coun- try, and flew divers of his Men, and came home fafe, receiving a great portion of Viftual into the Town. 15. A Confpiracy opened of the EJex-mcn, who within three days after minded to declare the coming of Strangers, and fo to bring People together to Chehnsford^ and then to spoil the Rich Men's Houfes if they could. 16. Alfo of Londoners, wh.0 thought Woodcock * to rife on May-dzy againll the Strangers of the City, and both the Parties committed to Ward. 23. The French King, and the Lord Clinton, chosen into the Order of the Garter, and appointed that the Duke of So?nerJet, the Marquefs of Nortkmnpton, the Earl of Wiltjhire, and the Earl of Warwick fliould perufe and amend the Order. 24.. The Lords fat at London, and banqueted one another this day, and three days after, for to fliew agreement amongft them, whereas Difcord was bruited, and fomewhat to look to the punifliment of Tale- bearers, and apprehending of evil Perfons. 25. A bargain made with the Foulcare for about 60000/. that in May and Auguji fhould be payed for the defraying of it. i. That the * Here the fenfe is not pcrfedl, E 33 3+ XTbe (IlaveuDon Ibtstorlcal Soctet^ IReprtuta. Foulcarc fhould be put off for lo in the lOO. 2. That I (hould buy 12000 Marks weight, at 6 s. the ounce, to be delivered at Antwerp, and fo conveyed over. 3. I fhould pay 1 00000 Crowns for a very fair Jewel of his, four Rubies marvelous big, one Orient and great Diamond, and one great Pearl. 27. Mallet, the Lady Marfs Chaplain, apprehended and sent to the Tower of London, 30. The Lord Marquefs of Northampton appointed to go with the Order, and further Commiflion of Treaty, and that in Poll ; having joined with him in Commifhon, the Bifhop of Ely, Sir Philip Hobbey, Sir William Pickering, and Sir John Ma/on Knights, and two other Lawyers, Smith that was Secretary, i^c. May. 2. There was appointed to go with my Lord Marquefs, the Earls of Rutland, Worcejler, and Ormond \ the Lords Lijle, Fitzwater, and Bray^ Barguenny, and divers other Gentlemen, to the number of thirty in all. 3. The challenge at running at the Ring performed; at the which firlt came the King, fixteen Footmen, and ten Horfemen, in black Silk Coats, pulled out with white Taffety ; then all the Lords, having three Men likewise apparelled ; and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white Fuftian, pulled out with black Taffety. The other fide came all in yellow Taffety ; at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courfcs, and my Band touched often, which was counted as nothing, and took never, which fcemed very flrangc, and fo the Prize was of my Side loft. After that Tournay followed, between fix of my Band and fix of theirs. 4. It was appointed that there fhould be but four Men to wait on every Earl that went with my Lord Marquess of Northampton, three on every Lord, two on every Knight or Gentleman : Alfo that my Lord Marquefs (hould in his Diet be allowed for the lofs in his Ex- change. 5. The Muftcr of the Gendarmoury appointed to be the firft of yune if it were poffiblc, if not the 8//. 6. The Teftourn cried down from iz d. to gd. and the Groat from 4 ^. to 3 d. 9. One Stewart a Scotchman meaning to poifon the young ^uccn of Scotland, thinking thereby to get Favour here, was, after he had been a while in the 7Uvrr and Newgate, delivered on my Frontiers at Calais to the French, for to have him punished there according to his deferts. 34 Journal ot JEbwar^ tbe Stjtb. 3$ 10. Divers Lords and Knights fent for to furnifh the Court at the coming of the French AmbafTadour, that brought hither the order of St. Michael. 12. A Proclamation proclaimed, to give warning to all those that keep any Farms, multitudes of Sheep, above the number limited in the Law, viz. 2000 ; decayed Tenements and Towns, Regratters, Foreftalling Men that fell dear, having plenty enough, and put Plough Ground to Failure, and Carriers over-Sea of Vi6lual, that if they leave not thefe Enormities, they fhall be ftreightly puniflied very Ihortly, fo that they fhould feel the fmart of it ; and to command execution of Laws made for this purpofe before. 14. There mustered before Me an hundred Archers, two Arrows apiece, all of the Guard ; afterward fhot together, and they fhot at an inch Board, which fome pierced quite, and ftuck in the other Board ; divers pierced it quite thorow with the Heads of their Arrows, the Boards being very well-feafoned Timber. So it was appointed there fhould be ordinarily 100 Archers, and 100 Halbertiers, either good Wreftlers, or callers of the Bar, or Leapers, or Runners, or tall Men of Perfonage. 15. Sir Philip Hobbey departed toward France^ with ten Gentlemen of his own, in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold. 16. Likewife did the Bifhop of Ely depart with a Band of Men well furnifhed. 20. A Proclamation made that whosoever found a Seditious Bill, and did not tear and deface it, fhould be a partaker of the Bill, and punilhed as the Maker. 21. My Lord Marquefs of Northampton had Commiffion to deliver the Order, and to treat of all things, and chiefly of Marriage for Me to the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter. First to have the Dote 12000 Marks a Year, and the Dowry at least 800000 Crowns. The Forfei- ture 1 00000 Crowns at the mofl if I performed not, and paying that to be delivered ; and that this fhould not impeach the former Coven- ants with Scotland, with many other Branches. 22. He departed himfelf in PoU. 24. An Earthquake was at Croidon and Blechinglee, and in the moft part of Surrey, but no harm was done. 30. Whereas before Commandment was given that 160000/. fhould be Coined of three ounces in the Pound fine, for difcharge of Debts, and to get some Treafure, to be able to alter all, now it was flopped, faving only 80000 /. to difcharge my Debts, and loooo Mark weight 35 36 Ube Clareubon Ibistorical Society IRepvints. that the Foulcare delivered in the laft Exchange, at four ounces in the pound. 31. The Muftcrs defered till after Midjummer. 'June. 2. It was appointed that I fhould receive the Frenchmen that came hither at Wcfiminfler^ where was made preparation for the purpofe, and four garnifli of new VefTcls taken out of Church Stuff, as Miters, and Golden MifTals, and Primers, and CrofTes, and Reliqucs of Plejfay. 4. Provision made in Flanders for Silver and Gold Plate, and Chains to be given to these Strangers. 7. A Proclamation set forth, that Exchange, or Re-exchange, Ihould be made under the Punifhment fet forth in King Henry the Seventh's Time, duly to be executed. 10. Monfieur Marese^a/ departed from the Court to Bulloigne in Poft, and fo hither by Water in his Galleys and Foifts. In this Month, and the Month before was great businefs for the City of Parma, which Duke Horatio * had delivered to the French King, for the Pope afcited him, as holding it in capite of him, whereby he could not alienate it without the Pope's Will ; but he came not at his Day, for which caufc the Pope and Imperialilh raifed 8000 Men, and took a Cartlc on the fame River fide. Alfo the French King fent Monfieur de Thermes, who had been his General in Scotland, with a great piece of his Gendarmory into Italy, to help Duke Horatio. Furthermore the Turks made great preparation for War, which fome feared would at length burft out. 21. I was cleded of the Company of St. Michael \n France by the French King and his Order. 13. Agreement made with the Scots for the Borders, between the Commiflioners aforesaid, for both the Parties. In this month Dragute, a Pirat, efcaped {Jlndrea Doria, who had clofed him in a Creek) by force of his Galley-Slaves, that digged another way into the Sea, and took two of Andrca\ Galleys that lay far into the Sea. 14. Pardon given to thofe Irifli Lords that would come in before a certain day limited by the Deputy ; with Advcrtifcmcnt to the Deputy to make fliarp War with thofe that would rcfift ; and alfo fliould adminiflcr my Laws evcry-wherc. * It sljould be Off.ivh. 36 Journal of lE^warb tbe Stjtb, 1 8. Becaufe of my Charges in Fortifications at Calais and Barwick fhould be payed, it was agreed, that befide the Debt of the Realm SoooD /. there fhould be 40000 /. coined, three ounces Fine, nine of Allay; and ijooo pound weight fliould be coined in a Standard of feven ounces Fine at the leaft. 17. S operantio c^m.Q as AmbaiTadour from Fenke^m Daniel Bar bar o's Place. 16. I accepted the Order of Monjegnieur Michael by promife to the French AmbaiTadour. 17. My Lord Marquefs of Nortkampton came to Nants with the Commiffioners, and all those Noblemen and Gentlemen that came over-Sea with him. 20. Upon Advertifement of Scipperus coming, and rigging of certain Ships in Holland \ alfo for to fliew the Frenchmen pleafure at their coming, all the Navy that lay in Gillingham-water was appointed to be rigged, and furnifhed with Ordnance, and lay in the river of Thames, to the intent, that if Scippetus came afterward, he might be met with, and at least the Frenchmen fhould fee the force of my Navy. 22. The Lady M^ry fent Letters to the Council, marvelling at the Imprifonment of Dr. Mallet, her Chaplain, for faying of Mafs before her Houfliold, feeing it was promised the Emperor's AmbaiTadour fhe fhould not be molefted in Religion, but that fhe and her Houfhold fhould have the Mafs faid before them continually. 24. They anfwered, That becaufe of their Duties to King, Coun- trey, and Friends, they were compelled to give her anfwer. That they would fee, not only him, but alfo all other Mafs-Sayers, and breakers of Order, ilraitly puniihed. And that as for promife they had, nor would give none to make her free from the puniihment of the Law in that behalf. 18. Chajiilion came to my Lord Marquefs, and there banqueted him by the way at two times between iV^/^toand Chajieau Brian, where the King lay. 15. Mendoza, a Gentleman of the King's Chamber, was fent to him to condu6l him to the Court. 19. My Lord Marquefs came to C hajieau- Brian, wh-tro. half a mile from the Caftle there met him * with an hundred Gentlemen, and brought him to the Court booted and fpur'd to the French King. 20. The French King was inveiled with the Order of the Garter in * Blank in original. 3 a Zbc Clarendon t)l9torical Society IReprlnts. his Bed-Chamber, where he gave a Chain to the Garter worth 200 /. and his Gown drclTcd with Auglets worth 25 /. The Bifliop of £/y making an Oration, and the Cardinal of Lorrain making him Anfwer. At Afternoon the Lord Marqucfs moved the French King to the Marriage of the Scots Queen to be confummate, for whofe hearing he appointed two CommifTioners. 21. The Cardinal of Lorrain, and of Chajiilion, the Conftable, the Duke of Gui/e, ^r. were appointed CommifTioners on the part of France who abfolutely denied the firft motion for the Scotch Queen, faying, Both they had taken too much Pains, and fpent too many Lives for her. Alfo a conclufion was made for her Marriage to the Dolphin. Then was proponed the Marriage of the Lady Elixabeth, the French King's cldcfl: daughter ; to which they did most chearfully aflent. So after they agreed neither Party to be bound in Confcience nor Honour, till Ihc were twelve Years of Age and upwards. Then they came to the Dote, which was firft afked 1500000 Scutes of France, at which they made a mock ; after for donatio propter nuptias, they agreed that it fhould be as great as hath been given by the King my Father to any Wife he had. 22. Our Commiflioncrs came to 1400000 of Crowns, which they refufed, then to a Million, which they denied; then to 800000 Crowns, which they faid they would not agree to. 23. Then our CommifTioners afked what they would offer ? First they offered 1 00000 Crowns, then 200000, which they faid was the moft, and more than ever was given. Then followed great Reafonings, and fhowing of Prefidents, but no nearer they would come. 24. They went forward unto the Penalties if the Parties mifliked, after that the King's Daughter were twelve and upwards, which the French offered 1 00000, 50000 Crowns, or promife, that fhe fhould be brought, at her Father's Charge, three months before fhe were twelve, fufHciently Jewelled and rtuffcd. Then bonds to be delivered alternately at London, and at Paris, and fo forth. 26. The Frenchmen delivered the forefaid anfwers written to my CommifTioners. I. Whereas certain Flemifh Ships, twelve Sail in all, fix tall Men of War, looking for eighteen more Men of War, went to Dicp, as it was thought, to take Monjieur le Marefchal by the way ; order was given, that fix Ships being before prepared, with four Pinnaces and a Brigan- tinc, fhould go both to conduft him, and alfo to defend, if any thing 38 Journal ot BOwarb tbe Stjtb. 39 fhould be attempted again ft England^ by carrying over the Lady Mary. 2. A Brigantinc fent to Diep^ to give knowledg to MonJ'ieur le Marefchal o^ th.Q Flemings coming ; to whom all the Flemings vailed their Bonnet. Alfo the French Ambaffador was advertifed; who anfwered, That he thought him fure enough when he came into our Streams, terming it fo. 2. There was a Proclamation figned for (hortening of the fall of the Mony to that day ; in which it fhould be proclaimed, and devifed, that it fhould be in all places of the Realm within one day pro- claimed. 3. The Lord Clinton and Cohham was appointed to meet the French at Grave/end, and so to convoy him to Durefme-place^ where he fhould lie. 4. I was banqueted by the Lord Clinton at Dehtford^ where I law the Primrofe and the Mary Wi Hough by launched. The Frenchmen landed at Rie, as fome thought, for fear of the Flemings lying at the Lands-end, chiefly becaufe they faw our Ships were let by the Wind that they could not come out. 6. Sir Peter Mutas, at Dover, was commanded to come to Rie to meet Monfieur le Marefchal, who fo did ; and after he had delivered his letters, written with Mine own Hand, and made my Recommendations he took orders for Horfes and Carts for Monfieur le Marefchal in which he made fuch Provifion as was poiTible to be for the fuddain. 7. Monfieur le Marefchal fet forth from Rie, and in his Journey Mr. Culpepper, and divers other Gentlemen, and their Men, to the number of 1000 Horfe, well furnifhed, met him, and fo brought him to Maid- Jhn that Night. Removing to Weflfninfler. 8. Monfieur le Marefchal came to Mr. Bakers, where he was very well feafted and banqueted. 9. The fame came to my Lord Cobhams to Dinner, and at night to Gravefend. Proclamation made that a Teftourn fhould go at 9 d. and a Groat at "i^d. in all Places of the Realm at once. At this time came the Sweat into London, ^\i\z\s. was more vehement than the Old Sweat ; for if one took cold, he died within three hours ; and if he efcaped, it held him but nine or ten hours at the moft : alfo if he flept the firft fix hours, as he fhould be very defirous to do, then he roved, and fhould die roving. II. It grew fo much, for in London the \oth day there died 100 in 39 40 Ubc ClareuDou IfDistorical Society IRcprints. the Liberties, and this day 120; and alfo one of my Gentlemen, another of my Grooms fell fick and died, that I removed to Hampton- Court with very few with Me. The fame night came the Marefchal, who was faluted with all my Ships being in the Thames, fifty and odd, all with (hot well furniflied, and fo with the Ordnance of the Tower. He was met by the Lord Clinton Lord Admiral, with forty Gentlemen, at Grave/end, and fo brought to Durefme-place. 13. Because of the infcftion at London, he came this day to Rich- mond, where he lay with a great Band of Gentlemen, at least 400, as it was by divers ellccmcd, where that night he hunted. 14. He came to Me at Hampton-Coart at nine of the Clock, being met by the Duke of Somerjet at the Wall-end, and fo conveied firft to Mc ; where after his Mailer's Recommendations and Letters, he went to his Chamber on the ^uccn's-fidc, all hanged with Cloth of Arras, and fo was the Hall, and all my Lodging. He dined with Me alfo. After Dinner, being brought into an Inner-Chamber, he told Me, he was come, not only for delivery of the Order, but alfo for to declare the great Fricndfliip the King his Mailer bore Me ; which he defired I would think to be fuch to Mc as a Father beareth to his Son, or Brother to Brother. And although there were divers perfuafions, as he thought, to diffuade Me from the King his Matter's Friendfhip, and Witlefs Men made divers Rumours, yet he trufted I would not believe them. Furthermore, that as good Miniilcrs on the Frontiers do great good, fo ill much harm. For which caufe he defired no Innovation Ihould be made on things that had been fo long in controversy by Hand- ftrokes, but rather by Commiflioners talk. I anfwered him, That I thanked him for his Order, and alfo his Love, l^c. and I would Ihew like Love in all Points. For Rumours, they were not always to be believed, and that I did fometime provide for the worft, but never did any harm upon their hearing. For Minifters, I faid, I would rather appcafc thefe Controvcrfics with words, than do any thing by force. So after he was conveyed to Richmond again. 17. He came to prcfent the Order of Morijeigneur Michael -, where- after with Ceremonies accullomed, he had put on the Garments, he, and Monfieur Gye likewife of the Order, came one at my right Hand, the other at my left to the Chappel, where-after the Communion celebrated, each of them kiflcd my Cheek. After that they dined with Me, and talked after Dinner, and faw fome Pallinic and fo went home again. 40 Souvnal ot JEDwart) the Sljtb, 1 8. A Proclamation made againft Regratters, and Foreftallers, and the words of the Statute recited, with the Punifhment of the Offen- ders. Also Letters were fent to all Officers and Sheriffs for the executing thereof. 19. Another Proclamation made for punifhment of them that would blow Rumours of abafing and enhaunfing of the Coin to make things dear withal. The fame night Monsieur le Marefchal St. Andre fupped with Me ; after Supper faw a dozen courfes, and after I came and made Me ready. 20. The next Morning he came to Me to mine Arraying, and faw my Bed-Chamber, and went a hunting with Hounds ; and faw Me Ihoot, and faw all my Guards fhoot together. He dined with Me, heard Me play on the Lute, Ride ; came to Me to my study, fupped with Me, and fo departed to Richmond. 19. The Scots fent an Ambaffador hither for receiving the Treaty, fealed with the Great Seal of England^ which was delivered him. Alfo I fent Sir Thomas Chaloner^ Clerk of my Council, to have the Seal of them, for Confirmation of the lafl Treaty at Northampton. 17. This day my Lord Marquefs and the Commiffioners coming to treat of the Marriage, offered by later Inftructions 600000 Crowns, after 400000 /, and fo departed for an hour. Then feeing they could get no better, came to the French Offer of 200000 Crowns, half to be paid at the Marriage, half fix months after that. Then the French agreed that her Dote should be but ioooo Marks of Lawful Money of England. Thirdly, It was agreed that, if I died, fhe fhould not have the Dote, saying, They did that for Friendships-sake without prefident. 19. The Lord Marquefs having received and delivered again the Treaty fealed, took his leave, and fo did all the rest. At this time there was a bickering at Parma between the French and the Papists, for Monfieur de Thermes, Petro Strozi, and Fontivello, with divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty, with 1500 Souldiers, entered Parma^ Gonzaga with the Emperors and Popes Band lay near the Town. The French made Sallies, and overcame, flaying the Prince of Macedonia^ and the Seigniour Baptista the Pope's Nephew. 22. Mr. Sidney made one of the four chief Gentlemen. 23. Monfieur le Marefchal came to Me, declaring the King his M afters well- taking my readinefs to this Treaty ; and alfo how much his Maftcr was bent that way. He prefented Monsieur Bois Dolphine F 41 42 XTbe Clarenbon 1bl6tortcal Society? IReprints. to be Ambaflador here, as my Lord Marquefs the 19th day did prefent Mr. Pickering, 26. Monsieur le Marefchal dined with Me. After Dinner faw the ftrength of the Englifh Archers. After he had To done, at his departure I gave him a Diamond from my finger, worth, by estimation, 1 50 /. both for Pains, and alfo for my Memory. Then he took his leave. 27. He came to a hunting to tell mc the News, and fhew the Letter his Mafter had fent him, and doubtlefs of Monsieur Termes and Marig- nans Letters, being Ambaflador with the Emperor. 28. Monsieur le Marefchal came to Dinner to Hide-Park^ where there was a fair House made for him, and he faw the Courflng there. 30. He came to the Earl of Warwick's^ lay there one night, and was well received. 29. He had his Reward, being worth 3000 /. in Gold, of Currant Money. Monsieur de Gye 1000 /. Monsieur Chenault 1000 /. Monsieur Movillier 500 /. the Secretary 500 /. and the Bifhop Peregrueux* 500 /. August. 3. Monsieur le Marefchal do.'pzrttdi to Bolleign, and had certain of my Ships to conduct him thither. 9. Four and twenty Lords of the Council met at Richmond, to com- mune of my Sister Marfs matter ; who at length agreed. That it was not meet to be fufFered any longer, making thereof an Inftrument figned with their Hands, and fealed, to be on Record. 11. The Lord Marquefs, with the moft part of his Band, came home, and delivered the Treaty Sealed. 12. Letters fent for Rochester, Inglefeld, and Walgrave to come the 13/^ day, but they came not till another Letter was fent to them the I ^th day. 14. My Lord Marquefs's Reward was delivered at Paris, worth 500 /. my Lord oi Ely's 200. Mr. Hohhey\ 150 ; the reft all about one fcantling. 14. RocheflcT, 8cc. had commandment neither to hear nor to fufFer any kind of Service, but the Common and Orders fct forth at large by Parliament, and had a Letter to my Lady's Houfe from my Council for their Credit, another to her felf from me. Alfo appointed that I fhould come and fit at Council when great Matters were debating, or when I would. This last month Monsieur de Termes, with 500 Frenchmen, came to • Pertgueux. 42 Journal ot jEbwart) tbe Sijtb. 43 Parma, and entred fafely ; afterward certain iffued out of the Town, and were overthrown, as Scipiaro, Dandelot, Petro, aud others, were taken, and fome flain ; after they gave a Skirmifh, entred the Camp of GonT^aga, and fpoiled a few Tents, and returned. 15. Sir Robert Dudley and Barnabe fworn two of the fix ordinary Gentlemen. The laft month the Turks Navy won a little Caftle in Sicily. 17. Inftructions fent to Sir James Croftes for divers purpofcs, whofe Copy is in the Secretary's hands. The Teftourn cried down from 9 ^. to 6 d. the Groat from 3 ^. to 2 d. the 2 ^. to i d, the Penny to an Half-penny, the Half-penny to a Farthing, ^c. I. Monsieur Termes and Scipiaro overthrew three Enfigns of Horfe- men at three times ; took one difpatch fent from Don Fernando to the Pope concerning this War, and another from the Pope to Don Fernando ; Difcomfited four Enfigns of Footmen ; took the Count Camillo of Cajiilion, and flew a Captain of the Spaniards. 22. Removing to Windsor. 23. Rochejier, &c. returned, denying to do openly the charge of the Lady Marfs Houfe for displeafing her. 26. The Lord Chancellor, Mr. Comptroller, the Secretary Petre, fent to do the fame Commiffion. 27. Mr. Cover dale made Bifhop of Exeter. 28. Rochester, &c. fent to the Fleet. The Lord Chancellor, l£c. did that they were commanded to do to my Sifter and her houfe. 31 Rochejler, &c. committed to the Tower. The Duke of Somerset taking certain that began a new Confpiracy for the desftruction of the Gentlemen at Okingam two days paft, executed them with Death for their Offence. 29. Certain Pinaces were prepared to fee that there fhould be no conveyance over-Sea of the Lady Mary fecretly done. Alfo appointed that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chamberlain, the Vice-chamberlain and the Secretary Petre fhould fee by all means they could, whether fhe used the Mass ; and if fhe did that, the Laws fhould be executed on her Chaplains. Alfo that when I came from this Progrefs to Hampton-Court, or Weftminjler, both my Sifters fhould be with Me, till further Order were taken for this purpofe. September. 3. The French AmbafTador came to declare, firft how the Emperoi wronged divers of his Mafters Subjects and Vassals ; arretted alfo his 43 44 ^be ClareuDon 1bi6torical Society IReprinte. Merchants, and did cloakcdly begin War, for he bclicged Mirandula round about with Forces he had made in the French King's Country. Alfo he ftayed certain French Ships going a fifhing to the New-found- land. Furthermore, he fet out a dozen of Ships, which bragged they would take the Dowager of Scotland^ which thing ftaied her fo long at Diep. Whereupon his Mailer had taken the whole Fleet of Antwerp^ conveying it to his Countrey into his Ports, by 20 Ships he had fet forth under Baron de la Garde. Also minded to fend more help to Piedmont and Mirandula. For this caufc he defired that on my Coafts the Dowager might have fafe paffage, and might be fecured by my Servants at the Sea-Coaft if any chance should happen. He was willed to put it in writing ; he ihcwed how the Turks Navy, having fpoiled a piece of Sicily, went to Malta, and there took an Iflc adjacent called Gozo ; from thence they went to Tripoly. In Tranfilvania, Rojio-Bassa was leader of the Army, and had fpoiled it wholly. In Hungary the Turks had made a Fort by the Mines to get them. Magdeburg was freflily vidualled, and Duke Maurice came his way, being fufpectcd that he had confpircd with them there. 4. It was anfwcrcd, to the French Ambaffador, That the Dowager (hould in all my Ports be defended from Enemies, Tempeft, and like- wife alfo Thanks were given for the News. 5. The Emperor's Ambaffador came to require. That my Sifter Mary's Officers fliould be reftored to their Liberty, and (he fliould have her Mafs till the Emperor was certified thereof. It was anfwered. That I need not to anfwer except I lift, because he spake without Commiffion, which was feen by the ftiortncfs of the time fince the committing of her Officers, of which the Emperor could not be advcrtifed. He was willed no more to move thefe Piques, in which he had been often anfwered, without Commiffion. He was anfwered. That the Emperor was by this time advertifcd, although the Matter pertained not to him. Alfo that I had done nothing but according to a King's Office herein, in obfcrving the Laws that were fo Godly, and in puniftiing the Oftcndcrs. The Promife to the Emperor was not so made as he pretended, affirmed by Sir Philip llobhcy being at that time their Ambaffador. 6. Deliberation touching the Coin. A//7//c/vW//w, That there were divers Standards nine ounces fine, a few eight ounces fine, as ill as four, becaufe although that was fine, yet a Shilling was reckoned for two Shillings, fix ounces, very many four ounces, many alfo three 40 Journal ot lE^warb tbe Sijtb. 45 ounces, 130000 /. now of late. Whereupon agreed that the Teftourn being called to fix Pence, four with help of fix fhould make ten fine, eight fine with help of nine, being fewer than those of eight, fhould make ten ounces fine, the two ounces of Allay fhould quit the charges of Minting ; and thofe of three-pence, being but few, fhould be turned to a Standard of four of Farthings, and Half-pence, and Pence, for to' ferve for the poor People, becaufe the Merchants made no Exchange of it, and the Sum was not great. Alfo to bear the Charges, for becaufe it was thought that few or none were left of nine ounces fine, eight ounces were naught, and fix ounces were two ways devifed, one without any craft, the other was not fully fix, of which kind was not a few. 9. A Proclamation fet forth touching the Prices of Cattel, of Hogs, Pigs, Beeves, Oxen, Muttons, Butter, and Cheefe, after a reafonable price, not fully fo good cheap as it was when the Coin was at the perfeftefl:, but within a fifth part of it, or thereabouts. 10. I removed to Farnham. 12. A Proclamation fet forth touching the Coin, That whereas it was fo that Men for Gain melted down the Nine-pence Teftourn continually, and the Six-pence ; also there fhould no Perfon in any wife melt it down, upon pain to incur the Penalty of the Laws. 13. A Letter direfted to the Lord Treafurer, the Lord Great Matter, and the Mafter of the Horfc, to meet at London:, for the order- ing of my Coin, and the paiment of my Debts ; which done, to return, and make report of their Proceedings. 11. War proclaimed in Britain between the Emperor and the French, in thefe terms, (BbaVlCS IROP C)' BtpatGUC, Ct DUC bC /IIMlaUt leaving out Emperor. 10. Four Towns taken by the French Souldiers that were the Emperor's in Piedmont Guerra : from Amiens alfo the Emperor's Country there was fpoiled, and 120 Caftles or FortrefTes taken. Proclamation made in Paris touching the Bulls, that no Man (hould go for them to Rome, Other Ships alfo taken by Prior de Capua Merchants, to the number of a dozen ; Prior de Capua had 32 Gallies. 19. The French Ambafl^ador fent this News alfo, That the Turks had taken Tripoly. 20. The Secretary Cecil, and Sir Philip Hobbey, fent to London to help the Lord Treasurer, ^c. in the Matters of the Bishops of Chichester, Worcejier, and Duref?ne, and examination of my Sifters Men. 45 46 ITbe (Ilaren^on Ibistorical Society IReprints, 1 8. Removing to Windsor, 20. The Lords at London having tryed all kinds of Stamping, both of the Finenefs of 9, 8, 6, 4, and 3, proved that without any lofs, but fufFcrable, the Coin might be brought to eleven ounces fine : For whereas it was thought before, that the Teftourn was, through ill Officers and Minifters corrupted, it was tried, that it had the valuation juft by eight fundry kinds of melting, and 400 /. of Sterling Mony, a Teftourn being but Six-pence, made 400 /. 1 1 ounces fine of Mony Sterling. 22. Whereupon they reported the fame, and then it was concluded that the Teftourn ftiould be eleven ounces fine, the proportion of the Fences according to the Gold ; fo that five Shillings of Silver fhould be worth five of Gold. 23. Removing to Oat lands. 24. Agreed that the Stamp of the Shilling and Six-pence Ihould be on one fide, a King painted to the Shoulders in Parliament-Robes, with a Chain of the Order. Five Shillings of Silver, and half five Shillings, fhould be a King on Horse-back, armed with a naked Sword hard to his Breast. Alfo that Tork's Mint, and Throgmortoif s in the Jower, fhould go and work the fine Standard. In the City of Tork and Canterbury fhould the fmall Mony be wrought of a bafer State. Officers for the fame were appointed. A piece oi Barwick Wall fell, because the Foundation was fhakcn by working of a Bullwark. 28. The Lord Marqucfs of Dorset grieved much with the diforder of the Marches toward Scotland, furrcndered the Wardcnfhip thereof to beftow where I would. 27. The Wardcnship of the North given to the Earl of Warwick. Removing to Ha?npton-Court. 28. Commiflioners appointed for fitting on the Bifhop of Chichester and Worcester ; three Lawyers, and three Civilians. 10. The Imperialifts took the Suburbs of Heading, and burnt them. 26. The Paffport of the Dowager of Scotland was made for a longer time, till Christmas ; and alfo if Ihe were driven, to pafs quietly by Land into Scotland. 20. Monsieur d'Angoulefme was born ; and the Duke of Vendojme had a Son by the Princes of Navarr his Wife. 30. The Feast of Michaelmafs was kept by Me in the Robes of the Order. 46 Jountal of Ebwarb tbe Siytb. 47 O^ober. I. The Commiffion for the making of five Shillings, half five Shil- lings, Groats, and Six-pences, eleven ounces fine, and Pence, with Half-pence, and Farthings, four ounces fine, was followed and figned. 5. Jarnac came in Poll for declaration of two things ; the one, that the Queen had a third Son of which Ihe was delivered, called Le Due d' Jngoukfme, of which the King prayed Me to be God-father. I anfwered, I was glad of the News, and that I thanked him for that I fhould be God-father, which was a token of good Will he bare me. Alfo that I would difpatch for the accomplifhment thereof, the Lord Clinton the Lord Admiral of England. He faid, he came alfo to tell a fecond Point of the good success of his Mailers Wars ; He told how the laft month in Shampaign, befide Sedan, looo Horfe Imperialills, with divers Hungarians, Martin FanroJJy being their Captain and Leader, entred the Country; and the Alarm came,, the Skirmifh began fo hot that the French Horfe, about two or three hundred Men of Arms, came out and took FanroJJy 2, Brother, and flew divers. Alfo how in Piedmont, fince the taking of the laft four Towns, three other were taken, Monrechia, Saluges and the Town of Surges. The Turks had come to Naples, and fpoiled the Country, and taken Oftium in the mouth of Tyberis. Alfo in Sicily he had taken a good Haven and a Town. 6. Jarnac departed, having lying* in the Court under my Lodging. The Night before the Bifliops of Worcejler and Chichefter were depofed for Contempts. 7. There were appointed to go with the Lord Admiral, Mr. Nevil, Mr. Barnabie, Gentlemen of the Chamber ; Sir William Stafford, Sir Adrian Poinings, Sir John Norton, Sir John Teri, Knights ; and Mr. Brook. 8. Letters direded to the Captains of Gendarms, that they fliould mufter the ^th of November, being the Sunday after Hallow- Eve day. II. Henry Marquefs of Dorfet, created Duke of Suffolk ; John Earl of Warwick, created Duke of Northufnberland ; William Earl of Wiltjhire, created Marquefs of Winchester ; Sir William Herbert, created Earl of Pembrook,^.Yidi Lord of Cardiff-, Mr. Sidney, Mr. Nevil, Mr Cheek, all three of the Privy-Chamber, made Knights ; also Mr. Cecil one of the two Secretaries. 13. Proclamation figned touching the calling in of Teftourns and Groats, that they that lift might come to the Mint and have fine Silver of Twelve-pence for two Teftourns. __ 47 +H Zbc aiavcnbon Ibistorical Society lReprint5. 3. Prior de Capua departed the French King's Service, and went to his Order of Knights in Malta^ partly for difpleafure to the Count Villars the Constable's Brother-in-Law, partly for that Malta was alTailcd often by the Turks. 7. Sir Thomas Palmer came to the Earl of Warwick^ since that time Duke of Northumberland^ to deliver him his Chain, being a very fair one (for every Link weighed an ounce) to be delivered to Jarnac,znd fo to receive as much ; whereupon in my Lords Garden he declared a Confpiracy, How at St. G eorge' s dzj laft, my Lord oi Somerset^ who then was going to the North, if the Mafter of the Horfe, Sir William Herbert, had not afTurcd him on his Honour that he fhould have ry) hurt, went to raife the People, and the Lord Gray went before to know who were his Friends. Afterward a Device was made to call the Earl of Warwick to a Banquet, with the Marquefs of Northampton, and divers others, and to cut off their Heads. Alfo he found a bare Company about them by the way to fet upon them. II. He declared alfo, that Mr. Fane had 2000 men in readinefs ; Sir Thomas Arundel had afTurcd my Lord, that the Tower was fafe ; Mr. Partridge fhould raife London, and take the Great Seal with the Apprentices of London ; Seymour and Hammond fhould wait upon him, and all the Horfe of the Gcndarms fliould be flain. 13. Removing to Westminjler, because it was thought this Matter might eafilier and furelier be difpatched there, and likewife all other. 14. The Duke fent for the Secretary Cecil to tell him he fufpected fome ill. Mr Cecil anfwered. That if he were not guilty, he might be of good courage ; if he were, he had nothing to fay, but to lament him. Whereupon the Duke fent him a Letter of Defiance, and called Palmer, who after denial made of his Declaration, was let go. 16. This morning none was at Wejlminjier of the Confpirators. The first was the Duke, who came later than he was wont of himfclf. After Dinner he was apprehended. Sii* Thomas Palmer on the Tarras walking there, Hamjnond pafTing by Mr. Vice-chamberlain's Door, was called in by John Piers to make a match at Shooting, and fo taken. Nudegates was called for as from my Lord his Mafter, and taken ; likewife were John Seimour and David Seimour. Arundel alfo was taken, and the Lord Gray coming out of the Country. Vane upon two fcndings of my Lord in the morning, fled at the firft sending ; he faid, My Lord was not ftout, and if he could get home, he cared for none of them all, he was fo ftrong. But after he was found by John Piers in a Stable of hi? Muns at Lambeth iiiulcr the Straw. 48 Journal ot B^warb tbe Sijtb. 49 Thefe went with the Duke to the Tower this Night, faving Palmer^ Arundel, and Vane, who were kept in Chambers here apart. 17. The Dutches, Crane and his Wife, with the Chamber-keeper, were fent to the Tower for devifing thefe Treafons. James Wingjield alfo for calling of Bills feditioufly ; alfo Mr. Partridge was attaqued, and Sir James Holcroft. 18. Mr. Banijier dLiidi Mr Vaughan were attaqued and fent to the Tower, and fo was Mr. Stanhope. 19. Sir Thomas Palmer confeffed that the Gandarms, on the Mufter- day, Ihould be affaulted by 2000 Footmen of Mr. Vane\, and my Lord's hundred Horfe ; befides his Friends which flood by, and the idle People which took his part. If he were overthrown, he would run through London, and cry, XtbCtt^, XtbCtt^, to raife the Apprentices, and R ; if he could, he would go to the IJle of Wight, or to Pool. 22. The Dowager of Scotland vf2is by Tempell driven to Land at Port/mouth, and fo Ihe fent word fhe would take the benefit of the fafe Condudl to go by Land and to fee Me. 23. She came from Port/mouth to Mr. Whites Houfe. 24. The Lords fat in the Star-Chamber, and there declared the Matters and Accufations laid againfl the Duke, meaning to stay the minds of the People. 25. Certain German Princes, in the beginning of this month, defired Aid in Caufe of Religion 400000 Dollars, if they fhould be driven to make fhift by neceiTity, and offered the like alfo, if I entred into any War for them ; whereupon I called the Lords, and confidered, as appeareth by a Scroll in the Board at Wejiminfier, and thereupon appointed that the Secretary Petre, and Sir William Cecil another Secre- tary, fhould talk with the MefTenger to know the matter precifely, and the Names of thofe would enter the Confederacy. 28. The Dowager came to Sir Richard Cotton\ Houfe. 29. She came from Sir Richard Cotton^ to the Earl of Arundel to Dinner, and brought to Mr. Brow7?% House, where met her the Gentlemen of Sujfex. 30. She came and was conveied by the fame Gentlemen to Guil- ford, where the Lord William Howard, and the Gentlemen of Surrey met her. All this month the Frenchmen continued fpoiling of the Emperor's Frontiers, and in a Skirniifh at AJi they flew 100 Spaniards. 31. A Letter direfted to Sir Arthur Darcy to take the charge of the 49 50 xibe Claren^on Ibistorical Society 1Reprint0> Tower ^ and to difcharge Sir John Markham upon this, that without making any of the Council privy, he suffered the Duke to walk abroad, and certain Letters to be fent and anfwered between David Seimour and Mrs. Poinings, with other divers Sufpicions. 17. There were Letters fent to all Emperors, Kings, Ambafladors, Noblemen, Men, and Chief Men, into Countries, of the late Con- fpiracy. 31. She came to Hampton-Court, conveied by the fame Lords and Gentlemen aforefaid; and two miles and a half from thence, in a Valley, there met her the Lord Marquefs of Northampton, accom- panied with the Earl of Wiltjhire, Son and Heir to the Lord High Treafurer; Marquefs of Winchejier \ the Lord Fitzzvater, Son to the Earl of Sufex ; The Lord Evers, the Lord Bray, the Lord Robert Dudley, the Lord Caret, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, Sir Edward Rogers, and divers other Gentlemen, befides all the Gentlemen Penfioners, Men of Arms and Ushers, Sewers and Carvers, to the number of 120 Gentlemen, and fo fhe was brought to Hampton- Court, At the Gate thereof met her the Lady Marquefs of Northampton, the Countefs of Pemhrook, and divers other Ladies and Gentlewomen, to the number of fixty ; and fo fhe was brought to her lodging on the gueen-fide, which was all hanged with Arras, and fo was the Hall, and all the other Lodgings of Mine in the Houfe very finely dreffed ; and for this night, and the next day, all was fpent in Dancing and Paftime, as though it were a Court, and great prefence of Gentlemen refortcd thither. 26. Letters were written, for becaufe of this Bufinefs, to defer the Muflers of Gendarmory till the — * day of December. November. 1. The Dowager perufcd the Houfe of Hampton-Court, and faw fomc courfing of Deer. 2. She came to the Bifhop's Palace at London, and there fhe lay, and all her Train lodged about her. 3. The Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Warwick, Wiltjhire, and many other Lords and Gentlemen were fent to her to welcome her and to fay, on My behalf. That if fhe lacked any thing (he fhould have it for her better Furniture ; and alfo I would willingly fee her the day following. The zdth of Oaoher. Crane confefTed the moft part, even as Palmer did before, and more ^ Blank in original. 5cr Journal ot ]£^war^ tbe Sijtb, 5» alfo, how that the place where the nobles fhould have been banqueted, and their Heads ftriken ofF, was the Lord Paget'^ Houfe, and how the Earl of Aruvdel knew of the Matter as well as he, by Stanhop who was a MeiTenger between them ; alfo fome part, how he went to London to get Friends once in Auguji laft, feigning himfelf fick. Hammond alfo confefled the Watch he kept in his Chamber at Night. Bren^io confefled much of this matter. The Lord Strange confefTed how the Duke willed him to ftir me to marry his third Daughter, the Lady Jane^ and willed him to be his Spie in all Matters of my Doings and Sayings, and to know when some of my Council fpoke fecretly with Me ; this he confefled of himfelf. November. 4. The Duke of Suffolk, the Lord Fitzwater, the Lord Bray, and divers other Lords and Gentlemen, accompanied with his Wife the Lady Francis, the Lady Margaret, the Dutcheflles of Richmond and of Northumberland, the Lady Jane daughter to the Duke of Suffolk ; the Marquefs of Northampton and Winchejier ; the Countefles of Arundel, Bedford, and Huntingdon, and Rutland; with 100 other Ladies and Gentlewomen went to her, and brought her through London to Weji- minfier. At the Gate there received her the Duke of Northumberland, Great Matter, and the Treasurer, and Comptroller, and the Earl of Pembrook, with all the Sewers, and Carvers, and Cup-bearers, to the number of thirty. In the Hall I met her, with all the reft of the Lords of my Council, as the Lord Treasurer, the Marquis of North- ampton, Sec. and from the outer-Gate up to the Prefence-Chamber, on both fides, flood the Guard. The Court, the Hall, and the Stairs, were full of Servingmen ; the Prefence-Chamber, Great-Chamber, and her Prefence-Chamber, of Gentlemen. And fo having brought her to her Chamber, I retired to Mine. I went to her to Dinner ; ftie dined under the fame Cloth of State, at my left Hand ; at her rereward dined my Coufln Francis, and my Coufln Margaret ; at Mine fat the French AmbaflTadour. We were ferved by two Services, two Sewers, Cupbearers, Carvers, and Gentlemen. Her Mafter Hoflel came before her Service, and my Ofiicers before Mine. There were two Cupboards, one of Gold four Stages high, another of mafly Silver fix Stages : In her great Chamber dined at three Boards the Ladies only. After Dinner, when flie had heard fome Muflck, I brought her to the Hall, and fo flie went away. 5. The Duke of Northumberland, the Lord Treafurer, the Lord Marquefs of Northampton, the Lord Privy-Seal, and divers others, went 51 52 XTbe Clarendon Ibistortcal Societi^ IReprints. to fee her, and to deliver a Ring with a Diamond, and two Nags, as a Token from Me. 6. The Duke of Northumberland^ with his Band of a hundred, of which forty were in Black- Velvet, white and black Sleeves, fixty in Cloth, the Earl of Pembrook with his Band, and fifty more. The Earl of Wiltjhire^ with 58 of his Father's Band, all the Penfioners, Men of Arms, and the Country, with divers Ladies, as my Coufin Margaret^ the Dutcheffes of Richmond and Northumberland^ brought the Queen to Shoreditch, through Cheap-fide and Cornhill\ and there met her Gentle- men of Middlesex an 100 Horfe, and fo fhe was conveied out of the Realm, met in every Shire with Gentlemen. 8. The Earl of Arnndel committed to the Tower^ with Master Stroadly, and St. Jlhan his Men, becaufe Crane did more and more confefs of him. 7. A Frenchman was fent again into France^ to be delivered again to the eight Frenchmen at the Borders, becaufe of a murder he did at Diepj and thereupon he fled hither, 14. Anfwer was given to the Germans, which did require 4CXX>oo Dollars, if need fo required, for maintenance of Religion. Firft, that I was very well inclined to make Peace, Amity, or Bargain with them I knew to be of mine Religion ; for becaufe this Melfenger was fent only to know my Inclination and Will to enter, and not with full Refolution of any Matters. Secondly, I would know whether they could get unto them any fuch ftrength of other Princes as were able to maintain the War, and to do the Reciprogue to Me if need fliould require ; and therefore willed thofe three Princes, Duke Maurice of Saxon, the Duke of Mecklenburgh, and the Marquefs John of Brandenburgh, from which he was fent, to open the matter to the Duke of Pruffia, and to all Princes about them, and fomewhat to get the good Will of Hamburgh, Lubeck, Bremen, Sec. fhewing them an inkling of the matter. Thirdly, I would have the matter of Religion made more plain, left when War Ihould be made for other Quarrels, they should fay it were Religion. Fourthly, He fliould come with more ample Commiffion from the fame States to talk of the fum of Mony, and other Appurtenances. This Anfwer was given, left if I afl*cnted wholly at the firft, they would declare mine Intent to the Stadts and whole Senates, and fo to come abroad, whereby I (hould run into danger of breaking the League with the Emperor. 5* Journal of }e6war6 tbe Stjtb. 53 16. The Lord' Admiral took his leave to go into France for chriften- ing of the French King's Son. 18. Fojfey, Secretary to the Duke Maurice^ who was here for matter above-fpecified. 20. A Proclamation appointed to go forth, for that there went one before this time, that fet prices of Beef, Oxen, and Muttons, which was meant to continue but to November ; when-as the Parliament fhould have been to abbrogate that, and to appoint certain Commiflion- ers to caufe the Grafiers to bring to the Market, and to fell at prices reafonable. And that certain Overfeers fhould be befides to certify of the Justices doings. 23. The Lord Treasurer appointed High- Steward for the Arraign- ment of the Duke of Somerfet. At this time Duke Maurice began to fhew himfelf a Friend to the Proteftants, who before that time had appeared their Enemy. 21. The forefaid Proclamation proclaimed. 1 7. The Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry Sidney, Sir Henry Nevil, and Sir Henry Yates, did challenge all Commers at Tilt the third of January, and at Tornay the fixth of Januar-^ ; and this challenge was pro- claimed. 28. News came that Maximilian was coming out of Spain, nine of his galleys with his Stuff, and 120 Gennets, and his Treafure, was taken by the French. 24. The Lord Admiral entred France, and came to Bulloign, 26. The Captain of P^r//?!^^///^ had word and commandment to bring the Model of the Caflle and Place, to the intent it might be fortified, becaufe Baron de la Gard had feen it, having an Engineer with him, and as it was thought had the Plott of it. 30. 22 Peers and Nobles, befides the Council, heard Sir Thomas Palmer, Mr. Hammond, Mr. Crane, and Nudigate, fwear that their Con- feffions were true ; and they did fay, that that was faid without any kind of compulfion, Force, Envy, or Difpleasure, but as favourably to the Duke as they could fwear to with fafe Confciences. 24. The Lord Admiral came to Paris. December. I. The Duke of Somerfet came to his Trial at Wejiminjier-Hall ',Tht Lord-Treafurer fat as High-Steward of j?«^^»rj that made the Agreement, made it none otherwifc but as it fhould (land with his Supcriour's Plcafure : 58 The Lord Ambrofe. The Lord Fitzwater. Sir Francis Knollis. Sir Anthony Brown. Sir fohn Par rat. Mr. Courtney. Journal of B^war^ tbe Stjtb, 59 whereupon the fame Agreement being mifliked, becaufe the Scotch part was much harder to overcome, word was fent to ftay the Matter. Neverthelefs the Lord Maxwell did, upon malice to the Englifh Debatables, over-run them ; whereupon was concluded, That if the Scots will agree it, the Ground fhould be divided ; if not, then fhall the Scots wafte their debatablers, and we Ours, commanding them by- Proclamation to depart. This day the Stiliard put in their Anfwer to a certain Complaint that the Merchant-Adventurers laid againft them. 19. The Bifhop of jE'/y, Cujios Sigilli, was made Chancellor, becaufe as Cujios Sigilli, he could execute nothing in the Parliament that fhould be done, but only to Seal ordinary things. 21. Removing to Wejiminfter. 22. The Duke of Somerfet had his Head cut off upon Tower-hill^ between eight and nine a Clock in the morning. 16. Sir William Pickering delivered a Token to the Lady Elizabeth, a fair Diamond. 18. The Duke of Northumberland having under him lOO Men of Arms, and loo Light-Horfe, gave up the keeping of 50 Men at Arms to his Son the Earl of Warwick. 23. The Seffions of Parliament began. 24. John Grejham was fent over into Flanders, to fhew to the Foul- care, to whom I owed Mony, that I would defer it ; or if I paied it, pay it in Englifh, to make them keep up their French Crowns, with which I minded to pay them. 25. The Anfwer of the Stiliard was delivered to certain of my Learned Council to look on and overfee. 27. Sir Ralph Faneviz% condemned of Felony in Treafon, anfwering like a RufEan. Paris arrived with Horfes, and fhewed how the French King had fent Me fix Cortalls, two Turks, a Barbary, two Gennets, a flirring Horfe, and two littles* Mules, and fhewed them to Me. 29. Sir Thomas Arundel was likewife call of Felony in Treafon, after long controverfie, for the Matter was brought in Trial by feven ofthe Clock in the morning. 28. At noon the Inqueft went together ; they fat fhut up in a Houfe together, without Meat or Drink, becaufe they could not agree all that Day and all that Night. 29. This day in the morning they did cafl him. __ 59 6o zbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IRcprtnts. February. 2. There was a King of Arms made for Ireland^ whofe Name was Vljier, and his Province was all Ireland \ and he was the fourth King of Arms, and the firft Herauld of Ireland. The Emperor took, the laft month and this, a Million of pounds in Flanders. It was appointed that Sir Philip Hobbey fhould go to the Regent, upon pretence of ordering of Quarrels of Merchants, bringing with him 63000/. in French Crowns to be paid in Flanders at Antwerp, to the Schortz and their Family, of Debts I owed them, to the intent he might difpatch them both under one. 5. Sir Miles Partridge was condemed of Felony for the Duke of Somerf€t\ Matter, for he was one of the Confpirators. 8. Fifty Men at Arms appointed to Mr. Sadler. 9. John Beaumont, Mafter of the Rolls, was put in Prison for forging a falfe Deed from Charles Grandon Duke of Suffolk, to the Lady Ann Pozvis, of certain Lands and Leafes. 10. Commiflion was granted out to 32 Perfons, to examine, corred, and fet forth the Ecclefiaftical Laws. The Perfons Names were thefe. OivtUans. Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Secretary Cicil. Mr. Traherne. Mr. Red. Mr. Coke. May, Dean of Pauls. Skinner. The 3Bt0bOP6. The BiVtUCS, Canterbnry. Taylor of Lincoln. Ely. Tylor of Hadlee. London. Mr. Cox, Almoner. Winchefier. Sir John Cheek. Exeter. Sir Anthony Cook. Bath. Petrus Martyr. Glocejler. Joannes Alafco. Rochejler. Parker of Cambridge. Xaw^crs. Juftice Broomley. Goodrick. Lucas. Juftice Hales. Stamford. Gawdy. Gofnald. Card. 10. Sir Philip Hobbey departed with fomcwhat more Crowns than came to 53500 and odd Livers, and had authority to borrow, in my Name, of Lazarus Tuker loooo/. Flcmifli, at 7 per Cent, for fix months, to make up the Pay, and to employ that that was in Bullion, to bring over with him ; alfo to carry 3000 Mcrks weight upon a Licence the Emperor granted the Schcitz which they did give mc. After that to 60 Journal of 3E^war^ tbe Stjtb. 6i depart to Bruges, where the Regent lay, and there to declare to he the griefs of my Subjects. II. There was delivered of Armour, by John Grejham Merchant, II oo pair of Corflets and Horfemen-harneffes, very fair. 14. It was appointed that the Jefus of Lubeck, a Ship of 800 Tun, and the Mary Goujion of 600 Tun, fhould be let out for a Voyage to Merchantmen for a 1000 /. they at the Voyage to LevanU-end to anfwer the Tackling, the Ship, the Ordnance, Munition, and to leave it in that cafe they took it. Certain others of the worft of my Ships were appointed to be fold. 9. A Proclamation was made at Paris, that the Bands of the Dolphine, the Duke of Vendofme, the Count d' Anguien, the Constable of France, the Duke de Guife, and d' Aumale, the Count de Sancerres, the Marefchal '^. Andrew, Monjieur de Jarnac 2in^ Tavennes, fhould, the \^th day of March, aifemble at Troyes in Champaign x.o refill the Emperor. Alfo that the French King would go thither in Perfon, with 200 Gentlemen of his Houfehold, and 400 Archers of his Guard. 16. The French King fent his Secretary de Lausbefpine to declare this Voyage to him,* and to defire him to take pains to have Mr. Pickering with him to be a Witnefs of his Doings. 19. Whereupon it was appointed, that he fhould have 2000 Crowns for his Furnifhment, befides his Diet, and Barnabe 800. 20. The Countefs of Pembrook died. 18. The Merchant- Adventurers put in their Replication to the Stiliards Anfwer. 23. A Decree was made by the Board, that upon knowledg and information of their Charters they had found : Firft, That they were no fufficient Corporation. 2. That their Number, Names, and Nation, was unknown. 3. That when they had forfeited their Liberties, King Edward the \th did reftore them on this condition, That they fhould colour no Strangers Goods, which they had done. Alfo that whereas in the beginning they fhipped not pafl 8 Clothes, after 100, after 1000, after that 6000 ; now in their Name was fhipped 44000 Clothes in one Year, and but iioo of all other Strangers. For thefe Confiderations fcntence was given, That they had forfeited their Liberties, and were in like cafe with other Strangers. 28. There came AmbafTadors from Hamburgh^ and Lubeck, to fpeak on the behalf of the Stiliard Merchants. * This is imperledl. 61 62 ube (^laren^on Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts. 29. A Flemming would have fearched the Falcon for Frenchmen, the Falcon turned, fliot off, boarded the Fleming, and took him. Paiment was made of 63500 /. Flemifh to the Foulcare, all faving 6000/. which he borrowed in French Crowns by Sir Philip Hobbey. March. 2. The Lord of Burgaveny was committed to Ward for ftriking the Earl of Oxford in the Chamber of prefence. The Anfwer for the AmbaiTadours of the Stiliard was committed to the Lord Chancellor, the two Secretaries, Sir Robert Bowes, Sir John Baker, Judge Montague, Griffith Solicitor, Gofnald, Goodrich, and Brooks. 3. It was agreed, for better difpatch of things, certain of the Council, with others joined with them, fhould over-look the Penal Laws, and put certain of them in execution. Others (hould anfwer Suitors ; Others {hould overfee my Revenues, and the Order of them ; alfo the fuperfluous Paiments heretofore made. Others fhould have Commiffion for taking away fuperfluous Bullwarks. Firft, Order was given for defence of the Merchants to fend four Barques and two Pinaces to the Sea. 4. The Earl of Wejlmoreland, the Lord Wharton, the Lord Comers, Sir Tho. Palmer, and Sir Tho. Chaloner, were appointed in Commiffion to meet with the Scotch AmbafTadors, for equal divifion of the Ground that was called the Debatable. 6. The French AmbafTador declared to the Duke of Northumberland how the French King had fent him a Letter of Credit for his Ambaf- fadry. After delivery made of the Letter he declared how Duke Maurice of Saxony, the Duke oi Mecklenburgh, the Marqucfs oi Branden- burgh, the Count of Mansfield, and divers other Princes of Germany, made a League with his Mafter Offenfive and Defenfive; the French to go to Strajburg, with 30000 Footmen, and 8000 Horfemen ; the Almains to meet with them there the 25M of this month, with 15000 Footmen and 5000 Horfemen. Alfo the City of Strajhurgh had promifed them Vi6lual, and declared how the French would fend me AmbafTadors to have Me into the fame League. Alfo that the Marquefs of Brandenburg, and Count of Man/field, had been privately conveied to the French King's Prefence, and were again departed to leavy Men ; and he thought by this time they were in the Field. 10. He declared the fame thing to Me in the fame manner. 9. It was cpnfulted touching the Marts, and it was agreed that it was moft neccfTary to have a Mart in England for the enriching of the fame to make it the more famous, and to be lefs in other Mens danger, 62 Journal of EbwarD tbe Sijtb. 63 and to make all things better cheap, and more plentiful. The time was thought good to have it now, becaufe of the Wars between the French King and the Emperor. The places were the meeteft, Hull for the Eaft parts, Southampton for the South Partsi of England^ as appeareth by two Bills in my Study. London alfo was thought no ill place, but it was appointed to begin with the other two. II. The Bills put up to the Parliament were over-feen, and certain of them were for this time thought meet to pafs and to be read, other of them for avoiding tedioufnefs to be omitted, and no more Bills to be taken. 15. Thofe that were appointed Commiffioners for the Requefts, or for the execution of Penal Laws, or for overfeeing of the Courts, received their CommifTions at my Hand. 18. It was appointed, that for the paiment of 14000 /. in the end of Jpril, there fhould be made an Anticipation of the Subfidy of London^ and of the Lords of my Council, which ftiould go near to pay the fame with good Provifion. 20. The French AmbafTador brought me a Letter of Credit from his Matter, and thereupon delivered me the Articles of the League betwixt the Germans and him, defiring Me to take part of the fame League ; which Articles I have alfo in my Study. 23. The Merchants of England \i2iym% been long ftaied, departed, in all about 60 Sail, the Woolfleet, and all to Antwerp. They were countermanded becaufe of the Mart, but it was too late. 24. Forfomuch as the Exchange was flayed by the Emperor to Lions^ the Merchants of Antwerp were fore afraid ; and that the Mart could not be without Exchange, liberty was given to the Merchants to exchange and rechange Mony for Mony. 26. Henry Dudley was fent to the Sea with four Ships, and two Barks, for defence of the Merchants, which were daily before robbed ; who, as foon as he came to the Sea, took two Pirats Ships and brought them to Dover. 28. I did deny after a fort, the Requeft to enter into War, as appeareth by the Copy of my Anfwer in the Study. 29. To the intent the Ambaffador might more plainly underftand My meaning, I fent Mr. Hobbey and Mr. Ma/on to him, to declare him mine intent more amply. 31. The Commiffioners for the Debatable of the Scotch fide, did deny to meet, except a certain Caftle, or Pile, might be firft razed ; 63 64 XTbe (^laren^on Ibtstorical Society IRcprtnts. whereupon Letters were fcnt to ftay our Commiflioners from the Meeting till they had further word. 10. Duke Maurice muftered at Artnjlat in Saxony all his own Men, and left Duke Auguft, the Duke of Anhault, and the Count oi Man/field^ for defence of his Country, chiefly for fear of the Bohemians. The Young Lanjgrave^ Reiffenberg^ and others, muftered in HaJJen. 14. The Marquefs Albert of Brandenburgh muftered his Men two leagues from Erdfort, and after entered the fame, receiving of the Citizens, a Gift of 20000 Florins ; and he borrowed of them 60000 Florins, and fo eame to Steinfurt, where Duke Maurice and all the German Princes were affembled. April. 2. I fell fick of the Mcafels and Small Pox. 4. Duke Maurice, with his Army came to Augujla ; which Town was at firft yielded to him, and delivered into his Hands, where he did change certain Officers, reftored their Preachers, and made the Town more free. 5. The Conftable, with the French Army, came to Metz, which was within two days yielded to him, where he found great provifion of Viftuals, and that he determined to make the Staple of Vidual for his Journey. 8. He came to a Fort wherein was an Abbey called Gocoza, and that Fort abide 80 Cannon-fhot ; at length came to a Parley, where the Frenchmen got in and won it by AlTault, flew all, faving 115, with the Captain, whom he hanged. 9. He took a Fort called Maranges, and razed it. 12. The French King came to Nancy to go to the Army, and there found the Duchefs and the young Duke of Lorrain. 13. The Marejchal St. Andrew, with 200 Men of Arms, and 2000 Foot-men, carried away the young Duke, accompanied with few of his old Men toward France, to the Dolphin, which lay at Rhemes, to the no little difcontentation of his Mother the Dutches. He fortified alfo divers Towns in Lorrain, and put in French Garifons. 14. He departed from Nancy to the Army which lay at Metz. 7. Monjieur Senarpon gave an overthrow to the Captain of St. Omers, having with him 600 Foot-men, and 200 Horfe-men. 15. The Parliament broke up, and becaufe I was fick, and notable to go well abroad as then, I figncdaBill containing the Names of the Afts which I would have pafs ; which Bill was read in the Houfc. Alfo T gave Commiflion to the Lord Chancellor, two Arch-Bifliops, 6^ journal ot ]E^watt) tbe Stjtb. 65 two Bifhops, two Dukes, two MarquelTes, two Earls, and two Barons, to difTolve wholly this Parliament. 18. The Earl of Pembrook furrendered his Mafterfhip of the Horfe, which I beftowed on the Earl of Warwick. 19. Alfo he left 50 of his Men of Arms, of which 25 were given to Sir Philip Hobbey, and 2 5 to Sir John Gates. 21. It was agreed that Commiffions ihould go out for to take certi- ficate of the fuperfluous Church Plate to Mine ufe, and to fee how it hath been embezeled. The French Ambaffador defired,That forafmuch as it was dangerous carrying of Viftual from Bolleyn to Jrd by Land, that I would give licenfe to carry by Sea to Calais, and from Calais to Jrd, in my Ground. 22. The Lord Paget was degraded from the Order of the Garter for divers his Offences, and chiefly becaufe he was no Gentleman of Blood, neither of Father-fide nor Mother-fide. Sir Anthony St. Leiger, which was accufed by the Bifhop of Dublin for divers brawling Matters, was taken again into the Privy-Chamber, and fat among the Knights of the Order. 23. Anfwer was given to the French Ambaffador, that I could not accomplifh his Defire, becaufe it was againft my League with the ' Emperor. 24. The Order of the Garter was wholly altered, as appeareth by the new Statutes. There were elected Sir Andrew Dudley^ and the Earl of Wejlmor eland. 26. Monfieur de Couriers came from the Regent, to defire that her Fleet might fafely, upon occasion, take harbour in my Havens. Alfo he faid, he was come to give order for redreffingall Complaints of our Merchants. 25. Whereas it was appointed that the 14000 /. that I owed in the last of April, ihould be paied by the anticipation of the Subsidy of London, and of the Lords, becaufe to change the fame over-Sea, was lofs of the sixth part of the Mony I did fo fend over. Stay was made thereof, and the paiment appointed to be made over of 20000 /. Flemifh, which I took up there 14 per Cent, and fo remained 6000/. to be paid there the last of May. 30. Removing to Greenwich. 28. The Charges of the Mints were diminifhed 1400/. and there was left 600 /. 18. King Ferdinando, Maximilian his Son, and the Duke of Bavaria, 65 66 Ube Clarendon fbistorlcal Society IReprtnts. came to Linx, to treat with Duke Maurice for a Peace; where Maurice declared his Griefs. i6. Duke Maurice'^ Men received an overthrow at UIms\ Marquefs Albert fpoiled the Country, and gave them a day to answer. 31. A Debt of 14000 /. was paied to the Foulcare. May. 1. The Stilyard-men received their Anfwer; which was, to confirm the former Judgment of my Council. 2. A Letter was fcnt to the Foulcare from my Council to this efFed; That I have paied 63000/. Flemifh in February, and 140CO in Jpril, which came to 77000/. Flemifli, which was a fair Sum of Mony to be paid in one Year, chiefly in this bufy World, whereas it is moft necef- fary to be had for Princes. Befides this. That it was thought Mony fhould not now do him fo much pleafure as at another time peradven- ture. Upon these confiderations they had advised Me to pay but 5000 /. of the 45000 I now owe, and fo put over the reft according to the old Intereft 14 per Cent, with which they dcfircd him to take patience. 4. Monjieur de Couriers received his Anfwer, which was. That I had long ago given order that the Flemifh Ships Ihould not be molefted in my Havens, as it appeareth, becaufe Frenchmen chafing Flemings into my Havens, could not get them becaufe of the refcue they had, but that I thought it not convenient to have more Ships to come into my Havens than I could well rule and govern. Alfo a note of divers Complaints of my Subjefts was delivered to him. 10. Letters were fent to my Ambafladors, That they fhould move to the Princes of Germany, to the Emperor, and to the French King, That if this Treaty came to any effect or end, I might be compre- hended in the fame. CommifTion was given to Sir John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, the Chancellor of the Augmentation, Sir Mealier Mildmay, Sir Richard Cotton, to fell fome part of the Chauntry Lands, and of the Houfcs, for the paimcnt of my Debts, which was 25 1,000 /. Sterling at the leaft. Taylor, Dean of Lincoln, was made Bifliop of Lincoln. Hooper, Bishop of Glocejler, was made Bifhop of Worcester ^nd Glocefter, Story, Bifhop of Rochcjlcr, was made Bifliop of Chichefter. Sir Rober\. Bowes was appointed to be made Maftcr of the Rolls, Commandment was given to the Treafurers, that nothing of the Subsidy fliould be difl^urfed but by Warrant from the Board ; and likewife for our Lady-day Revenues. 66 Journal ot }£t)wart) tbe Stjtb. 67 14. The Baron of the Exchequer^ upon the furrender made by Juftice Lecifier, was made Chief-Justice, the Attorney Chief-Baron, the Sollicitor-Gencral Attorney, and the Sollicitor of the Augmentation, Cofnoldy General-Sollicitor, and no more Sollicitor to be in the Augmentation Court. Alfo there were appointed eight Serjeants of the Law againil Michaelmafs ntxt coming. Gaudy. Stamford. Car ell, &c. 16. The Mufter was made of all the Men at Arms faving 50 of Mr. Sadlers, 25 of Mr. Vicechamberlains, and 25 of Sir Philip Hob bey'^, and alfo of all the Penfioners. 17. The Progrefs was appointed to be by Dorchejier to Pool in Dorfetjhire, and fo through Salijbury homeward to Wind/or. 18. It was appointed Mony fhould be cried down in Ireland d^h^r a Pay, which was of Mony at Midfummer next ; in the mean feafon the thing to be kept fecret and clofe. Alfo the Pirry, the Mint- mafters, taking with him Mr. Brabazon, chief Treafurer of the Realm, fhould go to the Mines and fee what profit may be taken of the Oar the Almains had digged in a Mine of Silver; and if it would quit coft, or more, to go forward withal, if not, to leave off and difcharge all the Almains. Alfo that of 500 of the 2000 Souldiers there being, fhould be cut off, and as many more as would go and ferve the French King, or the Emperor, leaving fufficicnt at Home, no Fortifications to be made alfo yet for a time, in no place unfortified ; and many other Articles were concluded for Ireland. 20. Sir Richard Wingfeld, Rogers, and * were appointed to view the State of Port/mouth, and to bring again their Opinions con- cerning the fortifying thereof. 4. The French King having paffed the Straits of Lorrain, came to Savern four miles from Strajburg, and was vi6lualled by the Country, but denied pafTage through their Town. 21. Anfwer came from the Foulcare, That for the deferring of 30000/. parcel of 45 Troas, he was content; and likewife August Pyfo, he might have paied him 20000 /. as foon as might be, 22. It was appointed, that forafmuch as there was much diforder on the Marches on Scotland-Me, both in my Fortifications of fome Places, and negligent looking to other Forts, the Duke of Northumber- * Blank in original. 67 68 xrbe Clarendon Ibistortcal Society TReprints* land^ general Warden thereof, fhould go down and view it, and take order for it, and return home with fpeed. Alfo a pay of loooo/. to go before him. 23. It was appointed that thefe Bands of Men of Arms fhould go with me this Progrefs. Lord Treafurer 30 Lord Admiral 15 Lord Great Master 25 Lord Darcy 30 Lord Privy- Seal 30 Lord Cob ham 20 Duke of Suffolk 25 Lord Warden 20 Earl of Warwick 25 Mr. Vicechamberlain 15 Earl of Rutland 15 Mr. Sadler 10 Earl of Huntingdon 25 Mr. Sidney 10 Earl of Pembrook 50 26. It was appointed that Thomas Grejham fhould have paied him out of the Mony that came of my Debts 7000 /. for to pay 6800/. the laft of the month, which he received the fame Night. 28. The fame Thomas Grejham had 9000/. paid him toward the paiment of 20000 /. which the Foulcare rcquhed to be paied at the PafT-mart, for he had taken by Exchange from hence 5000/. and odds, and 1 0000/. he borrowed of the Seheits, and ten of Lazarus Tukkar. So there was in the whole 25, of which was paid the laft of April 14, fo there remained iiooo, and 9000/. which I now made over by Exchange, which made 20000/. to pay the Foulcare with. 30. I received Advertifement from Mr. Pickerings that the French King went from Savern to Aroumasjhes^ which was yielded to him ; from this to Leimjberg^ and fo towards Spires^ his Army to be about 20000 Footmen, and 8000 Horfcmen, well appointed, befidcs Rafcals. He had with him 50 pieces of Artillery, of which were 26 Cannons, and fix Organs, and great number of Boots. From Leimjherg^ partly doubting Duke Maurice's meaning, partly for lack of Vidual ; and alfo becaufe he had word that the Regent's Army, of which were Guides the Count de Egmont, Monfteur de Rie, Martin Vanroufe and the Duke of Holefly to the number of 16000 Footmen, and 6000 Horfcmen, had invaded Champaign, and fortified Afchenay; he retired homeward till he came to Striolph, and there commanded all unprofitable Carriage and Men fhould depart to Chalons, and fcnt to the Admiral to come to him with 6000 Swiffers, 4000 Frenchmen, 1500 Horfcmen, and 30 pieces of Ordnance, meaning, as it was thought, to do fome enterprifc about Luxemberg, or to recover Afchenay which the Regent had fortified. 68 journal of Bbwar^ tbe Sijtb. 69 There died in this Journey 2000 Men for lack of good Viftual ; for eight days they had but Bread and Water, and they had marched 60 Dutch miles at the leaft, and paft many a Streight, very painfully and labourfomly. 19. Duke Maurice coming from Aufpurg in great haft, came this day to the firft PafTage called the Clowfe, which the Emperor had caufed to be ftrongly fortified and viftualled, a paflage through an Hill, cut out artificially in the way to Infpurg^ and there was a ftrong Bulwark made hard by it, which he wan, after a long fight within an hour and an half by Affault, and took and flew all that were within. And that Night he marched through that Hill into a Plain, where he looked for to fee twelve Enfigns of Lanjknights of his Enemies, but they retired to the second Streight, and yet divers of them were both flain and taken ; and fo that Night he lodged in the Plain, at the entry of the fecond PafTage, where there were five Forts and one Caftle, which with Ordnance flew fome of Duke Maurice's Men. 20. This morning the Duke of Mecklenburg, with 3000 Footmen, caft a Bridg over a River five miles beneath the Sluce, and came and gave Affault behind the Sluce, and Duke Maurice gave Affault in the Face, and the Country-men of Tirol, for hate of the Spaniards, helped Duke Maurice, fo that five Forts were won by Afi'ault, and the Caftle yielded upon condition to depart, not to serve in three months after the Emperor. In this Enterprise he flew and took 3000 and 500 Perfons, and 23 pieces of Artillery, and 240000 S. The Emperor hearing of this, departed by Night from Injhpruk, forty miles that Night in Poft ; he killed two of his Gennets, and rode continually every Night, firft to Brixinium; and after, for doubt of the Cardinal of Ferrara\ Army, turned to Villucho in Carinthia. The loth of May, tarrying for the Duke d'' Alva, who fhould come to him with 2000 Spaniards, and 3000 Italians that came from Parma. Alfo the Emperor delivered Duke Frederic from Captivity, and fent him through Bohemia into Saxony, to raife a Power against Duke Maurice's Nephew. 22. Duke Maurice, after that Hala and divers other Towns about Injhpruk in Tirol had yielded, came to Injhpruk, and there caufed all the Stuff to be brought to the Market-place, and took all that pertained to Imperialifts as confifcate, the reft he fuffered the Townfmen to enjoy. He took there fifty pieces of Ordnance, which he conveied to Aujburg, for that Town he fortified, and made it his Staple of Pro- vifion. 69 70 Ube (Ilaren^on Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts* Certain Things which the Commiflioners for the Requefts fhall not meddle withal.. Firft, Suits for Lands. Secondly, Suits for Forfeits, amounting to more than 40/. value. Thirdly, Suits for Penfions. Fourthly, Reverfions of Farms, which have more than one Year to come. Fifthly, Leafes of Manours. Sixthly, Leafes for more than 2 1 Years. Seventhly, No offices of fpecial Trull in Reckonings of Mony, as Cuftomers, Comptrollers, Surveyors, Receivers, Auditors, Treafurers, and Chancellors, l£c. to be given otherwife than durante beneplacito. Alfo all Mint-Maftcrs, and others that have a doing in the Mint, and fuch-like. The Bifbops, Judges, and other Officers of Judgment, quam diu fe bene gejjerit. Bailiwicks, Stcwardlhips, keeping of Parks and Houfes, ^c. to be granted during Life. Eighthly, Suits for forgivemcnt of Debts. Ninthly, Releafing of Debts to be paid. Tenthly, Suits for Mony, to the intent to pay Debts they owe elfe- where. Eleven, Suits to buy Land. Twelve, Suits for Liccnfes, to carryover Gold, Silver, Lead, Leather, Corn, Wood, i^c. that be things unlawful. Thirteen, Unrefidence upon Benefices. They fhall meddle with Baliewicks and Stcwardlhips, during Leafes for 21 Years; Forfeits under 40/. Receivcrfliips, Woodwardfhips, Surveyorlhips, ^c. during pleafurc. Inftalments of days for Debts. To thofe Gentlemen that have well-ferved, Fee-Farms to them and their Heirs Males of their Body, paying their Rent, and difcharging the Annuities due to all Officers touching the fame. Keeping of Houfes and Parks, ordinary Offices, as Yeomen of the Crown, the Houlliold Offices, ^c. June. 2. Sir Jo/:n PVilliams^who was committed to the Fleet for difobeying a Commandment given to him for not paying any Penfions, without not making my Council privy, upon his fubmiffion was delivered out of Prifon. 4. Beaumont Mafter of the Rolls^ did confcfs his Offences, who in his Office of Wards had bought Land with my Mony, had lent it, and kept it from Me, to the value of 9000/. and above, more than 70 Journal ot jEbwatb tbe Si^tb. this twelve month, and iiooo in Obligations, how he being Judg in the Chancery between the Duke of Suffolk and the Lady Powis^ took her Tittle, and went about to get it into his Hands, paying a Sum of Mony, and letting her have a Farm of a Manour of his, and caufed an Indenture to be made falfly, with the old Duke's counterfeit Hand to it ; by which he gave these lands to the Lady Powis, and went about to make twelve Men perjured. Alfo how he had concealed the Felony of his Man to the Sum of 200/. which he Hole from him, taking the Mony into his own hand again. For thefe Conliderations he furrendered into my Hands all his Offices, Lands, and Goods, moveable and unmoveable, toward the paiment of this Debt, and of the Fines due to thefe particular Faults by him done. 6. The Lord Paget, Chancellor of the Dutchy, confefTed how he, without Commiffion, did fell away my Lands and great Timber- Woods; how he had taken great Fines of my Lands, to his faid particular Profit and Advantage, never turning any to my Ufe or Commodity ; how he made Leafes in Reverfion for more than 21 Years. For these Crimes, and other-like recited before, he furrendred his Office, and fubmitted himself to those Fines that I or my Council would appoint to be levied of his Goods and Lands. 7. Whaley, Receiver of Tork-Jhire, confefTed how he lent my Mony upon Gain and Lucre ; how he paied one Years Revenue over, with the Arrearages of the laft ; how he bought mine own Land with my own Mony; how in his Accompts he had made many falfe Suggeftions; how at the time of the fall of Mony, he borrowed divers Sums of Mony, and had allowance for it, after by which he gained 500 /. at one crying down, the whole Sum being 2000/. and above. For thefe and fuch-like Confiderations he furrendred his Office, and fubmitted to Fines which I or my Council fhould affign him, to be levied o^ his Goods and Lands. 8. The Lords of the Council fat at Guild-Hail in London, where in the prefence of a thoufand People, they declared to the Mayor and Brethren their floathfulnefs in fuffering unreafonable prices of Things and to Craftfmen their willfulnefs, ISc. telling them. That if upon this Admonition they did not amend, I was wholly determined to call in their Liberties as confifcate, and to appoint Officers that fhould look to them. 10. It was appointed that the Lord Gray of Wilton fhould be par- doned of his Offences, and delivered out of the Tower. Whereas Sir Philip Hobhey fhould have gone to Calais with Sir 71 ZTbe Clarendon Iblstortcal Society IReprtnts. Richard Cotton^ and William Barnes Auditor, it was appointed Sir Anthony St. Legier, Sir Richard Cotton^ and Sir Thomas Mildmay^ Ihould go thither, carrying with them loooo/. to be received out of the Exchequer. Whereas it was agreed that there (houldbe a Pay now made to Ire- land oi 5000/. and then the Mony to be cried down, it was appointed that 3000 weight which I had in the Tower, fhould be carried thither, and coined at 3 Denar. fine ; and that incontinent the Coin Ihould be cried down. 12. Becaufe Pirry tarried here for the Bullion, William Williams E flay- Mailer was put in his place, to view the Mines with Mr. Brabazon, or him whom the Deputy fhould appoint. 13. Banefler and Crane, the one for his large confeflion, the other becaufe little Matter appeared againft him, were delivered out of the Tower. 16. The Lord Paget was brought into Star-Chamher, and there declared efFedluoufly his fubmifTion by word of Mouth, and delivered it in writing. Beaumont who had before made his ConfefTion in writing, began to deny it again ; but after being called before my Council, he did con- fefs it again, and there acknowleged a Fine of his Land, and figned an Obligation in furrcnder of all his Goods. 17. Monfieur de Couriers took his leave. 2. The French King won the Caftle of Rohdemac. Certain Horfe- men of the Regents came and fct upon the French King's Baggage and flew divers of the Carriers, but at length, with fome lofs of the Frenchmen, they were compelled to retire. The French King won Mount St. Ann. 4. The French King came to Deuvillars, which was a ftrong Town, and befieged it, making three Breaches. 12. The Town was yielded to him, with the Captain. He found in it 2500 Footmen, 200 Horfemcn, 63 great Brafs-pieces, 300 Hag- buts of Croke, much viftual, and much Ammunition, as he did write to his Ambaflador. 19. It was appointed that the Bifliop of Durham^ Matter fliould ftay till the end of the Progrcfs. 20. Beaumont in the Star-Chamber confeflcd, after a little flicking upon the Matter, his Faults, to which he had put to his Hand. 22. It was agreed that the Bands of Men of Arms, appointed to Mr. Sidney, Mr. Vicechamberlain, Mr. Ilobbrw and Mr. S.i.iirr, fliould not be furniflicd, but left ofi^. 72 journal of lE^watb tbe Stjtb. 73 25. It was agreed, that none of my Council fhould move Me in any Suit of Land for Forfeits above 20 /. for Reverfion of Leafes, or other extraordinary Suits, till the State of my Revenues were further known. 15. The French King came to a Town Handing upon the River of yiofa, called Yvoire^ which gave him many hot Skirmifhes. 18. The French King began his Battery to the Walls. 14. The Townfmen of Mountmedy gave a hot Skirmifh to the French, and flew Monfieur de Toge\ Brother, and many other Gentle- men of the Camp. 12. The Prince of Salerno^ who had been with the French King to treat with him touching the Matter of Naples^ was difpatched in Poft with this Anfwer, That the French King would aid him with 13000 Footmen, and 1500 Horfemen in the French Wages, to recover and conquer the Kingdom of Naples ; and he fliould marry, as fome faid, the French King's Sifter, Madam Margaret. The Caufe why this Prince rebelled againft the Emperor, was, partly the uncourteous handling of the Viceroy of Naples^ partly ambition. The Flemings made an Invafion into Champaign^ in fo much that the Dolphin had almoft been taken ; and the Queen lying at Chalons, fent fome of her Stuff toward Paris. Alfo another Company took the Town of Guife, and fpoiled the Country. 22. Monfieur de Tallie was fent to raife the Arrierbands and Legionars of Picardy and Champaign, to recover Guife, and invade Flanders. zj. Removing to Hampton-Court. 30. It was appointed that the Statds fliould have this Anfwer, That thofe Clothes which they had bought to carry over to the Sum of 2000 Clothes and odd, fliould be carried at their old Cuftom, fo they were carried within fix weeks ; and likewife all Commodities they brought in till our Lady-day in Term next, in all other Points, the old Decree to ftand, till by a further Communication the Matter fliould be ended and concluded. The Lord Paget was licenfed to tarry at London, and there-abouts, till Michaelmafs, becaufe he had no Provifion in his Country. 26. Certain of the Heraulds, Lancajler and Portcullis, were commit- ted to Ward, for counterfeiting Clarencieux Seal to get Mony by giving of Arms. 23. The French King having received divers Skirmiflies of the Townfmen, and chiefly two : in the one, they flew the French Light- ic 73 74 TLbc Clarendon Ibistorlcal Soctetp IReprtnts. horfe, lying in a Village by the Town ; in the other, they entred into the Camp, and pulled down Tents ; which two Skirmilhes were given by the Count of Manjfield Govcrnour of the Town. And the Duke of Luxemburg and his 300 Light-horfe, underftanding by the Treafon of four Priefts, the weakeft part of the Town, fo affrighted the Townfmen and the Flemifli Souldiers, that they by threatnings, compelled their Captain the Count, that he yielded himfelf and the Gentlemen Prifoners, the Common-Souldiers to depart with white Wands in their Hands. The Town was well Fortified, Vidualled, and Furnifhed. 24. The Town of Mountmedy yielded to the French King, which before had given a hot Skirmifh. 4. Sir John Gates Vicechambcrlain was made Chancellor of the Dutchy. 7. Removing to Oatlands. 5. The Emperor's Ambaffador delivered the Regent's Letter, being of this effedl; That whereas I was bound by a Treaty with the Emperor, made Anno Dom. 1 542, at Dotrecht, That if any Man did Invade the two Countries, I fhould help him with 5000 Footmen, or 700 Crowns a day during four Months, and make War with him within a Month after the Requeft made ; and now the French King had invaded Luxemberg, defiring my Men to follow the effeft of the Treaty. 7. The Names of the Commiffioners was added, and made more, both in the Debts, the Surveying of the Courts, the Penal Laws, ^c. and becaufc my Lord Chamberlain, my Lord Privy-Seal, Mr. Vice- chamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Petre, went with Me this Progrefs. 8. It was appointed that 50 poundweight of Gold fhould be coined after the new Standard, to carry about this Progrefs, which maketh 150/. Sterling. 9. The Chancellor of the Augmentation was willed to furceafe his CommilTion, given him in the third Year of our Reign. 3. Monfieur de Bojfy^ Grand Efcuyer to the Emperor, was made General of the Army in the Lew-Countries, and Monfienr de Prat over the Horfemen. 10. It was appointed here, that if the Emperor's AmbafTador did move any more for Help or Aid, this Anfwer fhould be fcnt him by two of my Council, That this Progrefs-time my Council was difpcrfcd, I would move by their Advifc, and he mufl tarry till the Matter were 74 Journal of )E^war^ tbe Sijtb. 75 concluded, and their Opinions heard. Alfo I had committed the Treaty to be confidered by divers learned Men, ^c. And if another time he would press Me, then anfwer to be made, That I trufted the Emperor would not wiih Me, in thefe young Years, having felt them fo long, to enter into them. How I had Amity fworn with the French King, which I could not well break ; and therefore if the Emperor thought it fo meet, I would be a Mean for a Peace between them, but not otherwife. And if he did prefs the Treaty, laftly to conclude. That the Treaty did not bind Me which my Father had made, being againft the profit of my Realm and Country ; and to defire a new Treaty to be made between Me and the Emperor in the laft Wars. He anfwered. That he marvelled what We meant, for we are bound, quoth the Emperor, and not You. Alfo the Emperor had refused to fulfil it divers times, both in not letting pafs Horses, Armour, Ammu- nition, ^c. which were provided by Me for the Wars. As alfo in not fending Aid upon the Forraging of the Low-Country of Calais. 12. A Letter was written to Sir Peter Meutas, Captain of the Ifle of Jerfey^ both to command him that Divine Service may there be ufed as in England; and alfo that he take heed to the Church Plate that it be not flollen away, but kept fafe till further Order be taken. 9. The French King came to the Town Aveins in Hainault, where after he had viewed the Town, he left it, and befieged a Pile called Tirlokbut ; the Bailiff of the Town perceiving his departure, gave the Onfet on his Rereward with 2000 Footmen, and 500 Horfemen, and flew 500 Frenchmen. After this, and the winning of certain Holds of little force, the French King returned into France^ and divided his Army into divers good Towns to refl them, becaufe divers were fick of the Flux, and fuch other Difeafes, meaning fhortly to increafe his Power, and fo to go forward with his Enterprife. 12. Frederick Duke of Saxony was releafed from his Imprifonment, and fent by the Emperor into his own Country, to the great rejoicing of all the Proteflants. 5. The Emperor declared. That he would none of thefe Articles to which Duke Maurice agreed, and the King of the Romans alfo. The Copy of them remaineth with the Secretary Cecil. Marquefs Albert of Brandenburg did great harm in the Country of Franconia, burnt all Towns and Villages about Norimberg, and compelled them to pay to the Princes of his League 200,000 Dollars, ten of the faireft pieces of Ordnance, and i 50 Kintalls of Powder. After that he went to Frankfort, to distrefs certain Souldiers gathered there for the Emperor. 75 76 Zbc Claten^on Ibistorfcal Society IReprints. 15. Removing to Guildford. 20. Removing to Petworth. 23. The Anfwer was made to the Emperor's Ambaflador, touching the Aid he required, by Mr. Wotton, and Mr. Hobbey^ according to the firft Article supra. 24. Becaufe the number of Bands that went with Me this Progrefs made the Train great, it was thought good they fhould be fent home, fave only 150 which were pickt out of all the Bands. This was, becaufe the Train was thought to be near 4000 Horfc, which were enough to eat up the Country, for there was little Meadow nor Hay all the way as I went. 25. Removing to Londre, Sir Anthony Brown^s Houfe. 27. Removing to Hahenaker. 30. Whereas it had been before dcvifed, that the New Fort of Barwick fhould be made with four Bulwarks ; and for making of two of them, the Wall of the Town fhould be left open on the Enemies fide a great way together, (which thing had been both dangerous and chargeable) it was agreed the Wall Ihould (land, and two Slaughter-houfes to be made upon it to fcour the outer Courtins ; a great Rampier to be made within the Wall, a great Ditch within that, another Wall within that, with two other Slaughter-Houfes, and a Rampier within that again. 26. The Flemings entrcd in great numbers into the Country of Terovenne; whereupon 500 Men of Arms arofe of Frenchmen, and gave the Onfet on the Flemings, overthrew them, and flew of them 1435, whereof were 150 Horfcmcn. 31. It was appointed, on my Lord of Northumberland's Requeft, that he should give half his Fee to the Lord Wharton, and make him his Deputy- Warden there. Auguji. 2. Removing to Warblington. 3. The Duke of Guife was fent into Lorrain, to be the French King's Lieutenant there. 4. Removing to Walt ham. 8. Removing to Port/mouth. 9. In the morning I went to Chaterton's Bulhvark, and viewed alfo the Town ; at afternoon went to fee the Storc-houfc, and there took a Boat and went to the wooden Tower, and fo to HaJ'elford. Upon viewing of which things, it there was devifcd two Forts to be made upon the entry of the Haven ; one where Ridley\ Tower ftandeth, 76 Journal ot lEbwatb tbe Sirtb* ii upon the Neck that maketh the Camber; the other upon a like Neck {landing on the other fide the Haven, where flood an old Bullwark of Wood. This was devifed for the flrength of the Haven. It was meant, that that to the Town-fide (hould be both flronger and larger. lo. Henry Dudley who lay at Port/mouth, with a warlike Company of 140 good Souldiers, was fent to Guifnes with his Men, becaufe the Frenchmen alTembled in thefe Frontiers in great numbers. Removing to Tichfield^ the Earl of Southa?ripton\ Houfe. 14. Removing to Southampton. 16. The French AmbafTador came to declare how the French King meant to fend one that was his Lieutenant in the Civil Law, to declare which of our Merchants Matters have been adjudged on their lide, and which againll them, and for what Confideration. 16. Removing to Beuleu. The French Ambaffador brought News how the City of Siena had been taken by the French-fide on St. James's day, by one that was called the Count Perigliano^ and other Italian Souldiers, by Treafon of fome within the Town ; and all the Garifon of the Town, being Spaniards, were either taken or flain. Alfo how the Marejchal Brifac had recovered Saluzzo, and taken Verucca. Alfo how Villebone had taken Turnaham and Mountreville in the Low-Countrey. 18. Removing to Chriji- Church. 21. Removing to Woodlands. In this month, after long Bufinefs, Duke Maurice and the Emperor agreed on a Peace, but Marquefs Albert of Brandenburg would not confent thereto, but went away with his Army to Spires and Worms, Colen and Treves, taking large fums of Mony of all Cities which he pafTed, but chiefly of the Clergy. Duke Maurice''?, Souldiers perceiving Marquefs Albert would enter into no Peace, went almoil all to the Marquefs's Service; among which were principal the Count of Manf- felt, Baron Haydeke, and a Colonel of 3000 Footmen, and 1000 Horfe- men, called Reiffenberg; So that of 7000 which fhould been fent into Hungary againll the Turks, there remained not 3000. Alfo the Duke of Wittenberg did fecretly let go 2800 of the bell Souldiers in Germany, to the Service of Marquefs Albert, fo that his Power was now very great. Alfo in this month the Emperor departing from Villachia, came to Injbruk, and fo to Monaco, and to Augujia, accompanied with 8000 Spaniards, and Italians, and a little Band of a few ragged Abnains. Alfo in this month did the Turks win the City of Tamejino, in Tranfil- 77 78 Zbc Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprinta. vamay and gave a Battel to the Chriftians, in which was flain Count Pallavicino^ and 7000 Italians and Spaniards. Alfo in this Month did the Turks Navy take the Cardinal of Trent\ two Brethren, and feven Gallies, and had in chafe 39 other. Alfo in this month did the Turks Navy Land at Terracina in the Kingdom of Naples; and the Prince of Salerno fet forward with 4000 Gafcoins, and 6000 Italians ; and the Count Perigliano brought to his Aid 5000 Men of thofe that were at the Enterprife of Siena. Alfo the Marefchal Brifac won a Town in Piedmont called BuJJac. 24. Removing to Salisbury. 26. Upon my Lord of Northumberland's return out of the North, it was appointed for the better ftrengthening of the Marches, that no one Man fhould have two offices ; and that Mr. Sturley, Captain of Barzvick, Ihould leave the Wardenftiip of the Eaft Marches to the Lord Evers ; and upon the Lord Corners refignation, the Captainfhip of the Caftle of Carlijle was appointed to Sir Gray, and the Wardenlhip of the Weft-Marches to Sir Richard Musgrave. 27. Sir Richard Cotton made Comptroller of the Houfehold. 28. Removing to Wilton. 30. Sir Anthony Archer was appointed to be Marfhal of Calais, and Sir Edward Grimfton Comptroller of Calais. 22. The Emperor being at Augujia, did ban fh two Preachers Pro- teftants out of Augufla, under pretence that they preached feditioufly, and left Mecardus the chief Preacher, and fix other Proteftant Preachers in the Town, giving the Magiftrates leave to chufe others in their place that were baniihed. 29. The Emperor caufcd eight Proteftant Citizens of the Town to be banifticd, of them that went to the Fair at Lintx, under pretence, that they taking Marquefs Albert\ part, would not abide his Prefence. September. 2. Removing to Wotiffunt, my Lord Sandes Houfe. 5. Removing to Winchejler. 7. From thence to Bafing, my Lord Trcafurcr's Houfe. 10. And fo to Donnington-Csii[\c bcfides the Town of Newbcry. 12. And fo to Reading, 15. To Wind/or, 16. Stuckley being lately arrived out of France, declared, how that the French King being wholly persuaded that he would never return again into England, becaufc he came away without leave, upon the apprchenfion of the Duke of Somerfet his old Mafter, declared to him 78 Journal ot BDwarb tbe Si^tb. 79 his Intent, That upon a Peace made with the Emperor, he meant to beficge Calais^ and thought furely to win it by the way of Sandhills, for having Ricebank both to famifh the Town, and alfo to beat the Market-Place ; and asked Stuckley\ Opinion : When Stuckley had anfwered, he thought it impoffible. Then he told him that he meant to Land in England, in an Angle thereof about Falmouth, and faid, the BuUwarks might eafily be won, and the People were papistical ; alfo that Monjieur de Guife at the fame time fhould enter into England by Scotland-iidiQ, with the Aid of the Scots. 19. After long reafoning it was determined, and a Letter was fent in all hafte to Mr. Mori/on, willing him to declare to the Emperor, That I having pity, as all other Chriftian Princes fhould have, on the Invafion of Chriftendom by the Turk, would willingly join with the Emperor, and other States of the Empire, if the Emperor could bring it to pafs in fome League againft the Turk and his Confederates, but not to be aknown of the French King, only to fay. That he hath no more Commiffion, but if the Emperor would fend a Man into England, he fhould know more. This was done on intent to get fome Friends. The Reafonings be in my Defk. 21. A Letter was fent only to try Stucklefs Truth to Mr. Pickering, to know whether Stuckley did declare any piece of this Matter to him. Barnahe was fent for home. 23. The Lord Gray was chofen Deputy of Calais in the Lord Wil- lowby\ place, who was thought unmeet for it. 24. Sir Nicholas Wentworih was difcharged of the Porterfhip of Calais and one — Cotton was put into it. In confideration of his Age, the faid Sir Nicholas Wentworth had lOo/. Penfion. 26. Letters were fent for the difcharge of the Men of Arms at Michaelmajs next following. 27. The young Lords Table was taken away, and the Mafters of Requeils, and the Serjeants of Arms, and divers other extraordinary Allowances. 26. The Duke of Northumberland, the Marquefs of Northampton, the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary Petre, and Mr. Secretary Cecil, ended a Matter at Eaton-Q,o\\(i%Q., between the Mafler and the Fel- lows; and alfo took order for the amendment of certain fuperfluous Statutes. 28. Removing to Hampton-Court, 29. Two Lawyers came from the French King to declare what things had pafTed with the Englifhmen in the King's Privy-Council ; 79 8o XTbe Clatenbon Ibistortcal Societi^ IReprtnts. what and why againft them, and what was now in doing, and with what diligence. Which when they had eloquently declared, they were referred to London^ where there Ihould fpeak with them Mr. Secretary Petre^ Mr. JVotton, and Sir Thomas Smith\ whereby then was declared the Griefs of our Merchants, which came to the Sum of 50000/. and upwards; to which they gave little anfwer, but that they would make Report when they came home, becaufe they had yet no Commiffion, but only to declare us the Caufes of things done. The firft day of this month the Emperor departed from Augujia towards IJlmes ; and thanking the Citizens for their stedfasft (licking to him in thefc perrilous Times, he paiTed by them to Strajburg, accompanied only with 4000 Spaniards, 5000 Italians, 12000 Almains, and 2000 Horfmen, and thanking alfo them of Strasburg for their goodwill they bore him, that they would not let the French King come into their Town, he went to Weyfenberg^ and fo to Spires, and came thither the 23^ of this month. Of which the French King being advertifed, fummoned an Army to Metz, and went thitherward himfelf ; fcnt a Pay of three months to Marquefs Albert, and the Rhinegrave and his Band ; alfo willing him to flop the Emperor's PafTage into thefe Low-Countries, and to fight with him. 27. The Matter of the Debatable was agreed upon, according to the lall inllrudlions. 26. Duke Maurice, with 4000 Footmen and 1000 Horfemen, arrived at Vienna againft the Turks. 21. Marquefs Hajis of Brandenburg, came with an Army of 13000 Footmen, and 1500 Horfemen, to the Emperor's Army ; and many Almain Souldiers encreafed his Army wonderfully, for he refufcd none. October. 3. Becaufe I had a pay of 48000/. to be paid in December, and had as yet but 14000 beyond Seas to pay it withal, the Merchants did give me a Loan of 40,000 /. to be paid by them the last of December^ and to be repaied again by Me the last of March, The manner of levying this Loan was of the Clothes, after the rate of 20 j. a Cloth, for they carried out at this Shipping 40000 Broad-Clothes. This Grant was confirmed the \th day of this month, by a company alTembled of 300 Merchant-Adventurers. 2. The Bullwarks of Earth and Boards in EJfex, which had a continual allowance of Souldiers in them, were difcharged, by which was faved prefcntly 500/. and hereafter 700 or more. 80 i Journal of B^warb tbe Siytb. si 4. The Duke D'Alva, and the Marquefs of Margina^ fet forth with a great part of the Emperor's Army, having all the Italians and Spaniards with them, toward Treves, where the Marquefs Albert had fet ten Enfigns of Launce-Knights to defend it, and tarried himfelf with the reft of his Army at Landaw befides Spires. 6. Because Sir Andrew Dudley^ Captain of Guifnes, had indebted himfelf very much by his Service at Guifnes \ alfo becaufe it (hould feem injurious to the Lord Willozvby, that for the Contention between him and Sir Andrew Dudley^ he fhould be put out of his Office, there- fore it was agreed. That the Lord William Howard fhould be Deputy of Calais, and the Lord Gray Captain of Guifnes. Alfo it was determined that Sir Nicholas Sturley fhould be Captain of the new Fort at Barwick, and that Alex. Brett fhould be Porter, and one Roksby fhould be Marfhal. 7. Upon report of Letters written by Mr. Pickerings how that Stuck- ley had not declared to him, all the while of his being in France, no one word touching the Communication afore fpecified ; and declared alfo how Mr. Pickering thought, and certainly advertifed, that Stuckley never heard the French King fpeak no fuch word, nor never was in credit with him, or the Conftable, fave once, when he became an Interpreter between the Conftable and certain Englifh Pioneers, He was committed to the Tower of London. Alfo the French AmbaiTador was advertifed how we had committed him to Prifon, for that he untruly flandered the King our good Bro- ther, as other fuch Runnagates do daily the fame. This was told him, to make him fuspe6l the Englifh Runnagates that be there. A like Letter was fent again to Mr. Pickering. 8. Le Seigneur de Villandry came in Poft from the French King with this MelTage. Firft, That although Mr. Sidney's and Mr. Winter's Matters, were juftly condemned ; yet the French King, becaufe they both were my Servants, and one of them about me, was content gratuito to give Mr. Sidney his Ship, and all the Goods in her ; and Mr. Winter his Ship, and all his own Goods. Which Offer was re- fufed, saying. We required nothing gratuito, but only Juftice and Expedition. Alfo Villandry declared. That the King his Maftter, wifhed that an Agreement were made between the Ordinances and Cuftoms of England and France in Marine Affairs. To which was anfwered, that our Ordinances were nothing but the Civil Law, and certain very old Additions of the Realm ; That we thought it reafon not to be bound to any other Law than their old Laws, which had L 81 s 2 trbe Clarenbon Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts. been of long time continued, and no fault found with them. Also yUlandr"^ brought forth two new Proclamations, which for things to come were very profitable for England^ for which he had a Letter of Thanks to the King his Maftcr. He required also Pardon and Re- leafement of Imprifonment for certain Frenchmen taken on the Sea- Coaft. It was fhewed him they were Pirats : Now fome of them (hould by Juftice be punifhed, fome by Clemency pardoned ; and with this Difpatch he departed. II. Home Dean of Durham declared a fecrct Confpiracy of the Earl of Wejimoreland, the Year of the apprehenfion of the Duke of Somerfet, How he would have taken out Treafure at Midleham, and would have robbed his Mother, and fold 200 /. Land ; and to pleafc the People, would have made a Proclamation for the bringing up of the Coin, becaufe he faw them grudg at the fall. He was com- manded to keep this Matter clofe. 6. Mr. Mori/on, AmbafFador with the Emperor, declared to the Em- peror the Matter of the Turks before specified ; whofe Anfwer was, He thanked us for our gentle Offer, and would caufe the Regent to fend a Man for the fame purpofe, to know our further meaning in that behalf. II. Mr. Pickering declared to the French King, being then at Rhemes, Stucklefs Matter of ConfefTion, and the Cause of his Impri- fonment : Who after proteftation made of his own good Meaning in the Amity, and of Stuckkfs Ingratitude toward him, his levvdnefs and ill-demeanour, thanked Us much for this fo gentil an uttering of the Matter, that we would not be led with falfe Bruites and Tales. The Bifhop Tunflal oi Durham was deprived of his Bifhoprick. In this month Monfieur de Rue^ Martin RoJJcn^ and an Army of Fle- mings, while the French had affembled his Men of War in Lorrain had fent the Conftable to the Army, which lay four leagues from f^erdun, the Duke de Guife with 7000 Men to Metz^ and the Marcfchal St. Andrew at Verdeun^ razed and fpoiled, between the River of Some and OJfe, many Towns, as Noyon^ Roy^ Chamy ; and Villages, Nelle^ Follambray^ a new built House of the King's, i^c. infomuch that the French King sent the Admiral of France to help the Duke of Vendofmt against that Army. There was at this time a great Plague that reigned in fundry parts of France^ of which many Men died. 20. A Man of the Earl of Tyrones was committed to the Totvcr^ be- caufe he had made an untrue Suggcftion and Complaint againd the 82 journal ot lEbwar^ tbe Sijtb. 83 Deputy and the whole Council of Ireland. Also he had bruited cer- tain ill Bruites in Ireland^ how the Duke of Northumberland^ and the Earl of Pembrook were fallen out, and one againft another in the Field. 17. The Flemings, and the Englifhmen that took their parts, aflaulted by Night Hamletue ; the Englifhmen were on the Walls, and fome of the Flemings alfo ; but by the cowardife of a great part of the Flemings, the Enterprize was lost, and many Men flain. The number of the Flemings were 4000, the number of the men within Hambletue \oo . The Captain of this Enterprife was Monfieur de Vau- deville Captain of Gravelin. 6. Monfieur de BoiJJey entred Treves with a Flemifh Army, to the number of 12000 Footmen, and 2500 Horfemen, Burgunions, with- out any refiftance, because the Enfigns there left by Marquefs Albert were departed ; and thereupon the Duke d^ Jlva, and the Marquefs of Marion^ marched toward Metz ; the Emperor himfelf, and the Marquefs Hans of Brandenburg, hauing with him the reft of his Army, the ninth day of this month departed from Landaw towards Metx. Monfieur de BoiJJefs Army also joined with him at a place called Sway- burg, or Deuxpont. 23. It was agreed, that becaufe the State of Ireland could not be known without the Deputy's prefence, that he fhould, in this dead time of the year, leave the governance of the Realm to the Council there for the time, and bring with him the whole State of the Realm, whereby fuch order might be taken, as the fuperfluous Charge might be avoided, and alfo the Realm kept in quietnefs, and the Revenue of the Realm better and most profitably gathered. 25. Whereas one George Paris an Irifhman, who had been a prac- tifer between the Earl of Defmond and other Irifh Lords, and the French King, did now, being weary of that Matter, pra6life means to come home, and to have his old Lands in Ireland again. His Pardon was granted him, and a Letter written to him from my Council, in which he was promifed to be confidered and holpen. There fell in this month a great Contention among the Scots, for the Kers flew the Lord of Balcleugh, in a Fray in Edinburgh ; and as foon as they had done, they afTociatcd to them the Lord Hofne and all his Kin : But the Governour thereupon fummoned an Army to go againft them ; but at length, because the Dowager of Scotland hvonvcd the Kers and Homes, and fo did all the French Faftion, the French King having alfo fent for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horfemen 83 84 Ube Clarendon Ibtstortcal Soctets IReprtnts. for his Aid in thefe Wars, the Governour agreed the 5000 Footmen under the leading of the Earl o^ Caffih ; and 500 Light-Horferaen, of which the Ken and the Homes ihould be Captains, and go with such hafte into France, that they might be in fuch place as the French King would appoint them to ferve in, by Chrijlmafs, or Candlemafs at the furtheft. And thus he trufted to be well, rid of his mod mortal Enemies. 27. The Scots hearing that George Paris pradlifed for Pardon, com- mitted him to Ward in Strhe/mg-Ciiiilc. 25. Monfieur de Rue having burnt in France eighteen leagues of length, and three leagues in breadth ; having pillaged, and facked, and razed the fair Towns of Noyon, Roy, Nelle, and Chamy, the King's new Houfe of Follambray, and infinite other Villages, Bullwarks, and Gentlemens Houfes in Champaign and Picardy, returned into Flanders. 23. The Emperor in his Person came to the Town of Mf/z with his Army, which was reckoned 45000 Footmen, as the Bruit went, and 7000 Horfemen. The Duke d^ Alva with a good Band went to view the Town ; upon whom iffued out the Souldiers of the Town, and flew of his Men about 2000, and kept him play till the main force of the Camp came down, which caufed them to retire with lofs. On the French Party was the Duke of Nemours hurt on the Thigh. There was in the Town as Captain, the Duke of Guife ; and there were many other great Lords with him, as the Prince of Rochfurion, the Duke de Nemours, the Vicedam of Chartres, Pietro Stozzy, Mon/ieur Chajiilion, and many other Gentlemen. November. 5. Monfieur de Villandry returned to declare, how the King his Mailer did again offer to deliver four Ships againft which Judgment has pafTed. He said, the King would appoint Men to hear our Mer- chants at Paris, which fhould be Men of the beft fort. He said like- wife, how the King his Maftcr meant to mend the Ordinance, of which Amendment he brought Articles. 7. These Articles were delivered to be considered by the Secre- taries. 9. Certain were thought to be fought out by feveral Commiffions ; viz. Whether I were juftly answered of the Plate, Lead, Iron, l^c. that belonged to Abbeys t Whether I were juRly anfwcrcd the Profit of Alome, Copper, Fuftians, ^c. which were appointed to be fold ? and of fuch Land as the King my Father fold, and such-like Articles. 84 journal ot jEDwarD tbe Sijtb. 85 12. Monfieur Villandry received anfwer for the firft Article, as he did before, How I meant not by taking freely fo few, to prejudice the rest. For hearing of our Merchants Matters at Parts, by an inferior Council, We thought both too dilatory after thefe long Suits, and also unreafonable, becaufe the inferior Council would undoe nothing (though caufe appeared) which had been before judged by the higher Council. And as for the New Ordinances, we liked them in effect as ill as their Old, and defired none other but the Old accuftomed ones which have been ufed in France of late Time, and to be yet continued between England and the Low-Country. Finally, we delire no more Words, but deeds. 4. The Duke d* Aumail being left in Lorrain, both to flop the Emperor's Provifion, to annoy his Camp, and to take up the Straglers of the Army, with a Band of 4.00 Men of Arms, which is 1200 Horfe, and 800 Light-Horfe, hearing how Marquefs Albert began to take the Emperor's part, fent firft certain Light-Horfe to view what they intended. Those Avan-Couriers lighted on a Troop of 500 Horfe- men, who drove them back till they came to the Duke's Perfon ; Whereupon the Skirmifh grew fo great, that the Marquefs with 12000 Footmen, and 1000 Horfemen, came to his Mens fuccours, fo the Duke's Party was discomfited, the Duke himfelf taken and hurt in many places ; Monjieur de Roan was alfo flain, and many other Gen- tlemen flain and taken. This Fight was before Toul, into which Fort efcaped a great part of the Light-Horfe. 6. Heading Town and Caftle was taken by the Monjieur de Reux ; The Caftle was reckoned too well ftored of all things, and rendred either by Cowardice or Treafon. The Battery was very fmall, and not fuitable. The moft was, that the Captain, Monfieur Feulis, was, with one of the firft ftiots of the Cannon, flain, and his Lieute- nant with him. In this month Ferdinando Gonzaga befieged St. Martins in Piedmont. 18. There was a Commiflion granted out to Sir Richard Cotton, Sir John Gates, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Walter Mildmay, to examine the account of the fall of Mony, by the two Proclamations. 20. The Lord Ogle leaving the Wardenfliip of the Middle Marches, because my Lord Evers Land lay there, he was made Deputy- Warden there, with the Fee of 600 Merks ; and Sir Thomas Dacres of the East Marches, with the Fee of 500 Merks. 24. Thomas Grejham came from Antwerp hither, to declare how Mor.Jieur de Lanrie, Treasurer to the Emperor, of Flanders, was fent to 8s ?6 '2:be Clarenbon Ibistorical Society IReprtnts. him from the Regent with a certain Pacquct of Letters which the Burgonions had taken in Bullonois, coming from the Dowager of Scot- land: The Effect whereof was, How fhe had committed George Paris the Irifh-man to Prifon, because fhe had heard of his meaning to re- turn into England ; how fhe had found the Pardon he had, and divers other Writings ; and how fhe had sent 0-Coners^s Son into Ireland, to comfort the Lords of Ireland, Also he fhewed certain Instructions, Anno 1548, upon the Admiral's fall, given to a Gentleman that came hither, That if there were any here of the Admiral's Faftion, he fliould do his uttermofl to raife an Uproar. 29. Henry Knowh was fcnt in Poll into Ireland with a Letter, to flay the Deputy, if he met him, in Ireland, because of the Bufinefs ; and that he fhould feem to flay for his own Affairs, and prolong his going from Week to Week, left it be perceived. Alfo he had with him certain Articles concerning the whole Hate of the Realm, which the Deputy was willed to anfwer. 30. There was a Letter of Thanks written to the Regent, and fent to Mr. Chamberlain, to deliver for the gentle Overture made to Thomas Grepam by the Treafurer Langie. He was alfo willed to ufe gentle words in the delivery of the Letters, wifhing a further Amity : And for recompence of her Overture, to tell her of the French King's practice, for 5000 Scotch Footmen, and 500 Horfemen. And alfo how he taketh up by Exchange at Lubeck 1 00000 /. whereby appear- eth fome meaning that way the next Spring. 20. The Lord Paget was put to his Fine of 6000 /. and 2000 /. diminifhed to pay it within the fpace of — Years, at days limited. %%x% ^ ^tiurnn! t\\^%^ or if vxxyxt uia$ uirithjn ]fini0. 86 '' Ii)tef J^olik J^fudtu^. LEX TALIONIS; OR, :a SDeclamatton against ^r Cl)aUener, THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES AND THE MANNERS OF YOU KNOW WHOM. 1647. j^ISTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1885. This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 %m all paper copies^ for Subscribers only. OR, H Reclamation aoatnst nbr Cballener, THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES, AND THE MANNERS OF YOU KNOW WHOM. Iti quo quis peccat, in eo punitur. Nee Lex est just ior u/Ia, Ouam necis artifices arte perire sua. ^Judges I. vers. 7. Jnd Adonibexek said. As I have done, so God hath requited me. IPrtiitet) in tbc l^eare, 1647. ^ ^Declamation against ^x Cl)aUener, THE CRIMES OF THE TIMES, AND THE MANNERS OF YOU KNOW WHOM. What Cicero said to Cataline, and his confederates in their Conspiracic, I say the same to Master Challener, that hee may tell it to his com- panions in the covenant, — ^ousq, tandem abut ere patientia nostra ? It must never be forgotten how those venerable women came in simplicity of heart to the Parliament at Westminster to sue for Peace. It must never be forgotten to all Posterity in what measure those innocent Women were dealt withall by you ; some being cruelly wounded, some most barbarously slaine. Will not the bloud of my Lord of Stafford ; nor the bloud of my Lord of Canterbury ; nor the bloud of Tomkins and Challener ; nor the bloud of Teomans and Boucher ; nor all the innocent bloud of so many thousands, which have been sacrificed in these late intestine broyles, provoke you to seeke Peace, nor invite you to embrace Peace, when it is so freely offered unto you. O Temporal O Mores! In the sharp language of Cicero I did begin with you, in the blunt honestie of Cato I intend to proceed. 91 6 Zbc Clarenbon Ibistotical Qocict^g IReprints. As the base and spungic ofFal of man (being the common sewer of indigested excrements) can by no means returne backe any nourish- ment into the more nobler part, the stomache, from whence it first received it ; no more can the body possibly subsist and live without the influence and distillation from its native and proper head. And as in the bodies Natural, so in Politick, King Charles is the essential head, of our Politique Body. He is the true Lord and owner of these his Kingdomes by right of Inheritance. He holds his title in Fee-simple, by the blessed Tenour in Capite, from God Almighty, who is Lord Paramount of all. To God alone is the King onely obliged to pay his Homage, and oweth not the smallest quit- rent whatsoever to my Lord Chancellor of Scotland^ his Machivillian eloquence, nor to Mr Ckallencr his home-spun slovenly malice. It is a bold assertion between you both, to enter into a saucy dis- pute about the disposing of the sacred person of the King, as if he were a Child, a Ward, or an Ideot. When God can beare him witnesse, Hee hath more Wit, more Judgement, and more Honestie in Him, then any of you all, or all of you together. Here let me interpose with my short, and true definition of him, both as he is a man, and as he is our King : As he is a man, me thinks I heare my Saviour saluting him, as he did Nathanael^ Behold a man indeed in whom there is no guile. And all the world that knows him must acknowledge with the poet, He is Homo intigcr vita, scelcrisq, purus, and I wish to God, from my heart I could say the same of any of you. Now as he is our King, how can both Houses, as M. Challencr saith, or how can both kingdoms, as my Lord Chancellor of Scotland would have it, dare to "take upon them to dispose of him, who hath under God the sole disposall of us all, with this limitation, with the joynt consent, and wholesome advice of the honest and great Coun- cell of each kingdome, and this is both Law and Gospcll. Inconsistent and incompatible are two very good words, if rightly applyed, but I am bound to bcleeve the Dcvill himselfe did work very strongly upon Master Challener's weaknesse, rather than that his owne naturall genius could be possest with such malignancy of spirit as to make so wilde, so base, and so ungodly an application of them both. I had almost forgotten that remarkable badge of your through Reformation, I meane your Covenant, and the two notorious Com- mittees of both kingdoms : Give me leave to tell you what your 9* %ci Ualtonts. Covenant was at first, and what it now is ; It was at first by vertae of Inchantment, a lowsie thread-bare ScoU/) Chaplin, who growing wearie of the slender stipend of a bare Scotch mark per annum came over into England to seek its further Advancement, where it became a Sub-preacher, and so rendering itselfe incapable of holy Orders, did take upon it to preach and teach on its own accord. The first attempt by which this covenant sought to ingratiate itself into the people, was by consummiting a marriage betwixt the two Committees of both Kingdomes. The march was privately con- tracted in the close Committee, and afterwards solemnly published by legislative power, which marriage being thus accomplished with- out the approbation of his matie-, without the Licence of our Church, and without the consent of our Laws, I doubt not it may easily be made null by a bill of divorce, and for the farther punishment of this Inchanted Chaplaine your Covenant, let it be banished out of this Kingdome for ever, and let it be consigned to the utmost part of Scotland, there to pine and waste itself away upon its owne dunghill, or else let it be presently torne in pieces, in remembrance of the dispite which was lately done to the King's broad Seal in the presence of both Houses. And whereas Mr Challener saith, the Houses are accomptable to none but God Almighty, I must answer him with these few ques- tions. Wko called or caused you to be a Parliament ? Was it not by the Sove- raigne power of the King ? Who convened the House of Co?nmons together? Was it not the free suffrages, and elections of the people ? Can the servants be greater then their Masters ? Did the King and we conferre this trust and authority upon you, thus to lord it over us ? I tell you nay ; for unlesse you speedily returne unto your wonted Allegiance to his Maiestie, and your duti- full afi^ections towards us, both he and wee shall suddainly call you to a strict accompt. Read over the Chronicles, where you shall find two Knights of the Shire were called to an accompt by the Counties, for which they had formerly served in Parliament ; and both of them were handed up for their labours. What, are you so transported and puffed up with pride by reason of your many successes you have lately gotten in your new Modell of 93 8 Ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society 1Reprint0. War ? Must you needs stand upon your tiptoes, and think you dance in a net ? Doc but tell me of one Ordinance you have made which speakes the least sillable tending to a Reformation ? The King hath made an absolute Reformation of all abuses done under his Government, and like a gracious Prince gave us a Triennial! Parliament to boote. But a Trienniall Parliament will not serve your turnes, you must needs have an everlasting Parliament, quis talia fando temperet a lacrimis ; for with horror I speak it, as you have handled the matter, nothing stands so much in neede of a thorough Reformation as your everlasting Parliament. For if the King and you should be reconciled to-morrow ; and that He and you should joyn together to govcrne us by an everlasting Parliament : We whose Ancestors have ever been the freest subjects under Heaven should be come the meer'st slaves upon the face of the earth. Beware of Lex talionis. To explain my selfe, 1 never did heare nor read of any Prince, any great man, nor any great body of a Councell,-dare to do any act illegall or extrajudiciall. -But God Almighty did cither retaliate with his owne immediate vengeance, or else they were met withall by the knownc laws of the Land, in a condigne punishment. Sir John Hotham and his son have tasted of the one already ; and take you heed least some, if not all of you, doe not at last feele the smart of the other. Felix quern faciunt aliena pericula cautum. To prevent the like ensuing dangers which must needs fall upon our heads, I will give you these three remarkable examples of Lex Talionis. 1. In the dayes of K. Henr^ the 8. the Lord Chancellor Crcmwell pcrswaded the King, that by vertue of his prerogative, he might put any man to death, and bring it to tryall at law afterwards, and did not the same Lex talionis light upon him, when he was the onely man that did so .? 2. Barnavill* the Chiefe Advocate of Holland^ and one of the States, conceived a displeasure against a younker, and nothing would serve his turne - (though it were in his owne cause) but corporall punish- ment. The priviledge of the Gentleman's birth was pleaded by his lawyers; notwithstanding 5/7r;;/Ji'/7/ being prevalent with the Board of States, perswaded them : It would be an addition to their greatncsse * Barneyeld. 94 Xej Ualtoni6. to make a President in this kinde, and so a President was made, and the Gentleman was whipt. Not long after a competition grew betwixt the Prince of Orange^ and great Barnavill, wherein the Prince, having the Military party of his side, got the better of him, so that Barnavill was confined ; and by that same rule of BarnavilPs formerly made a President, to whip that Gentleman, a President was made to cut off his head ; ther's Lex talionis for him. 3. My Lord of Strafford, when he was Sir Thomas Wentvjorth, and oracle of the House of Commons, perswaded them, that there was no other way to cut off the Duke of Buckingham, but by accusing him of States suggestions, under the name of high Treason ; by which meanes if they could once sequester him from the King's elbow by confinement ; He doubted not but accusations would come enough against, him, to his further destruction, and did not the same Lex talionis light upon him. Jam proximus ardet Vcaligon. It is high time, then, for every man severally, and all of us together joyntly, to looke about us, Least Lex talionis overtake us. The degenerate House of Lords have altogether declined their true fountain of Honour, the King, from whose cleare streames they had wont to suck both their honour and honestie, by his vertuous example. And these pittifull Lords, having throwne themselves into Mire and Muddy Affections of the Common Rabble, are now glad to' drink of the puddle water of Scorne, and Contempt from the meanest Rascalls ; Ther's Lex talionis in part for them. The adulterate House of Commons have so deviated from the honest principles and integrity of their ancestors, and having left their righteous middle way ; in which they had wont to walke in ; Tire themselves out with halting between two cripples, two con- traries of extreames : for which their black consciences, they are forc'd to sit down, some leaning to the Presbyterian madnesse on the one side ; some to the Independent folly on the other ; Ther's Lex talionis in part for them. The proud Metropolis of this Kingdome, the City of London of all other escape Scot-free, for this Citie hath beene from the beginning the venerable Bawd of all the Parliament's designes. It hath fed them with million upon million, upon the publike faith, by which meanes it manifesteth itselfe to be the chiefe fomenter of this unnaturall War, and the grand Abettor in this unhappy difference betwixt King and people. 95 lo Zbc Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints. It is still fresh in memorie, how this City sent forth its spurious scum in multitudes to cry downe Bishops, roote, and branch, who like sholes of Herrings, or swarmes of Hornets, lay hovering»about the Court with lying Pamphlets, and scandalous Pasquills, untill they forc'd the King from his throne, and banisht the Queene from his Bed, and afterwards out of his Kingdome ; besides this Citie still continues to this day dancing attendance with their Traine bands, to guard the causelesse feares, and jealousies of both Houses : they come creeping with their Petitions to them, whom they might command : would they but command their Bands to stay at home, they may thank themselves for all the delayes, and denyalls, they have received. What guerdon hath this City got for all its costs and paine ? I will tell it, This citie is stiled in the world's opinion, the Parliament's Asse, on whose backe the members of both Houses ride at pleasure, laying on load upon load, what they think fit. Now good City, if you must continue still to be an Asse learne of your Predecessor. Balaafih Asse, and tell your great masters, they have gone astray, tell them so freely, for they dare not beate you for it as Balaam did. Oh my poore countrey, miserable countrey, w^retchcd countrey, that hath these five years past in innocence, drunk of the bitter cup, the dregs whereof is reserved in store by Lex talionis iox the stupid, sense- lesse city of London. If tkou hadst known, even thou, at least in this thy day, the things which belong unto thy peace ! but now they are hid from thine eyes, Luk. 19, vers. 42. Much might be said concerning the Prince Elector, but little shall serve the turne, Si ingratum dixeris, omnia. He hath gotten the repute of late to become a precious babe of grace, by his princely faculty of snuffing up the back breath of the Reverend Synod, and in a blind devotion takes it for incense. He, good man, not considering his Royal Unkle, nor his owne peculiar interest, which we might justly challenge to him else in Germauy, but contents himselfe here with my hovdi*Pet£r's whole estate. Hitherto have we seen what hath bctydcd others, and we cannot chuse but fore-see what must betide us, unlesse we betake ourselves to a speedy and preventing Remedy ; Loe here it is. (i.) Let all things be restored in Statu quo prius. (2.) Let the Scots in the name of God, or the Dcvill that sent them goc home. (3.) Let King Charles (in spite of Mr Challener) with honour and safety come home, that every one of" us may live quietly at 96 Xej Ualionts, home, and this I am sure is very consistent with the honour of God, and very compatible with the safety and tranquillity of the nation. Salus Regis, et Salus Reipublicae are not only twins, but Gemini, inseparable and individuall ; Cursed be those that have hitherto divided them, and blessed be they who seek to cement, and re-unite them together. Three things have been the bane of Monarchie. 1. First, Weekely Lectures. 2. Corporations. 3. Trained-bands. And Three Things will be the baine of Anarchy. 1. First, your New Modell of Religion. 2. Your New Modell of Government. 3. Your New Broad Scale. Let three things be undone by you which have undone us all, and the King shall grant us three things in lieu of them, which shall re- make us. The Three Things to be undone by Tou, 1. First, Let your Close Committee, and Legislative Power which sits in the Chaire thereof (contrary to Law) be damn'd for ever. 2. Let all the Cavaleers be freed from their illegall Sequestrations. 3. Let your black Propositions which you lately sent to the King be recal'd back, and burnt by the Hangman. Three things wbich the King is to doe. 1. That His Majestic will be pleased to renew, ratifie, and enlarge our Petition of Right. 2. That he will grant you an Act of oblivion. 3. That he will re-marry His Roy all Prerogative, and Magna Charta together. Then seeke peace, and ensue it, and the God of peace will grant it. Now that we may avoid those numbers three, which we find to be ominous, and embrace those numbers three which are pro- pitious ; Let us apply ourselves to that blessed number three which is in Heaven : and let not your illiterate Synod dare to meddle with that any more, by any audacious disputation ; but rather let us all appeale to him, by an humble Adoration : That so that blessed Trinitie in unitie may grant Peace to every man's conscience in par- ticular. Peace to the whole Kingdome in generall, and Peace and joy eternall to us hereafter. Farewell Mr Challener. N 97 12 TLbc ClarenOon Ibistorical Society IReprints, H Xetter to tbe Uvm^. How can you expect an Act of Indemnity ? So long as the King remaines in Captivity^ the Parliament cannot grant it unto you^ for they cannot give it to themselves. How can you expect money? when you know the Parliament hath been so prodigall in the distribution of such large Proportions to one another, that they have little left to reward you wit hall. Is it liberty of conscience you speak for ? That ycu know rests onely in the Kings breast. Restore the King to the Throne againe, and all these things shall be added to you. If you neglect this fair e opportunities the vengeance of God shall dogge you at the heeles. Instead of a Trophic for all your Victories, you shall render your- selves slaves to the Presbyterian Bondage, who like the Egyptian Task- masters shall compell you to make Brick in their full tale, and without giving you stubble. To whom then will you fly for succour ? God will abominate you, and will not help you ; man [especially Englishmen) will s come you, and laugh at your misery. Behold, I have set this day before your eyes, Honour, and Dishonour, being the two sole Rewards of all humane Actions. Consider this timely, and be wise. Be it unto you according to your merit. jfinis. 98 Iiltef $^olia ^I'udtu^/' GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS; OR, ni>urtber Mill ®ut Sic BEING A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE DE-WITTING OF GLENCOE, GAFFNEY, &c. j^flSTORY IS BUT THE JJ>^ROLLED ^CROLL OF j^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1885. This edition is limited to no large paper and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. 'M GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS nDuttbev Mill ©ut, lEtc, Being a True Account of the DE-WITTING GLENCOE, GAFFNEY, &c. T/iey gave out that the design of their Coining was to introduce Liberty, and depose Tyrants : But having gain' d the Pozuer, They did so Tyrannize Themselves, That the Reign of Former Oppressors seem'd a Golden Age, if compared tvith the Arbitrar'iness and Exaction of these pretended Deli- verers ; which made the Sicilians think them much more happy, %uho Expired in Servitude, than those zvho liv'd to see such a Dismal Freedom. — Plutarch. Life of Timoleon. ttt^^tf m IPtinteC) at BMnburob, in tbe 19ear X695. ^tS5 a Xetter from a (gentleman in Scotlanb to bi0 3f nenb at Xonbon, wbo beeir'b a ipar^^ ticular account of tbe Buefneee of (Blenco* Edinburgh, April, zoth 1692. Sir, The Account you desir'd of that strange and surprizing Massacre of Glenco take as follows : — Mac-jan Mac-donald, Laird of Glenco, a Branch of the Mackdonalds, one of the greatest Clans (or Tribes) in the North of Scotland, came with the most considerable Men of his Clan to Coll. Hill, Governour of Fort William at Inverlochy, some few days before the Expiring of the time for receiving the Indemnity appointed by Proclamation, which as I take it, was the First of January last, entreating he would administer unto him the Oaths which the fore- said Proclamation requir'd to be taken ; that so submitting himself to the Government, he might have its Protection. The Colonel receiv'd him with all Expressions of Kindness ; nevertheless shifted the administring the Oaths to him, alledging that by the Proclamation it did not belong to him, but to the Sheriffs, Bailyffs of Regalities, and Magistrates of Burghs, to administer them. Mac-jan Complain- ing that by this Disappointment he might be wrong'd, the Time being now near the Expiring, and the Weather so extreme, and the ways so very bad, that it was not possible for him so soon to reach any Sheriff, &c. got from Coll. Hill, under his Hand, his Protection ; and withal he was assur'd, that no Orders from the Government against him should be put in Execution, until he were first advertis'd, and had time allow'd him to apply himself to King or Council for his 103 6 TLbc (riarent)on Ibtstortcal Soctetp IReprints. Safety. But the better to make all sure, (tho' this might have seera'd Security enough for that time) with all dispatch imaginable he posted to'^ Inverary, the Chief Town oi Argyleshire^ there he found Sir Collin Campbel of A^akinlis^ Sheriff of that Shire, and crav'd of him the Benefit of the Indemnity, according to the Proclamation, he being willing to perform all the Conditions requir'd. Sir Collin at first scrupled to admit him to the Oaths, the 'I'ime which the Proclama- tion did appoint being elapsed by one day, alledging it would be of no use to him then to take them : But Mac-jan represented that it was not his Fault, he having come in time enough to Colonel /////, not doubting but he could have administred the Oaths to him, and that upon his refusal he had made such hast to Jnverary, that he might have come in time enough, had not the extremity of the Weather hinder'd him ; and even as it was, he was but one day after the Time appointed ; and that would be very unbecoming the Government to take Advantage of a Man's coming late by one Day, especially when he had done his utmost to have come in time. Upon this, and his threatning to protest against the Sheriff for the Severity of this Usage, he administred to him and his Attendants the Oaths, Mac-jan depend- ing upon the Indemnity granted to those who should take them ; and having so done, he went home, and lived quietly and peaceably under the Government, till the day of his Death. In January last, a Party of the Earl of Jrgile's Regiment came to that Country: the Design of their coming was then suspected to be to take course with those who should stand out, and not submit, and take the Oaths. The Garison of Inverlochy being throng'd, and Glenco being commodious for quartering, as being near that Garison, those Soldiers were sent thither to Quarter ; they pretended they came to exact Arrears of Cess and Hearth-Money, (a Tax never known in Scotland^ until laid on by the Parliament, 1690, after the Parliament of England had eas'd themselves of it ;) e'er they entred Glenco^ that Laird, or his Sons, came out to meet them, and asked them if they came as Friends or as Enemies t The Officers answer'd as Friends ; and gave their Paroll of Honour, that they would do neither him nor his Concerns any harm ; upon which he wclcom'd them, promising them the best Entertainment the Place could afford. This he really performed, as all the Soldiers confess. He and they lived together in mutual Kindness and Friendship fifteen days or thereabouts ; so far was he from fearing any Hurt from them. And the very last Day of his Life he spent in keeping Company with the 104 /iDassacre ot (Blencoe, Commander of that Party, Capt. Campbell oi Glenlyon, playing at Cards with him till 6 or 7 at Night, and at their parting mutual Protesta- tions of Kindness were renew'd. Some time that very day, but whether before or after their parting, I know not, Capt. Campbell had these Orders sent him from Major Duncanson, a Copy whereof I here send you. " Ballacholis, Feb. 12. 1692. " Sir, "You are hereby ordered to fall upon the Rebels the Mac-Donalds of Glenco, and put all to the Sword under 70. You are to have especial Care, that the Old Fox and his Sons do upon no account escape your Hands ; You are to secure all the Avenues, that no Man escape : This you are to put in Execution at five a Clock in the Morning precisely, and by that time or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be at you with a stronger Party ; If I do not come to you at five, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the King^s SPECIAL COMMAND, for the Good and Safety of the Country, that these Miscreants may be cut off. Root and Branch. See that this be put in Execution without Feud or Favour, else you may expect to be Treated as not true to the King or Government, nor a Man fit to carry Commission in the King's Service. Expecting you will not fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love your self. I subscribe these with my Hand, "ROBERT DUNCANSON. "For Their Majesties Service, to Capt. Robert Campbell of Glenlyon:' Duncanson had rcceiv'd Orders from Lieutenant Collonel Hamilton, which were as follows. " Ballacholis, Feb. 12, 1692. " Sir, " Per Second to the Commander in Chief, and my Col- lonel's Orders to me, for putting in Execution the Service commanded against the Rebels in Glenco, wherein you, with the Party of the Earl of Argyle's Regiment under your Command are to be concern'd: o 105 8 XTbe ClarenDon iblstortcal Society iRcprlnts. You are therefore forthwith to order your Affairs so, as that the several Posts already assign'd you, be by you and your several De- tachments fallen in Action with, precisely by five a Clock to morrow Morning, being Saturday; at which time I will endeavour the same with those appointed from this Regiment for the other Places. It will be most necessary you secure those Avenues on the South side, that the Old Fox^ nor none of his Cubs get away. The Orders arc chat none be spar'd, from 70, of the Sword, nor the Government troubled with Prisoners. This is all, until I see you. From " Your humble Servant, "JAMES HAMILTON. " Please to order a Guard to secure the Ferry, and the Boats there; and the Boats must be all on this side the Ferry, after your Men are over. '* For their Majesties Service, for Major Robert Duncanson, of the Earl of Argyle's Regiment." The Soldiers being disposed five or three in a House, according to the Number of the Family they were to Assassinate, had their Orders given them secretly. They had been all receiv'd as Friends by those poor People, who intended no Evil themselves, and little suspected that their Guests were dcsign'd to be their Murtherers. At 5 a Clock in the Morning they began their bloody Work, Surpris'd and Butcher'd 38 Persons, who had kindly receiv'd them under their Roofs. Mac- jan himself was Murther'd, and is much bemoan'd ; He was a stately well-favour'd Man, and of good Courage and Sense : As also the Laird Archintrikin^ a Gentleman of more than ordinary Judgment and Understanding, who had submitted to the Government, and had Coll. HiWs Protection in his Pocket, which he had got three Months be- fore. I cannot without Horror represent how that a Boy about Eight Years of Age was murthered ; he seeing what was done to others in the House with him, in a terrible Fright run out of the House, and espying Capt. Campbell^ grasp'd him about the Legs, crying for Mercy, and offering to be his Servant all his Life. I am informed Capt. Campbell inclined to spare him ; but one Drummond^ an Officer, bar- barously run his Dagger through him, whereof he died immediately. The rehearsal of several Particulars and Circumstances oi this Tra- gical Story, makes it appear most doleful ; as that Mac-jan was killed at he was drawing on his Breeches, standing before his Bed, and 106 /iDassacre of (Blencoe. giving Orders to his Servants for the good Entertainment of those who murthered him ; While he was speaking the Words, he was shot through the Head, and fell dead in his Ladies Arms, who through the Grief of this and other bad Usages she met with, died the next day. It is not to be omitted, that most of those poor People were killed when they were asleep, and none was allowed to pray to God for Mercy. Providence ordered it so, that that Night was most boister- ous ; so as a Party of 400 Men, who should have come to the other End of the Glen, and begun the like work there at the same Hour, (intending that the poor Inhabitants should be enclosed, and none of them escape) could not march at length, until it was 9 a Clock, and this afforded to many an Opportunity of escaping, and none were killed but those in whose Houses Campbell and Glenlyon^s Men were Quartered, otherwise all the Male under 70 Years of Age, to the number of 200, had been cut off, for that was the Order ; and it might have been easily executed, especially considering that the Inhabitants had no Arms at that time ; for upon the first hearing that the Soldiers were coming to the Glen, they had conveyed them all out of the way : For though they relyed on the promises which were made them for their Safety ; yet they thought it not improbable that they might be disarmed. I know not whether to impute it to diffi- culty of distinguishing the difference of a few Years, or to the fury of the Souldiers, who being once glutted with Blood, stand at nothing, that even some above Seventy Years of Age were destroyed. They set all the Houses on Fire, drove off all the Cattle to the Garison of Inverlochy, viz. 900 Cows, 200 Horses, and a great many Sheep and Goats, and there they were divided amongst the Officers. And how dismal may you imagine the Case of the poor Women and Children was then ! It was lamentable, past expression ; their Husbands and Fathers, and near Relations were forced to flee for their Lives ; they themselves almost stript, and nothing left them, and their Houses being burnt, and not one House nearer than six Miles ; and to get thither they were to pass over Mountains, and Wreaths of Snow, in a vehement Storm, wherin the greatest part of them perished through Hunger and Cold. It fills me with horror to think of poor stript Children and Women, some with Child, and some giving Suck, wrestling against a Storm in Mountains, and heaps of Snow, and at length to be overcome, and give over, and fall down, and die miserably. You see in Hamilton^ Order to Duficnnion^ there's a special Caution, 107 10 Ube (rlaren^on Ibistorical Soctct^ IReprints. That the Old Fox nor none of his Cubs should escape; and in Duncansorf^ Order to Capt. Campbell of Glenlyon^ That the old Fox nor none of his Sons escape; but notwithstanding all this wicked Caution, it pleas'd God that the two young gentlemen, Mac-jan^s Sons escap'd : For it happened that the younger of these Gentlemen trusted little to the fair promises of Campbell, and had a more watchful eye over him than his Father or Brother, who suffered themselves by his reiterated Oaths to be deluded into a belief of his Integrity: He having a strong Impression on his Spirit, that some mischievous Design was hidden under Campbell^ specious Pretences, it made him, after the rest were in Bed, remain in a retired Corner, where he had an advantagious Prospect into their Guard. About midnight perceiving several Souldiers to enter it, this encrcased his Jealousy ; so he went and communicated his Fears to his Brother, who could not for a long time be perswaded there was any bad Design against them, and asserted. That what he had seen, was not a doubling their Guards in order to any ill design, but that being in a strange place, and at a distance from the Garison, they were to send out Centinels far from the Guard, and because of the Extremity of the Weather relieved them often, and the Men he saw could be no more but these. Yet he persisting to say. That they were not so secure, but that it was fit to acquaint their Father with what he had seen, he prevailed with his Brother to rise, and go with him to his Father who lay in a Room contiguous to that they were in. Though what the younger Son alledged made no great Impression on his Father, yet he allowed his Sons to try what they could discover. They well knowing all Skulking places there, went and hid themselves near to a Centinel's Post, where instead of one they discovered eight or ten Men ; this made them more inquisitive, so they crept as near as they could without being discovered, so near that they could hear one say to his Fellows, That he liked not this Work, and that had he known of it he zvould have been very unwilling to have come there; but that none, except their Commanders, knew of it until within a quarter of an hour. The Soldier added. That he was willing to fight against the Men of the Glen, but it was base to murder them. But to all this was answered, All the blame be on snch as gave the Orders; we are free, being bound to obey our Officers. Upon hearing of these words the young Gentlemen retired as quickly and quietly as they could towards the House, to inform their Father of what they had heard ; but as they came nigh to it, they perceived it surrounded, and heard Guns discharged, and the People shrieking ; whereupon, 108 /Ilbassacte of Glcnco. being unarmed, and totally unable to rescue their Father, they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Country, and see Justice done upon those Hell-Hounds, treacherous Murtherers, the Shame of their Country, and Disgrace of Mankind. I must not forget to tell you. That there were two of these officers who had given their ParoU of Honour to Mac-jan, wYiO refused to be concerned in that Brutal Tragedy, for which they were sent Prisoners to Glasco, where if they remain not still, I am sure they were some Weeks ago. Thus, Sir, in obedience to your Commands, I have sent you such Account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhuman Masssacre of the Laird of Glenco, and others of his Clan. You desire some Proofs of the truth of the Story ; for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done, and publick Justice not executed upon the Ruffians : For they take it for granted, that no such order could be given by the Government ; and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration. Sir, As to the Government, I will not meddle with it ; or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco, had such Orders as they pretended from the Government ; the Government knows that best, and how to vindicate their own Honour, and punish the Murtherers who pretended their authority, and still stand upon it. But as to the Matter of Fact of the murder of Glenco, you may depend upon it, as certain and undeniable. It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it, as of the death of my Lord Dundee, or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head. But to put you out of all doubt, you will e'er long have my Lord Jrgyle\ Regiment with you in London, and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself, with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy ; and on my Life, there is never a one of them will deny it to you ; for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland, and it is an Admiration to us that there should be any one in England wYio makes the least doubt of it. Nay, Glenlyon is so far from denying it, that he brags of it, and justifies the Action publicly : He said in the Royal CofFee-House in Edinburgh, that he would do it again ; nay. That he would stab any man in Scotland or in England, without asking the Cause, if the King gave him Orders, and that it was every good Subject's duty so to do; and I am credibly inform'd, that Glenlyon and the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service, in destroying Glenco, pursuant to their Orders. 109 12 Ube Clarendon Ibistorlcal Society lReprtnt6. There is enough of this mournful Subject : If what I have said satisfy you not, you may have what farther Proof, and in what manner you please to ask it. Sir, Tour Humble Servant, Sec. N.B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent, did on Thursday, June 30. 1692. when the Lord Jrgyle's Regiment was quartered at Brentford, go thither, and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men who were the Actors in it : Glenlyon and Drummond were both there. The Highlander who told him the Story, expressing Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon, said, Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day, and you may see him in his Face. I am told likewise that Sir John Lowther refused to accept of the Place of Lord Advocate of Scotland, unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon, and the rest of the Murtherers of Clenco, which not being granted, James Stuart (who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W.) has now the Place. no GALLIENUS REDIVIVUS; flDurtber Mill ®ut, &c >e-©-3^ 'TT^HE fore going Account of the Barbarous Massacre of Glenco, was -■' Printed in the year 1692. in the Answer to Dr. King's Book of the State of Protestants in Ireland : And all the Reception it met with among many here in England, was, That it was a Jacobite Story, on purpose to Reflect upon the Government, and that there was no such thing: But this is now confuted by the Proceedings of the Parliament in Scotland, this Summer Session, 1695. Wherein they have voted the killing of the Glenco-men to be a Murther ; and yet have acquitted Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill, who gave the Orders for Killing of them. Why? Because their Orders were but pursuant to the Instructions they had from Court. Where will this Lodge the Murther? The Design, it is well enough known, is to put it upon Sir John Dalrymple, commonly call'd Maister of Stair, one of the Secretaries for Scotland, because he is not so Fiery a Presbyterian as the other Secretary, James Johnston, who hath it by Inheritance to love Crown and Mitre alike ; and to have a just Reward for it. But Dalrymple is only a Libertine, or Latitudinarian, One of the modern No-Religion, who are indifferent to All, so they be troubled with none. Therefore he cares not whether Episcopacy or Presbytery, or what else is set up, provided the People be easy with it. Ill H XTbe Clarenbon Ibistorical Society IReprints. Now it being known to all the World, That the Pretence of the Inclinations of the People in Scotland, which was made the Ground- work for abolishing Episcopacy, and setting up Presbytery there, was a mere Sham, contriv'd by this Johnston, and the BIGOT Presby- terian Party in Scotland; who were all put in Power, in the beginning of this Revolution ; and set on the Barbarous Rabbling of the Episcopal Clergy in the West of Scotland, that they might cry out. The Inclinations of the People were against Episcopacy: And having, by these and other Arts (which arc fully related in Print) Pack'd, and then surpriz'd the first Convention, or meeting of Estates, to Abolish Episcopacy : They dare not have a new Parliament (as in England) but keep on the same Convention (only changing the name into that of a Parliament) to this day: Because no Free Parliament can be had in Scotland, which would not the first day, spue out Presbytery, and Re-Establish their much more belov*d Episcopacy, and the People showing great Un-easiness under their present Establishment (which hath been trick'd and forc'd upon them), all the Craft and Violence of the Regnant Presbytery, assisted by Acts of Parliament, and all the Countenance of the Government, having not yet been able to Oust the Episcopal Clergy in the North, and other parts of Scotland, or prevail with the People to admit of, or almost give Civil Treatment to the Presbyterian Ministers sent to them, tho' Established by Law. The Presbyterian Interest standing there upon so slender a bottom, their Juncto think it not safe to have a Man of Dalrymplc's Latitude in Religion, in so eminent a Post, and near the'r King; lest he should follow the Inclinations of the People, in GOOD EARNEST, and Call a New Parliament there, which would ruine all their Measures : Therefore ways and means must be used to Remove him; and leave Johnston and the Presbyterian Faction in the sole Possession of the Court. At length, this of Glenco was pitched upon; which was so Odious, They knew their King durst not own it: And therefore they would throw it upon Dalrymplc, who was Secre- tary, and attended when the instructions were sent for that Bloody Murther. And thereby too. They would seem to take off the Odium from their King ; This was their pretence ; and they had proof enough against Dalrymplc : But how that Clear'd his Master will be seen. They produced Nine Letters of Dalrymple's (of which I have Copies) concerning the Massacre of Glenco. And I shall have occasion to mention them hereafter; I will now set down their 112 /iDas^acre ot Olcncoc. several Dates, and Directions; and quote them to save repetition, only by their Number, Letter i. ii. iii. &c. The tv^ro first are directed to Lieutenant Collonel Hamilton, and bear Date, on the 1st, and the other the 3d. Decemb. 1691. The 4 next are to Sir Thomas Levingston of these several Dates, 7, 9, II and 16 of January i6g)4. Then follov^r two more to Collonel Hill, of the i6th and 30th of the same Month ; And lastly one of the 30th Ditto, to Sir Thomas Levingston. It seems very strange that K. W. would suffer these Letters to be exposed to the Parliament in Scotland, being most of them wrote by his Order, enlarging upon, and enforcing the Execution of Instructions, sent with them for the Massacre of Glenco, &c. And the Regard which his Dear Presbyterians, and his Favourite Johnston, in particular, had to his Honour, was very slender, when, to compass their Ends, they load him so fouly, that they might load Dalrymple too. Johnston says, No, But that he foreseeing (because some say of his own Contriving) that the Parliament (who are most of them his Creatures, to their Honour be it spoken) would fall upon the Business of Glenco ; and that they must be, at least seemingly Gratified in it, otherwise that it might obstruct the Money-Bills, did therefore, advise his Master to send down a Commission to men of his own choosing, to enquire into the affair of Glenco; but withal to give secret Instructions to his Commissioner, to keep up the faid Commission, unless the Parliament should enter upon that Business. And if they did, then to produce the said Commission, to shew his Majesty's Innocence, by his Care to have it Examined; and withal, it would take the Examination of it out of the hands of Parliament Committees, who might not manage so dextrously, as those of his own naming. Things being thus stated, and the necessary Orders given, it is vilely suspected, that Johnson procured the Matter to be started in Parliament, whereby, at once, to get rid of his Rival Secretary, and Root up the interest of any, who had but an indifFerency towards Episcopacy at Court; though to the utter Shipwrack of his Master's Honour, to be Recorded for all Posterities (as if it were inseperable from some Constitutions to betray those they serve, even though they wish them well, and must stand and fall with them.) For con- sidering the inflence Johnston had in that Parliament, and that they have never yet oppos'd his Will in any thing ; and that he has been able to suppress the least Murmur, or Hint, that looked towards Glenco, when the Fact was New Committed; and the Horror of it p T13 i^ TLbc (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprtnts. fresh and Bleeding ; and now for three years after : I say, It is not supposed by men who understand that Parliament, that it could have been brought upon the Stage, when it was almost dead and forgotten, if the hand of Joab had not been in it : but let him look to that. I have only to add, as a Completion of the fore-going Narrative, that I can from unquestionable Vouchers, give the Reader an Account of the Orders from Court to Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill, which are not in the Letter that goes before ; and when the Reader is told that Hamilton (whose Order to Duncanson is inserted) had his Order from Levingston, and Collonel Hill ; then he has the whole thread, viz. W. R.'s Order to Levingston and Hill ; Levingston and Hill to Hamilton; Hamilton to Duncanson; and Duncanson to Glenlyon, who was the butcher. You find in the Gazettes Two Sett of Instructions, one of the nth, the other of the i6th Jan. 169;^ and I will give you an Account of them both. Those of the iith did expressly Order FIRE and SWORD, [these were the words] against all the Highland- Clans, who had not taken the Oaths. After they were sent away, my Lord Carmarthen (now Leeds) being told of it, by Dalrymple (as I am informed) did represent it to K. W. as a thing so unknown in these Countries, which are Governed by Laws, That Fire and Sword would sound very harshly ; no such words having ever been heard from any of our Native Kings. This procured the mitigation of that order, by the Instructions of the i6th, which poured all the Thunder upon Glenco ; because some Sacrifice must be made ! What concern'd Glenco was in the 4th of these Instructions, and is as follows : — WILLIAM R. Js for MAC-IAN of GLENCO, and that TRIBE, // they can be well disti7iguuhed from the Rest of the High-Landers ; It will he proper for the Vindication of Puhlick Justice^ to EXTIRPATE that Sett of Thieves, W. R. This was directed to Sir Thomas Levingston, and Collonel Hill. And the Parliament has voted that Levingston, or Hill's Orders did not exceed these Instructions ; nor indeed could they : For what can exceed EXTIRPATION ! And that to be Executed at the discrc- /iDassacre of Glencoe* ^7 tion of Soldiers ! As it is worded in the Secretary's Letter to Sir Tho. Levingston. "I am confident" (says he) "you will see there are full powers given you in very plain Terms, and yet the method left very much to your own discretion."^ Take Notice that these Instructions are Counter-sign'd W. R. at Bottom, as well as at Top, which is not usual : For it is the Secre- tary's Office to Counter-sign the King's Orders ; and the Reason is, that if any thing be amiss, the Secretary must be answerablet Therefore Dalrymple had reason to waive that Ceremony, in this instance, and let his Master take all the Glory to himself. And lest this should not be sufficiently taken Notice of: and that he might have a Voucher, when time comes, he took care to inform Sir Tho. Levingston punctually of it, in the same Letter which enclosed the first most Bloody Instructions of the nth Jan. 169;^, for an Universal Massacre of All, who had not taken the Oaths. And begins in these words : "Sir, I send you the King's Instructions super and subscribed by Himself." ^ And to show how pleasing a thing Mercy was to them, and with what reluctancy they Prosecuted those who had not taken the Oaths, he says in the same Letter : "Just now Argyle tells me. That Glenco hath not taken the Oaths, at which I Rejoyce. It's a great work of Charity to be exact in Rooting out that Damnable Sect." And to shew how great this Charity was, and whence it proceeded, The Wise Secretary Blurts out these words ; "I have no great kindness for Keppoch, nor Glenco, and it's well these People are in mercy." Well indeed ! They were in merciful hands ! Who can say they ought not to Die, for whom such a Secretary hath no GREAT Kindness ! But who are they must die ? ALL ! ALL ! Man, Woman, and Child! Massacre the Men, and Drive the Women and Children to perish more cruelly in the mountains. To which purpose, that extreme Cold Season was chosen for the Execu- tion. " The Winter is the only Season (says the Secretary) in which we are sure the High-Landers cannot escape us, nor carry their Wives, Bairns, and Cattle to the Mountains."^ "It's the only time they cannot Escape you ; for Human Constitution cannot endure to be long out of Houses. This is the proper Season to maul them in the long cold Nights."^ This was express'd with the Gusto of a Vulture, in expecta- tion of a Glorious Massacre ! And then how easy it would be ! "I expect (says he) you will find little Resistance but from the season."* ' Letter 5. = Letter i. ^ Letter 2. 4 Letter 4. 115 1 8 XTbe Clarenbon Ibistodcal Socleti^ iReprtnts. And then what thorough work they would make? "To destroy entirely the Country of Lochaber, Lochells, Lauds, Keppoch's, Glengaries, Appin, and Glenco."' Here was a beautiful Feast provided ! It was a Ravishing Prospect! But O! how these Lyons were Enraged when any of their desired Prey was delivered out of their Jaws. It was in a mournful strain the Secretary tells the sad News. "We have an Account (says he) that Lochart, and Mac-naghton, Appin and Glenco took the benefit of the Indemnity at Inverary ; and Keppoch, and others at Inverness:"' But after this, when Argyle told him that Glenco had not taken the Oaths; How did he Rejoyce ! as above Quoted. "I am glad (says he) that Glenco did not come in within the time prescribed."^ "I am content that CLAN except itself."* "For my part, I could have wished the Mac-donalds had not divided, (that is, that they had all excluded themselves from mercy) and I am sorry that Keppoch, and Mac- jan of Glenco are safe."^ But it seems they were not safe. Some must be made a Sacrifice ; and Glenco was pitched upon for the Victim. And the implacable Fury, which was shown against that Clan, expressed the Rage they felt, that so many had escaped them. And therefore that Clan was to be destroyed entirely. I assure you (says the Secretary to his Officers) your Power shall be full enough, and I hope the Soldiers will not trouble the Government with Prisoners."' "For a just Example of Vengeance, I entreat that the Thieving Tribe in Glenco may be rooted out in earnest."^ "I shall entreat you for a just Vengeance, and publick Example, the Thieving Tribe of Glenco may be rooted out to purpose. The Earl of Argyle and Broadalban have promised they shall have no Retreat in their Bounds ; the Passes to Rannach would be secured, and the Hazard certified to the Laird of to Retreat: Then in that Case Argyle's Detachment, with a Party that may be Posted in Island Stalker, must cut them ofi^."^ "Pray when any thing concerning Glenco is resolved let it be secret and sudden, otherwise the Men will shift you, and better not meddle with them than not to do it to purpose, to cut off that Nest of Robbers, who arc fallen in the mercy of Law."^ "I am glad Glenco did not come in within the time Proscribed. I hope what is done there may be in earnest, since the rest are not in a ' Letter -?, ' Letter +. ' Letter 9. * Letter 1. 5 Letter 7. *" Letter 8. 116 /IDassacre ot (Blenco. 19 Condition to draw together to help. I think to herry their Cattle, or burn their Houses, is but to render them Desperate Lawless Men, to Rob their Neighbours : But I believe you will be satisfied it were a great Advantage to the Nation, That that Thieving Tribe were Rooted out, and Cut off. It must be Quietly done, otherwise they will make shift for both the Men and their Cattle. Argyle's Detach- ment lies in Keppoch well, to assist the Garrison to do all ON A SUDDEN." Was ever so greedy a Hunt after the Lives of a Company of Secure and Un-arm'd People, who slept fearless, and suspecting no danger, under the Protection of those who were thus Contriving to Massacre them, in the most Savage and Treacherous manner ! The Secretary tells Collonel Hill that "the Oaths are Indispensable." ' This was a fearful Method of Imposing the Oaths upon these High- Landers, that none must live who would not take them ! But were all admitted to take them? One would think so; when they were made Indispensable. Yet notwithstanding, in that same Letter, He gives these Directions to Coll. Hill. "Till we see what is done by the CHIEFS, it is not time to Receive their Tenants, or Admitting them to take the Oaths, or hoping for Pardon, 'till they give Evidence that they are willing to pay their Rents to you, and to take Tacks for their former Duties ; who will not do so, and were in the Rebellion, must feel the dismal consequences of it." Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him a Blasphemer! If the Tenants would betray the Rights of their Land-Lords to Atturn, and Pay their Rents to the Secretary, or his Governour, then, and not other- wise. They should be admitted to take the Oaths: And yet they must not live, if they did not take the Oaths : But Glenco took the Oaths; yet that sav'd not his Life, nor his Clan. It were reasonable here to presume that K. W. did not know that they had taken the Oaths. First, If it had been so. This manner of Massacre, in Cold Blood had been a Cruelty without Precedent. Secondly, It was taking Advantage of the Time, with the Greatest Rigour. For the Time limited by the Indemnity expired but the 1st of January 169/^. And the Instructions for a General Massacre were dated the iithof the same Month, at London, which was hardly time enough to know whether he had taken the Oaths or not. But Thirdly, Here is no room left to surmise, that K. W. did not know it; ' Letter 7. 20 ubc Clarendon Ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts. because Secretary Dalrymple (in his Letter to Sir Thomas Levingston» before Quoted, which is dated at London the 9th of January, i^g^z) tells him " That they had an Account that Glenco had taken the Oaths at Inverary;"' which was the Place where he did take them, as is told in the foregoing Narrative. And he tells Sir Thomas, in the same Letter: "I have been with the King. He says your Instructions shall be despatched on Monday." And they were so. For that Monday was the nth of January, iSg^z which day the Instructions do bear Date. And this Letter of the Secretary's was Dated the 9th of January 169^. which was the Saturday before. And then he tells Sir Thomas, "That he had the Account of Glenco's having taken the Oaths with several others ; and that he had been with the King concerning it, and Instructions should be sent," &c, 'Tis true, his Letter of the nth, which went with the Instructions, says, "That Argyle told him Glenco had not taken the Oaths."' But this was no more than Hearsay; and it was not true. For Glenco had taken the Oaths before that time; according to the Account which the Secretary own'd was sent to him: And Argyle was an enemy to Glenco, as appears by what is above quoted out of Letter 7. But this saying of Argyle's to the Secretary in London, could not be of Argyle's own Knowledge. And one would think that the Secretary of State should have as good Intelligence as he. But, to make the most of it, this cou'd amount to nomore than a Doubt. And it was his duty to Suspend his further Resolution, till he might have the Certainty from Scotland. But they did not stay for this. For the particular Instructions to Massacre Glencoe, bore Date the i6th of January 1691^, Betwixt which time and the nth. when Argyle told the Secretary, as above, "They could not send to Scotland, and have any Answerback." Now these Instructions of the 16th were no way Conditional, to cut off Glencoe, //'he had not taken the Oaths. But Positive, and without more ado. When it is certain that K.W. Must, at least. Doubt whether he had taken the Oaths, or not. But it is apparent that Colloncl Hill, who had given Glencoe his Protection, and to whom Glencoe came to take the Oaths, I say it is certain that he, and the other Officers there upon the Place, knew very well that Glenco had taken the Oaths, and submitted to the Government. Those Officers whom he receiv'd into his House, and quarter'd their Soldiers among his Tenants, upon his laying down his Arms ; These « Letter 4. ' Letter 3. 118 /[Dassacre ot Olcncoc. must know that he had submitted. But if notwithstanding they must Obey their Orders (as they did) if it be not permitted to Officers, so much as Rescribere, to acquaint the King with any mistake may be in his Orders ; but to Execute them blindfold, and without Asking Questions, then let me lie out of the Reach of a Soldier. The Reader must likewise know, that none of the Foresaid Instruc- tions were communicated to the Privy Conncil of Scotland ; to whom by the Constitution of that Kingdom, and Continual Custom, all the Kings Orders are directed. They knew nothing of this Matter, It was contriv'd to be Carry'd in such a Manner, as not to be prevented. And when Gallienus his Thirst of Blood is once Satis fy'd, then let Slaves Grumble, and make Inquiry ! We know how to Manage them. Johnston hath undertaken it. Nay he hath done it. Do/ie it! More effectually than ever was heard, or I believe, Imagin'd, in these Nations, before this Happy Revolution : For here is a Precedent made, and that by Parliament, That the King may send his Guards, and Cut any Man's Throat in the Nation in Cold Blood; Nay, he may Massacre the whole Parliament, as they are there Sitting, by the Rule that they have given ; That is, To acquit Levingston and Hill ; and to justify them for pursuing the King's Orders to Massacre a whole Clan, which is no more Just, or Law, than to Massacre a Parliament. Let us Banter the World, or ourselves no more with Liberty and Laws ! And when Parliaments can be brought to Approve, and to Justify all this Well ! Johnston ! Thou hast Manag'd Nobly. Thou art fit to Serve a Monarch ! But not unless you bring your Monarch cleverly off in this Business ; For what if you can place it upon Dal- rymple ; And if Dalrymple should be Hang'd for Daring to send such an Order, tho' he refus'd to Counter-sign it. What will become of Him, who both Sign'd it, and Counter-Sign'd it, and Commanded it to be Sent ? If the Man such Praises have. What must He Employs the Knave ? Why ! did his Master never Inquire into this Matter before ? Never before the Parliament Clamour'd! And what was the Mean- ing of a Commission to Examine into what himself had Order'd — But Mes James ! — And have you e'en brought your Master into this Noose ! What can you expect from him but to be Glenco'd for vour pains? Qui Glencoat Glencoabitur — You have brought all his Sins to 119 22 XTbe Clarendon Iblstorical Society IReprints. Remembrance. The Dewitting' in Holland was almost forgot. — You have pretty good Experience of his Temper, or you may have. But if he suffer you to live to sec another Revolution, you may plead Merit : For all his Enemies have not render'd him so Black ; so effectually Proved, and Demonstrated it to the World, as your Management has done. He is happy in his Ministers ! at least very Justly serv'd by them ! He wants but a good Historian, that he may not lose his Character to after Ages. And Secretary, you cannot do better than to recom- mend your Uncle to that Office. He'll do it Deliciously ; he'll either find or make Parallels to him out of Antient Histories (for he'll find none among the Modern, especially in these Countries.) And make him (I'll warrant you) Excel them all. And among the rest, I would recommend one to him, that fits the present case so exactly, that you would think one was copied out of the other, and it is as follows : — "Gallienus, ut erat Nequam & Perditus ; ita etiam, ubi necessitas coegisset, velox, furibundus, ferus, vehemens, Crudelis — In omnes Mesiacos tam Milites quam Civcs asperime Ceviit : Nee quemquam suae Crudelitatis exortem reliquit : Usque adeo Asper et Truculentus ut plerasq ; Civitates vacuas a virili sexu relinqueret. " Extat sane Epistola Galieni quam ad Celerem Verianum Scripsit, qua ejus Nimietas crudelitatis ostenditur: quam Ego idcirco interposui, ut omnes intelligerent, hominem Luxuriosum crudelissimum esse, si necessitas Postulet. GALLIENUS VERIANO. "Non mihi satisfacies, si tantura Armatos occideris, quos et sors Belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus est omnis sexus Virilis, si et senes atq; impuberes sine Reprehensione nostra occidi possent. Occidendus est quicunq ; malevoluit. Occi- dendus est quicumq; male dixit contra me, contra Valeriani filium, contra tot Principum Patrem et Fratrem. Ingenuus factus est Impe- rator. Lacera, occide, concidc : Animum meum intelligcre potes, mea Mentc irascere qui haec Manu mea scripsi." \Trebell. PoUion. Trigint. Tyran. de Ingenuo.'] This is the Description of Gallienus, a Cruel, and a Bloody Tyrant: And here is the Copy of some Instructions he sent to Vcrianus, an Officer of his, about just such another Massacre as Glenco, which he » This word is coined as an allusion to the murder of the brothers John and Cornelius De Witt at the Hague, by the Prince of Orange's party in 167*. 120 /IDassacre ot 6lenco» 23 wrote, or Sign'd with his own Hand: Wherein he Commands him, to put all to the Sword, All that durst speak or think against him, as well Old as Young; He bid him Plunder, Kill, Tear ; and that it would not please him if he Kill'd only those in Arms against him, but All of the Masculine Sex. Here was a Great deal of Do, and many Words about it ! But our Milder Order, bid only EXTIRPATE, and that not this or that Body, or making Distinctions of Old or Young, Men or Women. What need all that Cookery! But only The Whole TRIBE. That was all ! He Scorn'd to Except the pitiful Women, as Gallienus did. What need They be Excepted? Why! He Excepted no Body ! Short Work's best — and Few Words. And as the Answer to Great Britain's Just Complaint, Publish'd by Authority, 1692, says, p. 37. in Vindication of W. R. as to this of Glenco. '■'- A milder Order was never given ^ And he says that his Majesty has Express'd a High Displeasure at it. It was High indeed : For we never heard of it before. Nor are we like to hear of it, that I can see : For all the Officers who Commanded, or who Executed it, are still in their Respective Posts, unless Advanc'd. Nor have we heard that so much as an 111 Word has been said by Him to any one of them. But this we know, by that Answer to Great Britain's Just Cojnplalnt, that W. R. cannot plead Ignorance, that there was a great Clamour about the Massacre of Glenco, Three Years ago : And that he has taken no Notice of it all this time nor Now, till it was first Started in Parliament; And that then, what he did, was, as much as he could to take it out of the hands of the Parliament, and by all his Might and Main, to Stifle, or at least to Baffle it. And it has been Baffled. And this horrible addition is thereby made to the Guilt of that Murther ; That whereas none were answerable for it before, except only Gallienus and his Verianus's with their Accomplices, it is now become a National Guilt (so far as the Parliament are the Repre- sentatives of the People) by the Parliament's making GALLIENUS's Instructions sufficient to justify Verianus in his Execution of them. Whereby they justify the whole Murder, and bring it upon their own Heads, and upon the Heads of their Children. For if Gallienus had no Power by Law, to send such Instructions, they could be no Justification to Verianus : But now that Parliament has Voted that such Instructions arc a Justification of Verianus ; and therefore they have yielded that Gallienus has, by Law, a Power to send such Q 121 24 TLbc (Ilaren^on Ibtstorical Society IReprints. Instructions. And they ought to be Obey'd. And then ? Lord have mercy upon us! Nor has our Parliament in England been behind that of Scotland in Sacrificing our Laws, Lives, and Liberties to an Arbitrary and Despotick Power ; and that not only to Orders Sign'd by Gallienus himself, but by Verianus, of his own head. Making us Double Distill'd Vassals; Slaves of Slaves! And the instance which (among many others) I have to give of this. Exceeds even that of Glenco, in its having less Pretence, and acted with the greater face of Authority, and Solemnity. I mean the Prodigious unprecedented Manner of the Murther of GafFney in Ireland by the command of the Lord Coningsby ; for which he was impeached before the House of Commons in England, by Protestants of Ireland, Gentlemen of Quality and Estates ; and of Publick and generous Spirits ; whose noble Resentment to see their Laws so vilely trampled under foot by those whom they had Invited thither to protect them, brought them hither in Person, to demand Justice from our House of Commons against Coningsby, who was one of their Members. And that there could be nothing of Revenge in the Case, in behalf of the Person who was Murther'd, it's notorious ; that GafFney being a poor Fellow, a Servant to Sweetman (hereafter mention'd) and wholly unknown, I believe, to every one of the Gentlemen who prosecuted Coningsby; Besides, He was a Roman Catholic and one of the Native Irish, upon both of which Accounts he could have the less share of Interest with the British, and Irish Protestants, who were then not wholly come out of a most bloody War against them ; for Limerick as yet held out. And therefore these worthy Patriots, who came over from Ireland hither to prosecute Coningsby, could have no other Incitement, but Love of their Country, and the Preservation of the Laws : But the Return they had, after a long and Expensive Attendance as it was, Mortifying to themselves, and sadly Instructive to others, will remain an Instance of Arbitrary Government not to be equall'd in former Ages, nor easily credible to the future. The Story, one would think, should not need being told in England, because it was brought upon the Stage, before the House of Commons, and is in their Printed Votes. Yet, all that is not, it seems, sufficient to publish it at this time ; not one in twenty of some sort of People that I meet with, having ever heard of it, or have forgot it. And (as 1 have told of the Story 122 /iDassacre of (Blencoe. 25 of Glenco) they call it a Jacobite Invention ; and will hear no more of it. I will therefore present the Reader with the very Words of the Article concerning GaiFney, which (with several others of other Instances of High Arbitrary Government) was exhibited by the Earl of Ballimont, and other Protestants of Ireland, against the Lords Justices of Ireland (viz., The said Lord Coningsby, and Sir Charles Porter, both Members of the House of Commons in England) before the House of Commons in the Winter Session 1693. The Article concerning GafFney is the 4th, and follows in these Words : — " That the Lords Justices did, in Council, by word of Mouth, Order one (BattnC^ to be Hanged, without Tryal, the Courts of Justice being then open, and who was at that time an Evidence against one Sweetman for the murther of Collonel Foulk's soldiers: But the said Sweetman (giving all his real Estate to the value of jfzoo per Annum to Mr Culliford, besides the sum of about £s^o to Mr Fielding, the said Lords Justices Secretary, for being his Bayl) was never prosecuted for the said murther; and the said GafFney was immediately Executed according to the said verbal Order. Now the Reader must know that every Tittle of the said Charge was proved fully, and past all Contradiction. Captain Fitz-Gerald, who is a Member of the Privy Council in Ireland, Declared that he was then sitting at the Board; and that the Council were not advised with at all in it. That Sweetman's Estate, valued at ;£3000, was ofFer'd to him [Captain Fitz-Gerald] on Condition that he would make interest to save Sweetman's Life. That Lord Coningsby, who gave the Orders for the Executing of GafFney, was in so great haste to have him dispatch'd out of the way (for he was an Evidence against Sweetman) That he ordered a Provo, instead of any Legal Officer, to be Call'd into the Councill-Chamber where GafFney was Examined: And after having asked GafFney three or four Questions, and that he positively denied his having any Accession to the said Murther; Commanded the Provo to take him out and hang him up IMME- DIATELY : And the Provo making Answer, That it would take some time to make a Gallows ; Coningsby answered sharply, "Hang him upon the Carriage of a Gun ;" which was done IMMEDIATELY ! Of all this Coningsby could not deny One Word before the House of Commons : And all he said in his own Vindication was. That if he had not hang'd GafFney so, he could not have hang'd him at all. Which was true : For there was no Evidence against him, and 123 26 Ube Claren^on Ibistorical Society? IReprints. therefore they would give him no Tryal. But why must Gaffncy then be Hang'd ? Because, forsooth ! Some Officers in the Army would have somebody Hang'd for the Murther of Foulk's Soldiers : And Sweetman (in whose Backside the Soldiers were buried, and their Coats found in his House) had given 500/. to the Lords Justices Secretary, and his Estate to another man in Power; but GafFney was a Poor Rogue, and had nothing to give, and therefore it was fit he should be hang'd. And Hang'd as he was, or not at all. As CONINGSBY honestly, but Impudently Confessed. But now comes the Astonishing Wonder. After all these things so plainly proved and confess'd, that the House of Commons could not frame any manner of excuse for Coningsby ; but were forc'd to Vote the Execution of GafFney without Tryal, to be Arbitrary and Illegal; Yet that considering the state of Affairs, They did not think fit to ground an Impeachment against the Lord Coningsby for the same. This is in the Printed Votes of the 29th of January, 1693. And this is an Original. What! Vote a man guilty, and yet that he shall not be prosecuted! Why pray? Because of the state of Affairs. This is very general. And such a pretence will never be wanting. But what was this State of Affairs, at that time ? It was in the Winter of 1690, when all Ireland except only Limerick, was in the Obedience of K. W., when the Courts of Justice were open (as in the 'bovesaid Article against Coningsby is exprcss'd) and the Lords Justices and Council sitting in Peace and Grandeur in Dublin. And what was it that cou'd or ought to have hindered giving that Poor Fellow a fair Tryal? Other Criminals were then Tryed, in the usual form, and why not Gaffney? How came the State of Affairs to reach him, more than any other? Unless you will say, that it did reach to many others : For it is express'd in the Printed Address of the Lords, Presented to K. W. 9 March 1692, That not only Gaffney, but several others were Executed, without any Tryal whatsoever ; And that there were Exorbitant Abuses, great Mismanagement, and many Arbitrary and Illegal Proceedings there, within these four Years last past, as well since the determination of the War as before, which includes the whole Government since the Revolution, as well during the Administration of Gallicnus in Person, while ho was there, as of his several Vcrianus's in his Absence. One of whom did, in Almanzor strain, set up the High Prerogative, and Hector their Parliament in a manner unknown to former Ages: And without Precedent from any Lawful King that ever sat upon the English Throne in that Kingdom. 121 /iRassacre ot 0lencoe. 27 Which they have given us an Account of in Print ; to try whether there was so much of the Spirit of English Liberty left in an English Parliament as to Vindicate their own Privileges, in that Breach which was made upon them, thro' the sides of the Parliament in Ireland, a Province of their own, and may be reckoned a branch of the English Empire. But all in vain ! They had drunk so deep in the Cup of Slavery at Home, that they could take no notice of it Abroad. They have stopt their Ears close against all Charmers upon that Subject, Charm he never so wisely. They Call their Slavery, Liberty! And where then is the Remedy ? Thus poor Ireland was left without all hopes of Redress, to feed upon the Melancholy Reflection, that their Liberties have been much more notoriously violated by their Deliverers than by all the instances which were so much as alledg'd against their Lawful King; And thence to learn for the future, how much Rebellion is a worse Remedy, than the Disease of Tyranny (even when it is not made a pretence) and that it always ends in a Heavier Tyranny : Because there must go more Force to keep under New Acquisitions, than Old Hereditary Rights. And if all the Sacred Bonds of Natural Allegiance Fortified with the Religious Sanction of Oaths, and Taught and Inculcated upon Us, from our Infancy, as a Condition indispensable to our Salvation ; if all this, and all the Honour and Reputation which the World has justly affixed to Loyalty, with the Horror and eternal Stain, upon the Name and Memory of Traytors and Rebels and all the Terrors of the Laws against Treason. If none (I say) Nor all of these Considerations, have weight enough to keep us in our Obedience to those whom God, and the Constitution of our Country, have placed over Us, by a Divine as well as a Legal Right : How should an Usurper secure our Duty, who has none of these Tyes, on his side ; but All, and every One against him? How should. How can He do it, but by Corrupting our Representatives in Parliament, so as to pass all his Arbitrary Designs upon Us, in their Names; and when that fails him, by open Force ? How otherwise has any one of them ever yet secured himself? Have we forgot our late Deliverers in Forty One? Will no Experience serve to make us Wise? No. Not when the Time of our Destruction is come ! We shall then, as the Jews did before their Final Destruction by the Romans ; we do now as they did then Obstinately refuse all offers of Mercy, for our Rebellion, and continue to Provoke a Power, which we know too 125 28 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprlnts. strong for Us ; and which wc confess must, without a Miracle, be our Ruine : Yet we run on, trusting only to our Dispair! And we have not only Delivered up our Money or our Lives, without Account ; but what used to be Dearer to English Men, The Honour of England! Of which take this short Instance instead of many more. " The House of Lords made (and printed) an Address, dated the iSf/f of February 1692. Wherein They mind their King of the Capitulation made in the Year 1678, by which it was agreed. That the English Commander and Officer, in every Degree is to Command every other Confederate Officer of the same Rank (except those of Crowned Heads) without any regard to the Date of their respective Commissions. And that the contrary was the Practice in this last War, to the diminution of the Honour that belongeth to the Crown of England, and to the general Dissatisfaction of his Majesty's Subjects. And desire. That the Chief Commander of the English Forces under his Majesty, should be a Subject born in his Majesty's Dominions: That no Foreigner should be of the Board of Ordnance, or Keeper of the Stores in the Tower of London : That, for the Encouragement of the English, there should not be so many strangers Employ'd in the Office of the Ordnance. That there hath been many Abuses under Pretence of Pressing Men for the Fleet ; And therefore They humbly Advise, That the Offenders should be immediately Cashiered, and Prosecuted with the utmost Rigour of the Law." His Gracious Answer was, " That he would consider it." And we may suppose. That he is considering of it still : For he hath not perform'd one word of it : But on the Contrary, to shew the regard he has for all the Peers of England ; and for the Honour of England; He has acted quite contrary to this Address, more since, than before: For not only Abroad, in Flanders, and in Savoy, are the English everywhere under Foreign Commanders-in-Chief: But, to use them as they deserve. He has now this last time, made a Foreigner [Schomberg] Commander-in-Chief of all the Forces left in England. Let the Lords Address again ! They would if they were English Men! Or if he were an Hereditary King! But some will bear more Insults from a Mistress than a Wife. And a King of our own making, Costs us more than Twenty of God's sending. We think our selves bound to Acquiesce in our own Act and Deed ! If any of the Cursed and Rebel Parliaments could have found a 126 /iDassacre ot 6lencoe» 29 GafFney or Glenco, against King Charles the First, or any of his Sons, what a Noise would they have made? How had all the World been filled with Apologies and Remonstrances ! What a Dismal Idea would have been Raised of Tyranny and Arbitrary Government! In the former Reigns, how was the Nation alarm'd with what was Whispered; and not Whispered, or ever so much as thought of, in the King's Bed-Chamber; in his Closet! Of Secret Leagues, and Private Assassinations of Men that Murther'd themselves ; where there was not the least Umbrage or Colour of Pretence ! How Industrious was it spread and imbibed by the Mob of this Nation, That King Charles the Second and the Earl of Essex were both Murthered by the Procurement of one they had a mind to Blacken! And Forty Protestant Witnesses of the greatest Quality and Reputation, were not sufficient to make them believe a Prince of Wales ; though not one Man or Woman in the Nation ever Depos'd any thing to the Contrary : Nor was there any other Argument against it, besides a few Drunken Songs. But that was enough, because it was against a Lawful King. And on the other hand, though they see their Fellow-Subjects GaiFney'd and Glenco'd before their Faces : Though it be Printed in the Gazettes and Publick Votes of the House of Commons, and that the House of Lords print their Addresses, contrary to their usual Custom, on purpose to let the Nation see. — Yet they will not see. No. All this is not NOW sufficient to imprint it one half-hour in their Memories, after Reading of the Publick Papers ; they neglect it, They forget it, as not concerning them ! Non Persuadebis, etiamsi Persuaseris, is their Resolution. And ^os perdere vult Jupiter^ Dementat, I wish may not be their Fate. BUT to bring our Story to an End : There is One Noble Stroke of Secretary Johnston's behind. Whereby he thinks he has wiped his Master's ancle, from all Imputation of the Massacre of Glenco ; And that is. He has perswaded Lieutenant- Collonel Hamilton (whose Order to Duncanson is in the foresaid Narrative) to abscond for some time ; and then to slip over to K. W. in Flanders ; which he has done. This shews as if he were more Guilty than the rest. He is made the Scapegoat, and all this Sin laid upon his Head. But if Hill gave his Orders to his Lieutenant-Collonel Hamilton (which he Avers in his Order to Duncanson) Why was it more Criminal in Hamilton to hand down his Collonel's Orders to the next Subaltern ? AND why must Glen Lyon, and the others who actually Committed 127 30 XTbe Clarenbon Ibtstorical Society IReprints. that Horrid Massacre, and are now in their Respective Commands in Flanders, Why should these be Excused ? O! No! They arc not excused, for as in the Gazette (iSM July 1695) the Parliament in Scotland has made a fierce Vote against them, viz., That his Majesty be Addrcss'd to send them home to be prosecuted for the same, Or Not, as his Majesty shall think fit. — OR NOT ! This is as Civil as Heart could wish ! And whether this Address was sent, or Not; whether it was trusted to Secretary Johnston to send it, or Not, is all One : For instead of sending them Home to be Tryed, Hamilton is sent to them ; And in Justice we are to suppose that Due Care will be taken. That in this Campaign, They shall either be Killed, Taken, or Desert. And then if we had them again. How we would hang the Rogues. BUT our English Parliament was much more complaysant to their Verianus's ; they did not put them to the trouble so much as of a Sham Absconding for a little time ; No, nor of suff^ering the least Disgrace for thcir more Solemn and Judicial Murther: But Commanded them to take their Places again in their Senate-House ; Thus doing them Honour, for their Noble Breach of our Laws ; And signifying to the Nation what Qualifications arc Expected in those whom they Choose to Represent them ; and in whose hands they have Deposited the Absolute and Un-Accountable Disposal of their Estates, Lives, and Liberties ! At least, it is so understood. And the Silence of the People in this Case, is taken for Consent. 128 THE SEVERAL DECLARATIONS MADE IN COUNCIL CONCERNING THE mijct)) of tl)e iartnce of malts. 1688. JilSTORY IS BUT THE jJ^ROLLED ^CROLL OP J^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1885. This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. \ The Several DECLARATIONS Together with the Several DEPOSITIONS MADE IN C OUNCIL On Monday, the 22d of October 1688. CONCERNING The BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. N.B. — Thofe Mark'd with this Mark * are Roman Catholicks. London: Printed, and Sold by the Bookfellers of London and Wejtminjier. AT THE COUNCIL- CHAMBER IN WHITEHALL, Monday the 22M* of O£foher, 1688. 'T^His Day an Extraordinary Council met, where were likewife Prefent, by his Majefty's Defire and Ap- pointment, Her Majefty the Queen Dowager, and fuch of the Peers of this Kingdom, both Spiritual and Temporal, as were in Town. And alfo the Lord Mayor and Alder- men of the City of London ; the Judges, and feveral of Their Majefties Council Learn'd, hereafter Named. The King's moft Excellent Majefty. Her Majefty the Queen Dowager in a Chair, placed on the King's Right Hand. His R. H. Pr. George of Denmark, Lord Chancellor, Lord Prefident, Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Craven, Earl of Berkeley, Duke of Hamilton, Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Oxford, Earl of Huntingdon, Earl of Peterborow, Earl of Salifbury, Sic, 33 6 Ube (^laren^on Ibtstorical Socteti^ IReprtnts. Earl of Rochefter, Earl of Moray, Earl of Middleton, Earl of Mel fort, Earl of Caftlemain, Vifcount Prefton, Lord Bellafyfe, Lord Godolphin, Lord Dover, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mafter of the Rolls, L. Ch. Juftice Herbert, Sir Thomas Strickland, Sir Nicholas Butler, Mr. Titus, Lord A. B. of Canterbury, Duke of Norfolk, Duke of Grafton, Duke of Ormond, Duke of Northumberland, Marquefs of Halyfax, Earl of Pembroke, Earl of Clarendon Earl of Cardigan, Earl of Ailefbury, Earl of Burlington, Earl of Litchfield, Earl of Feversham, Earl of Nottingham, Vifcount Newport, Vifcount Weymouth, Bifhop of London, Bifhop of Winchefter, Biftiop of Rochester, Bifhop of Chefter, Bifhop of St. Davids, Lord North. Lord Chandos, Lord Montagu, Lord Herbert of Chirbury, Lord Vaughan Earl of Carbery, Lord Colepepcr, Lord Churchill, Lord Waldegravc. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London. Sir Robert Wright, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench. Sir Thomas Powel, Sir Thomas Baldock, Sir Thomas Street, Sir Edward Lutwich, Sir Thomas Jennor, Sir Richard Heath, Sir Charles Ingleby, Sir John Rotheram, Sir John Maynard, Sir John Holt, Sir Ambrofc Philips, 134 J- Juftices of the King's Bench. V Juftices of the Common Pleas. !- Barons of the Exchequer. J- His Majcftics Serjeants at Law. Ube Birtb ot tbe prince ot Males, 7 Sir Thomas Powis, His Majefty's Attorney General. Sir William Williams, His Majefty's Solicitor General. Sir James Butler. Mr. North, the Queen's Attorney. Mr. Montagu, the Queen's Solicitor. Sir Charles Porter. To whom His Majefty ipake to this Effeft. My Lords, T Have called you together upon a very extraordinary Occalion ; "*' but extraordinary Difeafes muft have extraordinary Remedies. The Malicious Endeavours of my Enemies have fo poifoned the Minds of fome of my Subjects, that by the Reports I have from all hands I have Reafon to believe that very many do not think this Son with which God hath blefTed Me, to be Mine, but a Suppofed Child. But I may fay, that by particular Providence, fcarce any Prince was ever Born where there were fo many Perfons prefent. I have taken this time to have the Matter Heard and Examined here, Expedling that the Prince of Orange, with the firft Eafterly Wind, will invade this Kingdom ; and as I have often ventured My Life for the Nation before I came to the Crown fo I think My Self more obliged to do the fame, now I am KING ; and do intend to go in Perfon againft him, whereby I may be expofed to Accidents, and therefore I thought it nec'effary to have this now done, in order to fatiffie the minds of My Subjefts, and to prevent this Kingdom's being engaged in Blood and Confufion after My Death, defiring to do always what may contribute moft to the Eafe and Quiet of my Subje6ls, which I have fhewed by Securing to them their Liberty of Confcience, and the Enjoyment of their Properties, which I will always preferve. I have Delired the Queen Dowager to give Her Self the trouble to come hither, to Declare what fhe knows of the Birth of My Son, and moft of the Ladies, Lords, and other Perfons who were prefent, are ready here to Depofe upon Oath their Knowledge of this Matter. Whereupon the Queen Dowager was pleafed to fay, 'T^Hat when the King sent for her to the Queen's Labour, ihe came -*- as foon as fhe could, and never ftirred from her till fhe was Delivered of the Prince of Wales, Catherine R. 135 8 XTbe (riaren&on ibiBtorlcal Society IReprtnts. And the following Depofitions were all taken upon Oath. Elizabeth Lady Marchionefs of Powis, Depofeth, 'T'Hat about the 29th of December laft, the Queen was likely to Mifcarry ; whereupon (he immediately went unto her, and offered her fome effedlual Remedies, which are made ufc of on the like occafion ; which the Queen ordred this Deponent to acquaint the Doctors with. The day following the Queen Dowager fent this Deponent to fee how the Queen did ; who replied, She had a pretty good Night, and did think fhe had Quickned, but would not be pofi- tive till she felt it again ; That after this the Deponent did frequently wait on the Queen in the Morning, and did fee her Shift her feveral days, and generally faw the Milk, and fometimes Wet upon her Smock. That fome time, after this Deponent went into the Country, and came not up till a few days before the Queen was brought to Bed ; and from the time of this Deponents Return, fhe faw the Queen every day till (he was brought to Bed, and was in the Room a Quarter of an hour before, and at the time of her Delivery of the Prince by Mrs. Wilks Her Majesty's Midwife, which this Deponent faw, and immediately went with the Prince, carried by Mrs. Delabadie into the Queen's little Bed-chamber, where fhe faw Sir Thomas Witherly fent for by the Midwife, who gave the Child Three Drops of fomething which came into the World with him, which this Deponent faw done ; And this Deponent doth Aver, this Prince to be the fame Child which was then Born, and that fhe has never been from him one day fince. • Eliz. Powis. Anne Countefs of Aran Depofeth, 'T'Hat she went to the Queen from Whitehall to St. James's as foon -*- as fhe heard that her Majefly was in Labour ; when fhe came, fhe found the Queen in Bed, complaining of little Pains ; The Lady Sunderland, Lady Rofcomon, Mrs. Labadic, and the Midwife, were on that fide of the Bed where the Queen lay ; and this Deponent, with a great many others, flood on the other fide all the time till the Queen was Delivered ; As foon as her Majefly was delivered fhe faid, O Lord I don't hear the Child Cry, and immediately upon that, this Deponent did hear it Cry, and faw the Midwife take the Child out of the Bed, and give it to Mrs. Labadic, who carried it into the little Bed-Chamber, where fhe, this Deponent, followed her, and saw 136 Ube JBtttb ot tbe prince ot Males. that it was a Son, and that likewife Ihe, the Deponent, hath feveral times feen Milk run out upon the Queen's Smock during her being with Child. A. Aran. Penelope Countefs of Peterborow Dcpofeth, 'TPHat fhe was often with the Queen, while Her Majefty was laft with Child, and faw the Milk often upon her Mafesty's Smock, when fhe, the Deponent, took it off from the Queen ; and often faw her Majefty's Belly fo as it could not be otherwife but that fhe was with Child. That the faid Deponent flood by the Bedfide on the loth of June lall in the Morning, while the Queen was Delivered of the Prince of Wales. P. Peterborow. Anne Countefs of Sunderland Dcpofeth, ' I ^Hat June the loth 1688, being Trinity Sunday, the Deponent ^ went to St. James's Chapel at eight of the Clock in the Morning, intending to Receive the Sacrament ; but in the beginning of the Communion Service, the Man which looks to the Chappel came to the Deponent, and told her, fhe muft come to the Queen ; The Deponent faid, fhe would as foon as Prayers were done ; In a very little time after, another Man came up to the Altar to the Deponent, and faid, the Queen was in Labour, and the Deponent muft come to Her Majefty, who then went direftly to the Queens Bed-Chamber. As foon as the Deponent came in, her Majefty told her, this Deponent, fhe believ'd fhe was in Labour. By this time the Bed was warmed, and the Queen went into Bed, and the King came in. The Queen afked, if he had fent for the Queen Dowager ; He faid he had fent for every Body. The faid Deponent ftood at the Queen's Boulfter, the Lady Rofcommon, Mrs. Delabadie, and the Midwife on that fide of the Bed, where the Queen was Delivered. After fome lingring Pains, the Queen faid, fhe feared fhe fhould not be brought to Bed a good while ; but enquiring of the Midwife, fhe affured her Majefty, that flie wanted only one thorow Pain to bring the Child into the World ; Upon which the Queen faid, It is impoffible, the Child lies fo high, and commanded this Deponent to lay her Hand on her Majefty's Belly, to feel how high the Child lay, which the Deponent did ; but foon after a great Pain came on at paft Nine of the Clock, and the Queen was Delivered ; which the Mid- wife by pulling the Deponent by the Coat, affured her was a Son, it being the Sign fhe told the Deponent fhe would give her, the Queen s 137 lo Zbc Clarendon Ibistodcal Society IReprtnts* having charged her not to let her Majcfty know prefently, whether it was a Son or Daughter. As foon as the Midwife had given the Deponent the Sign, the Deponent made a Sign to the King that it was a Son. When the Midwife had done her Office, fhe gave the Child to Mrs. Delabadie, which was a Son, and Ihe carried it into the little Bcd-chambcr. A. Sunderland. Ifabella Countefs of Rofcommon Deposeth, n^Hat on the loth of June laft, fhe flood by the Lady Sunderland in the Queens Bed-Chamber, while the Queen was in Labour, and faw the Prince of Wales, when he was taken out of the Bed by the Midwife. L. Rofcommon. Margaret Countefs of Fingall Depofeth, rriHat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager her Miflrefs into the -*- Queens Bed-Chamber at St. James's, when the Queen was in Labour, and flood by the Bed's Feet, when her Majcfty was Delivered of the Prince. That the Deponent faw the Prince carried away into another Room, and foon after follow'd, and faw him in that Room. * Marg. Fingall. Lady Sophia Bulkeley Depofeth, npHat fhe was fcnt for on Trinity Sunday laft paft about Eight a -'- Clock in the Morning to go to St. James's ; for the Man that came, faid the Queen was in Labour, and he, and others were fent to call every Body. That this Deponent made as much haft as fhe could to rife and be drcfs'd, but did not get to the Queen's Bed-chamber until a little after Nine a Clock, and then this Deponent found the Queen in her Bed, and the Queen Dowager there fet upon a Stole, and fome of the Ladies about her. After this Deponent having ftaid a little while, and thinking the Queen in no ftrong Pain, fhe, this Deponent, went out, and, being next to the Room where the Queens Linen was a warming, heard a noifc, ind look'd to fee what was the matter, and finding no Body there, this Deponent ran and found the Lord Feverlliam in the Queen's little Bed-Chamber, who told this Deponent the Child was juft born ; This Deponent afk'd him, what is it ? His Lordfhip faid he could not tell. So this Deponent ran on to the Queens Bcd-fide, and heard the Queen fay to the Midwife, Pray, Mrs. Wilks, don't part the Child (which fignifies, don't cut the Navel-String, until the after-Birth is come awav.) And while the 138 XTbe :iBirtb of tbe prince ot Males. i » Queen was with Child, this Deponent had heard her Majefly Command her Midwife not to do otherwife, it being counted much the fafeft way ; but to what the Queen faid juft then (to the beft of this Deponent's Remembrance) Mrs. Wilks replied, Pray Madam, give me leave, for I will do nothing, but what will be fafe for your Self and Child ; The Queen Anfwered, Do then, and then cry'd where is the King gone? His Majefty came immediately from the other fide of the Bed (from juft having a fight cf the Child) and anfwered the Queen, Here I am ; the Queen faid. Why do you leave me now ? The King kneeled on the Bed, on that fide where the Deponent ftood, and a little after the Midwife faid, all is now come fafe away ; Upon that the King rofe from the Bed, and faid. Pray my Lords, come and fee the Child : The King follow'd Mrs. Labadie, and the Lords His Majefty, into the little Bed-Chamber, where this Deponent follow'd alfo, and faw as well as they, that it was a Prince, and that Mrs. Wilks was in the right to defire to part the Child, For the Prince's Face, efpecially his Forehead was blackifh, being ftunn'd, as I have feen fome other Children, when they have been juft newly come into the World ; but God be thanked, in two hours time that he was drefs'd and wafli'd, (which the Deponent ftaid by and faw done) the Prince look'd very frefti and well. This Deponent doth further add, That all the while, the Queen was with Child, this Deponent had the honour to pay her Duty very often Mornings and Nights, in waiting upon her Majefty in her Drefling Room and Bed-Chamber, and for the laft three or four Months, this Deponent hath oftentimes feen the Queen's Milk, as well as when this Deponent hath had the honour to put on her Majefty's Smock. S. Bulkcly. Sufanna Lady Bellafyfe Depofeth, nnHat on Trinity Sunday the loth of June laft, the Deponent's -^ Servant feeing the Queen Dowager's Coaches in St. James's at an unufual hour, went and afked the Occafion, and was told the Qujen was in Labour; whereupon flie came into the Deponent's Chamber, and awaked her ; That the Queen having come to Lodge at St. James's but the Night before, they being in a great hurry, forgot to call the Deponent as her Majefty had ordered ; That the Deponent made all the hafte ftie could into her Majefties Bed-Chamber ; and found the Queen in Bed, and Mrs. Wilks her Majefty's Midwife, fitting by the Bedfide, with her hands in the Queen's Bed ; The Queen afked her the faid Midwife, what Ihe thought? Mrs. Wilks 139 12 xrbe Clatenbon Ibtstorical Society IReprints. alTured her Majefty, that at the next great Pain the Child would be born ; Whereupon the King ordered the Privy-Councellours to be called in ; That this Deponent ftood behind the Midwife's Chair, and immediately after the Queen's having another great Pain, the Prince was Born ; That this Deponent faw the Child taken out of the Bed with the navel firing hanging to its Belly ; That this Deponent opened the Receiver, and faw it was a Son, and not hearing the Child cry, and feeing it a little black, fhe was afraid it was in a Convulfion Fit. S. Bellafyfe. Henrietta Lady Waldgrave, Depofeth, 'T^Hat fhe was in the Queen's Bed-Chamber a quarter of an hour before her Majefly was delivered, and flanding by the Bedfide, fhe faw the Queen in Labour, and heard her cry out much. * Henrietta Waldgrave. Mrs. Mary Crane one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed- Chamber to the Queen Dowager, Doposeth, ^T^Hat fhe went with the Queen Dowager to the Queen's Labour "^ on the loth of June laft, and never flirred out of the Room till the Queen was Delivered. That this Deponent did not follow the Child, when it was firft carried out of the Room, but flaid in the Bed-Chamber, and faw all that was to be feen after the Birth of a Child. That fhe, the Deponent, then went to fee the Prince, and found him look ill, and immediately went to the King, and told his Majesty fhe feared the Child was fick ; that his Majefly went immediately to the Prince, and came back and faid it was a milleke, the Child was very well. * Mary Crane. Dame Ifabella Wentworth, one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Deposeth, rpHat file often faw the Milk of her Majefty's Breafl upon her -*- Smock, at which the Queen was troubled, it being a common faying, that it was a fign the Child would not live. And that (he, the Deponent, did once feel the Child stir in the Queen's Belly while her Majefly was in Bed, and that fhe was prefcnt when the Child was Born, and flaid till flic heard it cry, and then went to fetch Vinegar for the Queen to fmell to; flie, the Deponent, heard the Queen command the Midwife not to tell her of what Sex it was, for 140 ITbe JStttb ot tbe prince ot Males. 1 3 fear of furprizing her Majefty : When the Deponent brought the Vinegar, Ihe did defire to fee the Child, Mrs. Delabadie having it in her Arms. The Child looked black, whereupon the Deponent delired Do6lor Waldegrave to look to it, believing it was not well : That the Deponent faw the Navel-ftring of the Child cut, and three drops of the Blood, which came frefh out, given to him for the the Convulfion Fits. Ifabella Wentworth, Dame Catherine Sayer, one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed Chamber to the Queen Dowager, Depofeth, ^ I ^Hat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager to the Queen's Labour, -^ and was all the time by the Bedfide, and flood there, till the Queen was Delivered, and follow'd the Child, when it was carried by Mrs. Delabadie to the Bed-Chamber, and took a warm Napkin and laid it on the Child's Breaft, believing the Child was not well. Catherine Sayer. Dame Ifabella Waldegrave, one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Depofeth, rpHat fhe was conflantly with the Queen, her Majefly was likely -■- to mifcarry, and had often feen Milk in her Majefty's Breafl, and was with the Queen at the time of her Labour with the Prince, and faw the Prince taken out of the Bed, and went after Mrs. Delabadie with the Prince in her Arms into the little Bed-Chamber, and was by when the Child was fhewn to the King that it was a Son; and this Deponent took the After-burden, and put it into a Bafon of Water, and carried it into the Queen's Clofet. * Ifabella Waldgrave. Mrs. Margaret Dawfon, one of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-Chamber to the Queen, Depofeth, rpHat on the Tenth of June laft, in the Morning, fhe was fent for -*- by the Queen out of St. James's Chappel, where fhe was at Prayers, and that coming up into the Queen's Chamber, fhe found her fitting all alone upon a Stool by the Bed's-head, when the Queen faid to her, this Deponent, fhe believed her felf in Labour, and bid her, the Deponent, get the Pallat Bed, which flood in the next Room, to be made ready quickly for her ; but that Bed having never been aired, the Deponent perfwaded the Queen not to make ufe of it : 141 H TLbc Clarenbon Iblstortcal Society IReprints. After which the Queen bid the Deponent make ready the Bed (he came out of, which was done accordingly. The Deponent further faith, That fhe faw fire carried into the Queen's Room in a Warming- Pan to warm the Bed, after which the Queen went into her Bed, and that the Deponent ftirrcd not from the Queen until her Majefty was delivered of a Son. That fhe the Deponent, well remembers, that on the 29th of December laft her Majefty was afraid of Mifcarrying, which was about the time Ihe quickned ; and that after the Queen had gone 22 Weeks with Child, her Majefty's Milk began to run, which fhe the Deponent often faw upon her Smock, and that the 9th of May her Majefty apprehended mifcarrying again with a Fright. Margaret Dawfon. Mrs. Elizabeth Bromley, One of the Gentlewomen of the Bed-chamber to the Queen, depofeth, 'TpHat flie was fick all Winter, till a little before Eaftcr laft, when •^ Ihe the Deponent came into Waiting ; That from that Time till the Queen was brought to Bed, ftic the Deponent faw the Queen put on her Smock every Morning, by which means ftie faw the Milk conftantly fall out of her Majefty's Breafts, and obferved the Bignefs of her Majefty's Belly, which could not be counterfeit. That the Deponent came from Whitehalto the Queen's Labour to St. James's the Tenth of June laft, and remained in theroomtill theQueen wasdelivered and afterwards ; but did not follow the Child, till fome time after, when ftie the Deponent went to fee what colour'd Eyes he had. Elizabeth Bromley. Mrs. Peligrina Turini, One of the Gentlewomen of the Bed- chamber to the Queen, depofeth, '"P^Hat file conftantly attended the Queen, when flie was laft with -*- Child, and that on the Tenth of June laft, ftie was in Waiting on her Majefty, who called her on the faid Tenth of June in the Morning, and told her the Deponent, flie was in Pain, and Bid her fend for the Midwife, her Ladies and Servants, after which flie the Deponent stay'd with the Queen during her Labour, and until ftie was delivered of the Prince of Wales. * The Mark of Pclegrina X Turini. 142 i I XTbe mvtb oi tbe prince ot Males* 15 Mrs. Anna Gary, One of the Gentlewomen of the Bed- chamber to the Queen Dowager, depofeth, ' I "*Hat fhe waited on the Queen Dowager from Somerfet-houfe to St. James the Day the Queen was brought to Bed, and went into the Queen's Bed-chamber, where flie this Deponent ftay'd, till the Queen was deliver'd, and faw the Prince as foon as he was born. * Anna Gary. Mrs. Mary Anne Delabadie, Dry Nurfe to the Prince, Depofeth, '"T^Hat she was with the Queen all the time her Majefty was with Ghild, and drefs'd her every Day, and in all the Nine Months did not mifs above Six Days, and that at feveral times by reafon of Sicknefs. That on Sunday morning the loth of June last, fhe the Deponent was fent for to the Queen, who was in Labour, That the Deponent came prefently, and was with the Queen all the Time of her Labour, and that kneeling down by the Midwife, giving her Gloaths for the Queen, the Midwife told this Deponent, that immediately on the next Pain, the Queen would be delivered, which accordingly flie was. That this Deponent whifper'd to the Midwife, afking whether it was a Girl, Ihe anfwered. No ; whereupon the Midwife parted the Ghild, and put it into the Receiver (that the Deponent had given her) and then delivered the Ghild to the Deponent, and bid her go and carry it to the Fire, and take care of the Navel, which this Deponent did, and the King and Gouncil followed her, and the King afked this Deponent, what it was, who anfwered, what he delired ; the King replyed. But let me fee, whereupon the Deponent prefently (hewed his Majefty that it was a Son, and the Privy Gounfellours then prefent faw it one after another. The Deponent fat with the Prince in her Lap, till the Midwife had done with the Queen, then the Midwife came and took the Prince from this Deponent, and afked for a Spoon for to give it three Drops of the Blood of the Navel-ftring, which the Midwife cut off by the Advice of the Phyficians, who said, it was good againft Fits. That the Deponent held the Spoon when the Midwife dropp'd the Blood into it, and ftirred it with a little Black Gherry Water, and then it was given to the Prince ; that the Queen fent for this Deponent, and gave her the Prince to take care of him in quality of Dry Nurfe, which fhe has hitherto done ; and further de- pofeth it to be the fame Ghild that was born of the Queen. And that H3 1 6 xrbe Clatenbon Ibtstorical Soctetp IReprints. Mrs. Danvers, one of the Princefs of Denmark's Women, and formerly Nurfe to the Lady Ifabella, coming to fee the Prince, fhe told this Deponent, Ihe was glad to fee the fame Marks upon his Eye, as the Queen's former Children had. • Mary Anne Delabadie. Mrs. Judith Wilks depofeth, ' I ^Hat being the Queen's Midwife, fhc came often to her, efpecially when her Majefty was in any Danger of mifcarrying, and many times felt the Child ftir in her Belly, and faw the Milk run out of her Majefty's breafts ; that on Trinity Sunday laft in the Morning about Eight of the Clock, the Quccn fent Mr. White, Page of the Back-stairs, to call her this Deponent, believing her felf in Labour ; when the Deponent came, fhe found the Queen in great Pain and Trembling ; the Queen told her flic feared it was her Labour, it being near the time of her firft Reckoning, flie the Deponent defired her Majefty not to be afraid, faying, flie did not doubt that it was her full Time, and hoped her Majefty would have as good Labour as fhe always had ; and whilft her Majefty was fitting trembling, her Water broke, and immediately she fcnt for the King, he being gone to his own Side, and let him know in what Condition fhe was, and defired him to fend for whom he pleafed to be prefent. The Queen ordered this Deponent to fend for Mrs. Dawfon and the reft of her Women; Mrs. Dawfon came prefently, and the Countcfs of Sunderland with her, and the reft of the Women alfo ; that moft of them faw her this Deponent make the Bed fit for the Quccn to be delivered in ; which when it was ready her Majefty was put into, and about Ten a Clock that Morning, the Queen was delivered of the Prince of Wales by her this Deponent's AfTiftance, and afterwards flie the Deponent fhewed the After-burthen to the Phyficians, and before them the Deponent cut the Navel-ftring, and gave the Prince Three Drops of his Blood, to prevent Convulfion Fits, according to their Order. And this Deponent further faith. That when the Child was born, it not crying, the Queen faid fhe thought it was dead, this Deponent afTurcd her Majefty it was not, and defired Leave to part the Child from the After-burthen : Which the Queen was unwilling to have done, thinking it might be dangerous to her fclf; but the Deponent afTuring her Majefty it would not, her Majefty gave Confcnt ; where- upon the Child prefently cryed, and then the Deponent gave it to Mrs. Labadic. 144 • Judith Wilkes. I I Zbc Birtb ot tbe iprince ot Males, 17 Mrs. Elizabeth Pearfe, Laundrefs to the gueen, Depofeth, npHat about Nine of the Clock on the loth of June laft in the -■- Morning, fhe came into the Bed-chamber, and heard the Queen cry out, being in great Pain, in which flie continued until her delivery; after which fhe the Deponent faw the Prince of Wales given by the Midwife to Mrs. Labadie ; that immediately after the Deponent faw the Midwife hold up the After-burthen, Ihewing it to the Company, and then the Deponent fetch'd her Maids, and with them took away all the foul Linnen hot as they came from the Queen ; That for a Month after her Majefty's Lying-in, the Deponent well knows by the wafhing of her Linnen, that the Queen was in the fame Condition that all other Women ufe to be on the like Occafion ; and that fome time after her quick'ning it appeared by her Smocks, that her Majefty had Milk in her Breafts, which continued until Ihe was brought to Bed, and afterwards during the ufual Time. Elizabeth Pearfe. Frances Dutchefs of Richmond and Lenox, depofeth, 'T^Hat fhe the Deponent was not at the Queen's Labour, becaufe fhe did not know it Time enough, but as foon as fhe did, fhe made all the Hafte fhe could to drefs her ; but the Queen was delivered before fhe the Deponent came ; And that at a Time when the Queen apprehended fhe fhould mifcarry, and the Phyficians made her Majefty keep her Bed for that Reafon, the Deponent went one Evening to wait upon her Majefty, and as fhe ftood by her Bed-fide, her Majefty faid to her. My Milk is now very troublefome, it runs fo much. The Deponent afked the Queen if it ufed to do fo ; who anfwered. It ufed to run a little, but now the Fright I am in of mifcarrying, makes it run out very much, as you may fee, throwing down the Bed Cloaths to the Middle of her Stomach, and fhewing her Smock upon her Breaft to the faid Deponent, which was very wet with her Milk. * F. Richmond and Lenox. Charlotte, Countefs of Litchfield, depofeth, 'T^Hat fhe was not at the Queen's Labour, (being in Child-bed her ■^ felf) but that fhe was almoft conftantly with the Queen, while fhe was with Child, and hath put on her Smock, and feen the Milk T 145 i8 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society TReprints. run out of her Brcaft, and felt her Belly, fo that fhe is fure that fhe could not be deceived, but that the Queen was with Child. • C. Litchfield. Anne Countefs of Marifchall, depofeth, 'TpHat Ihe was feveral times in the Queen's Bed-chamber when flic fhifted her felf and hath feen her Smock ftain'd with her Milk ; That fhe was not at the Queen's Labour, tho' fent to by One of her Ladies, being lick of a Fever ; but does in her Confcience believe her Majefty was with Child, both by her Belly and her Milk. A. Marifchall. George Lord Jeffreys, Lord Chancellour of England, depofeth, 'T^Hat he being fent for to St. James's on the Tenth of June laftby a MefTcnger that left Word the Queen was in Labour ; foon after he, this Deponent, came to St. James's, and was fent for into the Queen's Bed-chamber, and to the beft of his, the Deponent's Appre- henfion, the Queen was in Labour, and had a Pain or two to the befl of his, the Deponent's Remembrance, before the refl of the Lords were called in. The Deponent flood all the time at the Queen's Bedfide, and heard her cry out feveral Times as Women in Travail ufe to do, and at length after a long Pain, it was by fome of the Women on the other Side of the Bed, faid the Child was born. The Deponent heard the Queen fay, fhe did not hear it cry. The Deponent immediately afk'd the Lord Prefident what it was, he whifpered that it was a Boy, which the Deponent underftood he had hinted to him by the Lady Sunderland. Immediately the Deponent faw a Gentlewoman, who he had fince heard her Name to be Mrs. Labadie, carry the Child into another Room, whither the Deponent followed, and faw the Child when fhe firfl opened it, and faw it was black and reeking ; fo that it plainly fcemed to this Deponent to have been newly come from the Womb. The Deponent doth therefore depofe, he doth fleadfaflly believe the Queen was delivered of that Child that very Morning. Jeffreys C. Robert Earl of Sunderland, Lord Prefident of His Majcfly*s Privy Council, and Principal Secretary of State, depofeth, npHat on Sunday Morning the loth of June lafl, he was fent to, •^ to come to St. James's the Queen being in Labour. The Deponent immediately went, and found many of the Council there. 146 Uhc mvtb oi tbe prince ot Males^ 19 After having been fome time in an outward Room, firft the Lord Chancellour, and then the reft of the Council were called into the Queen's Bed-chamber, where in a fhort time her Majefty was brought to bed. The Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie carry the Child into the next Room, whither the Deponent followed, with many more, and faw it was a Son, and had the Marks of being new born. Sunderland P. Henry Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Privy Seal, depofeth, n^Hat on the loth of June laft, being Sunday, he had Notice given him that the Queen was in Labour, whereupon the Deponent repaired to St. James's betwixt Nine and Ten of the Clock in the Morning, where he found feveral Lords of the Council ; in a little time after they were all called into the Queen's Bed-chamber ; in lefs than a Quarter of an Hour after, Ihe fell into the Sharpnefs of her Labour, her cries were fo vehement and efpecially the laft, that the Deponent could not forbid himfelf the being concern'd for her great Pain ; which the Deponent exprelTing to the Lord Chancellour, he told the Deponent it was a Sign Her Majesty would the fooner be delivered, or Words to that Purpose, which proved very true, for prefently after fhe was fo ; the Deponent heard a Whifpering up and down that it was a Prince, for no Man was permitted to fpeak it aloud, left the sudden Knowledge of it might have discomposed the Queen ; the Deponent did not go in with fome Lords when the Child was carry'd into the next Room, which was the Occafion the Deponent did not fee him when he was uncovered and drefs'd. * Arundel C. P. S. John Earl of Mulgrave, Lord Chamberlain of His Majefty's Houftiold, faith, it is not to be expected one of his Sex fhould be able to give full Evidence in fuch a Matter, but depofeth, n^Hat he was juft at the Bed's Feet, and heard the Queen cry very much, then the Deponent followed the Child into the other Room, and it feemed a little black ; the Deponent alfo faw it was a Boy. Mulgrave. William Earl of Craven, depofeth, rpHat he attended the King at St. James's, the loth of June laft, in -■- the Morning, to receive the Word of his Majefty; the King had Notice brought him, that the Queen was upon the Point of H7 20 ubc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Societi^ IReprtnts. falling into Labour, upon which the King commanded this Deponent's Stay and Attendance; and after the Space of One Hour and fomething more, this Deponent was, with fome other Lords of his Majefty's Privy Council, called into the Queen's Great Bed-chamber to be prefent at her Delivery, and as near as this Deponent can remember, the Queen made Three Groans or Squeaks, and at the Laft of Three was delivered of a Child ; the which was carry'd out into the Little Bed-chamber ; and there by the Fire this Deponent faw it cleanfing: and this Deponent further faith, that he took that particular Mark of this Child, that he may fafely averr, that the Prince of Wales is that very Child that then was fo brought out of the Queen's Great Bed- chamber, where this Deponent and others were prefent, as aforefaid, at her Majefty's Labour and Delivery. Craven. Lewis Earl of Feverlham, Lord Chamberlain to her Majefty the Queen Dowager, depofeth, f I ^Hat being in Bed upon the loth of June between 8 and 9 a Clock in the Morning, Mr. Nicholas, One of his Majefty's Grooms of his Bed-chamber, came into this Deponent's Room, and told him that the King had fent him to tell the Queen Dowager, that the Queen was in Labour, and told him further that the Queen Dowager had given Order for her Coach, as foon as ftie heard the news of the Queen's Labour. The Deponent drelTed himfelf with all fpeed, and came to wait upon the Queen Dowager, who was ready to go into her Coach, as Ihe did; the Deponent went into One of her Coaches to wait upon her Majefty as he us'd to do, having the Honour to be her Lord Chamberlain ; we went to St. James's, and then led her Majefty into the Queen's Bed-chamber, and finding the Queen in Pain, the Deponent went into the next Room, where were feveral Lords of the Privy Council, from whence the Deponent heard the Queen cry out feveral times, and a very little after the Lords of the Council were called in, and the Deponent followed them into the Bed-chamber, and a very little after the Queen cry'd louder, and then faid. Pray do not tell me what it is yet. The Deponent went out of the Room, to tell the News that the Queen was brought to Bed ; and when the Deponent came in again, the News was, that it was a Prince ; and immediately the Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie with the Child wrapt up in her Hands, and in the Crowd ; upon which the 148 Uhc JBtrtb ot tbe prince ot Males. 21 Deponent defir'd to make room for the Prince, and followed her into the Little Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw the Prince as a Child newly-born, as he believed it. Fcverfham. Alexander Earl of Morray, depofeth, ^T^Hat he came not to St. James's till half an Hour after the Queen was brought to bed, and only heard that her Majefty was brought to Bed of a Prince, which the Deponent verily believes, as he is alive, Ihe brought into the World that very Morning, being the loth of June laft, 1688. * Morray. Charles Earl of Middleton, One of his Majefty's principal Secretaries of State, depofeth, n^Hat the loth of June laft paft, betwixt 8 and 9 of the Clock in the Morning, he had Notice that the Queen's Majefty was in Labour, whereupon the Deponent made what Hafte he could to St. James's ; the Deponent found the Earl of Craven waiting at the Queen's Bed-chamber Door towards the Drawing-room, which was then fhut; juft after the King opened it, and called the Earl of Craven and the Deponent in ; the Deponent afked his Majefty, how the gueen was ? He was pleafed to anfwer the Deponent, you are a married man, and fo may know thefe Matters ; the Water is broke or come away, or to that efFeft ; and then bid the Deponent go into the Dreffing-room within the Bed-chamber, where the Deponent found feveral Perfons of Quality ; above half an Hour after, to the beft of this Deponent's Memory, all the Company in that Room were called into the Bed-chamber j the Deponent ftood near the Bed's Feet on the left Side, where he heard the Queen's Groans, and prefently after feveral loud Shrieks ; the laft, the Deponent remembers continued fo long, that he then wondred how any Body could hold their Breath fo long; prefently after the Deponent heard them fay, the Queen was delivered : whereupon the Deponent ftepped up to the Bed fide, and faw a Woman, he fuppofes, the Midwife, kneeling at the other Side of the Bed, who had her Hands and Arms within the Bed-cloaths for a pretty while, then the Deponent faw her fpread a Cloth upon her Lap, and laid the End of it over the Bed-cloaths, and then fetch a Child (as the Deponent firmly believes, for he could not then fee it) out of the Bed into that Cloth, and give it to Mrs. Labadie, who brought it round to the Side where the Deponent ftood, and carry'd 149 2 2 XTbe Clarenbon Iblstorical Society IReprlnts. it into a little Room, into which the Deponent immediately followed the King, and faw her fit down by the Fire, and heard her fay, It is a Boy ; upon which the King faid, Let me fee it, thereupon (he laid open the Cloth, and fhewed all the Child, faying, There's what you wilh to fee ; the Deponent doth not charge his Memory with the very Words, but the Sense of what he heard. The Deponent looked upon the Child at the fame time, which appeared to be very foul. This Deponent defireth Pardon if he doth not know the proper ExpreiTion, but hopes his Meaning is plain. Middleton. John Earl of Melfort, depofeth, THat on Sunday the loth of June laft, betwixt 8 and 9 in the Morning, the Deponent was informed, that the Queen was in Labour ; the Deponent went to St. James's and waited in the Queen's Drawing-room till fome of the Gentlemen told him he might go in ; the Deponent fcratched at the Door of the Bed chamber and finding no Anfwer, he ran down by the Garden Side and came to the Queen's Back-ftairs, and finding the DreiTing-room Door open, the Deponent went into the Queen's Bed-chamber, where he faw a great Number of Company, Lords and Ladies Handing about the Bed : the Deponent heard the Queen cry out in great Pain, as Women ufe to do when they are near being brought to Bed ; the Deponent heard her complain, and a Woman's Voice which the Deponent thought to be the Midwife, telling her fhe would be quickly well, fhe would be brought to Bed immediately ; within a little the Deponent heard the Ladies behind the Bed fay, the Queen was brought to Bed, and the Queen cry out. The Child is dead, I do not hear it cry, and immedi- ately the Child cryed ; within a little the Deponent faw a Woman bring a Child from within the Bed ; the Deponent looked foearneftly at the Child, that he knew not what Woman it was ; the Child was in the Condition of a new born Child, lapp'd up in loofe Cloaths ; the Deponent faw him carried into the Little Bed-chamber, and went about by the Drcfling Room, and entrcd by the other Door into the Room where the Prince was, and faw him in the Condition of a new born Child ; and the Deponent by the Oath he hath taken, believes him to be the Queen's Child. • McIfort. 150 Ubc mvtb ot tbe prince ot Males. 23 Sidney Lord Godolphin, Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, depofeth, n^Hat he was called into the Queen's Bed-chamber, with the reft of the Lords of the Council, being one of the laft; and the Queen Dowager being there, and feveral Ladies, the Room was fo full that the Deponent could not get near the Bed, but flood by the Chimney; There the Deponent heard the Queen cry out feveral times, as Women ufe to do that are in Labour : and the lall Cry that the Deponent heard, was much greater than the other; immediately upon that, the Deponent was called out of the Room, to give fome diredions about the Lodgings that were preparing for the Child, which were not ready; the Deponent made haft back again, but as he was coming, he met People running with the News that the Queen was Deliver'd of a Son, whereupon the Deponent went into the little Bed-chamber, and faw the Child. Godolphin. Sir Stephen Fox, Knight, Depofeth, ^T^Hat on Sunday the loth of June laft paft, about 9 of the Clock, as he came out of the Chappel at Whitehall after the firft Sermon, hearing that the Queen was in Labour, he, the Deponent, made hafte to St. James's, becaufe in waiting, as an Officer of the Green Cloth, to warn the feveral Servants below Stairs to be in their Offices, that upon that occalion there might not happen to be any thing wanting of Houlhold Provilions and Neceffaries under his, this Deponent's, Command; but firft going up by the Back- Stairs, into her Majefty's Dreffing-Room, and being there with many others, he heard her Majefty cry out very loudly ; whereupon this Deponent haftned to the Green-Cloth, and ordered the feveral Servants to deliver out of their feveral Offices whatfoever fhould be called for, and as this Deponent was returning back to the Queen's faid Dreffing-Room, he was told, A Prince was born : Upon which News, He, this Deponent, went into the Queen's Little Bed-chamber, and faw the young Child before he was drefs'd. Ste. Fox. Lieut. Col. Edward Griffin, depofeth, rpHat upon Sunday the loth of June laft, he had the Honour to be -'- in waiting upon the King with the Stick, and between 8 and 9 in the Morning, this Deponent was in the Queen's Dreffing Room at 24 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints. St. James's, with feveral Lords of the Council, and after fomc time we were there, the King came out of the Queen's Bed-chamber, and called all the Lords in, and this Deponent went in along with them, being in waiting ; immediately after the faid Lords and this Deponent were in the Room ; the Queen cryed out extremely, and faid. Oh, I die ; you kill me, you kill me : And the Midwife (as this Deponent believeth) anfwered. This one Pain, Madam, and 'twill be over ; then prefently Mrs. Dawfon made this Deponent the Sign that the Child was born : Then this Deponent heard the Queen fay. Don't tell mc what it is yet; and Mrs. Dawfon came to this Deponent, and whifpered him in the Ear, 'Tis a Prince, but don't take notice of it yet. Then Mrs. Delabadie brought away the Child from the Bed- fide, and carry'd it into the Little Bed-chamber, and the King and the Lords of the Council went after her, but this Deponent did not follow them. Edward Griffin. Sir Charles Scarburgh, Firft Phyfician to the King, depofeth, rr^Hat upon the Deponent's coming to Vifit Her Majefty then lying -'- at St. James's on Sunday the loth of June, 1688, as the Deponent went up the Back-ftairs, he heard the joyful Acclamation that a Prince of Wales was Born, upon which the Deponent haftned prefently into the Little Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent found Mrs. Labadie juft fitting down before the Fire, with the new born Prince wrapped in the Mantles, lying in her Lap. Then paffing to the Queen in the next Bed-chamber, the Deponent congratulated the happy Birth of the Prince, and her Majefty's fafe Delivery. The Queen was wearied and panting, but otherwife in good Condition : Then the Midwife brought to the Deponent the After-birth reeking warm, which Sir Thomas Witherley with the Deponent examined, and found very found and pcrfeft. After a while the Deponent underftood that a Medicine was mentioned among the Ladies for a certain Remedy againft Convul- fions : It was fome Drops of Blood from the Navel-ftring ; the Deponent confultcd Sir Thomas Witherly and the other Phyficians ; and to fatisfie the Women, it was allowed of; there being, as was conceived, no Danger in the thing. Whereupon, the Midwife, with a fmall knife, flit the Navel-ftring beyond the Ligature, from which came fomc Drops of frcfli Blood, taken in a Spoon, and given the Child, being mixed with a little Black-cherry-water. Thus much the Deponent hath to fay upon her Majefty's prefent Delivery. 152 Zhc Btrtb oi tbe prince of Males. 25 Now for the Time of the Queen's Conception, fhe often told the Deponent and others, that fhe had two Reckonings ; One, from Tuefday the 6th of September, when the King returned from his Progrefs to the Queen then at Bath ; and the other, fromThnrfday the 6th of Oftober, when the Queen came to the King at Windfor; but for fome Reafons the Queen rather reckoned from the latter ; tho' afterward it proved jufl to agree with the former. Moreover, her Majefty, when, according to her reckoning, fhe was gone with Child 12 Weeks, faid. That Ihe was quick, and perceived the Child to move ; the Deponent returned no Anfwer to the Queen, but privately told thofe about her, that in truth it could not be in fo fhort a Time, Yet the Queen was in the right, only miftook her Reckoning ; for fhe was then full Sixteen Weeks gone with Child; about which time fhe ufually quickned with her former Children, and accordingly was brought to Bed on the loth of July i688, and within Three or Four Days of full Forty Weeks. Charles Scarburgh. Sir Thomas Witherley, fecond Phyfician to the King, depofeth, rriHat on Sunday the loth of June, the Deponent was prefent in -^ the Queen's Bed-chamber, when the Prince of Wales was born ; the Deponent faw Mrs. Labadie bring the Child from the Midwife, and carry him into the next Room, whither the Deponent followed her, and faw the Child before he was cleaned ; and having a Com- mand from the Queen, that there fhould be Two Drops of the Blood of the After-burthen given the firft Thing ; we the faid Deponent and the other Phyficians did take Two Drops of Blood from the Navel- fb-ing which remained upon the Child, and gave it in a Spoonful of Black-cherry-water, as the Queen commanded. After this the Deponent faw (as alfo did the other Phyficians) the After-burthen entire. Tho. Witherley. Sir William Waldgrave Knt. Her Majefly's firft Phyfician, Depofeth, rpHat in the Progrefs of Her Majefty's being with Child, the -*- Deponent having the Honour to wait upon Her as ufual, upon the 13th of February, 1687. about Ten in the Morning, fhe told the Deponent, fhe had Milk in her Breafts which dropp'd out ; it was then thought the 19th week according to One Reckoning, but u 153 26 xibe Clarendon 1bl5torical Society "Keprints. according to Another Reckoning, it was the One or Two and Twentieth Week ; the Deponent alfo AfHrmeth, That her Majefty took fuch Adftringent Medicines, during the moft part of her being with Child, in order to avoid Mifcarriage ; That if fhe had not been with Child, they muft have been Prejudicial to her Health, and of dangerous Confequence. Upon the loth of June, 1688. the Deponent was called at his Lodging in Whitehall to wait upon the Queen, being told fhe was in Labour, upon which the Deponent immediately went to St. James's, and fo into the Queen's Bed- chamber, and found her beginning her Labour, it being about Eight of the Clock in the Morning ; The Deponent ftirred not from thence, but to get fuch Medicines as were fit for Her Majefty, and then returned again, and was in the Bed-Chamber when Ihe Cried out, and was Delivered ; the Deponent followed Mrs. Delabadie, who took the Prince in her Arms fo foon as he was Born, and carried him into the Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw him upon her Lap, and was by when he took two or three drops of the Navel-ftring frefh warm Blood, which was mixed with Black-Cherry-water, then returned into the great Bed-Chamber, where the Deponent faw the After- burthen frelh and warm. ♦.William Waldgrave. Dr. Robert Brady, one of His Majefty's Phyficians in Ordinary, Depofeth, rriHat a little before Ten of the Clock in the Morning, on the -*- Tenth of June 1688. the Deponent was in tbe Queen's little Bed-Chamber at St. James's, where the Deponent faw the Prince of Wales in Mrs. Labadie's Lap by the Fire fide ; the Deponent defired to fee the Linnen and Blankets opened in which he was wrapped ; which being done, the Deponent faw it was a Male Child, and the Navel-ftring hanging down to, or below the Virile parts, with a Ligature upon it, not far from the Body, but did not fee any After- burthen hanging at, or joined to it not being at the Birth ; The Deponent afked how long he had been Born, the ftandcrs by told him, At three Quarters of an Hour after Nine of the Clock, the Queen was Delivered. Robert Brady. >54 Zbc mittb of tbe prince of Males- 27 James St. Amand, their Maje flies Apothecary, Depofeth, n^Hat from the beginning of November laft, he hath generally every -^ Day, till the 9th of June, 1688. given, by the Phyficians Orders, Reftringent and Corroborating Medicines to the Queen's Majefty ; That on the loth of June he was fent for in hafte to come to St James's to her Majefty, w^ho, the Meffenger told him, was in Labour ; That the Deponent then received a Note from the Phylicians for Medicines for her Majefty, which the Deponent was obliged to ftay and prepare, and fo came not to St. James's till the Queen was Delivered; the Deponent meeting, juft as he was going into the Bed- chamber, Mrs. Labadie with the Young Prince in her Arms ; the KING, and feveral of the Lords, foon after following into the little Bed- chamber ; where the Deponent faw the Child Naked, before it was Cleanfed from the Impurities of his Birth ; and alfo faw the Navel- ftring cut, and fome Drops of Frefh Blood received into a Spoon, which the Deponent mingled with a little Black-Cherrv- Water, and faw given by the Phylicians' Orders to the Child ; and afterwards going into the Great Bed-Chamber, where the Queen was delivered, he faw the After-burthen, &c. frefh. Ja. St. Amand. After thefe Depofitions were taken. His Majefty was pleafed to acquaint the Lords, That the Princefs Anne of Denmark would have been prefent ; but that ftie being with Child, and having not lately ftirred abroad, could not come fo far without hazard. Adding further, A ND now, My Lords, although I did not quefljon but every Perfon here Prefent was fatisfied before in this Matter ; yet by what You have heard. You will be better able to fatisfie Others. Befides, if I and the Queen could be thought fo Wicked as to Endeavour to Impofe a Child upon the Nation, You fee how impof- lible it would have been ; neither could I My Self be impofed upon, having conftantly been with the Queen during Her being with Child, and the whole Time of Her Labour. And there is none of You but will eafily believe Me, who have fuffered fo much for Confcience- fake, uncapable of fo great a Villany, to the Prejudice of My Own Children. And I thank God, that thofe that know Me, know well that it is My Principle to do as I would be done by, for 155 2 8 uhc Clatenbon Ibistorlcal Societi^ IReprints. that is the Law and the Prophets : And I would rather die a Thou- fand Deaths, than do the leaft Wrong to any of My Children. His Majefty further faid, TF any of my Lords think it NecefTary the Queen (hould be fent -^ for, it fhall be done. But their Lordlhips not thinking it NecefTary, Her Majefty was not fent for. TT is ordered this Day by His Majefty in Council, That the feveral Declarations here before made by His Majefty, and by Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager, together with the feveral Depofitions here entred, be forthwith Enrolled in the Court of Chancery. And the Lord Chancellour is ordered to caufe the fame to be Enrolled accordingly. "FN Purfuance of which Order in Council, the Lord Chancellour on -*- Saturday the 27th day of Oftober following in the High Court of Chancery (many of the Nobility and Lords of his Majefty's moft Honourable Privy Council being there prefent) caufed the aforefaid Order in Council and Declarations of his Majefty, and likewife that of her Majefty the Queen Dowager to be openly and diftinftly read in Court, as the fame are Entred in the Words aforefaid, in the Council Book. And the Lords and Ladies, and other perfons who made the re- fpeftive Depofitions aforefaid, being prefent in Court, were Sworn again, and having heard their feveral Depofitions diftinftly Read in the Words aforefaid, and being feverally Interrogated by the Court to the Truth thereof, they all upon their Oaths affirmed their refpedlive Depofitions to be True : and did likewife depofc (except fome few, who came in late to the Council Chamber, or fome who ftood at too great a diftance) that they heard His Majefty, and Her Majefty the Queen- Dowager make the feveral Declarations aforefaid, and that the fame as they had been Read, were truly Entred as they did believe, in the Council Book, according to the Senfe, Intent and Meaning of what His Majefty the King, and Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager did then declare. And for as much as the Earl of Huntingdon and the Earl of Peterborow, who were able to depofe to the Matters aforefaid, had not been Examined at the Council Board, but had brought their feveral Depofitions in Writing, which they delivered into Court, the faid Lord Chancellour, after the faid Earls were feverally Sworn, 156 Ube iBtrtb ot tbe prince ot Males* 29 Ordered their Depofitions to be openly Read in thefe Words following, "TTPon Trinity Sunday, loth. June, 1688. 1 went to St. James's Houfe ^^ about Nine a Clock in the Morning, and followed my Lord Chan- cellour, through the Lodgings to the Dreffing-Room, next to Queen's Bed-Chamber, where divers Lords of the Council were met upon occalion of the Queen's being in Labour, the King came feveral times into the Room, and amongft other things was pleafed to tell us, that the Queen came exaftly according to Her firft Reckoning, which was from the King's Return from His Progrefs, to Bath in September, 1687. After this the Counfellours were ordered to come into the Bed-Chamber, and I flood on that fide of the Bed, that had the Curtains drawn open, I heard Her Majefty Cry out feveral times. I ftaid in the Room during the Birth of the Prince of Wales. I faw him carried into the little Bed-Chamber, whither the King, the Lords and my felf in particular did follow him. Huntingdon. T Had the Honour to be in the King's Chamber in the Morning, -*- when Word was brought him, the Queen was not well, and followed him into the Dreffing Room next Her Majefty's Bed- Chamber, where I ftaid till His Majefty called me come in, which was about the beginning of Her Pains. I Confefs the Compaffion I had for Her Majefty, hearing Her Cries, made my ftay there very uneafy. One of the laft efpecially feemed to me fo Sharp, as it really forced me for a little Time to ftop my Ears with my Fingers to avoid hearing more of the like ; when fetting them at Liberty, I heard no more but perceived a fudden Satisfadlion in the Faces of the AfTiftants, feveral faying, that the Queen was delivered, and foon thereupon I faw the Prince brought from about the Bed, and carried into the little Bed-Chamber, whither I went afterwards, to behold him more particularly, where I faw him as a Child newly Born. * Peterborow. A Fter which the faid Earls did feverally upon their Oaths affirm ■^-^ their Depofitions to be True as they had been Read, and that they were prefent in Council, and heard His Majefty and Her Majefty the. Queen-Dowager make the feveral Declarations aforefaid, and that the fame were Entred in the Council Book as they did believe IS7 30 Xlbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints* according to the EfFeft true Scnfe and Meaning of what their Majefties declared in Council ; Whereupon His Majefty's Attorney General moved the Court, that the faid Declarations of his Majefty, and of Her Majefty the Queen-Dowager, and the fevcral Depofitions, and the Order of Council Ihould be Enrolled in the Petty-Bag Office, and in the Office of Inrolraents in the Court of Chancery, for the fafe Prefervation and Cuftody of them, which the Lord Chanccllour Ordered accordingly. jfints. 158 MEMOIRS OF THE CHEVALIER DE ST. GEORGE, WITH SOME PRIVATE PASSAGES OF THE LIFE of the late KING JAMES II, 1712. NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED, JilSTORY IS BUT THE Ur«tROLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY." — ^James a. Garfield- PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1885. This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. MEMOIRS OF THE Chevalier de St. George, With some PRIVATE PASSAGES OF THE LIFE Of the late King JAMES II. Never before published. L O ND O N: Printed in the Year M DCC XII. (Price One Shilling.) MEMOIRS OF THE Chevalier de St. George, &c, TTT'HATEVER the Reader may conceive under this Romantic Title, I must ask his Pardon, for some few Pages at least, to be a little serious : As to the Original of this Young Hero, let him take it as it stands in History, without putting me to the trouble of ascertaining, that either the Chevalier De St. George is James IH. or James III. Son of James II. Something therefore relative to these Memoirs, let me say of his (supposed or pretended) Father, since I shall else begin a Structure without any Foundation at all, which would seem a very Miraculous as well as Unaccountable piece of Work. I cannot remember, that ever England had a fairer Sunshine, or Prospect of Happiness, than at the joyful Restoration of the Royal Family; when after a long and unnatural Exile, they were restored to their lawful Rights and Honours. The Reign succeeding I shall not meddle with, nor pretend to decide whether it was the Prince or the People that occasioned the domestic troubles that were then Predominant ; yet this I think I am obliged to say, and which all reasonable Men will I believe own. That the Exile I have Mentioned was the grand Motive, or Foundation of the Troubles we have undergone since. The Queen Mother, who was banished with her Children, took care to inspire them early with favorable Sentiments of her own Religion, and to dissipate the Prejudice of former Education. What effect it had on the rest, I cannot exactly say ; but on the Duke of York it took such Root, that together with his Correspondence with the Catholicks in Flanders, contributed to strengthen the immoveable Impressions he had received of the Truth of the Catholic Religion. ' 163 6 Zbc Clatenbon Tbistorical Society IReprtnts. After his Return to England, he soon made himself beloved and respected by the Nobility and Gentry; nor did he want a sufficient share of Interest in the Hearts of the Common People. He commanded the Navy against the Dutch, and in Two Engagements sufficiently raised his Reputation : But this Prosperity did not last long ; for without any Eclipse of his Merit, he began to decline in the Hearts of the People ; when they perceived that either he had changed his Religion, or, at least, had a mind to do it : And what added to it was the Suspicion likewise that he had converted the Dutches his First Wife, who died in the infancy of these Rumours, which therefore lessened the impression it began to make on the People. And they were yet in some hopes for the Duke himself: but he had ere this made his Abjuration to Father Simons an English Jesuit. And tho' the measures he took were always most Prudent, and he did not publicly declare himself to be a Catholic, 'twas nevertheless mighty difficult with him, not to discover to the Protestants, that he had separated from their Communion. The Parliament took the Alarm, and from that time Measures were contrived to alter the Right of Succession. There were some Bishops of the Church of England, who, fore-seeing the Effect of so violent a Proceeding, would have stopped the Blow ; to which end they addressed themselves to the Duke himself. They begged of him only to accompany the King his Brother to Chappel, when His Majesty went to the Protestant Prayers : They humbly represented to him, that such a wise Proceeding, might lay the Tempest that had been raised against him, and prevent the Bill of Exclusion from making its way thro' the Parliament. But they could not prevail with him, receiving for Answer, these Words, — " My Principles do not suffer me to dissemble my Religion after that manner ; and I cannot obtain of my self to do Evil that Good may come of it." This Constancy of the Duke's threw the King into such disorders, that he had very great need of all his Authority and Force : For as he had a tender love for him, he was moved with the Danger wherein he saw him ; resolving to support him against the Torrent of his Enemies, which in the main he did ; nevertheless the Duke found himself obliged to resign his Place of Grand Admiral, and his other Trusts ; Those who stuck the closest to him before, removed themselves from his Person ; and this unhappy Prince, who was Presumptive Heir to Three Kingdoms, and had been used to behold a Crowd of admiring Courtiers about him, was of a sudden reduced 164 /IDemotrs ot tbe Cbevalter Oe St. Ocovqc. 7 to the Condition of a Private Person, and abandoned by all the World. Yet so far did the King's Endearments go, and the better to prevent the Alteration of the Succession to the Crow^n, that he of himself proposed to the Duke of York a Second Marriage. As his Majesty had no Legitimate Children, and indeed despairing of ever attaining that Blessing ; he judg'd it convenient that his Brother who had but Two Daughters left, should have an Heir, who might one day sit on the Throne of England. The Princess thought on by His Majesty, was the Lady Mary d' Este, Sister to Francis, Duke of Modena, and Daughter to Alphonso D' Este, the Third of that Name, Duke of Modena, by Madam Laura Martinessi, his Wife. She was born upon the 25th of September, Anno 1658, and had not passed the 15th Year of her Age, when at Modena she was married to his Royal Highness, by his Proxy, Henry, Earl of Peterborough, who with a noble Retinue attended her Highness and the Dutchess-Dowager her Mother into France ; and after having resided some time at Paris, they came to Calais, and thence to Dover, where they arrived Nov. 2 1st, 1673. At Dover she was received by the Duke, where the Marriage betwixt them was personately Consummated by the Right Reverend Father in God, Dr. Nathaniel Crew, Lord Bishop of Durham, and now Lord Crew. At London they were entertained with high Respect at the Court of England, where the Dutchess-Dowager, her Mother, having continued about the space of Six Weeks, in Order for the Settlement of her Daughter, she returned to Italy, to manage Affairs in the Infancy of the Duke her Son. This Marriage met with great Opposition on the part of the Parliament, because the Princess was a Roman Catholic, yet the King gave little regard to what was Remonstrated to him on that account. He was pleased after, that the Dutchess proved fruitful, from whence he hoped a numerous Progeny to supply the Throne, which he judged in Time would eat up and destroy all manner of Prejudice. And here I think it will not be improper to repeat the Issue she had by the Duke, before the Person I am writing of, was said to be born. On the loth of January, 1674, she was brought to Bed of a Daughter, at the Palace of St. James's. She was Baptised by the Name of Katherine Laura, having for Godmothers the Ladies Mary and Anne, her Half-Sisters, and the Duke of Monmouth for her 165 8 Ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Socteti? IReprlnts, Godfather. She died the Year following, Anno. 1675, o" ^^^ 3^ o^ October, and was interred in the Vault of Mary, Queen of Scotland. Isabella of York, Second Daughter of His (then) Royal Highness, James, Duke of York, and the Lady Mary D' Este, his Second Wife, was born at St. James's, the 28th of August, Anno. 1676. Her Godmothers were the Duchess of Monmouth and the Countess of Peterborough, and her Godfather, Thomas, Earl of Derby, Lord High Treasurer of England, now Duke of Leeds. This young Princess died at the Age of 3 Years 6 Months, and Odd Days, viz. the 2d. of March, 1680, and was privately buried in the Vault of Mary, Queen of Scots. Charles of York, Duke of Cambridge, first Son of His Royal Highness, James, Duke of York, by the Lady Mary D' Este his second Wife, was born at St. James's, the 7th of November, Anno. 1677, and the Next Day was Baptised by the Bishop of Durham ; the King his Uncle, and the Prince of Orange, were his Godfathers; and the Lady Isabella his Sister his Godmother. He died suddenly on the 1 2th of December the same Year, and was interred privately in the Tomb of Mary, Queen of Scots. Chariot* Maria of York, third Daughter of James, Duke of York, by the Lady Mary D' Este his second Wife, was born at St. James's, the 15th of August, 1682, and two Days after was christened by Henry, Bishop of London. Her Godmothers were the Countesses of Arundel and Clarendon ; and the Duke of Ormond her Godfather. She died the 6th of October following, and was interred privately in the Vault of Mary, Queen of Scots. None of these Children surviving long, gave Wings to the Ambition of the Duke's enemies ; but had a contrary effect on the King's Spirits, and those who had any esteem for him. Another thing now trumped up, that mightily helped to overwhelm the Duke's Interest, and alleviate even the good Opinion the King had of him, and this was the Popish Plot, wherein the Duke was brought in. The Accusers boldly gave out, that they were first to have assaulted the King's Person, and after that to have made away with all the Protestants. The Parliament took the Alarm and encouraged the Discovery of it ; and the King, when he met them, told them in his Speech : "That he had been informed of a Design against his Person, by the Jesuits," whereupon a Bill was brought in and passed into an • Sic, 166 /iDemotrB ot tbe Cbevalter Oe St. George. 9 Act, For the more eiFectual preserving the King's Person and Government, by disabling Papists from sitting in either House of Parliament, Five of the Popish Lords were committed to the Tower, and impeached of High Treason, One of which was beheaded : Diligent search was made after the Priests, and the Religious, several of them were hanged up in London, and others died miserably in the Prisons they were sent to. The King however was very unwilling to lend an ear to the Suspicions raised against his Brother, and therefore did all he could to endeavor to clear him of the Insinuations laid against him : The Duke despised the scandalous Discourses, and false Reports that were made of him : But he was little sensible of the pressing Instances, and indeed the Reproaches of his Friends, who carried them so far, as to condemn the firm Steddiness of his Mind, giving it the Name of Prejudice and Obstinacy in Opinion. They remonstrated to him, that he would be the occasion of his own, and the King's Ruin ; and the utter Extinction of the Catholic Faith in England ; and the Overthrow of the State. A greater Check he yet met with from the King, who urged his Reasons with great Strength, and earnestly begged him to be contented to keep his Religion within his own Breast, without discovering and giving open Proofs of it to the World ; who at such a juncture would not fail to improve it to his Ruin. He likewise remonstrated to him the great Hardships they had undergone already from the implacable Temper of the English Nation, and concluded all with assuring him that he should never want his Protection, did he not put it out of his power to cherish and support him. But the Duke remained inflexible, and resolved to hazard all, rather than dissemble his Religion. The King, on the other hand, finding something must of necessity be done to appease the Minds of the People, thought fit to have the Duke to remove to Brussels, and after some Months ordered him to pass into Scotland. He obeyed the King with an entire Submission, and instantly prepared to be gone : But it was a smart Trial with a Heart so tender as his, to take leave of the King on these Conditions. On the other hand, he found the King softened into Tears, and the Dutchess his Consort Inconsolable on this occasion. Neverthe- less he still bore up against his own Tenderness, and the violent Motions of Nature that worked so strongly on his Mind, and so without Trouble or Complaint set out as the King had commanded him. 167 10 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts* During his residence in Scotland, he sufficiently won upon the Hearts of the People, and the Parliament there by a solemn Deputation returned their most humble Thanks to His Majesty, that he had ser^ them a Prince so very acceptable to them : Which favourable Account made way for his Return into England a Few Months after. In the Year 1680, a New Parliament being called, the Commons fell into a debate of the Popish Plot, and came to several rigorous resolutions, the first of which was against the Duke of York as being a Papist ; and after several speeches it was resolved that a Bill should be brought in (this was the Second Bill of Exclusion) to disable James, Duke of York, from inheriting the Imperial Crown of England, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging : Which Bill passed the Lower House, and was carried up to the Lords by William Lord Russel, but at the second reading the Lords threw it out : and the King, upon the Warmth that grew in Parlia- ment, found himself obliged to dissolve them. Soon after the King calling a New Parliament to meet at Oxford, a Third Bill of Exclusion was brought in, read the first time, and ordered a Second Reading, but the King thought fit again to prorogue them. Soon after the Duke returned to England, where he was received in a very affectionate manner by the King ; and the Act drawn up against him was no more talked of. The Duke's Friends had now in their turn an Instance of Triumph, in the Discovery of the Ryehouse Plot, for which several of his most inveterate Enemies suffered Death, and others were sufficiently mortified. From whence to the death of his Brother King Charles II. and his attaining the Crown, he had a clearer sunshine of Peace, than the Foregoing Part of his Life had been acquainted with : Nor shall I omit one Passage at his Brother's Decease, which is borrowed from an Author,* who seems to be of Credit. "As his Zeal was ever the same in Adversity, so he took care to preserve it in Prosperity : He passionately desired the King's Conversion, and found it pretty well advanced, when he came to discourse the King upon such Occasions as he thought most seasonable. " The King gave him a Paper he had composed himself, and writ with his own Hand, which contained a Summary of the most Material * Father Francis Brcttoneau*» Abridgment of the Life of King Jamci U, 168 /iDemotrs ot tbe Cbe\?alter ^e St. George, » » and Solid Arguments for the Truth of the Catholic Religion. In fine, Heaven gave a blessing to these good Dispositions, and the Duke had this Comfort, when he lost his Brother, to see him die in the Bosom of the True Church. " King Charles II. fell sick, and on the 4th Day of his Illness, was by his Physicians given over : When Two Protestant Bishops came to wait on His Majesty, they began the read, as is usual, at the Bed's Feet, the Office for the Visitation of the Sick. When they came to the Place where the Sick Person is exhorted to make Auricular Confession, but at the same time is told, that there is no Command obliges him to it, and he may if he pleases dispence with it ; the Bishop of Bath stepped up to the King, made him a short Exhorta- tion, and asked him if he repented of his Sins ? The King having answered. He did so ; His Lordship pronounced the form of Absolution^ after the Manner of the Church of England. When the Office was over, the Bishop returned to the King to ask him whether he was willing to receive the Sacrament ; and to exhort him to it. But the King answered him not a Word. His Lordship urged, and the King was pleased to tell him he would think on it. The Bishop still insisting on it. His Majesty still evaded it. "The Duke of York did not let slip so fine an Occasion. He ordered all those who were by the King's Bedside to withdraw ; and then addressing himself to the King, he testified his Joy to see him at last (as he thought) resolved to execute what his Conscience had so often solicited him to do ; and offered at the same time to call for a Priest. For God's sake Brother, answered the King, go send for one. But, added he, Won^t you expose yourself too much? To which the Duke replied. Sir, tho^ it should cost me my Life, I will get you one. He went out immediately, and by a .particular Accident, or a very singular Providence, the First Priest he met was Father Huddlestone, a Benedictine, the same that contributed much towards the Saving the King's Life after the Battle of Worcester, when that Prince hid himself all Night in the Hollow of a Tree. Father Huddlestone was shewed up a Private pair of Stairs into a Closet near the King's Bedchamber. As soon as the King knew him^ he gave order for all that were in the Chamber to retire, except his Brother. "The Duke however had a mind that the Earl of Bath, First Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and the Earl of Feversham, Captain of the Guards, both Protestants, should stay and be Witness of what passed. This Precaution he thought necessary to prevent the Y 169 12 Ubc Clarendon fbistorical Soctcti? IReprints. malignant Consequences that his Enemies might have made from thence, in case the Duke had staid alone with the King, when His Majesty was in that weak condition. "Father Huddlestone went in, received the King's Abjuration, heard his Confession, and afterwards administered him the Sacraments. There was no delaying the Matter, for a few Hours after the King died. He acknowledged upon his Death-Bed, that next to God, he owed the Grace of his Reconciliation to the Church, to the indefati- gable Zeal and tender Affection of the Duke his Brother. Nay more, he asked his Pardon aloud for the severe Treatment he had several times given him ; and testified to those who were present, in terms of Esteem, Friendship, and Tenderness not to be expressed, how much he was touched with the Resignation and Patience which the Duke had all along shewn on these Occasions." After the Death of King Charles TI. the Duke of York was proclaimed King of Great Britain, by the Name of James II. Publick Rejoicings were heard in all Cities ; and the Acclamations, and Shouts of Joy, which were heard from all parts, gave occasion to hope for a very happy Reign both to Prince and People. If he had followed the Advice of his Council, he would have been a little remiss in the point of Religion : They would have persuaded him to stay some time before he publicly declared himself a Catholic. Of this opinion were several Catholicks themselves ; but all the Reasons they offered him, made no manner of impression on his Mind, and the Sunday after his accession to the Crown he heard Mass publicly. Not fully content with this Proceeding, he designed to re-establish Liberty of Conscience in England by Act of Parliament, wherein the Catholicks should be comprehended, as well as the rest of the Nonconformists ; mean time he gave it out beforehand, as some of the ablest Lawyers after serious Examination, assured he might by Virtue of his Prerogative Royal. The present Juncture was favourable enough for the King to make his Orders obeyed, and execute what he had undertaken, as to Liberty of Conscience. One would have thought that the Defeat of the Duke of Monmouth, and the Earl of Argyle, who took up Arms, one in England, and the other in Scotland, should have confirmed his Authority. But the Prejudice to the Catholic Religion had so deeply prevailed in the Hearts of the People, that it soon raised new Troubles, and hindered the King's Intentions. 170 /TOemotrs ot tbe Cbevaliet C)e St. George. 13 It was insinuated to the People, that the King designed to destroy the Church of England, and introduce Popery, by main Force ; that their Liberties and Properties were in danger, and themselves of being oppressed by an Arbitrary Government. These Reports eat into the People's Minds, and there lay corroding ; and from that time nothing but Complaints and Murmurings were heard over all the Nation : After all the most Moderate Men confessed, that excepting the Case of Religion, they could not wish for a King fitter to procure the Advantage of the Nation, both in respect to his personal Virtues, and of his great Insight in Trade and Government. Whilst Affairs were at this Crisis, the Queen, who had already had Four Children, as we have mentioned, was now with child, and sufficient cause of Joy it was to the King's Friends, especially the Catholicks : A Proclamation was published appointing a public Day of Thanksgiving to be observed in the Cities of London and Westminster, and soon after in all other Places of the Kingdom, and a suitable Form of Prayer was likewise ordered to be prepared for that purpose. This News caused various Reflections throughout the Nation, and instead of allaying the former heat of the People, enflamed them the more. They entertained a Prejudice, which no doubt was instilled into them, that the Queen's Big Belly was only a Feint, an artifice of the R. Catholicks, for some end or other ; but yet they knew not what Name to give it. And as every thing seemed to forward the King's Misfortunes, about this Time the Bishops were sent to the Tower, a Proceeding the King was more to blame in, than the Blackest Incidents they had to charge him with. On the loth of June, between the Hours of 9 and lo, a Rumour spread that the Queen was in labor ; the Town took the alarm, and People seemed not a little surprized. This was not only confirmed, but was soon followed with the News of her being brought to bed of a Prince, and in the Afternoon the following Account was published by Authority. "Whitehall, June 10. This Day between 9 and 10 in the Morn- ing, the Queen was safely delivered of a Prince at St. James's ; His Majesty, the Queen-Dowager, most of the Lords of the Privy Council, and divers Ladies of Quality being by." The Prince of Orange himself, and the States of Holland, sent to compliment the King upon this Occasion, and acknowledged the new Prince, as did almost all the Cities in the Kingdom, who thereupon 171 '4 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorical Societi? IReprtnts. sent their Addresses to His Majesty, full of Expressions that signified a most sincere Fidelity and Zeal. Notwithstanding which there was a very deep Resentment lay hid in the Breasts of most People. The Prepossession they had that the Prince was imposed on them, was agitated by other melancholy Circumstances ; that the Order of the Church and Constitution were in danger of being totally subverted : And this, as a stronger Physic on the Mind, drove out all lesser Humors, and divested them even of the Respect and Allegiance they owed to their Sovereign. It unluckily happened too, that Five Days after this Account was published of the Birth of the Prince, the Bishops were brought to Trial, and the Army lay then encamped at Hounslow Heath: Two things which did grievously alarm and afflict the People : The former needed no Aggravation of Words to provoke them, the Trial was public, and as universally resented : The other required a little Art to possess them, that it was an Irish Catholic- Army, and designed to keep a heavy hand over the Kingdom, if they pretended to dispute the King's Authority in repealing the Tests and Penal Laws, by which Method he designed to introduce his own Religion. This worked so effectually, that People were every where ripe for Self-Defence, and the King was no less than accused of imposing a Child for his Lawful Successor, to the Prejudice of his own Daughters, for whom he had always expressed all the Affection and Tenderness imaginable, and they to him, and paid all the Duty and Respect due to an indulgent Father : And notwithstanding all the Royal Favors he had bestowed, yet he could depend on nothing but his Army ; nor with any great Confidence on them, which made him resolve to try how far he might trust their Fidelity, and therefore endeavoured to engage them, both Officers and Soldiers, to sign a Writing, whereby they should promise to contribute as far as in them lay, towards supporting the King's Design of taking off the Test and Penal Laws. This Project was thought fit to be proposed to all the Regiments one by one, and the first. His Majesty's Desires were made known to, was the Earl of Litchfield's Regiment, who all thereupon, both Officers and Soldiers (Two Captains and some private Men excepted) laid down their Arms; at which the King being astonished, commanded them to take up their Arms again. This was a sufficient Experiment of the Temper of the Soldiers ; and His Majesty found that nothing but new modelling the Army would do. Things standing in this disposition, a Memorial of the Church of /iDemotrs ot tbe Cbex>aUer De St Ocovqc. i 5 England was drawn up privately, and sent to the Prince and Princess of Orange, to implore their Protection, whilst many of the Nobility and Gentry joined in these Sollicitations ; and others withdrew themselves into Holland, where they gave the Prince Assurances of a sufficient Power, that would immediately join him on his landing. In the mean time, His Majesty had resolved to call a Free Parlia- ment, to establish an Universal Liberty of Conscience, and to remedy all the Complaints of his Subjects. The Charter of the City of London was restored, the Suspension of the Bishop of London taken off; the Deputy Lieutenants and Justices of the Peace, who had been removed for disputing His Majesty's Commands, were suffered to resume their Commissions ; and a Proclamation was published for restoring Corporations to their ancient Charters. The Rumor of the Prince's being an Impostor began to spread with greater Warmth, and to this was added, that his true Mother was to be brought over with the Dutch Fleet : Being now about Four Months old, he received private baptism in the Chappel of St. James's, on the 15th of October, of which the Following Account was published by Authority. "Whitehall, Oct. 15. This day in the Chappel of St. James's, His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, being before christened, was solemnly named (amidst the Ceremonies and Rites of Baptism) James, Francis, Edward. His Holiness, represented by his Nuntio, Godfather, and the Queen-Dowager Godmother. The King and Queen assisted at the Solemnity, with a great Attendance of Nobility and Gentry, and a Concourse of People, all expressing joy and satisfaction, suitable to the Place and Occasion. And now to stifle the Suspicion and Report, which had gained but too much credit, that the Prince was not lawfully born of the Queen's Body, the King assembled an Extraordinary Council, where the Queen Dowager, the Peers that were in Town both Spiritual and Temporal, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the Judges, and His Majesty's Council at Law, were present. To whom His Majesty delivered himself in this manner, " My Lords, " nr Have called you together upon a very extraordinary Occasion ; -*- but extraordinary Diseases must have extraordinary Remedies. The malicious Endeavors of my Enemies have so poisoned the Minds 173 1 6 xibe Clarenbon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts. of some of my Subjects, that by the Reports I have from all hands, I have reason to believe, that very many do not think this Son, with which it hath pleased God to bless me, to be mine, but a Supposed Child. But I may say, that by particular Providence, scarce any Child was ever born, where there were so many Persons present. "I have taken this time to have the Matter heard and examined here, expecting that the Prince of Orange, with the first Easterly Wind will invade this Kingdom : And as I have often ventured my Life for the Nation before I came to the Crown, so I think my self more obliged to do the same now I am King ; and do intend to go in person against him, whereby I may be exposed to Accidents, and therefore I thought it nccessaay to have this now done, in order to satisfy the Minds of my Subjects, and to prevent this Kingdom being engaged in Blood and Confusion after my Death ; desiring to do always what may contribute most to the Ease and Quiet of my People, which I have shewed by securing to them their Liberty of Conscience, and the Enjoyment of their Properties, which I will always preserve. "I have desired the Queen-Dowager to give her self the trouble to come hither, to declare what she knows concerning the Birth of my Son ; and most of the Ladies, Lords, and other Persons who were present, are ready here to depose upon Oath their knowledge of this Matter. After His Majesty had ended his Speech, the Queen Dowager rising from her Chair, which was placed pn the King's Right Hand, was pleased to declare in the manner following. " rpHAT when the King sent for her to the Queen's Labor, she -'- came as soon as she could, and never stirred from her till she was delivered of the Prince of Wales." To which she signed " Catherina R." The Clerk of the Council was then ordered to receive the Oaths of the Ladies, Lords, and other Persons, who had any Evidence to deliver in this Matter. These were • THE Marchioness of Powis. The Countess of Arran. The Countess of Petcrborow. 174 /IDemotts of tbe Cbev^alter t)e St. George. 17 The Countess of Sunderland. The Countess of Roscommon. The Countess of Fingal. The Lady Bulkley. The Lady Belasyse. The Lady Waldgrave. Mrs. Mary Crane and Mrs. Anne Cary, Gentlewomen of the Bedchamber to Queen Dowager. Mrs. Isabella Wentworth, Mrs. Catherine Sayer, Mrs. Isabella Waldgrave, Mrs. Margaret Dawson, Mrs. Eliz. Bromley, Mrs Pelegrina Turini, Gentlewomen of the Bed-chamber to the Queen. Mrs. Mary Ann Delabadie, Dry Nurse to the Prince. Mrs. Judith Wilkes, Her Majesty's Midwife. Mrs. Eliz. Pearce, the Queen's Laundress. The Dutchess of Richmond and Lenox. The Countess of Litchfield. The Countess of Marischal. George, Lord JefFeries, Lord Chancellor. Robert, Earl of Sunderland. Henry, Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Privy Seal. John, Earl of Mulgrave, Lord Chamberlain of the Household. William, Earl of Craven. Lewis, Earl of Feversham, Lord Chamberlain to Catherine, Queen Dowager. Alexander, Earl of Murray. Charles, Earl of Middleton. John, Earl of Melfort. Sidney, Lord Godolphin, Lord Chamberlain to the Queen. Sir Stephen Fox. Kt. Lieutenant Colonel Edward Griffin, afterwards Lord Griffin. Sir Charles Scarborough, Kt. First Physician to the King. Sir Thomas Witherley, Second Physician to the King. Sir William Waldgrave, Kt. First Physician to Her Majesty. Dr. Robert Brady, One of His Majesty's Physicians in Ordinary. James St. Amand, Their Majesties' Apothecary. All these declared, with some little Differing Circumstances, the Birth of the Prince ; the greatest part, as they attested, having seen it before it was cleansed from the Impurities of its Birth, with all 175 1 8 XTbe (TlarentJon Ibistorical Society IReprints. other infallible Tokens of his being immediately born of the Queen's Body. After these Depositions were taken, the King was pleased to acquaint the Lords, that the Princess Anne of Denmark, his Daughter, would have been present, but that she being with Child, and having not lately stirred abroad, could not come so far without Hazard. "And now, my Lords," adds the King, " altho* I did not question but all here present were before satisfied in this Matter ; yet by what you have heard, you will be the better able to satisfy others. Besides, if I and the Queen could be thought so wicked as to endeavor to impose a Child upon the Nation, you see how impossible it would have been; neither could I my self be imposed upon, having constantly been with the Queen, during her being with child, and the whole time of her Labour. And there is none of you but will easily believe me, who have suffered so much for Conscience-sake, uncapable of so great a Villainy, to the Prejudice of my own Children. And I thank God, that those who know me, know well it is my Principle to do as I would be done by ; For that is the Law and the Prophets; And I w.juld rather die a Thousand Deaths, than do the least wrong to any of my Children." "If any of my Lords think it necessary the Queen should be sent for it shall be done ;" which the Lords declined, saying, they had received satisfaction enough from what the King had declared. Then an Order in Council was made, "That the Declarations before made, by His Majesty and by Her Majesty the Queen Dowager; together with the several Depositions then entered, should be forth- with enrolled in the Court of Chancery. In pursuance of which Order in Council, the Lord Chancellor, on Saturday the 28th of October following, in the High Court of Chancery, many of the Nobility, and the Lords of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, being present, caused the aforesaid Order of Council, and the Declarations of His Majesty, and the Q. Dowager, to be openly and distinctly read in Court, as the same were entered in the Words aforesaid in the Council Book. And the Lords and Ladies, who made the respective Depositions aforesaid, being present in Court, were sworn again, and having heard their Depositions distinctly read in the Words aforesaid, and being severally interrogated by the Court to the Truth thereof, they all upon their Oaths affirmed their respective Depositions to be true ; and did likewise depose (except some few, who came late into the Council Chamber, or some who .76 /llbemoirs ot tbe Cbevalier De St. George. 19 stood at too great a distance) that they heard His Majesty, and Her Majesty the Queen-Dowager, make the several Declarations aforesaid, and that the same, as they had been read, were truly entered into the Council Book, according to the Sense, Intent and Meaning of what His Majesty the King, and Her Majesty the Queen-Dowager did then declare. And for as much as the Earl of Huntingdon, and the Earl of Peterborow, who were able to depose to the Matters aforesaid, had not been Examined at the Council Board, but had brought their several Depositions in Writing, which they delivered into Court, and were to the same effect with the rest, the Lord Chancellor, caused them to be openly read, and examined them severally upon their Oaths to the Truth thereof. Whereupon His Majesty's Attorney General moved the Court, that the said Declara- tions of his Majesty, and of Her Majesty the Queen Dowager ; and the several Depositions, and the Order of Council, should be enrolled in the Petty Bag Office, and in the Office of Enrolments in the Court of Chancery, for the safe Preservation and Custody of them, which the Lord Chancellor ordered accordingly. Before this His Majesty had received the Compliments of Congratulation from most of the Princes of Europe, the Prince and Princess of Orange not excepted ; and Addresses from all Parts of the Kingdom to the same purpose. And not only this, but the most Spritely and Ingenious of the Two Universities employed their Pens in celebrated Verses, to congratulate the King on this Occasion. There seemed a glorious Interval of Peace and Happiness, and a hopeful Promise of Lasting and Infinite Blessings to the Nation ; but in the Mazes of Providence there is something ordained for Man not to see, and which the most glorious and fair Appearance of is only delusive. In One of those famous pieces of Poetry I have mentioned, the Author seems to have had much such another Thought, and indeed to prophesy something of Futurity. NCE more my Goddess, hear thy Priest, Indulge me, O indulge this last Request! The Mightiest Boon thou hast in store, 1 ask, but grant, and I will ask no more. Oh let me enter to the Inmost Room, The darkened Retirement of Apollo's Doom. z 177 20 Ube Clarenbon Ibistorical Soctetp IRepttnts. The sacred Mirror there expose^ The Wondrous Magic-Glass^ Which from its bright reflective Face, Fate's inmost Secrets shows, And great Futurities already come to pass. There I would view when James shall late repair. In the first Orbs to shine a Star ; And guide with guardian Rays, his People from afar. There I would view his Godlike Son With Shouts ascend his Father'?, Throne ; And cheer, with mighty Hopes, the drooping Albion. Next, Goddess, I would see him reign. Crowned and uncontroVd, the Monarch of the Main. Whilst humble Belgians sue for Peace, And the far East and West the British Power confess. Let him next on land appear. Bold, yet cautious, open, and yet wise. Generous, and yet frugal, good without Disguise. With Justice mild, and piously severe. Shew me Goddess, shew me this. And let thy Oracles to morrow cease. Alas, the Muse the well meant Prafr denies. She struts, frowns, and thus replies : •* With Furious Folly, and with Zeal Profane, The uneasy Britons still would pry Into the Depths of late Futurity ; Whilst Heaven showers present Blessings down in vain. What Time shall come, and what the Fates will do. Concerns not thee, O Man to know ; To-day is thine, seize the useful Now ! But nothing happy, Man can please. Wanton and lawless grown, with Luxury and Ease.^* How near this Poet hit the Temper of his Countrymen, I need not shew ; they were not to be pleased, Cabals were formed against the King, and an Intelligence kept with the Prince of Orange, who was invited over, and being succoured by the Hollanders, appointed a 178 /IDemotrs of tbe Cbevalier ^e St Gcovqc^ 21 numerous Fleet, with which he passed into England with an Army of 13000 Men. The King in a very indulgent manner, offered whatever his Subjects could reasonably require, if Reason and their own Interest could have reclaimed them ; but the Frenzy was grown too strong : The Prince was advancing with his Troops, and the King seeing no other means of healing this Breach, put himself at the head of his Army, and marched against the Enemy, when drawing near to them, he soon found what he had to trust to ; his Army was instantly abandoned by almost all its Officers, most of which had been gained by the Prince of Orange's Emissaries, who instead of doing their Duty to attack him, went over to him. The Desertion in short was so general, that the King's own Creatures forsook him, and even those he had overwhelmed with his Royal Goodness were found in the Confederacy. In this Confusion of Affairs he judged it improper to continue at the head of such an Army, from whom he could promise himself no Subjection, and therefore retired again to London. Mean time provision was to be made for the Security of the Queen, and Prince of Wales (then so called) who was now not above Six Months old, whom the King caused privately to pass into France ; and intended himself soon to follow them. At length he got out of Whitehall, parted from London, and imbarked ; but being obliged to put ashore again for Ballast, he was arrested and discovered near Feversham, where he was so rudely treated by the Mob, as very much exercised his Royal Patience ; the Dignity of his Person not being sufficient to guard him from those mean Insolencies, which but to a Private Person would have been accounted infamous Outrages. Here however he received the courtesy of having his wearing Cloaths brought him, being sent on board a Man of War then in the Hope, below Gravesend, for that purpose ; and as soon as 'twas known at London of his being stopped at Feversham, the Lords sent him his Coaches and Guards, and at the same time deputed the Earl of Feversham to go and engage him to come back. The King had no time to deliberate, for he was no longer Master of his own Proceedings, and therefore took Coach and submitted to be conducted to London : The People, by their loud Acclamations, testifying an extraordinary Joy and entire Devotion to the King's Interest ; which was but a Transitory Comfort, for about Midnight, when the King lay fast asleep void of all Fear and Suspicion, the Lords Hallifax, De la Mere, and Shrewsbury, came to awake him, and 179 2 2 XTbe Clarendon Ibtstorlcal Society IReprlnts* to tell him from the Prince of Orange, that it was found necessary for him to retire from London. They offered him at the same time his choice of Hampton Court or Ham, for the Place of his Retreat, but the King desired to go to Rochester, which was granted him, and thither he was carried Prisoner. Here he continued some few Days, always bearing in mind that he was a Christian and a King, till he met with a favorable Opportunity for his Escape. There was a Boat waited for him at the Seaside, the King passed unobserved thro' a Garden, stepped into the Boat, and set sail for France, whither in a day or two he happily arrived. He was received in France with all the Marks of Honor and Distinction suitable to his Character, and hasting to St. Germans he there found the Queen and Prince (so-called) newly arrived. And here one may pretty well judge what were the Sentiments of the Hearts of their Britannic Majesties at this afflicting, yet joyful Interview. They now saw one another again after so sorrowful a Parting, and so many Dangers they had both undergone ; but at the same time could not but reflect deeply on the Condition they were reduced to, which yet was very much alleviated by the obliging and generous Offers of the King of France, and the repeated Promises he made them, to succour and assist them with all his Power. But this mutual Comfort of seeing one another again did not last long, the King had not been above Two Months at St. Germans, before he thought himself obliged, for the Good of his Affairs, to pass into Ireland, where the Lord Tyrconnel, at the head of the Catholics, still maintained the King's Authority. The King sailed thither, and there sustained the War against Duke Schombergh for above a Twelvemonth, till King William arriving with a numerous Force of veteran Troops, had the advantage of the King's Army, and defeated him at the Passage of the Boyne ; after which he was advised by My Lord Tyrconnel, and all the General Officers to retreat to France, where, about Two Years after, his Queen bore him a Daughter, who was born the 28th of June, 1691, and christened Louise Marie, about the time of her Father's Disappointment by the Defeat at La Hogue \ from which time the Residue of his Life was wholly employed in Exercises of Piety and Devotion, of which he was a very shining Example to the time of his Death. For some time before which he made it his daily Prayer to God, that He would be pleased to take him out of this troublesome World, and on this Subject he had some conversation with the Queen, who 180 /IDemoirs ot tbe Cbevaller ^e %t Ocovqc. 23 seemed very sensibly afflicted at his having so passionate a desire of Death, telling him that she looked upon the Preservation of his Person as necessary for the Good of her and her Children. But she received no other Answer but this, "That God Almighty would take care of her, and her Children, and that his Life gave him no Capacity of doing any thing for them." He would often have communication with his Children, especially the Prince of Wales (as they then called him) in whom the King was infinitely delighted, as finding in him, tho' yet very young, a Genius capable of arriving at the highest Accomplishments, which the King would passionately indulge him in, and by repeated Instructions take all imaginable care to fructify his tender Mind with the most Useful and Noble Sentiments, to which in Nature he seemed so apparently inclined. About Midsummer, 1701, the King was seized with a dead Palsy, and grew dangerously ill upon it. The Physicians being of opinion that he might receive some benefit from the Waters of Bourbon, he went thither, and took them with some Success : But some Months after he began to spit Blood again, as he had done before his Journey to Bourbon ; and on the 2d of September he was taken very ill ; in which State he continued for Two Days, and then his Physicians began to Despair of his Life. The same Day he made a general Confession, which he had scarce finished before he was taken with such a Weakness as was followed by a Vomiting of Blood, which had like to have choaked him, however, he recovered himself a little, and called for the Prince of Wales (as then called) who immediately entered the Chamber ; but it was a sad Spectacle for him to see the King covered with Blood, and half dead. He ran to embrace him, and the King held out his Arms to him himself, and embraced him with all the tenderness imaginable. He blessed him, and as he gave him his benediction, recommended to him above all things to stand fast by his Religion, and the Service of God, whatever came of it, and to have always for the Queen all the respect and submission due to the Best of Mothers. He likewise let him understand how much he was indebted to the King of France, which he charged him never to forget: What else the King had to say to him, he gave him in Writing, and bid him read it often when His Majesty was gone ; a Copy of which is hereafter printed. It was not without some Violence that the Prince was taken from him, the King would fain have held him ; " Leave me my Son," said he, "let me give him my Blessing once more;" which when he had 181 24 Ube (Tlaren^on Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts. done, he suffered him to retire to his own Apartment. After which the King ordered the Princess his Daughter to be brought him ; to whom he spoke much in the same Terms ; and gave her his blessing: And the Princess, melted into Tears, gave him to understand by the Abundance of them the inward Sorrow of her Heart. When the King had done speaking to his Children, he ordered the Protestant Lords, and his Domcsticks of the same Religion, who were in his Chamber, to come near him. He exhorted them every one in particular to embrace the Catholic Religion, assuring them that if they followed the Advice he gave them, they would feel the same Consolation that he did, whenever they found themselves in the same Condition they then saw him in. Nor did he forget the Catholicks, whom he exhorted to live according to their Faith, and all together to pay a lasting and just obedience to the Prince. The King of France, who had not missed One Day to inform himself of the state of his Health, and had been already twice to see him, paid him a third visit. His Most Christian Majesty went first into the Queen's Chamber, where he declared to her the Resolution he had taken, That "provided it pleased God to take the King her Husband, he would acknowledge the Prince of Wales (as he was then called) for King of England," Upon which the Queen sent immediately for him, and acquainted him with what His Most Christian Majesty designed to do in his favour ; to whom the King, resuming the Discourse, said, " Sir ; you are going to lose the King your Father, but you shall always find another in me, and I shall look on you as my own Child." At which the Prince, embracing the King's Knees, assured him, "That he would also have the same respect for his Majesty, as he had had for the King his Father. That he would never forget how much he was indebted to him, but preserve the Acknowledgement of it whilst he lived." The King of France passed from thence into the King of England's Apartment, and went to his Bedside. The Courtiers out of Respect would have withdrawn ; but His Most Christian Majesty signified to them, that he would be glad to let the World know what he had to say ; then addressing himself to the Sick King, he repeated aloud what he had before declared to the Queen concerning the Prince, adding withal, to the King's Consolation; "That he perceived in him those early Appearances of Vertue and Honor, that could not but strengthen His Majesty in his Affection to him, besides the Obligations of Conscience and Affinity, which he had always indispensably thought himself under." 182 /iDemoits of tbe Cberalier t)e St. George. 2 5 It is impossible to represent the Sentiments of the English Court upon this Occasion. Without any regard to the measures of Decency, every one was eager to testify their grateful Acknowledgements to the Most Christian King. They threw themselves at his Feet, and in Sentiments mingled with Comfort and Sorrow, made the Chamber ring with Applauses and Sighs, insomuch that the Thanks of his Brittanic Majesty could not be heard : And the Most Christian King found himself so sensibly touched, that he could scarce restrain from Tears, and therefore retired. I shall here repeat no more of this sad Catastrophe of the English King, he lay till the i6th of September, when he resigned his Soul to God, and was with very little Pomp and Ceremony interred in the Parish Church of St. Germans, as a private Gentlemen, according to the Request of his Will, and no Epitaph on his Tomb, but these four words, " Here lies King James." Thus I have run thro' the Life of this unfortunate King, which I shall conclude with the Instructions he left in Writing to the Prince of Wales, as he was then called : but penned some time before his Death. " T7"INGS not being responsible for their Actions, but to God -*-^ only, they ought to behave themselves in every thing with more circumspection than those that are of an Inferior Condition ; and if Subjects owe a faithful Obedience to their King, and his Laws, the King is likewise obliged to take a great care of them, and to love them like a Father. Then as you hold the first rank among them, and that you must be one day their King your self, I believe it to be my duty, as your King, and your Father, to give you the following advice : And I find my self yet more obliged to it, when I reflect on your Age, my own, and the present State of my Affairs. " I. Serve God as a perfect Christian, and be a worthy Child of the Roman Church. Let no Humane Consideration, of what nature soever, be ever capable to draw you from it. Remember always that Kings and Princes, and the Great Ones of the Earth, shall give an Account of their Conduct before the Dreadful Tribunal of God, where every one shall be judged according to his Works. Consider that you are come into the World to glorify God, and not to seek your Pleasure. That it is by Him that Kings Reign ; and that without His particular Protection, nothing can prosper of all that you undertake 183 26 XLbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Socteti^ IReprints. Serve then the Lord in the Days of thy Youth, and you shall receive a Recompence in the Land of the Living. Begin by times, and without Delay. Never forget that there are greater things expected from Persons in High Stations, than from others : Their Example gives great impressions, and is always most followed, be it as it will. "II. If it pleases God to re-establish me upon my Throne, I have reason to hope that I shall put things in that Condition, that it shall be more easy for you to govern my Kingdoms after me, with Security of the Monarchy, and intire Satisfaction of all the Subjects. A King cannot be happy if his Subjects be not at ease, and the Subjects also cannot securely enjoy what belongs to them if their King be not at his ease, and in capacity to protect and defend them. Therefore preserve your Prerogatives, but disquiet not your Subjects, either in their Estates or their Religion. Remember the great Precept, Do not to others what you would not have done to your self. Take great care that no body oppresses the People with Vexatious Law-Suits, or Undertakings that are chargeable to them : I told you, and it is true, that a King ought to be the Father of his People, and conse- quently to have a tenderness for them that is altogether fatherly. "III. Live in peace with your Neighbors, and know that Kings and Princes may commit the same Injustice with the most notorious Robbers, that openly attack the Passengers upon the High-Ways, or the Pyrates, that take whatever they meet : Without doubt they'll be punished for it at the Judgment of God. Then suffer yourself not to be drawn away by Ambition, and the Desire of a False Glory, so far as to forget the Precept of the Law of God and Nature, which I told you but just now. Hearken not to the Counsels of those that shall persuade you to Enlarge your Estates and Dominions by Unjust Acquisitions, but be content with what is your own. " IV. Do your endeavour to establish by a Law the Liberty of Conscience ; and whatever may be represented to you about it, never leave that Design until you have compassed it. It is a grace and particnlar favor that God does them, whom he enlightens with His Knowledge, in calling them to the True Religion ; and it is by Mildness, Instructions, and a good Example, that they are won, much more than by Fear or Violence. 184 /Memoirs ot tbe Cbepaltet 5e St George. ^7 "V. If you begin early to live well, it will be much easier to you to preserve your innocence, than to recover it after once you shall have lost it. Forget hot the good Instructions that have been given you, to shun Idleness, and Bad Company. Idleness will expose you to all sorts of Temptation, and Bad Company will be a Poison to you, of which you'll hardly scape the Influences. Suffer no Persons to come near you that talk obscenely or impiously, and by their Railleries endeavor to destroy Christianity it self, and turn into ridicule the most Holy and Religious Practices. " VI. Nothing is more fatal to Men, and to the Greater Men (I speak with a dear-bought Experience) than to be given over to the Unlawful Love of Women, which of all Vices is the most seducing, and the most difficult to be conquered, if not stifled in its Birth : It a Vice that is but too universal and too common in Young People ; there are but few that apply themselves to know the Danger of it, and are not drawn to it by Bad Example, as well as the Suggestions and Artifices of the Devil ; no body ought to be so much on guard as your self; because it has pleased God to make you, by your Birth, what you are ; for the more Men are elevated, the more they are exposed ; especially if they live in Peace and Plenty. But what ought more to oblige you to watch over your self, is the Remembrance of the terrible Example of David ; he was hardly established in his Throne, but he forgot the great Things that God had done for him, and suffered his Eyes to dazzled by the Sight of a Woman, so far as to fall into the Sin of Adultery, and from Adultery into that of Murder. Could but all, that, with him, have had the misfortune of falling into those heinous Crimes, remember the sincere Repentance he had of them, and imitate him ; not forgetting the Chastisements and Afflictions that God sent him in this World, to save him in the next. "VII. Master your self so much as never to be transported by Anger. That Passion offends God, and is grating to Men, and while it lasts, takes away the Reason and Judgment of him that gives himself over to it. It has been the Ruin of Several Great Men. What a King says is not easily forgot ; and there is nothing but Fear and Religion that can hinder Men from resenting it, and being revenged of it. Anger makes a Prince incapable of governing ; for how shall he rule others, when he cannot rule himself. 2A 185 2 8 Ube Clarendon Ibistortcal Soctetp IReprlnts* "VIII. Take not pleasure in feasting; but shun all sorts of Excesses that ruin Health, and makes Men unfit for Business. It is very hard to leave the Habit of them when once it is contracted. The Excess of Wine kills in a short time those that are of a Hot Constitution, and besots them that are Phlegmatic. I believe it is not necessary to enlarge upon this Point, since few Princes among the Civilized Nations are addicted to so foul a Vice. "IX. I must yet give you warning not to suffer your self to be engaged, either by the Heat of Youth, Ambition, Interest, or flattering Councils, into an Offensive War that is not evidently just : Otherwise it would be all at once to violate the Divine and humane Laws. Kings and Princes, to come again to the Comparison which I made you, can no more justify the Injustice which they do to their Neighbors, in taking (unless it be by way of Reprisal) their Cities and Provinces, than the Highway-men and Pirates can that which they do to Private Persons, when forcibly they take away their Goods. You ought, when Necessity requires it, to preserve and defend what is lawfully your own, in taking up Arms, and repelling Force by Force. You owe that to your self; you owe it to your Subjects. But to be the Aggressor in an Unjust War, is an Undertaking of Fatal Consequence for this Life, and that to come. For in the first place, God pardons not if we make not restitution : And that Princes seldom do. In the second place, what Devastation makes not War in Provinces and whole Kingdoms, by the Ruin of so many Thousands of innocent Persons ? Besides these general Rules of Conscience, a King of England ought of good Politicks to be more circumspect in this Point, than any other. For not being able, without the assistance of his People to begin and carry on a War, and the People of England never believing it their Interest to furnish Money for making conquests abroad, it follows necessarily, that the Charges of the War fall upon the King's Funds, and upon what we call the Civil List, and that so the King gets in debt. " X. For the same reason a King of England ought to take care that in his Expences he exceeds not his Revenue, and that he applies himself to what is agreeable to the People, and tends to the Public Good. If you find any of your Ministers, or Officers, that abusing the Power with which you have trusted them with, employ it to vex and oppress your Subjects, take away their Places, and punish them 1 86 /IDemoirs ot tbe abcvalicv t>c St Ocovgc. 29 your self, without giving them over to the Examination of a Parlia- ment, who desire no better than to snatch them out of your hands, and bring them to justice themselves ; which would but weaken your Authority, and discourage those that serve you faithfully. "XI. Apply your self principally to know the Constitution of the English Government, that you may keep, both you and your Parliament, each in the due Bounds that become the one and the other. Further, be instructed concerning the Trade of the Nation, make it flourish by all Lawful Means. It: is that which enriches the Kingdom, and which will make you considerable abroad. But above all, endeavour to be and to remain superior at Sea, without which England cannot be secure. The Prince (as he was then called) was about Thirteen Years of Age at the Death of King James, fraught with the blooming Appear- ance of all manly Virtues, which now began to ripen in him, so as to attract the eyes of the Court of France. 'Tis true, the King's generous Design of declaring him King of England, according to the Promise he had given, did not pass uninterrupted through the Council; yet even those who disapproved it, took pride in excusing themselves from any manner of Prejudice and Disrespect, but on the contrary declared, " They should be glad of any Opportunity to serve him, whose Interest they could never think of deserting, were not that of their own Country in the Scale, the inevitable Commencement of a War depending from the express Terms of a Peace very lately concluded. And therefore if they did not think this a proper Season to proclaim his Title, they could not doubt but they should merit His Majesty's, and the Prince's Excuse in what they had said." The D de T , the D de M , the Counts of V e, d— C , M. Ch — d, and others, were of this opinion ; but the King was steadfast in his Resolution, and the Dauphin, who was the last that spoke in Council, left no objection unanswered, either in respect to the King's Honor or Advantage, that did not entirely convince His Majesty of the Justice and Integrity of such a Proceeding ; and of the same opinion were all the Princes of the Blood. The King, who in his Heart was resolved before, took a great deal of pleasure in the Dauphine's Words, and immediately gave Orders for the proclaiming him King of Great Britain, &c. as soon as the Breath was out of King James's Body, and the People very willingly 187 30 xibe Clarenbon Ibistortcal Socteti? IReprints, proclaimed their Satisfaction, by joining in it their loud and hearty Acclamations. The usual Ceremony on this Occasion being punctually observed : The Queen Mother was appointed Regent, my Lord Middleton gave up the Seal, all the Lords took the Oaths of Fidelity, the Servants kissed his Hand, and every thing stood as it did in King James's Days. The King of France (who had not only Proclaimed him in his own Dominions, but had likewise given Orders to his Embassadors to do the same in all the Courts of Europe) thought it now a very great Argument of his Affection to him, to take care of his future Educa- tion : Thus far he had proceeded in all necessary Literature, and was ready to be initiated in the more Manly Exercises of Life : His most Christian Majesty therefore ordered him proper Masters at his own Expence, to instruct him in the most useful parts of the Mathe- matics, particularly Navigation, Fortification, and the like ; the former of which (Navigation) he is said to be an exquisite Master of, as he is likewise of most of the European Languages. To these more Masculine Accomplishments were added Riding, Dancing, Fencing, Shooting ; and such like Embellishments, as together made up the Character of the Person that the French had proclaimed him to be. Those who have conversed with him, allow him to be endued with excellent Wit, and those who have seen him under the trials of it, are of the same opinion as to his Courage. In the Twelfth Year of his Age, as he was Hunting with the Duke of Berry and others in the Forest of St. Germain, they had a monstrous Boar in Chase, the Company were dispersed and the (pretended) Prince meeting the Boar separately, having only with him one Servant, shot him in the Body and ended the Pursuit. At which kind of Exercises of Shooting, Running, or Flying, there are few among the French, tho' they are very Excellent at it, that exceed him. His Dexterity in Riding and Fencing might likewise be added among these other Qualifications, but it is enough to say, that there was nothing wanting to contribute any thing to his Education. Thus far the Accounts of French Authors go. He is proclaimed there, and stiled King of England, a Detachment of Fifty of the French Guards appointed him, with Twelve Yeomen of the Guard, Six Guard du Corps, a proper Division of Houshold Servants, and an Allowance of 50000 Livres a Month, conveyed constantly to St. Germains in an Iron Cart ; together with a Private-Purse from the French Court of near as much more : And here wc leave him a little to see how this is relished in other Places. 188 /iDemoirs^f tbe Cbev^letr t>c St, (Beorge, 3^ Ir ^ ^^^^ aid, the People seemed to be in a wonderful Surprize. For'iney had been taught to look on him as an Impostor, and his most Christian Majesty had, to reap the Fruits of Peace, but a little before acknowledged King William, as King of Great Britain, who being a Prince of a very great Spirit, was sufficiently puzed by such a Proceeding. He immediately writ to the King of Sweden, as Guarantee of the Treaty of Ryswick, to give him an Account of the manifest Violation thereof, and at the same time sent an Express to the Earl of Manchester, his Ambassador at Paris, to come immediately away, without taking leave ; and Monsieur Poussin, the French Secretary here had suddain Notice to depart the Kingdom, The Nation addressed the King, and agreed in an unanimous adherence to his Majesty, expressing an Abhorrence of this Action in the French King, so that many who were no Enemies to the Person proclaimed, began to fear his most Christian Majesty had proceeded a Step too far. King William was so Active, that he immediately formed the Grand Alliance, which the French were not able to prevent, and then Dissolving the Parliament, called a new One, before whom he laid the Copies of those Treaties, which they unanimously approved; and one of the first Things transacted, was the passing an Act for the Attainder of the (Pretended) Prince of Wales. But this was hardly done before King William died ; yet Matters were so far carried in Parliament, that a War was inevitable, which had been already begun, in Italy, of which I have not room here to repeat any thing, if it were material, more than saying, that the French King meerly drew it on himself thro' his immovable and generous Principle of supporting the (Pretended) Prince ; for he might otherwise have made very good terms for his Grandson, by a reasonable Partition, or at least have warded off the English share in it, which has been much the heaviest, and without which, this War could not in human Probability, but have proved successful on his side. On the contrary, in the Year 1706. The most Christian King found himself under the Necessity of suing for Peace ; yet it was not without severe struggles of Conscience to depart from the Promises he had made the late King James II. He consulted the Court of St. Germains, and in a private Conference with the Queen Dowager, and the (pretended) Prince at that time, "assured them that he would never depart from their Interest, tho' the present Exigency of Affairs, and the pressing Instances of his Subjects had obliged him to make i8q 32 Zbc Clacen&on ibtsfdrical Soctetp iReprlnts. -V some Overtures of Peace to the Enemy." They rtid lleshJiis Majesty's Compliment with Sighs ; and the (pretended) Prince himself replied, "That not only his Interest, but even his Life it self, was too small a Consideration for his most Christian Majesty to put in Composition with the Good of his Kingdom. I am Content," says he, " to leave my Cause to Providence, being entirely assured of your Majesty's sincere Affection to me." However, for the present, his Majesty's good Wishes for Peace were baffled, by some who thought it their Interest to carry on the War, and would be contented with nothing but the utter Ruin of the French Nation, which when the King found, he exerted himself in a very wonderful Manner ; the Offers of Peace that he had made, softncd the Hearts of his Subjects, and very much helped to alleviate the Hardships they lay under, so that his Majesty, contrary to the Expectations of the Enemy, and even surpassing their Belief, was in a Capacity next Year, not only to stop the Torrent of the Confederates in Flanders, but to be victorious in Spain, at the Battle of Almanza. In Germany the Marshal de Villars likewise made a very advantageous Irruption into Germany ; and in Provence the Allies had been forced to retreat from before Toulon. As these Successes did not a little Elevate the drooping Spirits of the French Nation, so it likewise put some Life into the Court of St. Germains. Another thing was likewise before the French Court, that promised them some Advantage. The Scotch Lords at St. Germains, had not been idle, in improving the Opportunity the Union of the two Kingdoms had given them to sound the depth of the Male-contented Party in Scotland ; and so good a Correspondence was held there, that they had the earliest notice of all that passed, and how the Nation stood affected, which was constantly communicated at Versailles. The French King, however, with his usual Caution, was not too hasty to credit the Business ; tho* it appeared to have a very good face, till a List was produced of the Names of many Leading Men in Scotland that were ready to receive (as they called it) their lawful King James VIII. The King therefore, at the repeated instances of the Scotch Lords, dispatched thither the Marquis dc Nangis, by whom he sent the necessary Arms for an Expedition, and ordered him to bring back the best Intelligence possible, not only of the Truth of what had been laid before him, but what Force would be required to put it in action, and what Strength the English would be able to send thither on a sudden ; who upon his Return brought 190 /|[>emoits of tbe (lucvaltet be St* Georae. 3 3 the King large Assurances of having a strong Party in that Kingdom ready to join them, and all manner of reasonable Hopes of succeeding in the Enterprize. Under these Circumstances, the Affair was dispatched to the Court of Rome, and related with such feeling Aggravation of being a great Means towards promoting the Cause of the Holy Catholic Religion ; and likewise so tenderly remonstrated by the (pretended) Prince himself in a dutiful and moving Letter to His Holiness ; that he was prevailed with to furnish a considerable Sum of Money towards so hopeful an Expedition, which he remitted to France ; And so diligent was His Most Christian Majesty in expending it in the necessrry Preparations for this Expedition, which were transacted with such Secrecy, that the Design was rather guessed at than known, and every thing got ready before the Spring. The Chevalier de St. George (for this was the Name he had now assumed) who had had several Interviews with the French King on this Occasion, was charmed with this new Opportunity of putting himself into the World, having a secret Impulse of Glory that spurred him forwards to appear in something worthy of the Character that was given him ; and of putting in Action those Rudiments of Honor, which he had learned with so much Pleasure. He now received the compliments of the Chief of the French Nobility on his intended Expedition, who flocked to wish him good success therein : and he likewise in his turn visited the Princes and Princesses of the Blood, and if we may believe Report (for it will be no Wonder to find Love in the Breast of a sanguine Prince at the Age of 20) he paid some- thing more than a formal visit of leave to the blooming Mademoiselle de C , on whom he had looked for some time with passionate eyes, as made it whispered at Court, that they too apparently betrayed something more than a common Respect due to so celebrated a Beauty. Why this Affair has been no more talked of, is perhaps the Reasons of State that moved in the Necessity of dissipating such a Match ; and tho' of late, thro' the prevailing persuasions of the Queen, it has been less a Subject of Discourse at Court, yet 'tis certain he never speaks of her to this Day without discovering the tender Remains of a broken and disappointed Passion. To return therefore to his Military Affairs ; the day before his Departure from St. Germans, the K. of France came thither to pay him a visit, and bid him adieu. He received the King in the most dutiful and affectionate Manner, having a great crowd of Courtiers 191 34 Ube ClatenDon IbtstoiJ^Socl^il^JSepnnts. about him, and began with expressing so.«e extraordinaiy Sentiments of Thanks for what the King had been pleased to do for him in this Affair. The King told him very gayly, that he came not to receive his thanks for it, but to wish him good success, and likewise to furnish him with a Sword, which he desired him to wear in the Cause he went on, and to remember if it proved successful that it was a French Sword. The Chevalier returned the Compliment, by assuring His Most Christian Majesty, "That if it were his good fortune to get possession of the Throne of his Ancestors, he would not content himself with returning him Thanks by Letters and Embassadors, but would shew his Gratitude by his Actions." The King likewise asked him if he was satisfied in the choice of Officers and Servants that he had made to attend him ? To which the Chevalier replyed. That, as in every thing else, he left it entirely at His Majesty's Disposal. And now having taken his final leave, he set out for Dunkirk on the 8th of March (N. S.) Nor will it be necessary to reiterate the sad Parting between him and the Queen ; as likewise the Princess his (supposed) Sister. The Grief of the former was inexpressible, unless thro' the Multitude of Tears which she shed, that could best delineate it ; she embraced him often, and sunk under a Thousand Fears and Cares for his Safety, as if she seemed to doubt of ever seeing him again : The latter likewise drowned in Tears, hung about him in a very tender and affectionate Manner, and Expressed very dreadful Apprehensions she conceived of his Safety. In the mean time, while every thing was hurrying on for that Expedition, the French King who had entertained great Hopes of its Success, thought it no longer worthy to be made a Secret, and therefore sent the following Circular Letter to his Ministers at Rome, Switzerland, and Geneva, and other Neutral Places, the very next Day after the Chevalier's Departure. " T Have long been of Opinion, that the assisting the King of -^ England to possess the Throne of his Ancestors, would be for the general Good of Europe ; I believe a Peace would be the Consequence of its Success ; and that this Prince's Subjects will esteem themselves equally happy to Re-establish him in the Place of his Predecessors, and in being themselves delivered from the continual Impositions, wherewith they arc Over-whelmed, to maintain a War altogether Foreign to them. "As the Scots have yet more Reason than the English to be 192 /iDemoirs of tbe Cbevalter De St. George. 35 Disatisfyed with the present Government of England, it appears to me a convenient Opportunity to restore that Nation her Lawful Sovereign, and to enable the Prince to deliver it from the Oppression it has suffered since the Revolution, which happened under the late King of England James II. " These are Reasons which have determined me to Equip a Squadron of my Ships at Dunkirk, and to furnish the King of England with a considerable Number of my Troops, to accompany him to Scotland to support those his faithful Subjects, who shall Declare for him. "He left this Place Yesterday, to go to Dunkirk, in order to Embark and get with all Expedition to Scotland. His Intention is not to enter the Kingdom by Right of Conquest, but as Legal Possessor of it. He will behave himself in like manner with Respect to all his Dominions, who shall pay the Obedience they owe him, and his Subjects will only be distinguished according to the Zeal and Aifection they shew to him, without Examining what Religion they professed in which he leaves them to their entire Liberty. " I have not Thoughts of enlarging my Power by assisting to Re- establish this Prince. 'Tis sufficient that I do an Act of Justice in Vindicating the Honour of Crowned Heads, highly Affronted in the Person of the King his Father ; and my Wishes will be entirely accomplished, if by God's Blessing on the Endeavors, the Success become the Means of procuring a lasting Peace, so necessary to all Europe. " As this Resolution of mine will soon spread itself thro* Europe, my Will is, that you speak of it in the Manner I Direct you. Given at Versailles this Eighth of March, 1708." His Holiness upon this appointed public Prayers, in the English, Scotch, and Irish Churches at Rome, for the Success of the Under- taking, and granted Indulgences to such as should put up those Prayers. The Chevalier, upon his arrival at Dunkirk, found fresh Marks of the French King's Esteem. He was furnished with very Fine Tents, a Considerable Quantity of Gold and Silver Household Plate, of curious workmanship ; Cloaths for his Life-Guards, Liveries for his Household, and all other Necessaries for his Expedition. The Mottoes or Devices on his Colors and Standards were adapted to the Purpose. On some there was that of the Royal Standard of England — " Dieu et 2B 193 36 Ube ClatenDon fbistorical Society IReprints* mon droits God and my Right : On others, Nil desperandnm Christo Duce et Auspice Christo^ I don't despair since Christ is my Guide and Helper ; And on others, Cui Venti et Mare obediunt, impera Domine, et fac Tranquilitatem ! O Thou whom the Winds and the Sea obey, command Lord, that it be calm." Whilst he is here, waiting only the favorable Event of Wind and Weather, let us see what is doing elsewhere. Notwithstanding the great Secrecy with which this Expedition had been Concerted, it could not be supposed but that Time would bring about the Discovery of it. It was at first suspected in Holland, who gave intimation to Her Majesty's Minister, M. Cadogan. This Gentleman had a watchful Eye on these Preparations ; but it was not till the Chevalier came to Dunkirk that he made any real Discovery (nor even then as to the Place where they were designed) at what time he sent immediate notice to England ; where on the 4th of March (O. S.) Mr. Secretary Boyle acquainted the House of Commons, That Her Majesty had ordered him to lay before them several Advices received the Night before, and that Morning, of great Preparations that were making at Dunkirk, for an Invasion upon England by the French, and the (pretended) P. of Wales was come to Dunkirk : Which produced the following Address to Her Majesty. ** "TTT^E Your Majesty's most faithful and obedient Subjects, the ' ' Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, do beg leave to return our most hearty Thanks to Your Majesty, for being generously pleased to communicate to your Parliament the Intelligence you have received of an intended Invasion of this Kingdom by the pretended Prince of Wales, supported by a French Power. "We are so sensible of the Happiness we enjoy under Your Majesty, and are so afflicted with the dangerous Consequences of such an Attempt both to your Person and Government, that with Hearts full of Concern to Your Majesty's Safety, we beseech Your Majesty that you will be pleased to take particular care of your Royal Person, and we on our parts are fully and unanimously resolved to stand by and assist Your Majesty with our Lives and Fortunes, in maintenance of your undoubted Right and Title to the Crown of these Realms against the pretended Prince of Wales, and all other your Enemies both at home and abroad. "The care Your Majesty has taken for the defence of your 194 /iDemotts ot tbe Cbevalier De St GeorGC. 37 Dominions, and particularly in fitting out so great a Fleet in so short a time, gives satisfaction and encouragement to all your Good Subjects who are likewise very sensible of the Zeal the States-General have shewn upon this Occasion. "As a farther Instance of our Duty we humbly desire that you would be pleased to order that the Laws against Papists and Non- jurors be put in Execution, and that directions be given to seize and secure such Persons, with their Horses and Arms, as Your Majesty shall have cause to suspect are disaifected to your Person and Govern- ment. "And as we doubt not but by the Blessing of God, upon the Continuance of Your Majesty's Care, your Enemies will be put to Confusion, so we readily embrace this Opportunity to shew to Your Majesty and the whole World, that no Attempts of this kind shall deter us from supporting Your Majesty in a vigorous Prosecution of the present War against France, till the Monarchy of Spain be restored to the House of Austria, and Your Majesty have the Glory to compleat the Recovery of the Liberties of Europe. To which the Queen replied : " My Lords, and Gentlemen, " nr Have such entire Dependence on the Providence of God, and -'- so much Trust in the faithful Services of my good Subjects, that I hope this Attempt will prove Dangerous only to those who undertake it. "I am extreamly Sensible of your Concern and Affection for me and my Government, and shall have a very particular Regard to the Advice you give Me upon this Occasion. "I am also very well pleased with the Justice you have done the States General, in taking Notice of their timely Care for our Safety, and their Readiness to give us all possible Assistance. "The firm Resolutions which you Express upon all Occasions, of Supporting me in bringing this War to a Safe and Happy Conclusion, as it is most essentially obliging to me, so I assure my self it will mightily Dishearten our Common Enemies, and give the greatest Encouragement and Advantage to our Allies." The Commons likewise ordered a Bill to be brought in, to empower her Majesty to secure and detain such Persons as her 195 38 XLDc Claren^on Distortcal Society IReprints. Majesty should suspect were Conspiring against her Person and Government. And pursuant to the Parliaments Desire in their Address, a Proclamation was Issued, declaring the Chevalier and all his Accomplices, Adherents, and Abettors to be Traitors and Rebels. Strictly Charging all Papist Recusants, to repair to their Places of Abode, and not remove from thence above the Distance of Five Miles ; and also to depart out of the Cities of London and Westminster, and from all Places within Ten Miles distance of the same. And here it is certain, that the Catholicks in England and Scotland in many Places were great Sufferers thro* this Expedition : Who tho* they are by Principle obliged to wish the Chevalier well, yet it is thought that many of them were not over warm in this Affair, as believing if it was Unsuccessful, it would be a means of laying them under fresh Hardships. A Bill was likewise actually brought in, and ready to pass, wherein there was a Clause, for discharging Vassals from their Allegiance to their Superiors, the Leaders or Chieftains of Clans, in case they resisted them that took part with the Chevalier. Besides the former united Address of the Lords and Commons, there were two other presented on the 13th of March, in Answer to Her Majesty's Speech of the loth, wherein were contained very warm Expressions against the Chevalier and his Adherents. Upon the first Notice of the French Armament at Dunkirk, Major General Cadogan had repaired to Brussels, and Concerted with Monsieur de Auverqucrque, the March of the British Forces to be Shipped of for Great Britain, and how to supply their Room in their several Garrisons. From Brussels the Major General went to Ghent, and having Conferred with General Lumly the Governor of that Place, and Commander in Chief of the British Troops, Orders were given to Ten Battalions to hold themselves in a readiness to March at an Hour's Warning. This done, that General repaired to Ostend, to forward the Preparations which were making there for the Embarking of those Regiments, as soon as there should be certain Advice, that the Twelve French Battallions that were to attend the Chevalier in his intended Expedition were actually Embarked. On the other Hand, the Admiralty of Great Britain fitted out a Fleet with such incredible Diligence and Expedition, that appearing in sight of Dunkirk before it could have been expected, a Stop was put to the Embarkation of the Troops, and frequent Exprcsscss Dispatched 196 /iDemoirs ot tbe Cbevalter &e St Oeorae, 39 to Paris for new Orders. The Count de Fourbin who commanded the Squadron, having represented to the French King, That he might indeed get out of Dunkirk Harbour, and perhaps Land the Troops, but that he could not be answerable for his Majesty's Ships. Notwithstanding which, he received positive Instructions to Re- Imbark the Troops, and put to Sea with the first fair Wind. In the mean time, to cover the Reason of Dis-imbarking the Troops, it was given out that the Chevalier was indisposed of the Measles, attended with an Ague ; but the last Orders coming, that pretence vanished. And Count de Fourbin having received Advice that the British Fleet, forced from their Station by the high Winds, was seen off the coast of Bretany, they began to Re-imbark the Troops, and the Wind turning fair on the 17th of March, they laid hold of that Oppor- tunity, and sailed out of Flemish Road ; but the Wind veering towards Night, forced them to anchor again in Newport Pits, where they continued till the 19th, and then sailed directly for Scotland. In the mean time the British Fleet, under Sir George Bing, which was considerably reinforced, returning to their Station off Graveling, the next day received notice that the French Fleet was sailed, when leaving Admiral Baker with a strong Squadron, to convoy the Troops, they sailed directly after to Scotland. Besides Ten Battallions embarked at Ostend, a considerable Reinforcement was sent from England toward Scotland, consisting of Two Troops of Guards, the Duke of Northumberland's Regiment of Horse, a Squadron of Horse Grenadiers, Two Regiments of Dragoons, One Detachment of 16 Men per Company out of the Foot Guards, besides several Regiments of Foot ; whom the Earl of Leven, before dispatched to Edinburgh, was to command. On board the French Ships there was 10 Battalions (besides some Troops that were to follow them) with sufficient Stores, and 400 Non-commissioned Officers, for the raising of more Forces : The whole commanded by Count de Gace,* a Mareschal of France. The Chevalier himself was on board the Mars, with the said Mareschal de Gace, the Duke of Perth, the Lord Middleton, the Lord Galmoy ; and other Officers, and Persons of Distinction. Notwithstanding the Design was given out to be on Scotland in general, yet the Castle of Edinburgh was the particular Place aimed at, the Plan of which had been laid before the Council at Versailles, where the Design was unanimously approved. * Sic. It should be de Grace. 197 40 ube Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints. In Scotland at this time they were in the greatest Confusion ; those who were Friends to the Chevalier, and wished well to the Expedition, were under various Apprehensions, and not without Fears of being seized and imprisoned, as it happened to a great many; others were in as great Pain, not only from their Apprehensions of the French Fleet, which was to invade them, but likewise of the Chevalier's Friends within, whom they expected to rise in arms in many Places of the Kingdom, which Fleet appeared on the Coast, having reached the Frith of Edinburgh the 23rd of March (N. S.) in the Morning. Upon Sight whereof the Country was in an alarm. At Edinburgh the Magistrates assembled the Corporations, to know what assistance they could expect from them in defending themselves, and keeping the Peace of the City ? Upon which it was resolved that the Freemen should keep guard by turns in their respective Halls, and be ready upon the first Notice of any Disorder. On the other hand great Diligence was used in observing and securing several Persons, suspected either of holding correspondence with the Chevalier, or at least being inclined to favour his Design ; amongst whom were the Dukes of Hamilton, Athol, and Gordon, and many other Persons of Note. As to the French Fleet, tho' they had been on the Coast a whole Day and Night, yet no body came off to them, and the English followed them so close, as wholly disappointed their Landing, and obliged them to steer out of the Frith, where they were at anchor, and to make use of the Favor of the Night and a small Breeze, to further their Escape. Of which the following Account was given by the Count de Gace, otherwise called the Mareschal dc Mantignon, to M. Chamillard. " SIR, " T" Had the Honor to acquaint you with our Embarkation at -*- Dunkirk, the 17th past, and you shall see by the following Journal what has happened since till our Return. "The 17th of March, at 4 in the Afternoon, the Chevalier de Fourbin set sail with the Fleet ; but about 10 in the Evening the Wind proving contrary, we were obliged to cast Anchor in the Downs of Newport, where we were detained the i8th and 19th. The ProteuSj on board of which were 400 Landmen, the Guerrier (or Warrior) and the Bnrre?itin with 200 Men each, were obliged by the 198 /IDemoirs ot tbe Cbevaliet De St. (Beorge. 4' high Winds, to put back into Dunkirk. The same day (19th) at Ten in the Evening, the Wind having chopped about, we set sail again, and having pursued our course the 20th, 21st, and 22d, with a strong Gale, we made the Frith of Edinburgh the 23d in the Morning, and in the Evening, cast anchor at the Mouth of it. The 24th in the Morning, as we made ready to enter the Frith, wp discovered a great Number of Ships which we soon found to be the Enemies Squadron, to the Number of Twenty Eight Sail, who we Judged to be the same that appeared off Dunkirk, whereupon Monsieur de Fourbin resolved to bear off by the Favour of a Land Breeze, which very luckily carried us from the Enemy ; The latter pursuing us very close all that Day (24.) and four of their best Sailors being come up with our Sternmost Ships, the Enemy's foremost Ship attacked at four in the Afternoon, the August with whom she Exchanged some Shot, for some time after the English bore down upon the Salisbury, which was more a Stern, and Endeavoured to put her between herself and another English Ship that was coming up to her. The Fight between those two Ships and some others on both sides lasted till Night, during which time, the Salisbury made a great Fire with their small Arms. " Our Fleet being dispersed, and the Enemy near us. Monsieur de Fourbin steered false during the Night, which had a good Effect, for - the next Day (the 25th) we found ourselves with twenty Sail at a considerable Distance from the Enemy, whereupon I Discoursed Monsieur Fourbin, to know of him, whether having missed our Landing in the Frith of Edinburgh we might not attempt it in another Place ; He proposed to me Inverness, which is a very remote Part in the North of Scotland, and we went immediately to the (pretended) King of England, who Entertained the Motion with Joy, and told us, 'We ought to Concert together the Measures that were to be taken, and he would pursue our Resolutions.' "The Question now was to get Pilots to Conduct us thither, and give us the necessary Notice : But there being none in our Squadron that was acquainted with that Port, Monsieur de Fourbin detached a Frigate, with the Sieurs Caron and Bouyn, to fetch some from the Cape of Buccaness. All that Day (25) we steered with a pretty favourable Wind towards the North of Scotland, but about Eleven at Night, there arose a strong contrary Wind, which having continued the next Day with Violence, Monsieur de Fourbin told me, it was high time to acquaint the (pretended) King with the Inconvenience 199 42 Ube Clarenbon ibtstortcal Society IReprtnts. of pursuing our Course, which were the inevitable Dispersion of the Fleet, the Danger the Ships that should be separated would be in, either of falling into the Enemies Hands, or of Perishing on the Coast, if they were driven thither, and even the want of Provisions. " The impossibility Sieurs Caron and Bouyn found of approach- ing the Shoar, by reason of the stormy Weather, and consequently of bringing Pilots to Guide us ; the Uneasiness and Danger of Landing in a Port we were Strangers to, where the Enemy might come up again with us, together with other Hazards and Difficulties, having been represented to the (pretended) King by Monsieur de Fourbin, in the presence of the Duke of Perth, my Lord Middleton, Mr. Hamilton, my Lord Galmay, and Messieurs de Beauharnois and d'Andrezel, the (pretended) King of England, with the unanimous Advice of all those Gentlemen resolved to return to Dunkirk, where we could not arrive before this Day, by the reason of the Calms and contrary Winds. I am, &c. The following Letter was likewise wrote from Dunkirk, by an Officer of Distinction to his Friend at Paris. Dunkirk, April 12. N.S., 1707. " ^TT^E were in such a Hurry on our Expedition to Scotland, the * ^ Design being communicated to none but our Prince's Privy Council till we were on our March, that I neither could not durst say anything of it, but now we are returned I believe it won't be disagreeable to you to know the Truth of the Matter. "When the Prince set Sail, three Battallions and some Provisions that could not be got ready to go with him, were ordered to follow him to Leith Road, which accordingly we did four Days after, in Seven Privateers, Commanded by Monsieur Zoust, and got to Leith Road without meeting any Ships in our Passage. We were much surprised to find no Ships at our Place of Rendezvous, and therefore put out Dutch Colours, and went close in with the Town of Leith, to get Intelligence. A Boat came of to us with two Pilots, who told us, that the French Fleet had not been there, but that Advice was come from the English Fleet, which lay off the Frith Mouth, that the People on Shoar took our Ships to be Dutch East-India Men, that they heard had been upon the Coast. 200 /llbemoirs ot tbe Cberalter be St. Gcovqc^ 43 " We kept the Pilots on Board, and made all the haste we could out of the Firth, keeping close under the South Shoar, to cover us from the sight of the English, whom we saw off Fifeness, about three Leagues to the Northward of us, steering our Course North-East, we came up within two Days with the Body of the French Fleet, all scattered, and resolving homeward. I went on board the Mars, where I was told the Prince and Privy Council were, to receive further Orders, and to give an Account of my Expedition, and there heard of their Escape by the luckiest Accident in the World : They had got into the Firth on Friday Night, having heard nothing of the English Fleet, and anchored off Pittenweim and Creil, with Design to Land near Leith in the Morning, when in the Night they heard the English Fleet fire the Signal for their Ships to come to an Anchor. Monsieur Fourbin knowing the meaning of it, immediately sent a Boat on Board of every Ship in his Squadron, ordering them to put out their Lights, and to Sail one by one out of the Firth, and steer a North-East Course till they should come off the town of St. Andrew's, which accordingly they did, but the Wind and tide being against them, the English made them in the Morning and pursued them. In the Pursuit, which lasted three Days, they lost the Salisbury, the Blackwall, foundred since at Sea, the Deal, Castle, Sun, and Squirrel v^^ are afraid are lost on the Coast of Holland, and the Triumph, which we thought also lost, is got in, but much shattered. On Thursday, put just off of Zealand, our small Squadron fell in with four English third Rates, which frighted us out of our Wits, for we were in so dismal a Condition, that we could not make any Defence, and we must have surrendered ; but they knowing nothing of our Circum- stances bore away from us, and we got that Afternoon into Dunkirk Road, and next Day our Prince arrived with the rest in so miserable a Condition all of us, that the Soldiers when they crept on Shoar, looked more like Rats than Men. The Prince suffered much in his Health, and what with Fatigue and Chagrin looked very thin, but to put a good Face on the Matter, Dressed himself very fine, in an Embroidered Suit, and a blue Feather in his Hat ; when he went ashoar, where he was received by abundance of Ladies in their Coaches, with Looks that put me in Mind of an English Funeral. When he went off the Noise was all over, Long live the King ; but at our return shrugging of Shoulders and shaking of Heads gave a dismal Welcome. Poor Clermont and his Brother are taken in the Salisbury, and my Lord Dumbarton is either with them or lost in the 2 C 20I 44 XTbe Clarendon 1bi6tortcal Society IReprtnte. Blackwall. General Dorington, Gilmoy, and some of our Bottle Friends, are now very ill at Mr. GofTs House here, the Macdonalds &c. are gone up to St. Germans with the Prince." " I need not tell you that the Foundation of our whole Design was the Castle of Edinburgh, which miscarrying by the Arrival of the English Fleet, the Prince's Council did not think fit to land any where else. The Plan of this Castle was laid before a Council of General Officers at Versailles, and it was unanimously concluded, that with the Troops, Mortars, and Bombs, which we carried it could not hold above 3 Days. We designed to have made a False Attack at the Postern Gate, while 3 Battallions should enter the Outworks that front the City, and lodge under their Half Moon, which would oblige them the next day to surrender. By the Taking of this Castle we should have had the Regalia; and I am told, Two Protestant Archbishops would have crowned the Prince in the High Church. The Equivalent from England being also in this Castle, would have been a great supply to us for raising of Men. We have above 400 Officers with us for that Purpose, all Pretty Fellows, that have served in the Wars of Italy and Spain, and above 100 Chests of Money. Some were for Landing in Murray Firth, if it had only been to refresh our Troops, but you know how nicely the French King's Orders arc be obeyed, and how little Power he gives o^ his Troops to any Ally, but always secret ones to his own Generals. We Scots and Irish might have landed, but the French were restrained to Musselburgh and Leith, or no where." To these Accounts, we shall on the other hand subjoin, those that were written by Sir George Bing, from on board the Midway, the 13th and 15th of March, O. S. The first whereof is as follows. "According to the Opinion we had framed when we left the Station of Dunkirk, it has proved that the Enemy was designed for Edinburgh. This Morning we saw the French Fleet in the Mouth of the Firth, off of which Place we anchored the Last Night, and sent a Boat ashore to the Isle of May, from whence we had an account that the French came to an Anchor yesterday in the Afternoon : They sent one Ship up into Leith Road, which had a Flag at the Main Topmast Head : They reported it a Blue one, but we are rather of opinion that it is the Standard. The People of the Island say, that by the time that Ship could get up before the Town, they heard several Guns fire, which were in the Manner of a Salute. The Ship that 202 -). /iDemotrs ot tbe Cbe\>alter be St. (Beorge, 45 went up yesterday, came down this Morning, and is now within Two Leagues of us : She appears to be a Ship of 60 Guns, but has now no Flag on board. We saw this Morning, when they weighed, a Flag at the Main Top-Mast Head on board of one of their Ships. They stand from us, and we after them with all the sail we can." The Second Letter was as follows, " We chased the Enemy to the Northward of Buchaness, sometimes with reasonable Hopes of coming up with them. The Dover and Ludlow Castle being the only Clean- Sailing Ships we had : They were the first which came up with part of the Enemy's Squadron, passing by some of the Smaller to engage some of the larger Ships, and stop them till they should be relieved. They attacked 2 or 3 of their Ships, amongst which was the Salisbury. They did not part with them till more of our Ships arrived, but worked their Ships in a handsome manner, to cut them off from the rest of the Fleet ; but in the Darkness of the Night they all got out of our Sight, except the Salisbury^ who falling in amongst our Headmost Ships, the Leopard entered Men on board her. We were informed by the Officers who were taken, that there were 12 Battallions on board their Squadron, commanded by the Count de Gace, a Marshal of France, the pretended Prince of Wales, Lord Middleton, Lord Perth, the Macdonalds, Trevanion, and several other Officers and Gentlemen on board the Mars, in which also was Monsieur Fourbin, who commanded the Squadron. The Number and Strength of their Ships are very near the Account we lately received from Dunkirk, nor were they joined by the Brest Men of War : And they further assure us that the Ships our out Scouts saw off of Calais, were Privateers and their Prizes going into Dunkirk. The Morning after this Chase we saw but 18 of the Enemies Ships as far as we could perceive them from the Mast-head, in the ENE of us. Having no prospect of coming up with them, we lay off and on Buccaness all day yesterday, to gather all our Ships together ; and this day it blowing hard at N E with a Great Sea, judging the Enemy could not seize the Shore to make any attempt, we bore up for this Place, which was thought most reasonable, not only to secure, but to give Countenance and Spirit to Her Majesty's Faithful Subjects, and discourage those that could have Thoughts of being our Enemies." There were taken on board the Salisbury, the Lords Griffin and Clermont, Colonel of a Regiment, and Son to the Earl of Middleton, 203 46 Zbc Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IReprints. with Mr. Middleton his Brother, and Colonel Francis Wauchup ; together with the Marquiss de Levy, a French Lieutenant General, one aid de Camp, one Colonel, two Lieutenant Colonels, five Captains, two French Lieutenants, Fifteen Irish Lieutenants, ten Serjeants, ten Corporals, ten Lanspessades, with M. de Segent, Commissary of War; and about 1 80 Soldiers: Besides the Ships Company of about 300 Men, Officers included. As for the four first mentioned, as well as the fifteen Irish Lieutenants, being Subjects of Great Britain, they were brought to London, and Committed, the former to the Towcx, and latter to Newgate. Many State Prisoners were likewise brought from Edinburgh to London, who had been confined in the Castle of Edinburgh, and that were admitted to Bail, except such against whom there was any particular Information, which I think was very few ; not one Person having suffered on this Account. The Lord Griffin indeed was sentenced upon a former Outlawry for High Treason, a Rule of Court was made out for his Execution, and a Warrant passed for fulfilling the same, but he was reprieved the Night before the Sentence should have been Executed ; and in the End died in the Tower on the loth of November, 17 10. And now Sir George Bing having continued in Leith Road, till he had Intelligence the French Fleet was returned to Dunkirk, he returned to the Downs, and thus ended this memorable Expedition, which had put Britain into a thousand Hopes and Fears. It is therefore time to pursue the Chevalier, who was by this time returned to France. The Gentleman who wrote one of the foregoing Letters from Dunkirk, seems to be mistaken, when he says the Chevalier returned to St. Germans, for he went from Dunkirk to St. Omers, where he spent some time among the English Gentlemen there, who in the Welcome they gave him, could not but mix with sad and dejected Looks, some Sighs and affectionate Expressions of Sorrow, for the unfortunate Disappointment he had met with : But he had learned 80 much of the Hero, as to shew a perfect Unconcernedness at what they said, and with a becoming Serenity, very rare in one so young, turned the Discourse to other things. The Armies being now ready to take the Field in Flanders, he besought the French King that he might serve among his Troops there, then Commanded by the Dukes of Burgundy and Vendosme which the King not only complied with, but permitted the Duke of Berry to accompany him. They arrived in the Army some Days 204 /IDemoirs of tbe Cberaller t)e St George, m before the Battle of Audenarde, in which the Chevalier was present during the whole Action, and did the Duty of Aid de Camp to the Duke of Burgundy, whom he constantly attended during the heat of the Day. Not only the Paris Gazette^ and other French News Papers, gave large Accounts of the intrepid Behaviour of the young Princes, but Officers who were on the Spot could not restrain speaking of it in their Letters, tho' they were writ in a very great Hurry and Perplexity ; Which because they are not Foreign to the Subject of these Memoirs ; as well as that they give a Concise Account of the Action, it would seem a Neglect to overlook them. A Letter written by a French Officer the Day after the Battle of Audenarde. " "T Can only send you the unwelcome Relation of the Particulars of the Battle, which happened yesterday about two in the Afternoon noar Audenarde. 'Twill prove a great Blow to France ; for without Exaggerating the Matter, we had above loooo Men killed, wounded, or taken. The Action was very ill managed on our side ; for instead of attacking the Enemy when they began to pass the Schelde near Audenarde at Eleven in the Morning, we let them come over the River quietly, which they would not have adventured to do, had we in any tolerable Manner offered to dispute their Passage ; but seeing us stand still, they were encouraged to prosecute their first Design, and began to pass over two Bridges which they had laid. As fast as their Horse and Foot came over, they ranged themselves in Order of Battle against us, and while our Generals were in Suspense, what Resolutions to take, whether to venture an Engagement or not, the Enemy's Army continued coming over the River, and soon possessed themselves of some Villages and Hedges ; so that at last our Generals were compelled to endeavour to dislodge them. Accordingly, our Infantry advanced, and the Ground was disputed two or three Hours, with a terrible Fire and great Obstinacy on both sides ; but our Foot being tired with Charging the Enemy five or six times, and disheartened to see themselves not supported by our Horse (who could not act because the Ground was so full of Inclosures) and pressed hard by the Enemy, were at length forced to retire, and quit the Ground to them. We Dragoons were obliged to endure the continual Fire of the Enemies Foot and Cannon, without daring to stir, because we were on the Right of the King's Household, who 205 48 Ubc Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IReprints. suffered as much as we. Toward the Evening, we were fallen upon by a great Number of the Enemy's Horse, to hinder us from succouring the rest, who were put to the Rout ; and of Seven Regiments of Dragoons, we lost above half : At last, we saw no other Exedient^ but to force our way thro* the Enemy ; but first we sent to see whether we could be assisted in that Design by any of our Forces : In the mean time Night came on apace, and we were informed that the King's Household (whose Retreat was covered in some measure by us) were at too great a Distance. Things standing thus, our Resolution of breaking thro' the Enemy sunk, and some of the Enemy's Adjutants summoning us to yield our selves Prisoners of War* we submitted to it, seeing no other way to save our Lives. At least Forty of our Regiments are reduced to a wretched Condition, the greatest part of them being killed or taken, so that it will be long before they can be Re-established. Of four Regiments of the King's Household, at least half were taken Prisoners, and among them are several Persons of Note. The Chevalier de Longville, and 15 other Officers were mortally wounded, and two of them are since dead. The Regiments of PsifFer and Villars are quite ruined, and almost all their Officers are taken, with all their Baggage, &c. "The Dukes of Burgundy, Berry, and the Chevalier de St. George, staid at the Head of the Household during the whole Action, and Retreated with them to Ghent, where we are just now told they arc safe arrived. I cannot pretend to tell you yet what the Result of this Battle will be, or how our Generals will square their Motions, which we are like to have no farther Share in this Campaign." "Yours," Another Letter had in it this Expression. "That there was not wanting those, who advised the Princes to set out Post for Ipres, but this they generously refused, and staid at the Head of the Troops till the very last." And the Duke de Vendosme in his Letter to the King of France, assured him, " That the Chevalier de St. George, and the Duke de Berry, were very forward during the Battle." The next Summer, the Chevalier made the Campaign under the Marshal de Villars, who had a particular Charge of him, and with whom during the whole time of continuing in the Field, he 206 /iDemotrs ot tbe Cbevalier ^c St. Oeorge. 49 constantly accompanied on all Duties, and rode with him continually when he visited the Lines, or Reconnoitred the Enemy, and in the Battle of Mons; or Blaregnies, was present with him in the Heat of all the Action, as we may find by the Marshal de Bouflers Account thereof to the King, where he has these Words, in the Conclusion of his Letter, applied to the Behaviour of those that Distinguished themselves in the Battle. " T Cannot now give your Majesty any particulars of this Action, but will endeavor to send them to morrow, or next day : I can assure Your Majesty that all the General Officers did their Duty perfectly well, and with the greatest Bravery and Skill; but Monsieur d'Artagnan, who commanded the Right of the Foot distinguished himself in a particular manner, as well by his Valor as by his good Orders : He had 3 Horses killed under him, and received 4 Blows on his Cuirass : The D. de Guiche, who was also on the Right, a little forwarder than M. D'Artagnan, behaved himself with all possible Skill and Bravery, and received a Musket Shot in his Leg : The Marquis Damfort and M. de la Frazelliere, who were also on the Right, and in M. d'Artagnan's Rear, shewed the same Valor and Capacity : M. de Gassion, who commanded the Right Wing of Horse, did Wonders at the Head of your Majesty's Household, and shewed on this Occasion his Courage and Ability, having pushed and defeated more than 2 or 3 of the Enemies Lines Sword in Hand. The Gendarmes, Light Horse, Musqueteers, and Horse Grenadiers also did wonders : The P. de Rohan, and M. de Vidame did all that could be expected from Persons of the greatest Valor : The Gendarmarie did Wonders also, and the Marquis de la Valiere was everywhere, and charged with all possible Bravery at all the different Charges. The Cavalry behaved themselves very well, and all the Troops, as well as the Foot, stood with incredible Firmness one of the briskest . Cannonades that ever was : All the Foot did Wonders and distinguished them. " The Chevalier de St. George behaved himself, during the whole Action, with all possible Bravery and Vivacity. I say nothing of Your Majesty's Left, by reason I was not there, but I know that all the General Officers, and all the Troops, animated by the Mareschal de Villar's Presence and Example, behaved themselves' with all possible Valor," 207 50 TLbc Claten^on Ibtstorical Society IReprints, Upon his Return from this Campaign, the Chevalier was compli- mented by the Principal of the Court of France ; for the Mareschal de Villars had likewise given such an account, as served to heighten the public Opinion of him. I am now, for want of more Room, drawing to a Conclusion of these Memoirs. And it may be well presumed there are many things that will not bear mentioning, with regard to the Strictness of Caution we are now tied up to. As there is no Offence designed, so I cannot but suppose there will be none taken. Were he of no other Consideration but his adding a Clause (and perhaps one of the most considerable) in the whole Articles in this memorable Treaty of Peace, it seems sufficient to warrant an Undertaking of this nature, and to record a NAME in some collected manner, that is; and indeed but barely is, scattered and interspersed thro' so many Scraps of History. I shall only further remember the Reader, that Last Year he made a tour thro' the Eastern Parts of France, while at the same time there was a great Armament to Toulon and Brest ; which amused a considerable part of Europe, and gave foundation to a Surmise, that some Expedition was to be made in his Favor. He had before had an interview with the French King, who in a very solemn manner, tho' not without Impressions of Concern, told him, that he found himself under the necessity of giving Peace to his People ; and that some Overtures had passed which gave him hopes of obtaining that long desired End : He proposed therefore to him many Places for his Retreat, which he was assured must attend the Issue of the Affair: But remembered to him what he had formerly said on this Subject, for which he assured him he should never alter. He visited most of the Principal Towns of that Part of France, and likewise the Army of the Duke de Berwick : But as there was a good Space of Time, in which the Public News gave no account of his Journey, it comfirms me in the Opinion of what I have been confidently told ; That he then visited the Place of his Retreat, when he quits the Realms of France, and had a private interview with a certain Prince that is to receive him. The beginning of April last, a few Days after his (supposed) Sister, he was visited with the Small Pox, and in great Danger of Death, but Providence designed to lengthen a LIFE, tho' meanly treated in History, that has a very large share in the most momentous Affairs that relate to this part of Europe, and would yet be of more Regard were not France reduced to the Necessity of Submitting, that the 208 /ll>emoirs of tbe Cbevalier ^e St. Gcovqc. 5 ' Preservation of their National Religion in Britain, is the most just and reasonable part of their Government ; and which to Subvert, will not only be the most difficult thing in Nature, but always preferred above the Concern for their Lives and Safety. I Conclude all with an Account of the Death and Character of the Princess Louisa Maria Teresa, Daughter of King James II. who died of the Small Pox at St. Germains, the i8th of April, 171 2. as it was said to be sent in a Letter from a Nobleman of France, to his Correspondent at Utrecht. " My Lord, " ~r Send you by these, the sad and deplorable News of the much -*- lamented Death of the Princess Royal of England, who died of the Small-Pox, the l8th of this Month, at St. Germains, who as she was one of the greatest Ornaments of that afflicted Court, so she was the Admiration of all Europe ; never Princess was so universally regretted. Her Death has filled all France with Sighs, Groans, and Tears. She was a Princess of a majestical Mien and Port ; every Motion spoke Grandeur, every Action was easy and without any Aff'ectation or Meanness, and proclaimed her a heroine descended from the long Race of so many Paternal and Maternal Heroes ; Majesty sat enthroned on her Forehead, and her curious large black Eyes struck all that had the honor to approach her, with Awe and Reverence ; but all her External Glories, though the greatest of her Sex, were nothing to her Internal, and she seems to have established the Opinion of Plato, who asserts, " That the Soul frames its own Habitation, and that beautiful Souls make to themselves beautiful Bodies." She had a great deal of pleasant Wit, joined with an equal Solidity of Judgment ; she was Devout, without the Defects that young Aspirers to Piety are sometimes incident to ; and though she complied with the Diversions of the Court, her greatest Pleasure was in pious Retirement, She was very afi'able, and of a sweet mild Temper, full of Pity and Compassion, which is the distinguishing Character of the Royal Family of the Stuarts. To sum up all in a few Words, she was a dutiful and obedient Daughter, an affectionate Sister, tenderly loving and beloved by the Hero her Brother. On both their Countenances were divinely mingled the noble Features and Lineaments of the Stuarts and the D' Este's, and Beauty triumphed over both, with this only Difference, That in him it was 2 D 209 52 XTbe (TlarenDon Ibtstorical Society IReprints. more Strong and Masculine as becoming his Sex, in her more Soft and Tender as more suiting with hers; in both, excellent and alike. She was four Years younger, as if designed by Providence to confute the black Calumny of her Brother's Birth, and her Royal Mother's Inability of having Children. To be short, in her the Distressed have lost a certain Comforter, her Servants an excellent Mistress, and the World one of its most precious Gems. She died expressing the warmest Sentiments of Piety, and the most perfect Resignation, uttering often her Royal Father's dying Words and Ejaculations, as Inheritrix of his Piety. The great Discomposure of my Mind on this sad Occasion, and my gushing Tears hinder me to add any more. Adieu." jftnts. 210 A FAIT H FUL MEMORIAL OF THAT REMARKABLE MEETING OF Many Officers of the Army in England, at Windsor Castle, in the Year 1648. 1659. J^ISTORY IS BUT THE JJl^OLLED ^CROLL OF JPrOPHECY." — James A. Garfield PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. A FAITHFUL MEMOEIAL OF THAT REMARKABLE MEETING OF Many Officers of the Army in England, at Windsor Castle, in the Year 1648. AS ALSO, A DISCOVERY OF THE Great goodnefs of God, in his gracious meeting of them, hear- ing and anfwering their fuit or fupplications, while they were yet fpeaking to him. ALL Which is humbly prefented, as a precious Patern and Prefident unto the Officers and Souldiers of the faid Army (or elfe- where) who are or fhall be found in the like path, of fol- lowing the Lord in this evil day; fearching and trying their waies, in order to a through Return and Reformation. By William Allen, late Adjutant-General of the Army in Ireland. Turn you at my reproof: be 60 Id I will pour out my wrath upon yoUj I will make known my words unto you. LONDON, Sold by Strivewel Chapman, at the Crown in Popes-head Alley. 1659. To Lieutenant-General Fleetwood, and other the Officers of the Armies in England, Scotland, and Ireland, efpecially to fuch of them, who in the fence of the dangers of the day, have been of late (as is faid) betaking themfelves to that moft necefTary duty of fplemn AddrefTes, and fervent fupplications to the Lord, humbling their fouls before him, in the fence of their own and others abominations abounding in this day; with unfeigned defire and endeavour to find out, and forfake them accordingly ; with all others in the Armies, that are or fhall be found fearching and trying their waies in order to return: The following Narrative is humbly tendered by a late member of them, and now a mourner for them ; yet unfeignedly defiring their profperity in the path of repentance. TTAving underftood, that you have of late been much converfant "*"*■ in feeking the Lord, in this day of diftrefs, and enquiring (as becomes you) into the caufes of his difpleafure againft us (which feems to wax hot) all which if performed in a right fence, obferving right rules and ends, may be of much ufe to help in time of need. Yet knowing the aptness of our own with others hearts to mifcarry in fuch duties, and thereby mifs of the defired fuccefs, by either fetting up the ftumbling-block of our iniquity before our eyes, or having any fecret regard thereto in our hearts, the efFeft of which is to fhut out Prayer ; I held it my duty to contribute my mite to this work of weight, by prefenting you with a prefident once famous 215 6 Ube Clarendon Iblstorical Society IReprints. amongst us, by the fuccefs the Lord crown'd it with, and us in that path in a day of very great diftrcfs round about : and defire that fo far as you fhall fee this praftife here prefented, with the method therein obferved, to agree with the revealed will of God contained in the Scripture, relating to the duty of his people, in fuch a pofture, that you will not be afFraid to make it your patern, fince the Lord hath formerly born fuch a witncfs to it, and written fuch bleffing upon it, as may well be fet up as a Pillar of Remembrance in the midft of us, to his praife, as well as our direction to, and in like duties in future ftreights. In the year 47. you may remember, we in the Army were engaged in aftions of a very high nature, leading us to very untroden paths, both in our contclls with the then Parliament, as alfo conferences with the King ; in which great works wanting a fpirit of faith, and the fear of the Lord, and alfo unduly furprized with the fear of man, which alwaies brings a fnare ; we, to make hafte, as we thought, out of fuch perplexities, meafuring our way by a wifdom of our own, fell into Treaties with the King and his party ; which proved fuch a fnare to us, and led into fuch labyrinths by the end of that year, that the very things we thought to avoid, by the means we ufed of our own devifing, were all with many more of a far worse and more perplexing nature, brought back upon us, to the overwhelming our fpirits, weakning our hands and hearts, filling us with divifions, confufions, tumults and every evil work, and thereby endangering the ruine of that blefled caufe we had with fuch fuccefs been profpered in till this time : for now the King and his party, feeing us not anfwer their ends, began to provide for themfelves, by a Treaty with the then Parliament, fet on foot about the beginning of 48. The Parliament alfo was at the fame time highly difpleafed with us, for what we had done, both as to the King and themfelves ; the good people likewife, even our most faithful friends in the Nation, beholding our turning afide from the path of fimplicity we had formerly walkt (and been bleft and thereby much endeared to their hearts, began now to turn and withdraw their afFedlions from us in this politick path in which we had ftept, and walkt in, to our hurt, the year before. And as a farther fruit of the waies of our own backfliding hearts, we were also filled with a fpirit of great jealoufie and divifions among our fclves, having left that wifdom of the word, that is firft pure, and then peaceable, that we were now fit for little but to tear and rend one another, and thereby prepare our fclves, and 216 XTbe f^cctim at MinDsor* the work in our hands, to be ruined by the common Enemy, as thefe that were ready to fay, as many others of like fpirit in this day, of the like fad occassions amongft us, Lo, this is the day we looked for. The King and his party prepare accordingly to ruine all, by fuddain insurreftions in moft parts of the Nation, the S/:ot concurring with the fame defigns, comes in with a potent Army under Duke Hamilton. We in the Army in a low, weak, divided, perplext condition in all refpefts, as aforefaid, fome of us judging it a duty to lay down Arms, and quit our ftations, putting ourfelvcs into the capacities of private men, lince what we had done, or was yet in our hearts to do, tending as we judged to the good of thefe poor Nations, was not accepted by them. Some alfo encouraging themfelves and us to such a thing, by urging for fuch a pradice the example of our Lord Jefus, who when he had born an eminent Teftimony, to the pleafure of his Father, in an aftive way, fealed to it at laft by his fufferings ; which was prefented to us as our patern for imitation. Others of us were different minded, thinking foraething of another nature might be farther yet our duty, and therefore were by joynt advice, by a good hand of the Lord led to this refult, vix, to go folemnly to fearch out (and humble our fouls before the Lord in the fence of) our iniquities, which we were perfwaded had provoked the Lord againft us, to bring fuch fad perplexities upon us, as at that day, out of which we faw no way elfe to extricate our felves. Accordingly we did agree to meet at Wind/ore Caftle, about the beginning of 48. and there fpent one day together in Prayer, inquiring into the caufes of that fad difpenfation. Coming to no farther refult that day, but that it was ftill our duty to feek ; and on the morrow we met again in the morning where many fpake from the Word, and Prayed ; and the then Lieutenant-General Cromwell did prefs very earnellly, on all there prefent, to a thorough confideration of our aftions as an Army, as well as our waies particularly, as private Chriftians, to fee if any iniquity could be found in them ; and what it was, that if possible we might find out, and fo remove the caufe of fuch fad rebukes, as were upon us by reafon of our iniquities, as we judged at that time. And the way more particularly the Lord led us to herein, was to look back, and confider what time it was that we could with joynt fatisfaftion, fay to the bell of our Judgements, the prefence of the Lord was amongst us, and rebukes and judgements were not as then upon us. Which time the Lord led us joyntly to 2 E 217 8 Ube Clarendon Ibtstorical Society IReprtnts* find out and agree in ; and having done fo, to proceed, as we then judged it our duty, to fearch into all our publick actions as a Army, afterwards duly weighing (as the Lord helpt us) each of them, with their Grounds, Rules, and Ends, as neer as we could ; and so concluded this fccond day with agreeing to meet again on the morrow : which wc accordingly did, upon the fame occafion, rcalTuming the confideration of our debates the day before, and reviewing our actions again ; by which means we were by a gracious hand of the Lord led to find out the very fteps (as we were then all joyntly convinc'd) by which we had departed from the Lord, and provoked him to depart from us ; which we found to be thofc curfed carnal confejences, our own wifdom, fears, and want of faith, had prompted us the year before, to entertain with the King and his party. And at this time, and on this occafion, did the then Major Goff (as I remember was his title) make ufe of that good word, Prov. i. 23, Turn you at my reproof, t^c. which (we having found out our fin) he urged as our duty from thofe words, and the Lord fo accompanied by his Spirit, that it had a kindly efFe6l, like a word of his, upon moft of our hearts as were then prefent ; which begot in us great sence, (hame, and loathing our felves for our iniquities, and juftifying the Lord as righteous in his proceedings againft us : and in this path the Lord led us not only to fee our fin, but alfo our duty ; and this fo unanimoufly fet with weight upon each heart, that none was able hardly to fpcak a word to each other for bitter weeping, partly in the fenfe and fhame of our iniquities of unbelief, bafe fear of men, and carnal confultations, (as the fear thereof) with our own wifdoms, and not with the word of the Lord, which only is a way of wifdom, ftrength and fafety, and all befidcs it waies of fnares : and yet were alfo helpt with fear and trembling, to rejoyce in the Lord, whofe faithfulncfs and loving kindness we were made to fee yet fail'd us not; but remembrcd us ttill, even in our low eftate, becaufe his mercy endures for ever. Who no fooner brought us to his feet, acknow- ledging him in that way of his, viz. fearching for, being afhamed of, and willing to turn from our iniquities, but he did direft our fteps, and prefently we were led, and helpt to a cleer agreement amongft our felves, not any diflienting, that it was the duty of our day, with the forces we had, to go out and fight againft thofe potent enemies, which that year in all places appeared againft us, with an humble confidence in the name of the Lord only, that we fhould deftroy them ; alfo enabling us then, after ferious fceking his face, to come 218 XTbe /IDeettng at Mtnbsor, to a very cleer and joynt refolution on many grounds at large then debated amongft us, that it was our duty, if ever the Lord brought us back again in peace, to call Charles Stewart, that man of bloud, to an account, for that bloud he had fhed, and raifchief he had done, to his utmoft, againft the Lords caufe and people in thefe poor Nations : and how the Lord led and profpered us in all our undertakings this year, in this way, cutting his work fhort in righteousness, making it a year of mercy equal, if not tranfcendant to any fince thefe Wars began, and making it worthy of remembrance by every gracious foul, who was wife to obferve the Lord and the operations of his hands, I wiih may never be forgotten ; bringing us together again, from all parts fhortly after, with admiration ; each ones heart as it were filled with the wonders belheld, and occafion given to all to fay each to other, Lo, what hath God wrought ! the Kings Armies in all places broken, his ftrong holds moft of them taken : he himfelf all that time treating with the then Parliament, and both of them delirous to conclude ; yet by an over-ruling Providence hindred, and the King fo infatuated, as he ftands difputing Punftilio's till he lofes all, and himfelf with it, and is fetcht away from his place of Treaty to a Prifon, in order to execution, which fuddenly followed accordingly; and all this done within lefs then three quarters of a year, even to aftonifhment of our selves, and other beholders both at home and abroad ; yea our very enemies then were made to fay, God was amongft us of a truth, and therefore they could not ftand againft us. But alas, who would have thought that fo few years would have worn out the memory of fuch a not-to be-forgotten mercy, or that any of thofe that then faw his works, and fang his praife, fhould fo foon forget what their eyes had feen, as not to wait for his faithful counfel in future ftreights ! Yet behold, how fome direftly, and others confequentially are now faying. All thefe things were but the produft of a potent politick partie flufht with fuccefs ; and others, though more modeft and moderate, yet it's to be feared, in too eager a purfuit of falling in with, or fear of being hurt by what is uppermoft, if not timely complying, at once in the lump adventure to cry up abfolute obedience to the powers that are, though thereby they condemn themfelves and others, as tranfgreflbrs and rebels for oppofing thofe that were; together with the whole feries of aftion made glorious by Gods appearances with us, beyond parallel of any late years : and thus doth the name and works of the Lord fufFer (as Chrift of old) between thefe two, who almoft equally, though not 219 lo zbc (Tlaren^on Ibistorical Society IReprlnts. alike intentionally, rob the Lord of his glory, and give great occafion to the worft of our enemies the more to blafpheme. This is the brief, yet true account of this matter, with the blcffed effefls of it, as a manifeftation of the Lords inclination and difpofition to poor returners ; who is ftill the fame, becaufc he hath faid, and will perform it, as in yer. 29. 12, 13. Then Jhall ye call upon me, and ye Jhall go and pray unto me^ and I will hearken unto you. And ye Jhallfeek me andjinde me, when ye Jhall fearch for me with all your hearts. And I have a little hope that this precious patern, thus prefented, may not be without fome ufe to you in this day, if the Lord lead your hearts rightly to confider it. That we are a poor broken, divided, intangled, bewildered people in our publick affairs; none but they that are very great ftrangers in our Ifrael can be ignorant : for who hath known and obferved former daies, when the Candle of the Lord Ihin'd on Tabernacles, by the light of which we walkt thorough darknefs, and Ihall compare thofe daies with thefe four or five years part, can look upon them without a heart deeply affefted, to think what once we were (when we followed the Lord, though in a land that was not fown, when we were a more plain fimple-heartcd people, yet profpered by the Lord to the terrour of enemies abroad and at home, through an eminent prefence of God with us) and what now we are, fince we have turned afide into the carnal, empty, formal fhews of the Nations, admiring, (and afting by) their Policies, and faying a confederacy with them, fearing their fear, and not fanctifying the Lord in a way of believing : how are we become the tail, and not the head, a hifling, yea, a fcorn to the bafcft of Nations ! what rebukes at Sea, at Land ! what difappointments of enterprizes ! what ftroaks on many formerly eminent publick inftruments! what impoveriftiing of thofe poor Nations, by decay of Trade in all parts, to the ruine of many ! what fore vifitations, and of long continuance on the Nations thoroughout, by deaths, and lingering pining difeafes ! Yea, what hcart-dividings are amongft thofe that have been as one flick together, ufed in the hand of the Lord, in his works of wonder in the midst of us, and thereby endangering the whole interefl we have fought for, into the hands of fuch as are known enemies, or at befl have been but faint friends to it and us, in daies of diftrcfs? And are not all thefe things worth confidcring and enquiring into, by every gracious heart, with the caufes of them? for fure the Lord afflids not without caufc, nor grieves not the fons of men willingly. And would you inquire aright, pursue the method laid down in the 220 W)c /TOeetina at Min^sor^ Cafe prefented; inquire when could you with joynt fatisfaftion, fay, At fuch a time the prefence of the Lord was with you ; and thefe fore hands of difpleafure that have of late years attended you, were not upon you, nor works in your hands as now. And if you can but find that, let me advise and befeech you, as you tender the delivery of your own fouls, and good of thefe Nations, weigh aftion by adlion fince, and fee where you have gone out of that profperous path you were formerly in, and fear not to look into any aftion you are, or may be concerned to look into, in which you think evil may be at the bottom ; for that remaining, will cause greater fhakings then the moil flrift enquiry you make can do : and confider what as an Army you have done, with the grounds of it, and what you have engaged before God, Angels and Men to do ; and either, if it be your fin, make your repentance as publick as your evil hath been, and fo clear your felves; or elfe up and be doing, whatever you judge your duty, in the face of whatever difHculties you meet with ; and in that path doubt not of Gods being with you, while you are with him : but if you will neither purfue your duties in one refpeft or other, know of a certain, the Lord who is a jealous God, will not be mockt by any who is not flronger then he, but will be above men, and make them know, he will be {o in thofe things in which they deal moft proudly, and deliverance fhall arife fome other way, with fore rebuke to you, for your fhameful neglefts of duty in fuch a work of weight which you have been entrufted with, and mull ere long be called to an account how you have difcharged it. Alas, may we not fay, and fliall we be afraid to fay, We, our Rulers, Prophets, Armies, People, have finn'd ; yea, have grievously departed from the Lord, and help nor healing is not to be had, but in returning from what evil foever is in our hands or hearts ? It is not Power, nor Policy nor Forraign confederacies ; 'tis not Prayers, though frequent, or feemingly fervent, no, though attended with tears and confelTions, without thorough forfakings, will be a path of fafety for us, Jfa. 58. No, the voice of the Lord is plain to Rulers, Armies, People, T/>us faith the Lord, Confider your waies : Why do we labour in the fire fior very vanity? Why is wifdom hid from the Prudent? Why do we fow much in prayers, tears, confeffions, and hazardous undertakings at home and abroad, and bring in little, and what we get is as it were put into a bag with holes, and the Lord in a way of rebuke feems to blow upon it? is it not that we fhould confider our waies! Oh fearch and try, yea call in the help of God and good men in this, to 221 1 2 ubc Clarendon Dtstorical Soctetg IReprints. fee if there be any way of iniquity in your hearts or hands, and clear your felves of it, with manifefting mod indignation againft it. And for your help herein, if it may be, let me humbly caution you to take heed of advifing only with fuch that may be most pleafing to you ; felf-love is apt in fuch cafes to blind much : yea, or with fuch only or chiefly, that are or may be under the influencing power of profitable imployments, fl:eer'd by the favours, or fear of the frowns of Rulers ; but rather with fuch who have been perfons of known integrity, and ancient conftant friends to the good old caufc of God, and their Country, in all its viciflitudes and loweft ebbs ; not Shimei- like curfing and deferting in a day of diftrefs, and changing their Languages when it tended to the change of their conditions, for outward advantage ; but fuch as have not been plcafcd with their higheft, most profitableft promotions and preferments, when they could not fee the caufe of God and their Country promoted alfo ; and let not thofe names of odium, of difl'atisficd, i^c. (that they have been clothed with, the better to anfwer the evil defigns of fome) afiright you in this matter: and if you dare thus purfue duty in this path of fimplicity prefented to you, without fetting up the flumbling- block of any your iniquities before you, I am pcrfwaded (not without many dcmonftrable grounds producible from the word) you will find it a path of peace, through the Lords blefling it ; and you, in the flncere applying to it, will be direfted and led to grounds more cleerly laid, for an unanimous, vigorous profecution of the old dying caufe, by its beft and trueft friends, then hitherto you have found ; or at leaft will find it cfFeftual to the refcue of your own fouls out of paths of danger, which for want of pondering according to the Word, you may be walking in to your great hurt. And therefore, let mc befcech you in all finccrity, as you tender your own, and thefe poor Nations welfare, apply to it with speed. For your betaking your felves to any other courfcs, will prove fruitless as aforefaid ; for the Lord hath fmittcn, and can only heal ; and if ever he do, he will do it in this way, Hof. 5. If what I have propofed, prove any way advantagious to the ends for which it is offered, viz. to caufe you to fearch, try, and turn from the evil of your ways ; I have my end, and let the Lord have glory : but if this poor means, in much faithfulnefs and tendernefs prefented to you, be rejeftcd or flighted by you ; 1 fhall, I hope, be inabled to mourn in fecret for you before the Lord : and fliall have this fatisfaftion, when I (hall have come to lye down in the dull, which how foon it may be I know not, that I have in 222 Zbc /iDeetino at Mtn^sor. 13 fome meafure delivered my own foul, and endeavour'd the like for yours ; and Ihall earneftly entreat the Lord, that this poor word of warning amongft many others in this day prefented to you, may not one day meet you, as a witnefs againft you, for not regarding it : for I am well alTured it fhall live, fpeak, and have its fruit, when you and I fhall ceafe to be. JVilliam Allen. 223 POSTCRIPT. THIS Paper was Jent to the Prefs about fix weeks fince^ to have been made publick at that time ; but by an unexpected obftru^ion^ hath hitherto been hindred: but hoping it may be yet of Jome ufe^ is therefore now publijht. April 23, 1659. i " Ii|tef ^olikjWtu^ DIALOGUE BETWEEN A aatl)ig anU a Jacobite UPON THE SUBJECT OF THE LATE REBELLION AND THE EXECUTION OF THE REBEL LORDS, ETC. 1715-16. j^ISTORY IS BUT THE U]S(R.OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1885. This edition is limited to izo large paper and 400 small paper copin, for Subscribers only. A DIALOGUE BETWEEN A Whig and a Jacobite Upon the Subject of the late EEBELLION^ And the Execution of the Rebel-Lords, &c. Occasion'd by The Phoenomeon in the Skie^March 6, 1715-16. O Te Hypocrites^ ye can dijcern the Face of the Skie^ but can you not dijcern the Signs of the Times ? Mat. xvi. 3. LONDON: Printed for J, Roberts, in Warwick Lane: And Sold by the Book-fellers of London and Westminfter. 17 16. Price Fourpence. DIALOGUE BETWEEN A m^iS anU a Jacobite, etc. Jacobite. — QO, Neighbour, now I hope you are convinc'd : Did you '^ obferve the Appearances in the Skie t'other Night ? The very Heavens teftify againft you. I muft own, I did not myfelf fee what fome fancy'd refembl'd Men, whether with Heads or with- out ; but I faw what fatisfy'd me that God Almighty is difpleafs'd with fuch Proceedings, I wilh the Blood of thefe Gentlemen don't cry for Vengeance againft us. Deus aver tat Omen! Tho' after all, God, I hope, will plead the Caufe of the Church. Whig. — You wou'd amaze me, but that I know what Company you keep, and have heard enough of fuch Stuff as this of late ; tho' I am forry to hear One with grey Hairs on his Head talk fo extravagantly : And I muft tell you, after all your Noife and Din for the Church, as if you, and the Gentlemen of your Stamp, were the only Pillars of it, you take Methods to make yourfelves and the Church too ridiculous. The Blood of thefe Gentlemen cry for Vengeance ! Pray, Sir, what can you fay for thefe Gentlemen ? If you, or any Jacobite in Britain., can offer one Word of fober Reafon to juftify what they have done ; to excufe, or fo much as palliate the Crime of their Rebellion, I'll be willing to die to atone for the Blood that's fhed, and to redeem what's behind. 229 6 tTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Socteti? IReprints. J. — You are warm, Neighbour ; I perceive IVe raised the Old Man in you. I hoped when God himfelf had taken the Work into his own Hand, you wou'd have been more soft'ned ; but it Teems you are the fame Man ftill, and 'tis like your Party will purfue the fame Mcafurcs, notwithftanding Heaven fo openly declares againft W. — Againft what ? Speak out, if you have any Thing to fay : If you mean, againft the Ingratitude of a ftupid Nation, that have enjoy'd the BlcfTings of the Reformed Religion, and a free Govern- ment fo long, and yet know not how to value them ; If you mean againft the prcfcnt unnatural, unreafonable, horrid Rebellion, there's fome fenfe in it : But, I suppofe, 'tis fomething elfe you point at ; Tou would infinuate fome extraordinary Iniquity in the prefent Times, that the Foundations are out of course, the Government ufurped, the Adminifiration corrupt, and, as was faid, of the Old World, the Land filled with Violence ; and that all this was legible in the Face of the Skie on Tuefday Night. J , Ah Sir, fuch Reflections are but too well grounded, tho' I know you make light of them. W. You feem to exprefs yourfelf with an Air of Concern, as if you was in earneft ; and tho' I've very little Hopes of removing the obftinate Prejudices you have imbibed, yet having found you a Perfon of good Nature, and in other Matters not unpersuadable, I shall be willing to talk a little with you, if you pleafe, upon the Subjeft you have ftartcd ; and all that I shall aflc of you, as a Poflulatum, is. That you will not renounce common Senfe, deny palpable Matter of Fail, and evident Reafon. I fhall fall dirc6lly upon the Point in Hand, and dcfirc we may ufe as few Words necdlefly as poflible, becaufe I have but a little Time to fpend with you. I.) Don't you think that Rebellion is a very heinous Sin ? J , — -Yes certainly, the Scripture fays, '7/i as the fin of Witchcraft. W. You alledge the hackney Text of your Party on fuch Occafions ; but excufc mc, if I fay, 'tis impertinent, it fpeaks of King SauVs Sin againft God, and not of Civil Rebellion ; however, it ftiews the Senfe you have of the Thing, and that is enough for my prefent Purpofe. (2.) Don't you allow, if King George be the rightful Sovereign of thcfc Realms, that then the prefent Infurrcftion is Rebellion, and the Gentlemen, you fo tenderly fympathize with, are Rebels? J. If he he? Now you make mc fmile ; I thought you wou'd (how your weak Side prefently. 230 H Dialogue between a Mbtg ant) a Jacobite* 7 W. Smile ! But furely it mull: be at your own Folly ; I know Nothing elfe you have to fmilc at : I'll go further, and alTert, He has as full and as juft a Title to the Crown he wears, as any Prince in Chrijlendom to his ; and I challenge you, and all the Jacobites in England, to difpute that Point with you ; and that you may not think me confident without Reafon, I shall let you see the Grounds I go upon. (i.) 'Tis certain, and even capable of Demonftration, that the Right and Title any Prince on Earth has to his Crown, or the fupreme Government, depends upon the Conftitution, Law, or Cuftom of that Country where he governs : It would be but an odd Complement to any Man's Intelleftuals, to fuppofe he needed a formal Proof of this. I fpeak not here of extraordinary Cafes, as a divine Appointment formerly among the Jews, or Conquefl now : But ordinarily no Man has any Right but what the Law derives to him ; which is true of all univerfally, from the meaneftt Subjeft, to the Sovereign upon the Throne. Hence (2.) Look round the World, (and you'll find the Founda- tion or Rule of Right to the Crown or Government) is not every where one and the fame, fix^d and invariable, but different, according to the different Laws and Conftitutions of the feveral Countries : In Poland, 'tis the Eleftion of the People, that gives Right according to their Conftitution : In France, and fome other Places, a Female, tho' next in blood, and the only IlTue of the Prince that reigns, has no Right, being excluded by what they call the Salique Law : Here in England, the Crown is partly Hereditary, and the Right of fucceeding to the Government from Birth, tho' with Limitations and a Power in the Government of fetting afide the next in SuccelTion, and fixing on another, as the Exigencies of the State are judged to require. Thus by the 13th of Mz., Cap. i. 'tis made High-Treason to affirm. That the Laws and Statutes do not bind the Right of the Crozvn, and the Defcent, Limitation, Inheritance, and Government thereof Which is renew'd in thefe Terms by the 4th of Q. Jnne, Cap. 8. That if any fhall affirm, That the Kings and ^eens of England, by and with the Authority of Parliament, are not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient Force and Validity to limit and bind the Crown of this Realm, and the Defcent thereof, every fuch Perfon fhall be guilty of High-Treafon ; and being convicted. Sec. fhall fuffer of Death, and all Loffes and Forfeitures, as in Cafe of High- Treafon. So that tho' we have, to avoid the Confufion of frequent Eledions, fettled the Crown on Families, 'tis with Reftridlion, and a Power of limiting the 231 8 XTbe (TlarenDon Ibtstorlcal Society IReprints. Succeflion ; no Man's Birth alone makes him King, unlefs he has the Qualifications the Laws require : to deny this, is no lefs than High-Treafon. (3.) In Purfuance of this inherent, neccffary Power in the Govern- ment, of providing for its own Safety, and Limiting the Succeflion, our States have wifely excluded all Papijis, and made them for ever incapable of fucceeding to the Britijh Crown ; the Words of the Aft are : * Whereas it has been found by Experience^ that it is inconfijlent with the Safety and welfare of this Protejiant Kingdom to be governed by a popijh Prince^ or by a King or ^een marrying a Papijl ; Be it therefore Enacted, That all and every Perfon that is, or Jhall be reconciled to, or hold Communion with the See, or Church of Rome, or Jhall profefs the popijh Religion, or Jhall marry a Papijl, Jhall be excluded, and be for ever incapable to inherit, pojfefs, or enjoy the Crown of this Realm, or to ufe, or exercife any Regal Power, Sec, Andinfuch Cafe, or Cafes, the People Jhall be, and are hereby abfolv^d of their Allegiance. (4.) Befides this general Exclufion of Papijls, your Pretender is by 'Name excluded,^ and attainted o^ High Treafon ; nay, 'tis declar'd High- Treafon, advijedly, and directly to maintain and affirm, That the pretended P, of Wales, Jiyling himfelf K. of England, by the name of James the Third, hath any X Right or Title to the Crown of thefe Realms. And I need not tell you. That the fame Law that has put an unmovable Bar in the Way of the Pretender, has fettled the Crown on King George and his Family, being Protejlants, 12. W. Cap. 2. 5. An Cap. 8. And in the prefent Oath of Allegiance and Abjuration, which feveral of you Gentlemen have taken, you own King Georgeh Title in the llrongell Terms. I'll rub up your Memory, by reciting a Part of it : /, A. B. do fine ere ly acknowledge, profefs, tejlify, and declare in my Confcience before God, and the World, That our Sovereign Lord King George, is lawful and rightjul King of this Realm, Sec. And I do folemnly and fincerely declare in my Confcience, that the Perfon pretending to be the Prince of Wales, during the Life of the late K. James, and fince his Deceafe taking upon himfelf the Style and Title ofK. of England, tffc. hath not any Right or Title whatfo- ever to the Crown of this Realm : And I do renounce, refuj'e, and abjure any Allegiance or Obedience to him. Sec. Now, Sir, this being the State of the Cafe, this being the Law and Conftitution of England, 'tis fo evident, as not to admit of Debate, That King George // the only Perfon that hath any Right to the Britifli Crown, and to whom the Subjects can with • fV.ScM. Scff, 2 Cap. 2. t 4 ^' Cap. 3. t 4 ^» Cap. 8. 232 H 2)ialo^ue between a Mbto an5 a Jacobite. 9 afafe Confcience pay Allegiance. And I fcarce need make the Inference for you, That therefore the Pretender has no Claim or Right : And again, therefore thofe concern'd in the prefent Infurreftion, are Rebels. J. You have been very particular on this Head. I am fenfible where the Right is, according to your ASis of Parliament ; But you take no Notice of a divine Right, which all the Afts of Parliament in the World can't affedl : Kings are born to their Crowns, as other Heirs in a Family to their Eftates, and their Right is divine, hereditary, and unalienable. W. You would not be pleased, fhould I give fuch Talk its proper Name : However, I fliall take the Freedom to tell you, That I have examin'd your Notion carefully, and am well affur'd 'tis meer Whim, and fubfifls no where but in the confus'd Imagination of a Tory. Pray, what do you found this Dream of a divine, indefeafible Right upon ? Is there any Declaration from Heaven for it ? When was it made, and to whom ? For my Part, I have read the Bible from firft to laft, and can't find one Word of it ; and I dare fay no Body elfe, unlefs inftead of feeking it there, he bring it along with him. You can't prove, nor all the Jacobites on Earth, that God has appointed any one particular Species of Government, as what he would have obtain univerfally and in every Nation : Much lefs has he fix'd the Right, the Manner, and Order of Succeflion. The Jews indeed, were put under Kingly Government, at their own foolifli and finful Requeft (after they grew weary of the Theocracy) and againft the Remon- ftrances of God and the Prophet. Their firsft King [Saul) had a divine Right, being chofen immediately by God, as well as the People ; and yet this was fo far from being indefeafible and heredi- tary, that he forfeited the Crown by his Male-Adminiftration, was rejefted of God, and his Pofterity depriv'd of the Succeflion. David^ their next King, was chofen out of a mean Family, and was the youngeft of all Jefe's Sons, (i Sam. xvi. ii.) And tho' he was a good Prince, and the Crown was fettled in his Family ; yet fo as no Way favours your Notion of hereditary Right, Solomon, one of his younger Sons being appointed to fucceed him, to the Exclufion of Abjalom, Adonijab, &c. who according to the Law of Birth-right, might claim before him : And if you purfue the Scripture Hiftory of this Matter you'll find other Inllances enow to the like Purpofe. Now I ask you, Where's your divine, indefeafible, hereditary Right of Kings ? You fee it has no Foundation in Scripture. When God chofe a King for his People the Jews, the firft Royal Family was depriv'd of the Crown * G 233 10 XTbe (Ilaren^on Ibistorical Society IRepttnts^ after a fingle Reign ; the fecond had the Crown continu'd in a younger Branch : And are not thefe admirable Precedents for divine, hereditary, indefeafible Right ? Or can it be imagin'd. That if there was any fuch Thing, thefe firft Examples fhou'd be fo abfolutely againft it. You fay, your Pretender has an hereditary Right, which no humane Laws or Settlements can make void. But whence is this Right? If you anfwer, Becaufe he's of the Family of the Stuaris, who had a divine, indefeafible Right : I reply, Sau/ had a more divine Right than they, and yet his Children were excluded : Tho* after all, I don't fuppofe the Jewifh Polity was defign'd for a Pattern to all the World, or that thefe Inftances abfolutely bind us either in one Refpeft or another : However, they may ferve for what we call, Argumentum ad hominem, and fhew how lame your Plea is from Scrip- ture in Behalf of a divine Right. Not that I deny Government in itfelf to be divine, and that Monarchy is an excellent Species of it, (for fome Countries ;) but what particular Form of Government, whether Monarchy, Ariftocracy, or a Common-wealth, (hall be eftablifh'd in this or that Nation ; what Perfons fhall be entrufted with the Adminiftration, and how the Right of Succeflion fhall descend ; all this is humane: The Scripture meddles not with it : which it may be is what the Apoftle Peter intends ; when fpeaking of * Government, he calls it an Ordinance of Man^ or a humane Crea- ture. Government in general, is the Ordinance of God, as the Apoftle Paul calls it ; but the Specification of it is from Man, and humane. I might further take Notice, what Confufion your Notion would involve the World in : It would unking the greateft Part, if not all the Monarchs on Earth. And pray look over the Lift of our own Princes, fince the Norman Conqucft, and fee what Work it wou'd make among us. What Right William I, whom we call, the Conqueror, had, I can't imagine, if your Scheme have any Senfe in it ; and I am fure, his Son, William II, had none ; he being a younger Brother, and the cldeft Son {^Robert) alive when he was made King^ Nor had Henry I, Stephen, John, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, Richard III, any Right by Proximity of Blood : So that you wou'd do well to confider, that while you turn fo many of our Kings into Ufurpcrs, you turn their Laws into Nullities, undermine our Titles to our Eftates, and fet us together by the Ears, fcuffling for them. But I'll have done with this Chimera, which indeed is regarded no where, any further •i Pet. ii. 13. *34 a S)ialooue between a MbtG anb a 3acobite* n than Mens particular Interefts are ferv'd by it ; no, not in France ; Witnefs the Salique Law, mention'd before ; witnefs the prefent King of Spain's renouncing the Crown of France, for himfelf and Heirs ; as his Grandfather did that of Spain, when he marry'd the Infanta. 'Tis plain, they admit of no Notion of a divine Right, but what is suhje£l to Reafons of State, and varies, as their Interell varies ; if they did, they wou'd not furely pretend to controul it by humane Compadls. J. But you'll grant, if K. James II, had not been a Papif, nor his Son bred up in the Catholick Religion, he wou'd have had a Right, nor wou'd our Law-Makers have gone about to exclude him ; and is it not hard a Man fhould lofe his Birth-Right, purely for Confcience Sake, and on the Account of Religion ? W. I find you take your Pretender^s Royal Birth for granted, and 'tis like, think I do fo too ; becaufe I did not before call it in queftion : But I mull tell you, it has fo many Marks of Impofture in it, that if a Son in my Family was half fo fufpicious, I fhou'd not efteem it honourable to make him my Heir, and beftow my Eftate upon him. And fince, without Defign, I have fallen upon this Subjedl, I fhall mention to you fome Circumftances of his Birth, which you may find more at large in the Memorial of the Englijh Protejlants to the Prince and Princefs of Orange. They take Notice, "That the Cuftom in England, of Notifying to the next Heir the approaching Delivery of the Queen, was omitted. Her Breads never fwell'd, nor was any Milk ever feen in them. The Queen, contrary to her former Cuftom, withdrew into a private Room, when fhe chang'd her Linnen, and wou'd never fufFer any Proteftant Lady to be by. The Place of her pretended Lying-in was fo varioufly reported, that the Ladies moft concern'd knew not how to prepare for Attendance : Her Royal Highnefs, the Princefs of Denmark, was kept at the Bath till the Time was over : The Queen was late at Cards on Saturday Night, very well ; and on a fudden faid, fhe wou'd Lie-in at St. James's : She cry'd-out the very next Day about Ten a Clock, when moft of the Proteftants Ladies were at Church. In the Room where the Queen lay, there was a private Door within the Rail of the Bed into another Room, from whence a Child might be convey'd into the Queen's Bed unfeen. Three popifh Confidents, the Midwife, Mrs. Labadie, and Mrs. Tourain, paf'd thro' that fecret Door backward and forward, none of the Lords of the Council being able to fee any Thing that was done ; only they were feen in the Bed-Chamber with the King, that their Names might be publiih'd to the People. The 235 12 ubc Clatenbon ibistorical Societi^ iReprints. Queen was Deliver'd in a very little Time. No Signs of Her Majefty's known Weaknefs in the Pangs of Birth appear'd ; but all was fuddenly dispatch'd, and the Midwife delivering fomething clofe cover'd to Mrs. Labadie, they went both thro' the private Door in fo great hafte as to leave her Majefly in thofe Moments, when her (the Midwife's) Affiftance was moll wanted ; and as none faw what was taken out of the Bed, none heard any Child Cry in it." Now con- fidering the violent Sufpicion of the Nation of a Cheat, in fo much that the Queen's great Belly was ridicul'd in Lampoons, that flew even about Whitehall itfelf, 'tis ftrange, to Amazement, that no more Care was taken to give the Publick Satisfaftion. I remember, that 'tis faid of the Emprefs Conjlantia^ Wife to Henry IV, Emperor of Germany, That being in Years, and the People fufpefting Ihe was paft Child- bearing, Ihe prepar'd a Place in publick, where fhe remain'd till her Labour, with Keepers, that no Suppofititious Child might poflibly be convey'd to her ; and there, in the Sight of the Citizens, fhe brought forth a Prince, who was afterwards Frederick II. But here, all Things are huddl'd up in Darkncfs ; and fo manag'd, that if the Birth was real, 'tis impoffible for an unprejudic'd Perfon, not to queftion it. It incrcafes the Sufpicion, that the Fapifls, (who knew their Caufe was like to be ruin'd, if K. James died without an Heir Male, that might exclude his Protejiant Daughters) were fo mightily folicitous in the Affair ; which no doubt would fet their Heads at Work : And tho' at the Time of the Birth, many of them call'd it miraculous, yet they fpoke of it before with flrange AfTurance, That the Queen would have a Child, and that it would be a Son. When the Earl of Cajllemain was fent AmbalTador to the Pope by K. James, the Jesuits fhew'd one of his Retinue a Device, fignifying their Expeftation and Confidence with Reference to this Matter, and implying, as one wou'd think, that they were let into the Secret : The Device was a Lilly, from whofc Leaves diftill'd fome drops of Water, which, as Naturalijis fay» becomes the Seeds of new Lillies ; and the Motto was, Lachrymor in prolem, I weep for a Child ; and underneath was this Dijlich: Pro Natis, Jacobe gemis, Flos candide Regum ; Hos Natura iibifi neget AJlra dabunt. •* O James, thou bcft of Kings, doll thou weep for Children, if Nature denies. Heaven will grant the BlcfTing." But that neither Nature, nor the Stars gave K. James this Son, but that he was the Birth of a 236 21 ©taloQue between a Mbt^ an& a Jacobite* 13 foftjh Juggle^ and Impojiure, the Circumftances before-mention'd render it at leaft grofsly fufpicious. So that I muft tell you, had I as great an Opinion as you, of Nearnefs and Relation of Blood, I fhould prefer^ on that very Account, the Title of King George (in whom the Royal Families oi Plant aginet and Stuart are united) to that of the Pretender^ whom no Body knows (except a Few in the Secret) whence he is. And befides, when you talk fo much of his Right, and his Birth- Right, you fhould call to Mind, that the good People of England have their Birth-Rights as well as your Pretender ; even tho' his Birth was unqueftionably Royal. We have all of us a Birth-Right to our Ellates, Religion and Liberties : And pray how comes his Right to fuperjede and null all our Rights P Who gave him, or any One elfe, a Right to ruin Mankind ? to trample on the Necks of Millions of People, and tear out their Bowels ? which muft be the Confequence of owning the Right of a Papijl^ and fubmitting to the Pretender: For my Part, as the Law has made me free (the Law of God has left me fo, the Law of Nature, and the Law of the Land has made me fo) I'm refolv'd to ftand faft in my Liberty, as long as I can, and never facrifice the Bleffings of my Birth and dear Country, to the Luft of your Sham-Sovereign. J. This is all Exclamation : Can you imagine, we delire to be un- done any more than you ? We are not for parting with our Religion, or Liberties either ; but expeft to have them better fecur'd, by that Sovereign you fpeak of, with fo much Contempt, under whom we may be all happy. W. Better fecur'd ! Why ; were they ever fafer than under the prefent Adminiftration ? or humanely fpeaking, is it poflible they ihould ? But fuppofe, that really your Religion and Liberties were in Danger, where lies the Wifdom of feeking to a popilh Pretender to refcue them ? If you knew what Popery is ; if you knew the Confcience of a popifti Prince ; you wou'd never wifh to fee a Proteftant Church under his Protedlion ; which is juft the fame Thing, as for a Flock of Sheep to choofe a Wolf for their Shepherd. The Pretender is a Wolf by Principle, whatever he is by natural Inclina- tion : As a pupil of France, bred up in the Maxims of arbitrary Government, he's taught to deftroy our Civil Liberties ; and as a Papiji, he's fworn to deftroy our Religious. Methinks, you cannot but refleft upon his refuling juft now the Coronation-Oath in Scotland ; which muft be becaufe he wou'd not come under any Obligations to favour your Herefy ; nor have his Oaths caft up at 237 1 4 Ubc Clarendon Ibistorical Society 'Reprints. every Turn by you, and thrown in his Way, while he was accomplifh- ing the Work he has undertaken : And for the fame Reafon, no gueftion, 'tis, that he does not (o much as promife to fupport our Church and Religion, in his Declaration, Dated from Commercy. He fays indeed. Let the Religious Right of all our Subjects receive a Confirma- tion in a Free Parliament ; let Confciences truly tender ^ be indulged. But he promifes Nothing. Which I mention, not to his Reproach at all ; for I look upon this plain Dealing, to be the mofl honourable Thing I ever heard of him. In the mean time, 'tis no fmall Reproach to you, who call yourfclves Protcftants, that you thus ftickle for one that does not fo much as fpcak you fair, nor give you any Affurances for the Security of your Religion : It (hews your Credulity, the Grofsnefs of the Infatuation you are under ; and I muft needs fay, looks like a Judgment of God upon us, who for our Sins has given up fo great a Body of Unthinking People to llrong Delufions : I wifh it be not to theirs, and all our Ruin. I know but one Thing you can fuggeft againft what I have been hinting ; I don't fay one Thing, which has any Weight in it ; for that it has not, but with which you can poiTibly cheat yourfelves into a Confidence in the Pretender ; and that is. That tho' he has been a little upon the Refervc with you ; yet his known Goodnefs, the Obligations he'll be under to you for his Advancement, and even his own Interefl will oblige him to be kind to the Church of England^ and prote6l you in all your Privileges both Civil and Religious. To this I anfwer (i.) That you have a Prince upon the Throne from whom you may juftly expeft all this : I would not Icflen the great King George fo far as to compare him with your Pretender ; but furely it muft argue Diftradlion in a Church of England-Mzn to think himfself and Religion Safer, under fuch a Tool as the St. Germar^s Pupil, than under a ftanch Proteftant, The wisest and bravest Prince in Christendom. Pretender defigns you no fuch Favour as you expedl, from his faying Nothing ofity when it might have ferv'd his Intereft with fome of you at leart ; tho' others are resolv'd to efpoufe him upon any Terms, and to run all Hazards for him, without fo much as looking before them or asking Questions. (3.) I add, fhould his Inclinations be never fo kind to you, (and I believe he never intends you the Honour of Martyrdom if you don't prevent him by your Apoftacy) nay, (hould he promife and fwear by all that's facrcd to maintain your Eftablifh- mzxiX^^ tis what he canU do: Principle would controul Nature, and the prior and fupcrior Obligations of Confcicncc cancel the moft folcmn 238 H Dialogue between a Mbtg an^ a Jacobite. 15 Stipulations with Protestants. The religion he has learnt teaches him, That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks. He's bound on Penalty of Depofition and Damnation, to deftroy them out of his Dominions. The Decrees of two General Councils [Conjiance and Lateran) hang over his Head, arm'd with the moll terrible Anathemds in Cafe he fhould be remifs in the Difcharge of his Duty, and fhew Mercy to Hereticks contrary to his Vows. I'll give you the Words of the Council of Lateran: * If the Temporal Governour, being required and admonijhedj shall neglect to purge his Country of Herefy, let this be fignifyd to the Pope, that from henceforth he may declare his Subjects free from their Allegiance. Nay, Pope Martin V, went fo far as to tell the Duke of Lithuania, That he Sin'd mortally if he kept his Oath with Hereticks. So that Ihould this Youngfter you dote on, give you the Security of Promifes and Oaths, he would regard them no more than his pre- tended Father did, who, you know, made all the haste poflible to break them : Nay, fhould he be touch'd with Compaflion, with a Senfe of Honour and Gratitude towards a Company of Mad-men, that were willing to ruin themfelves and Pofterity to ferve him ; yet the Terrors of the holy Father's Rod, the Jnathema^s of the Church, the Dread of a future Purgatory, and Hell, would force him thro' thefc lefTer Reftraints : He must perfecute and deftroy you whether he would or not ; the fame Argument would urge him to it, that one of the Popijh Lords is faid to make ufe of when he engag'd in this Rebellion, viz. his Salvation lay at Stake. J. But still, methinks, 'tis a little harfh, that a man who has done Nothing to forfeit it, Ihould lofe his Right, purely on the Account of bis Religion. W. Harfb ! Not at all, when what you call his Right would be the Ruin of the Community, as in this Cafe, I have undeniably prov'd it would J fo that I do and muft maintain, was his Birth lefs fufpected and abfolutely neceflary for the Safety of the State, {Protejlant ;) nor would you yourfelf think it any greater Hardfhip (had you not loft the Power of fober Cofideration) than 'tis to deprive a Lunatick of his Estate, and difpofe of it to the next Heir of a fober Mind : For who fees not that a Papift is far more unfit to be entrufted with the Govern- ment of a Proteftant Kingdom, than a Lunatick with a private Eftate ; the one would only injure a particular Family, the other deftroy a Community. Pray reflect on the Practice and Conduft of the Papijls *Sub. Innocent. III. An. 1 21 5 Can 3. 1 6 Ubc (^laren^on Ibistorical Socteti? IReprtnts^ in this Matter, of whom of late you begin to fpeak fo favourably ; Do they allow Protestants any Right to Crowns among *era ? *Tis their avow'd Dodlrine, That Herefy in a Prince is an univerfal Forfeiture of his Crown, his Life, and All : accordingly their Church deprives, depofc, excommunicates heretical Kings, and leaves them to the Mercy of Ruffians, who may murder them and be guiltlefs. You remember the Fate of Henry IV, of France^ who was forc'd to declare himfelf a Fapiji before he could fit quietly on his Throne ; and being afterwards fufpedled to incline too much to the HugonotSy Ravilliac was imploy'd to affaffinate him. Now pray, my good Neighbour, can you give me any Reafon why we in England fhould not exclude a Papiji^ as well as the Papijls every where exclude Protejiants; cfpecially when the Religion of the latter includes, as its effential Principles, univerfal Love, Charity, and Compaffion ; and the Religion of the former breathes nothing but Fire and Faggot, Defolation and Slaughter. J. You're a warm Advocate for your Cause ; and I muft confefs have ofter'd more for it than I expefted could have been faid ; But you muft grant the prefent Government has not taken the moft proper Methods, to reconcile its Enemies, and recommend it felf to the Nation : Our Church can go as far as any Society in the World in true Loyalty ; but has not loft the Senfe of Feeling ; OppreJJion will make a wife Man mad. W. I am glad you have mention'd this ; it being the common Topick your Party infifts upon to afperfe the prefent Government, and fpread their Venom among the People ; but really 'tis the moft unreafonable and impudent Slander, that ever was invented : Full two Years are not cxpir'd fince his Majefty's happy Acceffion ; 'tis easy to look back upon the Occurrences of fo fhort a Reign ; and to recount the fcveral Tranfadlions thereof; which furely muft be frefti in their Memories, that cry out fo loudly of Oppreffion, as to take up Arms, and attempt to dethrone their lawful Sovereign on that Account : Now Sir, we'll bring this Matter to a fpecdy IfTue. I have only one Thing to demand of you, than which Nothing can be more reafonable, viz. That if neither you nor any of your Party throughout Britain^ can produce a Single Inftance of Injuftice, Tyranny, or Oppreffion, in his Majefty's whole Adminifttration hithero ; that you'll then grant the Clamour raifed againft the King, muft be Nothing but Malice, and the Contrivance of a bafe Fadlion, that have vile Ends to fcrve thereby. This, Sir, is what I ask of you, and if after all your 240 H BialoGue between a Mbi^ anb a 5acobtte» 17 Noife you can alledge Nothing in the Government that has so much as the Appearance of Tyranny in it, and I challenge Malice itfelf to do its worft; then I expeft you'l defert your Party, and be alhamed of your Cause and Company for the future. J. You come clofe now, and think to pinch me : I own I have not been fo bufie in Politicks, as to be able to anfwer you fully in this Matter ; but I have heard feveral Complaints, that I can't think are wholly groundlefs : You may be fure we can't but with Concern fee the Friends of the Church all turn'd out of Place and in Difgrace: If a Man fpeaks a word amifs, he's prefently bound over and hal'd to Prison : The Habeas Corpus Act, the greatest Relief of the oppreiTed Subjeft, is now fufpended, that no Man can have the Benefit of that Law ; nor is this the worft of it, a Handing Army is kept up to awe the Subjeft, and terrify the Nation. W. You need not plead Insufficiency ; you underftand well enough the Shibboleth of your Party, and have alledg'd all that ever I heard from any of them ; and how perfectly nothing 'tis, I fliall (hew you in a few Words. Yomt first Complaint, that the Church has fufFer'd, and is in Danger, by the Change of the Miniftry, is odd enough at this Time a Day. I'm fatify'd many who once fell in with that Cry, are now alham'd of it, when they fee what Courf^ fome of thofe Gentlemen were fleering ; and indeed if your difgrac'd Friends are necefTary to the Safety of the Church, you muft mean the Pretender is fo too, (for thither they were carrying you) ; which is fo fenfelefs a Sham, that I leave you to blufh at it when you become capable of calm Refledlion : I might further re-mind you, that They in Place now, are all Church-Men ; yea, better Church-men than thofe that are turned out : Nor has there been one A61 of Injuftice or Unkind- nefs done to the Church, fince the Change you make fuch a Stir about. What you talk of a Standing-Army is moft abfurd, when you your felves have occafion'd it by your Confpiracies and Rebellion; nor have you any Thing after all to fear from this Standing Army. The King was Abfolute in his own Country, and had an arm'd Force ready to execute his Pleafure at any Time, and yet none ever heard the leafl Attempt or Inclination to Opprefs any of his Subjefts there. Befides, you fhou'd consider this flanding Force is judg'd necefTary by the Government ; is rais'd and continued by Confent of the Parliament, and will you call this OpprefTion and Tyranny, ISc. efpecially when the NeccfTity is from your felves ? As for what you fay of Pcrfons being taken up and imprifon'd for a Word l^c. 'tis a c 241 1 8 XTbe Clarenbon Dtstortcal Society IReptints. poor Pretence, I hardly believe you can think the Government ought to pafs by fuch Infults as are offered it, without fhewing its Refent- ment ; and indeed you might as well defire the King to refign all at once, and leave you Tories and Jacobites to fill his Throne as you pleafe, and trample upon his faithful Subjedls. The Sufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus Aft may appear to fome a more ferious Matter, and look like an Hardihip ; but really is no fuch Thing : This Adt was made in the 31ft Year of K. Charles 11 : In the ift Year of K. William and Q. M?ry, two Adls pafs'd to fufpend it, i.e, to enable their Majefty's to Apprehend, Detain, and Commit without Bail, fuch Perfons as they Ihould find just Caufe to fufpeft were confpiring againft the Government, which was thought in that Time of Con- fufion, nccclfary for the common Safety. At the Time of the horrid Affafli nation-Plot, in the 7th and 8th Year of K. William^ the like A61 pafs'd ; and upon the Pretender's attempting to Land in Scot- land in the 6th of Q. Anne^ the fame Power was given Her Majefty by Parliament, to Apprehend and Detain fuch Perfons, as Her Majefty fliould fufpeft were confpiring againft her Perfon and Government ; and now on Occafion of the prefent Rebellion, which makes the Reafon and Neceflity as urgent as in any of the former Inftances, the fame Power is granted his Majefty ; and pray what is there amifs in this ? Where lies the Oppreflion of it ? The King does not difpenfe with the Law by his own abfolute Authority, as you know the Prince did whom your Pretender calls Father ; but 'tis done by the Legiflature, pro re nata^ for a limited Time only, and to anfwcr a prefent Neceffity. J . But fure you can't juftify the Severities us'd of late : Never was there fuch Slaughtering before ; you may well imagine it will occafion Murmuring and Uncafinefs among the People, to fee fo much noble Blood attainted, and fo many Lives taken away for I know not what : Read all our Hiftories, and I don't believe you'll be able to parallel this in any Reign fince the Reformation, nay fince the Conqueft : Mercy and Goodncfs is the Glory of a Prince ; and methinks a Government that owes its Being to a Pretence of fecuring us from Tyranny and Cruelty^ fhou'd not lay its Foundation in those very Crimes, W. I know the poor Sots, that range about the Streets, between Drunk and Sober, talk at this Rate ; but I'm forry the Infcftion fhou'd reach above the Mob. However, fmcc you have efpoufcd this Notion, weak as it is, and own it as one of your Prejudices against the Present Government, I shall debate the Matter a little with you, 242 H H)taloGue between a Mbt^ an^ a Jacobite^ 19 and fo take Leave. It may be neceffary to put you in Mind (for I fee you have very miftaken Apprehenfions of governing Mercy) thai when God himfelf was pleas'd to do the Part of a Sovereign Magistrate (as I may exprefs it) and take the Adminiftration of Government into his own Hand more immediately, as in the Jewish Theocracy, he appointed Capital Punishments for Offenders against the State ; and you know, or may know, that when thefe Criminals were conniv'd at, and exempted from Punishment in such Inftances as the Law required it, the Land was efteem'd polluted, as by the Execution of Justice it was efteem'd cleanfed, and the political Guilt expiated : Now Jball Man be more Righteous or more merciful than God? Or shall that be call'd unmerciful in an earthly Sovereign, which the God of Heaven, when he stood in the Relation of a King to his People, fo flrictly requir'd and executed : I grant that Mercy is the Excellency of a Governor, and fhou'd triumph when there's Room for it, and it may confift with the publick Safety; but in many Cafes, what fome call Mercy, is not Mercy but foolifh Compaffion ; and the Exercife of it argues fuch Weaknefs in the Prince, as would expofe his Government to Contempt and Ruin. But to come direftly to the Point in Hand, ^'/z; the Rebellion and SuiFerings of the Rebels : I find you make light of the former, and ilrangely aggravate the latter : Let me ask you one plain Queftion : You know that in the Reigns of K. Charles II, and K. James II, feveral took up Arms againft the Government, at firft under more obfcure Leaders ; the fecond Time under the Dukes of Monmouth and ^rgyle, and were proceeded againfl with Rigour : Now I ask what you think of this ? Were thefe Infurreftions, Rebellion ; and the Executions done upon thofe concern'd in them, juft and necelTary ; or were they A6ls of Tyranny afnd Unmercifulnefs in the Govern- ment ? J. No Man of Senfe and Loyalty ever thought other, but that thefe Infurredlions were an hellijh Rebellion, and the Government afted honourably in profecuting the Rebels in the Manner they did. Those Fanaticks deferv^d ten times more ! W. Very well, then I hope you'll grant that if the prefent Infurrec- tion your Friends engag'd in, hath more of the horrid Nature of Rebellion in it, and many Aggravations, the former had not ; and if the Proceedings of the Government againft the Rebels of that Time, were more fevere than his prefent Majesty's againft the Rebels of this Day, then you'll grant I fay. Tour Clamours againji King George on this 243 20 ube Clarendon Distortcal Society? IReprints. Head are unreafonable, and muft acquit the prefent Government, or con- demn the former you fo much applaud. J. If and If: This If fpoils all : If you can prove what you fuppose, ril grant you all you ask ; but I defy you. W. I fhall prove it prefcntly; and defy you and all your Party to objeft one Word of Reason against what I fay. The Thing I have to do, is to fhew that the prefent Rebellion is worfe than that under King Charles and King James the II; and yet the Sufferings of the Rebels lefs: In order to which, I (hall compare the one with the Other, with refpeft both to the Crime and Punijhment. I fhall begin with the Crime, the Rebellion it felf. (i.) In the former Rebellion, there was a Papiji at one Time near the Throne, at another Time, (as in MonmoutBs Rebellion) aftually upon it ; whom they confider'd as bound to deflroy them and their Religion, as they knew he intended it. In this Rebellion here's a Proteftant upon the Throne ; whofe Family has been celebrated for their Steadinefs to the Proteflant Interefl ; and his prefent Majefly is not a Whit behind his Illuflrious Anceftors in this Refpeft : So that They took up Arms againft a PapiJl ready to devour them ; ;your Friends join with Papijis againfl a Proteftant^ Zealous to Defend and Protcft them. (2.) In the former Rebellions they had the utmoft Provocation given them. They did not fright themfelves with Imaginary Evils ; but faw their Religion and Liberties invaded ; felt themfelves almoil undone by continued A6ls of Violence againft and contrary to Law. I can't pretend at this Time to enumerate all the OpprefTions of thofe Reigns ; they would fill a Volume. But fince you feem quite to have forgot thefe Things, I fhall a little refrefh your Memory. In Scotland the poor People were almoft harraffed out of their Lives. Lauderdale^ the Tool of the Court at that Time, obtained an A61 of Parliament declaring ; That by virtue of the King's Supremacy, the ordering of the Government of the Church do's properly belong to his Majejiy ; and that he may EnaSi and Emit fuch Orders and Conjiitutions, concerning Church- Adminijira- tions, Perfons employed in the fame, and all Ecclejftaftical Meetings, &c. as he shall think fit, &c. In Purfuit of this, to force the People to Con- formity, and to comply with the King's Will in Matters of Church- government and Religion, high Commijfton- Courts were fet up, (too like the Spanijh Inquifition) and feveral fcvere Orders were made. It was requir'd of the People to give Bond for themfelves, Wives, Children, and Servants, to frequent the Parifh-Church, never to go to the 244 H Bialooue between a Mbi^ an^ a Jacobite* 21 Worfhip of the Presbyterians in their Field-meetings whither they were driven ; Nay an Oath was put upon them to difcover all they knew that reforted to thefe Meetings, and deliver up all Vagrant Preachers. Thefe Orders were executed by Dragoons, who exaftcd the aforefaid Bond, which if any refus'd, they had lo or 12 Soldiers quarter'd upon them, and Sums of Money demanded befides the Free-Quarters. And when they had drain'd the poor People to that degree, they had Nothing left to anfwer the Soldiers Demands, they were tied Hand and Foot, and dragg'd to Prifon like Beafts. At laft thefe Methods not prevailing to fupprefs their Meetings as they defir'd, Orders were given for the Soldiers to Attack the People wherever they were alTembled for Worfhip, which they often did, mingling their Blood with their Sacrifices. Now it was upon fuch Oppreffions as thefe, that they took up Arms ; firft at Pent land- hills ^ and afterwards at Bothwell-bridge in 1679. How the Cafe was in England-) 1 need not tell you ; all the World faw King James aim'd at nothing lefs than the utter Subverfion of the Government and Protellant Religion ; the preventing of which was the Occafion of MonmoutHs Infurredlion, as he owns in his Declaration. " Unlefs, says he, we could be contented to fee the Reformed Religion and fuch as profefs it, extirpated ; Popilh Idolatry establifh'd, the Laws of the Land trampled under Foot, and all that is facred and civil violated : And unlefs we could be willing to be Slaves as well as Papifis, and forget the Example of our noble Anceftors, who convey'd our Privileges to us at the Expence of their Blood and Treafure ; and withal be unmindful of our Duty to God, our Country, and Pofterity ; deaf to the Cries of our opprefs'd Friends ; and be content not only to fee them and ourfelves imprifon'd, robb'd, and murder'd, but the Protefiant Intereft throughout the World betray'd to France and Pome ; We are bound as Men and Chriftians to betake ourfelves to Arms, y^." (3.) They were depriv'd of all Profpe6l of Relief, and Hopes of Redrefs : In Scotland th-o. Law was over-ruled, and fufpended in a a great meafure : And in England all Methods imaginable were us'd> to fubjeft the Law, and both the Makers and Interpreters of it to the Will of the Prince. The Declaration mention'd before takes notice, " That perjur'd Judges were fuborn'd to declare for the King's difpensing Power : That fuch were advanc'd to the Bench that were the Scandal of the Bar : That by packing Juries, by falfe Returns, new illegal Charters, and other corrupt Means, they were depriv'd of al^ Expedtation of Succour where their Anceftors us'd to find it ; fo that 245 22 ube (riaren&on Distotical Society IRcprints. fay they, that which ought to be the Peoples Fence againft Tyranny, is become the Means of eftablifhing arbitrary Powpr, and confirming their Thraldom." Thus Matters were circumftanc'd with them ; They were un^ont^ without any Remedy, unlefs what the Sword brought, which they look'd upon as their laft Refort, and only poflible Means of Safety : How far this is your Cafe, I leave the moll hardcn'd Jacobite among you to confider ; and only defire you to refleft upon one Particular relating to the Judges : That now they not only hold, quam diu bene fe gejferint, but his present Majefty has gencroufly increas'd their Sallaries, that they might be more above Temptation, whereas before they were not only Clofetted, but to render 'em more obfequious, their Patents ran durante Beneplacito. Upon the Whole. (4) 'Tis evident thofe Rebels fought for their Religion, Laws, Liberties, againft Oppreflion, Popery, and Tyranny : 'Tis as Evident you are Free, and fight for Slavery : are at Liberty, and feelc for Chains : Both your Religion and Eftatcs are Safe, and have, it may be, the beft Guardian of any Protejiant Church or Nation in the World ; and yet Nothing will ferve you but a raw Youth, a Defendant on France, and Tool of Rome, that hates both you and your Profeffion. Blufh O ye Heavens at the Stupidity and Folly of thefe Men ! Don't miftake me, I'm not vindicating the former Insurreftions headed by Monmouth and others, that's none of my Bufinefs ; but 'tis as clear as the Sun at Noon-day, that your's is a black Crime compared with Theirs : If they were Ofi^cnders, you are Sinners before the Lord exceed- ingly, as was faid of the Men of Sodom; And if you'll allow me to speak my Thoughts freely, I muft say the prefent Rebellion is the moft Complicated Villany that ever was aftted among Mankind, since Absalom drew the Sword againft his own Father. J. I'm a little furpriz'd, I confefs, at your Difcourfe ; I did not imagine Things had been thus: I muft own if what you fay be true ; they had far more Cause to complain than we have : But do you fay they fujer^d more, if you can make that out, you'll filencc me for ever. W. I Ihall make it out prefently : I'm glad 'tis with any Profpeft of Succefs with you. A few Remarks upon the Methods taken with the Rebels then, compar'd with what you fo much complain of now, will be fufiicicnt for your Conviction. (i.) The Number of Sufferers at that Time was confiderablc. In Scotland They were driven like Sheep to the Slaughter. Both the Noble- men that led the Parties, Monmouth and Argyle, loft their Heads : Jeferies condemned above 500 Persons in two Places only, Taunton 246 H BialoGue between a Mbig anb a Jacobite* 23 and Wells; whereof 239 were executed; befides what were difpatch'd at Dorchefter, Exeter^ and Winchefier; fo that he had fome Grounds for his brutish Boaft, when he return'd from the West, (vix.) That he had hanged more Men than all the Judges of England fince William the Con- queror. Nor would fo many have efcap'd as did, had not the Judge's Covetoufnefs pleaded stronger than the King's Mercy for their Lives : Pardons were fold at all Prices, from 10/. to 14.000 Guineas : and thofe that had no Money rarely found any Mercy. (2.) Several fuffer'd without any Legal Trial and Conviction : Which was common in Scotland; where the Soldiers, being impower'd by the Council, us'd to tender an Oath to fuch as they fufpected, and if they did not anfwer to Satiffaftion, they Jhot or stabbed them upon the Spot. There were near 100 facrificed to the Rage of the Soldiers in this manner: And if they defir'd 7)";)^^ to recommend themfelves to God, they were anfwer'd with a Scoff : What the Devil have you been doing fo mapy Tears; hanU you had Time enough to pray in the Caves and Mountains ? (3.) When they allow'd them the Formality of a Trial, the Injuftice and Tyranny appear'd as flagrant in perverting the Law, as when they fet it wholly afide. They would try Prifoners without either Accufers or Libel, requiring them to anfwer fuper Inquirendis, to any Queflions that Ihould be put ; And fome times they would offer them fuch Oaths as they knew they would not take, and then proceed againft them without any more ado : And if in fome notorious Cafes the Jury fcrupled to bring in the Perfon Guilty, the King's Advocate by Threatnings forc'd them to it ; as did Jefferies in the Cafe of Mrs. Lijle whom the Jury brought in 3 Times, not Guilty, but were fo He6tor'd by the Judge, that they were forc'd to comply and cry Guilty. (4.) A Variety of Arts were us'd to trick People out of their Lives, and involve them in the Guilt of Rebellion againft whom they had no Proof at all. Witnefs the State-Queftions in Scotland, invented to infnare fuch as they had a Mind to deftroy : As what they thought of the Rifingat Bothwell- Bridge, and of the Death of the Bifhop of St. Andrew's, whether the one was Rebellion, and the other Murther ? Many were imprifon'd for a Year together, and. never told for what ; and not having fufhcient Matter of Accusation against them. Spies were fent in among them under the Pretence of being Prifoners, who by con- verfing with them might fifli out fomething which their Enemies might make an Handle of to condemn them. Nay, thofe that were 247 24 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society IReprints. never conccrn'd in their Insurreftions, if they gave a Night's Lodging to any of the Rebels, or a Meal of Meat, it wou'd be made a Sort of Treason, and coft them their Necks. Jefferies trapan'd a great many out of their Lives, by telling them, "If they pleaded not Guilty, and were found fo, they fhould have little Time to live ; but if they expelled Favour, they must plead Guilty." By which Eighty Perfons were deluded and immediately condemned and executed. Mrs. Lijle, mention'd before, a Woman of extreme Age, fuffer'd for High Treason, upon Jefferies^s Sentence, for only harbouring a Non-Conformist Minifter, tho* in no Proclamation. (5.) Their Manner of Proceeding against the Criminals, either upon their Trials, or at their Executions, was barbarous to the laft Degree. The Bothwell-Bridge Prifoners were brought to Edinburgh and kept in an open Church-yard, for Days and Nights, without any Thing to fhelter them from the Cold or Rain: Sometimes a Number of them were cram'd into the fame Room, and so wedg'd together, that they could not (loop but their Excrements went from them standing : Some of them by Boots and Thumkins had the Marrow squeez'd out of their Legs and Thumbs, to make them confefs : Others, when under Examination, were kept waking by the Soldiers eight or ten Nights together till they were almoft diftrafted, and ready to fay any Thing their Enemies would have them : And when they came to execute any of them, they generally put off all Humanity : Often the Sufferers might not have Leave to fpeak a Word at their Death, in Vindication of themfelves, but were hurried out of the World ; or at leaft the Drums were kept beating, ^c. that they could not be heard. Some had their Ears cut off upon one Sentence, and were hang'd upon another : Some were tied to a Stake within the Sca-Mark, and there left to perifh leisurely by the increafing Waves : Others had their Hands and Privy Members cut off, and their Heart pluckt out and thrown into the Fire before their Face. In England Matters were carried much after the fame fort. To fay nothing oi Jefferies, whose very Name is Infamous, and gives a Sort of Horror and Indignation, cfpccially in the IVeJl, Collonel Kirk aded the Butcher beyond moft you have heard of: He caus'd Ninety wounded Men at Taunton to be hang'd, not only without permitting their Relations to fpeak to them, but with Pipes playing, Drums beating. Trumpets founding, and all other Military Rejoycings. At another Time he invited his Ofiicers to Dinner, near the Place where fomc of the condcmn'd Prisoners were to be executed, and ordcr'd 248 H Dialogue between a Mbig anb a 5acobite. 25 Ten of 'em to be turn'd off with a Health to the King, Ten with an Health to the Queen, and Ten more with a Health to Jefferies: But nothing is more Infamous in the Brute, than his Decoying a fair Virgin to his Embraces, with the promife of faving her Brother's Life ; and when he had gratify'd his vile Inclinations, hang'd the Man on the Sign of the Houfe before the abus'd DamfeFs Face. (6.) I fhall only further obferve, that great Numbers were made Criminals, Indifted, Imprifon'd and Punifh'd even to Death (fome of 'em) for slight OJences : Much lefs than many of your Party are guilty of every Day. I could give you the Names of Scores that were Fin'd and Whip'd for fpeaking againft the Government, and complaining of Oppreffion : The Taunton Girls were Fin'd Forty and Fifty Pound a Piece for flourilhing Monmouth's Colours : Nay, a Con- ftable was hang'd for executing Monmouth's Warrant ; and 'tis faid another poor Man met with the fame Fate, for the horrid Treafon of Three Pennyworth of Hay for his Horfe. And now, Sir, I leave it to your own Ingenuity and Confcience, to determine the Cafe between the Sufferers, (the former and prefent Sufferers.) Can you find any Paffages in the Proceedings of the Government againft the prefent Rebels, that anfwer the ftrange Inhumanities I have been fpeaking of? Is there as much Blood-fhed now as there was then ? Tho' the Crime of this Rebellion is a Thoufand Times greater, and many Thoufand Times more have efpous'd it direftly or indiredly. Are any executed now without a Trial, or condemn'd without Evidence ? Do you know of Arts us'd to trick Men out of their Lives, or to involve innocent Perfons in the Guilt of fuch Crimes they have never been concern'd in? Are any Profecuted or Hang'd for harbouring Rebels, or giving them a fmall Relief, when almoft ready to famifh for Want ? Is every Word fpoke againft the Government made criminal, as heretofore ? If fo, the Women and Girls durft not talk fo much faucy Treafon at their Tea-Tables as they do, but would be taken up, and whipp'd for it, as indeed they well deferve. A61 impartially. Sir, as becomes an honeft Man, and then I need fay no more, but refer the Matter wholly to your felf : Only I muft tell you what I expeft from you, unlefs you can except againft what has been faid ; viz. That you'll never after this pretend to excufe the prefent moft unreafonable Rebellion : That inftead of reproaching his Majefty's Government your felf, you'll Rebuke fuch as do : And that as an Englijh-Mzn and Frotefant, you'll (hew your Gratitude ; That thofe unhappy Men, whom you're D 249 26 Zbc Claren&on Ibistortcal Society? IReprints. now convinc'd you have thought too well of, have not been able to ruin themfelves, their King and Country, as they attempted y. Sir I thank you for your free Convcrfation : I fhall e.ndeavour to recolleft what you have faid, and impartially confider it : I hope it will at leaft have this EfFeft, that I fhan't be fo eafily impofd upon, and carried away with every foolifli Prejudice, as I perceive I have too much been heretofore. But pray, Sir, what do you think after all, of the o^i/ appearances the other Night ? W. We have fpent too much of our Time in Politicks to enter upon Philofophy now. They might proceed from a Natural Caufe, and be no more Monitory and Ominous than the Moon-fhine. However let them fignify what they will, I'm fure They can't fignify God^i Approbation of the horrid Enterprise of thefe Rebels^ or his Displeafure at the Punifhment that has overtaken them. 'Tis no lefs than Blafphemy thus to intereft Heaven in fo great a Villany. I think the Country-man put a far better Scnfe upon the Fhanomenon^ (viz.) That it was an Illumination and publick Rejoycings in the Heavens, for the Defeat of King George's Enemies. 250 "Iiltef J^olia Ffudtu^. THE EXECUTION jiaif , pill ©f mmi. JilSTORY IS BUT THE JJi^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. — ^^^^^^^o-^ PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1886. This edition is limited to 1 20 large paper and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. i AN ACCOUNT EXECUTION fl^ar?, Hueen of t)COts, NOT HITHERTO PUBLISHED. Being a Letter from Robert Wyngfield, Esq; to Lord Treasurer Cecil. LONDON: Printed for and sold by James Crockatt, in Prujeian- Court, over against Surgeon's-hall, in the Old-Bailey. MDCCLII. A CIRCUMSTANTIAL ACCOUNT OF THE EXECUTION MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. By ROBERT WYNGFIELD, Esq. 5>»;c "TT maye pleafe your good Lordfhipp, to be advertifed, that according -*- as your Honour gave me in command, I have heer fett downe in writting the trew Order and Manner of the Execution of the Lady Mary laft Queen of Scots, the 8th of February laft, in the great Hall within the Caftle of Fotheringtray, togither with relation of all fuch Speeches and Adions fpoken, and done by the fayde Queen, or any others, and all other Circumftances and Proceedings concerning the fame, from and after the Delivery of the faid Scottish Queen, to Thomas Andrews, Efq; high Sherife for hir Majeftyes County of Norfolk, vnto the End of the fayde Execution, as followeth : It being certyfied the 6th of February laft, to the fayde Queen, by the Right Honourable the Earl of Kent, the Earl oi Shrews berry, and also by Sir Amias Pawlet, and Sir Drue Drurie, hir Governors, that 255 6 XTbe Claren^on Ibtstorical Society IRcprtnts. fliec was to prepare hirfelf to die the 8th of February next, fhe feemed not to be in any Terror, for ought that appered by any of hir outward Gefture or Behaviour, (other than marvelling fhee fhould die) but rather with fmiling Cheer and pleafing Countenance digefted and accepted the fayde Admonition of Preparation to hir (as fhe fayde) unexpedled Execution ; faying that hir Death fhould be welcome unto hir, feeing hir Majeflie was fo refolved, and that that Soule were too too farr vnworthye the Fruition of the Joyes of Heaven for ever, whofe Bodye would not in this World be content to endure the Stroake of the Executioner for a Moment. And that fpoken, fhee wept bitterlye and became filent. The fayde 8th Day of February being come, and Tyme and Place appointed for the Execution, the Queen being of Stature tall, of Bodye corpulent, rownde fhouldcred, hir Face fat, and broade, double chinned, and hazell-eyed, hir borrowed Hair aborne ; her attyre was this, on hir Head fhee had a drefTing of Lawne edged with Bone- lace, a Pomander Chayne, and an Agnus Dei about hir Neck, a Crucifix in hir Hande, a Payre of Beades att hir Girdle, with a golden Crofs at the End of them, a Vale of Lawne faflened to hir Caule, bowed out with Wyer and edged round about with Bone-lace; hir Gowne was of black Sattin printed, with a Trayne and long Sleeves to the Groundc, with Acorn Buttons of Tett, trymmed with Pearle, and fhorte Sleeves of Sattyin black Cutt, with a Pair of Sleeves of purple Velvet whole under them, hir Kirtle whole of figured black Sattin, and hir Petticoate Skirts of crimfon Velvet, hir Shoes of Spanifh Leather with the rough Side outward, a Payre of green Silk Garters, hir nether Stockings worfted colour watchett, clocked with Silver, and edged on the Topp with Silver, and next hir Leg a payre of Jarfye Hofe white, i^c. Thus apparreled fhe departed hir Chamber, and willinglye bended hir Stepps towards the Place of Execution. As the CommifTioners, and divers other Knights, were meeting the Queen coming forthc, one of hir Servants called Meluiriy kneeling on his Knees to his Queen and Miflrefs, wringing Handes and fhedding Tears, ufed thefe Words unto hir : " Ah ! Madam, unhappy me, what Man on Earth was ever before the McfTcngcr of fo important Sorrow and Heavincfs as I fhall be, when 1 fhall Reporte that my good and gracious Queen and Miflrefs is behedded in England?^* This fayde, Tears prevented him of any further fpcaking ; whereupon the fayde Queen powring forth hir dying Tears, thus anfwcrcd him, " My good 256 jEgecution ot /ibar^t (Slueen of Scots* 7 Servant, ceafe to lament, for thou haft Caufe rather to joye than to mourne, for now Ihall thou fee Mary Stewardess Troubles receive their longe expelled End, and Determination, for know (fayde Ihee) good Servant, all the World is but Vanity, and fubjcft ftill to more Sorrow, than a whole Ocean of Tears can bewayle. But I pray thee (fayde ihee) carry this McfTage from me, that I dye a trcwe Woman to my Religion, and like a trewe Queen of Scotland and France^ but God forgive them (sayde fhee) that have longe defired my End, and thirfted for my Blood, as the Harte doth for the Water Brookes. Oh! God (fayde fhee) fhow thou art the Anchor of Truthe, and Truthe itfelfe, knoweft the inward Chambar of my Thought, how that I was ever willing that England and Scotland fhould be vnited togither. Well, (sayde fhee) commend me to my Sonne, and tell him, that I have not done any Thinge preiudiciall to the State and Kingdome of Scotland;" and fo refolving hirselfe agayne into Tears, fayde, " good Meluin farewell," and with weeping Eyes, and hir Cheekes all befprinkled with Tears, as they were, kiffed him, saying once againe farewell, good Meluin, and praye for thy Miftris and Queen." And then fhe turned hirfelf unto the Lordes, and told them fhee had certayne Requefts to make vnto them. One was, for certayne Monye to be payde to Curie hir Servant ; Sir Amias Pawlet, knowing of that Monye, anfwered to this Effect, It fhoulde : " Next, that hir poor Servants might have that with quietnefs which Ihee had given them by hir Will, and that they might be favourably intreated, and to fend them fafely into their Countries," to this (fayde fhee) " I conjure you laft, that it would pleafe the Lordes, to permitt hir poor diftreffed Servants to be prefent about hir at hir Death, that their Eyes and Harts maye fee and witnefs how patiently their Queen and Miftrifs would endure hir Execution, and fo make Relation when they came into their Country, that fhee dyed a trewe conftant Catholique to hir Religion," Then the Earle of Kent, did anfwer thus. " Madam, that which you have defired, can- not conveniently be granted, for if it fhould, it weare to be feared, leaft fomme of them, with Speeches or other Behaviour, would bothe be grevous to your Grace, and troublefome and vnpleafing to vs and our Companye, whereof we have had fomme Experience, they would not fticke to putt fomme fuperftitious Trumpery in pradlife, and if it were but in dipping their Handkerchieffs in your Grace's 'Blood, whereof it were very vnmeet for vs to give Allowance." " My Lords, (fayde the Queen of Scots) I will give my Worde E 257 8 XTbe Clarendon Ibistorical Society iReprints. although it be but dead, that they fhall not deferve any blame in any the Adlions you have named, but alas (poore Soules) it would doe them good to bidd their Miftris farewell ; and I hope your Miflris (meaning the Queen) being a Maydcn Queen, will vouchfafe, in Regard of Woman-hood, that I ihall have fomme of my own People about me att my deathe, and I know hir Majeftie hath not given you any fuch ftreight Charge or Commiflion, but that you might grant me a Requeft of farr greater Courtefie than this is, if I were a Woman of farr meaner Calling than the Queen of Scots." And then perceiving that Ihee could not obtayne her Requeft without fome Diflicultyc, burft out into Tears, faying, " I am Cofcn to your Queen, and difccndcd from the Blood Royal of Heftry the Vllth. and a marryed Queen of Fraunce^ and an annoynted Queen of Scotland^^ Then upon great Confultation had betwixtc the two Earles, and the others in CommifTion, it was granted to hir, what fhee inftantly before earneftly intreated, and defired hir to make Choice of fix of her beft beloved Men and Women. Then of hir Men fhee chofe Meluin^ hir Apothecary, hir Surgion, and one old Man more, and of hir Women, thofe two which did lye in hir Chamber. Then with an unappalled Countenance, without any Terror of the Place, the Perfons, or the Preparations, ihee came out of the Entrye into the Hall, ftcpt upp to the Scaffold, being two Foote high, and twelve Foote broade, with Rayles round about, hanged and covered with black, with a lowe Stoolc, longc fayre Cufhion, and a Blocke covered alfo with blacke. The Stoole brought her, fhee fat downe ; the Earle of Kent flood on the Right Hande, and the Earle of Shrewsbery on the other ; other Knights and Gentlemen floode about the Rayles : The CommifTion for hir Execution was redd (after filence made) by Mr. Beak, Clark of the Counfell, which done, the People with a loude Voice fayde, God fave the Queen. During the reading of this CommifTion, the fayde Queen was very silent, liftning vnto it with fo carelefs a Regard, as if it had not concerned hir at all nay, rather with fo merry and cheerfuU a Countenance, as if it had been a Pardon from hir Majeftie for hir Life, and with all ufed fuch a ftrangncfs in her Wordcs, as if flicc had not knowne any of the AfTcmbly, nor had been any Thing fecne in the English Tongue. Then Mr. Dodlor Fletcher, Deane of Peterborough, ftanding direftly before hir without the Rayles, bending his Bodye with great reverence, vttercd this Exhortation followingc. " Madame, the Queen's Moft Excellent Majeftie (whom God *S8 JEjecution of /IDar^t dueen of Scots, 9 preferve longe to reigne over us,) havinge (notwithftanding this Preparation for the Execution of Juftice juftly to be done vpon you, for your many TrcfpafTes against hir Sacrid Perfon, State, and Government) a tender Care over your Sowle, which prefently depart- ing out of your Bodie, muft either be feperated in the trew Fayth in Chrifte, or perifli for ever, doth for Jefus Chrille offer vnto you the comfortable Promifcs of God, wherein I befeech your Grace, even in the Bowells of Jefus Chrifte to confider thefc three Thinges. " Firft, your State pafte, and tranfitory glorie : Secondly, your Condition prefent of deathe : Thirdly, your Eftatc to comme, eyther in everlafting Happinefs, or perpetual! infelicitye. For the firft, lett me speake to your Grace, with David the King, forgett (Madam) yourfelfe, and your owne People, and your Father's House ; forgett your natural Birthe, your royal and princely Dignitie, fo fhall the King of Kings have Pleasure in your spirituall bewtye, &c. " Madam, even now, Madam, doth God Almightye open yow a Doare into a heavenly Kingdom ; Ihutt not therefore this PafTage by the hardening of your Hart, and grieve not the Spirit of God, which may feale your Hope to a Day of Redemption." The Queen 3 or 4 tymes fayde unto him, " Mr. Deane, trouble not yourfelf nor me ; for know that I am fettled in the auncient Catho- lique and Romaine Religion, and in Defence thereof, by God's Grace I minde to fpend my Bloud." " Then," faid Mr. Deane, " Madam, change your Opinion, and repent you of your former Wickednes : Settle your Faythe only upon this Grounde, that in Chrijl Jefus yow hope to be faved." She anfwered agayne and agayne, with great Earneftnefs, " Good Mr. Deane^ trouble not yourfelf any more about this Matter ; for I was borne in this Religion, have lived in this Religion, and am refolved to die in this Religion." Then the Earles, when they faw how farr unconformable fhe was to hear Mr. Dearie's good Exhortations, fayde, " Madam, we will praye for your Grace with Mr. Deane, that you may have your Minde lightned with the trew Knowledge of God andjhis Worde." " My Lordes," anfwered the Queen, "if yow will praye with me, I will even from my Harte thanke you, and think myfelfe greatly favoured by you ; but to joyne in prayer with you in your Manner, who are not of one Religion with me, it were a Sinne, and I will not." Then the Lordes called Mr. Deane agayne, and badd him faye on, 259 lo Ube Clarendon Ibistorical Societi^ IReprlnts. or what he thought good els : The Deane kneeled and prayed, as follows : Oh mojl gracious God, 8cc. All the Aflembly, fave the Queen and her Servants, fayde the Prayer after Mr. Deane as he fpake it, during which Prayer, the gueen fat upon her Stoole, having her Jgfius Dei, Crucifix, Beades, and an Office in Lattyn. Thus furnifhed with fuperftitious Trum- pery, not regarding what Mr. Deane fayde, fhe began very faftly with Teares and a lowde Voice to pray in LattWy and in the Midft of hir Prayers, with over much Weeping and Mourning dipt off hir Stoole, and kneeling prcfcntly fayde divers other Lattin Prayers. Then fhe, rofe and kneeled down agayne, praying in Englijh for Chrifl's afHifted Church, an end of hir Troubles, for hir Sonne, and for the gueen's Majeftye, to God for Forgivcnes of the Sinnes of them in this Iflande : She forgave hir Enemyes with all her Harte, that had longe fought hir Bloud. This done fhe defired all Saints to make Interceffion for hir to the Saviour of the World, J ejus Chrift, Then fhe began to kifs hir Crucifix, and to Crofs herfelf, faying thefe Wordcs : " Even as thy Arms, oh Jefu Chriji, were fpread here upon the Crofs, fo receive me, fo receive me into the Armes of Mercy." Then the 2 Executioners kneeled downe unto hir, dcfiring hir to forgive them hir Death : Shee anfwered, " I forgive you with all my Harte ; for I hope this Death fhall give an end to all my Troubles." They, with her 2 Weomen helping, began to difroabe hir, and then fhe layde the Crucifix upon the Stoole. One of the Executioners, took from her Neck the Agnus Dei, and fhe layde hold of it, faying, fhe would give it to one of hir Weomen, and withall told the Execu- tioner that he fhould have Monye for it. Then they took off her Chayne, fhe made herfelf unready with a kind of Gladnefs, and fmil- ing, putting on a payre of Sleeves with her owne Handcs, which the twoo Executioners before had rudely put off, and with fuch Speed, as if fhce had longed to be gone out of the Worlde. During the Difroabing of this Queen fhe never altred hir Counte- nance ; but fmiling, faid, fhe never had fuch Groomcs before to make hir unreadyc, nor ever did putt off hir clothes before fuch Company, At lengthe unattyred and unapparclled to hir Petticoatc and Kirtlc, the 2 Women burft out into a great and pittifull Shrieking, crying, and lamentation, croffed themfelues, and prayed in Lattine. The Queen turned towardes them, embraced them, and fayed thcfe Words in French, Ne cry vous fay pr aye pur vous, and fo croffed, and kiffcd ihcm, and bad them praye for her. 260 JEjecutton ot /llbar^, divieen of Scots* n Then with a fmiling Countenance fhe turned to her Men Servants, Meluin, and the reft, crofted them, bad them farewell, and pray for hir to the laft. One of the Weomen having a Corpus Chrijli Cloathc, lapped it up three Corner wife, and kifted it, and put it over the Face of the Queen, and pynned it faft vpon the Caule of hir Head. Then the 2 Weomen departed. The Queen kneeled downe on the Cuftiion refolutely, and without any Token of Fear of Death, fayde allowde in Lattine, the Pfalme, In te domine conjido: Then groaping for the block, ftiee layde down hir Head, putting hir cheane over hir backe with bothe hir hands, which holding there ftill, had been cut off^, had they not been efpyed. Then ftie laid hirfelf upon the blocke moft quietly, and ftretching out hir Armes and Leggs, cryed out. In Manus tuas, Domine, commendo Spiritum meum, 3 or 4 times. Att laft while one of the Executioners held hir ftreightly with one of his Hands, the other gave two Stroakes with an Axe before he did cut off" hir Head, and yet left a little grifsle behinde. She made very fmall Noyfe, no Part ftirred from the Place where fliee laye. The Executioners lifted upp the Head, and bad Godfave the ^een. Then her drefling of Lawne fell from hir Head, which appeared as graye as if ftie had been threefcore and ten Years olde, powled very ftiorte, her Face much altred, her Lippes ftirred upp and downe almoft a Quarter of an Hower after hir Head was cutt ofi\ Then faid Mr. Deane, So perijh all the Queenes Enemyes. The Erie of Kent came to the dead Body, and with a lower Voice fayde. Such end happen to all the Queenes and Gofpells Enneniyes. One of the Executioners plucking off^ her Garters, efpyed her little Dogg, which was crept vnder her Cloathes, which would not be gotten forth but with Force ; and afterwards would not departe from the dead Corps, but came and layde between hir Head and Shoulders a Thing much noted. The Dogg, embrewed in her Bloud, was carryed awaye and waftied, as all things elfe were that had any Bloud, fave thofe Things which were burned. The Executioners were fent awaye with Money for their Fees, not having any one thing that belonged vnto her. Afterwards every one was commanded forth of the Hall, faving the Sheriff" and his Men, who carryed hir upp into a great Chamber, made ready for the Surgeons to embalme hir, and there flie was embalmed. And thus, I hope, (my very good Lord) I have certifyed your 261 12 zbc (^laren^on Ibistortcal Socteti? IReprtnts^ Honour of all A6lions, Matters, and Circumftances, as did proceed from hir, or any other att hir Death : Wherein I dare promife vnto your good Lordfhip (if not in fome better or worfe Wordes then were fpoken I am fomcwhat miftaken) in matter, I have not any Whitt offended : Howbcit, I will not fo juftifye my Duties herein, but that many things might well have been omitted, as not worthy notinge. Yet, becaufe it is your Lordfhip's Faulte to defire to know all, and fo I have certyfied all, it is an Offence pardonable, fo rcfting at your Honors further Commandment, I take my leave this 1 1 th of /"^^riy- ary, 1586. Tour Honour'' s^ in all humble Service to Command. R. W. 262 " Ii\tef ^olia J^ftidtti^.' ^went^ Xoohes OVER ALL THE ROUND-HEADS ^bat ever Iive^ in tbe Morl^ j4lSTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OF j^ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. »-3^^^^-<"» PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1886. This edition is limited to 120 large paper and 400 small paper copies, for Subscribers only. TWENTY LOOKES Over all the ROVND-HEADS that ever lived in the World. 1. Heathenijh Round-heads. 2. Round-head Vowers. 3. Aged Round-heads. 4. Davids Round-heads. 5 . Round-head Mourners. 6. Ifraelitijh Round- heads. 7. Round-head Corinths. 8. Golgothan Round Heads. 9. Feminijh Round-Heads. 10. Oxford Round- heads. 12. 13- H- 15- 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. . Englijh Round-heads. EJJex Round-heads. Women Round-head. Court Round-heads. Round-head Cat. Round-head Friers. Round-head Citizens. Strange Round-heads. Round-head Seperatists. Round-heads of the time. ^ REFORMATION, 1643. ^^fimmmmmmm W'MmM. ^^^W^^ i^^s mm^m ^^^M ^K^^ ^^Mi TWENTY LOOKES OVER ALL THE ROUNDHEADS IN THE WORLD. I. Heathenijh Round-heads. rpHE firft Round-heads that I have read of, were the Heathen in -*- the land of Canaan, v^rhofe manner w^as, to cut their locks round, as fome doe now, hanging equally to one proportion about their heads : but the Lord commanded the Ifraelites, that they fhould not transforme nature, but cut their haire according to the fafhion that God had made it to grow ; and therefore charged them not to round their heads, nor fhave off their muchatoes. Lev. I9. 27. By thefe Round-heads is meant such as is when the lockes are cut round, as Tindall tranflates it. 2, Round-head Vowers. There was a cuftome in the old Law, to dedicate a mans felfe to God by a vow for a certaine time ; and whofoever did cut and trim the haire of their head in pride, during the time of that vow, were termed Round-heads ; and therefore the Lord forbad them fo to doe. Num. 6. 5. The Lord forbad them to cut their lockes during the time of the vow. 3. Aged Round-heads. Sometimes the crowne of the head is bare by reason of age, when the haires of the gray head fall off, and so leave a round baldnefle on the top of the head, as Elias his head was, by reason of which a company of unruly boyes mocked him, and called him Round-head, or bald-pate- 267 6 XTbe (^laren^on fbistorical Society IRepttnts. But we may read in 2 Kings 2. at the latter end, immediately two and fourty of thofe boyes were tome in peeces by two beares which God fent amongft them out of the wood, which could not chuse but bee a heavie fpeftacle to their parents and friends when they came and faw their children tome in peeces, and pulled into morfels bit by bit by the cruell beares. 4. Davids Hound- heads. The messengers of David^ that were sent to Hanun King of Ammon, were fhaven and made Round-heads : for the Kings Counfel had perfwaded him to deride them in great fcornc of the children of Ifrael the people of God, when as they were fent from David vf\t\), an intent to prepare a way for David to doe good to the children of Ammon ; which by rcafon of this their dcrifion of the people of God, it brought upon them a great overthrow, when David was hereby ftirred up to come againft them, as it is i. Chron. 19. These had their haire (haved ofF quite round. 5. Round-head Mourners. There was a cuftome in the Judaicall Law to (have the crowne of the head in time of mourning, as the Friers doe now ; which ceremony is at this time fuperftitious. Thus did Job round his head when he faw himfelf in that fudden great afiliction. Job. i. 20. 6. Israelitijh Round-heads, The Prophet Efay told the Ifraelites, that God would make them round-heads by (having all the haire off from their heads, &c. Ifai. 7. 20. They had highly offended God, and therefore this judgement was denounced againft them, meaning the taking away of their nobles and rulers by the Ihaving of the head. 7. Round-head Corinths. There is a decent wearing of (hort haire, fuch as Citizens and civill men weare, which was derided and fcorned of fome fhag-hair'd Ruffians amongft the Corinthians; which Pau/ reproves them for fo deriding the decent wearing of the haire, and exhorts thofe that fcorne them for it, to cut their haire fhort alfo, as it is i Cor. 11. at the beginning. I wonder how fuch fliag Ruffians dare now fcorne at the decent wearing of haire, when indeed themfclves arc the Abfclonians 268 Ube 1Roun^bea^s. that provoke the Lord to curfe the land for their foolifh pride, and wanton wearing of lovc-lockes and unfeemly haire, (I had almoft faid periwig.) 8. Golgotha Round-heads. In the Gofpel we find a place called Golgotha, that is, dead mens fculls, the round fculls of dead men, Joh. 19. 17, whither our blefled Lord and Saviour was led to be crucified; and happy are those round- heads that receive the benefit of his bloud, and rife to glory by the vertue of his refurredlion. 9. Feminijh Round-heads. In the reigne of Henry i. the Engliflimen Ihaved off their beards, and made their faces fmooth like women, and let their haire grow round their heads in its full length, wherein they gloried, contending with women who Ihould bee the moft abfolute feminine Round-head. Lib. Dunelm. 10. The Oxford Round- heads. In the reigne of Henry 3, King of England, there were divers Oxford schollars who flew their chiefe cooke at Ofney Abbey : for which fa6l 12. of them went bare-head from Pauls Church in London to the Abbey to doe penance, for which they were derided a long time after. Mat. Par. Tpodigm. Thefe were called the Round-heads of Oxford. L.D. II. Englijh Round- heads. In the reigne of Edward 3. the Englifli men used to weare their haire cut fliort, round their heads : but after that King lohn of France was taken and brought over into England, it grew a fafliion (in a fliort time) for men to weare long haire over their flioulders, and thofe that went after the old Englifli decent manner, were called Round-heads. Stow. 12. Effex Round-heads. In the dayes of Richard 2. the heads of the Jurors in Essex were chopped off by the countrey that rofe againft them in that rebellion, Chro. Ma. Lo. but fome of them were executed for their labours, as traytors. 13. Women Round-heads. About this time alfo those women were derided as much as men are now by the name of Round-heads, except they wore, as the fafliion then was, high attire on their heads, picked like homes. Stow, 269 8 Hbe Clarendon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints. 14. Court Round-heads. In the dayes of Henry 8. it being a fafhion to weare long haire, and for men to fhavc their beards quite off, King Henry therefore com- manded all about this Court to weare their hair fhort. And to give them an example, he caufcd his owne head to be polled, and from thenceforth his beard to be notted, and no more (haven. Chro. i. Brift. 1 5 . Round- head Cat. In the Reigne of Queene Mary (at which time popery was greatly exalted) then was Round-heads fo odious by them, that in derifion of them was a Cat taken on the fabbath day, with her head ihorne, and the likenefle of a veftmcnt caft over her, with her feet tied together, and a round piece of paper like a linging cake betwixt them ; and thus was fhe hanged on the gallows in Cheapefide, ncere to the Crofle, in the Parilh of Saint Mat hew ; which Cat being taken downe, was carried to the Bilhop of London, and he very revercndly fent it to Dodlor Pendleton (who then was preaching at Pauls Crofle) for a prefcnt, commanding it by him to bee fhowne to the congregation. Row. Lea. The Round-head Fryers cannot abide to heare of this Cat. 1 6. Round-head Fryers. About the fame time, there was a company of Round-head Fryers, in London, who had plotted a notable peece of knavery, and had got one Elizabeth Crofts^ a maid about 18. years of age, to counterfeit cer- taine fpeeches in a wall of an houfe, without Alderfgate, where they had made her a convenient place for performing that falacy, through the which the people of the City were wonderfully molefted, for that all men might heare the voycc, but not fee her perfon ; fome faid it was an Angell, and a voice from heaven ; fome faid it was the holy Ghoft, l^c. This was called the fpirit in the wall ; flie lay there playing in a ftrangc whiftlc, made for that purpofe, which was by them given to her : idem^ and they forged conilructions of her voycc, which was at lall found out, and flie confeft it openly at Pauls Crofle. 17. Round- head Citizens. In thefe latter times, the fliagge head Cavalliers, wearing all long haire, and the Citizens of London cutting their hairc fliort round about their heads, there being fo great a controverfic between the 270 XTbe 1Rount)beaD6» Cavalliers and the Citizens, to the end that they might make the Citizens ominous, they branded them, with a refolution among them- felves to ftrive that they might every where be called Round- heads, and therefore fpread an univerfall tearme and appellation on all that cut their haire fhort, to bee called Round-heads, which quickly was every where fpread up and downe the Country. 1 8. Strange Round-heads. This terme of Round-heads became fo great a name on a fuddaine here in England, that the Kingdome (in moft part) and indeed every where moft people, wondred what thefe Roundheads fhould be ; ima- gining that they were fome new feft that was fprung up. 19. Round- he ad Seperatijis. People paufing, and imagining what thefe Round-heads were, in the end it was taken for granted, that Brownifts, Anabaptifts, l^c. and fuch like, whofe braines fay they run round from one fchifmaticall opinion to another, and is never fixed, are the Round-heads. 20. The Rouf id- heads of the time. But now if a man have any religion in him, then (fay they) he is a Round-head, if he profelfe the truth heartily, then hee is branded for a Round-head ; he that is no fwearer, curfer, cheater, drunkard, whooremafter, quarreller, he is scandalized with the name of a Round- head ; he that abhorreth Atheifme, hates idolatry, ufeth only yea, and nay, in his communication, keepes the Sabbath, loves the King, and Parliament, and is courteous, charitable, chill and modeft ; thefe are the men whom the blades of our time br.i id with the name of Round- heads, and indeed every honeft man is now call'd Round-head. Js Papijls call us Heriticks, fo Atheifts Round-heads 7?mke us, L et them joy in their Periwigs, for Rome fhall never take us. zz zz zz 271 " Ii^tef ^olia f^\i6txif ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ THE /nbemoirs OF A JOURNAL OF HIS AGENCY FOR PRINCE CHARLES IN IRELAND IN THE YEAR | 1647. J^ISTORY IS BUT THE Ut^OLLED ^CROLL OF J^'ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield. — ^►.s^^^-« — PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 1886. This edition is limited to mo large paper, and 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers only. 1 THE MEMOIRS OF GEORGE LEYBURN. Dodlor of Divinity, Chaplain to Henrietta Maria QUEEN of ENGLAND. BEING A Journal of his Agency for Prince CHARLES in Ireland in the Year 1647. Accompanied with Original Instructions and Letters to the Author, from Prince Charles, Queen-Mother, the Duke of Ormond, Lord Digby, Lord Clanriccard, the Pope's Nuncio, ^c. Publijh^d without the leaft Alteration from the Original in the Author's own Hand. To which is prefix'd, An Account of the Author's Life, with his Remarkable Prediftion concerning General Monck, and the Reftoration of King CHARLES the Second, mention'd by Dr. Tho?nas Gumble, in the LIFE of that great General. LONDON: Printed for W. L E W I S near the Piazza in Covent Garden. MDCCXXII. an account of tbe autbor'6 Xlfc — >>.$^^$- "T^R. George Leyburn was born in Wejimoreland oi a very ancient -^^^ Family, known in those Parts a confiderable time before the Conqueft, and which afterwards was diftinguifh'd by feveral honour- able Alliances, efpecially with the Dacre^s and NorfoWs. The Eftate belonging to the Family was formerly very confiderable, but by Degrees much impair'd by HeirelTes ; and in Queen Elizabeth'' s Days it was ftill more reduced, by the unfortunate Circumftances of James Leyburn, Efq ; who was executed at Lancajler March 22, 1583. George Leyburn was Born in the Year 1597, and fent very young to Study in the Englijh College in Dozvay, where he was enter'd a Mem- ber of that Houfe March 13. 161 7, under the Name of George Brad- ley. He made a confiderable Progrefs in all Sorts of Learning, and June 12. 161 8, anfwer'd to his two Years Labour in Philofophical Studies, under the celebrated ProfefTor Thomas White, otherwife Black- loe. Having run thro' two Years of Theological Learning, he under- took to teach a LelTon of Humanity, which Employment he began in October 1620, and having perform'd it fome Years with fingular Applaufe, he reafTum'd his Theological Studies and compleated 'em ; during which Time he receiv'd the Order of Priefthood, vix. Augujl 5. 1625. In 1627, having laid in a good Stock of Divine Learning, he was defirous to polifh it, and improve himfelf fomewhat farther in the famous Univerfity of Paris, for which Place he fet out from Doway, November 3, the Year above-mention'd. Here he remain'd two or three Years, and became a noted Tutor in Arras College. Afterwards being invited over into England, he took Doway in his '^77 6 TLbt ClarenOon Distorical Soctctg IReprints. Way, and began his Journey from thence Augujl 29, 1630. He was foon admitted to the Queen's * Prefcnce, made one of her Chaplains and Favourites. Some Difturbances happening in the Queen's Family on Account of Religion, the Englijh Chaplains were obliged to abfcond. It was Mr. Leyburn's Misfortune to be apprehended and confin'd. He was defignd to be profecuted, but by the Queen's Means it was exchanged into Banifhment. And now he was again refolved to make a further Progrefs in Theological Studies, and fetling at Doway, he fpent fome Years in teaching Philofophy and Divinity. It was during this Time that he took a Journey to the Univerfity of Rheims, where he compleated the Degree of Doftor of Divinity, and was invited by the Arch-Bilhop, at the Head of a Pro- vincial Synod, to anfwer to his Aft in their Prefence, which Piece of Honour he refus'd with remarkable Modefty. Defiring foon after to return into England, which was about the breaking out of the Civil Wars, he found every Thing in great Confufion ; and had not been there long before he was taken up and committed to the Tower. It was about 1644, when he became acquainted with Colonel Monck, then a Prifoner in the fame Place foj adhering to the Royal Caufe. I muft not omit fome remarkable PafTages which happen'd between thefe two, and which are related by Dr. Thomas Gumble\ in his Life of General Monck, Page 1 19. Take 'cm in the Author's own words. "/ muji here crave leave to tell you a Story, and becaufe none may believe it forged, for this Relator hath heard it above fifteen Tears ago, and is able to bring good Tejlimony thereof; while General Monck was in the Tower, one Dr. Leyburn, a Profeffor in Divinity, and a Roinijh Priejl, came often to fee the General in the Tower, and it was upon fome little Acquaintance which he had with him in the Company of Sir Thomas Cademan, the late Queen\ Phyfician ; fome Friends of his ask'd this Leyburn {if I do not mijlake his Name) why he gave hijnfelf the Trouble to vifit this Monck yJ often. He replies, that within fome Years that Perfon Jhou'd be the gt eat est Perfon of the three Nations, {and fo he was for fome Time before the Kiv^s Return) ; and long afterwards the fame Perfon being at Supper with the General and other Friends, a little before his Expedition into Scotland with Cromwel, he publickly afferted at the Table, that k Jhou^d within fix Months, or there- ■ 1 * Henrietta Maria. t Thomas Gumble, D.D., Chaplain to General Morck. "The Life of Gen. Monck, Duke of Albemarle, London, 1 67 1, 8vo." In French, 1672, i2mo. — The London Retrospective Review (xiii., 265-277; and xiv., 153-179) fays: "Curious .ts a specimen of the Tory or Royalist mode of writing History which prevailed during the period immediately following the Restoration." 278 Ube Hutbor's %iU^ abouts^ be a General in the Norths and within forne Tears Jhou^d command the three Nations. This indeed proved true, but by what Means this Ley burn pretended this Fore-knowledge I cannot imagine ; I do not retnember that he ever caft his Nativity ; bnt fome think that he took this up, from fecret Lines and Marks in his Face ; which wou'd render the Story very incredible, tho' the General had a Soldier-like and Majejlick Countenance : But this is certain, that Leyburn came out of the Spanifh Netherlands after his Majejlfs Reft oration, and vifited the General ; and also, tbat he did Prophecy of this long before: Now that fuch a vain Predi£lion jhould have any Influence upon the General* s Faith, is to me very doubtful. I know he never lijten^d to fuch vain Prognofticks. He told me this Story himfelf in Scotland." Thus far Dr. Gumble, who doubts not of the Fa6l, but is puzzl'd about the Manner. I have been affur'd by fome, who were perfonally acquainted with Dr. Leyburn, that he was a Perfon of fuch extraordi- nary Piety and Regularity in his Condu6l, that few were better intitl'd to the Secrets of Divine Providence, and it feems as much for the Credit of the Royal Caufe to make Heaven bufie on this Occafion, as to draw unaccountable Inferences from the Lines of the Face. But to proceed, when Dr. Leyburn had obtain'd his Liberty, he went over into France, where he was very ferviceable to the Suffering Party. In the Year 1647, Prince Charles and Queen Mother engaged him to go over into Ireland, and report the real Grounds of the Mifunderftand- ings between the two Confederate Roman Catholick Armies. This Journey being over, he drew up the Particulars of his Agency, to give the Prince and Queen a true Idea of their Affairs in Ireland. In 1648, Richard Smith, Bifhop of Calcedon, refiding then in Paris, appointed Dr. Leyburn to be his Vicar General in England, jointly with Mark Harrington alias Drury, Batchelor of Sorbon. Afterwards, upon the Deceafe of Dr. William Hyde, Prefident of Doway College, our Author was inflall'd in that Place June 24, 1652, which he enjoy'd above eighteen Years, and refign'd to his Nephew John Ley- burn, about the Middle of 1670, being at that time call'd up to Rofjie. He remain'd at Rome about a Year and a half, then returning into England, after having fetled fome Domellick Affairs, he took his leave of it, and fpent the Remainder of his Days at Chaalons in Champaign, where he gave up his laft Breath December the 29th, 1677, leaving behind him a Character becoming the Primitive Ages ; and the In- habitants of Chaalons to this Day pay a Refped: to his Memory, little inferior to that of a canonized Saint. He was Do6lor of Divinity of the Univerlity oi Rheims, Prefident oi Doway College, Chaplain to the 279 8 XTbe ClarenOon f)i6torical Society IReprints. Queen of England, Vicar General to the Bifhop of Calcedon, and Agent to Prince Charles in Ireland. He was learned, pious, and warm with Zeal, both in Publick and Domeftick Concerns. He had been twice a Prifoncr, and as often Banifli'd. His Life was attended with fcvcral Controverfics, and Contradidlions, which he always made a Hand of to his Improvement in Virtue, and the word Part of his Charaftcr was that of being obftinately Good. Tho' he did not afFc6l appearing in Print, yet he has left fome Inllanccs of his Abilities in that Way, ziiz. 1. An Encyclical Epiftle to his Brethren. 2. Holy Charadlcrs. 3. As to the prefent Performance it has been refcrv'd in Manu- fcript ever fince 1648 ; now what Credit may be given to him in Regard of the Subjcft he treats of, may be learnt from thefe Words of the Lord Clanriccard in Ireland^ to Sir John Winter the Queen's Secretary at Paris. '-''From this worthy Bearer you may be pleased to receive a very clear and perfect Account , both of Perfons and Anions here ; and his known Piety, andfetPd Zeal to the Service of their Majefies, does mojl jujlly deferve a fpecial favourable Regard and firm Belief.'^ This Letter of Credence was written by Lord Clanriccard, General of the Confede- rate Catholicks in Ireland ^ox the King, and brought over by Dr. Ley- burn, the Original whereof is in my Cuftody. And what Character is here given of our Author, I believe the Hiftory it felf will make good, to which! remit the Reader.* * Of the 3 works here named, only the last is mentioned by Alibone. 280 a preface. TN this following Difcourfe, being accidentally and haftily written for my own Inftruftion, and the Satisfa6lion of thofe, who in that Imployment had Authority to take an Account and judge of my Adlions ; I have willingly omitted all Circumftances whatfoever, that did not precifely tend to thofe Ends ; fetting down nothing but Matters of Fa6l. But now that I meet with fome Friends, who having heard of this Manufcript, delire to fee it, willing, as it feems, to be guided out of thofe Mazes, into which the Difcourfes and Reports of feveral Fadlions have engaged them, concerning the PalTa- ges and Tranfadlions of Things in the Kingdom of Ireland^ I have thought fit, as well as my Memory will permit me, by way of Preface, to fet down fo much of the State of that Country, at my Arrival thither, as may ferve for the better Underftanding of this following Relation; which, when all is done, whether or no it will give them the Satisfadliion they defire, I know not ; and if in the Computations of fome Things, as Places, Numbers of Men, or the like, I Ihall be 'miftaken, they muft pardon me ; for I undertake no exaft Defcription, but only to fay {o much, as may give a Reader the better means to judge of the whole Matter, and neither indeed at my being there, did I clog my Memory with the Obfervation of fuch Things, being more intent on the Bulinefs I had then in Hand, then on the Conlideration of Matters not fo neceffary. Ireland, which I judge to be, at lead, as great as England, take off Wales and Cornwall, is divided into four Provinces, Leinfter* Munjler, * This, throughout the original, is spelt Leimster. H lo Zbc (riaren&on Ibistorical Societi^ IReprtntg* Connaught, and Ulfler: In the whole, there were three Parties openly declared againft each other, in this manner commanded. The firft, by my Lord Marquifs of Ormond, Governor of the Kingdom for the King, under the Title of Lord Lieutenant. The fecond, by that which they called the Supreme Counfel of the Confederate Catho- licks. The third, by thofe three (as I conceive, independant of each other) the Lord of Jnfequeen^ Sir Charles Coute^ and Colonel Monroe^ all under the Englijh Parliament, though the laft had a more immediate Relation to his Country-men the Scotts. The Lord Lieutenant was polTefs'd in Leinfler of Dublin, the principal City of the Kingdom (and equal to any other I have feen in England, except London) with the adjacent Territory, fome ways twenty, fome ways thirty Miles about it ; in which he had all the Sea Ports on that Coaft, with divers Gar- rifons, as Tredaugh, Trim, Carlow, and others, out of which he could draw fome 2000 Foot, whereof, as I believe, the moft part were Catholicks, and fome 400 Horfe, moft Proteftants, and the Com- manders, for the greater part, if not all Proteftants, Englifh or Scotts. Befidcs thofe, he had then received from the Parliament of England, as 1 take it, three Regiments of Foot, whereof there were two quartered in Dublin, the third in Trim and Tredaugh ; as alfo fome Quantity of Ammunition. The Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholicks were pofTefs'd of all the reft of Leinfler, in Quantity of Ground, as I guefs, three parts of four, wherein Wexford, Rofe, and Kilkenny, were the moft confiderable places ; with all the Ports, but thofe in my Lord of Ormondes Quarters. I think likewife, they had much about the fame Proportion in Munfler, with thofe chief Towns Waterford, Limerick, and Clonmell ; with many other Towns and Caftles ; all the Ports up to Youghall: They were likewife poflcfs'd oi almofl all Connaught, with Galloway the principal Town and Haven, and all the others except Sligo. In IJlfter, the greateft Province in Ireland, they had few Places, except Charlamont, and fome Caftles on the Borders of Con- naught, though from thence came moft of their bcft Foot under Oneale their General for that Province. They had, not long after my coming thither, on foot thofe Forces, under Prefton their General for Lcinfter, betwixt fix or seven thoufand Foot, and one thoufand Horfe, as I verily believe by the Poll. In Munfter, under my Lord of Worcefter, who commanded with the King's Commiflion, though with their Confent, againft my Lord Infequeen, five or fix thoufand Foot, and near one thoufand Horfe : In IJlfter, and upon 282 iPretace. " the Borders of Leinfter and Connaught under Oneale, nine or ten thoufand Foot and Horfe. My Lord of Infequeen^ by the Parliament made Prefident of Munfter, was in that Province pofTefs'd of Toughall, Kinfale^ and Corke^ with fome other places adjoining ; and about as much Territory (as I can guefs, having never been there) as my Lord of Ormond had in Leinfter : He was able, out of his Garrifons, to draw into the Field fome 5000 Foot, almoft all Englifh ; and fome eight hundred or a thoufand Horfe, Englifh. Sir Charles Coote, by the Parliament made Prelident of Connaught, was poffefs'd in that Province of Sligo a Port Town, and Coleraine, otherwife called Londonderry, with fome places on the Borders of Ulfter. He could make two or three thoufand Foot Englfh and Irfh, and fome two hundred ill Horfe. Colonel Monroe commanded in Ulfier for the Parliament, and was in that Province poffefs'd of Knockfergus, Carickfergus, and divers others Places : He could draw into the Field three or four thoufand Foot, all Scotts or Scottijh Irifh, of which there are many Inhabitants of that Country, and fome two or three hundred Horfe. Thofe were the feveral Parties, or Faftions, with their Leaders : Thefe the Places, Territories, and Quarters of which they Hood feverally poffefs'd ; and thefe the Forces, they could upon Occafion draw into the Field, at my Arrival in Ireland. And now for the Reader's better underftanding, it remains that I briefly, and hiftorically fay fomething of every one of them. And firlt, of the Marquifs of Ormond. He, one of the nobleft of the old Englifh Families, and by King James his Command, taken from his Father, brought into England young, under Abbots, Bilhop of Canter- bury bred a Proteltant, after returned into Ireland, and there fettled, was by the late King Charles, about the Year 1645, made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; that Kingdom, during the Interval from my Lord of Strafford's Death, having been governed by Commiffioners, and Thofe managing things there totally according to the Parliament Intereft, gave the King caufe to remove them, placing my Lord of Ormond in that Government, who receiving the Command of the Englifh Army, made War for fome time fharply and fuccefsfully on his Countrymen, the Irifh Confederate Catholicks, until the Civil War broke out in England, between the King and his Parliament. The King finding on the one fide that the Money he had confented (hould be raifed for the War of Ireland, was imployed againft himfelf ; 283 1 2 xrbe (^aren^on Distorical Society IReprints. and on the other, needing the Afliftance of that Army, caufed my Lord Lieutenant to make a CefTation with the Irifk^ and fo drew all, or the greateft Part, of thofe Forces over to him. After which, the Ceflations were continued from time to time, until (after the Battle of Nasby^ where the Blow was fo fatal, as the King could no longer make Head againft the Parliament) a Peace was concluded between my Lord Lieutenant of the one Part for the King, and four or five Commiffioners on the other Part for the Irifh: Which Peace was no fooner made than broken ; the Nuncio, then refiding there for the Pope, with the Clergy, protcfting againft it, and excommunicating all the Adhearers to it, with whom in time joined all the confidcrable Towns and Caftles in Ireland, thai were not actually in the Poflcf- fion of the Lord Lieutenant, or the Parliament ; and generally fpeaking, all the People Catholick, who were not otherwife over- awed by living within the Quarters of one, or the other ; only fome of the Nobility and Gentry, as alfo of the Clergy excepted, induced thereunto, either by their Allegiance to the King, my Lord of Ormondes Intcreft in the Nation, or laftly, Averfion to, and Fear of Oneale and the old Irifh ; fo as my Lord Lieutenant's Heralds, fent to Proclaim the Peace, were at Limerick, the principal Town of Munfter, beaten and wounded ; and himfelf, attended with fomc two thoufand Foot, and four hundred Horfc, thinking by his Authority, fo accom- panied, to make good the Peace, was, by the Appearance of Mac- Thomas, at a diftancc, in the head of the Leinfler Horfe (from whom he received no fatisfadory Anfwer) and the notice of Oneale^s march towards him with his Army, forced in great Trouble and Diforder to make his Retreat to Dublm ; where, expc6ling a Siege, he prefently endeavoured to ftrengthen himfelf, within by Fortifications, without by dcftroying the Country towards the Confederate Quarters, which the Irifh, by their flow Proceedings, gave him Opportunity enough to do ; who fome three or four Months after, in the middle of Winter, approached Dublin with two Armies under the Commands of Oneale and Pre/ton, independant of each other ; when the Marquifs of Clan- richard, a Catholick, and the greateft Perfon of Ireland, after the Lord Lieutenant, with whom he was then in Dublin, offered to treat, which accepted by Pre/ton and his Officers, an Agreement was made and Sworn to, but not perfefted by prefent Execution of the Things agreed, fo that it came to nothing ; for which my Lord Lieutenant accufed Pre/ton of too little Care of his Word, and too much Fear of the Nuncio and Clergy ; and he again, my Lord, of Subtilty, in fct- 284 Ipvetace* 13 ting Divifion amongft them, and Delay in performing Things to be done on his Part ; whereby, through the Unfeafonablenefs of the Weather, and Want of all things, he was forced to retreat, his Army diffolving of it felf. And now the King having put himfelf into the Scotts Hands, with whom he treated, my Lord of Ormond 6idi fo too ; for furrendring up his Authority, and thofe Places under his Com- mand into the Power of the EngUJh Parliament of the fame Fa6lion ; during the time of which Negotiation, he was content, for his better Defence againll the Irifh^ to receive fome Number of Parliament Foot into his Garifons, with certain Quantities of Ammunition, for which, and for Performance of Articles agreed on, or to be agreed on, he delivered his Son, my Lord of Offory, as a Hollage. Thus much concering my Lord of Ormond. And now to fay fomething of the Supreme Counfel, or the Con- federate Catholicks, I muft draw a little higher towards the Spring that fo the Reader may the better judge of the whole. The pre- dominant Fadion in the Englijh Parliament, knowing no fo likely Impediment to the Deligns they had in hand, as that which might proceed from the Catholick Party, which though not very great in England^ in refpedl of their Numbers, yet was numerous in Ireland, the Hundredth Ir'ifh Man not being a Proteftant, and abominating all of that Religion, had no fo good Way to affright the King from making ufe of that AiTistance, as by all Means they could polTible, to thruft the Irifh into Rebellion, and then to accufe the King, the Queen being a Catholick, as the Author of it ; from whence divers Things would follow. Firft, that they fhould, with the help of their Scottifh Friends, have a good Occafion to deilroy and extirpate that People, pofFeffing themfelves and their Party of their Lands ; as alfo, the Catholick Religion in the three Nations. Secondly, the King having this Principle infufed into him, that Nothing was fo neceffary to his Safety, as the clearing himfelf and the Queen from that Imputation, would be fo far from feeking Affiftance that Way, as he fliould not dare to refufe joining with them, in fuch A6ls of Parlia- ment as they Ihould propofe to him, for the better perfedling thofe Defigns ; provided, the Pretence were the repreffing or punifhing of that Rebellion, by which it would come to pafs, that they would levy what Forces, or raife what Monies they pleafed, which afterwards they might convert to what Ufe they thought fit ; and all this, as Things were difpofed, was no hard Matter to compafs : For, the Irifh had not enjoyed fuch a pleafant Bondage under the Euglijh, but 285 14 "(Lbc Clavcnbon Distottcal Society IReprints. that they had contraflcd Ill-will enough againft their Mailers, befides which, other Things contributed. Firft, The Example of the Scons then marched into England againft the King with an Army ; the manifeft Combination with them of the Englifh Puritans, then highly Predominant, by Reafon of other Circumftances, in the two Houfes of Parliament ; which, if prevailing, the Deftruftion of the Irifh and Catholick Religion muft follow. And as thofe Things, with other Circumftances, might give the moft Reafonable amongft them Caufe enough to be troubled ; fo wanted They no Provocation from Thofe, who fate then at the Helm of the Government, and were totally of the Parliament Fa6lion. But as there is no Cruelty like that of Slaves, when they get the upper Hand ; of which we have divers Examples, both Roman, Grecian and Carthaginian, fo thofe People had no fooner ftiaken off their Fetters, but they did run haftily and furioufly to all kind of bloody Executions ; and as their Rebellion was without Order, fo were their Adlions without Meafure ; none that was called Englljh, and was within Reach, efcaping their Fury ; nor in this firft Heat was the Name of Catholick a Protedion, but all went together ; fo that in JJlfter, Connaught, fome Part of Munjler, and generally all Places without the Englifh Pale, they either killed the Engli h, or forced them to forfake their Habitations : After getting into Bodies, they affailed the Caftles and Houfes of fuch of their Catholick Country-men (which were in great Numbers) as would fain have been Quiet, and continued their Obedience to the Englifh Government : Those petitioned the Council at Dublin, either to be proteftcd, or to have Arms given them, whereby they might protedl thcmfclves ; but being negledled, both in the one, and in the other, and fearing that the Faults of a Part, would be imputed to the Whole, and confequently the Innocent fufFer with the Guilty ; made thus defperate, they did for the moft part join with the reft, as well thofe of Englifh as Irifh Extradlion, amongft whom were many of very good Quality ; and getting into fome Form, raifed Something like an Army, but were from time to time beaten by the Englifh, though in far lefs Numbers, partly for Want of Arms and Ammunition, of which they were exceedingly deftitute ; partly, that they trufted more to their Heels than their Hands, which laft may proceed of fevcral Caufes : As that no Servile Nation were ever good Soldiers, until Cuftom and Succefs had given them Spirit ; that they arc (it may be) the bcft Footmen in the World ; that they have fo many Boggs and FaftncfTcs well known unto them, by which they hope to cfcapc ; but 286 preface. 15 whatfoever the Reafon was, they had almoft ever the Worft of the Englijh, even when they were better Officer'd, and wanted neither Ammunition nor Arms, until the King (as hath been formerly mentioned) called away that Army, which had, with his Confent, been employed againft them by the Parliament ; and which had more than fufficiently revenged all the Evils committed even by the most Guilty, leaving nothing of Cruelty, either on their Bodies, or Eftates, unexecuted ; this being the Difference, that the one was done by a rude headlefs Multitude ; the other, by Soldiers under Order and Command. From the Beginning they had endeavoured to put themfelves into a kind of Government, by affembling the Nation together, according to the Form before used in their Parlia- ments, brought in by the Engiifh, confifting of the Nobility, Clergy, and Commons ; chufing Knights and BurgefTes out of fuch Places as were of their Party, or not in the a6lual Poffeffion of their Enemies : This AlTembly made divers Acts or Ordinances, causing a Declaration to be printed, expreifing the Motives of their taking Arms, wherein they mention the principal to be the Defence of the Catholick Religion, the King's juft Prerogatives, his Perfon, and the Queen's, with their Liberties, l^c. againft the Puritans and Seftarifts, i^c. as may appear in their Declaration, fet out in May 1642. To which was added, an Oath for all People to take to the fame Purpofe. They also formed that Body, which they called the Supreme Council of the Confederates, confifting of fome of every State, Nobility, Clergy, and Commons, about four and twenty in Number, which during the Intervals of the AlTemblies, had a kind of limited Govern- ment and Power, to call the Aflembly on Occafion : In the mean time, as hath been faid, their Armies had commonly the Worft; yet, my Lord of Cajilehaven, their General for Munjier, did them fome good Services ; as also, Prejion their General for Leinjier^ though the latter was overthrown by my Lord of Ormond in a great Battel near Rosse ; which Misfortune, it may be, made them firft think of employing Oneale, who before had been feen walking up and down Kilkenny alone and unconfidered ; for even then the Supreme Council, whereof the major Part were old Englijh Men of States and Fortunes, gotten by their Anceftors from the Irijh^ had no Mind that Oneak, or any of the ancient PoffeiTors, ftiould get into Command ; but now, Neceflity inforcing to make ufe of all Hands, and almoft afhamed to deny him, who, belide the Antiquity of his Extraction, had the Fame of a very good Soldier, as having long ferved under the Spaniard^ in Places of 287 1 6 Zbc (^laren^on Dtstorical Societi? IReptints. confiderable Command ; they made him their General of Ulster, then wholly poflefs'd by the Scotts and English, except Charlemont, which Sir Philome Oneale, in the Beginning of their Rebellion, had furprized and fortified. Notwithftanding which, he foon got an Army out of that Province, and fome other Places ; very many of the old Irish, ranging themfelves under him, and became fo confiderable, as not long after he durft encounter Monroe, General for the Parliament of that Province, and in a great Battel overthrew him, with very great Slaughter of his Men, and the taking all his Baggage. Not long before this, while thefe Things were in Agitation ; of the one Side a Nuncio was come from the Pope, who to that Purpose had been petitioned, by the whole Catholick Party of the Nation ; and on the other Side, the then Earl of Glamorgan, now Marquifs of Worcefter, with Commiflion and Instru6lions from the King, to advance and conclude a Peace with the Irish, with whom my Lord of Ormond had from time to time continued CelTations : Accordingly my Lord of Worcefter proceeded fo far, as he, for the King, and certain Com- miflioners appointed for that Purpofe by the Irish, concluded a Peace; whereby on the one Part, there was convenient Provifion made for Catholick Religion, and Indemnity of the Nation : And on the other, an Army of Irish was to be levied, and fent for the King's AfTiftance into England', the Conditions of which Peace were to be concealed ; the King, it feems, fearing that their untimely Revealing, might Prejudice him with his Protcftant Subjects ; fo that very few Copies of the Original being difperfcd, yet it fo happened, that one of them was found (as it was faid) in the Archbifhop of Thune his Pocket, flain by the Scottish Forces, and fent to the Parliament of England ; which coming to my Lord Lieutenant's Knowledge, the Earl of Worcefter, ignorant of the Matter, was, by Letters, invited to Dublin ; where, accufed by my Lord Digby, the King's principal Secretary, and then prefent, of having concluded that Peace without fufficient Authority, he was made Prifoner in the Cartle of Dublin, and not long after releas'd upon a Bail of 40000/. to appear and anfwer the Accufation, whenfoever he (hould be called ; the King in the mean Time, by his Declaration, difclaiming my Lord of Worceftcr's Aft. After which the Ceffations being continued from time to time, and certain Conditions for a Peace offered by my Lord of Ormond, an AfTembly was called, where the greater Part of the Laity was for accepting thofe Conditions, though thereby Catholick Religion was not fo provided for, as in the Peace made with my Lord of Worcefter ; and though oppofed by the 288 Ipteface* 17 Nuncio, and moft of the Clergy, yet was it carried in the Affirmative, that the Temporal Part of the Peace being Satisfadlory, there Ihould be no Mention of the Spiritual, but they would truft the King*s Goodnefs ; rather making Choice of that, than to have the Abolition only of the Penal Laws expreffed, which by the Lord Lieutenant was, in the King's Name offered ; and fo fome Plenipotentiary Commiffioners were authorized to conclude, which the Nuncio find- ing himfelf not able to hinder, all he could obtain was, a Delay of the Signing and Sealing until May ; pretending that there was an Agreement made by the Pope, with the Queen of England's confent at Rome^ which he hoped would be fent to him before that time, wherein the Splendor and Safety of Catholick Religion was more amply provided for, than it had been with the Conclufion made with the Earl of Worcefter, But the Time prefix'd being come, and no News of the other Agreement from Rome, the Commiffioners did Sign and Seal the Peace ; and all that followed thereon I mentioned before, this only excepted, that not long after, the Commiffioners, who had figned the Peace, were accufed of not having done their Duty, nor difcharged their Truft, and therefore imprifoned ; and an AfTembly being called, the A6ts done by the Ecclefiaftical Authority were confirmed, and the Peace voted invalid ; though at the fame Time the imprifoned Commiffioners were fet at Liberty, and declared Innocent. But now methinks the Reader fhould wonder at all those ftrange Turns ; nor will I undertake to fatisfy him, in giving my Judgment of the Reafons, having refolved in the fhorteft Method I could, to fet down only Matters of Fadl ; from which yet, my hope is, I fhall not be thought to vary, if I here relate, what I have heard the Nuncio, and thofe of his Party fay, in their Juftification : For, what hath been faid on the other Side is in Print, lately written, as it is reported, by one Dodlor Calligan, eloquently, and in very good Latin. Firft, the Nuncio fays, that the Pope, though he was from time to time informed of the mercilefs Proceedings of the Englijh Parliament againft the whole Ir'ijh Nation, for the tumultuous Rebellion of a Part ; thereby demonftrating, it was not fo much their Fault, as their Religion, which they meant to punifh ; yet he had no Intention otherwife to meddle in the Bufinefs, than by his Prayers for them, until his Aid and Affiftance was importuned by the Vote of the whole Nation Catholick, which, as the Common Father of the Church, he could not deny. I 289 1 8 Zbc Claten&on Distortcal Socicts IRepttnts. That himfclf being chofcn to this Imployment, all the Inftructions he had from the Pope, tended to those two Ends : First, the Prcfervation and Increafe of Catholick Religion ; then, the fettling the Iris/> Nation in their due Obedience to the King. Concerning which two Inftructions, there was no Prudent Man, let him be of what Religion he will, but muft believe the Pope did intend, the firft fhould be firft done. That at his coming into Irelafid^ he found the Irish generally inclining to a Peace with the Royal Party ; of which feme confidered the Intereft of Religion more, and fome lels. That for his Part, none defired that Peace more than he, being a main Part of his Inftructions, provided that Religion were firft pro- vided for. That it was true, he had to the uttcrmoft of his Power, together with the Clergy, oppofed the Conclufion of that Peace, agitated in the Aflembly of the Irish^ January 1646, becaufe by it there was no Provifion at all for Religion, nor the Church ; as alfo, that when he could not hinder the Vote made for it, he procured a Delay of the Signing and Sealing, until May following, and of the Publication until July^ in Hopes that before that time, he ftiould hear of fome Agreement made between the Queen of Eng/and^ and his Holi- ncfs at Rome, where it was then in Agitation, as he could make appear. That my Lord Lieutenant being not to be perfwaded from publifhing the Peace, and attempting to fecond the Publication with Force, he had proceeded to Excommunication of all the Adherers to it, and oppofed Force with Force. That he was fo far from denying or extenuating any Thing he had done, as he (hould neither have performed the Truft repofed in h'vm^ nor his Duty to the Pope and Catholick Religion, if he had done otherwife ; to which, befides many other Reafons, those which princi- pally induced him were. That it was apparent to all fuch as had fought to inform their Underftandings, concerning the modern Differences amongft Chriftians, that of all the Sedls in Rebellion againft the Government of the Roman Church, none hath been tranfported with fo much Rancour and Malice to Catholicks and Catholick Religion, as those, to whose Hercfics, Calvin gave a Beginning. That the whole Scottijh Nation, to fpcak generally, and the governing Part in the English Parliament, who at this Day both drive one and the same Interell, confift totally and abfolutcly of those Scdtarifts. 290 pteface. 19 That the King hath always feconded his Hopes of being reftored to his Rights, rather on an Agreement and Accord to be made with them, than either, Conquering or Beating them into their Duties ; as may appear by all his Proclamations, Declarations, and MefTages fo often fent for Treaties, and in the Treaties themfelves. That in all the Declarations and MefTages fent from the Parliament, and in all those Treaties had been with the King, this Demand was principally infilled on, viz. the Diftindtion of Catholicks, and Catholick Religion, in England and Ireland, and in the laft, under the Name of Rebels, in which, generally fpeaking, they would have included all the Catholick Natives, the Extirpation of the Nation : That as the Recovery of his Crown and Dignity, with the Prefervation of his Church, was the King's principal Intereft, fo was he not to hope his attaining in any Degree to both, or either, by any Accord to be made with thofe Seftaries, but by confenting to divers their Demands, though never fo much contrary to his Inclination and Juflice ; of which, one and the principal, on which they did and would ftill insifl, was the lafl above-mentioned concerning Catholicks. That thefe PremifTes had been fo well known to the King and his Minifters, as it had been the true Reafon, why he would never treat of any Peace with his Irish Subjeds, until the defperate Condition of his Affairs compelled him : Neither then would he treat or conclude with them in avowed or exprefs Terms, concerning the Particular of Religion ; becaufe he would not do, what he fhould again be forced to undo : And therefore did he fend the Earl of Worcejfer, a great Nobleman of England, and a Catholick, into Ireland, with private CommifTions and Inflructions, authorizing him to make a Clandeftine Peace with the Irish, therein including their Satisfaftion concerning Religion ; which if difcovered, he might, at his Pleafure, difavow, as after it came to pafs, when by the Accident of finding the Copy of that Peace in the Bifhop of Thume's Pocket, (if at leaft that Story be true) it came to his Parliament's Knowledge. That this Means having failed, and his Affairs in England flill preffing more and more, he made ufe of my Lord of Ormondes Power and Faftion in the Kingdom, to force thofe that would not aflent to fuch a Peace as he would have : Which Game my Lord of Ormond play'd fo dexteroufly, efpecially, in making ufe of the Divifions, betwixt the Old and New Irish, thereby fetting Catholick againfl Catholick, many preferring that Intereft, before the Splendor and Dignity of their Religion, as that fhameful Peace (to ufe his own 291 20 ube (Ilaren^on l)i6totical Socteti^ IReprints. Words) was at laft concluded, himfelf and the Clergy in vain oppofing; befides a great Number of the Laity: Wherein, what shuffling. Breach of Promife, and Betraying of Trust had been ufed, would be too long to fpeak of. That the Motive, which had induced fo many of the Irish Nobility and Gentry to vote that Peace, and which the Principal of that Faflion ufed to perfwade the others, was, that the King would make good thofe Conditions granted by the Earl of Worcejier, with his Commiffions and Authority, however he had been forced, for the Satisfaftion of his other Proteftant Subjefts, openly to difavow them ; and which was fecretly implied by thofe Words in the Peace, of referring Conditions for Religion unto the King's good Will and Pleafure. That before the Scaling, and long before the Publication of the Peace, the King had voluntarily caft himfelf into the Power and Mercy of the Scottijh Army, where he was detained as a Prisoner, and thereby rendered uncapable of the Power, if he had the Will, ever to satisfy that Expcdlation. To conclude, the Catholick Irijh^ that were a hundred for one Protestant, had always been fo defirous of uniting themfelves under the Royal Authority, as if his Majefty would in any Time, being at Liberty, and Sui Juris, have given his Royal AfTcnt to their just Petitions and Demands for Religion, and their Churches, with what belonged unto them, they had fo much Confidence in his Justice and Goodness, as they would have infilled on no other Security for the Thing granted, than his Royal Word and Promife : But now, that he had put himfelf into the Power of his, and their mortal Enemies, where he was Prisoner, and consequently unable to Protect them, and out of whofe Hands he ihould never get, but by a Com- pofition made to their Destruction ; there was left no imaginable Way to fecure any Accord ihould be made, but by giving them a Catholick Governor; fuch a one, as he himfelf fhould have juft Reason to truft ; of which he had many Noble Englijh Men, and of them they would refufe none. For, as for my Lord of Ormond, they neither would, nor ever could think themfelves fecure under him ; who if he were fo valuable, as to be efteemcd more than the Union of all that Nation under his Obedience ; if through that, there came Inconvenience to his Affairs ; it was not their Fault, the Law of God in Confervation of their Religion, not a Religion founded but Yesterday, in the Opinion of particular Men, but a Religion they had received from their Anceftors Time out of Mind ; and the Law of Nature in prc- ferving their Throats from Cutting, being above all other Laws 292 Ipretace* 21 whatsoever. To all this my felf did then make such Objeftions, as I could remember : As, that it was no Wonder, if the King were backward in relying or trailing on them, who had not only rebelled, but in their Rebellion had proceeded with such Cruelty against his Englijh Proteftant Subjects amongft them. That the King, and all other English^ had Cause to fufpeft General Oneale^ and those that adhered to him, to have Defign for Extirpation of the English, fhaking off the Government, and drawing in the Spaniard. That the King was no Enemy to Catholicks ; but being to rely upon his Proteftant Subjefts for Re-e6lablifhment into his Throne he durft not feem to favour them, but was forced to pretend to the Contrary. That the Church of England purely confidered, and abftrafted from thofe other Sefts, did agree in that which was Eflential to Catholick Religion, in moft of their Tenets, and did acknowledge herfelf to be defcended from the Catholicks, and from them to have received both the Scriptures, and their Ordination of Bifhops and Priefts. That it was not to be wonder'd at, if the King fought an Agree- ment with his Parliament, rather than to continue a Civil War, which muft deftroy fo many of his Subjefts, and of which the Event is always doubtful. That concerning the King's Declaration againft, and difavowing his Commiffions given to the Earl of Worcejler ; Firft, it was but a bare Affirmation of the Earl's, that the Commiffions were fuch ; the Bufiness paffing only between the King and him. Secondly, those Commiffions, were either all, or for the moft Part, Blanks ; which if the Earl did fill up otherwife than he Ihould, the King was not bound to juftifie ; and as the principal Reafon that moved the King, to fend him into Ireland, was, to appear in granting fuch Things concerning Religion, wherein my Lord of Ormond would not ; fo was he not to do any Thing therein, but with my Lord of Ormondes Knowledge and Confent. That it was not ftrange, if when the King thought fit to make a Peace with the Irijh, he ought to make fuch a one, as he thought might conduce, and be moft advantageous to him, in the prefent Condition wherein he was, to which the Grants of their Demands for Religion in that Conjundlure of Time, had been as he conceived, fo deftruftive, as it would have made his other Proteftant Subjefts, fall from his Obedience, and leave to affift him in the Recovery of his 293 22 XTbe (naren&on Distortcal Sodcti? IReprints. Regal Power, and Authority ; and therefore he made ufe of my Lord of Ormonde his Governor of that Kingdom, to produce fuch a Peace, at he might juftifie ; In contriving of which, by all fuch Means, as his Intereft in that Kingdom gave him, my Lord of Ormond had done but his Duty to the King in obeying his Orders and Commands, and to his own Confcience, being a Froteftant, not to give his Confent, that the Roman Bifhops and Clergy fhould be polTeft of the Churches, and Church Livings in Ireland ; and confequently, his own Bifhops and Clergy excluded ; which was alfo the King's Care. That the late Peace, advantageous, or difadvantageous, or however it was brought to pafs, was on the one Side concluded by Authority of the great Seal of England ; and on the other, by the Affent of the major Part of the Votes, orderly taken in an AfTembly of the Irifh Nation, according to their own Conftitutions ; by which. Power was given to thofe Commiflioners of their own Choice, to conclude a Peace ; who according to the Commiflions given them (which were extant) had proceeded ; which Peace fo made, no after Accidents could invalidate, for fo all Agreements, and Contrafts made in the World, would be little to the Purpofe : And therefore, the Allega- tions made of the King's putting himfelf into the Power of the Scott^s^ and the Confequences like to grow thereby, were not efFeftual. That if they thought themfelves unfecure under the Government of my Lord of Ormond^ becaufe he was a Protejiant^ which Objeftion might also be made againft the King himfelf, how much more Caufe had the King to doubt his own Security, being now in the Hands of his Parliament, if he fhould avowably give them a Catholick Governor ? And therefore they fhould do well, not to exadl any fuch Thing from him, which he could not do, either with the Safety of his Crown or Perfon. To all this it was replied, that as no Rebellion is juftifiablc, fo was there never any more excufable than that of the Irish^ for the Matter, though not for the Manner ; for their Rebellion was not againft the King, but againft their Fellow Subjects, and mortal Enemies to them, and to their Religion, who under the Name of a Parliament, had then adually in their Pay, an Army of Scottish Rebels ; by the Terror of which, they did as it were, hold a Dagger at the King's Throat, forcing his Confent to fuch pernicious Demands as they fuggeftcd to him : And for the Manner, as it was not defenfible, fo was it that, which all Governors muft expcdl from Thofe, whom they hold in the 294 preface. 23 Nature of Slaves, and not of Subjefts, which was the Irish Condition; which reckoning yet they had paid to the uttermoft Farthing, the English Army fent thither by the Parliament, not only exceeding them in all inhuman Afts of Cruelty, but indeed all others that we have heard, or read of. That General Oneale his Power, was wholly derived from the Nuncio and Clergy, from whom he principally received the Means of levying and paying his Men, who if they were fatisfied in their Demands for Religion, he would yield to reafonable Conditions. And concerning that of bringing in the Spaniard^ it was a Bugbear to affright Children ; all wise Men being too well acquainted with the Spanish Condition at that Time, who had too much on his Hands already, to embroil himfelf with a new War ; that being an Invention of the French Agents in the Kingdom of Ireland^ who fought all they might to divert the King from putting himfelf on the Affiftance of his Catholick Subjedls, but rather to embrace that of the Scotts^ their ancient Allies ; as alfo, out of this Suppofition, that the Irish and English Catholicks are more affefted to the Spaniards than to the French; and confequently, if the King Ihould be by their Means re-eftablifhed, his Inclinations would lead that Way. That, how the King's Affections to Catholicks flood, they did not know, but this was manifeft, that if he could have compounded with his Parliament, he would have facrificed them all. That they could not diflinguifh the Church of England from the Refl, neither by their Writings, nor Aftions ; for out of no Country, fince the Beginning of thefe modern Herefies, had ifTued Books more virulent againft the Pope, and Catholick Religion, written by Bifhops and Doftors of that Church ; neither was there any Place in the World, where fuch cruel Laws had been made, and put in Execu- tion againft Priefts, and Catholicks of the fame Nation, as thofe made by Men living in, and under the Government and Communion of that Church. That no Man can doubt, but my Lord of Worcester's CommifTions were real, all figned with the King's Hand and Seal, in which he promifed on the Word of a King, to make good whatfoever he fhould conclude ; and that my Lord of Worcester was ready to juftifie, that he had exadlly followed his Inftrudions ; and particularly, that concern- ing my Lord Lieutenant, whom he had made acquainted with all, that he tranfaded with the Irish^ of which he could produce Proof. That not only in his Opinion, but in the Opinion of others as 29s 24 XTbe (i:(aten5on Distottcal Soctetp IReptints* wife, and who wifhcd the King*s Rc-eftablifhraent as much as any; the fureft Way to that Rc-eftabli(hment had been, by granting their juft Demands for Religion, to rely on the Affi fiance of his Catholick Subjc6ls, which Demands only extended to a Toleration in England^ and the Face of the Church fettled in Ireland, without impofing any Thing on himfelf, or Protestant Subjefts, who (hould be as free amongft them, as thcmfelves ; nor refufing to joyn with any his other Subjcdls of what Religion foever, in his AfTiftance for Recovery of his Authority, and all thofe Prerogatives enjoy'd by his Anceftors ; which AfTiftance as it was more certain, being to come from People in Union ; fo was it more powerful, not only confifting in Ireland ; which if the King had been pleafed to take a Courfe accordingly, would foon in Spight of all his Enemies and theirs, have been united in his Obcdiance ; but alfo in the Pope, who in his Particular, would have contributed much himfelf; and both would and could in that, have joined all the Clergy, in all the Chriftian Countries. That as the King's Counfels and theirs, on whom he rely*d, have always gone upon contrary Principles, the EfFcfts of which have been, that he is now fain to fubmit himfelf to the Mercy, and throw him- felf, as it were, at the Feet of thofe, who had been the Beginners and Contrivers of all his Miffortunes ; who had branded his Perfon and Family with the bafeft Slanders; and being his Enemies, and the Enemies of his Church, were alfo the moft mortal and irreconcileable Enemies of Catholicks and Catholick Religion. So no Body muft think it ftrange, that now he had left himfelf in a State, no longer to be able to Proteft them, if they fought their own Prefervation, which could not be, but by having a Catholick Governor. Thefe Reafons, with others to the fame purpofe, I heard fometimes from the Nuncio, fometimes from the Bifhop of Clohar, efteemed one of the ablcft Men of that Nation ; which how efFeftual they are, I leave to the Reader's Confideration ; who out of them may pofTibly draw fomething, which may the better make him to judge of the whole Matter. And now to lay fomething briefly of my Lord of Infcqueen, who being of that ancient Family of the Obrians, a Young Man of Spirit and Courage ; when the English Army fent by the King and Parliament firft came over, had raifed a very good Regi- ment, and done confidcrable Service againft his Countrymen : After, when that Army was recalled, he in Perfon came into England, together with his Regiment, intending, as it feems, to ferve the King ; but whether diftafted for being rcfufcd, the Prcfidcntfhip of Munster 296 preface. 25 being, as I have heard, promifed to the Earl of Portland ; or inclinable to the Presbyterian Fadlion, which is no impoflible Suppolition, having been bred under Sir William St. Legcr, Prefident of Munster, whofe Daughter he Married ; whatfoever the Caufe was, he returned into his Country, and there took up Arms for the Parliament, by whom he was made their Prefident of Munfter. And having, with the Help of the Lord Bro/nll, Son to the Earl of Corke, poffefs'd himfelf of Toghall, Kingfale and Corke, whereof two are Haven Towns, all confiderable in Munster, he did, with Affi fiance of Men and Money from the English Parliament, make War on the Confederates, who lay neareft in his Way, prevailing often upon them, and taking divers Towns and Caftles, whilft I was there. And after the Surrender of Dublin^ and before my coming away, in a pitch'd Battle, being given by Confent of both Sides in mutual Letters, overthrew my Lord Taste^ then General for the Confederates, with his Army, killing many, amongft the reft, that famous Alexander Macdonnel, otherwife Coil-kito, and taking many Prifoners, with much Baggage, and in that Viftory, breaking the very Heart of the Confederates Affairs : This falling out not long after Preston's Overthrow by Jones, which I mention, becaule there is nothing of it in the Difcourfe before, to which it was not pertinent. And now for Sir Charles Coote and Monroe, I fhall not need to fay much more of them, than I have already, more than the firft was the Son of that Sir Charles Coote, Provoft Marfhal of Ireland, of whom it is faid, that he would bid his Irish Prifoners blow in his Piftol, and then would difcharge it. Monroe, an Irish Scot, as I think was he, to whom the Faftion in the English Parliament would willingly have configned the Command of the Army, fent over againft the Irish; but that being oppofed by the reft, it was carried for Parfons, and Borlacie, their then Commiffioners for the Government of Ireland ; which in Effed: was all one, as to their Purpofe. 297 A DISCOURSE OF MY JOUHNEY INTO mELANB, AND MY EMPLOYMENT THERE. ♦gFV IS Majesty, the late King my Master, being a Prisoner at 11^1 Holmby, and all Negotiations for his Deliverance and Re-establishment being rendred fruitless ; it was thought fit by the Queen, and Prince of Wales, with their Council, that some Body should be sent into Ireland, with Letters and Instructions to my Lord of Ormond, for the Settling of a Peace in that Kingdom ; and for that Purpose, 1 was by her Majesty chosen, and accordingly received these Instructions following, signed by the Queen. 299 1bet ni>aie8t^'8 instructions. »€? I. ^ p%OU 'shall with all convenient Speed imbark ^JU^ your self for the Kingdom of Ireland ; and after your Arrival there, you shall with all possible Speed repair to the Place, where you shall understand the Lord Lieutenant and Lord Digby to be, and to them you shall deliver all such Letters, as are directed to them from Us and the Prince. IL You shall inform the said Lord Lieutenant, how sensible We and the Prince are of the present Troubles of that Kingdom, as well in Consideration of the King's Affairs in general, as particularly out of the Apprehen- sion of the great and imminent Danger, that may thereby happen to those, which yet remain under the Obedience of him the said Lord Lieutenant ; and how desirous We and the Prince are, to contribute all that Is in our Power, to reconcile the Things in Question, between the said Lord Lieutenant, and the Confederate 301 30 TLbc (^laren^on Dlstottcal Society IRepttnts. Catholick Subjects in Ireland ; whereby all of them may be firmly united under the Authority of our dearest Lord the King ; and thereby enabled to defend them- selves against the Common Enemy, and seasonably assist the King in his other Dominions. III. You shall shew unto the Lord Lieutenant all the Papers and Dispatches wherewith you are charged, and particularly our Letter to the Nuncio now in Ireland, and the Clergy ; as likewise, these your Instructions : And you shall, from Us and the Prince, acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that these Preparations, as likewise all that is hereafter mentioned to be agitated by you with the Nuncio, Clergy and Con- federate Catholick Subjects of that Kingdom, are not intended as any conclusive Opinions from hence; much less, as any positive Directions from Us and the Prince ; but are only propounded by Us to the Lord Lieutenant, as probable Expedients to be considered of, resolved, varied, used or rejected by the Lord Lieutenant, as he upon the Place (best able to judge) shall think fit. IV. You shall likewise acquaint the said Lord Lieutenant from Us, and from the Prince, that if he shall think fit to make use of any of these Expedients, 'before, or hereafter mentioned ; or to direct the 302 m>s Journey into 5telant). 31 Delivery of any of the said Letters or Dispatches ; or to appoint you to pursue all or any of these Instruc- tions, or any others, that the said Lord Lieutenant shall give you in their stead ; that then both We and the Prince will always avow and justify the same, as Our Advice and Directions, in such Manner as the said Lord Lieutenant shall propound, and think proper for the Service. V. When the said Lord Lieutenant shall have read and considered of the said Letters and Dispatches, you shall either deliver them according to their Addresses, or suppress them as he, the Lord Lieuten- ant shall think fit ; and you shall in Our Name, and the Name of the Prince, deliver Civilities to any Person, or Persons, according as he, the said Lord Lieutenant, shall advise you : As likewise, you shall vary from, and pursue the rest of your Instructions in such Manner, as the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit ; and in all other Things, you shall govern your self according to the Advice and Orders of the said Lord Lieutenant. VI. If he, the said Lord Lieutenant, shall direct you to repair to the Nuncio, or the Assembly of the Clergy, or to the Supreme Council of the Irish, or to 303 32 ube Clarendon Ibtstorical Socict)? lReprint0^ their General Assembly now met at Kilkenny, you shall, upon all Occasions, when your Discretion shall think fit, publish, avow, and declare, the great Inclina- tions, which We and the Prince have, to contribute effectually all that shall be proper for Us and Him, to the speedy concluding a happy Peace in Ireland ; and how willing and desirous We and the Prince are to advance that good Work, as well by Our Mediation with the King in their Behalf (as there shall be Cause) as otherways in what We may. VII. You shall further let them know, how season- able to the King's Affairs, a good Conclusion of a Peace in Ireland would be ; as also, upon all fit Occasions you shall press and insist upon the Necessity of it, with Relation to themselves, and the great Honour and Advantage, which the whole Irish Nation will have by such a Peace ; and on the contrary, what Use the Common Enemy will make of the Continuance of these Distractions, even to the endangering of the whole Nation and Catholick Religion there. VIII. You shall apply your self, as you shall see Cause, to such Persons amongst the Irish, as you shall find to have Credit and Power amongst them, and Inclination to conclude a Peace upon more moderate 304 fJX^^ Journey into 3relan^^ 33 Conditions ; and shall let them know from Us and the Prince, how acceptable to the King, Our Sel^ and the Prince, such their Endeavours are, and will be ; and how ready We will be, really to express Our good Acceptance of their Service therein, by such Marks of Our Favours, as shall be most suitable to their Con- dition, and most proper for them to receive. H. R. These were one Sort of Instructions I received, which were not to be kept so private, but that they were in some Cases communicable. Those that follow were not so. 305 Iprivate instructions* I. ^ [^C)U shall deliver to the Lord Lieutenant of ^JJ^ Ireland, Fourteen Blanks now given into your Possession by Us and the Prince ; Six others are Signed by Us alone, and the other Six by the Prince alone. II. You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that We and the Prince do authorize and appoint him, to fill up all the said Blanks in such Manner, and to such Purpose, and with such Contents, as he shall think most proper for the Service of our dearest Lord the King in his Irish Affairs : And you shall assure him, the said Lord Lieutenant, that as We and the Prince repose this Trust and Confidence in him, that he shall make such Use of them, as he shall think fit, for the Advancement of the Peace in Ireland ; so will both of 307 3^ TLbc Clarendon Distorical Society? iReprintB. Us at all Times avow and justify those Instruments so to be filled up by him, as Our own Acts, and as done by Our particular Directions and Command. III. You shall more particularly acquaint the Lord Lieutenant from Us and the Prince, that if in the Treaty of the Peace, or in the Conclusion thereof, he desires to be assisted with any further Authority, grounded upon any Letters sent to him from the King, or otherwise in Our Power, then We desire him, the said Lord Lieutenant, to fill up the Blanks Signed by Us or the Prince, or any other of the said Blanks Signed either by Us or the Prince, with such Authority from Us, or from Us and the Prince, or from the Prince only, in such Manner as he shall find most proper and conducing to such a Peace. IV. You shall likewise particularly acquaint him, the Lord Lieutenant, that if he shall think it proper for the Advancement of the Peace there, that your self, or your self with any others now in Ireland, should in Our Name and authorized by Us, repair to the General Assembly now held at Kilkenny, or the Supreme Council of the Irish, or to any other Body, or Persons with the Overtures of a Treaty, or any Particulars, i i 308 /IDI^ 5ourne^ into 5relan&. 37 order to, concerning or conducing to the same, Our Desire is, and We hereby authorize him the said Lord Lieutenant accordingly, that he should fill up one or more of the said Blanks signed by Us, in the Nature of a Commission, Letters or Instructions, with such Authority from Us, and in such Manner, as he shall think fit ; and that he would accordingly, insert the Name of such Person, or Persons, as he shall think fit to be joyned with you, in this Employment from Us. V. You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant, that upon Advertisement of the Restraint made on the Person of the King at Newcastle, We enter'd into a serious Debate of his Affairs ; and particularly con- sidering of the Proposition made to Us formerly by the Lord Digby, when he came from Ireland ; and that thereupon, both We, and the Prince do much incline to the Opinion then delivered to Us by the Lord Digby ; That after a Peace made in Ireland, it will be fit for the Prince in Person to repair to Ireland ; and there, by his Presence, to unite that Nation under the King's Authority, and imploy Forces from thence for his Assistance, as his Affairs in England and Scotland shall require. Therein you are to desire the Lord Digby from Us, and from the Prince, to send Us 309 38 Ube (^Iaren^on Ibistorical Socicti^ IReprints. speedily his Opinion and Advice : And if he shall approve those Propositions, that he order his Business accordingly. VI. You are to acquaint the Lord Lieutenant with the Proposition made to Us by the Earl of Craford in the Name of the Marquis of Montross himself, and many other Persons of Quality and Condition in the Highlands of Scotland , '[and shall thereupon assure him, that Our Zeal to serve the King in the Recovery of his Liberty, and Defence of his Crown, now in Hazard, is such, that if the Design (after the Peace shall be made in Ireland, and that Nation shall appear in Arms for the King's Assistance) shall be approved by his Judgment, as the most probable to attain the End aforesaid ; We shall be willing to give Our Consent to the pious Inclinations and Desires of the Prince, to expose his person to all the Danger and Accidents, that are to be expected in such an Attempt, in hope thereby, to bring real Succours to the Distresses of the King his Father : In the mean Time you are to propound to the Lord Digby Our Opinion ; that the Irish should be encouraged all that may be, to send such sufficient Succours to the Earl of Antrim in Scotland, as may continue a Footing there, and so confirm the King's Party in that Kingdom, as to render 310 /IDs 3o\xxnc^ into 5telan^♦ 39 that Design practicable, when it shall be proper to attempt it. VII. These Particulars you are to communicate to none but the Lord Digby, and Lord Clanriccard; unless the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit to give you other Orders concerning the same. H. R. 3" Then follows the Prince's Approbation of all the Instructions of both Sorts ; with his Command to put them in Execution, in these Words. Charles, px. T3tle haue peru$e6> an6 bo fully approue of your 3n$truction$, bearing Date hereuiith, anb signeb by our Royal JFlother; anb bo appoint anb authorize you, $0 far as you shall finb lis nameb therein, to put the same in Execution. Cbarles, Ipr. TJle haue peruseb, anb bo fully approue of your priuate 3nstructions, bearing Date herewith, signeb by our Royal IFlother; anb bo hereby appoint anb authorize you, so far as you shall finb lis nameb therein, to put the same in Execution, 313 42 Zbc Clatcnbon Dtstortcal Society IReptints. With these Instructions, and many Letters, not only to my Lord Lieutenant, Lord Clanriccard, and Lord Digby ; but also from the Queen to the Nuncio, and Clerg)', to Oneale and Preston, with all the considerable Persons then amongst the Irish, I parted from Paris about he i6th of March, 1647, in Company of my Lord of Craford mentioned in the Instructions. At Orleans finding by Letters, as also by the Print from London sent after me, that my Lord of Ormond was deepiy engaged in a Treaty with the Parliament, so as possible I might not be able to come to him at all, if Dublin were surrendred before my Arrival ; and in that Case having Nothing in my Instructions, I took the Boldness to write to her Majesty, desir- ing to know what it was her Pleasure I should then do, if that should so fall out, to which at Nantz, I received this Answer. ^^Rusty and well Beloved We greet you well ; upon Considera- ^L, tion of what you writ unto Us since your Departure, We have thought fit hereby to signify unto you, that at your Arrival in Ireland, if you find the City of Dubhn besieged in such Sort, as you cannot have Access to Our Right Trusty, and entirely Beloved Cousin, the Marquis of Ormond, or that it be surrendred to the Rebels ; in such Case, you forbear not the present Delivery of your Letters to the Nuncio, and Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, to whom We have written by you ; and you are to assure them from Us, that as the Consideration of the Service of our dearest Lord the King, and the Interest of Catholick Religion, hath continually inclined Us, most passionately to desire the Peace of that Kingdom ; so is there nothing that may conduce therein to their Satisfaction and Security, wherein We will not contribute Our best and promptest Assistance. You shall not fail before long, to receive further Direc- tions from Us ; in the mean Time you are to pursue those We have already given you, and execute the same with all possible Diligence ; whereof. We remain Confident : And so We commit you to the Pro- tection of the Almighty. From the Lovre at Paris, March the 1 9th, 1647. /ilM? Journey into 5telan^♦ 43 With this Letter I received another from the Secretary as follows : SIR, ^^ send you herewith an Answer of your Letter to her Majesty, '^f' whereby you will receive full Light and Satisfaction of what you write : And by her Special Command I am to advise you, to make all fitting Application both to the Nuncio, and Others the most considerable Persons amongst the Clergy, to possess them with a real BeHef of her Majesty's Cordial and Affectionate Inten- tions to comply with and further on her Part, whatsoever may set forward the happy Settlement of that Kingdom, to their Satisfaction and Security in Point of Religion ; which being her chiefest Aim, and sufficiently provided for, her Majesty expects in the winding up of that Bottom, those fitting Regards towards his Majesty's Affairs, and present Condition, as may justify to her and the World, the Merits of their publick Professions and Proceedings. Her Majesty will be very sensible of particular Deservings in this Kind, and resent them with the uttermost Effects of her Favour, or Mediation for their Desires, &c. March the 19th, Lovre, It was about the latter End of March, that we parted from Nants, (for, no sooner could we find a Passage) in an Irish Merchant's Vessel of some 200 Ton, heavily laden, and without any considerable Danger, more than being very much affrighted, got into Ireland about six or seven Days after at Waterford, and yet so unluckily, as the Assembly at Kilkenny, after it had resolved Things as opposite to the Means of attaining those Ends for which I was come thither, as could be, broke up that Night at Ten of the Clock, which they would not have done, had they first heard of my Landing, for so Mr. Baron, who had been Agent here in France for the Confederate Irish, and to whom I sent a Post so soon as I was in Waterford, writ back to me. Indeed, I was very Unfortunate, for the Assembly had 315 44 XTbe (riaren&on Dtstorlcal Socicti? 1Reprtnt0. both Power and Means to do or undo what they had done, to the Prejudice of a Treaty, which the Supreme Council, limited within Bounds by the Assembly, afterward had not. At Waterford I had Notice that my Lord Digby, with my Lord of Castlehaven, lay secretly within a Mile or two of the Town, ready to set Sail for France ; to my Lord Digby I sent presently, and had Answer, that Mr. Slingsby, his Secretary, would be with me the next Morning, which he was, and told me, that he looked for my Lord very soon. I stayed from Sunday until Wednesday, in that Expectation, at Waterford, which is but twenty Miles from Kilkenny ; but then fear- ing to give the Council Jealousy, who at that Time beheld my Lord Digby as their Enemy, and who was come secretly into their Quarters without a Pass, I parted toward Kilkenny, my Lord of Craford being gone before, where the next Morning I was, by Mr. Baron, brought to the Council ; to whom (after they had caused me to sit in a Chair, not far from my Lord of Antrim their President, nor would they hear me until I had done so) I delivered the Cause of my Coming thither, which was, the Queen and Prince's Desire of a Peace in that Kingdom ; and for the Queen, she was not only moved to it for the King's Interest, but also by her Zeal to the Catholick Religion, and Good of the People ; that for the Catholick Religion, she did not conceive (abstracting from miraculous Pro- vidence) how it could be preserved from Ruin, but by a Peace ; to which End her Majesty had made Choice of me, a Catholick, before any other, to send thither with Instructions and Letters to my Lord of Ormond, who was the Kings Lieutenant over that Country, to whom I was first to make my Address : And therefore I had for the present, no other Particulars to communicate with them, more than desire their Pass, with a Warrant for Post-Horses, and Convoy for my Safety to the Borders of their Quarters. After this, being so advised by Master Baron, I did rise and go out, and not long after had Orders for what I desired, and the next day parted for Dublin, being fifty Miles, whither I came the Day after, and was that night brought to my Lord of Ormond, to whom I delivered such Letters 316 { /ID^ Journey Into 3relan^♦ 45 as were for him ; and then said, " That I was sure those Letters expressed Civilities from the Queen and Prince, much better than I could ; and that therefore I had nothing more now to say, until I had deciphered such Instructions as I had, which were many, and would take up some good Time ; and by which his Lordship would find the Confidence her Majesty and the Prince had in him, which was great, as no Reports could shake, though we had Weekly News of Treaties with the Parliament, for the Delivery up of those Places under his Command." To which his Lordship Replyed, " That Confidence shall never deceive them; and, that he, who had ventured himself, his Wife, and all his Children in the King's Ser- vice, would make no Scruple of venturing or casting away one Son, when there shall be Cause (this he spake because his Son was then Hostage with the Parliament) yet if there be Necessity, he should give up those Places under his Command rather to the English Rebels than the Irish Rebels, of which Opinion he thought every good English Man was." To this I replied nothing, but after some Questions and Answers concerning Things in France, parted from his Lordship to my Lodging ; and after two Days (for so long it was before I could decipher my Instructions, a Work to which I had not been accustomed) I returned to his Lordship with them, written out in mine own Hand, which having read unto him, I gave them, together with the fourteen Blanks, into his Lordship's Possession, and so returned towards my Lodging; where, by the Way, I met with my Lord Digby newly alighted, who told me he had neglected his Voyage at the present for France, desirous to see what Fruits my coming thither would produce ; and, after I had given him Letters, we parted. The next Day being Wednesday, I intended to wait on my Lord of Ormond at Dinner; but at Eleven of the Clock, I was sent for by my Lord Digby, and told by him, that it was my Lord of Ormond's Pleasure I should forthwith go to Kilkenny, and move the Council for renewing the Cessation (which would expire on Saturday following at Twelve of the Clock) for three Weeks longer, which Order I obeyed; and 317 46 Ubc (^Iaren^on 1bi5tortcal Society IReprints. in the Afternoon, coming to receive my Lord Lieutenant's further Commands, he delivered me the Cessation signed on his Part. I desired to know what I should say, in Case they should object that my Lord did it, but to gain Time, that he might receive more Forces from the Parliament. He answered, I should receive Orders for that on the Way, if, on Consideration, there were Cause. I desired to know his Lordship's Pleasure, what I should do with those Letters I had to the Nuncio, Clergy and Others, with the Confederates ; he told me I should follow my Lord Digby's Directions. So I parted that Night with my Lord Digby to Leslip : and there my Lord Digby thought fit I should deliver all those Letters. The next Day, on the Way, a Post overtook me from my Lord Lieutenant, with these Letters from his Lordship. SIR, ©N further Consideration of the Discourse we had Yesterday touching a Cessation, I think fit to give you Power, to undertake to the Confederate Party, that if a Cessation be agreed on, I will not receive, into the Garrisons under my Command Forces from the Parliament, during three Weeks, to begin from Saturday next the 17th of this Month, the Cessation being agreed upon until then : But you are desired to use your uttermost Endeavour to procure a Cessation without this Condition, or at leas that it be kept private ; which last you are to engage them in, before you consent to the said Condition. And so I rest your Affectionate Friend, Ormond. Dublin Castle the 15th of April, 1647. On Friday I came to Kilkenny and after Discourse had with the French Agents, Monsieur du MouUin, Monsieur de la Monerie, and Monsieur Tallon, whose Advise I was to receive in it ; the next Day in the Morning I moved the Council, from whom I had Answer to this Purpose : That their Army was well advanced on its March to Carlogh, (a strong Castle in my Lord's Quarters) and that they did 3x8 /llMc: Joutnei? tntc Jrelanb. 47 not know what to do with it for Three Weeks, but must so long keep their Army on Foot to no Purpose. But if my Lord would have a Cessation for six Months, on the terms agreed upon by them, they would agree. The Propositions themselves were as follow. 319 iDuertures for an Accommobation beliuereb by Doctor $erar6 Pennel> anb Seofrie Baron, 'Esquire, from the general Assembly of the iDonfeberate itathoUchs, the 36 of Tflaroh 1646. z' I. ^^HAT each Party should continue their respective Govern- ments independent of each other, within such Quarters as by the Accommodation shall be agreed on, until a Peace. II. That both should join in a War both by Sea and Land, against the Enemies of his Majesty and this Nation ; and that neither Party shall make Peace, Cessation, or other agreement, or enter into any Commerce or Traffick with the said Enemies, without the Consent of the other, until a Peace. III. That Dublin and the other Garrisons within your Lordship's Quarters, may be secured against the said Enemies. IV. That the Confederate Cathohcks within the Quarters that shall be agreed on by this Accommodation to be left to your Lordship, shall be secured of the free enjoying of their Religion, Lives, Estates and Liberties. V. The like for all other Catholicks in the said Quarters. VI. That your Lordship shall suffer none to live within your Quarters, but such as shall Swear the Performance of the Accomo- dation. N 321 so TLbc Clarenbon Ibtstortcal Society IReprints^ VII. That your Lordship shall enjoy the Profit of your Estate in the Quarters of the Confederate Catholicks, paying such Contribu- tions out of it, as the Confederates shall do out of theirs. VIII. That the Confederates will contribute to the Maintenance of your Lordship's Charge in a competent Way. IX. That during the Accommodation, no Outlawries be prejudicial. With the Paper above-mentioned, relating to these Propositions, I departed from Kilkenny towards Leslip Castle, Sir Nicholas White's House, six Miles from Dublin, where my Lord Digby was ; to him I delivered it, who two Days after returning from my Lord Lieutenant with this following Answer, but not signed, my Lord Lieutenant giving the Reason, because the Propositions sent before from the Assembly to him, were not signed. 322 Ansvuers to the lOuertures from the (tonfeberate iDatholichs, sent by iEerrar6 Fennell an6 Seofrie Baron, Esquires ; an6 Uheuiise, to the last Paper of the 10th of Iflay, 1647, sent by relatiue to the former ^^"^HE two first Propositions are such, as appear fitter to be ^^^ treated in a League Offensive and Defensive between neigh- bouring Princes, than between his Majesty's Governor of a Kingdom, and his subiects of the same, dechned from their Obedience, with whom it is inconsistent with his Majesty's Lieutenant to join, otherwise than by their Return to their Obedience, and Submission to his Majesty's Authority. To the 3d, when they are thus returned to their Obedience, and have submitted to his Majesty's Authority, it will be then seasonable to consider of securing the Garrisons in this Article mentioned, against all Enemies of his Majesty and the Nation. That the five other Propositions are such, as may be fit to be considered in case of a Cessation, which when they shall propose unto us, we shall take into Consideration, and give such Answer thereunto as shall be reasonable. That since in their last Paper they declare, that they resolve to insist positively upon the Votes of the late Assembly, which, as we understand them, are inconsistent with those Grounds, on which there can be any Hope of ever settling any Peace in this Kingdom. If 323 52 XTbe (riaren&on 1bi5torlcal Society IRepttnts, they have any real Desire of the same, they will take the Course to be freed from their Obligation of insisting upon those Votes, if any such be upon them ; and to be invested with Power to propose such Things, as may with Honour and Safety be hearkened unto. This last my Lord added, because of their Votes in the Assembly against the last Peace, without Recalling of which, and Submission to the said Peace, my Lord Lieutenant was resolved not to treat with them, on any Terms ; and this my Lord Digby told me, of whom when I demanded, why my Lord Lieutenant would do nothing in order to those instructions, with so many Blanks signed by the Queen and Prince, as I had brought him ; his Lordship's Reply was, that my Lord Lieutenant was wiser. If I shall deliver my Opinion, it is, that my Lord Lieutenant having received a legal Commission from the King to conclude a Peace, and that Peace concluded and broken by the Irish, he did not think it safe, without a new Authority, as legally founded, to make another Peace, and therefore it was, that my Lord Digby answered me he was wiser. I then desired of my Ijord Digby to know what it was, that my Lord Lieutenant would have ; and that he would draw up something for me to carry to the Council, by Way of Proposition to them ; to which my Lord con- sented, and presently writ out a Paper and gave me ; but the next Morning, before my Departure, called for it back, saying he was fearful I might be surprized by some Horse on the Way; and therefore I must find some Way to preserve it in my Remembrance, without the Writing ; whereupon I was forced to set down two or three words only in the Beginning of a Line, so to help my Memory, and parted towards Kilkenny, and the third Day came to Clonmell in Munster, whither the Council were removed ; there I gave them my Lord Lieutenant's Answer, and desired that a Committee might be appointed to speak with me, which was done ; and soon after the Bishop of Limerick, my Lord Muscrey, and Mr. Nicholas Pluncket, appointed for that Purpose, met me ; to whom, after some Discourse, I delivered in this Paper, which I had, as well as my Memory would serve me, drawn up according to my Lord Digby's Sense, 324 Propositions mabe by me to the Committee, about the 18th of may, 1647. ■^ F you do intend a Submission of the whole Catholick Party to his Majesty's Authority. II. If you intend to do it by going on the Foot of the former Peace, the only Way which in Possibility is left, either for your Security, or any Body's else, that is to deal with you ; the King's Condition being such as it is. III. If for such other Agreements, as either are in the Marquiss of Clanriccard's Engagement, or such further Advantages as may be obtain'd from the Queen and Prince, you will take such Security as may be reasonably devised, and will give the like for what concerneth you. IV. If you be not enabled of your selves to go thro' with a Peace, you will, when it shall be seasonably proposed, accord to the Calling of an Assembly. V. If you will presently in Order to this, send to obtain a Cessation from Month to Month for six Months, one Month only to be known, on reasonable Conditions for both Parties ; one whereof I suppose on my Lord's Part will be, such an Enlargement of his Quarters, as may serve for the reasonable Maintenance of his Men, in Case there be a Breach with the Parliament ; which Quarters shall be secured to be restored if there be Cause ; during which Cessation, Things 325 54 XTbe (^laren^on Ibistorical Society IReprtnts. may be negociated in France, with the Queen and Prince ; mutual Securities agreed on, and my Lord have Time to disengage himself. VI. If you will trust me, and some one or two Persons more, that you shall think fit, with the Entrance into the Manage of this Business, as long as there shall be Reason to keep it secret. VII. Lastly, if you will proceed on these Grounds speaking gene- rally ; then I will do my best to bring all This to pass, and have Reason to be Confident I shall perform it. 326 /iDp 5ournei? into Jtelanb. ss After this was read, Mr Pluncket objected, that the Foundation of all my Propositions was impossible to be laid; and that was, the Proceeding on the last Peace, which had been voted against by the Assembly, and all the Adherents to it excommunicated by the Nuncio. I replied, that what one Assembly had voted, another might unvote, if they should see Cause; that the Nuncio's Excommunication against the Adherers to the Peace, was not, that there was any Thing evil in that Peace, in which there were many excellent Provisions for the Benefit of the Nation ; but that there was not so much Good, in it for the Securing of Catholick Religion, as he thought necessary ; and when he should see that reasonably secured any other Way, it would be all one to him, and the Excommunication might be recalled : After some other Discourse, we parted, they promising to render an Account of the Thing to me speedily. Three or four Days after, the Council sent for me, and did speak to this Purpose ; That though it was a very unusual Thing to treat with a Person that shewed no Kind of Commission or Authority, yet they were so Confident of me on the one Part, and so desirous on the other, to lay hold on any Thing might tend to a Peace, as they had taken my Propositions into Consideration, and had agreed concerning an Answer, which for the present I could not receive, but was desired to go along with the Bishop of Clohar, to Kilkenny, some 20 Miles off, where the Nuncio then was, and there I should have it. So the Bishop and I parted together, who by the Way told me, that when we had been at Kilkenny, we must go to General Oneale, that lay with his Army some 30 Miles beyond. After we had been some two Hours in Kil- kenny, the Bishop found me out, and told me that my Lord Nuncio he feared would be some Stop to our Proceedings; and that I should do well my self to speak with him, which I presently did, my Lord of Clohar being Interpreter. The Nuncio began, saying, that he would willingly consent to the making of a Peace, but not a Cessation, for that, Cessations had been the Reason why the Irish Affairs had no 327 56 Ube Clarendon Ibistortcal Society IReprtnts. better Progress ; and that my Lord of Ormond did it, but to gain Time, that so he might receive more Forces from the ParHament. I reply'd, that now there could be nothing possible done without a Cessation, the Additions for Religion being to be transacted into France and back again : As also a new Assembly was to be called for Confirmation of Things agreed on. And as for the Landing of Parliament Forces, I did not doubt, but the Council had sufficiently provided for that, in the Conditions of the Cessation, which once signed by my Lord Lieutenant, would be infallibly kept. He answered, that my Lord Lieutenant had deceived him, and he durst not trust him. And after some other Discourse, in which I could see he was not my Lord Lieutenant's Friend, in the End I wished him to be advised what he did, in hindring of an Act decreed by the Supreme Council, that gave so great Hopes of a Future Peace, whereof if 111 should come, it would be attributed to him. He desired me to rest satisfied untill to Morrow, when he would again speak with me ; in the mean Time he would write to the Council. The next Day he came to my Chamber and told me, that the Council had by their Letters signified their Consent to his Desire ; which was, that it might be deferred untill Friday come Fortnight, when he would call a Convocation of all the Clergy of Limerick ; alledging to me how much better it would be, that it were done by the Council and Congregation together, than by the Council alone ; desiring me that I would signify as much to Dublin : I reply'd, I feared that Delay might prove fatal, for that I was most assured, the Parliament Commissioners with good Forces and Instructions to satisfy my Lord of Ormond in all his Demands, lay at the Water- side, expecting nothing but a Wind; who, if they arrived in the Interim, it would be too late afterwards to talk of any Agreement What the Nuncio's Reason was for this Delay, I cannot certainly tell ; whether he really intended, not to have a Thing of so great Con- sequence done without the Consent of the Clergy of the Kingdom ; or whether having no Intention to conclude with my Lord of Ormond on any Terms, he had no other Way to break off the 328 /Il>^ 5ournep into Srelant)^ 57 Council's Decree, to which Oneale himself, had been consenting, I know not ; but this I believe, that this Delay, was the Cause that rendered all my Labours fruitless : For, the Council and Oneale, of whose Intentions I was advertised by David Oneale, having agreed to the Cessation, as was desired, by which the Parliament Forces would have been excluded from Landing, all the Rest would have followed. My Opinion is, that the Latter was the Cause, and that he and the Bishop of Clohar would run any Hazard rather than accord with my Lord of Ormond; against whose Person, I found in the Nuncio, great Animosity; my Lord of Clohar being a better Hider of his Thoughts. Soon after I signify'd what had been done, by an Express, to my Lord Digby, and with my Letters, sent a Copy of the Propositions I made to the Council : From whom not long after, I received this Answer. SIR, ^ LA OURS of the 27th May I received not until Yesterday Night, I f and whenever it had come unto my Hands, you may be C?^ sure I should have hasten'd my Answer to you, since here is nothing that possesseth me more, then the importance of this Business we have in Hand, concerning which you have collected, and represented very rightly my Sence in the Paper you sent me ; unto which upon further Thought I can add nothing, but that I daily grow more confident of my being able to do good, if in any Time these People you have to deal with, will enable me in any pro. portion of reasonableness. I am very glad of the Assembly of the Clergy at Limerick, and should be gladder of a general Assembly ; for I can never hope to extract any Usefulness out of this Kingdom, but by an unanimous and entire Consent of the Catholick Party, to whatsoever settlement shall be made. I expect with impatience the the Result of the Assembly at Limerick, in Way of Answer to the Propositions, of which I am sure you will not be slow to advertise me. As for Daniel Oneale's Proposition, if it be meant for all the 329 58 Ube (riarcn&on Dtstottcal Socteti? IRcprtnts. Accommodation, is for the present aimed at, without Relation to the former Peace, is ridiculous ; but if there be intended by it, that the former Peace stand valid, and unusually submitted to, such a Kind of Government Assistant to their Quarters, may be continued till they be secured in the conditional Concessions that shall be agreed on, the Proposition in that Sense may not be very unreasonable; but this you must lay as a Ground, that without preserving good the former Peace, (I mean, without Prejudice to any Additional) not my self, much less my Lord Lieutenant, can meddle at all in any Conjunction with them, since it is that alone, that can restore them to the Quality of such Subjects, as the King's Lord Lieutenant can joyn with. I shall add nothing at this present, but only desire you to hasten unto me, if possible, Security for Repair, and Residence in their Quarters, and the Transportation mentioned to you ; since, if this Traffick between us should take vent, I do not know how soon I might run Hazard in these Parts ; when as, if once I have my Retreat secure, I shall be bold : besides that there may be suddenly such an Oppor- tunity of drawing Men away from the Parliament, as if once lost, cannot be recovered. God send you in your Endeavours, the Success that is wished by your affectionate Servant, George Digbv. Leslip, June 3d, 1647. That which I observe in this Letter is, that my. Lord acknowledgeth me to have rightly digested his Sense into Propositions. Secondly, whereas he mentioneth a Proposition made by Daniel Oneale (not spoken of before, and which I have not by me) it was something of a joint Government, as one may perceive by the Letter, whereby my Lord Lieutenant should have governed by Assistance of the Con- federate Council in their Quarters, until the Peace had been perfect. With his Uncle Owen Oneale's Consent, Daniel Oneale came on Purpose with it to Clomell, with Intention to propose it to the Council, 330 /llb^ Journei? intc ^relan^♦ 59 where he was made Prisoner for coming without a Pass. To me he gave it, when I came to see him, and I to the Council; to which nothing was said, because the other Propositions were then on Foot ; how ever it was, and what soever it had been, there was nothing to be done without recaUing the former Peace, as is Thirdly to be observed in my Lord's Letter; a Thing very difficult, if not impossible, for a new Assembly must be called to unvote, and the Nuncio perswaded to recall his Excommunication ; all which did not dishearten me so, but that I still had hopes, until I received this second Letter from my Lord Digby, which was as followeth : SIR, ^ L^ESTERDAY the Parliament Commissioners landed with 6o^^HIS Morning yours of the 19th, came to my Hands, I am ^^^ glad to hear of General Preston's Resolution ; but all will yet be nothing, unless Oneale also do his Part : Therefore, make it your Business, and let the Irish look upon it as theirs, to see it done out of Hand; Let no private Animosities, or particular Interest or Design, divert Oneale from the Work,, nay, nor delay him ; for if this Moment of Time be lost, it will be for ever irremediable : Therefore do you, and let the Council lay all their Strength to perswade him to it ; if he refuse, the Ruin and Desola- tion of Ireland, and his Nation will be his Guilt. This is the Place where the Parliament will lay the Ground of the War, and it will prove an irresistible Torrent, to drown the Kingdom without Remedy, unless they be weeded out now presently. If these Garrisons were taken in, and the Irish Armies lodged in these Quarters, the Parlia- ment would soon be starved, and reduced to Nothing that Way, if neither the Peace took, nor Dublin were taken. These Parliament Ambassadors have already sent into Denmark for 40000 Barrels of P 337 66 XTbe (rlaren^on Dietortcal Society IRcprtnts. Rye, and intend to block the Irish Harbours out of Hand, to prevent all Supply of Ammunition from them : They may here perceive how great a Storm hangs over them ; yet, if they will but engage their two Armies together in the Work, and resolve secondly, and heartily to embrace the Means, with its Appendances ; and if they will send a full, and unquestionable Pass speedily, all will yet do well; that otherwise, any of that trifling will make fall to Nothing. Be not startled at any Thing you shall hear of the Lord Lieutenant, who hath given them the Power of the Army, and keeps the Sword and Castle for five weeks ; in which Time and less, all must be done that will be, with and by the Irish. I rest, Yours, &c. The inclosed is for General Preston ; let me hear what you have done, and hope from Oneale. Leslip Jun. 20th, 1647. The next Day after my Receipt of his Letter, arrives the Writer himself, and shews me a Letter of Credit from my Lord Digby, written in Limons, not to be read untill it was warm, in these Words ; Least outward Appearance should beget Distrust, I have thought fit to send this Bearer unto you, to acquaint you at large with the Grounds of every Thing ; I pray you give him full Credit, from your affectionate Servant, George Digby, 21st of June, 1647. He made a long Narration to me, which I thought fit, in a Business of so great Concernment, to make him set down in Writing ; which he did under his own Hand, and is as followeth, Word for Word. " That the Commissioners being landed before any Return to the Propositions came, and possess'd of Dublin, and all other Garrisons, with Master Powers, they having Store of money, and the Marquis of Ormond none at all, with which to feed the Soldier ; and lastly, having brought him a full Performance of all Conditions, even of those, whereon he did most ground the Hope of an Evasion ; and now being fiercely press'd to a Surrender on his Part, was resolved to perform his Engagement immediately, and writ so to the Lord Digby ; who had in several Letters perswaded his Delay, to see if yet any good might possible be done : But now finding nothing but a 338 A^ journey into Jtelanb^ 67 personal Interview, and most serious Conference able to hinder the Marquis of Ormond any longer from accomplishing the Work, he notwithstanding the most imminent Hazard of the Attempt, ventured by Night, to steal into Dublin Castle, to prevent the Surrender the next Day intended ; where, upon his Arrival, (which procured a very great Disturbance) he wrought so effectually upon the Marquis of Ormond, that he brought him the next Day to declare to the Commissioners (under Pretence of doubting the Authenticalness of their Powers, and of Expectation of the Parliaments solemn Engage- ments of the Faith of both Houses, for the Security of himself, and all his Party, whether perhaps excepted or not excepted) that unless they would yet give him five Week's Time to hold the Sword and Castle in order to his Satisfaction in these Particulars, he would rather die in the Gate with a Halbred in his Hand, than give it up. In which Resolution the Commissioners finding him positive, at last assented, that if he would surrender into their Hands the Militia forthwith, they would permit him the Sword and Castle, together with any three Companies he should chuse for his Guard for the fore-mentioned Time. This was all that could possibly be done in order to a Suspence, they having already, by Reason of their Money, and overpowering Number, all Things else in their Hands. The Answers to the Propositions intervening, have given good Hopes by the reasonable Face of them, that the Irish may, yet upon Terms, be brought yet to his Majesty's Obedience, and so both serve him, and preserve themselves ; of which, whilst the Marquis of Ormond can in Reason cherish a Thought, he will not willingly run on in this extreme Course, which the former Proceedings of the Irish did necessitate him unto; and that so far, that they suffered him to engage almost beyond Recovery, before they did make any Overture of any better Disposition. Now, the only remaining Ways of effect- ing this are ; First, That if in this Time the Distractions in England grow to that height, that the Parliament Party here, may see them- selves deprived of Hopes of Supply, and unable to subsist, should court the Marquis of Ormond to continue here, and so both reduce 339 68 Ubc (riarent)on Ibistortcal Society iReprtnts. the Power into his Hands, and give him Time to treat and perfect a happy Accomodation. Secondly, That if, in this Time, Monsieur Tallon come back from France, furnished so with Monies and other Things, which the Marquis of Ormond verily expects, he shall soon be able to regain hi/ own old Forces, and ruin theirs, who are far more amenable than his, having most of them served the King in his Armies in England ; and so by this Means re-investing himself both in the Military and Civil Government, give both Power and Time to make a Peace. Thirdly, if in this Time, he can work either upon any of the Commissioners, or Chief Commanders of their Forces, and so reduce both them and the Power into his own Hands. Fourthly, And indeed, of all the Rest the most present and certain, if in this Time, the Irish can march into these Quarters so strong and considerable, as to take the Out-Garrisons (of all which the Marquis of Ormond wishes they could possess themselves) and distress Dublin so, as to make the Commissioners desire a Cessation, which the Irish refusing to Assent unto, unless the Marquis of Ormond would take it upon himself the visible Power, and give him Time, according to the Length of the Cessation, more or less, to continue and perfect the desired Union, and re-establish the King's Government : Now in Order to bringing this last Means about, you are desired to let the Council know, the unavoidable Danger that hangs over them, and their Nation, if they lay not immediately aside, all by Ends and private Interests and Animosity, to attend this Business, to make them sensible that the other Forces of Ulster, Munster, and Connaught will only be kept a Foot, by the Parliament to divert and distract their Powers ; but that here, in Leinster, they intend to lay the great Foundation of a War ; here to keep their grand Army ; here to place their Government ; and here to erect their Magazines of Ammunition and Victual. You are desired to inform them, how that they have already sent into Denmark for huge Provisions of Corn ; how 30000I. per Month, is set aside of Contribu- tion in England for the War of Ireland ; how the Parliament intends to endeavour the blocking up of all their Harbours. Hereby you 340 rtb^ Joutnei^ into 5relanb, 69 will do well to let them see, that this is the only and last Opportunity, that ever will be offered them to make their own Preservation, by killing the Disease in the Beginning, before it grow too strong ; and before, by the Marquis of Ormond's quitting, a Peace with the King become impossible. You will also let them know, how certainly the Parliament is like to grow to an irresistable Strength, if this Occasion be let slip, and how easily they might now distress and destroy them, before great Forces, and those great Provisions they expect, come. It were fit they did know, that supposing their Armies come down considerably strong, how much Master they must needs be of these, who cannot possibly make above 6000 Foot, and 1000 Horse ; and what certain Advantages they will be sure to get by taking all the adjacent Garrisons, and possessing the EngHsh Quarters : But you are, if possible, to engage them, that they will grant a Cessation whensoever the Marquis of Ormond shall think it necessary ; and if a Cessation be demanded by the Parliament, they will not accept it, but by his appearing in it, likewise to oblige them, that without the Marquis of Ormond's Permission (unless by a Siege, or some other Accident, he be reduced unto a Condition, that is not possible to be known) they will make no Attempt upon Dublin ; and to prevent the Worst in such a Case, as that he should be necessitated to call them to that Work ; or they, seeing an Opportunity, should, contrary to their Ingagement, and his Desire, lay hold of it ; that you would, after you have set their Armies forward (which must be done in the first Place) descend to Particulars with them concerning Additionals to the Peace to be made as reasonable as you can, and to engage them under their Hands, that with those Additionals under such Security, they will entertain the Peace, acknowledge the King's Government, and admit the Marquis of Ormond for the King's Lieutenant, whensoever he shall assent unto them, notwithstanding, that in the mean Time, those Holds should come into their Possession. " It is requisite that you press all that may be possible, to bring Owen Roe, as well as General Preston, to the Work, that with more 341 70 trbe I3E3RS XJ:)Nri>3EI3E?: T3EaE3EM:. ^^•v\/^/^<'v^•^.^^^w^/^^ «• JilSTORY IS BUT THE Ul^OLLED ^CROLL OP J'ROPHECY." — James A. Garfield •— •►6^$^^*— PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE CLARENDON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. x886. ^ This edition is limited to 120 large papef, ana 400 small paper copies^ for Subscribers onh. i LETTER From His EXCELLENCIE THE LORD GENERAL MONCK, And the Officers under his Command, TO THE Bbarliament; In the Name of Themfelves and the Souldiers under Them. LONDON : Printed by John Macock. 1660. A Letter of His Excellency and his Officers, &c. Mr. Speaker, )'E cannot but with thankfulness acknowledge the wonderful Goodness of God to you, in your Return to the Discharge of your remaining Trust; and to ourselves, and your Forces under our Commands, (after some difficulties) in bringing of us, by a tedious March, in such safety to this place, to wait upon you in asserting the Freedoms of our Native Country : and being here, (as we have to our utmost Hazard and Power been instrumental in your Return, so) we shall be still ready to pursue your Commands so far as possibly we may. To evidence which, we have observed and executed your late Orders in relation to the Chains, Posts, and Gates of the City; which was something grievous to Us, and to the Officers and Souldiers under our Commands ; and that because we do not remember any such thing was acted upon this City in all these Wars ; and we fear that many sober people are much grieved at it, and apprehend further force to be offered to them, while they seem principally to desire the speedy filling up of the House, which you have declared for, as well as we have express'd our just desires of; and are apt to doubt, lest, what we have done, may be so far from answering the expected end, as 367 6 Ubc Clarendon Ibtstottcal Society IReprints. that it may encrease the discomposure of mens spirits in the Nation. Upon this occasion, it comes fresh into our minds, that when by the treachery of some Officers of the Army you were interrupted, we declared to the world, That f/ie Ground of our undertaking was not onely your return to your Trusty but also, the Vindication of the Liberties of the People, and the Preservation of the Rights of our Country, the Protection and encouragement of the Godly and Faithful therein, as the establishment of the Peace of these Nations, Which Declarations made before the Lord, Angels and Men, in the day of our Extremity, we (as we expect the blessing oi the Lord upon our future Undertakings) cannot but still own, and stand by. We finde that the asserting of the just Liberties of the People, is that which the generality of the Nation is much in expectation of ; and that many sober people (together with our selves) are under fears lest this great price that God hath put into your and our hands, (as your Servants) should not be improved, but that we shall run in Confusion again. Therefore we humbly crave leave to present before you, some Grounds of our Fears : We are afFraid that the late won- derful and unparallell'd Deliverance, is not so publickly and solemnly acknowledged as it might be, that the Lord (who wrought so stupendiously) may have the Glory of all : We are troubled that some as yet do sit in the House, who are impeached of Treason: We cannot but observe that divers Members of your House, (who contrary to their Trust, acted in that Illegal and Tyrannical Committee of Safety) are not actually disabled from sitting there : notwithstand- ing Colonel Lambert hath onely the Vote of Indempnity to secure him from as High Crimes as have been committed in this Nation, and is not obedient to your Orders, yet he seemeth to be winked at. We understand that Sir Henry Vane upon bare pretence is permitted to stay about the City, to the great Dissatisfaction of your best Friends ; that there are dangerous Consultations, and that of those who had a chief hand in your late Interruption, and the hazarding of the whole Nations, contrary to our Expectation. VVc find continued 368 H HLettet of General /iDoncft. in the Army some Persons of dangerous Principles, and such who were active enough in the late Defection. Though we are far from wishing the ruine of any, yet we could desire that your signal Indul- gence to late Notorious Offenders, did meet with that Candid Recep- tion from them as to be so much the more ingenious in their professed Repentance ; but we observe that many of them do seek to justifie themselves, and are not without their Agents in print to palliate their foul enormities ; which maketh us yet to suspect that we are in some danger of returning into the late distempers that You and the Nation are but newly delivered from. We are not ignorant, that there are those who lately struck at the Root of English Parliaments in Practise and Design, thereby have inflamed the Nation, and given great advantage to the Common Enemy, yet they are not without a strange confidence to precipitate men into a belief, that they are the only Persons against the One, and for the Other. With grief of heart we do remember and would lament over the too palpable Breach of Engagements in this Nation; Therefore we should think it a duty rather to mourn over the same, than to promote any new Oath to be taken at this time : Yet we perceive that there is a design to provoke the Parliament to enforce an Oath upon the Nation, and do take notice, that amongst others, there are some who are most forward to promote the said design, who have made the least (if any) Conscience in keeping Engagements already taken. Here we must not silence our deep resentment of a bold Petition, and of dangerous consequence, which was lately presented to You, the consequence whereof (if You should an answer their desires) would be to exclude many of the most conscientious and sober sort of men from serving under You in Civil and Military Imployments, who have and would prove themselves most faithful; and a door would be opened in design to retrive the Interest of those who have (by the just Hand of our Gracious God) made themselves so apparently obnoxious. More- over (which is not the least part of the Venome of that Petition) we T 369 8 XTbe Clarendon fbistotical Society IRcprlnts. clearly see the same Spirit, which of late would have puU'd away the by-you-declared-just Maintenance from Ministers, would now provoke You by an Oath to endanger the forcing away of many of the most Godly from their maintenance. In urging our fears from the premises that concerns some of different principles from us, we would not be thought to (as we do not) design any thing that may incur the censure of unjust rigidity. We freely profess our desires, that tenderness of Conscience may have its full just liberty, but we cannot in judgement, accompt that tenderness of Conscience which will not scruple at treachery it self, or any Unrighteousness to carry on corrupt Designs. Having presented You with our fears, we shall adde our Resolution, That by the help of God we shall stand by You in the pursuance of what we have declared for; And therefore do make this humble Request to You ; We could desire. That whilst You sit, Your utmost endeavours may be to manifest your affectionate desires for the Publique Good of these Nations ; Our further desire is. That those Regiments under your consideration (whose Officers are not) may be speedily pass'd. And in regard we find that the Grand Cause of the present Heats and Dis-satisfactions in the Nation is, because they are not fully Represented in Parliament, and seeing no other probable Expedient whereby to keep the Nation in peace, then by filling up your Number ; We must therefore make this our main desire, upon which we cannot but insist, that you would proceed to Issue forth Writts in Order to Elections : For the better effecting whereof we entreat, That You would conclude upon due and full Qualifications, that not only those who have been actually in Arms against the Parliament may be excluded, but also such who in the late Wars betwixt King and Parliament have declared their dis-affection to the Parliament : And because the distracted condition of this Nation is at this hour so evident and pressing, we are constrained for the just maintenance of Your Authority and the satisfaction of all true English Men, earnestly to desire. That all the Writts may be Issued forth by Friday next, returnable at the usual and legal time ; For we think it 370 { H Xettet of 6enetal /iDoncft* convenient to acquaint you, that to pacific the minds of this Great City, in the prosecution of your late Commands, the Chief of Us did give an assurance thereof. And we must not forget to remember you, that the time hastens wherein you have declared your intended Dissolution; which the People and our selves desire you would be punctual in. Hereby the Suspition of your Perpetuation will be taken away, and the People will have assurance that they shall have a Succession of Parliaments of their own Election ; which is the undoubted Right of the English Nation : You have promised and declared no less : Both the People and your Armies do live in the Hope and Expectation of it. That we may the better wait, for your full and free Concurrence to these just Desires on the Nations behalf, upon Mature Deliberation, we have thought it our duty as to continue the usual Guards for the safety of your sitting, so for the present to draw the rest of the Forces under our Command into the City, that we may have the better opportunity to compose spirits and beget a good understanding in that great City, formerly renowned for their resolute adhering to Parliamentary Authority, and we hope that the same spirit will be found still to breath amongst the best, most considerable, and interessed persons there. This Action of ours, as we hope it will (through the blessing of God) be of good use for the present peace, and future settlement of these Nations. These are our thoughts which we communicate to you, in the Names ot our selves, and the Officers and Souldiers under our Commands, We are. Your Honors ?nost White-hal humble Servants, Feb. II. 1659. George Monck. 371 lo XTbe GlatenDon Ibtstorlcal Society IReptlnts. Tho. Sanders. Tho. Read. \ Leon, Litcot. Ra. Knight. I Jo. Ciobery. Dan. Redman, j Jo. Hublethorne. J Ethelbert Morgan ^ Lievt. Coll. Nathaniel Barton^ Major. Tho. Johnson. 1 Jer. Smith. Tho. Prytne. \ Majors. Fran, Nichols, l Peter Banister, ) g^be Ent>» 372 EXPLANATORY NOTES OF CavaUer ip^la^ing Carbs TEMP. CHARLES II. FORMING OF THE COMMONWEALTH. EDMUND aOLDSMID, E.E.H.S., F.S.A. (Scot). |li''.i|llii'ii||lN|iM|||i''#'.iilh||li''^^0 1. ^de of Sekft^. Cromwell^ Ireton and Hudson all in y^ same boate. In 1650, Cromwell was named Commander-in-Chief in Ireland; Ireton, his son-in-law, his deputy; and Hewson or Huson (here misprinted Hudson) governor of Dublin. In the plate they are sailing away from the sun of loyalty towards the night of treason. The portrait of Cromwell at the stern is not to be mistaken. Next to him is Hewson distinguished from Ireton by his older features. % ^de of dlub^. A Free State or a Toleration for all sorts of Villany. In the Mystery of the Good Old Cause* (London 1660) a Royalist attack on the leading members of the Long Parliament, the author says of the Roundheads, " Their pretences were no doubt the most specious and plausible that could be imagined, .... but, alas! never were these things more pretended to, and less in reality * Reprinted by the Aungervyle Society. Second Series. 6 A PACK OF designed ; greatness, wealth and command were the inducements of the most hypocritical persons in the world to profane the name of God .... to murder many innocent persons .... to ruin many noble families, etc., .... but let destruction be the reward of our destroyers, let the prey be torn out of their teeth, let the blood they have shed fall upon their own heads, and let their names be detested and infamous to all posterity !" 3. Sde of ^j>kde^. BradshaWf the Jay lor and y hangman^ keepers of the liberty of England. Bradshaw was appointed president of the High Court of Justice in 1648, a year "of reproach and infamy above all years which had passed before it ; a year of the highest dissimulation and hypocrisy, of the deepest villany and most bloody treasons, that any nation was ever cursed with or under: a year, in which the memory of all transactions ought to be erased from all records, lest, by the success of it, atheism, infidelity and rebellion, should be propagated in the world." (Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 154, Oxford 1726, folio). He was born in 1586, died in 1659, ^^^ his body exhumed and hung in chains at the Restoration. He was a cousin of Milton, who has written a Eulogy of him in his Second Defense of the People of England. 4. Sde of f)ikinoi\d^. The High Court of Justice or Oliver's Slaughter-House. " The charge and accusation, upon which they resolved to proceed against the King, being thus settled and agreed upon, they began to consider in what manner and form to proceed, that there might be CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 7 some appearance of justice. ... A new form they did erect never before heard of. They constituted and erected a Court that should be called the High Court of Justice. The number of the Judges named was about an hundred and iifty .... Bradshaw .... was named president .... and with great humility accepted the office, which he administered with all the pride, impudence, and supercilious- ness imaginable." — {Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 138-139)- 5. II of Sekrt^. Onsley. Father and Sonne. This is evidently a misprint for Onslow. Sir Richard Onslow, Kt., " of the old stamp, a gentleman of Surrey, of good parts and considerable revenue," successfully weathered the tempests of the period. He was commander at the siege of Basing House, was driven from the House of Commons by Pride's Purge, and was after- wards at the head of a Surrey regiment at Worcester. He spoke strongly in favour of Cromwell's becoming king. Later he became a member of the Convention Parliament which restored Charles 11. . 6. II of diub^. Lenthall. Father and Sonn. William Lenthall, of Lincoln's Inn, a Counsellor at Law, and Speaker of the House of Commons. " Oliver (Cromwell) once made a spunge of him, and squeezed him out of ;^i 5,000. Who turning him and his tribe out of doors, he veered about to save himself and his great offices ; and he that had been so long bell-weather in the Commons House, was thought, for his compliance and his money, to deserve to be one of the herd of Lords in the Other House," {Mystery of the Good Old Cause.) John Lenthall, son of the speaker, was knighted by Oliver Cromwell, made a Colonel of foot, and governor of Windsor Castle. 8 , A PACK OF ^. II of ^pkde^. Parry. Father and Sonne. Query, Sir George Parry^ one of the Commissioners for Dorset- shire, who with those of Somerset and Cornwall, met Prince Rupert at Bridgewater shortly before the Battle of Naseby ? — {Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii. p. 393). §. II of f)ikinoi\cl^^. Vane. Father and Sonne. " Sir Henry Vane was of very ordinary parts by Nature, and had not cultivated them at all by art, for he was illiterate. But being of a stirring and boisterous disposition, very industrious and very bold, he still wrought himself into some employment His malice to the Earl of Strafford transported him to all imaginable thoughts of revenge, .... and that disposed him to sacrifice his honour and faith and his Master's interest, that he might ruin the Earl, and was buried himself in the same ruin ; for which, being justly chastised by the King and being turned out of his service, he was left to his own despair * He grew into the hatred and contempt of those who had made most use of him ; and dyed in universal reproach, and not more contemn'd by any of his enemies than by his own son ; who had been his principal conductor to destruction." — (Clarendon^s History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii., p. 132). Sir Harry Vane, the younger, " was a man of extraordinary parts. .... He was chosen to cozen a whole nation which was thought to excel in craft and cunning,* which he did with notable pregnancy and dexterity." — {Clarendon! s History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii., p. 233). " He totally ousted Sir William Russel. He was a discontent during all Oliver's and Richard's government. He is, no doubt, a man of much religion, and would have become one of the rulers in Israel, if the intended match between his son and Lambert's daughter had not been spoiled by the restitution of the Rump." — (Mystery of the Good Old Cause.) * The Scots. CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 9 9. Ill of Sekft^. " Cromwell pypeth unto Fairfax P Cromwell is here represented playing the pipe and tabor to Fairfax, who is performing a Morris dance. This dance was brought to England in the reign of Edward III., it is said by John of Gaunt. It was originally a military dance, in which bells were jingled, and swords clashed. The word Morris is a corruption of Moorish. In ancient times it used to be danced by five men and a boy, but in the reign of Elizabeth, we have an instance of Kempe, one of Shake- speare's colleagues at the Globe Theatre, having danced alone all the way from London to Norwich. — (Kenifs nine daies wonder^ reprinted in Goldsmid's Collectanea Adamantcea^ No. 29). Thomas, Lord Fair- fax, warmly espoused the cause of the Parliament when the rupture with the King took place. He was, however, opposed to the execu- tion of the King, and became a warm advocate of the Restoration. He died in 1671. 10. Ill of (i\uM. ^^ Bulstrod and Whitlock present to Oliver the instrument of Governments On the 26th of June, 1657, the ceremony of conferring the protectorate on Cromwell took place. " After a short speech, .... Withrington, the Speaker, with the Earl of Warwick and Whitlock. vested him with a rich purple velvet robe lined with ermines ; . . . . then the Speaker presented him with a fair Bible of the largest edition, richly bound ; then he, in the name of all the people, girded a sword about him ; and lastly, presented him with a sceptre of gold, which he put in his hand, and made him a large discourse of those emblems of government and authority. Upon the close of which, there being little wanting to a perfect formal Coronation but a crown lo A PACK OF and an Archbishop, he took his oath, administered to him by the Speaker. — (Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ Vol. III., page 343.) Bulstrode and Whitlock spoken of as two men on the Card, are one and the same. "Bulstrode Whitlocke, .... before the troubles was an intimate friend to Sir Richard Lane, who, going to Oxford, entrusted him with his chambers in the Temple ; of which, with all the goods and an excellent library, he hath kept possession ever since ; and would not own that ever he knew such a man, when Sir Richard's son was brought to wait upon him in his greatness .... Under Dick he was made Commissioner of the Seal ; and, he being discarded, wheeled about and worshipped the Rump. . . . He hath a good fleece, and heir to Lilly the Astrologer." — {Mystery of the Good Old Cause). 11. Ill of ^i)kde^. " H. Martin defends Ralphs who designed to kill the King." " Henry Martin, colonel of a regiment of horse and a regiment of whores. He had given him ^^3000 at one time, to put him upon the Holy Sisters, and take off from the Levellers. He had the reputa- tion of a precious saint from his youth, in reference to all kinds of debauchery, uncleanness, and fraud, having sold his estate three times over." — {Mystery of the Good Old Cause). 1% III of Diiiinor^d^. •* Simonias slandering y^ High Priest to get his place.'^ One of the riddles I have spoken of in the Introduction, unless it refers to Cromwell having urged the trial of the King. 13. IV of ftekrt^. " The Rump roasted salt it well it stinks exceedingly'' The long parliament, not proving itself sufficiently complacent, CA VALIER FLA YING CARDS. 1 1 Colonel Pride entered the House with two regiments of soldiers^ imprisoned 60 members, drove 160 into the streets, and left only 60. These were called the Rump. The name was revived in the Pro- tectorate of Richard Cromwell, and to distinguish the two, the former was called the Bloody Rump^ and the latter the Rump of a Rump, " The few, Because they're wasted to the stumps, Are represented best by rumps." (Butler's Htidibras, Part iii). 14. IV of dluH " A Covenanting Scot and an English Independent differ about ye things of this world." "There was a wonderful difference, throughout their whole proceedings, between the heads of those who were thought to sway the Presbyterian Counsels, and those who govern'd the Independents, though they were equally masters of dissimulation, and had equally malice and wickedness in their intentions, though not of the same kind .... The Presbyterians submitted to their senseless and wretched clergy; whose infectious breath corrupted, and govern'd the People, and whose authority was prevalent upon their own wives, and in their domestic affairs in order to corrupt and seduce them. . . whereas Cromwell and the Independents .... considered what was necessary to their main end; and then, whether it were right or wrong, made all other means subservient to it ; couzen'd and deceiv'd men as long as they could induce them to contribute to what they desired ; and when they would keep company with them no longer, compelled them by force to submit to what they should not be able to oppose : and so the one resolv'd, only to do what they beHev'd the People would like and approve ; and the other, that the People should like and approve what they had resolv'd." {Clarendon's .History of the Rebellion, vol. iii., pp. 63-64). 12 A PACK OF 15. IV of 0pkde^. ^^ Argyle a muckle Scotch knaue in gude faith Sir." Archibald Campbell, Marquis of Argyle, a zealous partisan of the Covenanters, and the opponent of Montrose. Born in 1598 he succeeded to his fathers titles in 1638. In the same year he was called to London with other Scotch Nobles, and advised the abolition of Episcopacy in Scotland. In 1641 he was created Marquis. He acquiesced in the Protectorate of Cromwell, and for this at the restoration he was committed to the Tower. In 1 661 he was sent to Scotland, tried for high treason and beheaded. 16. IV of Diknjoiid^. " Laird of Warriston an arrant knaue An my Soul man" "It was agreed that the committee of safety should consist of three- and-twenty persons, , . . . men try'd, and faithful to the public interest .... besides three or four others who had been the kings judges, with Warreston, Vane, Steel, and Whitlock." — Clarendoiis History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 402). 1^. V of Sekrt^. " The E. of Pern. : iny^ H. of Com. thanks y Speaker for his Admission. On the 29th of January 1643, a letter was addressed by Members of both Houses at Oxford to the Earl of Essex. Clarendon observes "This letter was subscribed by His Highness the Prince, the Duke of York, and three-and-forty Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Viscounts, and Barons, and 118 Members of the House of Commons; ... so that the numbers at London were very thin; for there were not above two- and-twenty peers, who either sat in the Parliament, or were engaged in their party; that is to say, the Earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, Essex, etc." — {C/arendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii. p. 274). CAVALIER FLAYING CARDS, 13 According to Clarendon, vol. ii. pp. 127-128, the Earl of Pembroke was a weak man with a great sense of his own importance, whom disappointed ambition "Got into actual rebellion, which he never intended to do." i§. Y of dlttfe^. " Sir H. Mildmay beaten by afoot boy^ a great breach of privilege. ^^ It is said that in the year 1642, Sir H. Mildmay got mixed up in a brawl in Fleet Street. Whether this Card alludes to that fact or not, I cannot tell. Clarendon states that Sir John Danvers and Sir H. Mildmay were the only two members of the High Court of Justice, whom the King knew besides the officers in the army. — (ClarendorHs History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii, p. 144). 19. V" of ;^j>Me^. ^^ Nye and Godwin^ Olivet^ s Confessors P In ^^ an ordinance appointing Commissioners for approbation of Pub iique Preachers" printed by "William Du Card and Henry Hills printers to His Highness the Lord Protector" 1653, appear the names of Dr. Thomas Goodwin and Mr. Philip Ny as Commissioners for such approbation. A copy of the pamphlet is in my possession, and it will be reprinted by the Clarendon Historical Society at an early date. 0^0. V of f)ikn|oi\(i^. " Sir W. Waller looses two army s yet getts by ye bargained Sir WiUiam Waller was defeated at the battle of Roundway Down by Lord Wilmot, losing 600 killed, 900 prisoners, all their cannon, arms, ammunition and baggage. He was again defeated at Cropredy 14 A PACK OF Bridge, by the army under the King in person, when he again lost all his artillery. He was however, subsequently named Lieutenant of Ireland. — {Clarendon^ s History of the Rebellion^ vol. ii. p. 179; p. 311; and vol. iii. p. 70). ^1. yi of Sekft^. " Worsley an Inckk Weaver A man of personal valor. ^^ Worsley, one of Cromwell's Major-Generals, and a most dear friend of his, was the first M.P. for Manchester, and his statue is in the Town Hall. . . . The incles were tapes; and the word comes into Shakespeare's Winter's Tale. The word is now very little known, except in a proverb, " As thick {i.e. as intimate) as Incle-weavers." I do not see this pack mentioned in the History of Playing Cards. Can the date of publication be proved ? It looks as if they were intended to keep up the spirit of the Cavaliers in depressed times. — Communicated by John Bailey, Esq., F.S.A., Manchester. 2^% YI of CluM- *^ Desbrow Olivers Champion haueing a cannon in each pocket. ^^ With reference to the proposal in Parliament to elect Cromwell King, Clarendon observes : "That which put an end to the present debate was that some of his own family who had grown up under him, and had their whole dependance upon him, as Desborough, Fleetwood, Whaley, and others, passionately contradicted the motion.' — (ClarendorCs History of the Rebellion, vol. iii., page 339.) ^3. VI of ^|)kde^. " Skippon a waggoner to S''- F. Vere one of Olivers Hectors.''' Major-General Skippon was left in charge of the Army by the CAVALIER FLAYING CARDS. 15 Earl of Essex, when the latter fled from Fowey to Plymouth. Skippon surrendered all his Artillery, too barrels of powder, and about 6000 arms (muskets) on condition that the officers should be convoyed in safety to Poole or Southampton. Skippon was originally a waggoner, as stated in the Card. — {Clarendon's History of Rebellion, vol. ii.> page 327.) ^4. VI of ©ikmond^. " Kelsey, a sneeking Bodice maker a gifted Brother.^' On October 17th, 1645, ^ "summons to surrender was sent to the Garrison (of Langford House, near Salisbury) and fair and equal conditions were speedily agreed upon. Lieutenant Colonel Hewson and Major Kelsey being deputed to act for Cromwell." — (Godwin's Civil War in Hampshire, page 248.) This is probably the individual alluded to. ^5. VII of Se^ft^. " Nathaniel Fines whereby hangs a tale.'' " Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, brother of Lord Say and Sele, who had been educated at Winchester College, and had been admitted to a Fellowship at New College, Oxford, in quality of Founder's kin, surrendered Bristol to Prince Rupert on 26 July (1643.) and on the last day of the same month reached Southampton, at the head of 80 horse, each of whom had a woman riding behind him." — Mercurius Aulicus, August 5th, 1643.) This, I presume, is the tale alluded to. 26. VII of dlulD^. "Harrison the Carpenter cutting down ye home of ye beast in Daniel" Harrison was the son of a butcher near Nantwich, in Cheshire, and he it was who, with Ireton, succeeded in bringing the King i6 A PACK OF before the High Court of Justice. — {Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii., page 141.) Of the beast in Daniel, it is said, " I beheld, and the same horn made war with the Saints .... but the judgment shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion, to consume and to destroy it unto the end." — (Daniel, chap, vii., verses 2 1 and 26.) 27. VII of ^fkde^. ''Feek the seer.'' Feek was one of Cromwell's officers, who at the celebrated meeting at Windsor, in 1648, declared that in a vision the Almighty had appeared to him and announced that Monarchy should never more prevail in England. — {The Saints Triumph, 1648, page 3. 28. VII of Dikiriond^. ^^ Marshall curseing Mevoz." At Edgehill, " the reverend and renowned Master Marshall, Master Ask, Master Mourton, Masters Obadiah and John Sedgwick and Master Wilkins, and divers others, eminently pious and learned pastors rode up and down the army through the thickest dangers and in much personal hazard most faithfully and courageously exhorting and encouraging the soldiers to fight valiantly and not to fly, but now, if ever, to stand to it and fight for their religion and laws." — (Jehovah Jirah, by John Vicars, p. 200.) 29. VIII of Sekrt^. ''Lambert Kt, of y golden Tulip." When Lambert was cashiered by Parliament, he and eight other officers of the Army conspired to wrest the power from Parliament. The badge adopted by the conspirators was a yellow tulip. CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 17 30. yiii of diub^. '"''Pride Oliver's drayman P Parliament not proving willing to condemn Charles I., "^^.s purged oi its unruly members by Colonel Pride, (who was said to have been originally a drayman) who entered the house and drove i6o members into the streets, leaving 60 oi \hQ faithful io govern the kingdom and murder their monarch. — (Imprisonment and death of King Charles I., Aungervyle Society reprint, p. 58). 31. YIII of ^pkde^. " Scot Olivers clerk or tally tnanP Scott was one of the members of the long parliament, and with Robinson was sent to Monk to " give some check to that license of addresses and resort of malignants." — Clarendon's Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 410. 3^. VIII of ©ikinoiid^. " Don Haselrigg Kt. of ye codled braine.^^ " Haselrigg was of a rude, and stubborn nature, and of a weak understanding." — {Clarendon's Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 401). 33. IX of Sekft^. " Huson the cobler entring London'' Hewson, who had originally been a cobbler, became Lt.-Col. of Cromwell's Ironsides. 1 8 A PACK OF 34. IX of dliib^. *' The army entring the city persuifig the apprefiticesT Parliament had voted that "the mihtia of the city of London should be put into such hands as the army should desire Many thousands, apprentices and young citizens, brought petitions to parliament" in opposition. Parliament "durst not deny concurrence, the apprentices behaving themselves so insolently, that they would scarce suffer the door of the House of Commons to be shut." — {Clarendoiis Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 36). The army assembled at Hounslow Heath, and Colonel Rainsborough having seized in the night the defences of London Bridge, "the army of horse, foot and cannon marched next day through the city." — {Clarendon's Rebellion^ vol. iii. p. 39). 35. IX of >^pkde,<. " A Committee at Derby House to contijiue the warr^ Parliament had appointed a committee " for the raising of men . . and listing in all places, companies of volunteers" which met at Derby House. 36. IX of !)ikinor(d><. '■'• Lenthall runs away with his 7Jiace to the army.'' The Army having declared against the Committee of Safety, Lenthall the Speaker recovered his spirit and went into the city uniting with the army against the committee. — {Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. iii., p. 407.) CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 19 37- X of SekfU " The Rump and dreggs of the house of Com. remaining after the good Members were purged out" The explanation of this Card will be found above. (See VIII of Clubs.) 38. X of CluH " Oliver seeking God while the K. is murtheted by his order" Cromwell who signed the warrant for the Execution of Charles I., is said to have spent the night of the 29th of January, 1648, in prayer, and to have taken good care to let his fanatic followers know it, 39- X of ^f)kde^. "^ coniitte at Haberdashers hall to spoyle the caua leers, as the Jews did the Egyptians." Parliament, after the battle of Edgehill appointed a comiriittee to sit at Haberdashers Hall to consider the fines to be imposed upon those of the King's adherents w^ho had been taken prisoners there. 40. X of f)ikir|oi\(i^. " A comittee for plundered ministers, Miles Corbet in the chaire." This card speaks for itself. 41. Ki\^ve of Sekft^. " Hugh Peters shews the bodkins and thimbles giuen by the wives of Wappinfor the good old cause." Hugh Peters was born at Fowey, publicly whipped and expelled from the University of Cambridge, and obliged to leave England for 20 A PACK OF adultery. After some years spent in Holland and America, he returned in 1641, and became chaplain to Lord Brooke's regiment. He was a most burlesque preacher, and actually performed the act stated on the card. He styled the king Barabbas and compared the army to Christ. He advised the destruction of Stonehenge. Clarendon calls him the "ungodly confessor" who contrived the tragedy of the two Hothams {Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 383). He is said to have been one of the masked executioners of Charles I. He was beheaded October i6th 1660, and certainly deserved his fate if any of the Regicides did. 42. Ki)kveof dlub^. '''' Ireton holds that saints may pass through all fortns to obtain his ends'' Ireton was born in 16 10, and commanded the left wing of the Parliamentarians at Naseby. He married a daughter of Oliver Cromwell, whom he succeeded as Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, where he died in 1651. 43. l^ticive of Hpkde^. " Sir H. Vane finds a distinction betimxt a Legal and an Evangelical Conscience.'' Vane was the principal mover of the Solemn League and Covenant, but did not sit on the King's trial. 44. Ki^^ve of f)ikn)oi|d>^. " H. Martin moues y House that y King may take the Covenant ^ Martin, Vane and Hazelrigg were the principal supporters of the self-denying Ordinance. CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 21 46. Queen of Sek^i't^^. " The damnable engagement to be true and faithfully The taking of the Holy League and Covenant. (See Queen of Diamonds). 47- Queei) of dlub^^. '''Joane hold my staff Lady ProtedoresseT Another riddle. Cromwell's wife's name was Elizabeth. Query, 7vhat 7vas Lady Lamberfs 7ta7?ie ? {See next card). 48. Queei\ of ^pkde^. " The lady Lambert and Oliver under a strong conflicts It was said that an improper intimacy existed between Cromwell and Lambert's wife, but although the Protector is known to have been somewhat profligate in his youth, this charge seems to be mere calumnv. 49. Qtieei) of f)iiiinoi|d^. " The Takeing of the Holy League and Covenant ^ The Holy League and Covenant between England and Scotland was solemnly adopted by Parliament on the i6th of November 1643 It was accepted by Charles II. in 1650, but repudiated by him at his Restoration, and declared to be illegal by Parliament. — {Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 229). Z2 A PACK OF " The saints think it meet that the Rump make a league with OnealeP Lord Broghill, president of Munster, and Sir Charles Coote, president of Connaught had shewn enmity to the Rump, who there- upon coquetted with the Irish party. — {Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. iii. p. 434). 51. l^^iil^ of dluH " Oliver declars himself, and the Retells to be the Gadly party. This card needs no explanation. 52. Kii}^ of 0j)k(ie0. " Bradshazv in y^ High Court of Justice insulting of the King.'' " The King demanded by what authority they brought him thither, the President answered that they derived their authority from an act made by the Commons . . . The King demurred to the jurisdiction of the Court, but the President overruled this." When the iniquitous sentence was read, "The King would have spoken something before he was withdrawn, but being accounted dead in law immediately after sen- tence was pronounced, it was not permitted." — {Ludlotv's Imprison- ment and Death of Charles 1. — Aungenylc Soc. Rep. pp. 62-65). CAVALIER PLAYING CARDS. 23 53. ffii|^ of ©ikinond^^. " Sir H. Mild may solicits a Cityzen's wife, for which his owne corrects himT On September 9, 1641, the House of Commons appointed Pym, St. John, Sir H. Mildmay, Sir H. Vane, and others (six to form a quorum), as a Committee, with extraordinary powers, to act during the recess, " To draw resort and reverence to them from ahnost all sorts of men." Mildmay is said to have used his political power to further his own projects of lust and greed. — {Clarendoiis Rebellion^ vol. i., pp. 168 et seq.). ]f i n i 6. CvoiixweVtJre^ton, and. jCiv3,sofv, all VTL yjaiiic Soate.. JlFree- Jiate or cl tolleraliorv Jor cdlfovl oj Villcuny. B i^adfhX.the layloiTandy Hangman keepers of the Lzhe-rty ofEiwlanc. Jke J/iah Coui'^t oflujiice o\ Olive 1'^ flaiiahUr koufc . Btdjhrod cund^ W hi tlo ch 'p r*eje nth Oliver the Iri/trutnenis ofGovemrn. Ji.Jlia,rtin de/end^^Ralph wh deflgn'd to kill the King . Simonias Jlandnng yJ^fi^hPreift to Reikis Place. JhdR.uvip roaj ted J alt it IV ell itjtinks ejcceedin^ly. .. / Co uena ntino Scot 3: an Eiwh ffi In : iependent differ ah out y things oftkxs -Ar^y le a, muclcle Scotch ?(hatu in gudejnifh Sir. LairdofWai'^^e/ion ait arrant Knaue^iL my Saul iinxut. J he K of Pern: in y J-C.ofCom:tha n hy Speake rfor hifjldmifswn . SK^^ttdinay ly eaten Ijy ajoot' looy a^Teat yreach qfPrx'viltd^ S'.WWallei'^ loofes livo ^rmys yet oetts bi/ y haiyatne . 1 cfh KCfv Ohirefs Champion haue na a Cannon in eaciv rochet . Kclfey ajhcahn^ Bodice maktr a Gifted Brolht \ey ^^ or/ley an [nchle 7Ve aveKa man ofPer/onal ValoK. Skippcn a Wa^aonertc S.F.Vtrt one of Oliuers. Sectors . r. !. I''. 1.1 /, Uatkaittel Fzrves IV here hy han^s a, tale. J/arrifoii the Cai'j^enlei'^ cutting downy hcime ofy BeaftinDamel ^I4a7yna.u cuinfeina ^c vol.. Pri dc O li vc K D raynt an ocot Olivers Clej^/c ot- J/ally man . Don Hafeh^y^ K. * ^y Co died hi'-ainc . Jlu/on the Col^lei'-eith^na J he xAnizy eiztrtnatke City per/ut7ia the ^Ap prentices. 4 K H fc 1 ■ B ^ Comittee atDeKdyJxoiye to conttniie the Ipari''. L ait hall J^uti7ts atvay IVitk hisJ\Iace to the ^rmy. ofCoiivreinainui^; after' the oood nicniheT-s iverej^uKpe^ out. live J" /eekina (jodwhil& the K. /J" murthered hy his or^er. Jl Comitte atJiahcrdafhersKall to jpoylc the CaualeefS, as the lews did the Ejfypttans. ♦ X ^^ ^^^ — =j=— ^riWMfllt " ^ -_^ J ' ' T\^k i llljr ■ A ComitteeJorPliLndcL red Mi nifters Miles Corbet in the Chaire 1 — 'j ^ Knave Jiii^h PeteTsjlieivs the hodtcins and. ihimhles giuen hy the ivivts ofWap: -.ptnjor" the^ood old cause . 4|k Knave My^^' •p. » if m 1 lit ipH ^\1 1 4 ij iiiii|Ji 'it'1ili;lira y iii:i^i»:^ ^^3 Iretoii holds that Saints vtairjfop thr: oujkaU formes to ohtame kis ends. Knave o.H Vane finds a dijhnctio n helivixt aLejal^ an Evan^ diced Con/ctt aenc Knave Jj f^nftiii moties i^J/oii/e that^ JCxn^ may take, the Coiienant. Queen S^he Damnahle enaac/emcnt to be time and Faith^dl ♦ Qi lie en I a am hold viy Staff Lj ady Tto lectoi'-efse . jkt Lady fj ami ert and Oliver inidej^ a/tT'ona Conflict. Queen J lie takein^ oftlie^ Jloly Leaauc and Covenant J lie Saints thtnktt meet that the. Rump make aLeaaut w. One ah King i/Iiuer Jeclars hm/elfandtJie R^ veUs tohe the Gadhr larhr ♦ King^ Bi'^adfhawiny J{iqh Cour^t of Itiftic& iiifidting oj the Ktna . SZ^JHilmayJoh'ctts a Cityzem iv^c^onv his ownc Collects him