I llllllllllll 
 
 K0L0K0TR0NES 
 KLEPHT 
 
 AND 
 WARRIOR 
 
"3/-5&3 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 Class 
 
 
 
 
 
"Adventures are to the adventurous.' 
 
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THE ADVENTURE SERIES, 
 
 Illustrated. Crown 8vo, 5s. 
 
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 Adventures of a Younger Son. By E. J. 
 Trelawny. With an Introduction by Edward 
 Garnett. Second Edition. 
 
 2. 
 
 Robert Drury's Journal in Madagascar. 
 Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by 
 Captain S. P. Oliver. 
 
 3- 
 Memoirs of the Extraordinary Military 
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 by H. Manners Chichester. 
 
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 The Adventures of Thomas Pellow, of 
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 Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Dr. 
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 Being an Account of the Famous Adventures 
 and Daring Deeds of certain Notorious Free- 
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 6. 
 
 The Log of a Jack Tar ; or, The Life of James 
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 The Voyages and Adventures of Ferdinand 
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 The Story of the Filibusters. By James 
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 A Master Mariner. Being the Life and Adven- 
 tures of Captain Robert William Eastwick. 
 Edited by Herbert Compton. 
 
 {OTHERS IN THE PRESS.) 
 
THEODORE KOLOKOTRONES. 
 
(SSSS KOLOKOTRONES. 
 THE KLEPHT AND THE 
 WARRIOR. SIXTY YEARS 
 OF PERIL AND DARING. 
 AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 
 WITH INTRODUCTION AND 
 NOTES. BY MRS. EDMONDS, 
 AUTHOR OF "GREEK LAYS," 
 "RHIGAS PHERAIOS," ETC., ETC. 
 
 WITH A PREFACE BY 
 MONSIEUR J. GENNADIUS, 
 GREEK ENVOY TO THE 
 COURT OF ST. JAMES'S 
 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 
 LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN, 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE. MDCCCXCII 
 
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 <G 
 
 3 
 
 <C.^ 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 GENERAL 
 
PEEFAGE. 
 
 
 
 The Greek text of the autobiography of which a 
 talented and muse-inspired lady has given, in the 
 following pages, an abridged English version, may 
 be considered as one of the most noteworthy 
 contributions to modern Greek literature. It is 
 remarkable as a specimen of the terse and graphic 
 idiom which prevails with the illiterate portion of 
 the Greek people; it is valuable as an historical 
 document ; and it is characteristic both of the 
 hero and of his amanuensis, who wrote it under 
 his dictation. 
 
 Kolokotrones gives, in his own narrative, a 
 pretty faithful picture of himself; and to that 
 picture some additional touches will be attempted 
 later on. But a few words may here be prefixed 
 with regard to George Tertzetis, who actually 
 wrote and published these memoirs. 
 
 Tertzetis was a native of Zante, a man of much 
 talent, of considerable culture, and gifted with a 
 peculiar grace and sweetness of diction. He was 
 a poet and an orator ; and, though himself pos- 
 sessed of a classical education, he was one of the 
 most uncompromising and, as far as his own 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 writings are concerned, one of the most successful 
 apostles of the so-called " demotic school" in 
 modern Greek literature ; the school namely of 
 those who aimed at preserving, in the written 
 tongue, the spoken vernacular, unchanged and 
 unimproved, and who were opposed to all progress 
 or epuration. * 
 
 * The chief service rendered by the advocates of the " demotic " 
 tongue consisted in the proof they afforded of the futility of endea- 
 vouring to tie down to the thraldom of a restrained and unserviceable 
 idiom the awakening conscience and the daily increasing require- 
 ment of a people able to fall back upon an immortal language in order 
 to supply such requirements. Few words need here be wasted on the 
 essayists and philosophers of the kind of the late Lord Strangford, 
 who are either sufficiently naive to imagine, or ill-disposed enough to 
 assert, that an entire nation have somehow conspired, at much per- 
 sonal inconvenience and loss of precious time, to make use of an un- 
 natural and stilted idiom in order to vindicate a patrimony, of which, 
 apparently, only such should be deemed the rightful heirs as choose 
 to pronounce Greek in a manner which is as arbitrary as it is ludicrous. 
 To quote Lord Strangford is to prosecute a post mortem research of 
 an uninviting description. But many accept and to this day repeat 
 his delusions as dogmas of an infallible faith ; and as his remains in 
 literature have been mummified into a two-volume " Selection," it 
 will be no fault of ours if his diatribes be shown to constitute but 
 a sorry epitaph on his erudition : 
 
 "It must be owned that this word [Hellene, Hellenic] does not read 
 quite comfortably and easily." "The nation is simply mad." " The 
 Greeks, one and all, write in an artificial language," " an extraordi- 
 nary lingo ... to which they are sacrificing their own satisfactory 
 vernacular bow-wow." " This factitious language is the symbol of 
 Hellenism," which, " with much rattening and house-burning," is 
 forced down the throats of " the Eomaic-speaking Byzantine agricul- 
 turists of Thessaly. ... It [their education] teaches nothing of any 
 kind except a barbarous and factitious literary jargon, made up out of 
 the grammar and the words of a dead language, from which it is a 
 point of honour to divorce the idiom of the true spoken language ; and 
 this jargon is taken up and inculcated everywhere as the symbol of 
 Hellenism and the uniting bond of the race. ... If I were a rich 
 man I would set a premium on the head of any Greek in the kingdom 
 who could be shown to have lived to the age of fifty without ever 
 speaking a word of book-Greek, . . . just as you give a blue coat 
 
PBEFACE. vii 
 
 For many years Tertzetis was the librarian of 
 the Greek Parliament (which, under King Otho, 
 was still composed of two Chambers), and in that 
 capacity he came into close contact and intimate 
 
 and brass buttons to the virtuous labourer at home as a reward of 
 merit.' , 
 
 It is to be feared that but few Greeks would have availed them- 
 selves of this tempting offer. Kolokotrones himself, at an age even 
 more mature than fifty, appears so lost to a sense of the fitness of 
 things as to use " book-Greek " the moment he finds himself con- 
 fronted with the necessity of giving expression to any idea rising above 
 the limited vocabulary of his " vernacular bow-wow." As for 
 Tertzetis, he, in common with the rest of the now all but extinct 
 vernacularists, failing to give adequate expression, in the demotic 
 idiom, to the subjects he had to treat, used at every step whole 
 phrases from " book-Greek," and persuaded himself he was writing in 
 the vernacular by simply dropping terminal i>'s and by maiming 
 harmless words. Lord Strangford might have endangered his pecuni- 
 ary resources had he offered his prize of a blue coat and brass buttons 
 to such Dorsetshire rustics as would not use the English of the Times 
 even to the day of their death; but in Greece his proffered munificence 
 would have remained untouched. Those who for their own egotistical 
 enjoyment advocate the continuance of a picturesque barbarity in 
 language, remind one forcibly of that sickly school in art, who, little 
 caring whether the people of Venice needed St. Mark's as a useful 
 place of worship, lamented and protested against the restoration of its 
 contorted pavement, the upheavals of which, they boldly affirmed, 
 had thus been originally fashioned, in order to represent the waves of 
 the Adriatic ! The Greek people were guided in the progressive 
 development of their language by practical and urgent needs. The 
 movement which has made, within the last century, such rapid 
 and giant strides, was not the result of scholastic pedantry or 
 of political fanaticism ; it was not imposed or forced ; it was not 
 mechanical. It was the result of the spread of education and of the 
 gradual re-civilization of the country. It is a remarkable fact that it 
 preceded political emancipation. The culture of the Greek language 
 and the study of Greek literature have undoubtedly had, at all times 
 and places, and still have, as an immediate result, the awakening of a 
 sense of individual dignity and of national freedom. But that is one 
 of the primary reasons why the study of Greek is advocated the world 
 over as an indispensable adjunct to a liberal education. Such an 
 influence may be esteemed, by some, a regrettable drawback ; but 
 Lord Strangford's reprinted diatribes will not help to cure it. 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 relations with all the great survivors of the War 
 of Independence. On the 25th of March (6th 
 April) of each year, the anniversary of Greek 
 Independence, coinciding as it does with the 
 festival of the Annunciation, was celebrated in the 
 Chamber by an oration which Tertzetis delivered, 
 never failing to move his audience to enthusiasm 
 and tears. It was on one of these occasions that 
 he announced the forthcoming publication of the 
 reminiscences of Kolokotrones, and related how 
 he had succeeded in persuading the old warrior 
 that he owed it to his country to leave a written 
 record of his sufferings and of his deeds of valour 
 in her cause. He had repeatedly begged him to 
 do so, but Kolokotrones refused, pretexting his 
 inability to write. He could read, in a fashion; 
 but in the way of writing he could not do more 
 than scratch his signature. At last one day 
 Tertzetis said to him : 
 
 " General, you will remain like a musical instru- 
 ment, which brings forth sounds men listen to and 
 enjoy, but which does not itself comprehend the 
 value of .its own voice. If you do not yourself 
 record your deeds, they will hereafter appear as 
 the play of chance, not as the works of your 
 own wisdom and conscience. Deeds of heroism 
 and acts of devotion are befitting a Greek; but 
 they must be recorded in writing, as of old. You 
 hesitate lest you should do injustice to others. 
 Speak the truth, as you know it to be ; be not 
 concerned lest you fall into errors; you will not 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 lead the world astray; truth will herself appear 
 foremost. And if your memory fail you as to 
 details, who will put it down to you as a sin? 
 You object you are illiterate; you know enough 
 and to spare. Speech is literature. Speak, and I 
 will write; for there lived many a brave man before 
 Agamemnon and Achilles, who, having chanced 
 no chronicler, now lie- forgotten, unpraised and 
 unmourned. Do not trust the record of your own 
 deeds to others than yourself; but fear the ad- 
 venturer in literature as you have shunned him in 
 other walks. " 
 
 " He scrutinized me," Tertzetis goes on to say, 
 "with his glance, now wild, now soft and caressing, 
 and then he said to me, ' Come to-morrow.' ' Come 
 early/ he again cried out to me from the window 
 as I was leaving.' ' 
 
 So the dictation began in the summer of 1836, 
 and a part of these reminiscences was privately 
 printed in 1846, three years after the death of 
 Kolokotrones. The printing was continued in 
 1850, but the whole was not published till 1852. 
 
 Tertzetis noted down these memoirs, not in 
 shorthand, with which he was unacquainted, but 
 by writing as fast as he could follow Kolokotroijes, 
 who did not precisely dictate, but narrated his 
 tale as he usually talked. . He was already bowed 
 down, more by the terrible hardships which he had 
 endured, than with years. Besides, his idiom and 
 mode of expression was peculiar, and, as Tertzetis 
 relates, often a gesture, the intonation of his voice, 
 
x PEEFACE. 
 
 or the expression of his countenance, indicated 
 and explained more than his rugged sentences. 
 The original manuscript must therefore have 
 been of a very fragmentary description ; and 
 Tertzetis adds that he marked with dots many 
 gaps which he had intended to request Koloko- 
 trones to supplement, had he been spared to do so. 
 The fidelity with which Tertzetis accomplished 
 his self-imposed task cannot be disputed. On the 
 contrary, the style used is only too faithful a re- 
 presentation of the idiom of Greek mountaineers 
 of the times to which the narrative relates. It is 
 an idiom as peculiar as the English of the Scottish 
 highlanders, with a large admixture of barbarisms, 
 and with many abbreviations and the suppression 
 of such explanatory words or sentences as may be 
 suggested by the context, or may be easily under- 
 stood by one conversant with the habits of thought 
 and life of the speaker, but which compel the 
 ordinary reader to halt and consider at every 
 sentence. Moreover, Kolokotrones was address- 
 ing his remarks to one already familiar with the 
 general course of the events of which he was 
 offering rather his own version, than a connected 
 and systematic recital. For all these reasons, even 
 to a Greek the perusal and thorough comprehen- 
 sion of this remarkable book is no smooth reading. 
 It requires, in any case, some acquaintance with the 
 general outlines of the history of the Greek War 
 of Independence. The courage, therefore, with 
 which Mrs. Edmonds has undertaken to grapple 
 
PBEFACE. xi 
 
 with difficulties, in many cases hopeless, is as 
 admirable as the apparent shortcomings and hia- 
 tuses of the English version are conceivable and 
 almost inevitable. 
 
 The narrative begins with the birth of Koloko- 
 trones in 1770, and ends in 1836, when he was 
 living peaceably at Athens. The first question 
 which will present itself to one who has read it 
 through is to what extent does it possess an 
 historical value. Of its sincerity there can be no 
 doubt. Kolokotrones dictated it when many of 
 those concerned were still living. It was not ad- 
 dressed to the outer world ; while in Greece itself 
 everything relating to the War of Independence 
 is eagerly scanned and jealously criticised. Never- 
 theless, while supplementary statements or rectifi- 
 cations of unimportant incidents may have been 
 offered, no material contradiction has appeared 
 with respect to Kolokotrones' narrative of his in- 
 dividual action in the war. It cannot, of course, 
 be maintained that his narrative is absolutely 
 impartial. He was an active participant in the 
 events of that time ; he was mixed up, however 
 involuntarily, in the intestine troubles 'and strifes 
 which considerably reduced and almost crushed 
 the great object of the Greek uprising. But on 
 the whole his account of these events is dispas- 
 sionate, fairly impartial, and singularly sober and 
 unpretentious. In fact Kolokotrones' countrymen 
 esteem his deeds and the glorious part he took 
 in the liberation of the country far higher than 
 
xii PREFACE. 
 
 he himself appears to appraise them ; and the 
 verdict of history will confirm their appreciation. 
 
 As regards their literary merit, these reminis- 
 cences can lay claim to no sort of artistic finish. 
 There is no trace of scholarly ability or of careful 
 composition. On the contrary, the style, as already 
 stated, is rugged in the extreme, indicative not of 
 the affected ruggedness of the professional philo- 
 sopher, wearying and repellant in its too manifest 
 effort, but of the unconcerned directness and un- 
 conscious force of a natural rhetoric. In one 
 sense we have here the modern counterpart to the 
 narratives of Homer and Herodotus. All three 
 relate the same tale, each in the particular manner 
 of his age the secular struggle between Greece 
 and Asia. Kolokotrones, however, had this ad- 
 vantage over his predecessors in the narration of 
 this ever-recurring strife : that before consigning to 
 writing the deeds he relates, he engraved them on 
 the page of history w T ith the point of his sword. 
 His story may well be said to have been written 
 not with ink, but with the blood w T hich flowed in 
 torrents for the freedom of Greece. 
 
 He* was born and destined to this holy work. 
 His family, which dates three centuries back, first 
 appears in history as a living protest against 
 foreign domination. They waged war against the 
 Turk from their native crags and fastnesses, be- 
 queathing from father to son the choice between 
 blessing and curse, to continue or abandon the 
 sacred tradition. Each succeeding generation is 
 
PBEFACE. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 decimated in holocausts of martyrs; but it persists 
 in the firm belief and inextinguishable hope of 
 ultimate triumph.* 
 
 The abortive revolt of the Morea, in which his, 
 father, Constantine Kolokotrones, had taken a lead-\ 
 ing part, had just been suppressed, when on April x 
 3rd, the Easter Monday of 1770, Theodore was 
 born f under a tree on the hills of Eama, in Messenia, 
 
 * How deeply rooted this belief was in the traditions of the entire 
 nation, how imbued Kolokotrones was with the conviction that the 
 Turkish dominion, however powerful, was insecure, incomplete, and 
 transitory, and that the nation, as a whole, had never been reconciled 
 to it, and never recognized it, is conclusively shown by the following 
 anecdote, which is given in his reminiscences, but which Kolokotrones 
 himself related on another occasion in the following more detailed 
 manner. In 1823, after the fall of Nauplia, three English warships 
 anchored in the bay, and the commander of the squadron, whose 
 name is given as Hamilton, after congratulating Kolokotrones on his 
 victory of Dervenakia and the capture of Nauplia, urged upon him the 
 opportuneness of appealing to the English Government, so that, through 
 its mediation, Greece might be constituted into a principality, vassal 
 to the Sultan. Kolokotrones replied that the Greeks had never re- 
 cognized the Suzerainty of the Sultan ; and on the English com- 
 mander expressing his surprise at this assertion, he added: "The 
 Turk has come upon us as a rapacious marauder; he has put to death 
 some of us and has made slaves of others; but when our king fell in 
 battle he had made no treaty with the Turks, but left a will bidding 
 his garrison carry on the war and free the nation. His garrison 
 has never given up the struggle, and our two fortresses have never 
 capitulated." Hamilton again asked who were the garrison and which 
 the fortresses ; and Kolokotrones replied : " The garrison of our king 
 are the so-called Klephts, and the two fortresses are Mama and Suli." 
 
 f Tertzetis points to certain parallel incidents in the lives of 
 Washington, Napoleon, and Kolokotrones, all three having been 
 contemporaries, great strategists, and leaders of nations. Koloko- 
 trones was in his fifteenth year when Washington signed the treaty of 
 peace with England ; and in his thirtieth when Napoleon was pro- 
 claimed Emperor, whose junior he was by one year. The mothers of 
 both were driven by war to mountain refuges in their pregnancy ; but 
 Napoleon died an exile in his fifty-second year, while Kolokotrones 
 attained the age of seventy after seeing his country free. 
 
xiv PBEFACE. 
 
 where his clan had sought a refuge. The child of 
 a struggle for freedom, he was reared up amidst 
 the mountain songs of the Klephts and within echo 
 of the wailings of the bondsmen of the plains.* 
 His father having been, some years later, seized 
 and put to death by the Turks, he was sent by 
 
 # It would have required a good-sized volume one that might 
 well have figured in this series to set forth with adequate detail 
 who the Klephts were, what their origin, their organization, the 
 patriotic and religious motives of their desperate mode of life, and 
 how the Porte entered into compacts and alliances with them at 
 times, the more effectually to hunt them down at others. The 
 interesting introduction in the following pages, offers some elucidation 
 of the subject. But those who are desirous for more ample informa- 
 tion, can find no better guide than the unrivalled historial retrospect 
 with which C. Fauriel has prefaced his classic work, "Les Chants 
 Populaires de la Grece Moderne : Paris, 1824." Although inaccurate 
 on some points of minor importance, it remains the best monograph 
 on the subject ; and in perusing it, the reader may fancy himself 
 carried back to the heroic times of ancient Greece. No doubt the 
 Klephts degenerated in later years into bands of marauders and 
 brigands. When the great chiefs, who served only Faith and Freedom, 
 had disappeared, it was but natural that their following, having been 
 persecuted into the conviction that the governing caste were their 
 natural foes, should continue to regard a life of armed opposition to 
 all government as the only one worth leading. The poisonous seed 
 of secular slavery and misrule cannot be eradicated in a generation. 
 Yet, whatever brigandage may have existed in Greece and it was 
 never a more rampant evil there than in other and more favoured 
 countries, both of the old world and of the new it existed mostly as 
 the outcome of incursions from over the frontier, for which the 
 government of the country could not well have been held answerable. 
 The Klephts of old may have been guilty of acts of cruelty ; theirs 
 was a life and death struggle, bequeathed from father to son. But 
 their sense of chivalry can compare favourably with that of the much- 
 vaunted knights of the West. They certainly never proved them- 
 selves capable not even towards their Mussulman foes of such 
 acts as those of the later Crusaders, who, starting with the avowed 
 object of freeing the tomb of Christ, ended by enthroning the harlots 
 of their camps on the holy altar of Saint Sophia, by way of mockery 
 of the Virgin of the u Schismatics," and who, for many centuries 
 afterwards, infested and victimised the Levant as depredators and 
 adventurers. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xv 
 
 his mother, now an orphan of twelve, to sell a 
 load of wood in Tripolitza, and bring back flour 
 and salt. On his way thither he was waylaid and 
 beaten by a Turk the usual reminder to a Chris- 
 tian that he was but a giaour and a slave. Koloko- 
 trones managed to sell his firewood, but he brought 
 back neither flour nor salt, but a sword, vowing 
 vengeance to the tyrant. Who but his own stout 
 heart would then have hoped that forty years 
 later, on the memorable 22nd September, 1821, he 
 was destined to enter Tripolitza as a conqueror ! 
 
 Yet he seemed marked out by Providence to 
 work out such a revenge. His whole life was 
 typical of the sufferings, the struggles, and the 
 resurrection of Greece. The influence, the ? 
 prestige of the name of the Kolokotrones was sol 
 dreaded by the Turks, that the extirpation of the" 
 entire clan was ordered by the Porte in 1804. 
 Thirty- six of Theodore's brothers, cousins, and 
 relatives, and one hundred and fifty of their fol- 
 lowers, were butchered in the struggle that en- 
 sued. But he remained undaunted; and after 
 compelling the Turks to recognize him, at the age 
 of sixteen, as chief of the Armatoles of Megalo- 
 polis, he found himself again the object of a per- 
 fidious conspiracy, intending to entrap him. He 
 was thus forced to take refuge in Zante in 1805. 
 
 Once in safety, his first care was to organize 
 amongst the Greek refugees in the Ionian Islands 
 a memorial addressed to the Emperor of Kussia, 
 entreating him to intervene in favour of Greece. 
 
 la 
 
xvi PEE FACE. 
 
 No answer was received, but the Eussian Governor 
 of. the Islands urged Kolokotrones to recruit a 
 Greek corps for service against Bonaparte. " What 
 wrong has Bonaparte done to us? " was the reply. 
 "If you want men to fight for the freedom of Greece, 
 I bind myself to muster a body of ten thousand." 
 For his inextinguishable hopes made him cling 
 even from afar to his beloved mountains ; and 
 oft and again he would ascend with his young 
 son the castle hill of Zante, and, pointing to the 
 Morea, he would tell the boy that those were the 
 fastnesses of their forefathers, which must again 
 be free. 
 
 The English occupation of the Ionian Islands 
 opened up for Kolokotrones a new and brilliant 
 prospect. With that far-sighted sagacity which 
 guided all his resolves, he seized the opportunity 
 to lend brilliant services to the British Govern- 
 ment during the siege of Santa Maura, and his 
 bravery was rewarded with the grade of major. 
 It was then he acquired tactical knowledge and 
 experienced the advantages of regular warfare. 
 It was then he became acquainted with, and 
 -conceived a devoted friendship for, General Sir 
 Bichard Church. It was there, in the Ionian 
 Islands, that Lord Guilford and General Church 
 laid the first germ of English philhellenism, the 
 one by the revival of learning in Greece, the other 
 by his resolute endeavours for the liberty of 
 Greece. 
 
 It was a long and dreary waiting. But at last 
 
PREFACE. xyii 
 
 the day, which fourteen generations of Greeks had 
 longed and prayed for, dawned with the spring of 
 1821, when the proclamation of Alexander Ypsi- 
 lantis resounded throughout all Greece. " When 
 it reached my ears," said Kolokotrones, " when 
 I heard ' the war-trumpet of the Fatherland calls 
 you,' I fancied that heaven and earth re-echoed 
 the trumpet blast. I donned on my fez gallantly, 
 I grasped the hilt of my sword with fervour, and 
 I inscribed in my heart with letters of fire the 
 immortal name of Alexander Ypsilantis ! " 
 
 The long-expected hour had now arrived, and of 
 the result he never doubted for an instant. " Fear 
 not," he was wont to say; " God has pledged His 
 word for the liberty of Greece, and He will not 
 retract." He declared, "We have been baptized 
 once with holy ointment; we shall again be 
 baptized in blood for the freedom of the Father- 
 land! " The faith and piety of this rough and 
 hardened warrior was that of an ascetic. In 1803, 
 passing by a Convent of the Virgin, ruined and 
 devastated during the last revolt, he halted there 
 and prayed fervently, making a vow to rebuild the 
 shrine in its pristine grandeur, if but the Blessed 
 Virgin inspired him how to free the country. The 
 second year of the war, after his heroic successes, 
 he returned to the sacred spot and fulfilled his 
 vow. And again, after his great victory at 
 Valtetzi, it being a Friday, he ordered his troops 
 to fast that day and offer up a thanksgiving prayer 
 to God. 
 
xviii PEE FACE. 
 
 But not these qualities alone endeared him to 
 his men, over whom he exercised a magic influ- 
 ence^ The prestige of his name, his ardent 
 patriotism, his consummate knowledge of the 
 country, were powerful agencies in his favour. 
 Above all, he was a born soldier and a great 
 strategist. The troops which he led to battle 
 were composed for the most part of raw recruits, 
 badly armed, and inferior, always in numbers and 
 often in physique, to the splendid armies which 
 the Turks poured into the Morea from Asia and 
 Egypt. Yet he gained one victory after another 
 never a more glorious one than over the dreaded 
 force of Dram-Ali, whom he outwitted and out- 
 manoeuvred. He was full of resource, especially 
 in times of crisis and reverses. Memorable and 
 most characteristic is the feat by which pretend- 
 ing, in the midst of a precipitate retreat, to have 
 suddenly routed the Turks, he set up a cry of 
 exultation, and he deceived his own men, whom he 
 thus rallied and actually converted from fugitives 
 into pursuers. On another occasion, during the 
 siege of Tripolitza, one of his officers drew his 
 attention to a body of Turkish troops lurking in 
 the distance. Kolokotrones looked around uncon- 
 cerned, and replied that they were only birds of 
 prey who must have just feasted on the body of 
 Hadji-Koulele (a dreaded Turkish commander who 
 had been killed), and they were now resting to 
 digest him ! 
 
 In fact, he was the Odysseus of the Greek War 
 
PBEFACE. xix 
 
 of Independence,* and he was befittingly nick- 
 named " the old man of the Morea" (O' Tepwv rod 
 Mcopea), not on account of his age, which was not 
 great at that date, but owing to his unrivalled 
 experience, his unerring judgment, and his in- 
 exhaustible resource. In common with many- 
 great men, he was extremely superstitious, and, 
 like all good Klephts, an adept in divining by the 
 bones of sheep. He believed in the portents of 
 dreams, so much so, that he often took military 
 measures in accordance with the inferences he 
 drew from his dreams. Yet he was full of dry 
 humour, and many of his sayings remain fresh in 
 the minds of men in Greece. It is related of him 
 that, when suffering from an abscess on the back, 
 he asked his men how it looked. One told him it 
 was no bigger than a pea ; another, that it was 
 the size of a cherry ; while a third assured him 
 it was as large as an egg. " Strange," remarked 
 Kolokotrones; "the distance is but from my head 
 to my back, yefc I cannot learn the truth ! " And 
 again, when the Bavarian Eegency committed the 
 fatal blunder of condemning Kolokotrones to death 
 on a trumped-up charge of treason, on the sentence 
 being commuted to twenty years' imprisonment, 
 the decree was read to him. "I shall cheat the 
 Eegency," he said; "for I shall not live the 
 
 * Une fois que je rencontrai a Argos, si je ne me trompe, Koloko- 
 troni sortant de chez lui, il (Comte Capo d'Istria) me fit, avee des 
 passages l'Homere qu'il savait par cceur, le portrait du fourbe ' Ulysse, 
 et me dit: " Ne le trouvez vous pas bien resemblant?^ (tfory ae 
 Saint Vincent, " Expedition Scientifique de Mor^e." Pans, W6b). 
 
xx PBEFACE. 
 
 twenty years.-" Being himself a humorist, he 
 knew well how to frustrate attempts at scorn. At 
 Tripolitza, on a Sunday, a lampoon directed against 
 him was found nailed to the door of the church, 
 where a large crowd soon gathered. Kolokotrones 
 going into mass, took down the placard and put 
 it in his pocket; but at the conclusion of the 
 service he compelled the priest to read it aloud 
 to the congregation, whom he then asked w T hether 
 he had merited the insult. He was greeted with 
 cheers, and returned to his house amid an ovation. 
 He was inexhaustible also in fables, by means 
 of which he would convey much of his caustic and 
 pregnant criticism. For he loved to examine the 
 philosophical aspect of things, and he used to say 
 that philosophy is observation. His rhetoric, rude 
 and unadorned as it was, had great persuasive 
 powers. His strategy would not have availed 
 alone against Dram-Ali's campaign. It was by 
 haranguing his soldiers that he encouraged them 
 to hold fast to their entrenchments and despise 
 the onslaughts of the enemy. And when, after 
 the establishment of peace and order, the rising 
 generation were to be exhorted and urged to 
 imitation of the deeds of their fathers, George 
 Gennadius called upon Kolokotrones to address 
 the young students of Athens. The scene was 
 one never to be forgotten, when, on the feast of 
 the Asomati in 1838, the grizzly old General stood 
 up on the Pnyx and related to those, who were 
 now fortunate enough to be educated as free 
 
PBEFACE. xxi 
 
 citizens, by what sacrifices the Fatherland had 
 been redeemed and liberated. The voice of Greek 
 liberty then re-echoed on those sacred rocks for 
 the first time since the days of Demosthenes. The 
 whole assembly was filled with enthusiasm, and 
 was moved to tears when he told them, in conclu- 
 sion, that he had but one regret, that he had always 
 prayed to fall sword in hand in battle, but he was 
 now condemned to end his days on his couch. 
 
 His own want of education made him even more 
 eager that the rising generation should receive 
 enlightenment. He often attended the lectures 
 in the University and the Gymnasia, sitting him- 
 self on the benches by the side of the scholars, 
 so as to excite pride in their studies. It was his 
 wont to pace up and down the room while his 
 son prepared his lessons ; and on one occasion, 
 stopping short, he asked him suddenly : " Kolinos, 
 which do you take to be the great house of the 
 nation?" " The king's palace/' answered the 
 boy. "No," said he; "it is the University." 
 He had in him the innate love and admiration 
 of the Greek for learning. He, however, knew 
 well how to discern times and seasons. On the 
 eve of the Kevolution, while at Zante, he attended 
 as usual the lectures of the Master, Nicolas 
 Kalyva; and, being filled with enthusiasm at 
 the mention of a free Fatherland, he snatched 
 the b'ook from Kalyva's hands, and, tearing it up, 
 " This you should now teach them," he said, 
 "how to make cartridges with the paper." 
 
xxii PEE FACE. 
 
 His whole mind and soul was indeed that of a 
 soldier. His very appearance announced him as 
 such. He was rather short in stature, of a thin, 
 wiry frame, sunburnt and weather-beaten to a 
 degree that he might well have been mistaken for 
 a man of colour.* He had a stentorian voice, 
 and an irresistibly piercing glance, to which his 
 hooked nose lent the aspect of an eagle; and 
 with the long hair, traditional to the Palikar, 
 floating about him, he looked, as Pechio says, 
 like one of those splendid rocks which project 
 from the iEgean. 
 
 Dressed in the Greek fustanella, he wore during 
 the whole of the war, not a fez, but a helmet, 
 declaring that his mind was with the Greeks of 
 old. And while, prior to the war, he served under 
 British rule in the Ionian Islands, he would never 
 consent to hang a tassel to the hilt of his sword, 
 testifying thereby his strict obedience to the 
 literal interpretation of Ehigas' immortal war- 
 song, f 
 
 Though hardened by a life of cruel wrongs, 
 by the terrors of slavery, in the midst of which 
 
 * Kolokotrones was of so dark a complexion that when, in 1804, 
 the Turkish authorities sent word to the primates of Messenia that they 
 must deliver up his head or they would forfeit theirs, they sent in the 
 head of a gipsy, declaring it was Kolokotrones'. 
 
 j- KdXKia yid rrjv irarpida Kavkvag va xaOij, 
 *H va Kptnaoy cpovvra yia %kvov <tto gtcciQi. 
 
 " Better to lose one's life for the Fatherland, than hang a foreign 
 tassel to one's sword." This referred to the many Greeks who at that 
 time, fleeing from Turkish oppression, served as mercenaries in Euro- 
 pean armies. 
 
PBEFACE. xxiii 
 
 he saw the light of day, by the untold horrors 
 of a barbarous war of rapine and extermination, 
 yet he had a child-like meekness and tenderness 
 of heart. So that when the death of Karaiskakis 
 was announced to him he wept and wailed long 
 and bitterly, repeating himself the dirges said to 
 the brave slain in battle. 
 
 He was of a truly Spartan simplicity, and in 
 fact he took pride in the extreme poverty in 
 which, in spite of his hundred victories, he had 
 lived, and in which he was destined to end his 
 days. He glorified in his achievements, and the 
 liberation of Greece was his recompense. Speaking 
 in the Assembly at Nauplia in 1832, he said : 
 "As commander-in-chief of the Peloponnesus I 
 have led many thousands of men, I have conducted 
 many campaigns and have fought many battles ; 
 but I confess in all conscience that during the 
 whole duration of the struggle I did not spend 
 a single obole of my own ; for I had none. The 
 people fed me, and supplied my troops with all 
 they required; my sword supplied the rest, for 
 all the horses and arms we needed we took from 
 the Turks." 
 
 With his small savings he at last built himself 
 a house in Athens, and there he retired to pass 
 the last days of his life in a room, about the 
 only furniture of which consisted in the couch on 
 which he lay. To those who called to pay their 
 respects, "You see this room," he said; "it has 
 no ornaments, the walls are bare, the windows 
 
xxiv PEE FACE. 
 
 ungarnished. Such is Greece as we have en- 
 trusted her to you, of the younger generation. 
 In 1821 we cleared the ground, we brought to- 
 gether the stones and the mortar, we built the 
 walls and covered them in with a roof. It is for 
 you now to deck the naked walls, to bring in 
 the furniture, to hang. the mirrors and light the 
 lamps. This your advancement and enlighten- 
 ment will do; and the blessings of your fellow- 
 men will earn for you a place of rest in the 
 abodes of the just." 
 
 He appeared to have felt his own end approach- 
 ing ; and daily he took leave of his friends and 
 compeers, bidding them pardon him that he 
 might depart in peace. He was reconciled with 
 his old comrade, Peter Mavromichalis, and he 
 actually sailed to Hydra and Spetzae to make his 
 
 L peace with the aged Lazarus Countouriotis, his old 
 opponent, with Mexis and others. On the very 
 eve of his death, which occurred on the morning 
 of February 4, 1843, he was present at the 
 court ball, and there bid King Otto farewell. 
 
 Many of those who will read these pages may 
 well say of him : 
 
 " D'autres ont eu plus d'influence 
 Sur mon esprit et mes idees, 
 Lui, m 5 a montre une ame heroique ; 
 C'est encore a lui que je dois le plus." * 
 
 * These lines are from Victor Cousin's sublime dedication of his 
 translation of Plato's " Lysis " to Count Sanctorre de Santa Eosa, the 
 Italian patriot and great philhellene, who fell at Sphacteria on May 
 9, 1825, for the independence of Greece. 
 
PBEFACE. 
 
 XXV 
 
 For such, indeed, was the heroic generation of 
 the men who fought for the freedom of Greece. 
 Nowhere on earth, and at no time in history, 
 was the issue between wrong and justice, darkness 
 and light, tyranny and freedom, placed before the 
 world more clearly, than when, in 1821, the Greeks 
 rose up against their oppressors, in a struggle all but 
 hopeless. Not alone the power of the great Turkish 
 Empire was still unbroken and dreaded; but the 
 Cabinets of Europe were, one and all, opposed to 
 the liberation of Greece at that time. Yet they 
 braved all, and with their trust in God, with un- 
 shaken faith in the justice of their cause, a whole 
 people marched to what then appeared certain 
 destruction. At Messolonghi, when they issued 
 forth amid the drizzle of the night, feeling their 
 desolation and their doom, they said to one another : 
 " The Almighty Himself weeps for us to-night ! " 
 But they went on, sword in hand, to fall for their 
 country, greeting her with the gladsome cry: 
 " Arise, thou dearest mother ! " 
 
 And as they fell they saw around them the old 
 heroes of Greece, arrayed in their panoplies, bathed 
 in the light of their immortal glory, rise up from 
 their tombs to receive into their ranks those who 
 had died to make the name of Greece live once 
 more. 
 
 J. G. 
 
 London, October, 1891. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGE 
 
 (1) Preface v 
 
 (2) Introductory and Historical Sketch of the 
 
 Klephts 1 
 
 (3) Autobiography of Theodore Kolokotrones ... 81 
 
 (4) Kolokotrones, the Klepht and the Warrior ... 83 
 
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 (1) Theodore Kolokotrones 
 
 Frontispiece 
 
 (2) Lambros Katzones 
 
 ... To face p. 35 
 
 (3) Athanasius Diakos 
 
 44 
 
 (4) Map op Greece 
 
 81 
 
 (5) Theodore Kolokotrones 
 
 106 
 
 (6) Markos Botzares, a Souliote Chief. 
 
 Surnamed "The Leonidas of the 
 Ee volution." Killed during the Siege 
 of Messolonghi 
 
 (7) NlKETAS THE TuRKOPHAGE 
 
 (8) Notes Botzares, a Souliote Chief ... 
 
 173 
 
 252 
 
INTRODUCTORY AND HISTORICAL SKETCH 
 OP THE KLEPHTS. 
 
 GENERAL survey of the Klephts, 
 both in regard to their origin, and 
 also in relation to their historical 
 and political influence, is almost 
 demanded before the following 
 " Autobiography " of Theodore Kolokotrones, one 
 of their most famous captains, can be duly appre- 
 ciated. Although the far larger portion of this 
 " Autobiography " refers to a period when Koloko- 
 trones was no longer a leader of Klephts, but a 
 leader of armies, this latter portion cannot be 
 rightly understood except in connection with the 
 former. At the very outset it must be borne in 
 mind that in any historical consideration of the 
 Greek Klephts, however brief and cursory its 
 nature, the bodies of men so called ought not to 
 be confounded with ordinary bands of brigands 
 and robbers, but should be critically dissociated 
 from them. Historians have not always clearly 
 defined this difference, and the political import 
 of the events in which the Klephts played so 
 
 2 
 
2 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 prominent a part has thus in a great measure been 
 overlooked. Some continental writers, however, 
 and especially the modern Greek historians, have 
 been careful to discriminate in this matter by 
 employing the word \y<rTal to describe the brigands 
 pure and simple whose object is plunder alone, 
 and who live solely for the purpose of robbery, 
 whilst they reserve the name of Kktyrai as a 
 distinguishing mark whereby to designate the free 
 mountaineers who carried on an open warfare 
 against the oppressors of their nation, and who, 
 by their unsubdued state upon the hills, justified 
 the assertion occasionally made that Greece was 
 at no time wholly conquered. Thus viewed, the 
 Klepht truly typifies a free and unconquered 
 Greece, and when his life is closely studied through 
 the medium of a few examples which will be given 
 presently : in his independent haughtiness, the 
 austerity of his morals, his undying enthusiasm for 
 liberty, his fidelity to his religion, and in his in- 
 veterate and uncompromising hatred for the 
 Ottoman rule, the real value of such an assertion 
 and its full significance will be readily seen. 
 
 It is not the intention here to assume that 
 those hills which the free Klepht made his 
 home were altogether unpeopled until after the 
 taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. 
 Discontented or turbulent men fled' thither at 
 different epochs, for a time at least, to escape 
 from the trammels of a despotic government, 
 whilst some possibly, who were persecuted on 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 religious grounds, sought and found there a 
 welcome refuge. Such has been the opinion of 
 competent writers on the subject. The Klephts, 
 however, who are now to be considered did not 
 make their appearance until after the fall of the 
 Western Empire, and through the fanaticism of 
 the Turks, these mountaineers her declared and 
 open enemies increased from year to year, until 
 Olympus, Pindus, Pelion, and Agrapha were 
 peopled by them. 
 
 In the first years of this occupation the defiant 
 attitude which the Klephts assumed towards the 
 Ottoman Government was greatly encouraged by 
 the Venetians, who held some of the maritime 
 ports in their vicinity. Through the open as well 
 as the covert aid thus derived, they quickly became 
 a terror and a scourge both to the Sultan and his 
 Turkish subjects alike. In point of fact the war- 
 like education which these denizens of the heights 
 in the countries extending from Olympus to Cape 
 Maleas received during the Frankish occupation, 
 became the heritage of a race of men who never 
 bowed their necks to the Ottoman yoke. As often 
 as Venice took up arms against Turkey she asked 
 for their assistance, and when she made peace 
 with that power, many of them remained in her 
 service with the hope that another opportunity 
 would soon arise for striking at their common 
 foe ; whilst others probably the greater number 
 returned to their rugged hills to renew the 
 old struggle with more vigour than before. Their 
 
4 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 strength at* length became so recognized a fact 
 in the Peloponnesus, and throughout Macedonia, 
 Epirus, Thessaly, and Akarnania, that the whole 
 of the hill country was .practically resigned to 
 them, and was commonly spoken of as /e\e<To- 
 Xcbpia the abodes of the Klephts. The attractions 
 of such a life, whatever its dangers and hardships, 
 when viewed in comparison with the humiliations 
 and degradations to which those who followed 
 peaceful occupations of whatever kind were 
 exposed, can easily be imagined. The restlessness 
 of youth, its natural dislike to restraints of any 
 sort, and its love of adventure, without any more 
 powerful motives (which, however, were at no 
 time wanting), furnished a never-failing supply of 
 the most vigorous and the bravest of the sons of 
 Greece to fill the ranks of the mountain armies. 
 It may without any exaggeration be affirmed, that 
 the flower of Greek manhood, which had been 
 formerly seized upon by the child tax to furnish 
 material for the Janissary Corps, was, after the 
 abandonment of that levy, to be found arrayed in 
 arms upon the heights. 
 
 The feeling of repulsion which every healthy- 
 minded young Greek must have experienced 
 towards all his political surroundings, is forcibly 
 and pathetically described in the opening lines of 
 one of the popular songs " Mother, to the Turk 
 I cannot be a slave ; that can I not endure. I will 
 take my gun and will henceforth be a Klepht ; I will 
 dwell with the wild beasts on the hills and the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 6 
 
 high rocks. The snows shall be my coverlet and 
 the stones shall be my bed in the stronghold of 
 the Klephts. I go, but weep not, my mother, 
 bless me rather, and pray that I may kill many 
 Turks." 
 
 In this way was the Klephtic force on the 
 highlands of Turkey maintained, a force which 
 professed open warfare, and which gloried in the 
 name of Klepht, for that name carried no dis- 
 honour with it, and thus became every year 
 more formidable to the Ottoman Government. A 
 declared enemy in her midst which entered into 
 no treaties with her, and which, from the fortified 
 position which it held seemed to be almost in- 
 vincible, it was still more dangerous to the safety 
 of the Turkish Empire from the one fact that it 
 was an internal enemy ever ready to assist a foreign 
 foe. 
 
 In view of this danger which was ever 
 present, and always threatening, the Porte, in 
 imitation of the Venetian Eepublic which at 
 different times had enrolled as many Greeks, and 
 especially Klephts, as were willing to enter her 
 service, and having found by long experience that 
 the abodes of the Klephts were not to be reduced 
 either by arms or by subtlety, offered them terms, 
 which in their details contained no token of sub- 
 jection, but assumed rather the forms of a 
 tributary sovereignty. 
 
 This measure was introduced between the years 
 1534 and 1537, during the reign of Souleiman the 
 
6 mTUODTJCTlON. 
 
 Magnificent, through the instrumentality of his 
 Grand Vizier Ibrahim. This man, afterwards 
 to become so noted, was the son of an obscure 
 Christian sailor of Parga, and had been taken 
 from his parents among other children of the 
 inhabitants of that island, in order to be brought 
 up and enrolled in the army of the Janissaries. 
 On account of his great ability he rose by quick 
 steps until he reached the post of Chief Vizier. 
 He had always been well disposed to the Christians, 
 and was a far-seeing man. Upon his promotion 
 to the high office of Vizier he issued a firman 
 which divided Greece into fifteen districts, at the 
 head of which there was appointed a Christian man 
 of arms an Armatolos in fact with the title of 
 Captain, whose duty it was to keep order and to 
 repress outrages in the roads and passes under 
 his jurisdiction. This regulation remained intact 
 until the reign of Amurath, who, in 1627, in order 
 to weaken the increasing power of these Armatoli, 
 abrogated the employment of them, and destroying 
 all their forts on the defiles and passes, filled up 
 the Armatolik posts with Ottomans. 
 
 The Armatoli, in revenge for thus being driven 
 out, gathered themselves together and attacked 
 those who had entered upon what they considered 
 to be their lawful inheritance, despoiling the dis- 
 tricts, and slaying the Turks who had been put into 
 their places. " On this account," says the Greek 
 historian Sathas, "they first received the name of 
 Klephts, from Kki-n-Teiv to steal or rob by which 
 
INTRODUCTION. 7 
 
 name they were ever afterwards known to the 
 outside world." In vain did the governors of 
 these districts use every means to quell those 
 excesses, but at length finding that the attempts 
 they used increased rather than abated them, and 
 that the employment of force was of no avail in 
 checking the exploits of their opponents, another 
 firman was issued, which reinstated the Christians 
 as the guardians of the roads. Besides keeping 
 the passes free from robbers they were now required 
 to collect the taxes on flocks, and received as 
 before the name of Armatoli, which name, merely 
 signifying armed men, was originally employed by 
 the Venetians. By this arrangement the posses- 
 sion of the hills was virtually ceded to the Klephts 
 for the payment of a small tribute, on condition 
 of their being formed into a kind of militia for 
 defence against Albanian brigands. 
 
 This was a wise and politic measure on the part 
 of the Porte, and the proffered posts were accepted 
 by large bodies of Klephts who were enrolled as 
 Armatoli. One of the most important rules to 
 be observed in this enrolment was, that the 
 Armatoli were to be composed exclusively of 
 Greeks, and that neither Turk nor Mussulman 
 should be admitted to serve. The fertile plains 
 of Thessaly, which the ruling pashas had been 
 hitherto unable to protect from devastating hordes, 
 were the first to feel the benefit of the institution, 
 as their husbandmen were now able to till their 
 lands in safety, and those districts at once became 
 
S INTRODUCTION. 
 
 more prosperous. In a short time, therefore, the 
 whole of Continental Greece experienced the 
 advantages arising from the different cantonments 
 of Armatoli. A great number, however, of those 
 Klephts who had taken up their abodes, and whose 
 haunts were, in the more inaccessible heights, 
 utterly and haughtily refused to make any compact 
 with Turkey, and, rejecting every kind of com- 
 promise, remained as before in a state of defiant 
 hostility. 
 
 In the organization of the Armatoli the chief 
 military command was held by the captain, whose 
 title was hereditary, dependent, however, upon a 
 diploma obtained from the pasha of the district, 
 whilst the men of his band received the name of 
 pallikars, which word is derived from the Greek 
 verb 7ra\\ofMai^ I bound or leap ; and pallikar, at 
 first representing a vigorous youth, came at last 
 to denote a brave warrior in the flower of his age. 
 All these bands were composed of men schooled 
 in temperance and inured to every hardship and 
 privation, whose strong healthy bodies enshrined 
 spirits as lofty and unbending as those of their 
 leaders. Such, briefly described, were the 
 Armatoli. Their wild brothers on the heights 
 disdaining all acknowledgment of the authority 
 either of bey or pasha, also governed their several 
 districts, either singly or as a confederacy, with a 
 form of republican administration and with due 
 regard to the maintenance of order and justice 
 among themselves. 
 
WTBODUCTION. 9 
 
 These two bodies of Armatoli and Klephts were, 
 however, never fixed or stationary. Their numbers 
 were continually changing, and causes were con- 
 stantly arising which impelled either the Armatoli 
 to become Klephts, or the Klephts to take up the 
 Armatolik (^circumscription of Armatoli). Those 
 who were the most celebrated among the Klephts, 
 and whose prowess was an unmitigated source of 
 terror to the authorities, were frequently on that 
 very account invited to become Armatoli, great 
 inducements being held out in order to win them 
 over ; whilst the Armatoli, on the other side, 
 frequently threw up their posts, and fleeing to the 
 heights became in their turn Klephts, so often as 
 the petty vexations and annoyances customarily 
 received from the pasha of the district, made their 
 position in the Armatolik wearisome and dis- 
 tasteful. Thus it will be seen in the lives of many 
 of the most renowned leaders, that the change 
 from Armatolos to Klepht, or from Klepht to 
 Armatolos, occurred several times during their 
 careers. 
 
 The principal stations of the Klephts were upon 
 those ranges of hills in iEtolia, which separate 
 Thessaly from Macedonia, and on the mountains 
 called Agrapha, but the most renowned of all their 
 strongholds was on the far-famed Olympus, the 
 abode of the old gods. In one of the popular 
 ballads this mountain is represented as boasting 
 of its ancient claims for reverence, asserting its 
 pre-eminence thus : " Am not I the ever-enduring, 
 
10 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 the world-celebrated Olympus ? I have forty tree- 
 crowned heights, and sixty-two fountains, and 
 every fountain bears a flag, and every waving 
 bough a Klepht." 
 
 There was no difference in the costume of 
 Armatoli or Klephts except that the latter had 
 a rather significant addition in a cord which was 
 wound several times around their waists, and tied 
 in front, the use of which appendage was to bind 
 their Turkish captives. The dress of both was 
 handsome and picturesque, and in prosperous times 
 carried with it an appearance of wealth, in glittering 
 weapons and ornaments taken from the Turks. The 
 pallihars were almost as richly dressed as their cap- 
 tains, the fustanella, or white kilt, and the amount 
 of embroidery on their leggings and jackets, being 
 the distinguishing features. Eows of silver buttons 
 on their vests were much esteemed, and form the 
 subject of remark in several folk songs. " Two 
 rows of silver buttons " are mentioned as worn by 
 Niko-Tsaras. Thus accoutered, with the fame of 
 their exploits preceding them in song it can well 
 be understood how they were admired and followed 
 by the simple peasant class when they came down 
 from their heights to mingle in the church 
 festivals. In the homely language used commonly 
 to distinguish the Armatoli from the Klephts, the 
 former were denominated tame Klephts, vpepoi, 
 Kki^rai ; and the latter wild Klephts, ayplot Kkfynu, 
 
 The wild Klepht or Klepht proper was necessi- 
 tated to plunder as a means of subsistence, and 
 
INTEODVCTION. U 
 
 occasionally, in default of his natural enemies, the 
 Turks, he was inclined to pillage those of his own 
 countrymen who were obnoxious to him. The 
 principal of those who fell victims to his dis- 
 crimination in this respect were the proesti, or 
 primates of the different districts = the Cogia 
 Bachis of the Turks, who were responsible for 
 the taxes which they often farmed out. This 
 office could be purchased from the pasha of the 
 district, and unhappily the desire for self-advance- 
 ment often caused weak or unprincipled men to 
 league with the pashas in every act of oppression. 
 The second class, whom the Klephts had no scruple 
 about despoiling, were the wealthy prelates, and 
 especially the monks and their monasteries, 
 for the monks, from a fear of incurring the 
 anger of the governing pashas, were indisposed 
 to render them any assistance in times of need, 
 and very often from the same motive gave 
 information which led to their being captured 
 and slain. 
 
 Eegarding death in the battle-field when in arms 
 against the Turks as the greatest of all blessings, 
 whilst they recoiled in horror from being captured, 
 and falling alive into the hands of their enemies, it 
 was their custom at all festivals and rejoicings in 
 their strongholds, to drink to the "good bullet." 
 When this welcome shot had prevented the 
 dreaded possibility of being made a captive, there 
 was still another wish only second to the first, 
 which their comrades were enjoined to perform as a 
 
12 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 sacred and friendly duty after death, namely, to cut 
 off the head of the fallen warrior, and carry it with 
 them from the field so that it might not fall into 
 the possession of the Turks. 
 
 In religion the Klephts were strictly orthodox, 
 and Kolokotrones himself is a good example of 
 the form of piety that was characteristic of them, 
 although few were inspired with so fervent a 
 veneration as that which was natural to his strong 
 spirit. They went down to the festivals glittering 
 in arms and ornaments, crossing themselves, and 
 kissing the priest's hand they were liberal in 
 their offerings to the saints, and, fully assured that 
 Heaven was on their side, invoked God to 
 consecrate their arms. " Bless, Lord Christ, 
 bless, Master, our good swords." 
 
 If the Klepht robbed the monks, he abstained in 
 his utmost needs from touching the vessels of the 
 sanctuary. He was so temperate in wine that 
 a drunken Klepht or Pallikar was almost un- 
 known, and would have been regarded with the 
 greatest contempt. Far more chaste than the 
 legendary knights of chivalry, the honour of a 
 woman Turkish as well as Greek was safe in the 
 keeping of these fierce sons of the hills. The 
 daughter of a wealthy functionary of the church 
 or of a primate might be carried off for the sake 
 of ransom, but she was invariably treated with 
 respect. Captain Taskas alone rescued two 
 thousand girls whom the Albanians had carried 
 off in the Morea. It is related of Androutsos 
 
INTBODUCTION. 1 8 
 
 that learning from a maiden who had been 
 captured that she was betrothed, he took her 
 immediately without waiting for any ransom to 
 the house of her future father-in-law. The 
 exceptional notoriety in this respect of the coura- 
 geous and otherwise much honoured Captain 
 Zacharias of the Morea is supposed eventually 
 to have cost him his life. Both Klephts and 
 Armatoli married young, and from all derivable 
 accounts appear to have ever been both faithful 
 and affectionate husbands. 
 
 A retrospective and historical glance at the 
 first indications of revolt emanating from these 
 mountaineers, with mention of the several chiefs 
 who inaugurated them, leading up to the time 
 when the inveterate persecutions of the Porte, 
 and the Pasha of Juannina hastened on the 
 Eevolution, is here necessary, as it will make 
 manifest that attempted risings were initiated by 
 them, although generally with the most lamentable 
 results long before 1821, and it will also serve as 
 a corollary to the " Autobiography," showing 
 what kind of men were those who were perpetually 
 held before the eyes of all Klephts as examples for 
 them to follow, in the heroic songs with which 
 they solaced themselves in their leisure hours. 
 These songs to which Kolokotrones himself alludes 
 in this " Autobiography " were inspired by the 
 long series of wars carried on in the heart of the 
 mountains, and narrate in the most vivid and often 
 most poetical language the glorious deaths of their 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 chiefs on the field, or their heroic martyrdoms if 
 they were made captives, and in this long succession 
 of short ballads may be found the whole history of 
 their struggles. The popular poet was in many 
 cases one of their own class, and this added a 
 double stimulus towards fortifying the courage and 
 accentuating the stern resistance of both Klephts 
 and Armatoli, as often as the latter were in revolt. 
 
 Many of the chiefs whose careers will be briefly 
 narrated were the contemporaries of Kolokotrones, 
 and a few were personally known to him. If any 
 portion of the details as recounted appears some- 
 what repellent, it must be remembered that only 
 by a knowledge of those facts can the attitude and 
 conduct of the revolted Klephts he fully justified, 
 and it will also serve to show that the crushing 
 out of every rising by barbarous means only 
 inspired fresh motives for successive attempts. 
 
 Mani, the southernmost part of the Morea, was 
 by its configuration, and the sterility of its soil, 
 alike qualified to be the natural home of brigand- 
 age, and its people, hardy and warlike, and but 
 little disposed to industrial pursuits, was the 
 most suitable material possible out of which to 
 make Klephts and pirates. With these pro- 
 clivities, only a slight stimulus was required at 
 any time to set them in motion, and such in- 
 centives to activity were never wanting after the 
 Ottoman conquest. It seems, therefore, highly 
 probable that the statement is correct which 
 alleges that the Klephts first appeared in the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 Peloponnesus. Of what class of men other than 
 Klephts could those large bodies of troops which 
 were perpetually aiding the Venetians in their 
 wars with Turkey be composed? For besides 
 being a service which was ever acceptable to their 
 feelings as Greeks, Venice was a country which 
 afforded them a ready refuge from Turkish per- 
 secutions so long as those countries were in open 
 warfare. 
 
 As early as 1479 there is mention made of one 
 Klados who, having been in the service of the 
 Venetians during her conflict with the Ottoman 
 power, after peace was made between the two 
 countries, transferred himself and his band to 
 Mani, and carried on the struggle in the Pelopon- 
 nesus as a leader of Klephts. 
 
 It is almost a century later before there 
 occurs any notable example of this irregular 
 kind of warfare against Turkey, when Theodore 
 Vonas Grivas of Vonitsa and Loris, who had 
 been enrolled as an Armatolos by the Venetians, 
 rose up in revolt against the arbitrary rule of the 
 Venetian democracy. Although he raised his 
 banner in Akarnania and Epirus in the first 
 instance not against Turkey, but against Venice, 
 the Turks in a very short time became the chief 
 objects of his attack, and falling suddenly upon 
 Vonitsa and Loris, he and his followers in one 
 night killed all the Turks who were found in 
 those two places. This outbreak was quite suf- 
 ficient to fire the discontent of all the other 
 
16 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Armatoli who were living in Epirus, and was 
 followed by a descent into Arta and Juannina 
 under Poulios Drakos and " Captain Malamas," 
 the latter of whom is the subject of one of the 
 earliest songs of the Klephts or Armatoli which 
 are extant. Being thus threatened by so sudden 
 and unexpected a danger, the Turks of Thessaly 
 and Macedonia flew to arms to help Juannina, in 
 which they had the assistance of the Pasha of 
 Naupraktos, and at the head of several thousand 
 men they went to Akarnania. Grivas encountered 
 the Turkish force at Achelous, but he was com- 
 pletely defeated, and was obliged to take to flight. 
 He took refuge among the hills, grievously wounded 
 as he was, and sent for one of his brothers, 
 bidding him to come to his aid with all possible 
 speed. Suffering in body and anxious in mind he 
 awaited the arrival of this brother from hour to 
 hour, until at last the news came to him that the 
 insurgents had again been routed, and were dis- 
 persed, and that his brother had fallen in the 
 battle whilst fighting valiantly. Upon the receipt 
 of this sad information Theodore Grivas hastened 
 to secure his own safety by fleeing from the dangers 
 immediately surrounding him, and effected his 
 escape before the arrival of the enemy who was 
 diligently searching for him. He, with a few 
 faithful followers, reached Ithaca, where he died 
 very shortly afterwards in consequence of his 
 wounds. 
 
 In 1684 a large proportion of the Corfiotes and 
 
INTRODUCTION. 1? 
 
 other inhabitants of the Seven Islands, enlisted 
 under the banners of the brave Morosini when he 
 sailed from Venice upon an expedition to Dalmatia, 
 and about this time a daring exploit is recorded by 
 which three Armatoli who were being conveyed 
 to Venice for punishment, not only escaped the 
 fate which awaited them there, but were also in- 
 strumental in saving the lives of their captors. 
 
 These men were Angelos Vlachos from Juan- 
 nina, Panos Meitanos from Akarnania, and Metros 
 Chortopoulos from Agrapha. These Armatoli had 
 been inculpated by anticipation, and were treated 
 as open rebels apparently before they had even 
 meditated becoming such. In consequence of this 
 suspicion they had been surrounded by a body 
 of Turks that had been sent against them into 
 Akarnania, which itself had very narrowly escaped 
 being captured. There was peace at this time 
 between Venice and Turkey, and as the result of 
 this, these three Armatoli after the above 
 event, being on the shores of Vonitsa, were 
 betrayed into the hands of the former power, and 
 were seized, thrown into chains, and put on board 
 a galley which was to convey them to Venice. On 
 their voyage thither, an Algerine piratical vessel 
 appeared in sight and called upon the Venetians to 
 surrender. Upon their refusal they were sum- 
 marily attacked, and an engagement ensued, 
 which was carried on with much vigour on both 
 sides for some time. The Armatoli who were lying 
 manacled and fettered below heard the tumult 
 
 3 
 
18 INTRODVCTIOM 
 
 without understanding the cause. Inquiring of 
 one of the sailors what it meant, and receiving his 
 explanation of the occurrence, the three entreated 
 him to go to the captain, and pray him to remove 
 the chains of his prisoners who offered themselves 
 willingly to fight on the part of the Venetians. 
 The commander of the galley, who had just seen 
 that victory was on the side of the Algerines, 
 thought he could do no wrong by granting their 
 request now that his own destruction was imminent, 
 and knowing the prowess of the men he ordered 
 their chains to be struck off. The moment they 
 were freed, they sprang to their feet with wild 
 shouts of joy, and seizing their arms they began 
 to fire at the very moment when the corsairs were 
 about to take possession of the galley. Their 
 impetuous attack was so contagious that the 
 Venetians followed it up with the same ardour, and 
 in a very short space of time the Algerines them- 
 selves were entirely overcome ; those who were 
 not slain being taken prisoners, and their vessel 
 thus becoming the prize of the Venetians, the 
 commander fastened it astern his own boat, and 
 sailed on to Venice highly elated. He did not 
 forget upon his arrival there to extol highly the 
 bravery of the Armatoli who had rendered him 
 such signal service, nor did his government neglect 
 to reward them, for lands and position were at 
 once assured to them in perpetuity. This occur- 
 rence gives ;fche occasion of one of the earliest of 
 the historical folk-songs, in which the white 
 
INTMODVCTION. 19 
 
 banner with the red stars upon it, which the 
 revolted Armatoli were about to raise in Akar- 
 nania, is thus alluded to in the opening lines, after 
 the usually figurative language of the popular 
 poetry of Epirus ; 
 
 " Is yonder snow upon the hills or are those sails outspread ? 
 It is Angelos, it is Meitanes, with white flags and stars of red." 
 
 Between the years 1689 and 1694 the Armatoli 
 rose up in arms again, drove the Turks out of the 
 districts which they considered as their own, and 
 asked the aid of the Venetians in their projected 
 revolt. The Venetians promised to lend them 
 their assistance (but no help came from them), and 
 in consequence of their failing to do so, large 
 numbers of Armatoli deserted from the service of 
 the Venetians, when many Slavs, who were at- 
 tracted by the hope of Turkish spoils, joined the 
 insurgent body. The perpetual danger to Turkey 
 which accrued from the Venetians, in conjunction 
 with the Greek Armatoli and Klephts, determined 
 the Ottoman Government to create a Prince of 
 Mani for the purpose of keeping both these 
 inimical forces in check. For seven years a once 
 notorious pirate had been languishing in the 
 prisons of Constantinople. This man, Gerakares 
 the Liberian, usually called Liberakes, from the 
 junction of both names, the Porte resolved to 
 raise from his dungeon to the government of 
 Mani, with full powers of action. 
 
 The revolted Armatoli had placed themselves 
 
20 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 under the leadership of Meitanes, who had united 
 with two other chiefs Spathogianni and Loudo- 
 rekas. The new Prince of Mani led a powerful 
 force against them but was repulsed with great 
 loss, and being driven back was pursued as far as 
 Karpenesi. Thence he issued the most menacing 
 circulars to the inhabitants of those parts, and 
 especially to those of Salona, threatening with 
 condign punishment all who should in any way 
 aid the insurgents, but at the same time offering 
 an amnesty and remission of taxes, with other 
 favours to them, if they would submit. The 
 answer to these offers was sufficiently daring or 
 insolerft, for, despising equally both his threats and 
 his promises, they stated that it was not their 
 intention to pay any taxes. In consequence of 
 this, Liberakes a second time led out a large force 
 in order to punish them, which force was met by 
 Kourmas and Bishop Philotheos at the head of 
 all the Armatoli, who were also joined by the 
 inhabitants of the surrounding districts. Libe- 
 rakes was again repulsed, and forced to retreat 
 a second time to Karpenesi. Bishop Philotheos 
 nowever, was badly wounded in the battle, and 
 died in consequence; but not before he was 
 enabled to give this dying request to his brother 
 Demetrius who succeeded him in the command : 
 " Hide my bones, and when the Greek revolt is a 
 thing accomplished, dig them up and inter them 
 with all due solemnity in the church of our native 
 place*" 
 
WTBODUCTION, 21 
 
 No permanent advantage came from these 
 successes beyond the barbarous satisfaction of 
 cutting off a number of the heads of the slain 
 Turks an evil practice which the Klephts had 
 learnt from the Turks, and unhappily followed 
 down to much later times, This action was 
 amply retaliated by the Prince of Mani who 
 ravaged and burnt a great number of villages in 
 reprisal, and thus obliged the wretched inhabitants 
 to flee to the hills, 
 
 Demetrius Charitopoulos, the brother of Bishop 
 Philotheos, who took the command, as above 
 narrated, died eventually at Zante, whither he 
 was obliged to flee, and in his will, made shortly 
 before his death, he narrates many interesting 
 circumstances in connection with the bishop. 
 After some preliminary observations upon his most 
 Christian parents, he tells us that his elder 
 brother had been named Philip in his baptism, 
 but took the name of Philotheos when he became 
 a monk. Being deeply imbued with a longing 
 desire to emancipate his countrymen, it was not 
 long after he was raised to the episcopate, before 
 he exchanged the spiritual staff for the sword 
 militant, and having joined himself with the 
 Armatoli captains, " killed many Turks." The 
 chief, Kourmas, was slain during his hot pursuit 
 of the Prince of Mani, whom he was hoping to 
 take prisoner on the occasion of his second retreat 
 to Karpenesi, and the bishop himself badly 
 wounded in the shoulder, died, it is seen, in 
 
22 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 consequence, a few days afterwards. Demetrius 
 took care that the bishop's bones should not be 
 desecrated. He concealed them, he says, "in a 
 sack deposited in a cave which is known only to 
 myself and my brother Georgios." He enjoins 
 this brother, to bury his own bones " temporarily, 
 without any expense, clothed only in my breeches 
 and black shirt, to be disinterred when God thinks 
 fit to free our country, and then to be reburied 
 along with this bishop in the church of his 
 birthplace but not whilst the nation is enslaved" 
 He promises that his own blessing and that of 
 good Bishop Philotheos " will follow upon this 
 being fulfilled, whilst the curses of both will fall 
 upon any one who infringes it, because," he adds, 
 "I swore to it myself on the gospel when the 
 blessed Philotheos lay a-dying." 
 
 To Georgios was also entrusted the silver cross 
 of the bishop, which he was enjoined to take at 
 once to the same village, and to present it to the 
 church to be used in the sacred offices, " lest, if 
 it be kept (as men are liable to fall into error), 
 under some great necessity it might come to be 
 sold." After leaving some money to free slaves, 
 and to build a hospital, Captain Demetrius con- 
 cludes his will by having " nothing more to say." 
 
 At the beginning of the eighteenth century 
 there was a rapid increase in the numbers of the 
 Klephts, and a corresponding diminution of the 
 Armatoli, and for this result the Porte was largely 
 responsible. With the suspicion which is commgn. 
 
INTBODUCTION. 23 
 
 to all despotisms, the Ottoman Government after 
 a time began to regard the effectiveness of the 
 Armatoli with apprehension, and jealous of their 
 increasing power, devised a fresh plan, and in- 
 stituted a new office, with the view of checking 
 their growth and ultimately crushing them. For 
 this purpose it created inspectors of roads, who 
 were called Derven-agas, and Mussulman Albanians 
 were appointed to fill these posts. Mussulman 
 Albanians were of course the natural enemies of 
 the Christian Greeks, and the secret object for 
 employing them was that dissensions would be 
 sure to arise between them, whereby the strength 
 of the Armatoli would be gradually weakened. 
 That which was hoped for, and reckoned upon, 
 took place. This measure was effectual in 
 destroying the independence of a brave and useful 
 body, and by a series of cruel hostilities on the 
 part of the Derven-agas, the Armatoli were 
 frequently driven into rebellion, whilst the gorges 
 of the high hills became densely populated with 
 Klephts. 
 
 Although for two centuries there had been 
 initiatory attempts at a rising, the first most 
 decidedly planned revolt was inaugurated about 
 the year 1750, by the Armatoli Chrestos Meliones, 
 the two Tsekouras, and Ylachamatas, who raised 
 their standard in the districts of Parnassus and 
 Doris. How many were concerned in this in- 
 surrection has not been ascertained, but it is 
 conjectured that the number was considerable. 
 
24 INTBODUCTION, 
 
 The usual religious enthusiasm accompanied the 
 movement, and the Virgin was invoked to descend 
 and fight with them. 
 
 On account of that disunion which was a 
 prominent feature among the leaders in every 
 rising, the chiefs above named soon separated, 
 each taking his force in a different direction, by 
 which course each was necessarily weakened. 
 Chrestos Meliones led his men off to iEtolia. 
 After this departure, Lambros Tsekouras and 
 Vlachamatas had a brief flash of success together, 
 for meeting with a detachment of Turks on a 
 road between two places of some importance, they 
 attacked and completely routed it. Elated with 
 this victory, they directed their march towards 
 Salona and encamped for the night below the 
 rocks of Agia Euthemia, which lay on their way, 
 when a considerable body of Turks unexpectedly 
 fell upon them. Their position was most dis- 
 advantageous; nevertheless they fought courage- 
 ously and killed some numbers of the enemy, 
 although they were eventually compelled to 
 retreat. In this conflict one of their principal 
 captains fell, whilst Vlachamatas and another 
 chief were severely wounded. Lambros Tsekouras 
 was enabled to carry off these two disabled men 
 in safety to Krissaros, an islet in the bay of St. 
 Konstantine, after which, being joined by his 
 brother Metros with twenty-five Armatoli from 
 Parnassus, they both ravaged the whole country 
 round. The Bey of Salona naturally desired to 
 
INTBODVCTION. 25 
 
 rid himself of foes so troublesome, and sent 
 repeated invitations to the two brothers to submit, 
 promising them both riches and honours if they 
 would do so. After very many solicitations they 
 went down to Salona together, to confer with the 
 bey on the subject. The place of meeting that 
 was agreed upon was an olive- crushing factory 
 on the plain of Salona. Lambros stationed his 
 Armatoli outside, and entered the building with 
 only four of his men, and was received by the 
 bey; but in a moment he found himself surrounded 
 by a large body of armed Turks. His brother 
 Metros, sword in hand, rushed out by the door; 
 but Lambros and his followers, transported with 
 rage, threw themselves savagely on to their 
 intending assassins. After a short, but fierce 
 struggle, Lambros, seeing that two of his 
 companions had fallen, and that terribly wounded 
 as he was, all further resistance was vain, leapt 
 from a window, but was met on his descent by 
 a shower of bullets from a body of Turks who 
 were concealed beneath, and fell. His comrades 
 were able to obtain possession of the still 
 breathing body of their chief, and bore it away 
 to his stronghold on Parnassus, where he expired 
 in great agony, rejoicing, notwithstanding, that he 
 had been brought to die on his beloved mountain. 
 After his death, Vlachamatas having recovered 
 from his wounds, took the leadership in con- 
 junction with another chief, and from their strong- 
 hold on Parnassus made frequent descents on the 
 
26 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 neighbouring Turkish districts. In one of these 
 inroads they were completely crushed, after a 
 violent conflict, by a large body of Turks, falling, 
 however, on heaps of their slain enemies. 
 Vlachamatas, fleeing to a chapel in the monastery 
 called Jerusalem in that district, was eventually 
 betrayed and put to death in a barbarous manner, 
 when his body and that of his fellow chief, who 
 was also slain in the battle, were impaled on 
 a cross-road leading to Salona. After their 
 deaths, Metros Tsekouras again joined himself to 
 Chrestos ; their reunion and the meeting between 
 them being thus described among the songs which 
 record the deeds of Meliones: " The sun rose 
 high upon the hills, on the mountains' topmost 
 peaks, when down beneath a fir-tree, by a fountain 
 cool and fresh, Metros made him a halting-place 
 with Chrestos Meliones, and the two captains 
 formed again a bond of faithful union." 
 
 Thus reunited, these two Klephts went shortly 
 afterwards to Arta, and carried off a Kadi and 
 two Agas. This daring deed made a great sensa- 
 tion, and the Sultan issued a firman ordering 
 them to be pursued, and directed that the Aga of 
 Akarnania should produce the head of Meliones 
 without further delay. The Aga, however, being 
 well aware of the desperate character of the man 
 as a fighter, did not care to have anything to do 
 with him, but preferred to kill him by subtlety. 
 Through the offer of a good bribe, he procured 
 one Souleiman, who bad formerly been a friend of 
 
INTBODUCTION, 27 
 
 Meliones, to go and assassinate him. Souleiman 
 reached the quarters of Meliones at night and was 
 received in a friendly manner, which touched him 
 with such a feeling of remorse, that in the morn- 
 ing he told Meliones the purpose for which he 
 had come; whereupon the two men arranged 
 themselves for combat, and firing simultaneously, 
 their shots took effect at the same time and they 
 both fell dead. Metros Tsekouras, the last of 
 the chiefs concerned in that useless rising, still 
 continued fighting in Akarnania ; but his exploits, 
 it is said, excited the envy of the inhabitants, for 
 he was assassinated after a time by some of them 
 for a bribe of two thousand grosia from the Turks, 
 which is thus recorded : " Captain Metros ! 
 Captain Tsekouras ! could I not have told thee 
 so? Why didst thou come hither to a place 
 which was strange to thee ? The Beys and the 
 Mavromati have killed thee by treachery for 
 two thousand grosia. All the Klephts bewail 
 thee; all Galazeidi mourns thee. Thy mother 
 is weeping for thee, and thy friends all droop 
 with grief." 
 
 The year 1770 follows as the most conspicuous 
 era of revolts on a larger but equally disastrous 
 scale. At this time large bands of Albanians 
 began to overrun Continental Greece, directing 
 their course towards the Peloponnesus. Many 
 Armatoli of renown at this juncture, instead of 
 opposing themselves to these savage robber hordes, 
 were content to enter into treaties with them in 
 
28 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 order to remain in their several Armatoliks; but 
 their example was rejected as quite unworthy of 
 being followed by Chrestos Grivas, one of their 
 number, and as soon as he heard that the 
 Albanians had entered Akarnania he raised the 
 siege of Vrachork, which he was prosecuting, and 
 flew to bar if possible their further progress. The 
 Albanians, under the leadership of Souleiman, 
 had united with bodies coming from Vrachoria 
 with their chief, Achmet, and all moved towards 
 Angelo Kastro. Grivas finding himself unable to 
 intercept their march thither, immediately drew 
 back to St. Elias, outside Angelo Kastro. He 
 posted his brother Tsegios with fifty men to 
 hold a place called Kangaverka, and Captain 
 Georgios Lachores was directed to keep the bridge 
 of Angelo Kastro and the adjoining wood, whilst 
 Chrestos Grivas himself at St. Elias made ready 
 to receive the expected onslaught. 
 
 The Turco-Albanians marched forward in two 
 bodies the one which was commanded by Sou- 
 leiman Bey throwing itself upon Tsegios and 
 Lachores, whilst Achmet opposed the other force 
 under him to Grivas at Angelo Kastro. For three 
 hours Tsegios and Lachores fought bravely, but 
 at last Tsegios fell, and then Lachores, seeing 
 that it was of no avail for him to attempt carrying 
 on the conflict alone, cut away the bridge, and 
 made all possible haste to unite with his com- 
 mander Grivas, who as yet had not engaged with 
 the forces led by Achmet. A desperate contest 
 
INTBODUCTION. 29 
 
 ensued, and whilst the issue was still doubtful, 
 Souleiman came up with the troops which 
 Lachores had declined to meet at the bridge. 
 Despairing of the possibility of achieving any 
 success they determined to cut their way through 
 the enemy sword in hand, to which in any great 
 crisis the Armatoli and Klephts often resorted, 
 and sometimes with signal advantage. This rush 
 giourousi as it was called, at first spread a 
 sudden panic amongst the troops of the Turkish 
 commanders, but the arrival of another band of 
 Albanians at this juncture completely changed the 
 aspect of affairs. 
 
 The heroic band was completely surrounded in a 
 very short space of time, but they undauntedly 
 fought on with a determination to sell their lives 
 dearly. Grivas and Lachores fell among heaps of 
 slain, and three hundred of the flower of the Arma- 
 toli lay dead after the battle of Angelo Kastro. 
 Only six escaped from the field, led by one Mavo- 
 demos, and they also were afterwards taken and 
 killed. By the commands of Achmet, the bodies 
 of the Armatoli were not to be buried, and the 
 heads of their leaders placed on three spears were 
 erected as trophies on the cross-roads near the 
 place where they had fought. The spot where 
 these devoted chiefs were slain is still called " The 
 Ashes of the Grivas." 
 
 Kussia now shows herself as the undoubted 
 encourager, if not the promoter or instigator, of 
 the rising that followed in the year of 1770 upon 
 
30 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 a larger scale, and upon more general grounds. 
 Among the prominent leaders in this revolt was 
 old Vlachothanases, who had been an Armatolos 
 for nearly half a century, and who is especially 
 worthy of mention as the adopted father of 
 Androutsos, for famous beyond all the Klephts 
 or Armatoli stands the name of the renowned 
 Androutsos of whom we will now speak. Every 
 Greek remembers him with mingled feelings of 
 admiration and respect as one who through the 
 whole of his life combated for the independence 
 of his country at a time when that country was 
 not awakened to a knowledge of her real strength. 
 He was a native of Livadia, and is said to have 
 been descended from a long ancestry of Klephts 
 or Armatoli. He attracted the notice of old 
 Vlachothanases whilst he was yet a youth, when 
 the courage and other virtues which he showed so 
 early, won the heart of the aged chieftain, who 
 took him under his command and cherished him 
 as his own son. Vlachothanases, however, being 
 now seventy years of age, after having served 
 forty years as an Armatolos, wished to retire from 
 the service, therefore Androutsos, who had proved 
 himself to be a good soldier, asked a blessing 
 from his adopted father and left him. But 
 Vlachothanases was not allowed to be inactive 
 or to rest in his old age. Several Armatoli who had 
 long served under him, and with him, begged 
 him to resume his former life, and he yielded to 
 their solicitations. Before long these very same 
 
INTRODUCTION. 31 
 
 Armatoli, having dissensions among themselves, 
 separated, and then the venerable chief hastened 
 to enroll himself with his much-loved Androutsos, 
 who had now under him many Armatoli of good 
 report in arms. Androutsos at once launched 
 out into a fierce struggle with the Ottoman 
 power. In the first engagement with the Turks 
 the Armatoli were unsuccessful, for to their body, 
 which numbered only sixty men, the Turkish 
 Pasha opposed a force of many thousands. Being 
 surrounded in a monastery, whither they had retired, 
 they managed to defend themselves against their 
 besiegers for twelve days, but at last cannon being 
 brought against them, they threw open the gates, 
 and issuing out sword in hand cut their way 
 through the Turks and escaped. The folk-song, 
 which narrates this exploit, states that two thou- 
 sand Turks were killed during the time of their 
 defence and in the sortie, but only five pallikars. 
 
 Androutsos some time after this event was 
 promised the Armatoliks of Livadia and Salona, 
 and whilst he was under this expectation he 
 ceased carrying on any hostilities. Selim Bey, 
 the Derven-aga of Salona, deceived him in this 
 matter, for after great delay Androutsos discovered 
 that John Levkadites, a wealthy and influential 
 Turk, had been nominated in his stead. Incensed 
 at this deception, he again declared war, and 
 called upon all the Armatoli to gather round 
 him, which the greater part responded to with 
 eagerness ; the Armatoli, it was said, becoming day 
 
32 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 by day more and more encouraged by the numbers 
 which flocked to the standard of Androutsos, as 
 the Turks were dispirited by the same spectacle. 
 Selim Bey at length summoned a large force to 
 march against Androutsos, but the Armatoli, as 
 usual in their methods of warfare, avoided meeting 
 the Bey in a pitched battle, contenting themselves 
 with skirmishes and a course of irregular conflicts. 
 One day, however, thirty of them came up with 
 Selim Bey, who had at that time only about two 
 hundred men with him, and they resolved to ven- 
 ture a hand-to-hand engagement. As Androutsos 
 was absent, Vlachothanases, being the oldest and 
 the most experienced chief among the little force, 
 took the command. For a long while victory 
 inclined neither to one side nor to the other, but 
 the Armatoli at last making a sudden rush with 
 drawn swords, the Turks began to retreat, and at 
 the same moment Androutsos, arriving on the 
 field at the head of twenty Armatoli, the Turks 
 found themselves between two opposite bands of 
 combatants, in consequence of which only one 
 half of them were able to seek safety by flight. 
 The Armatoli hotly pursued, when the Turks, 
 seeing no other way open to them, shut them- 
 selves up in a deserted little church which they 
 came up to on the road. For three days and 
 three nights the Derven-aga, Selim Bey, remained 
 there with the remnant of his men, whilst the Arma- 
 toli were closely besieging this little church. At 
 length, wearied out and exhausted, the Turks 
 
INTBODUCTION. 88 
 
 surrendered. The haughty Selim Bey, a man 
 who had always been proud of his good descent, 
 now bowed himself down to the very earth, and 
 kissing the hands and feet of Androutsos and the 
 other Armatoli called upon them for pity, be- 
 seeching them to spare his life, and offering an 
 enormous ransom. The Armatoli, suddenly seized 
 with a generous impulse, at once released all 
 their prisoners, and altogether declined receiving 
 the proffered price for their redemption. " He 
 bows down his head," says the folk-song, " bending 
 to his feet and kisses his hand. ' I am Selim Bey, 
 the renowned Bey, yet grant me now my life, and 
 I will send to thee my mother, who will pay thee 
 much money for me.' ' I care not for florins ; 
 I care not for grosia ; I am the renowned Androut- 
 sos, and I will release thee go to thine house 
 go back to thine own people/ " was the answer. 
 Old Vlachothanases was still longing to cease 
 from this life of warfare, and he again strove to 
 detach himself from it that he might go to his 
 native place and die in peace ; but it was 
 Androutsos this time who, appreciating the value 
 of the veteran both in counsel and in war, besought 
 him not to leave his comrades. As he listened 
 to the warm persuasions of one whom he so much 
 loved, the heart of the old man was suddenly 
 stirred to its very depths, and overcome with 
 strong ^emotion, he seized his gun, calling out 
 that he would die fighting, " for to war he was 
 born, and in war he had grown old." 
 
 4 
 
84 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 Their first attacks after this occurrence were 
 made in the district of Malandrinon, and their 
 course was one marked out by fire and slaughter. 
 Androutsos went to Naupaktos solely to meet 
 Mouchtar Pasha, to whom he bore an intense 
 hatred on account of his adopted son having been 
 killed in a brutal manner by the Pasha some time 
 previously. Mouchtar Pasha had put himself at 
 the head of a large force, and when the encounter 
 took place, it was maintained on both sides for a 
 considerable time with obstinacy and vigour. 
 Old Vlachothanases went raging about, sword in 
 hand, to find Mouchtar, in order that he might 
 himself engage with him in single combat, whilst 
 his long white beard floated in the breeze, and 
 made him a conspicuous figure. As he was 
 thus ardently seeking his foe, two bullets struck 
 him one wounding him in the right hand, and 
 the other striking him in the neck. The Armatoli 
 rushed forward to defend him, followed by the noble 
 John Xikiliotes, also an Armatolos, who fell almost 
 immediately under a shower of bullets, whilst 
 Vlachothanases himself, as he was turning round 
 towards him, received a bullet in his head. Sum- 
 moning all the strength into his voice which he 
 could command, he was just able to articulate 
 " Comrades, secure my head, and take my bless- 
 ing," when he expired, falling upon the body of 
 Xikiliotes. Seeing the old chieftain prostrate on 
 the ground, Androutsos, with a body of Armatoli, 
 rushed to protect the body, whilst at the same 
 
UF0J2i* 
 
ffif 
 
 LAMBROS KATZONES. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 85 
 
 time the Turks made every effort to get possession 
 of it. Many on both sides fell over the corpses 
 for which they were contending the one party to 
 preserve them from the desecration they so much 
 dreaded, the other longing for the triumph of 
 obtaining the blanched head of the agedArmatolos. 
 None left the field ; the Armatoli against unequal 
 numbers being determined to possess themselves 
 of the heads of their two comrades, or die in the 
 attempt. 
 
 The centre of the army of Mouchtar was at this 
 juncture on the point of taking to flight, when the 
 Aga of Naupaktos brought a large reinforcement 
 to its aid. No longer were the Armatoli able to 
 stand, when this additional force was brought into 
 the field, and they were forced to abandon the 
 bodies of their two dead comrades, and retreat. 
 The head of the old Armatolos was borne away 
 in triumph amid acclamations of joy, and treated 
 with every mark of indignity. 
 
 At this point in the life of Androutsos it is 
 necessary to speak of Lambros Katzones, the 
 Klepht of the Seas, as he may be called, with 
 whom Androutsos now connected himself. A 
 native of Livadeia, in Bceotia, and born in 1752, 
 Katzones was also concerned in the disastrous 
 rising of the Peloponnesus in 1770, upon the 
 failure of which he entered a Greek regiment in 
 the Kussian service, and acquitted himself well in 
 their expedition against Persia. 
 
 In 1788 (the expenses being furnished by 
 
36 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Greeks) he fitted out and armed a small fleet, 
 with which he carried on a piratical war on the 
 coasts of Syria, doing fearful damage to the 
 Turkish possessions. The Porte, alarmed at the 
 ravages which he committed, sent out a large 
 squadron in pursuit of him, which Lambros met 
 outside Karpathos with his own six ships and two 
 transport vessels which he had captured. The 
 French consul at Ehodes seems to have derived 
 much pleasure in witnessing the destruction of the 
 Turkish vessels which ensued, as he congratulated 
 Lambros upon his victory, telling him that he was 
 a worthy descendant of Themistocles. This event 
 was communicated to the Eussian Government, 
 when his ships were enrolled as the fleet of the 
 Eussian Empress, and were entitled to carry the 
 Eussian flag, whilst he himself was to be con- 
 sidered a Eussian officer. After this encourage- 
 ment, Lambros, triumphantly hoisting the Eussian 
 flag, sailed forth and scoured the Archipelago even 
 to the Hellespont. He now received one of those 
 letters so characteristic of the Porte in those 
 times which came to him from the Sultan 
 through his dragoman, Stephen Mavrogenes, and 
 which addressed him as "Most brave hero. 1 ' This 
 letter complimented him upon his valiant deeds, 
 and offered him an amnesty, and the government 
 of any island which he might choose, free of taxes, 
 and with a present besides of two hundred gold 
 pieces, if he would leave the service of Eussia. 
 This letter was not answered in writing, but 
 
INTBODUCTION. 87 
 
 was replied to by an expedition in search of 
 the enemy's fleet, which Lambros encountered 
 between Mykonos and Syra, and completely 
 defeated. Shortly afterwards, hearing that six 
 Algerine vessels had gone to Hydra, he set sail, 
 and drove them thence to Nauplia. 
 
 It was at this epoch, in the beginning of 1790, 
 that he was joined by Androutsos at the head 
 of some five to seven hundred Armatoli. This 
 transformation of mountaineers into seamen may 
 seem strange, but it was not unusual. The 
 occurrence is considered by some writers to be 
 alluded to in one of the folk songs which record 
 the deeds of Androutsos, where " the mother of 
 Androutsos rejoices, the mother of Androutsos is 
 glad, for her sons are all Armatoli, and great 
 captains." 
 
 The Algerine vessels sent out by the Porte were 
 afterwards engaged, and in an obstinate battle, 
 where the enemy lost heavily, Katzones was 
 wounded in the head, and two of his vessels 
 were captured, whilst a great number of the 
 Klephts under Androutsos were killed. In the 
 following year Lambros and Androutsos en- 
 deavoured to systematize a regular rising in Mani, 
 but the Maniotes rightly observed that enthusiasm 
 alone was useless, and that money was wanted. 
 Russia promised some aid both in money and 
 soldiers, but gave none ; and in the year succeeding 
 this the usual termination to all coalitions of 
 Greeks with Eussia arrived; peace was made 
 
38 WTBODUCflOtf. 
 
 between Kussia and Turkey, and Katzones was 
 told that he must desist from any further opera- 
 tions against the Turks. Lambros and Androutsos 
 however thought that they could carry on the war 
 on their own account, and after several minor 
 engagements, met the combined French and 
 Turkish ships off Tainaros, where they came to 
 close quarters, when the French sailors opened fire 
 from their ship, to which Androutsos and his 
 Armatoli responded with so thick and dense a volley 
 that many French officers were killed, and upon 
 this they retired. On the third day afterwards the 
 Capitan bey effected a landing, which was not 
 opposed by Katzones, who left him to be settled 
 with by Androutsos and his Pallikars, and after 
 the Turks were all disembarked, Androutsos and 
 his Pallikars discharging their guns suddenly, fell 
 upon them impetuously sword in hand, and routed 
 them with great slaughter, four thousand of them 
 being slain ; twelve of their boats were captured, 
 and out of the whole force about a hundred only 
 were able to save themselves on the three boats 
 which remained. Upon this crushing defeat the 
 Capitan sent to the Bey of Mani, and commanded 
 him to secure and deliver up Katzones immediately 
 either dead or alive. The Bey ordered a large 
 force to be made ready for the purpose of effecting 
 his capture, but at the same time sent a monk to 
 Katzones with private information concerning the 
 intended expedition. Katzones was able to save 
 both himself and his sailors in consequence of this 
 
INTBODUCTION. 39 
 
 warning, and eventually re-entered the service of 
 Eussia, where he died in 1804 at the age of fifty- 
 two. 
 
 The valiant Androutsos was less fortunate. For 
 forty days and nights he was pursued by a force of 
 six thousand men. As they fled through that 
 difficult country they often turned and skirmished, 
 and so great was the skill of their leader that in 
 these encounters there were fifteen hundred of the 
 enemy slain, and although his own numbers were 
 reduced to ninety-six, yet that remnant of the five 
 hundred Armatoli which he had brought to 
 Katzones was at last carried over in safety. A 
 foreign consul is reported to have likened this 
 passage to the celebrated march of the ten 
 thousand in Xenophon. Androutsos himself con- 
 templated going to Eussia, but disregarding some 
 friendly warnings, he trusted himself on Venetian 
 territory, when he was immediately seized by the 
 Government, and transported in the first ship at 
 hand to Constantinople. 
 
 Upon his arrival there he expected to be im- 
 mediately beheaded after the manner of so many 
 other Klephts, who deserved no severer treatment 
 by the Porte for their acts against her than him- 
 self. Instead of which he was thrown into the 
 filthy bagnio the convict prison. Eepeated offers 
 of advancement were continually held out to him 
 if he would abjure Christianity, and take office 
 under the Sultan, but they were always indignantly 
 refused. 
 
40 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the year 1798 the Ambassador of the French 
 Eepublic at Constantinople made a special request 
 to the Porte to restore Androutsos to liberty. 
 "You could as well ask for three millions," was 
 the answer, " as to require me to set Androutsos 
 free." So the redoubtable chief, whose noble 
 figure and fine face, as well as his skill in all 
 manly exercises, had been the theme of many a 
 song, languished for the mountain air of his native 
 hills during several years, until he at last suc- 
 cumbed to the plague. There is no authentic 
 picture of Androutsos, who is always described as 
 being exceptionally handsome ; his moustaches are 
 represented to have been of so great a length that 
 it was his custom whilst fighting to tie them at the 
 back of his head. It was these moustaches which 
 gave him the fierce aspect ascribed to him, 
 but it is nevertheless said that he was naturally 
 of a calm temperament and gentle-hearted. 
 Possibly for a long time the mountaineers who 
 adored him might have been ignorant of his fate 
 when they sung, " The mother of Androutsos is 
 sorrowing, the mother of Androutsos weeps ; she 
 often turns to the hills and upbraids them. ' 0, ye 
 wild mountains of Agrapha, what have you done 
 with my dear son, the Captain Androutsos ? ' " 
 
 The personal bravery and influence of Androutsos 
 was contagious, and three men who had been 
 his proto-pallikars carried on a strife for a short 
 time after Androutsos was lost to them, which 
 could have no x>ther than a tragic termination. 
 
INTMObVcTlOtf. 41 
 
 These men were the two brothers Georgios and 
 Joannes Karaples, and Alexis Eomanes, more 
 commonly called Alexis the Monk. The latter 
 had lived several years as a monk in the monas- 
 tery of the Prophet Elias, but upon receiving 
 some annoyances from a Turk, he had fled and 
 joined himself to the Armatoli. 
 
 The above chiefs having gathered others around 
 them directed their course to Chrysos, where they 
 were met by the Governor of Salona with a large 
 force. Those of the Armatoli who at that juncture 
 found themselves near the monastery above men- 
 tioned, shut themselves up in it and were there laid 
 siege to. Firing was kept up on both sides vigorously 
 for some time, when the Turks, having invited the 
 besieged to surrender, and receiving from them an 
 insulting reply, they set fire to one side of the 
 building, and the flames spread rapidly, when the 
 Armatoli seeing how great was the danger which 
 threatened them from within, threw open the gates 
 and rushed out sword in hand. Striking at their 
 foes on either side in their headlong passage they 
 cut their way through the midst of the Turks. Fifty 
 of the Governor's men, among whom was his own 
 son, were killed during the siege and sally, and 
 seven only of the Armatoli, Joannes Karaples being 
 wounded. 
 
 The Governor of Salona, smarting under his 
 defeat and enraged at the loss of his son, sent 
 express orders to Lambros Kasmas, the Derven-aga, 
 as guardian of the roads, to drive out all these 
 
42 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Armatoli from the district. Lambros, however, 
 did not care to encounter them alone, and got the 
 Bey of Loidovikos to unite with him for that 
 purpose. Their two forces made between them 
 no inconsiderable amount, and the Armatoli 
 against whom they were directed were compara- 
 tively few in number, their chief strength lying in 
 the zeal by which they were inspired. The engage- 
 ment that immediately took place was carried on 
 for three hours unremittingly, without the balance 
 of victory inclining either to one side or the other, 
 when Georgios Karaples with a sudden rush cut 
 off the head of the Bey of Loidovikos, which at 
 once decided the conflict, as the Turks took to 
 flight instantly. In a subsequent encounter with 
 the Turks Georgios was slain. After his death 
 many of their followers left the service, and 
 Manikas, the Derven-aga, who superseded Lambros 
 after the defeat recorded above, undertook to be 
 a mediator between the hostile combatants. 
 
 The then Bey of Salona, hearkening to this 
 mediation, offered to them different posts as 
 Derven-agas. For some time they had many doubts 
 as to his sincerity, notwithstanding the oaths with 
 which he accompanied his offers, but at last they 
 were prevailed upon to go to Salona, where they 
 were most graciously received by the Bey, who 
 invited them to partake of his hospitality. Alexis 
 the Monk was made Derven-aga by him, and the 
 others were engaged as his soldiers. During the 
 repast which followed, the Bey disarmed every 
 
iNTItODUCTlON. 48 
 
 suspicion by his courteous manners, and they all 
 ate together as though in perfect ease, after 
 which he dismissed them to their several posts. 
 They had scarcely, however, reached the monastery 
 of St. Elias when a foot messenger brought them 
 an order to return immediately to Salona. The 
 mediator Manikas meanwhile in his office of 
 Derven-aga had been sent away to quell some 
 alleged inroads of Klephts. In obedience to this 
 summons Alexis and the others returned to Salona, 
 but had no sooner entered the Bey's palace when 
 the doors were closed behind them and they were 
 fired upon and the whole of them were slain. 
 
 It is not perhaps too much to say that the most 
 celebrated and best known names among the 
 Klephts are those of men whose deaths have 
 invested every one of their actions with that deep 
 interest which follows the hero of a tragedy 
 through all the minor scenes up to the dread 
 consummation in the last act. There were 
 hundreds, perhaps thousands of Klephts who 
 lived the lives of heroes, but whose deaths on the 
 battle-field had nothing more exciting than the 
 ordinary death of soldiers dying in the fulfilment 
 of their duty. Of all such, nothing more can be 
 said than that they lived and died in their career 
 of opposition to a tyrannical government; no 
 particular act of individualism, either in their 
 deeds or in the manner in which their lives were 
 terminated, distinguishing them. The names of 
 two men only, names which have called forth not 
 
44 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 only from the poet historian of the people, but 
 from the educated poets of modern Greece, some 
 of her best ballads, are examples of this. Diakos 
 and Katzantones are remembered in verse which 
 will not be easily forgotten, with as much love as 
 admiration. The first of these two, as Mr. 
 Papparigopoulos justly remarks, differed in no 
 wise from many others who threw themselves 
 ardently into the cause of the rising, but " he was 
 young and he was handsome," and those two 
 simple facts exhibited his sufferings or stronger 
 contrast. 
 
 Athanasius the deacon as his surname, Diakos, 
 the name by which he is generally alone called 
 signifies was designed for a religious life, and was 
 educated in a monastery. It is seen that he had 
 already taken the first orders in the priesthood, 
 but like many other young men who were originally 
 destined for the church at that time, he was so 
 stirred by the tyranny around him, or possibly 
 still more disgusted with the abject life that the 
 majority of the peasant class to which he belonged 
 was forced to lead, that he was impelled to throw 
 aside all the bonds of a religious life and to join 
 himself to the Klephts. After some few years he 
 became the protopallikar of Odysseus Androutsos, 
 who was then the Captain of the Armatolik of 
 Livadeia, which post he held under Ali Pasha. 
 A few words in passing is due to Odysseus, 
 although it is only with pain that the gifted son 
 of so celebrated a father can be alluded to. 
 

 mi ml i^YiwWmmi 
 
 'M/f vs|f!i 
 
 444, 
 
 <7fg 
 
 ATHANASIUS DIAKOS. 
 
INTBODUCTION. 45 
 
 Possessed of most of the external qualities, of the 
 first Androutsos, equally handsome, and possibly 
 equally clever a brave and brilliant figure in the 
 first years of the revolution Odysseus did not 
 inherit either the incorruptible patriotism or the 
 integrity of his father, and not being proof to the 
 seductive offers made to him by the enemy, 
 became a traitor to his country and fell 
 accordingly. At this time, however, no stain had 
 darkened his career. He entertained also a great 
 friendship for Diakos. It was during the absence 
 of Odysseus that Diakos raised the standard of 
 independence in Central Greece. If it be a merit 
 to be recorded as the first who had ventured to do 
 so the merit is his, but it was as undoubtedly rash 
 as other previous declarations of the same kind 
 had been. 
 
 His success was at first brilliant, but it was 
 brief. Omer Vriones and Kiose Mehmet, with a 
 Turkish-Albanian army of nine thousand cavalry 
 and infantry sent out from the camp of Kourchid 
 Pasha, advanced against him. Diakos and two 
 other captains with fifteen hundred men en- 
 deavoured to hold two roads which led the one to 
 Bceotia by Thermopylae, the other to Phokis, but 
 the troops which they commanded shrunk from 
 the unequal contest with so large a force, led by 
 two leaders of so deserved a renown as the two 
 warriors above mentioned, and they fled precipi- 
 tously, all but a faithful band of fifty followers. 
 Diakos scorned flight, and he fought on until the 
 
46 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 whole of this small but brave guard was slain. 
 Then he was taken prisoner. It is now that the 
 martyr completes the picture of the hero which 
 to this day fascinates the Greek peasantry. Life 
 was offered to him, but the offer was flung back 
 with scorn, for the price was apostasy. He was 
 therefore sentenced to be immediately impaled. 
 It was a beautiful May morning in the year 1822 
 when Diakos was led to the stake. For a few 
 moments the loveliness of external nature and 
 his own age, as he was still under thirty-five, 
 called forth an expression of passing emotion, 
 " What ! " he is reported to have said, " has death 
 come for me in the time of flowers and green 
 leaves ? " On the stake, however, he gave forth no 
 expression of pain, but hurled out defiance to his 
 foes. " It is but one Greek more," he cried ; "as 
 a Greek I have lived, as a Greek I will die. 
 Odysseus and Niketas are left." It is consoling 
 to reflect that Odysseus was not faithless to the 
 memory of his friend. He achieved a brilliant 
 victory in revenge for the death of Diakos. 
 "Would that he had died then!" is the remark 
 of a Greek historian. 
 
 Katzantones, the second of the two Klephts 
 who are classed together on account of the 
 brilliancy of their short careers and their alike 
 most painful deaths, preceded the appearance of 
 Diakos upon the scene for nearly twenty years, 
 and belongs rather to the close of the eighteenth 
 century. He was the eldest of five brothers, who 
 
INTBODUCTION. 47 
 
 were the sons of a shepherd in Agrapha. The 
 nomadic life of the shepherds in Greece is still to 
 a very great extent the same as in primitive times. 
 In the summer months they lead their flocks over 
 the mountains from pasture to pasture, and only 
 when the winter approaches do they come down 
 to the plains. This was the manner in which 
 the early years of Katzantones were passed. In 
 following this life he had made acquaintance with 
 the Klephts, with whom those wandering shepherds 
 were generally in good accord, and who, in this 
 pastoral state, would have been equally as free as 
 the Klephts if they had not been oppressed by 
 cruel exactions. Ali Pasha levied frequent and 
 heavy confiscations on the flocks ; he had shepherds 
 and flocks of his own which were bound to con- 
 sume the produce of others, and thus the pastoral 
 life became by degrees odious to Katzantones, who 
 was not of a temperament to bear vexations 
 patiently. He had frequently said that he would 
 become a Klepht if it were only to avenge himself 
 upon the tax collectors of the Pasha, who in that 
 case would be obliged to be ransomed from his 
 exactions in the future. This asseveration was 
 always received by his intimates and companions 
 with derision, on account of his very small stature 
 and slight frame. Although his appearance has 
 often been descanted upon in disadvantageous 
 terms, and the epithets "mean" and "insignifi- 
 cant " have been freely indulged in as regards his 
 personal appearance, Pouqueville, the French 
 
48 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 consul at Juannina at that time, speaks in terms 
 of admiration of his fine black eyes and his soft 
 silken brown moustaches. Strength and agility, 
 and a frame capable of supporting great privations 
 and hardships, he undoubtedly possessed ; these 
 were natural qualifications for a Klepht, but those 
 who knew him personally, ignored those qualifica- 
 tions on account of his comparatively diminutive 
 form. It needed only time, however, to show how 
 mistaken was the common estimate regarding 
 him ; he was brave almost to temerity ; was 
 possessed of a marvellous suppleness and lightness 
 in all his movements ; had an inexhaustible fund 
 of resources within him, and owing to the early 
 part of his life having been spent with the flocks 
 he knew every pass in the mountains. At last 
 he resolutely made up his mind ; he sold his 
 flocks, and burnt all his huts and folds ; then he 
 armed himself, and followed by his four brothers, 
 he went forth as a Klepht to those same hills of 
 Agrapha whither he had so often led his sheep. 
 For some time Katzantones was inspired by no other 
 feelings than those of revenge joined to a desire for 
 pillage, and he treated the Greek villages lying at 
 the base of Agrapha with as little consideration 
 as those which were inhabited solely by Turks, so 
 that in this respect he is not to be placed in com- 
 parison during the early part of his career with 
 those captains who acted solely from motives of 
 patriotism, and a desire to accomplish the liberty 
 of their race. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 49 
 
 His endurance, his courage, and the indomitable 
 hatred with which he pursued the Turks were for 
 some years the admiration as they were the terror 
 of the Ottoman Government. Ali Pasha, who was 
 now invested with the headship of the Derven- 
 agas, sent out his ablest generals successively in 
 search of him ; but either by his valour or by his 
 adroitness he always managed to defeat or to 
 baffle them. As one instance of his prompt 
 ingenuity in finding a way out of very present 
 danger, it is related that, being pursued to a 
 stronghold, which was accessible only by two 
 narrow defiles, whilst in every other part there 
 were only steep and rugged precipices, and having 
 discovered that both these passes were occupied 
 by Albanians whom treachery had led to his 
 retreat, he cut off a strong branch of a fir-tree 
 with his sabre, and mounting upon it astride, 
 launched it over the face of the rock the foliage 
 and his own weight keeping the branch steady, 
 and thus he reached the ground in safety. The 
 Klephts who were with him were not slow in 
 following his example, whilst the Albanians only 
 learnt his flight by the consternation which his 
 sudden appearance caused in the district below. 
 
 Veli Guekas, the Derven-aga of Akarnania, was 
 one of the most formidable of all those who arrayed 
 their strength against him. With a courage equal 
 to that of Katzantones, and with immeasurably 
 more means at his disposal, Veli had been ravaging 
 all Akarnania in search of the notorious Klepht, 
 
 5 
 
so Introduction. 
 
 and irritated that he was so long able to elude 
 him, he suspected that the villagers around were 
 in complicity, and renewed his devastations upon 
 the surrounding district with increased vigour. 
 Being informed of these proceedings on the part 
 of Veli Guekas, Katzantones had the insolence or 
 temerity to write him a letter couched in the 
 following terms: "You seek me come to Krya- 
 vrysis ; I will await you there." 
 
 When Guekas received this defiance he was not 
 in motion nor in preparation for any march, but he 
 was so piqued by it that he immediately ordered 
 his Albanians to reassemble, and so great was his 
 impatience that, without even waiting for them, 
 he started off with only a few of his men, and 
 flew with the rapidity of lightning to the place 
 where Katzantones had appointed to meet him. 
 Katzantones with his Pallikars was there lying in 
 ambuscade awaiting his coming. After a few insult- 
 ing words on both sides the combat began, when Veli 
 Guekas fell dead almost instantaneously, having 
 received several balls at once. After this event 
 the name of Katzantones was held in still 
 greater dread than ever, and the fury of Ali 
 Pasha was redoubled. Fresh bodies of men under 
 other Derven-agas were sent forth to vanquish 
 him, fresh dangers encompassed him everywhere, 
 but he was still invincible. 
 
 The island of Santa Maura had always been an 
 asylum for Katzantones in his every need. Thither 
 he would go to get cured of his wounds, or oc- 
 
ItfTtiODUCTIOtf. 5i 
 
 casionally, if there was nothing much to be done 
 in the career which he had chosen, to rest. When- 
 ever he came there he was followed by crowds who 
 thronged to gaze upon the terrible Klepht. 
 
 In 1805 he went thither with nobler thoughts* 
 throbbing in his breast than any which had 
 hitherto made their abode there. He was now 
 bent upon promulgating a general rising of the 
 Greeks for the independence of their country, 
 The Eussians who then held the Ionian Isles 
 secretly encouraged the project. All the chiefs 
 of iEtolia, of Epirus, and of Western Thessaly 
 were assembled there, and here at last was a 
 real triumph for the shepherd of former days ; for 
 Katzantones, who had a great love of display, 
 glittering with ornaments of gold, and costly 
 silver weapons, the spoils of many a well-fought 
 fight, and conspicuous by his haughty carriage 
 despite the smallness of his stature, inspired in- 
 voluntary respect from all the other captains, who 
 acknowledged him as one whose bravery was 
 unsurpassed. 
 
 At this time, however, in the very height of his 
 elation Katzantones was seized with an attack of 
 smallpox. It seems that when struck down by 
 this virulent disease, he was impatient of the 
 necessary confinement, for having always breathed 
 the fresh mountain air, he chafed at being held 
 within the four walls of a chamber. Anyhow, he 
 left Santa Maura before he was well, and hastened 
 to attain his native hills once more. 
 
58 INTBODUCTTON. 
 
 Very shortly afterwards he paid a visit to a 
 monastery on Agrapha in order to raise some con- 
 tributions, and whilst there he was again taken ill. 
 After remaining a few days in the monastery, being 
 still sick, and not feeling quite assured as to his 
 safety, he left and concealed himself in a cave, 
 George, the youngest of his brothers, staying also 
 with him to nurse and tend him. Food was brought 
 to them daily from the monastery, and it is con- 
 jectured that one of the monks gave information 
 concerning the place of his retreat to Ali Pasha, 
 who, upon receiving it, without a moment's delay, 
 sent sixty picked Albanians with orders to bring 
 him both the brothers alive. 
 
 George was just about to issue from the cave 
 when he saw an Albanian posted at the entrance. 
 Family love is strong among the Greeks, and 
 fraternal love is possibly stronger with them than 
 with any other people. Be this as it may, there is 
 no more beautiful example of fraternal love in the 
 world's history than that shown by the Klepht 
 George to his sick and helpless brother, the once 
 dreaded Katzantones. Rushing back to the re- 
 cesses of the cavern he hastily told his brother 
 what had occurred; and catching him up in his 
 arms, threw him over his shoulder, holding at 
 the same time his sword in his mouth and his gun 
 in his hand, and made for the entrance to the cave, 
 where he discharged his piece at the Albanian who 
 attempted to bar his passage, and took his way to 
 a forest at no great distance. He was pursued 
 
INTBODUCTION. ft8 
 
 by the Albanians, but he was swift of foot, and 
 kept for some time in advance, whilst he occasion- 
 ally laid down his precious burden to reload, when 
 he would turn to face his pursuers and fire, and 
 then again, charging himself with his brother's 
 enfeebled body, fled onwards. In this way he 
 killed several of his pursuers, but at last ten of the 
 foremost of the Albanians, infuriated by the deaths 
 of their comrades, rushed forward with a sudden 
 bound, and the two brothers were captured, and 
 taken to Juannina together. 
 
 A brother of Veli Guekas was in the service of 
 Ali, and the Pasha in the refinement of cruelty 
 handed over to him the slaughter of the Katzan- 
 tones, trusting that a desire to revenge the death 
 of his brother would nerve him to execute them 
 in some barbarous fashion. Guekas went to 
 them in their dungeon, and began to pour a 
 volley of savage reproaches upon Katzantones, 
 accompanied by many taunts upon the fate which 
 was now awaiting him. "Veli was a Pallikar," 
 answered Katzantones, "and I am a Pallikar; he 
 did his duty, and I did mine." This reply so 
 touched the soldier's sense of justice, that he 
 hastened back to Ali and asked that Katzantones 
 might be set at liberty, adding that he would 
 meet him as a free man, and fight him as a soldier 
 should, but that he could not murder him whilst 
 he was a captive and in chains. Ah, however, 
 was not the man to be stirred by any such generous 
 impulses, and he had too long thirsted for the 
 
54 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 blood of the defiant Klepht to release him now 
 that he at last had him in his power. He there- 
 fore ordered that both the brothers should be 
 beaten to death by sledge hammers. It has been 
 said that the hitherto heroic firmness of Katzan- 
 tones, whose nerves had been somewhat shattered 
 during his wasting illness, gave way under this 
 dreadful torture, and that he uttered cries of 
 anguish, whilst George, upbraiding him for thus 
 complaining like a woman, endured all in silence 
 until every bone in his body was broken, and 
 expired without a sigh. 
 
 Lepenotis, the second brother, who had received 
 his name from the place of his birth, followed the 
 career of Klepht for some little time after the 
 deaths of George and Katzantones ; but harassed 
 by continual pursuits, he at length submitted to 
 Ali ; and, as it usually happened with the Klephts 
 after they had been induced to make their sub- 
 mission at Juannina, he was waylaid and murdered 
 on his journey back. 
 
 Among the large gathering of Armatoli and 
 Klephts that took place at the island of Santa 
 Maura in the year 1805, for the purpose of con- 
 certing an universal rising of the Greeks, when 
 " all the captains of Olympus," as Kolokotrones 
 remarks, "were there," there was none who 
 was more conspicuous, or who attracted greater 
 curiosity and admiration from the inhabitants 
 of the island than Niko-Tsaras. Kolokotrones 
 
INTBODUCTION. 55 
 
 with characteristic brevity only mentions his 
 name with those of others as being " there," and 
 nothing further ; but no historical sketch of the 
 Klephts, however brief, can omit the name of one 
 whose encounters with the Turks whether on sea 
 or land, as well as his feats in athleticism, excite 
 our marvel, and almost our incredulity. Skill in 
 running and jumping is not worth recording in a 
 biographical notice of any gravity, were it not that 
 such skill may be explanatory of other feats accom- 
 plished in hardly contested fields, where pith and 
 endurance count for something against many odds. 
 Whether he did or did not, as related, leap over 
 seven horses in a line, or spring over a barrier of 
 three waggons drawn abreast, and piled high with 
 thorns to bar his passage, is not of much moment 
 in itself except that such feats if accomplished 
 explain the victory at the bridge of Pravi. 
 
 Nicholas Tsaras, or Niko-Tsaras, as he was 
 more generally called, was a Thessalian by birth, 
 his natal place being in the neighbourhood of 
 Elassona. Both his father and his grandfather 
 had been Klephts, and it is probable that he had 
 descended from a long generation of those wild 
 warriors ; and if such were the case, his excep- 
 tional agility and athletic prowess could readily 
 be accounted for as being inherited gifts. His 
 father, Tsaras, had held the post of Captain 
 of Armatoli for a considerable period. There 
 happened to be a monastery at no great distance 
 from Ws station, which was fortunately under the 
 
56 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 direction and superintendence of an Archimandrite, 
 Father Anthemos, who was possessed of excellent 
 literary attainments, and who was moreover a very 
 good man and an enthusiast for Hellas. Tsaras 
 grasped at this opportunity, and sent his son, 
 Nikos, to be educated by him. Some knowledge 
 of science and general literature, with a more 
 perfected acquaintance with his mother tongue, 
 Nikos soon acquired, and he had already made 
 some progress in the study of the ancient 
 language, and was advanced to reading the Iliad, 
 when an event occurred which scattered all his 
 learning to the winds, and at once changed the 
 whole course of his future life. 
 
 Tsaras, the father, being an able man, was in 
 the usual course of things, soon marked out as 
 a suspect in the opinion of the Turkish authorities. 
 To make sure of him therefore, and to prevent 
 him from becoming dangerous, two detachments 
 of ^Albanians were sent out secretly, with orders 
 to bring back Tsaras, dead or alive. It was a 
 dark night ^which was chosen for performing this 
 duty, and Tsaras had only his children and two 
 or three of his Pallikars with him when the 
 Albanians reached his abode ; but he was aware 
 of their approach, and being ingenious and quick- 
 witted, he cast about to see how he might be 
 able to'save himself. Hastily binding some of his 
 own clothes together, so as to make the semblance 
 of a figure, he dangled it by a cord from a 
 window, A shower of bullets greeted this 
 
INTRODUCTION* 67 
 
 appearance, and whilst the Albanians were rush- 
 ing to seize it as it fell, contending who should 
 be the first to secure the head, Tsaras, followed 
 by his people, made his escape by the door, and 
 under cover of the darkness of the night eluded 
 them, and succeeded in gaining the heights, as 
 the stations of the Armatoli were always on the 
 lower hill-slopes. In this way young Nikos passed 
 suddenly from the peaceful monastery school and 
 his Homer to a rough apprenticeship for the 
 calling of a Klepht. His new career seems to 
 have fascinated him more than his books, to the 
 study of which he never returned. His father 
 was slain in an encounter with the Turks when 
 Nikos was only fifteen years old. He was present 
 at his father's death, and was able to save the 
 head from being taken, and, young as he was, 
 immediately took up the leadership of the band, 
 and sallied forth upon a series of expeditions 
 which made his name both famous and dreaded 
 in the gorges of Kissarvos, and in the whole 
 vicinity of Mount Olympus. 
 
 The strength of his arms, and the renown which 
 followed upon his daring, were sure soon to attract 
 the notice of Ali Pasha. Henceforth all kinds 
 of means were employed to subdue him, or to 
 win him over, from threats of vengeance to 
 promise of reward and station. After a time, 
 Nikos was induced to hearken to solicitations for 
 his preferment, and went to Juannina to make 
 his submission in person, with the hope of 
 
58 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 obtaining his father's Armatolik. It was always 
 the custom of Ali, as before noticed, to receive 
 every Klepht who went to him for that purpose 
 with the utmost graciousness, but after he was 
 dismissed to have him waylaid and murdered on 
 the return journey. Niko-Tsaras, however, was 
 aware of this, and was as wary and shrewd in 
 such matters as Theodore Kolokotrones ever 
 showed himself, so he trod his way back very 
 cautiously. All kinds of snares had been set 
 for him ; but he went out from Juannina at night, 
 and choosing paths and byways that were known 
 to very few, he got safely into Thessaly. When 
 there, he used less precaution; and it is said 
 that crowds of Greeks followed him as he passed 
 along, regarding him with as much awe as 
 admiration. Nikos did not return to the hills at 
 this juncture. A wave of gentler emotions and 
 thoughts of the pleasures of peaceful occupations 
 must at this time have passed over him ; for, like 
 every other Klepht, he now married, and would 
 probably have settled down on the beautiful coasts 
 of Thessaly, and have led a quiet, uneventful life 
 in the future, if he had not speedily discovered 
 that he was in perpetual danger of assassination 
 from the emissaries of Ali Pasha. Thus menaced, 
 he began to long again for the comparative safety, 
 and also for the freedom of the rocks, and he deter- 
 mined to take up gun and sabre and renew his 
 former life, not, as before, merely to rob and harass 
 the Turk, but to achieve the liberation of his country. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 69 
 
 It is conjectured that about this era he had 
 some communication with Ypsilanti, the Governor 
 of Wallachia, which led him to form certain 
 definite plans towards carrying out the aims 
 which he was now entertaining for the purpose 
 of promoting a general rising; all of which, 
 however, resulted in nothing more than a display 
 of heroism and powers of stoical endurance. A 
 descent upon Macedonia was what he first had 
 in contemplation, and he crossed from Karpenesi 
 to Skiathos, and took ship to the base of Olympus, 
 intending to move thence into Macedonia. The 
 Pasha of Thessalonica sent to ask him who he 
 was, and whither he was going? to which he 
 replied, that he was going to join Mouchtar 
 Pasha, who was fighting with the Eussians, and 
 hoisting the Turkish flag, he was allowed in con- 
 sequence to proceed. The deception was dis- 
 covered after a time, when he at once lowered the 
 Turkish banner and raised that of the cross. He 
 was pursued by three thousand Turks, but 
 managed to reach the hill Eilos, which he found 
 occupied by a still larger body of the enemy, 
 and then, as he had no guides, he resolved to return 
 to those parts with which he was better ac- 
 quainted. So he regained the valley of Nestos, 
 which he had before traversed to reach Eilos, and 
 after fighting day and night for two days, he was 
 successful on the third day in being able to force 
 a passage by which he reached the Bay of 
 Kontessa, 
 
60 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 Eussia had promised to aid him in this ex- 
 pedition, and the Russian Admiral Piniavin had 
 agreed to await him with help in the Bay of 
 Kontessa, in order to take him and his men away 
 in his ships, if the expedition failed. There was 
 no Eussian fleet there. The Klephts had the 
 ocean before them, and behind them was the 
 enemy in considerable force, to the right was the 
 unfordable river Strymon, and there was no other 
 passage but the bridge of Pravi. Pravi itself is 
 situated on a tableland between two high hills, 
 on the left by the sea is the plain of Sychna. 
 The bridge is stated to have been a thousand 
 paces in length, and either end was closed by 
 strong gates closed by chains. 
 
 It was in 1804 that his brilliant exploit at the 
 bridge of Pravi, now to be narrated, called forth 
 eloquent bursts of song from the historians of 
 the people. In pursuance of the designs which 
 he had projected of making an expedition into 
 Macedonia, he had taken with him a body of 
 three hundred Klephts, all picked men. The 
 Turks had been forewarned, and had occupied 
 all the most important passes. Upon his 
 arrival at the narrow bridge of Pravi, he found 
 the passage barred by iron chains drawn across, 
 and a force of three thousand Turks opposed to 
 him at that advantageous post, with the full 
 expectation of effectually crushing him. He took 
 up his position on an eminence, but in a short 
 space of time was so completely surrounded that 
 
TNTBODUCTION. 61 
 
 he was neither able to advance nor to retreat. 
 For three days and for three nights, Nikos and 
 his Klephts kept the Turks at bay, but in the 
 evening of the third day they began to drop down 
 with faint ness and exhaustion, and, more than all, 
 their cartouche-boxes were emptied. Nikos rightly 
 conjectured at this point that there was nothing 
 left for them to do but to attempt to force a 
 passage through the enemy, sword in hand. 
 Desperate men can achieve desperate things. 
 With a sudden rush they burst right through 
 the body of the Turks, broke the chains across 
 the bridge with blows from their Damascus blades, 
 and flew forward to the town of Pravi, whilst the 
 Turks dispersed and fled. 
 
 Nikos and his men stopped at Pravi just long 
 enough to appease their hunger and obtain a little 
 rest, when, hearing that all the defiles before them 
 were occupied by the enemy, they retraced their 
 steps, and again sought the mountains of Thessaly, 
 which they reached in safety after so great and 
 useless an expenditure of energy and courage. 
 
 This expedition having signally failed, and 
 Nikos seeing that his position in the mountains 
 as a captain of Klephts was one full of uncertainty 
 and danger, all hope of obtaining the Armatolik 
 held by his father being completely abandoned, 
 he considered what way he could best damage 
 the Turks, and at last resolved to carry on the 
 warfare against them by sea. For this purpose 
 he fitted out two ships and reinforced his 
 
62 INTBODUCTlOtf. 
 
 men. His first act was to seize upon a building 
 on the coast of Thessaly, which he made his head- 
 quarters ; and in a short time the Gulf of Thessa- 
 lonica resounded with his exploits. 
 
 It was not long before other leaders of Klephts 
 imitated his example and joined themselves to 
 him, among whom was Gianni Stathas. Two at 
 least of their ships, if not more, were painted 
 black and had black sails, whilst Stathas himself 
 was also clothed in black; but they floated the 
 Greek white and blue banner above their funereal- 
 looking vessels. Pappas Euthymios, during the 
 same time, was concerting measures with him for 
 the overthrow of Ali Pasha, but before their plan 
 could be carried into effect, Nikos was killed 
 almost accidentally. Some of his sailors and 
 Pallikars, having landed in order to take in 
 supplies of water, fell in with a party of Albanians, 
 by whom they were attacked, and some sharp 
 fighting took place between them. Nikos, who 
 was in the building before alluded to, looking 
 down upon the encounter, issued forth to take 
 part in it. When the Albanians saw him ap- 
 proaching they all fled, with the exception of one 
 man, who in former times had been one of his 
 own Pallikars, and who having been punished for 
 some misdemeanour whilst under his command, 
 bore him a grudge in consequence. This man 
 hid himself behind a tree, and as Nikos was 
 returning after the Albanians had taken flight, 
 he fired upon him. Nikos fell, the bullet having 
 
INTRODUCTION. 63 
 
 struck him in the hip. He was carried back to 
 the building, where he died in the course of a 
 few days, when he was borne in one of his own 
 ships to the island of Skyros, and was there buried 
 by his Pallikars with much ceremony, and his 
 sword was taken to his widow, who put it 
 reverently aside to keep for his son. At the time 
 of his death, Nikos was about thirty-seven. His 
 personal appearance is described as very handsome 
 and imposing. The culture of his youth was not 
 without its effects, for besides imparting a dignity 
 to his manners, the letters written by him were 
 remarkable for correctness and elegance. It was 
 his physical attainments, however, which attracted 
 his Klephts to him, and they loved to talk of his 
 swiftness, which could surpass that of any horse. 
 They were superstitious in their estimation of his 
 powers, believing that he had a charmed life, and 
 that a ball would glance off if it should touch his 
 skin and would leave him unhurt. 
 
 The priest Klepht, Pappa-Thymo, as he is gene- 
 rally called, has just been alluded to as concerting 
 a rising with the pirate Klepht, Niko-Tsaras. A 
 Christian priest figuring as a Klepht may at first 
 sight seem a strange anomaly until it is re- 
 membered that throughout this introduction the 
 word Klepht is synonymous with patriot* Under 
 the domination of Ali there was, in fact, no more 
 determined leader of Klephts throughout all 
 Thessaly, than this Pappas Euthymios, nor was 
 there one against whom the Pasha of Juannina felt 
 
64 INTBODUCTION* 
 
 a more rooted hostility. When it is taken into 
 account that this priest came from a generation 
 of Klephts, that he was the eldest son of the 
 renowned Blachavas, who was for many years a 
 captain of Armatoli, at Khasia, the transition from 
 priest to Klepht is not to be wondered at. The 
 blood of the warrior rather than the ascetic flowed 
 in his veins. Blachavas, his father, possibly from 
 pious motives, devoted his eldest son to the service 
 of the Church, whilst he brought up the two 
 younger ones to be Klephts or Armatoli. It is 
 quite evident that Euthymios was never attached 
 to his sacred profession, as immediately upon 
 the death of his father he assumed the leader- 
 ship of the Armatolik, and was acknowledged 
 as their captain by his two brothers and his 
 father's Pallikars. 
 
 Ali Pasha, who was possessed of great shrewd- 
 ness and perception in his judgment of the 
 characters of men, immediately regarded this step 
 with mistrust, and Pappa-Thymo was at once 
 an object of suspicion. All his usual methods 
 of alternating threats with cajolery, and attempts 
 to destroy him with promises of advancement 
 were resorted to. The Pappas listened to none of 
 them. It was not as an Armatolos or a Klepht 
 that he was intending to work ; he had probably 
 been laying his schemes during his quiet life in the 
 priesthood, and he at once aimed far higher than in 
 maintaining the post he derived from his father, or 
 in making raids for the sake of spoiling the Turks. 
 
INTBODUCTION. 65 
 
 His whole heart and mind was set upon a rising, 
 and for this end he consulted with Niko-Tsaras, 
 and for this end he also went down to the con- 
 federation of chiefs, which met at Santa Maura. 
 That confederation, as it has been shown before, 
 resulted in nothing ; but Pappa-Thymo, after that 
 had collapsed, determined to act by himself. In 
 addition to his own Pallikars he had he thought 
 gained over a number of Albanians who were dis- 
 contented with their service under Ali, and he 
 prepared for a descent into Akarnania, when he 
 hoped to be supported by the Souliotes and other 
 bodies; for the captains of Klephts in different 
 parts of Greece, as well as many Turkish Agas, 
 had promised him their adherence. All the 
 arrangements which he had prepared were 
 frustrated by the treachery which gave Ali full 
 information of every one of his projects. He 
 had fixed upon the 29th of May, the anniversary 
 of the capture of Constantinople, for the day of 
 the projected rising, but the Turks of Thessaly, 
 who had promised to join him, wavered when the 
 time for acting drew near. 
 
 His fellow plotters in Epirus hastened to give 
 him information concerning the peril in which he 
 was placed, but he, nothing daunted, rashly anti- 
 cipated the projected movement, and raised the 
 standard of revolt at Khasia on the 5th of May, 
 when with six hundred of his followers he went down 
 to Kalabaka to cut off all communication with 
 Epirus. By a special messenger he announced the 
 
 6 
 
66 JNTEODUCTION. 
 
 course events had taken, and summoned all the 
 Armatoli to assemble themselves. He also wrote 
 to those Turks of Trikkala who had promised him 
 their assistance, but they were no longer disposed 
 to give him their aid. At this juncture Blachavas 
 left his brother Theodore in command at Kalabaka, 
 and flew to Olympus to rouse the Armatoli there, 
 and to gather more supplies of men. Meanwhile, 
 the other brother, Demetrius, who had been sent 
 with three hundred of the insurgents to the bridge 
 of Baba, where the Derven-aga Jousouf was sta- 
 tioned, was at first able to drive him back into 
 Hani; but Jousouf, uniting with some Albanians 
 under Veli Bey, and other forces also combining, 
 turned again, when a terrific contest was renewed. 
 At the. same time, Mouchtar, Ali's other son, 
 was moving on at the head of five thousand Turco- 
 Albanians with a commission from Ali to lay the 
 whole country waste. The same traitor who had 
 been disclosing the intentions of Pappa-Thymo 
 from the beginning, now guided Mouchtar to the 
 pass, which Theodore was to hold as a post of 
 the utmost importance. On the 7th of May in 
 the early morning these two unequally matched 
 forces began the combat. The advance guard of 
 Mouchtar was at first repulse,d, when Mouchtar 
 himself, sword in hand, barred its retreat. The 
 battle was waged for two hours, at the end of 
 which the whole of the six hundred Greeks, as 
 well as their brave captains, were all cut to pieces. 
 Blachavas arrived on the spot with a reinforcement 
 
INTBODUCTION. 67 
 
 of five hundred Olympians, only in time to see 
 that the sacrifice had been consummated. A 
 ghastly convoy of the remains of these heroes 
 went to Juannina on mules, where their heads were 
 cemented into a pyramid. 
 
 Pappa-Thymo would not risk the lives of the 
 reinforcement of five hundred men which he had 
 brought from Olympus by engaging with Mouchtar 
 Pasha and his many thousands, and he, therefore, 
 led them back in safety to Olympus. 
 
 It was at this time in the midst of his anguish 
 and rage, at the waste of so many brave lives, that 
 Blachavas determined to unite with Niko-Tsaras 
 and other fugitive Armatoli from Olympus, and by 
 fitting out a fleet, to carry on the war by sea. 
 Hundreds of disaffected men swelled the numbers 
 who daily flocked to join these piratical ships, 
 which carried on their devastations even in sight 
 of the Sultan's fleet. Alarmed at the prospect of 
 affairs, the Sultan issued a firman, commanding 
 them to cease their ravages, and offering them an 
 amnesty. To Ali Pasha this firman also coun- 
 selled abstinence from such a display of enmity 
 as he had lately been showing, whilst the Patriarch 
 put a seal to this advice by a letter, composed in 
 synod, which he sent to Pappa-Thymo exhorting 
 him as a Christian priest to abstain from so sinful a 
 life, and offering him absolution for all that was past. 
 
 Blachavas was prevailed upon ; he immediately 
 stopped all his piratical courses, dispersed all his 
 fleet, and disbanded all his Armatoli. 
 
68 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Without entering into every detail it is sufficient 
 to state that through fraud, having held out some 
 promise of restoring him to his father's Armatolik, 
 Ali got possession at last of the person of 
 Blachavas. In great pomp the unfortunate man 
 was conducted to the Court of Juannina, and 
 delivered up to the Pashalik. It was in the court- 
 yard of the Palace where for two days he was ex- 
 posed to the insults of a fanatical mob that Mons. 
 Pouqueville, the French consul, saw him, and thus 
 graphically describes the bearing of the captive : 
 
 " I had once met Blachavas at Milias on Mount 
 Pindus, in all the pride of freedom, and surrounded 
 by his warlike companions ; I saw him again for 
 the last time bound to a stake in the court of the 
 seraglio at Juannina. The rays of a burning sun 
 fell full on his deeply bronzed forehead, down 
 which the sweat of agony and exhaustion was 
 flowing in copious streams. Even in death his eye 
 still flashed defiance; and turning on me a look 
 more serene than that of the monster who directed 
 his torments, he seemed to call on me to witness 
 with what calmness a hero can die. Without a 
 moan or a shudder he received the last blows of 
 his executioners, and his manly limbs severed from 
 his body and dragged through the streets of Juan- 
 nina, showed to the terrified Greeks the remains of 
 the last of the chieftains of Thessaly." 
 
 This outline of the lives of a few of the most re- 
 markable of the Armatoli and Klephts is a picture 
 
INTBODUCTION. 69 
 
 of them as a whole, and is presented to us again 
 almost word for word in the scenes which Koloko- 
 trones has jotted down from his own personal ex- 
 perience. It is the same thing throughout several 
 centuries of endurance heroism and daring, perils 
 and escapes, betrayals and death. In his generous 
 appreciation of the captains who had been sacri- 
 ficed before the rising of 1821, Kolokotrones 
 remarks, that had they lived, the liberation of his 
 country would have been effected during the first 
 year of the struggle. This is rather more than 
 doubtful, although if the ranks of the insurgents 
 had not been so reduced by the loss of those 
 capable leaders, Theodore would have found coad- 
 jutors more worthy of himself, if, it must, 
 be added, he could have controlled himself into 
 acting in conjunction with them, but his inability 
 to submit his will to that of others is tolerably 
 well shown in his " Autobiography." The terse- 
 ness and abrupt brevity of these utterances, 
 bear the stamp of truth in every line. They 
 are the frank outspoken statements of an un- 
 cultured man of exceptional natural ability, who 
 was not careful to conceal anything, least of all his 
 contempt for indecision and weakness. Descended 
 from a generation of Klephts, the son of a most 
 renowned captain, looked up to by every scion of 
 the Kolokotroni as head of the family, it is not 
 surprising that he was so little amenable to a 
 provisional government of professors and priests. 
 He was not, nor could he ever have been, popular 
 
70 INTBODUCTION. 
 
 with the heads of parties. He was irritable and 
 passionate to a degree, and he occasionally gave 
 vent to feelings of displeasure in a rather strong 
 manner, as can well be inferred from an anecdote 
 given by his editor in some notes appended to his 
 " Autobiography," who relates that whilst he was 
 in Zante, he took up an English edition of the 
 Greek New Testament and began to read from it, 
 when a young man who was present, and who was 
 a reader in the Greek Church, began to expostulate 
 with him for so doing, bidding him to remember 
 that it was forbidden by the Patriarch, " and, 
 therefore, you will be accursed of God." Koloko- 
 trones, upon hearing this remark, was so trans- 
 ported by a sudden access of anger, that he sprang 
 up, and seizing the young man by his thick black 
 hair, hurled him to the ground, when some by- 
 standers rescued him from the chiefs fury. It 
 was conjectured by those who witnessed this 
 occurrence, that the reference to the authority 
 of the Patriarch had brought to the remembrance 
 of Kolokotrones the excommunication fulminated 
 by that prelate, which had been the occasion of 
 so much suffering to himself and his kinsmen. 
 
 That he was placable and forgiving, and 
 that his wrath, if quickly aroused, was as easily 
 appeased, is evident from the fact that he could 
 tolerate as colleagues men who had not been un- 
 willing when he was a Klepht to deliver him up to 
 death for a certain number of grosia. That the 
 tender emotions were occasionally as readily called 
 
INTRODUCTION. 71 
 
 forth as his fiery ebullitions of temper, the torrents 
 of tears which he shed when the death of Karais- 
 kakes was announced to him are proofs sufficient. 
 At the funeral of Zaimes with whom he was always 
 in contention, his sorrowful demeanour occasioned 
 some surprise to one who was present who reminded 
 him of his continual disputes with that politician 
 whilst he was living. "True," was his answer, 
 " I always differed from him, but I never bore him 
 any ill feeling." It is related of him that his 
 despatches showed his temporary moods, for it was 
 only when he was angry that he employed the 
 capital letter in his signature OebBopos, whilst if 
 he were pleased, that condition of mind was 
 evidenced by a small initial being used, and his 
 name Theodore then appeared written debBopo?. 
 
 Although it must certainly be assumed that 
 there were many who personally disliked him, yet 
 on the other hand it is distinctly evident that he 
 was also capable of inspiring a very strong and 
 remarkable devotion. Apart from the duties of 
 sonship, how beautiful is the conduct of Gennaios 
 in every campaign in his obedience to an exacting 
 leader ! Apart from this unquestioning obedience 
 which Kolokotrones required and obtained from 
 his son, there are everywhere marks of an excep- 
 tionally strong attachment to him, which probably 
 was accentuated by the behaviour of Gennaios 
 before Tripolitsa, when he was a youth of only 
 seventeen years of age. Pie made a conspicuous 
 figure upon that occasion, during the siege of the 
 
72 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 city, when the Turks came forth from the gates 
 in full force, thinking that the mere sight of so 
 large a host of cavalry and infantry, fully equipped 
 in all points, would of itself be sufficient to 
 terrorise the undisciplined and badly-armed rebels, 
 and cause them to take instantaneous flight. 
 This result did not occur, and the Greeks 
 met them boldly, when there was a desperate 
 conflict, and a consequent repulse of the Turks. 
 Young Gianni Kolokotrones, who till then had 
 been known by his baptismal name Gianni (John) 
 only, here exchanged that name for Gennaios 
 (brave), which was bestowed upon him by his 
 fellow combatants and others for his heroic con- 
 duct in the field, and by which name alone he 
 was ever afterwards called. 
 
 Amid much base desertion in numbers of the 
 colleagues of Kolokotrones, the noble constancy 
 of Koliopoulos remained unmoved throughout, and 
 through all temptations and trials he never once 
 swerved from his fealty ; and that of his nephew 
 Niketas the NiJcetaras, "with the swift-winged 
 feet " of the folk-songs, and of his own familiar 
 moments, is unrivalled. Of Niketas, the Turlco- 
 phage, or Turk-eater, as he was surnamed from his 
 exploits, he, whom no horse could overtake so agile 
 a runner was he, Dr. Howe, the American, who de- 
 tested Kolokotrones, has nothing but praise. " Of 
 all those who fought in the war of liberation," he 
 says, " there was no more high-minded or perfect 
 a character than he," adding that his devotion 
 
INTRODUCTION. 73 
 
 to his uncle was so remarkable that he identified 
 him absolutely with the cause of his country, as 
 an embodiment of patriotism itself, and never 
 questioned but that the old chief was always in 
 the right, and that swayed by this feeling, and 
 thus judging, he chose the welfare of Kolokotrones, 
 good patriot though he was, to mean the welfare 
 of his country. From the entire absence of self- 
 seeking in his character, and from his probity, 
 Niketas has been called the " Aristides of the 
 Kevolution." When fortune favoured the Greeks, 
 and a fortress was stormed or a citadel taken, 
 there have not been wanting those who have 
 censured the needy victors with greed in their 
 partition of the spoils. So timeless an accusation 
 cannot be brought against Niketas, who in all 
 his campaigns never asked for, and never received 
 more, than one Damascus blade. 
 
 Diakos in his dying moments found solace in 
 the remembrance that " Niketas was left," and 
 there must have been some consolation to the 
 oppressed heart of the hunted-down Captain of 
 Klephts when, after his flight to Zante, he recounts 
 in anguish " out of thirty-two Kolokotroni only 
 seven remained," that Niketas was one of that 
 seven. 
 
 The amount of influence which the Kolokotroni 
 exercised over the people of the Morea when 
 their power was at its height, which may be 
 assumed to have been somewhat before 1770, is 
 evidenced by the number of popular ballads which 
 
74 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 are dedicated to recounting their family annals. 
 These folk-songs, which were first inspired by the 
 prowess of Kostantes the father, followed the son 
 Theodoros through his whole career down to the 
 very hour of his death, whilst the relations, 
 whether uncles or cousins, like lesser luminaries 
 or satellites, also invoked severally a recognition 
 from the heroic muse of the Peloponnesus. The 
 tragic events of 1780, when Kostantes and several 
 of his brothers were slain, were fruitful in calling 
 forth folk-poetry of the above kind, whilst every 
 circumstance of any note in the lives of the 
 twenty-five Kolokotroni whom their chief and the 
 head of the family laments as having fallen in 
 consequence of the firman of 1803, has been 
 made the subject of a separate poem. 
 
 The imagery in this poetry is extravagant in its 
 expression, but underlying all its metaphors there 
 is truth in the narratives as they stand, and they 
 testify to the devotion borne by the peasants. 
 A reverse of fortune which had happened to this 
 family, and their temporary absence in conse- 
 quence from their accustomed haunts, calls forth 
 the following rhapsody " The sun is shining 
 brightly on the hills On the plains and on the 
 strongholds of the Klephts ; But where are the 
 Kolokotroni who have silver, yea, silver in plenty ? 
 They had five rows of buttons below, and six rows 
 above. When they went to church they disdained 
 to walk the earth ; They went on horseback to 
 worship. The horsemen kissed the cross and 
 
INTBODVCTION. 75 
 
 the priest's hand; They dismounted from their 
 horses, and went in one by one," &c. 
 
 Although in consequence of the firman, and 
 the excommunication which the Patriarch felt 
 compelled to fulminate by command of the Sultan, 
 it might almost appear that every one's hand 
 was against him, and ready to deliver him up to 
 torture and to death ; yet the passionate laments 
 that these songs exhibit at this time for the 
 dangers which surrounded " Theodoraki " show 
 very clearly that the men who were willing to 
 betray him, and who were pursuing him, belonged 
 to a different class to the poets. " God ! where 
 are the Kolokotroni gone, that they come no 
 longer to weddings or to feasts?" would not be 
 sung by any other than the peasants who were 
 generally on the side of the Klephts. The follow- 
 ing, which is chosen for its brevity, but which 
 is only one out of a number of others, may serve 
 to exemplify how great was the fascination by 
 which the Kolokotroni held the people of the 
 Morea " How heavy is that cloud which ready 
 now to break doth lower; the waters cover all 
 the plains, snows on the hill-tops shower. It is 
 not rain, it is not snow ; they are tears and bitter 
 weeping, in which the firman which hath come 
 the Morea is steeping Koumaics, Turks, are all 
 in arms, our Klephts beloved betraying the 
 Klephts, the Kolokotroni brave, now eager to be 
 slaying." 
 
 The imputations which have been so often 
 
76 1NTB0DUCTI0N. 
 
 brought against Kolokot rones, that he only aimed 
 at freeing the Morea, in order to become its ruler, 
 derive all their plausibility from his almost extra- 
 vagant attachment to the place of his birth. 
 Apparently he was never happy when he could 
 not tread its rugged mountains, and whilst he 
 was in Zante he was daily in the habit of ascend- 
 ing a height whence he could see the Peloponnesus, 
 and there he would stand and gaze upon the out- 
 line of her hills with mingled feelings of pleasure 
 and pain. " There," he would say, " is my home ; 
 there was I born; there are the graves of my 
 kindred; and there have my brethren been slain." 
 But the remote idea of kingship, if not indulged 
 by himself was one not unfamiliar to the people 
 of the Morea in respect to him. The Klephts 
 assumed a kind of sovereignty among themselves, 
 and in one of the " heroic songs" dedicated to 
 sing the praises of the Kolokotroni brotherhood, 
 there is a bold renunciation of the authority of 
 the Sultan and his firman, and an assertion that 
 Theodoraki is King of the Morea a king equal 
 to the Sultan, and that his brothers are Kadis 
 and Viziers. Theodoraki is also always described 
 as "wielding the sword of Leonidas." It will be 
 seen in his " Autobiography " that one man out 
 of a body of Klephts who had submitted, and who 
 were serving under the Turks, refused absolutely 
 fco march against him he would march against 
 any one else, " but not against our king." This 
 popular idea, aided by his own assumptions of 
 
INTBODUCTION. 77 
 
 independence, would naturally strengthen any 
 suspicions which the provisional government might 
 harbour at times as to his ultimate designs. 
 
 As strong and unbending in will as he was 
 undaunted in prowess, there is, nevertheless, 
 seldom to be seen in the autobiographies of public 
 men so much restraint as is exhibited in this man. 
 He hardly speaks of himself at all apart from his 
 actions. A few words record the plain fact that 
 he marries, and not once afterwards is his wife 
 mentioned. That this was not the result of in- 
 difference may be gathered from the reverence 
 which he displayed at her obsequies ; for she dying 
 whilst they were in Zante, Theodore, when the 
 usual requiem service was held, himself bore the 
 funeral cakes (fc6\va) into the church, carrying 
 the salver which contained them upon his head. 
 Of his children nothing is mentioned until they 
 are of an age to bear arms. He is reticent 
 of his feelings throughout, except when he speaks 
 of his country, and sixty years and more of 
 travail and exposure to every danger, from the 
 time when he was born under a tree on the 
 mountain till the day when he was brought to 
 judgment by a faction and heard sentence of 
 death pronounced against him, had left him un- 
 changed. On that day he was not voluble in 
 his own defence, and he made no appeal to his 
 past services. " Lord, into Thy hands I commend 
 my spirit " were the only words which fell clear 
 and unfalteringly from the lips of the old warrior 
 
78 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in the near presence, as he then thought, of death 
 from the hands of the executioner saying which 
 he crossed himself, and then took a pinch of snuff. 
 
 The people, however, never swerved from their 
 love to him. "When some years before this last 
 trial he had been dismissed from the generalship, all 
 the reverses that afterwards befell the Greek arms 
 in the Peloponnesus were ascribed to his with- 
 drawal, and the senate was obliged to restore him 
 to the command in answer to the reiterated cries 
 of an angry mob " Give us back Kolokotrones ! 
 give us back Kolokotrones ! " 
 
 It is gratifying to reflect that the old chief lived 
 ten years after his condemnation to death, and 
 that he enjoyed the full confidence of the young 
 monarch, Otho, whose first gracious act after 
 attaining his majority was to release him from 
 confinement. Only a few days before his decease, 
 which occurred in February, 1843, he was present 
 at a ball given at the palace, and death seems at 
 last to have come to him very gently upon the 
 evening of the same day, in the morning of which 
 he had attended the marriage of a friend. 
 
 In translating the following " Autobiography," 
 which was not written down by the hand of 
 Kolokotrones himself, but dictated by him to 
 Tertzetis, who transcribed with exact fidelity the 
 words as they fell from his lips, the same course 
 has been followed/ and no attempt has been made 
 to modify the original. 
 
INTBODUCTION. 79 
 
 The authorities which have been consulted are 
 the Greek works : " The History of the War of 
 Independence," by S. Trikoupes; " The History 
 of Greece, " by Paparregopoulos ; " Greek Miscel- 
 lanies,' ' by Sathas ; " The Kisings of Greeks 
 against Turkey," by Sathas ; " The History of 
 Epirus," by Aravandinos ; " The Songs of Epirus," 
 by Aravandinos ; " Chants Populaires," by Fauriel; 
 u Sketches of Actors in the Kevolution," by Dr. 
 Howe ; " History of Modern Greece," by Tennent, 
 &c. 
 
OF 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 OF 
 
 THEODORE KOLOKOTRONES. 
 From 1770 to 1836. 
 
 THERE was a certain person from Roupaki, near the 
 village Tourkoleka, whose own place having been de- 
 stroyed, departed thence and went over to Libovisti. This 
 happened some three hundred years ago. He appeared to 
 be intelligent, so the chief elder there made him his son- 
 in-law, and the heir of all his possessions. His name was 
 Tzergines, and sixty families of that name can be found in 
 Messenia at the present day. A son was born to him who 
 was very handsome indeed, but he was seized and carried 
 off by the Albanian chief Bouloubases, who put him in 
 fetters. This young man's name was Demetraki. The 
 Albanians who were guarding him amused themselves by 
 jumping in threes * when Bouloubases told him that if he 
 liked to jump also, he would remove his chains. Demetraki 
 replied to this offer by saying that he would jump with 
 his irons on, if the chief would give him his freedom if 
 he surpassed the others. As the Albanian thought that it 
 would be utterly impossible for him to do much in his 
 fetters, he readily promised to set him at liberty if this 
 should happen. He accordingly, having his chains on, 
 * Three consecutive jumps a common game in Greece, 
 7 
 
82 KOLOKOTBONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 jumped with the others, and by his superior skill won his 
 freedom again. He afterwards married and had three 
 sons, who were named Chronos, Lambros, and Demos. 
 They became the possessors of five hundred sheep and 
 sixty horses and cattle. These were taken from them by 
 their rivals and killed ; upon which they went to Koumeli, 
 and, becoming Klephts, were there for twelve years, after 
 which they went back to the Peloponnesus, taking twelve 
 Eoumeliotes with them. The Turks when they heard of 
 their return attacked them, and one of them was killed, 
 but the others managed to save themselves. Demos, the 
 younger of the two who were now left, married the 
 daughter of Captain Chrones from Chrysovitsi, a great 
 house. This was when Morosini governed the Morea. He 
 was not one of the Venetian captains. The son of Demos 
 was called Botsikas, instead of his family name of Tzer- 
 gines, because he was small and dark-skinned. 
 
 In Botsikas' time the Turks came into the Morea. The 
 Chrysovitsioti, the Libovisioti, and the Arkourodematiti 
 went to Pyrgos of Dara, and made war against six thousand 
 Turks ; they were defeated, however, but Botsikas himself 
 escaped. He had one son, Gianni, and an Albanian said 
 to him concerning this son, " What monkey have you 
 here ? " For truly his back was like a croiv's, and so the 
 name Kolokotrones /e\o?, back ; tcorpwv, crow remained 
 with him and his descendants. Botsikas was killed, Gianni 
 f was hung at Androusa, and thus from 1553, when the 
 Turks came into our parts, they never admitted their 
 supremacy ; but there was always war. 
 
KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 THE KLEPHT AND THE WABKIOB, 
 
 CHAPTEE L 
 
 WAS born in the year 1770. It was the 
 3rd of April, and it was Easter Tuesday. 
 The revolt of the Albanians in the Pelo- 
 ponnesus had taken place in the previous 
 year of 1769.* I was born under a tree 
 on the hill called Kamavouni, in the 
 district of old Messenia. My father, Kostantes Koloko- 
 trones, had been a captain of the Armatoli in Corinth, a 
 post which he held for the space of four years. He left 
 Corinth, however, to go to Mani, and whilst at Mani he 
 harried the Turks greatly. 
 
 In the year 1779 the Kapitan Bey and Mavrogenest 
 came down and overrun Mylos and Nauplia. They sent 
 papers of submission through all the Peloponnesus, and 
 the people went up and made their submission in person to 
 the Kapitan at Mylos. He forwarded to my father a 
 special and separate paper of submission, and asked him 
 to join them in their endeavour to expel the Albanians, 
 * See Note A. f See Note B. 
 
84 KOLOKOTBON&S, 
 
 assuring him that the rayah should have his rights. My 
 father straightway moved forward with a thousand of his 
 soldiers and took possession of Trikorpha, near Tripolitsa, 
 but did not go to the Bey because he feared to do so. The 
 Kapitan then rose up from Mylos, and with a force of six 
 thousand regulars and three thousand Klephts marched 
 through Doliana towards Tripolitsa and encamped. As my 
 father was still at Trikorpha the Kapitan Bey sent to 
 him again, commanding him to go to him by himself in 
 order to make his submission, but my father gave this reply, 
 " This is not a fitting time for me to go and make my sub- 
 mission. The Albanians are at Tripolitsa, and they can 
 seize upon all the wild part of the country and disperse 
 themselves over the whole of the Peloponnesus, and get 
 possession of it." My father, nevertheless, sent the Bey 
 a present of a capote for himself and twenty jackets for his 
 captains. 
 
 Whilst the Turkish army was advancing upon Tripolitsa 
 in order to besiege the Albanians, a body of four thousand 
 Turko-Albanians came down for the purpose of driving my 
 father from his encampment ; but he repulsed them, and 
 pursued them for some distance, and then returned to his 
 former position. The Turkish army commanded by the 
 Bey had moved away to Agio Sosti, a place some little way 
 off, when an additional force of Albanians, six thousand in 
 all, again attacked my father, and were again driven back. 
 The Albanians saw that it would not be possible for 
 them to hold Tripolitsa because it was not walled ; so they 
 gathered all their forces together against my father; but 
 he made a furious onslaught upon them and drove them 
 into the open plain, where he was joined by other captains. 
 They rushed into the fields, and the cavalry cut them down 
 on the plain as reapers mow the wheat ; the horsemen fell 
 upon them and reaped them-^the cavalry on one side and 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 85 
 
 my father and his troops on the other. Whilst they were 
 fighting the Albanians cried out, " Kolokotrones, do you not 
 give any quarter ? " 
 
 " What quarter should I give to you," he replied, "you 
 who have come here and despoiled my country and made 
 slaves of us, and done us every evil which it was possible 
 for you to do ?" 
 
 " It is your turn now," they replied ; " ours is to come." 
 
 Out of a force of twelve thousand men, there were only 
 seven hundred who made their escape to Dadi. 
 
 They built up a tower at Tripolitsa with the heads of 
 these Albanians, and the Peloponnesus was at peace for a 
 time. The next year, however, namely in 1780, the same 
 Kapitan Bey came down again and endeavoured to destroy 
 my father. A squadron arrived at Marathonisi, and armies 
 were brought over both by sea and land. The colony of 
 Kastanitsa, where Kostantes Kolokotrones and Pana- 
 giotaras were established, was six hours distant from 
 Marathonisi. Upon the coming of the squadron Pana- 
 gioras, who was a Maniote by birth, solicited his 
 countrymen to lend him some assistance, and the Maniotes 
 promised that they would go and aid him, but no help ever 
 came to him from them. The dragoman Mavrogenes was a 
 Greek born, and he was a man of ability. He had made 
 the Maniote, Michael Tropaki, a Bey, and by making him 
 a Bey he secured his aid for himself, and a force of four- 
 teen thousand men was brought down to besiege them. 
 
 The Sera skier, AH Bey, sent a writing to the besieged 
 summoning them to surrender, and demanding that both 
 my father and Panagioras should each give one of their 
 sons as hostages, and in that case he would remove his 
 hand from themselves, but they both answered 
 
 " We will not surrender we wish for war and he who 
 is conquered, let it be for him to submit." 
 
86 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 Panagioras still hoped that help would come from Mani.* 
 The Turkish army then prepared to besiege them 
 vigorously; they brought up cannon and bombs and 
 poured upon them an unceasing fire both by night and 
 by day. Their bombs and their cannons, however, did not 
 inspire the besieged with any dread, and for twelve nights 
 and for twelve days they stood out nobly and bravely. 
 When, however, they saw that no assistance was forth- 
 coming, they determined to flee from the towers in which 
 they were besieged. There were two towers, the one 
 being held by the father of Panagioras, and the other by 
 my father and Panagioras himself. Now the father of 
 Panagioras was an old man of eighty years, and his mother, 
 who was there also, was about the same age, and she by 
 reason of her many years was not able to flee with the 
 other women during the sortie. Panagioras' old father 
 therefore called out from his tower to my father and his 
 son, " Set fire to the other towers, but I shall remain where 
 I am." He did remain there with one servant only and 
 his wife, who also had her one maid, with the full inten- 
 tion of fighting, but hoping nevertheless that his sons 
 would eventually be able to go and help him. The battle 
 was thus carried on by him and his servant, but he had 
 great skill. 
 
 They who held the other tower made a rush through the 
 camp of the Seraskier sword in hand. There were only 
 three men killed in the sortie, and a part of the women, 
 but many children were captured and taken for slaves, and 
 among them were my two little brothers, one being three 
 years old, and the other only a year old. Both of these 
 were carried off into slavery (but they were afterwards 
 redeemed). When they sallied forth they found that the 
 Turks were occupying the hills for the night ; and about 
 * See Note C. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 87 
 
 the middle hour of the night the moon shone forth, and 
 her rays lightened up every place. It was therefore a 
 very short night, and there was consequently no time for 
 them to reach Mani, for when they got to the hills it was 
 daytime. Panagioras was captured alive, and was after- 
 wards killed by the Bardouniotes. My father and his two 
 brothers, Apostolus and George, were also slain, the one on 
 the hill, and the other when he was alone, because he had 
 been wounded : my uncle Anagnostes, who was one of the 
 four Kolokotroni who had been shut up together in the 
 tower, was saved. Myself, with my mother and sister, were 
 saved by my father's pallikars. Kostantes Kolokotrones, 
 my father, was wounded by a sword-thrust at the time of 
 the sally, and was afterwards killed through the treachery 
 of a Turkish friend. His head was never recovered. 
 The murderers who slew him concealed his body for the 
 sake of the property which they found upon him. Three 
 years afterwards his body was dug up, and every one knew 
 that it was the body of Kostantes Kolokotrones because 
 one of his little fingers had a crook in it, in consequence of 
 a cut from a Turkish sabre years before. They had hidden 
 him in a hollow between Arna and Kotzatina, and he was 
 afterwards interred again at Melia. My father was exceed- 
 ingly dark and very thin, so swift of foot that the most 
 speedy stallion could never overtake him ; he was thirty- 
 three years of age at the time of his death, and was of 
 middle height, black-eyed, and slim. The Albanians held 
 him in so great a terror that they swore by his name. 
 " May I be saved from the sword of Kolokotrones ! " was 
 their favourite oath. It was said that before he was slain 
 he had killed with his own hand seven hundred Turkish 
 irregulars. 
 
 Panagioras was a man of a gigantic stature, also young, 
 with black hair ; a man of noble breeding, of about thirty- 
 
88 kOLOKOTilONM, 
 
 seven or thirty-eight years of age. Old Gianni Koloko- 
 trones was killed at Androusa his hands and his feet were 
 cut off, and he was then hung ; but his son some time 
 afterwards avenged his death. As for the old father of 
 Panagioras, who was left alone fighting in the tower, his 
 servant, who surrendered himself up, bore witness to seeing 
 him persistently lighting his fusee, but the old man was 
 captured alive. When brought before the Kapitan Bey he 
 was asked, " Why did you not make your submission ? " 
 
 "I make my submission now," answered the old man, 
 " because the heads of those who submit are not cut off." 
 
 The hands and feet, however, of the aged warrior were 
 amputated, and he himself was afterwards hung. 
 
 We remained some time at Melia in Mani with my uncle 
 Anagnostes, and I bought back the two enslaved children, 
 my brothers Gianni and Chrestos. One of them had been 
 taken to Hydra ; and we stayed in Mani three years. We 
 had sustained many losses, and our other uncles on our 
 mother's side, who were called the Kotsakaioi, came to us 
 and took us away with them to Alonistaina. We managed 
 to get away without being recognized, for we were in great 
 fear of the Turks. My uncle Anagnostes afterwards went to 
 Sampazika, in the district of Leontari, which is at the 
 extremity of Mani. He there allied himself with George 
 Metaxa, a native of the place, and a prefect, and a good shot, 
 to whom he gave his daughter in marriage, and he then built 
 himself a house. Hearing that my uncle had established 
 himself at Akovo, we left where we were and went and settled 
 ourselves there. We stayed there some time, and the sub- 
 mitted Klephts appointed me Armatolos of Leontari to act 
 against the other Klephts, and I managed the province 
 with leniency. I was then fifteen years old. 
 
 When I was twenty years of age I married the daughter 
 of the chief primate of Leontari, a man who had been ruined 
 
KLEPHT AND WAIffilon. 89 
 
 by a Pasha in Nauplia. As I received in dowry both olive- 
 trees and a vineyard, I built houses and settled down as a 
 householder, but I still took care of my Armatolik, and 
 always went about with a gun, for the Turks envied us 
 and wished to slay us all; they were not able to do so 
 because our place was situated on the , heights. They 
 therefore kept up a continual warfare against us by craft 
 and subtlety. At one time they sent out one hundred, and 
 upon another occasion two hundred soldiers to attack us, 
 but as these were not able to get us wholly in their power, 
 they did not carry out this attempt. I saw, however, 
 that if they continually found that artifices failed they 
 would at last come against us openly. We received in- 
 formation of this, and fled away from the place. After we 
 had left, the Turks went and destroyed all our possessions, 
 and issued orders that wherever we were found we were to 
 be destroyed likewise. 
 
 I now found myself with twelve of the Kolokotroni, all 
 younger than myself, so we took our families to Mani and 
 left them there ; and then we rose up openly as Klephts, 
 and got together our soldiers, sometimes sixty in number, 
 and sometimes less. We remained Klephts for two years 
 straight off, and afterwards, when they found they could 
 do nothing against us, they offered us the Armatolik again. 
 I had Leontari and Karytaina given into my charge, and I 
 remained there as an Armatolos four or five years. 
 
 My uncle Anagnostes Kolokotrones gave himself up to 
 drink as a means of forgetting all the past events of his 
 life, and he, my father's eldest brother, was killed in Leon- 
 tari some time afterwards. They carried off his head. 
 (One of his hands had been cut off in his youth.) He had 
 led an active life for forty years, and was fifty-two years old 
 at the time of his death. He left behind him three sons, 
 Giannaki, Georgaki, and Demetraki, and seven daughters. 
 
90 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 At his death he was the last of my father's six 
 brothers. 
 
 When we were Armatoli, our children were left in Mani, 
 at Greater Kastania, but during the time that we were in 
 the service we always went down to Mani on special days. 
 We always went to Mani to help the Bey Koumountouraki 
 in his needs, and we also gave our assistance to the 
 party to which he belonged. Captain Konstantine Douraki, 
 who had been a friend of my father, had begun a feud 
 about this time with the Kitriniari, and we had sent him 
 reinforcements. We had at one time shut up Nicholas 
 Kitriniares and besieged him, and whilst his brother and 
 cousins were having a meal he discharged his gun in the 
 air. The Maniotes had caused him to be in great straits, 
 and he therefore desired to deliver the place up, and asked 
 for me. His design, however, was not to surrender, but to 
 kill me if possible by an act of treachery. He came himself 
 outside the gate of the tower in order to surrender it, but he 
 had placed some men inside, and these men discharged six 
 guns full at me. I was struck, but not hurt ; I fell down 
 under the roof of the tower gate, and my own men thinking 
 that they had killed me, wanted to slay the relations of 
 Kitriniares; others, however, called out, " No, let us look 
 after Theodoros. " The brother of Kitriniares came up, 
 and I took him by the shoulder and protected him, and at 
 night I threw fire into the tower, and it was then delivered 
 up. His brother was with us. The brother then asked 
 me what I meant to do to them for their treachery, and I 
 answered him, " God has preserved me, so I grant them 
 their lives." 
 
 Zacharias * was helping the other side. We fought with 
 each other for a space, and then we had a conference out- 
 side. I supported the Bey. Mourtzinos was in opposition 
 * A celebrated chief of the Morea. See Introduction. 
 
Klepht AND WABBIOB. 91 
 
 to the Bey and my friend the captain. One must help 
 one's own people for one or two months during the sum- 
 mer. 
 
 During the six years described above I removed my 
 children to the village Gianitsa, near Kalamata, because it 
 was better for me on account of provisions. Mani was 
 envious of the Bey, so Seremet Bey went to drive out Anton 
 Glegoraki Bey. The Bey Koumountouraki came into Kala- 
 mata with sixty men, and I had eighteen with me ; but I was 
 prevented from giving any assistance to Koumountouraki, 
 although for friendship's sake I was bound to help him, 
 because the Turks and the Maniotes had assembled three 
 thousand strong against Koumountouraki. I foresaw that 
 there would be large bodies of men in the captaincies, 
 and it was my advice that we should not go into Mani. 
 We wished to occupy the fort of Koumountouraki, which 
 was four hours distant from Kalamata. The chieftains 
 and other Maniotes fought with us, and I was wounded, but 
 we took possession of a tower, and afterwards, during the 
 night, we reached the fort. The sloughing of my wound was 
 internal. I wrote a letter, therefore, to Panagiotes and 
 Christeas Mourtzinos to obtain from them some agreement 
 by which I could go to Mani to be healed. The Mourtzinoi 
 told Seremet Bey that they would drive out all the Klephts, 
 which would weaken the power of Koumountouraki, and 
 they made merry with Seremet Bey about my going down in 
 their very midst, and told me that I had better take all my 
 men with me. I deferred going with my men. As my 
 men remained behind, one Petrounes became a mediator, 
 with the object of persuading Koumountouraki to make 
 his submission, assuring him that he would suffer nothing ; 
 but I said, " When Petrounes comes, do not listen to him, 
 otherwise he will destroy you." 
 
 Koumountouraki did not think so: he entered into a 
 
92 ROLOKOTRON&S, 
 
 treaty with them, and our people went away. Koumoun- 
 touraki was delivered up, and the squadron took him away 
 captive. 
 
 I got healed of my wound, and went back to my Arma- 
 tolik. The primates and Deligianni caused me to do this, for 
 they said, " It is not well that thou dost endanger thyself in 
 Mani ; take thy family into Karytaina." So I took my 
 children to Karytaina, and settled in the village of Stem- 
 nitsa. 
 
 In the year 1802 a firman came, which commanded that 
 we two, Petimeza and myself, should be killed. This was 
 set in motion by a voivode in Patras. The firman said, 
 "Either your two heads or the heads of the chiefs." 
 Whereupon the vizier of Tripolitsa summoned the father of 
 Zaimes and Deligianni. Zaimes obeyed the summons, 
 but Deligianni was very much afraid. He took an oath 
 to them both that it had nothing at all to do with them. 
 I had accompanied Deligianni as far as Tripolitsa, and 
 as we were returning together I said to Deligianni, " I 
 do not believe that the firman is for us ; " and he replied, 
 " Do not fear." The Pasha, however, only sent for those 
 two, and he read the firman to them. " You must give us 
 time," they said, " for these are wild men." Old Zaimes 
 Asemakes, however, had Petimeza quite in his power, be- 
 cause he went down to Kalavryta daily, but for myself I 
 never went to Karytaina. The two primates said that they 
 must make themselves masters of the wild one (Koloko- 
 trones), and that afterwards they could easily get the tame 
 one (Petimeza). Deligianni made two of the primates take 
 an oath that they would kill me. That was rather difficult 
 to manage, because I was always very cautious. They had a 
 conference with Velemvitsa, and swore him in first ; but he 
 replied, " I do not agree with the killing of those men ; we 
 shall destroy the province." They did not change their minds, 
 
ELEPHT AND WABBIOB. 93 
 
 however. They then brought one Bouloubases with his 
 Albanians into Karytaina. I had my suspicions about this 
 proceeding, and went to pay a visit to a primate in Stem- 
 nitsa. " What do you want with the Albanian Boulou- 
 bases here ?"I asked ; " he won't become of your opinion.*' 
 The Albanian then came into Stemnitsa, and I went there 
 also, taking with me fifty of my men. I had an interview 
 with Bouloubases, when I said to him, " They are trying to 
 set us at loggerheads : tame fowl cannot chase away wild 
 ones. Though all fly away, the sparrow still remains." 
 
 That circumstance fortunately brought old Kolias to 
 me, who came with his son Koliopoulos. We now 
 numbered two hundred, and our own men joined us at 
 Magoulia. Anagnostes Bakales, a primate at Garzeniko, 
 derided the Turks and sent me continual information. 
 I wrote to the two primates (before-mentioned) to send me 
 news also, and to advise me what to do, but they only 
 wrote me lies ; and I procured some guns and ammunition 
 from Demetri. Bouloubases, with his force of two 
 hundred picked men, surprised us, however, at Kerpeni, 
 when we were only forty altogether. I marched outside 
 the village and shut myself up in a monastery at 
 Kermitsa ; but if I had remained there I should have 
 been utterly lost, so I left and got away to the wild parts 
 of the country. 
 
 Meanwhile they slew Petimeza in Kalavryta, and sent 
 his head to Tripolitsa. We killed some Turks, however, 
 at Magouliana, and we also burnt some of their villages. 
 The primates whereupon appealed to Kolias, asking him 
 to persuade us to make some agreement, whereby every- 
 thing might be pacified. I was therefore taken back into 
 the Armatolik service again. Deligianni had been trying 
 for three or four months to effect our ruin, but he had 
 not succeeded. 
 
94 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 So, in the month of September, I again entered the 
 Armatolik. Deligianni at this time found an opportunity 
 of wreaking his spite. He had a friend in Lala, one 
 Hassan Aga Phida, and he besought him to slay us 
 treacherously, of course, because we were Armatoli. We 
 had placed our families now in Palouba, and old Kolias, 
 who had discovered the treachery, sent us information 
 that the Lalians were coming down upon us. I was in 
 a village called Tourkokerpeni when I received this news, 
 and I cast about in my mind how I could unravel this 
 secret movement which was astir for the purpose of 
 overthrowing us, and I thought it over during the whole 
 of the night. The Turks came up and seized upon two 
 roads, sending out two separate bodies, each with two 
 hundred men, in order to entrap me in an ambuscade. 
 I had a traitor about me, and he came to us to see if 
 we were on the move, or if we were sleeping. I had hoped 
 to have been able to send a defiance to them in the 
 morning, but in the morning we found ourselves sur- 
 rounded in a village. I had given my clothes to an 
 adopted son. We were rejoicing at the return of day, 
 when lo ! I saw the Turks drawing nigh. We seized our 
 guns, but as we were endeavouring to get to the back of 
 the hill, my adopted son had eight balls fired into him. My 
 brother Gianni was also wounded. We then shut our- 
 selves up in three houses, and I stationed myself in 
 the cellar. In all we numbered thirty-eight. The second 
 body of two hundred coming up they surrounded us. We 
 fought through the whole of that day, but at nightfall 
 we sallied forth and fled. This occurred on the 7th of 
 March, in the year 1804. 
 
 In the year 1805 I left for Zante. The Emperor 
 Alexander of Kussia had sent an invitation to the Greeks 
 to take service in his armies. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOE. 95 
 
 All of us, both Souliotes and Koumeliotes and we 
 Peloponnesians, had framed an address to the Emperor 
 to ask him to give us help so that we might set our 
 country free. Anagnostaras was very active in getting 
 up this address. The Souliotes and Eoumeliotes were in 
 Parga, but Anagnostaras got together a force of five 
 thousand Peloponnesians for the army at once. I went 
 to Zante. When the answer to the address came that 
 was in August I had an interview with the general of 
 the Eussian army, and he told me that he had arranged 
 to receive into the Eussian service as many Greeks as 
 chose to enter, for the express purpose of fighting 
 Napoleon. 
 
 " Then, for my part," I answered, " I shall not enter 
 the service. What concern is it of mine in regard to ' 
 Napoleon ? If you, however, want men for the purpose 
 of aiding us to free our own country, I can promise you 
 from five to ten thousand soldiers. We were once 
 baptized with oil, and we have since been baptized with 
 blood, and yet again will we be baptized in blood for 
 the deliverance of our fatherland ! " 
 
 I stayed in Zante a fortnight, but I would not consent 
 to that measure. I left twenty-eight of my comrades 
 behind, and my nephew Niketas, a son of my brother 
 Gianni Kolokotrones. The other Greek soldiers enlisted, 
 and were sent to Naples. 
 
 When the Turks saw this movement they sent informa- 
 tion to the Sultan, and expressed to him all their sus- 
 picions about it. The Sultan thereupon conceived the 
 idea of taking some summary acts of vengeance on the 
 people. The patriarch (of Constantinople) intervened, say- 
 ing, "What have the people done? Better that we kill 
 the prime movers and the evildoers ; " and so he was 
 turned away from his purpose. 
 
96 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 The opinion of the Turks coalesced with the convictions 
 of the French Cabinet, which had advised Turkey to make 
 an end of all those captains called Klephts, and to get 
 rid of the captains of the sea-vessels also, or else at some 
 time or other they would cause a rising. 
 
 The Sultan, following this advice, issued a firman to 
 slay all the Klephts. At the same time the patriarch was 
 compelled to issue an excommunication against them, in 
 order to stir up the whole people ; and by these means 
 the Peloponnesians, whether Turks or Romaics, were all 
 excited against the Kolokotroni. 
 
 I had gone to Zante in August, and I had left it in 
 September, and returned, and in the following January, 
 in the year 1806, came the orders to hunt us all down. 
 Petimeza, Gianni, and Zacharias were already gone from 
 us, and we were now only a hundred and fifty men in all. 
 
 We went to the monastery of Velanidia, near Kalamata, 
 and I wrote a letter to the abbot asking him to send us 
 provisions. The Turks seized the letter, and Deli Achmet 
 with a thousand men came down and laid siege to us. 
 We issued out, sword in hand, and put them to flight, 
 pursuing them right into Kalamata, and took their flags, 
 many of their men being slain. 
 
 This Deli Achmet had been a noted man in Eoumeli. 
 He had been ill-treated by Ali Pasha, and had fled to the 
 Peloponnesus. The Pasha of the place gave him G.Ye 
 hundred paid men in order to hunt out the Klephts. As 
 soon as I heard this, having eighty men with me at 
 the time, I went out on purpose to try my strength with 
 him at Akovo (Sampazika), but he was afraid to fight 
 with us. So we then marched on to Vlachokerasia and 
 despoiled it, because there were the possessions of that 
 Chaseki who had destroyed and burnt our houses. At 
 another time we went, down to Tzepheremini, and when 
 
KLEPST AND WABMlOB. 91 
 
 the Turks of Androusa learnt where we were they came 
 up with a hundred men for the purpose of having some 
 blows with us, but we drove them back and frightened 
 them into saving themselves. The same men made a 
 stand at Paleo-Kastro in Melia, when we fought against 
 them all day and at nightfall we escaped. They advanced 
 again into Marmaria, and all the Turks from the different 
 districts joined with them ; they surrounded the hill 
 where we were, but we engaged with them the whole of 
 that day also, and in the evening we again drove them 
 back. The nephew of Deli Achmet was present at the 
 conflict at Akovo, when they declined to fight, and on his 
 return to his uncle the latter spat in his face for rage 
 because he refused the encounter. The young man's 
 answer to this affront was : 
 
 " May God grant that you yourself may fight with 
 them, and then you will see what they are like." 
 
 After that last repulse Deli Achmet departed to 
 Kalamata, where he stayed three months. Being fearful 
 whilst he was there that we might advance against him 
 and give him some trouble (for we had written to him 
 to that effect), he went and had an interview with the 
 Pasha, and said that as he could do nothing with us, the 
 best thing would be to make us Armatoli again and thus 
 obtain a little peace. So for this time the matter was 
 passed over. 
 
 When I heard that the firman, together with the ex- 
 communication, had actually arrived, I gathered all my 
 hundred and fifty men together and said that we had 
 better go back to Zante; but they having heard that 
 the Kussians had taken the whole of the Greeks who | 
 had entered their service to Naples, answered with one 
 voice: " We will not go to France; we wish to die in 
 our own country ! " and my brother Gianni cried out, 
 
 8 
 
9 KOLOKOTBOtiM, 
 
 "I would rather be devoured by the birds of our 
 country ! " 
 
 I then proffered other advice, which was that we 
 should separate into parties of four and five, and keep 
 ourselves concealed during the months of January, 
 February, and March, after which time the snows would 
 be dissolved, and we could then resume our old career. 
 I gave this counsel, because by that time our pursuers 
 would also have dispersed, and the present danger would 
 therefore be averted for awhile ; but they would not 
 hearken to me, saying, " We do not wish to spend 
 what few pence we possess ! " adding, " Why do you send 
 your captains away from their districts ? " " Only do 
 this now," I said again, " and when March comes back 
 we will meet together, and then I will repay you all that 
 you have spent ; " but they would not heed me, and went 
 about through every part of the Morea displaying an open 
 flag* This flag bore upon it a X with stars and a half- 
 moon, X signifying Christ. 
 
 They had some chiefs of the Morea, namely, the Kou- 
 mountouraki, as hostages in Tripolitsa, and the friends that 
 we had in Mani, as the Mourtzinoi and the rest had been 
 banished by Anton Bey to Zante, therefore we had no longer 
 any refuge in Mani. The hills were covered with snow, so 
 that we could not take to them. On this account thirty 
 of our comrades separated from us and went to Pygadia, 
 and we others spread abroad our flag and marched to 
 Agio-Petro. We sent into Vervena an order that it should 
 forward to us both supplies and bread. " We have 
 powder and shot for you here," was their answer; so 
 we fell down upon the place and despoiled it. Thence 
 we retired to Sampazika, but the Pasha had issued orders 
 throughout every district that all, whether Turks or 
 Komaics, should drive us forth. 
 
KLEPHT AND WAMXOti. 9y 
 
 From Sainpazika we went again to the monastery of 
 Velanidia, and sent into Kalamata asking both for bread 
 and guns, but the Kalamatans were afraid to supply us, 
 so we moved on to Kalamata straightway with the intention 
 of striking a blow at the Turks, and then the primates 
 brought to us at Agio-Elias, which is close to Velanidia, 
 both food, ammunition, and guns. We marched thence 
 the same day to Pedema, at the extremity of Kalamata, 
 and in the evening went on to Tzepheremini. We 
 were then about an hour from Skala, whither came down 
 Kehayas Bey with two thousand Turks and cohorts. We 
 got away that evening to Alitouri, and whilst there the 
 Androusani and the Leontarians and others, to the number 
 of about seven hundred, assembled against us. When the 
 dawn came we began the conflict, drove them out of the 
 village, and pursued them for a whole hour. We captured 
 four stallions; many of their men were drowned in the 
 river, and we also killed many and took a large amount of 
 provisions and ammunition. 
 
 When the soldiers who were in Skala heard that there 
 was fighting going on, they came to give help to their own 
 people. We retreated and shut ourselves up in the village 
 Alitouri, and defended ourselves during the whole of the 
 day, and in the evening, sallying out with drawn swords, 
 were able to reach Arcadia. We entered one village and 
 found it occupied by three hundred Turks, so that we were 
 not able to get any bread there. The Turks who came to 
 Alitouri, finding that we were absent, turned round and 
 came and sought us nearer. 
 
 Kehayas Bey now began to oppress the Christian popu- 
 lations, in order to inspire terror everywhere* The Turks 
 came upon us from above, but as they were inhabitants of 
 the district they sent word beforehand for us to flee, 
 because we were still feared by them* We had built an 
 
100 kOLOKOtBONfiSi 
 
 encampment in order to fight them. We fled thence and 
 went to Kontovounia to seek for bread, and then returned 
 to a hill to rest. We sent to our friends to find us a boat, 
 so that we might embark in it and get right away, but they 
 answered that all the boats from Pyrgosto Neo-Kastro were 
 retained. As we had no means whereby we could flee to 
 Zante, we returned to the interior of the Peloponnesus. 
 We were able by pillage to procure bread, but the Turks 
 arrived in Psari also, and we were fighting all day. 
 
 My comrades now began to flee away from me and 
 became insubordinate, for during this time they had been 
 fighting through the whole of every day, and walking 
 through the whole of every night. So forty left me all 
 at once, and from a hundred men we were now reduced to 
 sixty. The next day we who remained went down to 
 Leontari, but back they came upon us there. We fled 
 on to Sampazika, and there we met again with four 
 hundred Turks, whom I had not expected to find 
 in that place. 
 
 We fought with the Turks and we saved our guns, but 
 we had but little bread. At night I told my comrades that 
 we could no longer keep together, and that we must dis- 
 perse; so we parted, each saying the one to the other, 
 " A happy meeting in some other world." 
 
 I only kept with me nineteen of my own relations, and 
 Georgio, one of my captains who had no place to go to. 
 In five-and*twenty days not one of those who left me was 
 alive. Of the nineteen who remained with me, my two first 
 cousins, who were unable any longer to endure hunger and 
 privations, stayed behind and hid themselves, but in a few 
 days they were discovered and were killed ; so then there 
 only remained seventeen. 
 
 Not knowing whither we were going, we went and took up 
 our quarters by chance close to three companies of soldiers. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 101 
 
 Fortune bo far favoured us that they did not see us until it 
 was nearly dark, so that we had a little breathing time, 
 They discovered us, however, at last, and we were obliged 
 to make a stand, and to pass through them fighting, in 
 order to save ourselves in so great a peril. We marched 
 all through the night as far as the plain of Leontari ; we 
 heard much firing off of guns, and the sounds came from 
 all parts ; but we did not know what it meant. Firing off 
 a volley was a signal that Klephts were taken. The next 
 night we went over to Anemodouri to obtain food, but we only 
 found the women there, as all the men were at Drasila, and it 
 was guarded by the Turks. The dogs, who began to lick us, 
 caused some suspicion, and the Turks came and laid siege 
 to us. When the Turks were drawing nigh, the dogs began to 
 bark, and then I knew that the Turks had come up. We 
 took away our families at that time, and by whatever road 
 we found open we managed to get them to Tripolitsa, which 
 we entered quite publicly, and afterwards we went to the 
 heights of Valtetsi in order to take up our quarters there. 
 The women of the village recognized us, and immediately 
 went about saying, " Kolokotrones has just passed through 
 here ;" and so we were again pursued. We fled at nightfall, 
 and retraced our way towards Karytaina, and, lest they 
 should know us at that place, we sprang from rock to rock 
 till we came to a sheepfold, when we were told that it 
 was full of Turks. Then I determined that we should 
 divide ourselves into four parties, and go and hide with our 
 friends. 
 
 Antony Kolokotrones with one other was concealed by 
 our relations. Demetrius Kolokotrones and three others 
 went down to Visino to hide, for we had relations in that 
 place also, and my brother Gianni with four comrades 
 descended into Demitsana, in a village of which district we 
 had a trusty friend with whom they were to be concealed, 
 
102 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Antony was preserved, and is alive at this hour. Demetraki* 
 only stayed two days at Visino, and then went away. He 
 was captured. They cut off Demetraki' s head and his hands 
 and his feet, for they thought it was I myself, because they 
 found letters upon him. 
 
 My brother Gianni could not find his friend at Demitsana, 
 so he and his comrades went to a monastery at Aimyalous 
 and asked a monk who was pruning the vines for food and 
 shelter. The monk gave them food, and they concealed 
 themselves in a vat in the vineyard. The monk then went 
 and gave information to -the Turks, who came and besieged 
 them in the vat, and my brother was killed. 
 
 I, who was left with the other four, went to a friend 
 of mine who was a primate at Pyrgaki, K. Paraskevas by 
 name, in order to hide. I found his son, whom I had kept 
 with me in Karytaina. 
 
 u I guarded you for a long time," I said to him ; "now 
 you must take care of me." 
 
 He took me to a cave, and then I sent him into Vytini to 
 learn what had occurred there. It was the month of 
 January. We had been hunted down for twenty days, and 
 yet we were still alive. 
 
 The son gave the news to his father. The father him- 
 self went into Vytini, and reported it to the Turks, telling 
 them that he would lead them straight to the cave where 
 we were concealed, so that they might seize us. In order, 
 however, to make sure that we were still there, he came on 
 beforehand; he was armed; I said to him therefore, " Zacha- 
 riah, why art thou armed ? " And immediately suspecting 
 him I added, " Fellow, hast thou betrayed us ? " " That will 
 not happen," he answered. Whilst he went back to speak 
 with them, I, with the other four who were with me, sped 
 
 * Demetraki, a familiar name for Demetrius ; aki being a kind of 
 affectionate termination, as Georgaki for George, &e, 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB, 103 
 
 away to the hill. They pursued us the whole of that day, 
 but Fate was kind to us, for there was not much snow 
 upon the hill, and we were able to walk with ease ; but they 
 followed us as far as Zygovisti. 
 
 That was the day on which they killed my brother, when 
 the Turks made great rejoicings. I knew directly that they 
 had killed him when I heard volleys fired off, which was 
 a sign of their joy. 
 
 I then marched through Liodora to old Kolias and 
 Demetrius, my son-in-law. They had got them at Kary- 
 taina as hostages, so I only found my brother Georgaki at 
 the sheepfold. I had some conversation with Georgaki, 
 and he brought us food, and I besought him to go to 
 Zatouna and obtain some information for me. He learnt 
 there that they had killed all our people. 
 
 The Turks gave him an order, which had been issued to 
 the Psarai, the Paloubaioi, and to the people of other 
 villages, that if Kolokotrones was killed by them they 
 should have an indemnity for their villages of so many 
 years ; but if they did not kill him the sword should not be 
 taken away from them for the space of seven years. The 
 Turks, who had been pursuing me in every direction, 
 considered that there was clearly no other to whom I 
 could flee for refuge except the Kolias family, and there- 
 fore they issued this decree. Georgaki came to me and 
 told me everything, so I left him and directed my way to 
 Langada. We went to Kalyvia, in Chrysovitsi, we killed a 
 lamb, and there they betrayed us. We went thence to 
 Arachamites, and there we again found Turks ; we fled 
 onward, and at last reached the monastery of Kaltesia. 
 We knocked at the door : there were two hundred Turks 
 inside. They knew us at once, and immediately set forward 
 in pursuit, but we got safely to Gianitsa, in Kalamata, 
 where we met with one of our comrades, who had been there 
 
104 KOLOKOTRON&S, 
 
 four days, being quite unable to walk any further on account of 
 great prostration from hunger. We found Turks everywhere, 
 but we could not find either any place of rest or any food. 
 
 Koubes was in Gianitsa with four hundred Bardouniotes. 
 I went into a house by chance, and again I found Turks 
 within. I raised my gun quietly and turned away without 
 being discovered, as they were all asleep. I entered another 
 house, but there were Turks everywhere. I managed to 
 get away to the house of my godmother at the far extremity 
 of the village, and she offered me three okas* of bread, 
 for which I gave her a Venetian florin. We marched on 
 to Selitsa. The bread, however, so oppressed our stomachs 
 that we were hardly able to walk. 
 
 From Selitsa we journeyed on to Kastanitsa, to my old 
 friend, Captain Konstantes Douraki, whom I trusted 
 greatly, because I had taken care of his family in former 
 times, and because he was, as it were, my co-father-in-law, 
 for I had betrothed my daughter to his son. 
 
 Out of the five we numbered, two Maniotes left us and 
 fled to their homes, so now there were only myself and two 
 Koumeliotes. 
 
 I remained a month concealed in the house of 
 Douraki. Whilst there, one Niketas came to me from 
 Tourkoleka with twenty-five comrades, and I said to him, 
 "Let us only find a boat, and we will all get over to 
 Zante." But he thought that there need be no longer any 
 fear about going into the interior of the Morea, and there- 
 fore turned back again. The Turks killed all of them 
 excepting one, who was captured alive and was taken to 
 Tripolitsa. The Pasha there inquired of him if they were 
 all slain, and he answered, " All except Theodoraki Kolo- 
 kotrones;" whereat the Pasha flew into so great a rage 
 that he killed very many Turks and Komaics who had 
 
 * An oka is 2^ lbs, 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 105 
 
 declared to him that Theodoros Kolokotrones was de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 The report of my death had given the Turks great satis- 
 faction, but when the Pasha discovered that I was still 
 alive, and actually in Mani, he sent Papazoglou with fifty 
 thousand grosia (about 565) to the Bey of Mani, at Agio- 
 Petro. As soon as he arrived there the Bey summoned 
 Captain Konstantes Douraki to go to him at Kytria, when 
 he said, " I will give you so many thousands (grosia) if you 
 will give up this Kolokotrones. I have received most strict 
 orders, and I am told that if I do not succeed in seizing 
 upon Kolokotrones, that he the Pasha will write to the 
 Kapitan Pasha, and that you will be dismissed from your 
 position of Bey." Douraki, when he looked upon the 
 grosia, determined to betray me, for the Maniotes will do 
 anything for grosia. 
 
 At a previous interview, after the Bey had discovered 
 that I was concealed in Douraki's house, Douraki had said, 
 " He must be concealed ; it will never do not to preserve 
 one who belongs to our family ; " but when he saw the 
 grosia he forgot everything. 
 
 No one except Douraki and the abbot of the monastery 
 there knew that I was living up in Douraki's tower. Douraki 
 at this juncture sent for the abbot, whom he took, together 
 with his eldest son, to see the Bey at Kytria. It was then 
 March, and I had gone there in February. The Bey 
 promised the abbot that he would make him bishop and 
 give him other privileges if Kolokotrones was delivered up 
 alive, and the Bey also wrote a letter to myself, which 
 they brought back with them, which said, " Thou must come 
 hither, and we will talk it over, and I will write to the Kapi- 
 tan Pasha to send thee a ticket of submission ; thou canst 
 come with thy kinsman Douraki." The sole meaning of all 
 this was that they wished that I shoujd be taken alive, 
 
106 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 When the abbot and Douraki's son came together to pay 
 me a visit, I suspected that there was some artifice in hand 
 concerning me, but I did not know what form it would take. 
 I therefore sent a boy to little Kastanitsa, about six miles 
 distant from the place in which I was. (It was the place 
 where my father was surrounded.) I sent him to my nephew, 
 Basil Panagiotoras, who came to me that same night with 
 three others. I then told him all that was going on, as 
 well as my suspicions, and I proposed to go away with him. 
 He made answer, " I will go back and sell some oil, and 
 will return in the evening;" but he did not return in 
 the evening. 
 
 The next morning my co-father-in-law with the abbot 
 came to me. I rose to greet the abbot. " Welcome," I said. 
 His reply was, "I wish you had come across me." I asked 
 him to speak of something else, but he made no answer. 
 In the evening my co-father-in-law came again, with his 
 brother and two other relations, and gave me theBey's letter. 
 His brother had some suspicions, and was no party in the 
 plot. I took the writing and read it, when I understood im- 
 mediately that the desire was to get possession of me alive. 
 " How can we go in the daytime," I said, " when every one 
 will see and know who we are ? " " Oh," replied Douraki, 
 " you can dress yourself like a Maniote, then no one will 
 recognize you." His brother then made a sign to me to be 
 careful. 
 
 " I will consider the matter until the evening," was my 
 answer. About noon on the same day, however, I gave 
 my answer : "lam one of your own people, and I can go 
 to make my submission at some other time ; I am one of 
 your own people, and you have some knowledge of me." 
 
 I gave this in writing and handed it to Douraki, who took 
 the writing from me, and opened it, and read it, when he 
 saw that I did not wish to go ; and afterwards therefore tried 
 
THEODORE KOLOKOTRONES. 
 

KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 107 
 
 to put some opium into my wine. His wife and sister saw 
 him do this before he took it to the tower where I was, and 
 one of my men also heard the wife say to her husband 
 
 " What is this that thou art doing ? Dost thou not 
 remember all the good that Theodoraki has done ? " 
 
 Douraki, however, only insulted her, and came and 
 offered me the wine, but I had been forewarned by my man, 
 and as he gave it to me I managed to knock over the can 
 which held it, so the wine was spilled. " What do I want 
 now with wine ! " I cried. I then told him that it was my 
 intention to leave the place. He tried to persuade me to 
 go into his house and take wine with him before I left, and 
 went in to prepare it, and at the same time he ordered some 
 men to fall upon me and secure me whilst we were drinking 
 together ; but his brother prevented me from going in, and 
 he also kept the dogs from barking whilst we got away. 
 
 As soon as Douraki discovered this, he himself called out 
 all the villagers, and told out a hundred to keep the roads. 
 I knew the place, however, quite well, and we fled by 
 another way, and got safely to little Kastanitsa, where I 
 found Basil, with whom I had proposed to flee. 
 
 We departed thence to the village Pasava, and got to the 
 house of an adopted brother of mine, where we stayed two 
 days. We then sent him to find out Maria, the mother of 
 Tzanetakes ; she was the daughter of Panagiotaros. When 
 she came we asked her to procure a boat for us at Mara- 
 thonisi, so that we could embark in it and get away to 
 Cerigo. Three days afterwards we went in company with 
 Maria and took ship somewhere between Mavrovouni and 
 Marathonisi. We hardly made any sail, as it blew strongly 
 from the north, so that we made very little way. (Palm 
 Sunday was on the morrow.) We touched Souli and 
 sailed back, but the wind was contrary and drove us Ela- 
 nhonisi. We at last made Cerigo in the face of a violent 
 
108 KOLOKOTBONfiS, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 storm, and were carried to a village called Potamo. There 
 we met with one of the Giatrakaioi, and he said that he 
 thought it would be better not to declare myself as Koloko- 
 trones whilst I remained in that village. 
 
 We went to the governor of Cerigo, whose name was Al- 
 banitaki, and he scolded us for going about armed. Whilst 
 we were there we were recognized by a boy from Pyrgos. 
 (The day on which we came there was the Great Thursday.) 
 I then proceeded to the Kussian commandant and told him 
 straightway the whole truth who we were, and[to what we 
 were reduced, when he immediately gave orders that we 
 should be well cared for, and supplied with everything that 
 we needed. 
 
 I had been once to a festival at Agia Mone. This monas- 
 tery had been a large one, and had been destroyed by the 
 Turks in a former war. When I again saw it the ruined 
 and desolated church turned into a stable, and roofed with 
 branches of trees I made this vow: " Blessed virgin, help 
 us to deliver our country from the tyrant, and I will build 
 thee up as thou wast before." 
 
 She did help me, and in the second year of the rising. 
 I fulfilled my vow and rebuilt it. 
 
 The kind of life which we had already led aided us much 
 throughout the war of Liberation, because we knew all the 
 passes on the hills, and we knew the habits and ways of 
 men. We had been accustomed to hold the Turks in con- 
 tempt, and we were inured to hunger and thirst, suffering, 
 filth, and every other privation. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 1 ARRIVED in Zante in May. After a month's sojourn 
 there I learnt that Pappadopoulos, the general of the 
 Russian forces, had come into the island of Corfu, and he 
 sent for me and asked me to enter the service. I replied, 
 " I do not intend to enter the Russian service, because my 
 purpose is to return to the Morea and avenge the slaughter 
 of my kindred, and the injuries which I have sustained 
 myself. I could not take an oath, and afterwards become 
 a perjurer by fleeing away secretly." So I returned to 
 Kastro, and remained there ten months without any em- 
 ployment. 
 
 I entrusted a letter to one Rontikes, a native of Magoulia, 
 which he was to take to my family, in order that he should 
 obtain and bring me all the property which I had placed 
 with different men. He took it and went, but he showed it 
 to Deligianni, and Deligianni showed it to the voivode, in 
 consequence of whioh all my goods were lost. That was in 
 1807. 
 
 All the. soldiers, and captains, and the Roumeliot 
 Klephts in a body had fled to the seven islands about the 
 same time as my own flight took place. Russia had declared 
 War against Turkey, and commanded all the soldiers to go 
 into Roumeli to attack the Turks. I immediately tried to go 
 to Santa Maura, where they were all assembled, and get as 
 
110 KOLOEOTBONES, 
 
 many of them as I could for myself and then return to the 
 Peloponnesus. There were two regiments in the service of 
 
 1 Eussia, one composed of Maniotes, at the head of whom 
 was the son of Pierrakes Samet Bey, and the other was a 
 body of Peloponnesians commanded by Anagnostaras. 
 These were still in Zante. Pappadopoulos had ordered 
 them to fit out a vessel of war. When they had made it 
 ready and I could go in it to Santa Maura, Anagnostaras, 
 the Petimezaioi, Giannaki Kolokotrones, Melios, and others 
 came down to me and said, " Do not go, we shall get per- 
 mission to have a ship for ourselves, and if thou desirest, 
 
 ' thou canst go in her." They found a Turkish boat with 
 two cannons, and they bought her and appointed me to be 
 captain. 
 
 I took out passports, and went to the government office 
 of the Eepublic of Corfu, and there they gave me permission 
 to attack the Turks either by sea or land. I took eighty 
 soldiers for land service, and went down to a place called 
 Achaia, near Patras, and burnt the houses, possessions, and 
 magazines of Saitaga, and returned to Zante. The in- 
 habitants of Zante, however, were obliged to import food 
 from the Peloponnesus, and therefore they petitioned the 
 government and begged it^not to attack the Morea, as in 
 consequence of that the Turks would not admit any of 
 them who went thither for the purpose of trading. The 
 government prevented me in consequence from making any 
 assaults by land, and ordered me only to carry on the war 
 at Santa Maura. 
 
 I met Pappadopoulos with Synevi at Corfu. He was making 
 preparations to attack Constantinople in conjunction with 
 the English. I gave him a little of my opinion namely, 
 that there were twelve hundred Kussians and five thousand 
 Greeks in the service of the seven islands, that they had 
 twelve vessels in the Baltic and the Black Seas, and forty 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB* 111 
 
 other vessels, both brigs and frigates, which had been got to- 
 gether for the purpose of attacking Buonaparte, so that with 
 ten thousand of the islanders we should number altogether 
 twenty-five thousand men with six ships in the Gulf of 
 Corinth, and others at Egina, and that with these forces we 
 could sail away, and then I would undertake that in two 
 months I would free the Peloponnesus. 
 
 General Pappadopoulos received my proposition, and laid 
 it before Synevi Motzenigo, the national primate, Benakes, 
 the vice-admiral, Deli, and General Atrem. Pappadopoulos 
 took it to the council, and Benakes opposed it, saying, " I 
 will not have my country lost a second time even for my 
 father's sake." Motzenigos said, " We must go with the 
 English and strike at the head, which is Constantinople, 
 and afterwards, when we have struck the head, all the rest 
 is ours." This opinion was therefore accepted and mine 
 thrown over. 
 
 Synevi went to Tenedo, and the English to Constanti- 
 nople, but rather as if they were going upon an excursion 
 than for any warlike purposes. The Turks were met by 
 the Kussians at Tenedo, and after one battle the Turkish 
 fleet was destroyed. 
 
 After the battle of Austerlitz the Kussians gave up the 
 islands belonging to Napoleon, and Synevi was ordered to 
 retire from the sea, and the Kussian army to evacuate the 
 land. The war was then virtually over, and as many warships 
 as had been taken into the service of the Eepublic received 
 their discharge, and I returned to Zante in August. On the 
 27th of July, 1807, an order came for the Kussians to deliver 
 up the forts to the French. I put myself under Captain Alex- 
 ander in the Levant, who was against the Turks, for ten 
 months, and afterwards went to Mount Athos. Three Turkish 
 warships, two corvettes, and one frigate laid siege to us at 
 Skiathi. We gave information to an English frigate, and 
 
112 KOLOKOTRON^S, KLEPBT AND WARRIOR 
 
 she came to our assistance. The two corvettes were shelled, 
 but the frigate was captured uninjured. There were 
 about fourteen hundred of us Greeks, among whom were 
 all the captains of Olympus, as Pappa-Blachabas, Liolios, 
 Lazopoula, and the captains of Tsaras. These were all in 
 Skiathi, having been driven there by Mouchtar Pasha and 
 other Turks. As the winter was now coming on, we went 
 over to Mani and returned thence to Zante. 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 IN the spring of 1808 Veli* Pasha alarmed Ali Pharmakes 
 by demanding that either he should deliver up his 
 tower, or give himself or his son as a hostage into his 
 hands. He was stirred up to this by Deligianni. Deli- 
 gianni, not really desiring that Ali should even exist, told 
 Veli that he must demolish his tower, and thus he would 
 demolish all his strength. To Ali he said : "Do not go 
 away, for Veli intends to kill thee." So Ali Pharmakes 
 made preparations to oppose himself to Veli Pasha. 
 
 My grandfather, Gianni Kolokotrones, and the grand- 
 father of Ali, had been friends and adopted brethren. My 
 grandfather was killed, but the friendship was continued 
 between my own father and the father of Ali ; and we also 
 were sworn friends. Remembering this friendship, and 
 counting upon it, Ali wrote a letter to me to this effect : 
 
 "Dear Fellow-countryman, Veli Pasha is making 
 ready to destroy me come, and give me your help." 
 
 I answered it immediately, thus : " I do not come to 
 you at this moment, because by so doing I should 
 injure you, for if Veli Pasha has no intention to do 
 you any harm, as soon as he learns that I have gone 
 to you, he will come then; but if you can see no 
 * A son of Ali Pasha, Vizier of Epirus. 
 9 
 
114 ROLOROTBONfiS, 
 
 other way but to declare war against him, and if he 
 advances against you, let me know, and then I will come." 
 Veli Pasha did muster his forces against him ; and Ali 
 wrote to me again that the soldiers were advancing, and 
 bade me thus : "If thou art really my friend, come." 
 When I received this second letter I made ready to go 
 with a hundred men, but their officers prevented me, saying 
 that I could not take the men away to another part, because 
 I had previously given my word that I would not do so. 
 The French also hindered the soldiers from joining, so that, 
 instead of a hundred men, I only had sixteen, myself 
 making the seventeenth. I embarked near Glarentza and 
 directed my course to Monasteraki. 
 
 The same day on which I arrived at Monasteraki, eight 
 thousand Turks arrived before it, and we were obliged to 
 wait until the middle of the night before we could cross. 
 Ali Pharmakes had four hundred men, but so many had 
 left him, out of fear, that at this time there only remained 
 ninety with him. The conflict was opened at dawn, and 
 was carried on vigorously both by night and day for the 
 space [of thirty days. They had four cannons. On the 
 thirtieth day of the siege proposals were made to Ali that 
 if he would deliver up Kolokotrones to them, all his pos- 
 sessions and his tower also should be guaranteed him. 
 Ali answered : " If it be according to the laws of honour 
 and those of the Pallikars to give up a friend who has 
 come from the islands to help me, of course I can do it." 
 They answered him: "That is true, but it is a great 
 matter for a Komaic to be ruined by Turkey for the sake 
 of one man." Ali Pharmakes replied again : " Were I a 
 Pasha, I might become unfaithful ; but I cannot do it ; so 
 make your mine, and if you can overturn us, the issue 
 rests with God." And fighting recommenced. 
 
 We had a council in the evening, and, having gathered 
 
KLflPH? AND WAMBIOB. 115 
 
 all the AgaS together, he told the heads of the corps what 
 the Turks had proposed namely, to give up Kolokotrones. 
 They all cried out together, " We will all be lost, but this 
 we cannot do." "You had better deliver me up and have 
 done with it," I said. " I have eaten my bread." * AH 
 Pharmakes replied, "It is not thy service it is ours." 
 And they all determined to die together. 
 
 At the end of sixty-four days they began to cast fire into 
 the mine, and the mine had thousands of okas of powder 
 in it. We dug down twelve feet outside the tower three 
 and a half cubits in width, with the view of seizing the 
 miners. The mine began to tremble, and the ground to 
 quiver in one quarter, on account of our having dug away 
 the earth, and then the earth fell in ; but the tower had 
 suffered no damage. The Turks, who were hoping that 
 the tower would be overturned, and that we should be 
 buried under the stones in its fall, shouted ; but we, as the 
 mine was destroyed, fired off a volley as a sign of rejoicing, 
 to show that we had received no harm. 
 Then they began to treat with us. 
 
 In the course of sixty-five days more than three thousand 
 cannon shots had been fired at us, and when they saw 
 that neither their cannon nor their mine had done us much 
 injury, they proposed a treaty, and asked what terms 
 would be sought for. Ali Pharmakes demanded that the 
 tower should not be destroyed, and that Kolokotrones 
 should go out unharmed, requiring hostages until he 
 should arrive safely in Zante, and that he, Ali, would 
 remain in the tower until he had received a letter from 
 Kolokotrones, announcing his safe arrival ; after which 
 Ali would leave the tower, and would go and make his 
 submission to Veli Pasha. 
 
 This arrangement was entered into by the army and its 
 * I have run the course of my allotted life. 
 
lie KOLOKOThONES, 
 
 commander without any consultation with Veli Pasha upon 
 the matter. The writing was drawn up and signed by Paso 
 Bey, and the Agas and all the chiefs took the required oaths. 
 I departed on the morrow, taking with me my own men from 
 Lala and three hostages from the best among them, with 
 the agreement that if we were attacked they should be slain. 
 So we embarked and got to Lala, when I sent the son of 
 Ali home, and I myself went to Pyrgos in Gastouni. 
 The treaty was forwarded to Veli Pasha, and he was greatly 
 enraged at it, and gave orders to take possession of all the 
 landing-places, and to seize me. The ticket of submis- 
 sion was sent to Ibrahim Aga, who was Ali Pharmakes' 
 cousin, and a voivode. When, upon his reading over the 
 submission paper, he came to where it said they must 
 seize Kolokotrones, he made a jest about it to Tatares, 
 saying, " We do not understand the Turkish language 
 here; so thou hadst better take it to Gastouni, where 
 there is a kadi and a voivode who can read it, and then 
 what the vizier has ordered in this paper we are ready to 
 carry out." Tatares laughed out, and I immediately took 
 my hostages with me, and, being accompanied by Ibrahim 
 Aga, went to Pyrgi and embarked, when I released my 
 hostages, and sent a letter to Ali Pharmakes, acquainting 
 him of my safety. 
 
 Pyrgi is about two hours' distance from Pyrgos and six 
 from Gastouni, and we had scarcely got two miles outside 
 it when some Turkish soldiers, who had been dispatched 
 after us from Gastouni, arrived there to seize Pyrgi ; but 
 we were gone. When the news reached Ali Pharmakes that 
 we were embarked, he himself went down to Tripolitsa to 
 make his submission in person to Veli Pasha. I went to 
 Zante, and shortly after Ali Pharmakes found a way to 
 leave and come to Zante also. Veli Pasha had also 
 written to me, asking me to go to him, but I would not j 
 
KLEPHT AND WABEIOB. 117 
 
 and he did not kill Ali Phannakes, because lie endeavoured 
 to make him deceive me into going to Tripolitsa ; but he 
 made no such attempt. The reason why Ali Pharmakes 
 entered into this treaty was due to some compulsion from 
 the Turkish inhabitants, who feared for their lives and 
 property. He had scarcely got away from Pyrgos when 
 his ruin was compassed. 
 
 All the Agas, with Paso -Bey and Veli Pasha, wrote to me 
 to go to the Morea, and Pharmakes wrote also ; but he 
 put a ball above his signature as a sign to me not to go. 
 The brother of Ali Pharmakes, therefore, when he came 
 into Zante with the men of Veli Pasha, tweaked me by the 
 ear, and I understood his meaning, so I said to them: 
 " Go ; I will come." 
 
 Ali Pharmakes then came to Zante. He had asked per- 
 mission to go and see his villages until Kolokotrones could 
 come, he said, and he took with him five hundred thousand 
 grosia ; and we sent a boat for him, and that is how he got \ 
 to Zante. We planned to go to Paris together in order to 
 have an interview with Buonaparte, and we went to Corfu 
 in the first instance ; but Donzelot, the governor there, 
 prevented us from so doing. " Stay here," he said, " and 
 I will write myself, and state that you require an answer. 
 We must, however, arrange our plans before the answer of 
 the Emperor arrives." The plan which we made in con- 
 junction with Donzelot was as follows : that Buonaparte 
 should give us the command of five hundred gunners 
 clothed in fustanellas (for there were five thousand Greeks in 
 the French service), and that he should also give us grosia in l 
 order to make enlistments in Tsamouria, where there were 
 enemies of Ali Pasha. We crossed over to Tsamouria and 
 got three thousand Tsamides for pay, and then went to 
 Parga and embarked them for Santa Maura. The gathering 
 was intended to take place at Santa Maura and Zante. I 
 
118 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 crossed over to Santa Maura myself with six hundred 
 men. 
 
 At this time (on the 9th) the English came to Zante, 
 and, disembarking, they established themselves there, and 
 sent away the French to Corfu. About four hundred 
 Greeks were put into the boats as prisoners of war. 
 They also took Cephalonia, Thiaki, and Cerigo, and made 
 them their own. General Oswald had orders from the 
 generalissimo of the English forces, who was then in 
 Palermo, to take into the service all the Greeks who were 
 willing to join, and to put Church (who was then major) 
 at their head. 
 
 When we saw that the English had come into the islands 
 we sent word to Parga to enlist no more soldiers, as our 
 plans were frustrated by their arrival. Our scheme was 
 to get all the forts in Messenia, Parga, and Monemvasia 
 placed in our hands. All the Turkish inhabitants of those 
 places had agreed at a conference we had with them, that 
 we should form a government, consisting of twelve Turks 
 and twelve Greeks the Turks to be governed with the 
 same impartiality as the Greeks. Donzelot had framed 
 the laws in conjunction with ourselves. Our flag was to 
 have been a cross on one side, and on the other a half- 
 moon and stars. This plan also formulated that when we 
 had secured the Morea we should write to the Sultan to 
 assure him that our action was not against him, but 
 against the tyrannies of Ali Pasha, and Donzelot had 
 already advised with the minister at Constantinople to 
 prevent him from making any movement. 
 
 It was my own private intention, however, that when we 
 
 , had got possession of all the forts, we should then make it 
 
 a more national movement, and throw over the Turks ; but 
 
 what I resolved upon doing would have to depend upon 
 
 circumstances. Our measures would have necessitated 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 119 
 
 raising fifteen thousand of the islanders. Donzelot, myself, 
 Ali Pharmakes, and a secretary were three days and three 
 nights laying out our plans. 
 
 Ali Pharmakes was at this time forty years old. His skin 
 was very dark and yellow, and on this account he had 
 received his cognomen from Pharmaki (poison). He was 
 shorter than myself and thin, but a most sensible and trust- 
 worthy man very silent, but irritable. He died at Lala. He 
 was ill in Zante with dysentery, and his relations advised 
 him to go there. The English sent him a physician, but 
 when they saw that he must die they gave him permission 
 to go anywhere outside of the Morea, for the English, being 
 on good terms with Ali Pasha, would not grant him the 
 liberty of going to the Morea, lest Ali might be displeased. 
 When I heard that he was dead I went over to the Morea 
 and also to Lala to condole with his family. [Koloko- 
 trones, in his narrative, is here anticipating events.] We 
 then stopped at Cerigo until Sunday, the Feast of St. 
 Thomas. A Cephalonian boat, belonging to Alexander 
 KaftopQulos, coming in, we embarked on her for Zante. 
 The captain found out who I was, and paid me great atten- 
 tion. In Zante they had given me up for lost, and all 
 who were there the Petimezaoi, Anagnostaras, Melios, 
 Gianni Kolokotrones, Niketas, and the rest welcomed me 
 back. This was in 1806. In order to be in safety I had 
 changed my clothes, and had only taken the most wretched- 
 looking weapons with me, so as not to excite the covetous 
 to kill me on their account. 
 
 I was born in the year 1770. 
 
 When I was saved at Kastanitza I was ten years old ; 
 I lived at Mani two years, three years at Alonisthaina, 
 and twelve years in Sampazika. I was married when I 
 was twenty, and I was twenty-seven when they first began 
 to hunt me down. The royal firman against Petimeza and 
 
120 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 myself came over in 1802, and the second firman with the 
 patriarchal excommunication in January, 1806. I was 
 thirty-six years old when I went to Zante, and fifty years 
 of age when I embarked in the war of liberation. 
 
 When we were Klephts and Armatoli our chief officers 
 were always chosen for their courage and ability. Whilst 
 we were Armatoli we had our pay, and when we were 
 Klephts the half of the spoils. Prizes were given to those 
 who distinguished themselves. If any of them committed 
 a fault his hair was cut short, and his arms were taken 
 from him. Reverence for women was our law : whoever 
 insulted a woman was driven out from us. We had 
 games and drums to amuse ourselves with, jumping, 
 dances, heroic songs, and quoits. The country people 
 made our songs, and we sung them .to the lyre. The 
 songs were our hymns and our military newspapers. 
 
 Our arms were pistols, daggers, and swords carried in 
 our belts. We had jambes on the legs, and in the winter 
 we wore breast-plates, and we also had large buttons on 
 our waistcoats. The captainships descended to the sons 
 not to the first-born, but to the most worthy. 
 
 Our flag had the same cross as that upon the Russian 
 banners. The monasteries gave us help, and the husband- 
 men and shepherds always sent information to the Klephts, 
 as well as giving them ammunition and provisions. When 
 any of us was seriously wounded in a battle and could not 
 be carried away, we all kissed him and then cut off his 
 head. It was thought a great dishonour to have the Turks 
 bear away one's head. Among the thirty-six first cousins 
 whom I had, only eight were preserved ; the others were 
 all destroyed. There is not a spot where there is not a 
 Kolokotrones buried. Besides those, there were my second 
 cousins, my uncles, and many friends who were lost. The 
 name of Klepht was a boast. "I am a Klepht," some 
 
KLEPHT AND WABB10E. 121 
 
 would say vaimtingly. The prayer of a father for his 
 sons was that he might become a Klepht. The Klepht- 
 ship afterwards lost its authority. In my father's time it 
 was a sacred thing for a Greek to undertake. When the 
 Klephts had a collision with the Turks all the husbandmen 
 left their oxen in the fields, and went to help the Klephts 
 every time the Greeks were disposed to ally themselves 
 with the Turks. When Androutsos, the father of Odys- 
 seus, came, I was well known in Mani, and I accom- 
 panied him to Corinth. During the time that we were 
 being pursued, for fifteen days we neither slept nor tasted 
 food, and we had fighting every day, but we saved our 
 guns.* 
 
 From September to January, 1809, 1 was staying at Santa 
 Maura. The English had cast the son of Ali Pharmakes 
 and others into prison. Upon learning this, we disbanded 
 our army and only kept twenty men. The minister 
 Forrest, and Oswald, the general of the English army, 
 invited all the captains, and also asked them if they could 
 not bring Kolokotrones to Zante with them. The English, 
 seeing so many assembled at Santa Maura, had some fears 
 about them. They answered, " When you like to do so, 
 you can send a letter to him by a trustworthy man, and 
 we hope that he will follow us." On account of this reply 
 Oswald and Forrest wrote a letter and sent it to me by a 
 native of Zante named Pomones, who passed over in the 
 Clarence, and embarking under a Turkish flag, came to 
 Santa Maura. This letter invited me to go to them, and 
 with it was a circular invitation to all the chiefs, both on 
 land or sea, offering to give us what we asked, and that 
 they would send boats to fetch us to Zante. 
 
 It was difficult at that time for any one to go about, 
 because the middle islands of Greece were in the hands of 
 * This sentence has no reference to Androutsos, 
 
122 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 the French, and the others were held by the English. We 
 went, therefore, to General Camus, a Frenchman, and 
 asked his permission to go to Mothokorona, and we 
 manned a boat, and hoisted a French flag. We had 
 scarcely got out to sea when a contrary wind met us 
 and drove us to Thiaki, which was guarded by English 
 sentinels, and they summoned us "Who are you?" 
 " Kolokotrones ! " we answered, when they made prepara- 
 tions for attacking us. I asked them if they had any 
 commander with whom I could confer. They answered 
 that they had an English officer who was resident there ; 
 he had come to those shores in 1810. So I got into a 
 boat and went to him and produced General Oswald's 
 letter. The moment he saw that, he became very friendly 
 and treated me with great respect. He gave us some 
 Cognac, and we then stayed at Thiaki. The commandant 
 of Thiaki gave us an invitation, and we remained there 
 four days. Ali Pharmakes and myself had some misgivings 
 about the English as they were the friends of Ali Pasha, 
 and so we both agreed that the two of us would not go to 
 Zante together, but that one of us should remain in the 
 boat at Skrophai, and that I would go to Zante, and if I 
 saw that matters were on a firm basis I would then write 
 to him, and he could come. This was carried out. I 
 went to Zante and left Ali Pharmakes in the boat, together 
 with my nephew Niketas. 
 
 As soon as I arrived in Zante I went both to General 
 Oswald, to Forrest, and to Church,* and they questioned 
 me as to how affairs were going on at Santa Maura during 
 my five months' stay there. I then received permission to 
 go to Kastro and release all the native Turks belonging 
 to Ali Pharmakes who were imprisoned there. I saw that 
 
 * Sir Kichard Church, commander of the National Corps in the 
 Ionian Isles, 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 123 
 
 everything was quite fair and straightforward, and I sent 
 a special boat to Skrophai to fetch Ali Pharmakes, who 
 then came to Zante also. I entered the service with the 
 rank of captain, and after a few days had passed, General 
 Oswald again sent for me, and asked me in what way we l 
 could gain over all the Greeks who were at Santa Maura 
 belonging to the French service, informing me that we 
 were to fight only against the French. Lepeniotes, who 
 was the brother of Katzantones, came into Kalamo and 
 Meganesi at that time with two hundred men, he having 
 been driven out by Ali Pasha. Meganesi belonged to the 
 French, and they drove him out. Lepeniotes said, " I 
 wish to take service with the English, but I will not put 
 faith in any one except Kolokotrones." The general then 
 showed me the letter, and sent me to Kalamo, and gave 
 me a brig to be under my command. " One brig has 
 come," I said to him, " but I want a gunboat in order to 
 go to Kalamo," and I told him to send me three days 
 afterwards a gunboat in any case, and three days after the 
 brig the squadron with the soldiers were to make a move. 
 That was our plan. 
 
 I went to Kalamo and met Lepeniotes, and took him 
 and all his two hundred men and the boats ; and we made I 
 a descent on Meganesi, and routed the French, and made 
 a halting-place. Whilst there I made a signal for the 
 brig to come. Moore and Lowe, the Governor of St. 
 Helena, were in the brig. They made a signal for me to 
 go to them, and so I went, taking only four men with me, 
 and the others remaining at Meganesi. Whilst I was at 
 Meganesi I sent over to Santa Maura, and many Greeks 
 came to join us, and I told them what they ought to do. We 
 went to see where the fleet was stationed. We arrived at 
 Vagina I, Lobis, and Konstantine Petmezas. As soon 
 as the French saw us they sent a regiment with four 
 
124 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 cannon and cannonaded us, and in one detachment I met 
 with some Greeks who were in the French service. I 
 cried out to them, " What are you doing here ? The 
 English fleet is coming." But their answer was, "We 
 have taken our oaths, and we must fight." "Ah ! is it so? " 
 I cried ; " then go back to your ranks, for we must fight 
 also." 
 
 The fleet came, and we went to the harbour to see the 
 general. Whilst I was making my report they made a 
 signal for a landing, just two hours before nightfall. As 
 soon as I understood it I said, " General, we must not 
 make a descent now, because we are gathered together 
 from different parts, and our soldiers do not comprehend 
 it, and, between ourselves, we may be killed ; but we will 
 go at daybreak, and I promise you that by noon we shall 
 have taken the place." The general accepted my recom- 
 mendation, and ordered the soldiers to go to their ships. 
 There were four thousand soldiers in all English, Corsi- 
 cans, Sicilians, and Greeks. The French prepared for 
 war, and as the soldiers began to disembark I also landed, 
 and the Corsicans seized me as a prisoner of war, and 
 carried me off to Church ! Then we marched forward and 
 took the place. 
 
 We took the first battery of nine cannon; the five 
 hundred Greeks, with Church at their head, did all this. 
 The general came with the English soldiers and Lowe 
 with the Corsicans, and went into the country ; and the 
 general ordered Church to go and take another battery 
 still more powerful because it had twelve cannons, with 
 the marsh on one side, and on the other shoals and the 
 sea, and so there was only one part left on which we could 
 advance. We sent a scout forward. The Albanians took 
 him and scourged him. I went with ten men to a height. 
 They called to me, " Who is going to attack ? " " I am." 
 
KLBPHT AND WAUBIOU. l2o 
 
 Two captains then came to hie. I told them to march 
 forward, and they were not disheartened. "We will fight," 
 they said. The conflict began, and we repulsed the enemy. 
 We planted the cannon in the windmills. The French 
 retired to Gyra, where they had erected a strong battery. 
 
 We led the Greeks first, the Sicilians second, and the 
 English last. As we neared the battery it began to dis- 
 charge ball and guns upon us. The brother of General 
 Church was wounded, and a captain of the frigate, and alto- 
 gether thirty-five Greeks were wounded and killed. We 
 took the battery by assault, and in this conflict the Corsi- 
 cans signalized themselves greatly. We besieged the fort 
 where the French were collected. On account of some 
 suspicion they did not wish the Greeks to enter the fort, 
 and so they came out to surrender to us. We had not 
 attacked them thirty days before we had thrown forward 
 ten cannon and ten bombs ; and in eight days four hundred 
 bombs had been discharged day and night. Major Clark 
 died ; the French surrendered, and the soldiers were sent 
 prisoners to Malta. 
 
 We returned to Zante, and then I was promoted to be 
 major. That was in May, 1810, when we had been absent 
 from Zante a year. We then embarked on a frigate with fifty 
 Greeks and fifty English, under the command of Church, and 
 made a descent upon Paxos. We disembarked and formed 
 the Greeks into two companies, and went into the country, 
 being aided by the two frigates, when both the Greeks and 
 the French surrendered. We took the French as prisoners 
 of war, and the Greeks entered the service. Ali Pasha at 
 this time sent to besiege the French in Parga. The 
 Pargiotes called for our aid, so we went over, and the 
 people forsook the French and hoisted the English flag. 
 After this we returned to Zante, when the general, being 
 jealous of Church, displaced him in favour of his brother. 
 
126 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Church then prepared to go to London, and being at perfect 
 liberty to do as he chose, he dressed himself in Greek 
 clothes. As many Greek captains as we could find in Zante 
 now joined us in making an address to the English Govern- 
 ment asking for its assistance in freeing our country. This 
 address was found among the State papers when we framed 
 a second one in 1825. Church took this first address to 
 London, and got permission there to form a regiment of 
 a hundred and fifty Greeks, and in five or six months he 
 organized a body of six hundred Greeks. In the mean- 
 time Napoleon fell, and an order came to disband the 
 Greeks and other foreign soldiers. They gave about eight 
 hundred dollars to each officer, and twelve hundred to be 
 divided among the captains, when they were discharged. 
 I remained, however, for two years afterwards in the posi- 
 tion of major, when I also was dismissed. 
 
 I then saw that what we had to do we must do by our- 
 selves, without any hopes of help from foreign Powers. 
 Church went to Naples and became a general there. He 
 sent me two invitations to join him, but I now knew that 
 the Hetairia (secret society) was formed, and I determined 
 henceforward to devote myself only to freeing my own 
 country. 
 
 Pangalos spoke to me about the Hetairia, and Aris- 
 teides came, and afterwards Anagnostoras brought me 
 a letter from the Hetairia, and I began to act in con- 
 cert with many in Zante and Cephalonia, and also with 
 the captains of the Speziote and Hydriote vessels ; and 
 twenty letters at least came to me from Ypsilanti, bidding 
 me hold myself in readiness with all my people, as 
 the day of the rising was fixed for the 25th of March. 
 The English heard that I had received some letters, and 
 the police came at night to search me, but I had taken 
 good care of my letters. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOR. 127 
 
 On the 6th of January I went to Mani to the house of 
 Captain Panagiotes, the son of Mourtzinos. But at this 
 juncture, before I went to the Peloponnesus, I passed over 
 to Corfu, with the view of seeking from Maitland my four 
 thousand dollars, the pay due to me, and also to meet 
 Kapodistria. I met him, and stayed with him eighty days, 
 after which I returned to Zante. We talked much about 
 the position of affairs. 
 
 Here ends my past life at the commencement of the 
 rising. Whatever foreign service I had before entered 
 into, I only entered it upon these conditions : that I was 
 never to be sent far from the seven islands, never to fight 
 except upon Turkish ground, and never to lay aside my 
 national dress. In the islands I met with the Botzares, 
 and took Markos for my adopted brother. 
 
 In my youth, when I had time to learn, there were not 
 many schools. There were only a few schools where I 
 could learn reading and writing. The primates of the dif- 
 ferent districts hardly knew how to write their own names, 
 and even archbishops knew scarcely anything beyond their 
 ecclesiastical duties they had studied nothing more than 
 the psalter, the Octoechos, the book of the months * and the 
 prophecies ; they read no other books. It was not until 
 I went to Zante that I met with the history of Greece. 
 The books which I often read afterwards were the history 
 of Greece, the tale of Aristomenes and Gorgo, and the 
 story of Skenter Bey. 
 
 According to my judgment, the French Bevolution and 
 the doings of Napoleon opened the eyes of the world, j 
 The nations knew nothing before, and the people thought 
 that kings were gods upon the earth, and that they were 
 bound to say that whatever they did was well done. 
 
 * Books of the Orthodox church service. 
 
128 KOLOKOTBONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 Through this present change it is more difficult now to rule 
 the people. 
 
 In my time commerce was very limited, money was 
 scarce. I gained three grosia on a dollar. It was thought 
 a great thing if a person possessed a thousand grosia.* 
 Any one with such a sum could command as much service 
 for it as he could not procure now for a thousand Venetian 
 florins. The community of men was small, and it was not 
 until our rising that all the Greeks were brought into 
 communication. There were men who knew of no place 
 beyond a mile of their own locality. They thought of 
 Zante as we now speak of the most distant parts of the 
 world. America appears to us as Zante appeared to them. 
 They said it was in France. 
 
 * 1,000 grosia = piastres were then worth about <22; and 1,000 
 tallera = dollars represented as nearly as possible i225. 
 
A 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 T last the secret of the Hetairia began to be divulged 
 among every class of men, both good and bad, and 
 
 thus we were unhappily forced to commence the rising pre- 
 maturely. Diogos had communicated it to Ali Pasha. On 
 this account I left Zante on the 3rd of January, and arrived 
 in Skardamoula upon the 6th, going at once to the house of 
 my friend and countryman, Captain Panagiotes Mourtzinos. 
 Our general move took place on the 22nd of March, but 
 from the 6th of January I was working and employing all 
 my energies at Mani, in endeavours to unite different 
 Maniote houses after the usual custom, and we did succeed 
 in uniting them, and took them into the brotherhood. The 
 rising took place at Kalamata. I also sent to the districts 
 of Messenia, Mistros, Karytaina, Phanari, Leontari, 
 Arcadia, and Tripolitsa, bidding all the inhabitants to 
 come whither we were, and then I instructed them to be all 
 ready on the festival of the Annunciation, and that each 
 district was to attack the Turkish inhabitants simul- 
 taneously, storming them in their different fortresses 
 namely, that the Arcadians should besiege Neo-Kastro, the 
 Mothonai Mothon, and so on. 
 
 Whilst we were making ready and gathering them all 
 together, it was necessary that Zaimes and others should 
 go to Tripolitsa and remain there, where they attacked the 
 
 10 
 
130 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 Voivode of Kalavryta. The Turks found out that I had 
 come, and thought that I had arrived at the head of five or 
 six thousand men. I had four men with me. The Arcadians 
 and Mistriotes, clothed in the rayah cloaks, came down to 
 inspect us in order to see how many there really were. I 
 was playing at quoits when they came, so they went back 
 and reported "We only found an old man playing at 
 quoits." 
 
 I went to Mourtzinos as to a friend and of the same 
 district. Mavromichaeles had the title of Bey, but Mourt- 
 zinos had the power in Mani. Mavromichaeles asked 
 wherefore I had gone there, and Mourtzinos answered that 
 I had been unfortunate in Zante, and had come to get 
 some assistance amongst my friends, after which I should 
 return thither again. He behaved himself tolerably well 
 towards me, and it is not true that he betrayed me to the 
 Turks, for he had not the power to do so even if he had the 
 will, for besides my friendship with Mourtzinos, it is a 
 custom in Mani to help every one who goes there for a 
 place of refuge. 
 
 On the 23rd of March we fell upon the Turks at 
 Kalamata. They were led by Arnaoutogles, a man of 
 some importance in Tripolitsa. We had two thousand 
 Maniotes, with Mourtzinos and Petro Bey. Western Sparta 
 also was moving. The Turks remained at about a hundred 
 men, report stating them to be ten thousand. Eastern 
 Sparta began to move at the same time. When I first 
 arrived the Turks had sent for the primates and chief 
 householders, and they went, but they were not killed. The 
 Spartans, when they had done some pillaging, went off and 
 laid siege to Monemvasia. We had a meeting at Kalamata 
 to consult whither we should move the armies in the first 
 instance. The Kalamatans inveighed against the Bey, 
 wishing us to go to Koron lest the Turks should put the 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 131 
 
 Christians to the sword. I said in answer, " If you give 
 us help for this army I will move off to old Arcadia 
 and give aid to the centre of the country." I had received 
 a letter from Kanelos, who invited me thither, saying that 
 he had ten thousand men, and in arms, and that I was to 
 be placed at the head of them. Dionysios, the son of 
 Mourtzinos, was ill, and therefore all the Maniotes did not 
 rise at once. I received two hundred from him and seventy 
 from the Bey, and Captain Voides came with his thirty 
 men, so we made three hundred in all, and I prepared two 
 flags directly, putting a cross on them, and moved forward. 
 The Androusian Turks, hearing that we had a force, fled in 
 a body to the fort of Messenia. 
 
 As we went along all the Greeks showed the greatest 
 enthusiasm ; they came out and met us everywhere, carry- 
 ing the sacred pictures (ikons), with the priests chanting 
 supplications and thanksgivings to God. Once I could 
 not forbear weeping, on account of the ardour which I 
 beheld. So we went on, followed by crowds. When we 
 came to the bridge of Kalamata we exchanged greetings, 
 and I marched forward. 
 
 On the 24th of March we arrived at the village of 
 Skala, in Messenia a village of about five hundred 
 families. As many men as I could get were sent forward 
 as scouts. " Go to the forts, besiege them, and I will 
 follow with three thousand men; " but that was only a v 
 ruse. At daybreak on the feast of the Annunciation, 
 March 25, 1821, they heard in Leontari that I had arrived 
 at the head of many thousand Maniotes, so they seized 
 on the animals belonging to the rayahs, and went away 
 into Tripolitsa. Upon leaving Skala I fired off some 
 thousands of small shot in three volleys so that the 
 people might join us upon hearing this announcement. 
 
 The Garantzaioi, hearing the guns, killed their Beys, 
 
182 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 who were preparing for flight; so the first slaughter 
 began with them. I then marched to Dervenia, in Leontari, 
 to go to old Arcadia, and met a messenger from the 
 Greeks, who told me that the Leontarians fled and went 
 towards Phrankovrysi, but had since returned and killed 
 two or three Greeks. They had seventy horsemen. I 
 said, " Go and shut them up there," and turning back, I 
 came to Leontari. 
 
 The Phanarites, on this same day of the Annunciation, 
 met and told the Turks that they should go to Tripolitsa, 
 because they did not know what all this might mean. 
 The Phanarites, Mountrizani, and other tribes where the 
 Turks had intermarried with the Christians, got together 
 seventeen hundred guns. They assembled two hours off 
 Andritsaina, near a brook called Soultina, having carried 
 off amongst them three thousand animals belonging to the 
 rayahs. 
 
 The islands now made a proclamation that no one was 
 to go out of any of the islands to help the Greeks. Some, 
 however, fled secretly from Zante, both peasants and 
 proprietors, and became co-partners in every danger : their 
 property was therefore confiscated. Western Turkish 
 
 - Koumeli was then in amazement about Ali Pasha, because 
 the Souliotes had seized upon Souli. (The downfall of 
 Ali Pasha helped us much ; it was needful that he should 
 be removed, he was a great brute.) 
 
 Spetsai was the first island which joined in the rising, 
 
 vX and she sent immediately to Hydra to follow her example. 
 The landholders were indisposed to rise, but Captain 
 Anton Koulodemas and Ghikas, the brother-in-law of 
 Miaoules, had a meeting with the people, and addressed 
 the chief men amongst them thus : " You will either join 
 the rising or we shall set fire^to you and burn you out ; 
 so all you have to do is to get your ships in order." So they 
 were forced to submit, and laid out their grosiaand embarked. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 133 
 
 Psara and Samos rose of their own accord. 
 
 When I left Skala on the 25th, going on to Dervenia, I 
 met a scout who was sent to me by Basil Boutouna, and 
 who brought me a letter. " The Turks of Karytaina and 
 Mustapha, the Voivode of Iblakios, are shut up in the old 
 fort of Karytaina, and the two prefects, not having been 
 among the number of the Hetairia, and knowing nothing 
 of what has occurred, have persuaded the Turks not to 
 flee, but to remain in the fort. The people of Karytaina's / 
 plains have not taken arms." Such was the writing 
 which I received. I lost no time, but straightway issued 
 the following proclamation : " Fire and sword to every 
 place that does not listen to the voice of the nation." 
 
 Hearing that I was going down to Dervenia, seventy 
 horsemen rode off immediately to Tripolitsa, and I moved 
 forward to the village Tetempes, between Leontari and 
 Karytaina. My Maniotes said, " Let us go to Leontari." 
 " What to polish copper pots ! " I said [in irony of a 
 Maniote calling] . 
 
 On the morning of the 26th, as soon as it was light 
 I got a thousand men together and made a move towards 
 Karytaina, in order to await the coming of the Phanarites 
 and Karytainans. Hearing the volleys, every one was 
 aroused. On the road I met another messenger from 
 Basil with a letter. "Look at this letter from the 
 Phanarites," it said, "who are stopping at Soultina." 
 " To-morrow we leave Tripolitsa with a force of so many ; 
 make ready to join us. Kolokotrones has gone forth with 
 several thousand Maniotes." Basil had killed the Turk 
 bearing the above at the bridge of Karytaina, and had 
 taken the letter from him. Upon reading it, I determined 
 to take up a position and lay in wait for the Phanarites. 
 
 The Turks, when they arrived before Karytaina and saw 
 the flags (which not being unfurled did not show the 
 
134 R0L0K0TB0NE8, 
 
 cross), thought that they were Turkish banners, and that 
 we were a reinforcement for them. I marched through a 
 defile, for I said to myself, if they try to pass to-day I will 
 attack them. I questioned a rustic whom I met in the 
 pass about the Turks and Phanarites, and he said, " They 
 have had no information of anything, and are going to 
 sleep to-night near the spring, and can easily be sur- 
 prised." I wrote a despatch directly to Panagiotes Giatro- 
 poulos of Andritza to go forward and take them in the rear, 
 whilst I should await them in front. When I saw that 
 the Turks were not intending to make a move that day, 
 I went on to Karytaina and surrounded the Turks who 
 were in the fortress. On the morning of the 27th I rose 
 up at sunrise, and leaving a body of fifteen at Karytaina, 
 went back to the defile. The same night that I was at 
 Karytaina a message came from Panagiotes : " Send us 
 troops because we have not assembled any yet." 
 
 On the same day that I began my march that is to say, 
 on the 27th a despatch came to me from the late Beyzade 
 Elias to say that he had arrived at Leontari with two 
 hundred Spartans, and I wrote to him to come quickly, 
 " because to-day we shall have a fight." From the place 
 where I wrote to Leontari is a four hours' walk, and by 
 chance it happened that we could only send an old man 
 on foot, and he did not get there in time, so that they did 
 not arrive to take part in an engagement, therefore I went 
 up the defile as far as St. Athanasius. In the morning the 
 army of the Phanarite Turks was before us, a mile in extent, 
 in a narrow pass, and with a great deal of baggage, so 
 that the entire line occupied two miles. Upon seeing us 
 they immediately opened fire in front, and as we had en- 
 trenched ourselves we fought for six hours. The Spartans 
 that day had a battle in which they imitated Leonidas, 
 for they were three hundred, and the Turks seventeen 
 
KLEPRT AND WABBIOB. 135 
 
 hundred. After six hours they ceased firing, Voides was 
 wounded, and five or six were slain. It was noon when 
 they ceased firing, and the army said to me that we ought 
 to open upon them. Koliopoulos was then six miles 
 off, at the river Achelsous. Hearing the firing, he moved 
 forward. He did not, however, arrive in time, but half an 
 hour afterwards. He had four hundred men with him. 
 The Turks killed fifteen of us ; they fought with deter- 
 mination because they had their property and their 
 women and children with them. If Koliopoulos, Georgaki, 
 and Demetrius had come up, the Turks would have been 
 routed there. The Turks took our position. Hearing the 
 volley fired by the Kolians they went opposite to look out. 
 The Spartans, perceiving that a reinforcement was coming 
 to us, went away carrying off their wounded. Upon hearing 
 the volley, we made a rush upon the place with twenty men, 
 so that the Turks should not pass over the bridge. I 
 hoisted a banner so that Koliopoulos might know me. I 
 had got quite a stiff neck from shouting all day. We 
 drove back the Turks, who, with their women and children, 
 not being able to get to the bridge which we had seized, 
 were lost ; five hundred were drowned in the river alone, 
 not being able to cross it. The Greeks took possession of 
 the mules and all the wounded stallions ; the remnant 
 fled to Kastraki as to a hive. (This was our first victory, 
 and the first which the Kalavrytians gained over the Turks.) 
 We besieged them. In the evening Elias arrived from 
 Leontari, and on the 28th Kanelos came, with two hundred 
 Karytainans. Anagnostaras and Pappa Phlessas moved 
 forward to Arcadia with five hundred men, and as the 
 Arcadians were fleeing, they turned back and went into 
 Karytaina together, one thousand strong. In two days we 
 had amassed six thousand men. The Turks who were 
 shut up had left their animals outside, and the Greeks 
 
136 ROLOKOTBONES, 
 
 took them ; they had neither water nor food. I had 
 stationed Niketaras with a hundred soldiers at Phranko- 
 vrysi, in Tripolitsa, two hours off. In the first two days 
 that we were there, Mustapha Aga clothed two Turks 
 as rayahs, and gave them five hundred grosia to go to 
 Tripolitsa, and ask that a reinforcement be sent, an- 
 nouncing that all who came should receive pay for their 
 help. The two messengers, when they had got two hours 
 on their road, were met, but were not seized. The letter 
 was delivered, and two thousand men were despatched to 
 the help of the Karytainans and the Phanarites. As soon 
 as I learnt about those two messengers, I suspected that 
 a reinforcement would arrive. I had a conference with 
 the army immediately, and gave it as my opinion that 
 Anagnostaras should go to Salesi, which is four hours 
 equidistant from Tripolitsa and Karytaina, taking two 
 thousand men to Salesi, to prevent the reinforcement 
 from Tripolitsa from moving forward ; and if it could not 
 prevent that it was to keep them from going back ; for the 
 Turks were inspired with fear that they would pass over to 
 Karytaina. But he answered, " It will not do to break the 
 force we have gathered together." I then made another 
 suggestion, "Let me have five hundred;" but he had 
 different views, so that plan was abandoned. We could 
 have hemmed in the Turks so completely that not a 
 shadow could have passed us. 
 
 On the next day, the 1st of April, the reinforcement 
 started from Tripolitsa at daybreak, passing by the place 
 where I had told Anagnostaras to station himself, and set- 
 ting fire to the districts before them. When we saw the 
 fires we said, " It is the reinforcement." I then ordered 
 that scouts should go forward and reconnoitre. They went 
 and returned, saying that they were not coming against us ; 
 but I persisted in my opinion, and said, "Take possession 
 
KLEPHT AND WABB10B. 137 
 
 of three heights that we may await these Turks and do 
 battle with them." So I mounted a horse, and, taking a 
 flag in one hand, and also my glass, I told them that if they 
 who were advancing were Turks, I would furl my flag, and 
 that if they were not, I would display it. Two men fol- 
 lowed me on foot. As soon as I had reached the hill, I 
 dismounted from my horse and tied it to the bough of a 
 tree, and ascended to a cliff and looked through the tele- 
 scope. When I saw that they who were approaching were 
 Turks I furled my flag. As soon as the Greeks saw this 
 signal they all began to flee. As it was cold with a fresh 
 breeze, and as I was in a perspiration, I took from a young 
 shepherd a small white capote, and returned to find my 
 army. My men were gone, and Kavadias had taken my 
 horse. I went back to where the regiment was stationed, 
 and found there the late Elias, who had been fighting. 
 The other regiment had taken to the hills. The Kolio- 
 poulans had been fighting on the rear of the fort. I 
 removed Elias thence because he was alone, and we all 
 went to a height. "We will hold this height," I said, 
 " because if the Turks dislodge these men we can fall upon 
 them in the rear and drive them into Tripolitsa." Anagnos- 
 taras took possession of the bridge with a thousand men, 
 Pappa Phlessas and Kanelos kept the upper road, and I re- 
 mained alone. The Greeks were broken. I concealed myself 
 beneath some branches of trees with my two heavy pistols. 
 Twelve Turks pursued one part of the Greeks, ten some 
 of those from the bridge held by Anagnostaras, and others 
 went in pursuit of Pappa Phlessas and Kanelos. The 
 Greeks thought that they were followed by the whole 
 Turkish force. The Turks passed over ; I saw them, for 
 they passed quite close to me. I was saved by the capote 
 which I was wearing ; for I had on a red scarf, and the 
 capote concealed it. 
 
138 ROLOKOTBONES, 
 
 When the sun rose high" I came in front of my own men 
 at the bridge. As soon as they saw me they cried out, 
 " Where have you been ? " "Where you left me," I said, 
 "but concealed." I proposed that we should now march 
 on to Tripolitsa, but the Greeks would not consent to do 
 so. The Koliopoulans went to Heliodora, Pappa Phlessas 
 and Elias to Demitsana, and Kanelos to Langadia, to take 
 their families to Megaspelion. 
 
 I had some conversation with those who were upon the 
 bridge. Night at last overtook us, it was one o'clock, and 
 quite dark. I made the sign of the cross, and said, " All ye 
 who love your country, come with me." I then moved on, 
 followed by Anagnostaras with two hundred of his men, 
 and Bouras and I led them by a pass "I had known for 
 twenty years. When we were near the monastery Agio- 
 Gianni we met the people of Stemnitsa, who were going to 
 take refuge there with their wives and families. I called 
 out, " Whither are you going, Stemnitsians ?" "We are- 
 forced to flee," they answered. " Come here," I said ; "I 
 am quite able to meet those Turks." 
 
 I then went forward to Stemnitsa, which is a mile 
 distant from the monastery. I sent a messenger so that 
 no one should be troubled about me. 
 
 When Phlessas and Elias heard that I was at Stemnitsa 
 they came to me at once. At sunrise the next day I said, 
 " We will go and take possession of Langada ; the Turks 
 will pass that way, and we will fall upon them." Near 
 Langada is the village Chrysovitsi, and I went there with 
 three hundred men. On the road the Greeks concealed 
 themselves, for as we went into Chrysovitsi the moon's 
 rays revealed a hundred of them. In the villages of the 
 Vlacho district the people were still absent in their winter 
 quarters, and there were no men there. We met one man, 
 however, and we asked him if any Turks had gone into 
 
KLEPST AND WABBIOB. 139 
 
 Langadia, and his answer was, " Yesterday seventeen 
 went there and carried off five or six thousand sheep, and 
 there was not a man to fire a shot at them." 
 
 Niketaras, who was at Phrankovrysi, had attacked many 
 bodies of Turks, had taken some prisoners, and had killed 
 about five or six; but all the Turks had marched back 
 again into Tripolitsa. 
 
 At daybreak the captains said to me, "What are we 
 doing here ? Let us leave and get on to Leontari, and gather 
 some soldiers together there, and just see what the world 
 is doing." " I shall not go," I answered ; " I shall stay here 
 on these hills where the very birds know me ; better that 
 they, my neighbours, should eat me than any others." I 
 had not one man of my district with me. I had a horse. 
 
 Anagnostaras, Elias, and Bouras went to Leontari. I 
 was left alone, I and my horse at Chrysovitsi. But 
 Phlessas turned back and said to a boy, " Stop with him 
 lest the wolves devour him." 
 
 I sat down until they had disappeared with their flags. 
 After some time I descended the hill until I came to a 
 church on the road, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin (the 
 Panagia at Chrysovitsi), and there, where I threw myself 
 down, I wept for Hellas. 
 
 " Holy Virgin ! " I cried, " help us now, that the Greeks 
 may take heart once more." 
 
 I then took the road leading to Piana, and on the way I 
 met my cousin Anton, the son of Anastasius Kolokotrones, 
 and seven of my nephews : these with myself made nine, 
 and my horse made the tenth. I had not even a gun. 
 Anton told me that there was nobody in Piana, that they 
 all had fled. I threw myself into Alonistaina they knew 
 me there and about twenty came down to me. I made 
 them all messengers (runners), and sent into all the villages 
 in order to form a regiment. In three days I assembled a 
 
140 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 force of three hundred men, and went with them to Piana, 
 three miles from Tripolitsa. A despatch was immediately 
 sent to Tripolitsa : " Kolokotrones with three hundred men 
 is in Piana." 
 
 Early on the morrow a hody of Turks four thousand 
 strong was despatched from Tripolitsa. When I saw them 
 through my glass I said, " The Turks are very few in 
 number." I said this to encourage them, for I never 
 allowed any one but myself to use my telescope. They 
 opened fire ; but our men were routed. I was left with my 
 horse behind, and alone. I took the road leading to 
 Alonistaina, and on the way found Nikolo Boukouras 
 standing by himself, so I took him up on the crupper. 
 
 We on the one side, and the Turks on the other, were 
 both going to Alonistaina. The Alonistainans were firing 
 from the heights so that the Turks should not get into the 
 place, and wasted their time. As I was going along with 
 Boukouras, I called out, " Come here, you dirty dogs ! " 
 " Do not anger them," said Boukouras. Kanelos Deli- 
 gianni came up with a hundred national guards and 
 baggage; but the Turks fell upon him and carried off 
 his baggage. I joined Kanelos, but the men which he 
 had brought all took fright, and, dispersing, went to 
 their own villages, and I was again left with Kanelos 
 and eleven of his men. The Turks burnt the village and . 
 went back to Tripolitsa. I took Kanelos away with me 
 at night, going from place to place, until one day at dawn 
 we reached a village at the extreme end of Karytaina. 
 The men of the plains and the mountaineers passed over 
 the other part of Phanari to the hill Dragomano. Out 
 of sheer hunger we killed, roasted, and ate a lamb, and 
 it was the Holy Wednesday.* I sent scouts to Leontari, 
 
 * Wednesday in Passion Week. To eat flesh, except in extremity, 
 was a great sin. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 141 
 
 where some captains were assembled, with this message, 
 " Pappa Phlessas, Mourtzinos, and Anagnostaras are 
 drawing near Tripolitsa ; they are at Marmaria." Kyria- 
 koules with the Mistriot army, and Vrysthenes with the 
 Agiopetrikan force, were going to Marmaria; there were 
 two thousand men at Vervena, and Kyriakoules brought 
 some thousand men down to Vlachochoria, opposite us. 
 I wrote to him to come to me, and so unite into one force : 
 but he would not. " I have got a very good position," he 
 said, "and if the Turks come down upon us you must 
 send us a reinforcement." 
 
 Kyriakoules on the very day of Easter had set as sentinel 
 some man of the place who betrayed them, and at daybreak 
 two thousand Turks came down and attacked them. They 
 fought for a short time, when fifteen Greeks were killed, 
 amongst whom was the celebrated Anton Nikolopoulos and 
 Panages Venetsianos. Kyriakoules went away with the other 
 part of his army to Mistra. When we heard of the conflict 
 we went with a reinforcement, but it was two hours off, 
 and when we got there we found no one, neither Greeks 
 nor Turks, only burnt houses, and fifteen headless bodies. 
 We therefore retired to Marmaria. 
 
 At this time my son Panos of blessed memory came to 
 seek for me, also my son Gennaios, bringing thirty followers. 
 The other regiment was at Vervena under Vrysthenes, Gia- 
 trakos, and Zapheiropoulos. Upon the arrival of Panos 
 and Kanelos Deligianni, I sent him to Karytaina, with 
 orders to burn the houses of those who did not rise. 
 
 They gathered a force in Alonistaina and Chrysovitsi. 
 They did not delay enlisting in all the villages round, and 
 got together six hundred men, and sent the whole of them 
 to strengthen the place. The Koliopoulans and Kalavry- 
 tians were laying siege to Lala with cannon, and we 
 assembled at Marmaria quite twelve hundred in number, 
 
142 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 and went thence to take possession of Valtetsi, which was 
 opposite the encampments at Vervena, Chrysovitsi, and 
 Alonistaina. Mourtzinos, Niketaras, and others went to 
 Valtetsi, and I put myself at the head of them. When 
 we were all collected, I stationed myself there with two 
 hundred, with another three hundred in the village to give 
 assistance. The encampment was near to aid either the 
 one part or the other. This was the commencement of 
 our warfare, and they did not know how to fight. 
 
 The Turks about this time took over ten thousand men 
 to the port of Nauplia. We thought that they would go 
 to Vervena, which was opposite Nauplia, I had gone to 
 Kalogerovouni to give a signal where a reinforcement 
 should be sent, for if they had gone to Vervena I should 
 have taken a reinforcement there myself, whilst those 
 who were in the encampments at Chrysovitsi and Piana 
 were to seize upon the post of Valtetsi ; but the Turks 
 did not go to Vervena, but to Valtetsi, so that I had to 
 turn the battle round, as it were, and go thither. The 
 Turkish body was attacked by Giatrako, Kyriakoules, and 
 Niketaras. They wavered, retired, and fled. I came up 
 from the rear, and went to take their place. The Turks 
 began to burn the village. I shouted out, " Hold fast ! 
 be firm ! or we shall be destroyed." Thirty of us stood 
 firm, and smote a standard-bearer, when reinforcements 
 coming from Vervena, Piana, and Chrysovitsi, we 
 turned round and drove them into the plain, pur- 
 suing them down as far as Violetta, half a mile from 
 Tripolitsa. There were two thousand Kalavrytians in 
 Levidi, and they received no information about it. If 
 they could have come to our aid we should have gone 
 into Tripolitsa with the Turks ; but we went back each 
 to his own regiment. The next day, upon some pretext 
 about getting soldiers, Mourtzinos went away, and I was 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 143 
 
 left with twenty men of my own. They all marched to 
 Leontari, and I with those twenty men went and divided 
 the Karytainans into two bodies, one of which I put under 
 Koliopoulos, and the other under Andreas Papadiamando- 
 poulos. The whole were about twelve hundred men. 
 
 When ten days had passed I wrote to those in Leontari : 
 " Come, and we will take possession of Yaltetsi." About 
 twelve hundred Petrovaioi and Messenians moved thither 
 with Elias. I also went to Valtetsi, and said, " Build up 
 close breastworks. At the end of the village is a church, 
 which we made use of as a breastwork, as well as two of 
 the heights which defend the village, so that if the Turks 
 come," I said, " shut yourselves up." " We are lost men," 
 they answered. " Shut yourselves up there," I repeated, 
 " until I come with a reinforcement ; I'll be answerable 
 for you." 
 
 At the very time that we were building up these 
 entrenchments, Kehayas came from Juannina to Vostitsa 
 with four thousand men, burnt Vostitsa, and then crossing 
 over to Maura Litharia without a gun being fired at him, 
 he burnt Corinth. Phlessas then burnt the houses of 
 Kiamil Bey, whereupon Kehayas went and burnt Argos, 
 and afterwards marched for Tripolitsa. When he had 
 entered Tripolitsa he was told of the first battle of 
 Valtetsi, where we routed Bomaics and his picked Turks. 
 The old Turks related it thus : " They were Bussians, and 
 we drove them into the plain of Sinanos, where they surren- 
 dered." That was the plan they had laid out for themselves. 
 
 Kehayas, who was a warlike and able man, made a 
 scheme to the effect that Boubes, whom he had sent to 
 Bardounia with five thousand men, should go to Valtetsi 
 and drive out the Greeks, whilst he would send a separate 
 force of fifteen hundred by night, who should take posses- 
 sion of Valtetsi from the rear, and if the Greeks were 
 
144 KOLOKOTBONM, 
 
 broken as the Turks had been previously, they were to 
 fall upon them, whilst he himself with two thousand 
 cavalry should also come up from the rear of Valtetsi, 
 the same course as was followed when the Greeks routed 
 them, and to throw a thousand men into Kalogerovouni 
 to oppose the army of the Verveni men if they moved 
 forward with a reinforcement. The one army at Chryso- 
 vitsi, where I then was, numbered eight hundred, and the 
 other, commanded by Koliopoulos, consisted of seven 
 hundred men. 
 
 We had made Kanelos Deligianni with four others 
 military inspectors in order to keep a regular surveillance 
 over the armies. When the Turks at daybreak moved on 
 to Valtetsi, our sentinels had been all through the night 
 passing over the several positions. I slept at Valtetsi, 
 dined at Piana, and supped in Chrysovitsi, making the 
 round of the three camps, and fixed to remain this day in 
 Chrysovitsi. We had sentinels posted at Pano-Chrepa, 
 above Tripolitsa, who were to give us information when 
 the Turks were to advance. They made a signal that day, 
 by lighting fires to indicate that the Turks had marched 
 in the direction of Valtetsi, when I immediately moved on 
 with eight hundred men, and consequently, as the Turks 
 were arriving in Valtetsi, we were arriving there also. 
 
 The battle of Valtetsi began. The five thousand of 
 the enemy attacked us. Opening fire as we came up on 
 the flanks of the Turks, we gave a volley to encourage our 
 men in the middle, and they being much emboldened, 
 repeated it ; the Turks replied with another, and a great 
 conflict ensued. The Turkish advance guard, who were 
 expecting the flight of the Greeks, awaited it for two 
 hours, and hearing the terrible engagement that was 
 going on in the rear, concluding that the Greeks were 
 surrounded and were still fighting, came up also to give 
 
KLEPHT AND WARBIOR. 145 
 
 their aid in laying siege, to them, and with ten flags took 
 possession of a height, and thus prevented our communi- 
 cating with those in the middle. We, with our eight 
 hundred, strengthened the place so that the Turks could 
 not take us in the rear. Kehayas himself persevered, 
 but seeing nothiug coming from it, brought two cannon 
 to Valtetsi. The Greeks enclosed there fought on. 
 Koliopoulos came up and so surrounded Eoubes and 
 his five thousand men that he was not able to hold any 
 communication with the other part of the forces. Eoubes 
 had brought cannon against them, but did them no injury 
 with it. The battle was sustained vigorously throughout 
 the whole of the day, as the Turks hoped that by their 
 persistence the Greeks would ultimately be compelled to 
 evacuate Valtetsi, and we kept up our resistance with 
 the expectation that the Turks must soon retreat. 
 
 When twilight was coming on I took a few men with 
 me, and ascended to a height where the Turkish flags were 
 planted. I went close to them and fired, and they gave 
 me four shots in return. The Greeks behind could not 
 comprehend it. 
 
 " I shall take you alive ; I am Kolokotrones," I said. 
 
 "Who art thou?" 
 
 " Kolokotrones." 
 
 They evacuated the position, and then we went into 
 Valtetsi and distributed ammunition and food to all who 
 were in need of such. At two o'clock at night two hundred 
 of our own men came and fired a volley ; we thought that 
 they were Turks, instead of which they were Greeks. We 
 passed the night, therefore, divided into two parts, each en- 
 deavouring to put the other to flight. When the morning 
 came we were still at war. I levelled my glass to take a 
 survey of what was going on, and saw that the Turks were 
 in one place, and that Eoubes was surrounded. Kehayas 
 
 11 
 
146 , ROLOKOTItONM, 
 
 brought his cannon against the breastworks of Elias the 
 Beyzade, but the cannon passed over Elias' breast- 
 works and traversed those of Eoubes. Had they been 
 pointed lower they would have reached them. 
 
 Koubes being in sore straits determined to make a 
 sally through the breastworks of the Greeks. I was per- 
 suaded that he would try to flee, and so moved nearer. 
 Koubes made a rush; they left their guns behind them 
 in their fear.* 
 
 They fled between the two bodies ; three hundred were 
 killed ; we were in the rear. We fell upon them in close 
 quarters. The Greeks who had been surrounded we massed 
 together, and followed them for a whole day. 
 
 The Greeks fell to spoiling and slaying, and did not 
 pursue them with ardour. Niketaras, who was in Vervena 
 with eight hundred men, came up, but just an hour too 
 late. We pursued them, however, as far as the plains. 
 This battle established the good fortunes of our country ; if 
 we had lost it we should have had some difficulty in making 
 another stand. 
 
 Elias was on the heights, and his men were in the 
 church ; Metropetrovas was on another height, and the 
 Leontari men had the other breastwork. It was Kolio- 
 poulos who surrounded Eoubes. We were all engaged 
 in the pursuit of the enemy. 
 
 This was upon the 13th of May, and the battle had 
 lasted twenty-three hours. 
 
 That day was a Friday, and I gave an address to the 
 following effect : " We must all fast, and render up thanks- 
 givings for this day, which should be kept holy for ever, as 
 the day upon which the people made a stand, whereby our 
 country achieved her freedom." 
 
 * They were richly ornamented, and they thought very truly that the 
 Greeks would stop to pick them up instead of pursuing their foes* 
 
ELEPHT AND WABBIOB. 147 
 
 Kephalas and Papatsones were in the battle of Valtetsi. 
 After this victory the Karytainans returned to their places 
 at Chrysovitsi and Piana, and the rest remained in 
 Valtetsi. 
 
 Bouboulina crossed over ten days afterwards, and 
 Tsokres and Staikos wrote to me to send them assistance, 
 and a leader also ; so I sent Niketas with fifty men from 
 Chrysovitsi, and fifty from each of the camps of Valtetsi 
 and Vervena. He went over to Doliana to take his fifty 
 from Vervena and slept there. The Turks held a council 
 at Tripolitsa. The Mistriotes and Bardouniotes proposed 
 that, as they did nothing at Valtetsi, they should go 
 and destroy the camp at Vervena, and thence march to 
 Mistra. The Turks took to this idea, and getting into 
 motion directed their march towards Doliana, in order to 
 spoil our camp at Vervena. Niketas had hardly gone 
 a quarter of an hour's distance from Doliana when it was 
 told him " The Turks are coming ! " He turned back and 
 gained the village, which the Turks surrounded. Whilst 
 some bodies of men enclosed Niketas there, others marched 
 on to Vervena. The regiment at Vervena was prepared for 
 them, and at their first volley they killed a standard- 
 bearer, when the Turks, being seized with a panic, fled at 
 once. When they got near Doliana on their retreat, the 
 Turks, who were besieging Niketas, were broken, and 
 Niketas coming forth with his men set upon them and 
 drove them into the plain. Two cannon were taken and 
 seventy men slain, and the Turks were so discontented 
 with the result that they made no other expedition of the 
 kind. 
 
 Niketas then marched into Argos and despoiled the 
 mosques' and minarets, and sent us the lead which he took 
 from them, for we were in want of lead and paper, and we 
 had therefore made use of the library of the monastery of 
 
148 KOLOKOTRON&S, 
 
 Demitsaoa, and also those of other monasteries, in order 
 to make cartridges. The brothers Speliotopouloi had made 
 an agreement with themselves to supply us with powder, 
 and on account of their serving us thus with powder we 
 did not make any requisition on the Demitsanians for the 
 army, but left to them this service instead. 
 
 When the Spetsiotes and Hydriotes heard of the pro- 
 gress the war was making, besides giving us ammunition 
 they also sent us leather for shoes. They sent these things 
 to me, so I gave them out wherever I saw that there was a 
 need. 
 
 I rose up one night after the battle of Doliana, and in 
 conjunction with the Karytainans seized on the heights of 
 Trikorpha, where we had shepherds, and we kept all war 
 material and provisions and other things in Zarachova, at 
 which place there was a strong tower. 
 
 I built a breastwork on the summit of Trikorpha. 
 This was the first time that we had been so near to Tripo- 
 litsa, as it was only half an hour distant. I stimulated their 
 ambition to go forward, and I reminded them of the 
 proverb of the serpent. 
 
 The next morning, when the Turks saw that we had 
 made breastworks opposite Tripolitsa, they came out and 
 attacked us with two thousand men, but we both repulsed 
 and pursued them. For the succeeding five or six days we 
 had battles continually. We were eighteen hundred strong. 
 Our position helped us much, and since the defeat of the 
 Turks at Valtetsi and Doliana, the Greeks had become 
 much more courageous, and went out frequently for a little 
 skirmishing. W T hen this warfare had gone on for some 
 time, a reinforcement came to us from Valtetsi. 
 
 I had given out orders in the district that whosoever 
 should leave the camp should be seized and scourged, and 
 that he should be sent back and his house burned* 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 149 
 
 Kanelos Deligianni was to arrange for our supplies, whilst 
 I was to order and supervise all military matters. The 
 Greeks began to feel so great an enthusiasm for the cause 
 that they threshed the corn, and afterwards leavened the 
 flour, and baked the bread which they brought on their 
 asses and males to the camp. We had, however, national 
 ovens at Piana, Alonistaina, Vytina, Magouliana, Demit- 
 sana, and Stemnitsa. They brought us sheep from twenty 
 to thirty, forty, and fifty at a time, and gave them to us 
 with their heartiest good wishes. Kyriakos Tsoles made 
 us a present of a hundred and twenty goats from 
 Zarachova. We also had cuttlefish sent, which they had 
 collected for us. This example was also followed in respect 
 to the other camps, which were treated alike. 
 
 Ten days later I ordered the armies to move from 
 Valtetsi and come on to Trikorpha, which was done. 
 
 Anagnostaras, Elias, the Messenians, the men of Leon- 
 tari, and others, to the number of fifteen hundred, came 
 and built breastworks above the mill of Tripolitsa. We 
 then sent for the Tsakonai and the Agiopetritai who were at 
 Vervena, and they took up their position at Steno. There 
 they made both breastworks and entrenchments, Zapheiro- 
 poulos commanding. The Turks came out and skirmished 
 with them occasionally. 
 
 Meanwhile the siege of Patras had been raised because 
 the Turks had defeated the besiegers on several occasions. 
 During the time that we had been occupied, as detailed 
 above, the Lalians had written to us to send them a rein- 
 forcement. One was sent, and there were many engage- 
 ments at Lala, and in one of them the brother of Kolio- 
 poulos was killed, and Andreas Metaxas was wounded. 
 Upon this the Lalians removed their families to Patras. 
 The interior of the Peloponnesus was evacuated, Patras 
 was then strengthened, and the Kalavrytian army re- 
 
150 KOLOKOTBONJES, 
 
 treated and came over to our assistance at Pano-Chrepa. 
 I went to them and instructed them how to build breast- 
 works at Perthori, in order that we might press Tripolitsa. 
 These sent me a lying letter, saying that a great many 
 Turks had suddenly come to the Black Kocks, wherefore 
 they had removed themselves away six miles further from 
 Tripolitsa. 
 
 A council of a part of the chiefs took place at Kaltezia, 
 in the district of Mistra, and it was thought desirable that 
 we should have Mavromichaeles with us ; therefore Kanelos 
 Deligianni and Poneros brought him from Kalamata into 
 Stemnitsa, and he was made President of the Senate. 
 They then wrote concerning it to Spetsai, Hydra, and the 
 Seven Islands. Meanwhile we were having skirmishes 
 every day. The forces within Tripolitsa amounted to four- 
 teen thousand foot and eight thousand cavalry. Ypsilanti 
 came to Aspros in June, and all the governors of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus gathered together for a conference to wit, 
 Andreas Zaimes, Petro Bey, myself, and the rest. I left 
 my son Panos, Giannaki Kolokotrones, and others at the 
 camp. We received him with a guard of honour, and the 
 Spetsiote chief being there, we all accompanied him to Ver- 
 vena. There Ypsilanti happened to do certain things which 
 displeased the chiefs, and so they quarrelled. Ypsilanti had 
 Vamra and Anagnostopoulos with him, and fifty Greek 
 students in Europe. He wished to become the head of 
 the national commissariat, and the chiefs not de- 
 siring it, Ypsilanti was offended and withdrew to Kalamata. 
 
 There were five thousand soldiers gathered together at 
 Vervena, and these all seized their arms in order to kill the 
 whole of the chiefs. They came and laid siege to us in 
 Petro Bey's tent, where we were all assembled. I heard 
 the uproar, and was going out when Kanelos Deligianni 
 prevented me, saying, "Do not go out, lest it might give 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 151 
 
 rise to something; for a gun might go off, and then 
 we should all be killed." I had not got soldiers of that 
 sort, so I went out and called to them : " Greeks, what do 
 you want ? Come hither ! " They ran to me directly and 
 bore me into the open air. They said, "We want to kill 
 the chiefs because they have driven away Ypsilanti." 
 " Come," I answered, " let me first talk to you about that, 
 because I must be your fellow-helper in the matter if you 
 kill them." I then marched them all awav with their 
 guns at full cock to a fountain, and then I stationed myself 
 upon a piece of rock so that all might hear me. " Why 
 do you wish ruin to come only through ourselves ? We 
 have taken up arms against the Turks, and therefore it is 
 regarded by the whole of Europe that we Greeks have risen 
 up against tyrants, and all Europe is looking on to see 
 what will be the upshot. At present the Turks are skilful 
 in fortresses and the open field, and we in warfare on the 
 hills. If we kill our primates, what will the kings say ? 
 Why, that these people have not risen for freedom's sake, 
 but to slay their own colleagues, and that they are bad 
 men, and carbonari; and then the kings will give help to 
 the Turks, and we shall have a heavier yoke than that 
 which we have borne hitherto. We will write a letter, and 
 Ypsilanti shall come back again." 
 
 Thus I pacified them. 
 
 The chiefs and Mavromichaeles sent Anagnostaras to 
 Ypsilanti, and he was brought back, and everything went 
 into its proper channel. At this time Monovasia sur- 
 rendered. The Maniotes and Tsakonoi had been besieging 
 it by land, and the Spetsiotes with their boats by sea. A 
 few days afterwards Neokastro was also given up. This 
 place had been laid siege to by the Arcadians, Messenians, 
 and also by the Maniotes and the Spetsiotes. 
 
 As we were now returning to Trikorpha we asked Petrg 
 
152 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 Bey to send to Mani and to procure us more help ; but he 
 replied that the Maniotes would not leave unless they 
 were paid. Then came five hundred Maniotes, for all the 
 districts agreed to pay them whilst they were besieging 
 Tripolitsa, and Karytaina especially undertook to pay for 
 three hundred under Mourtzinos. We brought a cannon 
 from Mistra, and began to cannonade Tripolitsa from a 
 distance. 
 
 At that time our rulers were sitting at Sarakova. I do 
 not remember what'Ypsilanti had asked from them, but 
 the rulers did not agree to it. As soon as the army heard 
 of it it wanted to go to Sarakova again to kill them. A 
 petition was presented to me to this effect : " The chiefs 
 do not want to sign what Ypsilanti has presented to them 
 for their signature ; " and they came to ask my opinion 
 as to " whether they should not go and kill them ! " I only 
 replied, " Keep yourselves quiet ; I will finish this busi- 
 ness." So I went off at noon to Sarakova by myself ; and 
 finding the chiefs all together, I said, " What are you 
 after now ? Whatever you do you must sign what Ypsi- 
 lanti requires, and make an end of this breach." And so 
 it was at last settled. 
 
 On the festival of St. Elias, on the 20th of July, the 
 Turks came upon us and upon the Agiopetritai and 
 Tsakonoi. That was a most unfortunate day for us, for 
 fifteen Agiopetritai and ten Mistriotes were killed. We 
 had fighting from noon till evening, and in the evening we 
 got right into their midst. We approached so near that 
 we brought the Kosmitai to make a mine in the great fir 
 grove of Tripolitsa. Provisions were beginning to fail 
 there, so they drove out all the Greek families in order 
 that they should not consume their rations, and thus we 
 had news every day of what the Turks inside were doing 
 or not doing. They brought all these people into my 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 158 
 
 camp, and I interrogated them. Water was failing, for 
 we had cast foxglove into the running streams. 
 
 The Greeks went up to the walls of Tripolitsa. One 
 day I learnt from a Greek that Kiamil Bey was making 
 ready to go into Corinth with from three to five hundred 
 men, and that he intended to pass through Mytika. As 
 soon as I heard of it (only it happened to be false) I took 
 ten of the cavalry with me and went to Mytika in order 
 to reconnoitre this body ; but instead of . two hundred 
 Tripolitsans I did not find thirty. I. spoke to them at 
 sunrise, and they went away. I upbraided them because 
 they were so few, when they told me that the others had 
 not come, and that they had kept guard there for twenty 
 days. Dagres, with two hundred men, was at Tsipiana 
 and on the rocks. Some shots were fired at them, when 
 they came down, and I took them with me to the village 
 of Louka. As I had acquired these two hundred men of 
 Dagres, I threw them into Mytika, opposite Kapnistra, and 
 they made breastworks there. I examined the ground, 
 and found that it would be easy to dig from Mytika right 
 up to those parts of Kapnistra where I had left the 
 soldiers belonging to Dagres. It was about a mile long, 
 and for half a mile of the distance there were trenches 
 for vines. I then sent an order, " Make a trench here." 
 I also despatched other orders to the villages round about 
 Tripolitsa to summon from seventy to two hundred men 
 to dig a trench, and to throw the earth which they dug 
 out towards Tripolitsa, as I did not expect that they 
 would cross at any other part of the trench ; and in three 
 days they had completed it right up to the breastworks, 
 where it terminated. It was seven hundred paces from 
 the base of the hill where the breastworks were situated. 
 
 Kehayas, three or four days after this, went to Doliana 
 with six thousand soldiers, and as he was returning he 
 
154 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 pressed Dagres very hard, and almost destroyed his 
 regiment, twenty -seven of his men being killed and 
 twenty wounded. The Turks, however, did not notice the 
 newly-made trench because it was night, but, seeing only 
 the end of it, they said, " The Giaours are making 
 frontiers ; they are parcelling out the land." Dagres 
 was shut up in a cave with four of his people ; but when 
 I heard the firing I knew at once that he had been 
 attacked, and moved on to help him. I ordered all the 
 regiments of Karytaina to march near me, and sent them 
 to Chomatovouni, opposite Mytika, with my adjutant Pho- 
 takos, and also despatched a band of about three hundred 
 of the swiftest to hold the trench and give assistance to 
 Dagres. These were followed by two hundred others, who 
 came up shortly, and a thousand Karytainans also arrived. 
 The Turks who had been left in Tripolitsa sallied out to 
 skirmish for the purpose of preventing the Greeks from 
 going to aid Dagres. The soldiers, however, whom I had 
 despatched on that service attacked the enemy from above, 
 scattered them, and eventually saved him. The greater 
 part of the Turkish army went to the village Louka, and 
 procured six hundred mule loads of provisions. Kehayas 
 sent three hundred cavalry to cross the trench ; our men 
 pressed down upon them, and then opened out so that the 
 three hundred Turks crossed over, &\e being killed and 
 ten wounded ; fifteen horse were likewise wounded. I 
 went forward to strengthen the Greeks, when Kehayas 
 again brought out another thousand. The Greeks then 
 formed themselves into two divisions, opposing front to 
 front, and attacking in both parts. About five hundred 
 of the enemy were killed, and many wounded, both horse 
 and men. At last followed the main body of the Turks 
 with their laden mules and horses to the number of six 
 hundred, with foot-soldiers and cavalry accompanying. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 155 
 
 The Greeks who had been sent to the assistance of 
 Dagres approached them fighting from behind. Both the 
 cavalry which had crossed the trench, and that which had 
 not, made a rush. Eighty of the cavalry were slain, and 
 all the animals laden with supplies remained in the hands 
 of the Greeks. The Greeks gave themselves up to pillage, 
 and so the Turks were saved because they were not 
 followed up. I threatened the men with my sword, I tried 
 flattery and cajolery to move them, but they did not heed 
 me ; and so the Turks were saved. In this battle the 
 Turks numbered six thousand and the Greeks one thou- 
 sand all Karytaina men. The brother of Kehayas Bey 
 was wounded, and a hundred and twenty of the enemy 
 were killed, besides the many that were wounded. Of the 
 Greeks there were two or three who were wounded, but 
 only two were slain ! 
 
 The Turks did not again venture forth from Tripolitsa. 
 This was the last time. They now fought only from the 
 walls, and they despaired of being able to procure any 
 more provisions. This battle took place on the 15th of 
 August a month before Tripolitsa was taken. 
 
 I went forth one night and seized Mantzagra. We 
 made trenches, and Demetraki Deligianni came with his 
 forces and occupied the village, which is ten minutes off 
 Tripolitsa. The Turkish horses now began to succumb 
 because they had nothing to eat. I therefore sent out 
 Gennaios, and he, gathering together Tsakonitai and Agio- 
 petritai, joined with Panagiotes and Tsakona, and took 
 possession of Voulimi (there was no cannon there), and at 
 the same time Kephala with the Messenians were ordered 
 to go and encamp at Agio Sosti, so that we left them no 
 possibility of obtaining any more. 
 
 The Albanians now began to open communications with 
 us. There were three thousand of them, and theirs was 
 
156 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 the whole strength of the Turkish fort. They proposed to 
 me that I should allow them to pass out, and I promised 
 that all the Turkish inhabitants might also leave, only 
 without their arms, but to the Albanians I granted their 
 arms. I first spoke about this to the primates and the 
 chiefs and to Mavromichaeles, and then I gave my word of 
 honour to the Albanians that they might go forth un- 
 hurt. 
 
 In the month of June, whilst we were besieging Tripo- 
 litsa, I summoned Panos of blessed memory from Dervenia. 
 Panos, Ypsilanti, Gennaios, and others were at Vasilika, a 
 district of Corinth, because I had told them that the Turks 
 had gone there. 
 
 The army, consisting of seven hundred men with Ypsi- 
 lanti from Agia Irene, met the fleet which burnt Galaxeidi. 
 The Albanians during this time were making their 
 arrangements. There was a secretary with the Albanians who 
 was on the staff of Veli Bey, and also on that of Almas Bey, 
 and he came to act as a mediator between the Albanians 
 and ourselves. When the other Turks heard about the 
 treaty that was thus being negotiated, they wished to 
 take part in it themselves. Petro Bey and Deligianni and 
 others acted for our side, and told them that they might 
 go out, but that they must leave their arms behind, when 
 we would embark them for whatsoever place they desired 
 to go to. Their answer was, " No ; ivith our arms ! " We 
 sent Koliopoulos to the Albanians as a hostage, so that 
 they might trust in us. The Greeks, who knew that 
 Tripolitsa must fall, had assembled there from all parts 
 to the number of twenty thousand. 
 
 Whilst the Albanians were going out, some Greeks 
 jumped right into the place amid the redoubts of the 
 palace. The Albanians were to go out, taking Koliopoulos 
 with them- As the body of them was issuing forth, I sent a. 
 
klepst and wabuiou. is? 
 
 public crier to announce that we were not to slay the 
 Albanians. 
 
 Inside the town they had begun to massacre. My 
 horse from the walls to the palace never touched the 
 earth. The Albanians who were then shut up in the fort 
 did not trust my words. 
 
 I rushed to the place. The affair of the Albanians had 
 been settled in my tent three days previously. Upon 
 reaching the fort I found that the Greeks were endeavour- 
 ing to attack those Albanians. "If you wish to hurt 
 these Albanians," I cried, "kill me rather; for whilst I 
 am a living man, whoever first makes the attempt, him 
 will I kill the first." I then went in front of them with 
 my body-guard, and had a conversation with the two 
 leaders, Veli Bey and Limas Bey, and demanded two 
 hostages on their side, when I gave up their property to 
 them, which amounted to as much as thirteen animals 
 could be laden with. 
 
 The chief men among all the Greeks had joined in this 
 treaty. I was faithful to my word of honour. I took 
 Koliopoulos from the Albanians, and gave them Giannaki 
 Kolokotrones, Chrystakes, and Basil Alonisthiotes as 
 hostages in his stead. 
 
 I ordered Koliopoulos, with three hundred men, to escort 
 them, and he accompanied them to Kalavry ta and Vostitsa, 
 and then returned. 
 
 Tripolitsa was three miles in circumference. The host 
 which entered it, cut down and were slaying men, women, and 
 children from Friday until Sunday. Thirty-two thousand 
 were reported to have been slain. One Hydriote boasted 
 that he had killed ninety. About a hundred Greeks were 
 killed ; but the end came : a proclamation was issued that 
 the slaughter must cease. 
 
 The family of Sechnetzi Bey remained under my care ; 
 
158 KOLOKOTBONES. 
 
 they were twenty-four people in all. Giatrakos took 
 Kiamil Bey, and Kehayas was also a prisoner, and with 
 his harem was taken charge of by Petro Bey. 
 
 After the victory of Valtetsi I had written to Kehayas, 
 and I told him therein : " I knew you to be a man of skill, 
 and that you came to fight as with a Klephfcic horde. I 
 hear that you have papers of submission for the Bomaics ; it 
 is not now the time for Turks to offer papers of submission, 
 and I hope to be able to give you, if you are saved, a 
 permit to go to your own country. Hold out if you can, 
 and au revoir in your own palace." And God brought this 
 about, and we met again in his palace. 
 
 " I have been a slave among the Russians," said 
 Kehayas; " it is better forme to fall into, the hands of 
 the Greeks ; if not, the Sultan will send orders, and I 
 shall be lost." 
 
 "Do not fear; we never kill those who surrender." 
 We then delivered him to the keeping of the Mavro- 
 michaeli. 
 
 "When I entered Tripolitsa they showed me a plane tree 
 in the market-place where the Greeks had always been 
 hung. I sighed. "Alas!" I said, "how many of my 
 own stock of my own race have been hung there ! " 
 And I ordered it to be cut down. I felt some consolation 
 then from the slaughter of the Turks. 
 
 When we started to go to Valtetsi I remember that 
 three hares crossed our path, and the Greeks caught them 
 all. " Now, lads," I cried, " victory is certain." The 
 Greeks have a presage either of conquest or defeat when 
 they meet hares as they set out from a camp. They did 
 not kill them, and if they had not been able to catch them 
 the hearts of the Greeks would have been so depressed 
 that they would have lost the battle. 
 
 Once, whilst we were at Trikorpha, Anagnostes Zapheiro- 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBtOB. 159 
 
 poulos, who was then my secretary, saw that I was working 
 hard for twenty-four hours straight off. At the end of 
 the twentieth hour I went to my tent and ate a small 
 piece of bread, when he said : " Beseech thee, Koloko- 
 trones, to study thyself study thyself; thy country will 
 reward thee." 
 
 "My country will banish me rather," I replied; and fate 
 brought this about, and verified it. 
 
 We had formed a plan of proposing to the Turks that 
 they should deliver Tripolitsa into our hands, and that 
 we should in that case send persons into it to gather the 
 spoils together which were then to be apportioned and 
 divided among the different districts for the benefit of the 
 nation, but who would listen ? 
 
 Karytaina, from the commencement of the siege until 
 the fall of Tripolitsa, had given from the flocks of those 
 who were well-to-do in the district forty- eight thousand 
 animals. 
 
CHAPTEK V. 
 
 AFTER ten days had elapsed all the Greeks carried 
 off their spoils, and went to their different districts 
 with their captives, both male and female. In those ten 
 days which had been granted to the Greeks to secure 
 their spoil we had a council which Ypsilanti, Petro Bey, 
 and others attended. I spoke to this effect : " It is time 
 that we made another campaign, and as for myself I will 
 go to Patras," and they thought well of the proposal. I 
 then set forward with only my body-guard of forty men. 
 I issued a command to the district of Karytaina to gather 
 the forces together for Patras, and when I arrived at 
 Magouliana, six miles from Tripolitsa, I had collected 
 seventeen hundred soldiers, and by the time I got down 
 to Gastouni ten thousand were assembled. Hearing that 
 I was mustering the armies for Patras, the chiefs who 
 were besieging Patras, namely Zaimes, Soter Charalampes, 
 and Patron wrote a letter to Ypsilanti, in which they said, 
 " We hear that Kolokotrones is coming to Patras ; Koloko- 
 trones can stay away, and assistance can be sent to us, 
 as, for instance, three hundred national guard, either with 
 Deligianni or Mavromichaeles, and in six days hence we 
 shall have taken Patras" which was, in short : " It does 
 not suit us that Kolokotrones shall come and carry off 
 the spoil here as he did at Tripolitsa." Their intention 
 
KOLOKOTRONfiS, KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 161 
 
 was that I should not go and strengthen them at Patras, 
 although, if they had allowed me to go at once, the 
 Turks would have given up the keys to me immediately 
 out of very fear. Let them be Anathema. 
 
 They wrote to me from Tripolitsa that I had better turn 
 back, because the Patras business was over. "Return, 
 and we will go to Nauplia." I turned back with the 
 forces which I had massed. As I was approaching 
 Tripolitsa I wrote to know what we could do at Nauplia, 
 and their reply was : " We are quite efficient of ourselves 
 to take Nauplia, because they are hungry there." Tsokres, 
 Staikos, and others were the leaders of the besieging 
 forces. At the very same hour in which they wrote that 
 letter an Austrian boat laden with ten thousand measures 
 of corn arrived at Nauplia; and therefore, as that had 
 happened, the army wrote : " Come, for a boat has arrived 
 with provisions, and we cannot do anything by ourselves." 
 We started for Argos at once, Ypsilanti, Petro Bey, and 
 the then Senate. The Tripolitsans petitioned me that 
 Panos should be left behind to keep the fort for the 
 preservation of order in the city. I therefore allowed 
 him to remain with them. We then embarked for Argos 
 in order to take the field, carrying with us Kiamil Bey 
 and his son. When we disembarked at Argos we found 
 the siege in a fair state of progression. 
 
 Bouboulina * with her brother guarded the blockade. 
 When we had called together all the chief people from 
 Hydra, Spetsai, and the Peloponnesus, we formed a 
 government. At the same time we also determined upon 
 making an assault on Nauplia. I rode over to Mylos to 
 look at the ships there, and whilst on the road my horse 
 threw me, and I became unwell in consequence. I gave 
 my advice in regard to the projected assault. The army 
 * The warlike widow of a Spetsiote shipbuilder and captain. 
 
 12 
 
162 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 on land was to attack Palamedi and the port, and the 
 ships were to cannonade the castle, and the Five Brothers 
 and five hundred were to fall upon Kranidiotika from 
 the shore. My advice was not followed. " If thou art 
 not equal to it," they told me, " stand aside awhile." 
 " Stand aside, while my brothers are being killed ! " was 
 my rejoinder. 
 
 The forces assembled at Areia. Josaphat sent word 
 to the soldiers, "Whoever is killed or wounded, the 
 country will recognize his value." 
 
 We were four thousand in all. I took a thousand of 
 them, and with Niketas, Giatrakos, and others, went down 
 to attack the port from the shore. The Philhellene 
 Tarelle had a hundred men with him. 
 
 I told them that if they had an opportunity the boats 
 should make the first attack, but if there was not an 
 opportunity we would not attempt it. They answered : 
 " The boats are there, and we will attack the first." I 
 resolved to attack Palamedi myself at night until daybreak, 
 when they could bring down a force from the country, 
 and then strike at the port on the land side. I decided to 
 take the thousand men ; four hundred followed me, but 
 the others thought it better to go down country. I 
 began the attack at daybreak with those I had, and 
 opened fire. We seized the landing-stages at Pronoia, and 
 attacked Leuko in the same way. The boats to the 
 shore had no wind, as it blew from the shore, and was 
 therefore contrary, so we made no way. The Turks 
 were strengthened between their platoons, and the Greeks 
 kept sinking in the earth of the Turkish cemetery. The 
 battle lasted two hours. Seeing that the boats could do 
 no service, I sent my adjutant, Photakos, to bid them 
 retire at once, and therefore the whole of them retired in 
 a body. A few were killed, and we had a little fighting 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 163 
 
 with the Turks, but we returned to Argos with nothing 
 achieved. The Greeks were not equal to the taking castles 
 such as those by assault; it was folly to attempt it. 
 We sent word to the different districts that we ought to 
 have an assembly. Mavrokordatos and Zaimes came to 
 arrange the meeting in order that we might form a 
 government. 
 
 Mavrokordatos, with his son Karatza, was at Patras, 
 where he had been some little while, and we met him at 
 Argos for the first time. Upon our return to Argos all 
 the chiefs and rulers from the various districts and from 
 the islands of Greece met there together. 
 
 Ypsilanti was a. man of fixed opinions, honourable and 
 brave, of small intellect and vain; also he was easily 
 deceived. He was small in stature and slim. His name 
 was very useful to us in the beginning, but he had an idea 
 that he should be made head of us all, and his brain did 
 not furnish the necessary qualifications for the position 
 in which he was placed. Had his brother Alexander come 
 to us he would have been of real service, because he would 
 have been able to strengthen us. For myself I did not 
 bow down my shoulders to one of them. I was not going 
 to make myself a crupper for the leaders to ride upon. 
 They were there, and there was myself, but there was no 
 third person. There were no dissensions at the meeting. 
 Anagnostaras was a man of great sense, but envious, 
 heavy to move, and fat. Krebata was also a clever man, 
 and very useful to his country. 
 
 We were quite agreed about making a government, but 
 we quarrelled about the place where it should be held. 
 The soldiers who were gathered there made a petition to 
 me asking for my consent to their killing all the chiefs 
 and primates. Some of them thought that there was no 
 necessity to have an assembly at all for every one to jeer 
 
164 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 at. At noon I went and argued with them. " What are 
 you doing now?" I asked. " Take your oaths, because this 
 which they have in hand must be done for you, and then 
 you can go to a place where you can begin the assembly." 
 I led them straightway to the church of St. John ; they 
 took the oaths, and thus this boiling over was stopped. 
 The people always have a fancy for killing their governors 
 whenever the smallest cause for discontent arises. 
 
 The politicians went to Epidauros and began to frame 
 their laws, and we with our soldiers departed for Corinth. 
 Giatrakos had his Leontarians and men of Tripolitsa with 
 him, and he also took there Kiamil Bey and twenty braves 
 from Leontari. Ypsilanti and Anagnostaras were also there. 
 Giatrakos with his Turkish prisoners went to Examilia, 
 and the rest of the forces set themselves to besiege the 
 castle. One day I took a journey down to Examilia, in 
 order to ask Kiamil Bey to write a letter to his lieutenant 
 and to his wife also to bid them deliver up the castle. 
 Either he did not write to that effect, or they would not 
 listen to this request, because the castle was not sur- 
 rendered. The army which was in Corinth killed twenty 
 Turks. There were several Lalians and Albanians among 
 them, and I sent down Karachalios, and asked them once 
 or twice to surrender, and they always said, to-day or to- 
 morroiv, and in that manner twenty days were passed. 
 The fact was that they were expecting a reinforcement 
 from Omer Vrioni, who was in Eastern Greece. They 
 went to the Corinthians and persuaded them thus: "Do 
 not surrender to Kolokotrones, because a reinforcement 
 will come to you." Their intentions also being, that when 
 we were gone away and they were left there alone, they 
 would partake of the spoils : there was envy in it all. 
 
 After twenty days I sent Karachalios again to the Lalians, 
 and two of them came to my tent. I told them to go out 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 165 
 
 of the castle and to let the other Turks remain in it. 
 This was in order to make a beginning ; so sixteen of them 
 took their arms and came out, and I put them into my 
 own camp. We went on treating with them ; and after 
 five or six days had passed over, a Lalian came to me and 
 cried aloud against the deputy of Kiamil Bey, against the 
 Kadi, and against two other Turkish officers whose names 
 I do not remember. We again spoke with them about 
 the terms, offering to allow them to take two changes of 
 raiment with them, when we would see that they were put 
 aboard different ships, some going to Koumeli, and others 
 to be sent either to Galaxeidi or to Salonia. Their answer 
 was, "We must first have a conference with the others, 
 after which we will send you our reply." 
 
 The next day they spoke with me again in reference to 
 my making a covenant with them. We were preparing to 
 do so, when the whole army, from its utter want of 
 discipline, began to move nearer to us. Seeing its un- 
 disciplined state I misdoubted this, and galloped off with 
 only Captain Anagnostes Petimeza, and went to a castle 
 in some Turkish cemetery, when I announced, " The chiefs 
 must sent a body of thirty national guards to attend me ; " 
 and so they did. 
 
 We two being there, I sent word to the fort that they 
 must come down to me, and then I would speak to them 
 again upon the matter, because the previous bond which 
 I had made in the past days had been made of no effect 
 through the conduct of the Turks. Four came out upon 
 this suggestion, and we sat and conferred together. As I 
 had got these well in hand, I sent to the Kadi by my thirty 
 men to announce to him that all the Turks must deliver 
 up their arms, and place them all together in one house. 
 The Kadi gave his word that he had had them sworn upon 
 their faith not to conceal any of their arms, but to give 
 
166 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 them all up ; so they were all disarmed. As regards the 
 assembly, as soon as it was known that the Turks were 
 going to surrender, we demanded that five or six members 
 of the Government should be sent to receive the spoils, and 
 to divide it among the nation. Soter Notaras and others 
 were therefore sent. The Archimandrite of Arcadia also 
 arrived from the Senate in order to get our signatures for 
 the laws which it had been framing. I would not sign them 
 because there was a clause which said, " The executive 
 will conclude a proposition, and at the end of six days it 
 will render an account of it to the assembly." All except 
 myself appended their signatures. A supplement was put 
 to that clause when it was brought back to me, and then 
 I signed it. 
 
 I sent the thirty men into the fort to disarm the Turks, 
 which, being done, I gave information of it to the deputies 
 from the assembly, and taking three hundred men from 
 different regiments, I went to the gate and crossed it with 
 a Greek flag, and then planted the flag on the top of the 
 fort. The army and myself then went into the interior ; 
 we numbered six thousand men. Ypsilanti, Giannaki 
 Kolokotrones, Apostolus Kolokotrones, my son Gennaios, 
 Anton Kolokotrones, Anagnostaras, and others were at 
 the fall of Corinth. 
 
 News was then brought that the squadron of Kapitan 
 Bey with nine thousand men had arrived at Patras. 
 Upon hearing this I gave the necessary orders and 
 marched directly for Patras. I passed from Argos to 
 Tripolitsa, and when at Tripolitsa I ordered that regi- 
 ments from Karytaina, Phanari, and Arcadia should get 
 into marching order for Patras. 
 
 When I arrived in Tripolitsa the news' had come that 
 Ali Pasha was destroyed, and many members of the 
 Senate said, " Now that Ali Pasha is dead, the eighty 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 16? 
 
 thousand men who were besieging him will fall upon 
 us." 
 
 " That rests with God," said I. 
 
 Then one Nicholas Tzanetos from Phanari remarked 
 
 " We have done well, and have made a senate and a 
 parliament, and now, as the old writings say, let ruin come 
 upon us." 
 
 " Well said, Sir ! " was my reply. 
 
 I ordered Gennaios to bring his Tripolitsans and 
 Phanarites near. At Vytina I received the orders of 
 the first systematized government of Greece ; and I also 
 received from it a diploma as general. On the 1st of 
 March I arrived in Patras. I had gone through Karytaina, 
 Pyrgos, Gastouni, and had collected six thousand men. 
 
 I- have now related the events up to March 2, 1822. 
 Niketaras and Acholos had gone against Omer Vrioni. 
 When I first arrived in Patras,* on the 28th of Feb- 
 ruary, I was ignorant of the country ; the Turks 
 had been making raids into and pillaging Achaia, 
 having a force of about five thousand men, and 
 the advance guard of Gennaios came up with them. 
 Koliopoulos went to his assistance, and routed them, 
 driving them outside Patras, when I came up upon their 
 rear, when we all massed together at Saravali, and I 
 immediately sent a hundred to take possession of the 
 monastery of Gerokomeios, and also to carry there a 
 cannon from Patras. When the Turks saw that we had 
 seized upon the monastery they prepared directly for a 
 battle, thinking that it was the same with us now as 
 formerly. We moved up our armies quickly, and a terrible 
 battle ensued. We took about eighty heads. 
 
 The Greeks had arrived and gone into the interior. 
 
 * Kolokotrones had with him a force of about 4,000 men ; Zaimes, 
 and other chiefs, about 1,500 
 
168 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 They signified their intention of remaining there ; but I 
 told them to go to their several posts. The Kalavrytian 
 body of a hundred men stayed at Gerokomeios, and four 
 hundred of the Tripolitsans remained by the vats of 
 Saitaga ; whilst Kanelos Deligianni was to occupy 
 Pournaro-Kastro with six hundred. I placed Gennaios 
 with three hundred Phanarites at Paleopyrgo. I had the 
 Gastounaioi at Obria, and the most effective part of 
 the army I held back in Saravali as a reinforcement. 
 Saravali was half an hour distant from our breastworks, 
 and three-quarters from Patras. I saw the regiments of 
 the Turks, who, when they heard that Kolokotrones had 
 come, they sent immediately to Jousouf Pasha, who was 
 then at the castle, saying that Kolokotrones had brought 
 over a force of many thousands. Before we came to a 
 battle, Miaoules had made frightful havoc among the 
 shipping, which had fled in consequence and gone to 
 Constantinople. We, with our own men, stayed where we 
 were and prepared for battle. As the Turkish vessels 
 were gone, Jousouf Pasha sent to Epakto and to the castle 
 of Patras and levied all the Turks, and with as many as 
 he could muster marched into Patras. The assembled 
 Turks numbered twelve thousand ; nine thousand of these 
 were Eastern Turks, and three thousand of the others. 
 On the 9th of March the whole of them were set in motion, 
 and when I took a survey of them from Saravali, and saw 
 how great a host it was, I summoned all our troops, with 
 the Kalavrytians, who were at Gerokomeios, and the 
 Tripolitsans, who were stationed in Saitaga. 
 
 The battle was commenced beyond the hills. When 
 the engagement opened, I sent Gennaios forward with his 
 Phanarites, and the Gastounians from my own regiment. 
 As soon, however, as the reinforcement arrived it was 
 broken, and Gennaios with his six hundred was sur- 
 
RLEPHT AtfD WAUBlOB. 169 
 
 rounded in the vat grounds of Saitaga ; the Turks were 
 very numerous, and they enclosed him there, and en- 
 deavoured to force him thence. Koliopoulos in the 
 meanwhile, with the rest of the army, took possession of 
 the vineyards where the vats were situated, and with the 
 help of the Gastounians held them. The army of Patras, 
 under Kanelos, was engaged also at Pournaro-Kastro, and 
 Zaimes made a stand there, but was routed and pursued 
 for half an hour, when he reached the river by the mills 
 with the remnant of his army. 
 
 I was alone, for I had sent out my whole force, so there 
 I was with the master of Arta from "Western Greece, 
 Andreas, Kalamodartes, and the secretary, Michaelages. 
 
 Seeing clearly that the Turkish forces were preparing 
 to force the vats and the monastery, I said, " I will leave 
 the mules with the shepherd here ; if we break the Turks, 
 come on, and if not, flee with the mules, and I go trusting 
 in the help of God and in yours." 
 
 I went forward alone, not even having my adopted son 
 with me. A quarter of a mile off I met old Anagnostes 
 Lechorites, whom Zaimes had sent to me. " Kun, brother, 
 run ! " he cried ; " we have lost the battle." I accompanied 
 old Anagnostes along the road leading to Paleopyrgos. 
 When we arrived at the high ground just above Paleo- 
 pyrgos, I saw a little flag, and there was Evangeles, 
 Koumanites, with fifteen others, stationed all together and 
 forming a line. I called to them 
 
 " What men are you ? " 
 
 " Greeks," they replied. 
 
 " Do you not know me, then ? " I asked. " I am Koloko- 
 trones ; come hither." 
 
 At that time I was wearing a red jacket and a red fus- 
 tanella. They descended, and I sent them forward, and then 
 went myself straightway towards the Turkish centre, and 
 
170 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 some straggling Greeks, who heard whither I was going, 
 joined me, and I thus got together about fifty men, and these 
 I placed at a post in front of the Turkish centre. I said 
 to them, "Fix your flag here." " We are lost men," they 
 replied. " I will send you a reinforcement." I then 
 galloped off to the vineyard of Kol, and told those who 
 were there to take their flag and go and place it by the 
 side of the other. 
 
 Gennaios and the Kalavrytians were all this time sur- 
 rounded. I looked forward to the line of flags, and saw 
 a lime furnace, so I ordered Paraskeva, the brother of 
 Koliopoulos, with twenty men to go and seize it, as there 
 were only about fifty Turkish cavalry who could oppose 
 them : they also said, " We shall be lost." 
 
 " Go ; I will see to you." 
 
 As soon as the centre was well strengthened, Karachalios 
 and my adjutant, Photakos, took up their station where 
 I could observe the battle. I saw that we should not be 
 able to break the Turks from the centre, and that if we 
 defeated them we must defeat them in the wings. Taking 
 Karachalios and Photakos with me, I went to another 
 part which the Turks were holding, near the water 
 source (but there were only two there). I raised my 
 voice : " Where are you, you silly Greeks ? Come down ! 
 come down ! " Hearing my voice, those that had fled came 
 down, and when they had all descended, I put up my glass 
 and called out (it was merely a trick, for I saw nothing), 
 " The Turks are broken." The Greeks rallied at once, 
 and the first ranks were broken where were the Turks, 
 who had surrounded Gennaios in the vat grounds. 
 
 I was on horseback, and fortune was good but not my 
 horse, in order to take them alive. The wing of the Turks 
 that was near to the water springs was scattered ; we fol- 
 lowed them up. Sikeres was commander over the Tripo- 
 
KLEPBT AND WABBIOB. 171 
 
 litsans. My own centre now attacked the Turkish centre, 
 and an officer was killed ; the Koumaniotai also attacked, 
 and we got two hundred and fifty heads. What became of 
 the wounded I know not, and we then returned to where 
 they had been drawn up. From that day they did not 
 advance forward to engage us, for they said that our flight 
 was only a stratagem. 
 
 We then approached nearer. All through the day there 
 was skirmishing with bodies of Turks; Karachalios was 
 wounded in the head, and therefore he gave up his flag. 
 " You go ahead ! " he cried ; "lam stunned." 
 
 The food for the whole army came from Gastouni, and 
 the supply of provisions was most regular. We had 
 altogether four thousand beasts, eighty head of cows, 
 besides bread, all coming from Gastouni. Gastouni was 
 an inexhaustible hive. Sissines sent them all to us. As 
 many as we ate during the week the number was made up 
 again, so that we always had four thousand. 
 
 I now wrote for the Arcadians to come. The Arcadians 
 had chosen Metros Anastasopoulos to be their leader ; 
 their force numbered twelve hundred. Poneros also 
 arrived. He had wished to have led the army of the 
 Arcadians himself, and to have exchanged into that service, 
 and had asked me to put him at their head when the 
 Arcadians came first to Saravali, where my camp was. 
 I told him at once, "I cannot do such a thing without 
 asking the rulers." I did ask, and he was not accepted 
 by them. " Now what can I do for you more ? " I 
 said. The Arcadians came alone and carried on a good 
 war, fighting bravely, and they killed somewhere about 
 ten Turks. In fifteen days, however, all the cohorts, whole 
 cohorts of twelve hundred men, went away secretly; the 
 captains alone remained. I seized some of them and put 
 them to shame. 
 
172 ROLOROTHONfiS, 
 
 As the Arcadians had gone off, and the captains only 
 were left behind, I dismissed them also. An order now 
 came to me from the minister of war, telling me to move my 
 armies into Western Greece. I immediately replied that I 
 could not go away and leave twelve thousand Turks in Patras. 
 " I must first," I said, " put out the fire in my own house 
 before I go to quench that of my neighbour." He wrote 
 to me again, saying, " The letter which thou hast forwarded 
 I have not shown to the Government, as thou wouldst 
 have been seriously damaged by it; take, however, this 
 second order and fulfil it and begin the campaign." I 
 then left Koliopoulos at the head of the armies and went 
 straightway to Corinth, to stay there for three days. 
 Having gone five hours on my journey, I sent information 
 to the Government that I should not go to Western Greece; 
 but I received no reply. I then went on my road. I had 
 continued my journey for about a quarter of an hour longer, 
 when I received an order to leave behind the eighty men 
 whom I had taken with me and to enter Corinth with five 
 only. I did so. I had a tent given to me for my use 
 with no floor, and at night they left me so uncared for 
 that I went to the village to sleep. 
 
 When it was known that I had gone away thus, the 
 executive began to quarrel among themselves, saying, 
 "It's your fault." And the others, "No; it is you 
 who are to blame, and you ought not to have acted 
 thus." However, they sent a commission of inquiry 
 from Koletes, Korinthos, Soter Notaras, and from some 
 of the HydrioteSo Keplying to them, I said, " If you do 
 not receive a general when he is coming to confer with 
 you in a proper manner well, I go away; and I shall 
 betake myself to Tripolitsa, and what I have to say I 
 shall say it there to the Senate." " No, no ; go back," 
 was their answer ; "do what thou proposest, because it 
 
MARKOS BOTZARES, A SOULIOTE CHIEF. 
 Surr.amed "The Leonidas of the Revolution," killed during the Siege of Missolonghi 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 173 
 
 was wrong that there should be any want of proper tents." 
 I said openly to Koletes in answer, " You ought to be 
 minister of war at Juannina, and not here." 
 
 The ruler of Corinth and the others who were there, 
 sent for me and I went to them and laid some 
 propositions before them, which the Government accepted. 
 I represented to them that if I left and went to Boumeli, 
 the Turks of Patras would swarm all over the Peloponnesus 
 directly, and their numbers being twelve thousand it would 
 be utterly wasted by them. The Government saw by these 
 representations of mine that there was a necessity for my 
 presence there, and it therefore gave me a fresh order to 
 go to Patras. 
 
 I passed through Argos and Tripolitsa, and reached 
 Patras in the beginning of May. I met Markos Botsares 
 in Corinth ; he was staying there in order to make a 
 change for his family. He told me to go to Western 
 Greece, as if I did so they would make me the general 
 of all the forces. But I gave him my own ideas upon 
 the subject, observing that I had proposed to the Govern- 
 ment that Mavrokordatos, who was then president of the 
 executive, should be sent with a thousand trained Phil- 
 hellenes. In consequence of this, Mavrokordatos and 
 Markos Botsares took the Philhellenes and went to the 
 camp at Patras, where I found them ; after which they 
 passed over to Western Greece, and wrote to me 
 thence that they wanted me to send them more help ; 
 so I despatched my son Gennaios to them forthwith with 
 two hundred picked men. Giatrakos coming over after- 
 wards, I sent him also with the hundred which he brought 
 with him the rest of his troops having gone away and 
 Kanelos Deligianni was sent also with another two 
 hundred. I remained behind to fill up the vacancies 
 caused by those whom I had sent away to Koumeli, 
 
174 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 having about six thousand altogether. I put down thresh- 
 ing-floors to lay the currants on, and ordered the Greeks 
 to harvest the currants in order that they might be 
 rewarded for their exertions, as we took the currants under 
 a sense of national justice ; so the Greeks came and 
 applied themselves to the work. The Turks in the fort 
 were much distressed for water, and on account of the 
 extent of their sufferings they would be obliged to 
 surrender before a month was out. 
 
 About a thousand Turks were killed in the different 
 skirmishes which we had with them, and as many more 
 were ill in consequence of wounds received. (Kanelos was 
 made a general secretly by the Executive ; the great 
 battle of Saravali took place on the 7th and 8th of 
 March.) I sent Koliopoulos to Karytaina to raise fresh 
 levies. Now, however, when the Parliament and Executive 
 suddenly heard that Dramales had come over to Trikala 
 in Thessaly, they met and despatched Krebata to Mistra 
 with one thousand soldiers, in order to carry on the 
 campaign in Eastern Greece. Soter Notaras was also 
 to take the Corinthian force to Eastern Greece, and with 
 him were associated Zaimes, Soter Charalampes with the 
 Kalavrytians, and Anagnostes Deligianni with two hundred 
 Karytainans, all of whom were ordered into Eastern Greece. 
 The order ran thus : " Whoever disobeys, and does not 
 follow these commands, the same is to forfeit to the 
 nation one-third of his estate." 
 
 When I received the commands of the rulers, I sent to 
 different captains, who were with me at the siege 
 of Patras, that we might all assemble and pass over 
 together. The captains showed me these orders, when I 
 told them plainly, " It is not befitting that we raise the 
 siege of Patras at this time, as the Turks will then go 
 forth and lay the districts waste. The fall of Patras is 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 175 
 
 now imminent." They replied, " We dare not stay behind 
 because the order expressly says that if we do not obey 
 we shall lose one-third of our possessions." "If that 
 be so," I answered, " give me a writing to the effect that 
 I do not discharge you, but that you go away of your own 
 free will and God be with you ! " So they gave me such 
 a writing. This was in the middle of June. The soldiers 
 went away, and I was left with only six hundred men, 
 and the consequence of this was that the Turks came 
 down and burnt our quarters. I fought with them a 
 little, but at noon the same day I moved off to Gastouni. 
 The intention of the Government was that I should not 
 take Patras, and therefore it sought to weaken my military 
 resources as much as possible. 
 
 Whilst I was at Gastouni, Sissines became so alarmed 
 that he shut himself up with three hundred men in 
 different houses belonging to him. I therefore sent a 
 man to him with the following message : " Sissines, if it 
 be true that Dramales is come, my opinion is that we 
 should all assemble the Corinthian armies into one body 
 and await him at Dervenia, and thus be really looking 
 after the affairs of the nation." Whereupon Sissines at 
 once agreeing with me, said, "I am ready, and will act 
 when I receive your next orders." I sent general 
 commands to all the districts of Arcadia, Phanari, 
 Leontari, and Messenia to collect their soldiers and go 
 to Tripolitsa. I then moved on towards Karytaina, and 
 walked day and night till I arrived at Demitsana, 
 gathering soldiers as I went along. 
 
 Having reached Demitsana, a special messenger came 
 to me with an order from the minister of war, which was 
 worded thus : 
 
 " Most brave general, Theodoros Kolokotrones, receive 
 here the orders of the Government, namely, that you are 
 
176 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 to strike at once with your usually powerful arm, and gather- 
 ing your forces, go directly to Patras. The Government is 
 much disconcerted because you have raised the siege of 
 Patras, and it has taken the necessary measures for the 
 safety of Dervenia." 
 
 At the same time the courier who brought me the above 
 also took a writing to K. Anagnostes, which said : "Most 
 well-born Kyr * Anagnostes, take your forces and go to 
 Greater Dervenia, because Dramales has come into 
 Thebes." And at this time Kyr Anagnostes was in 
 Lankadia with his servant. The Government sent 
 Ehegas Palamedes to Greater Dervenia with eighteen 
 hundred Corinthians and Tripolitsans. 
 
 Loukopoulos gave a thousand gold pieces, which were 
 to be divided among the Maniotes, who would not move 
 a step forward without money. I arrived in Tripolitsa with 
 two thousand men, and the Senate happened to be there 
 at the time ; but some of the senators were so frightened 
 on account of my going there that they fled away. I, how- 
 ever, as soon as I got into Tripolitsa, put in others from 
 their own districts, and in this way strengthened the Senate. 
 
 It so happened that the Senate had not heard anything 
 about the coming of Dramales. I therefore sent foot- 
 messengers to all the districts with orders to make 
 themselves ready. I remained four days in Tripolitsa, 
 when men came from Argos informing us that Dramales 
 had really arrived; but to myself, who was then in 
 Tripolitsa, the Government wrote not one word, neither 
 did it send the six thousand men it had promised to 
 Dervenia. Since I heard nothing from the Government 
 direct, I did not forward any soldiers, for I thought that the 
 report was probably nothing but lies. In my anxiety, how- 
 ever, I sent two horsemen to Agio-Georgio, who were to let 
 * Abbreviation of Kyrie. 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR* 177 
 
 me have all the information that they could acquire, bidding 
 them to go to Corinth, Dervenia, and even to Thebes, and 
 to seek out Ypsilanti and Niketas, and thus procure for 
 me true and reliable information concerning all that was 
 going on. (Niketas had gone away in January with 
 Zapheiropoulos.) As soon as these horsemen approached 
 Corinth they came up with some Turks, and it was with 
 great difficulty that they escaped being captured ; so they 
 returned. 
 
 Ehegas was at Dervenia, and when the Turks were moving 
 from Megara thither he abandoned the two or three flags 
 which were planted there, and fled without firing off one gun. 
 When the Turks saw the flags displayed they made sure 
 that there was an army somewhere, and began to slacken in 
 their advance, but when they found that there really was 
 no army, the Turkish cavalry made a movement to get 
 nearer the Greeks, some of whom fled directly to iEgina, 
 and others to Sophikos. The Turks slew a few Greeks. 
 Ehegas paused to take breath when he got to Argos, where 
 he gave out that Dramales had brought up sixty thousand 
 men to Dervenia just as if he had stopped to count them. 
 "What has become of your army? "they asked. "All 
 are destroyed ; only I myself have escaped." The Govern- 
 ment had kept a monk named Achilles, who was a teacher of 
 literature, in the citadel of Corinth, and he, when he saw the 
 Turks approaching, fled along with the soldiers. The soldiers 
 before they took to flight killed Kiamil Bey. Dramales then 
 took possession of the deserted fortress and sent forty-nine 
 cavalry men to carry the good news to Nauplia. 
 
 Nauplia only a month before had made an agreement 
 with the Government whereby the Turks were to give up the 
 castle, and ten Turkish officers as hostages, to thirty of 
 our own people, with a promise that we would send pro- 
 visions to the fortress until they could be taken away in 
 
 13 
 
178 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Greek boats, after which the spoils were to be divided 
 accordiDg to rule. The Government, however, when it saw 
 the Turks arriving, and bringing to the fort the joyful 
 news that Dramales was coming to their aid, fled and 
 embarked on the boats belonging to the members, whilst 
 the army stationed there dispersed. The two horsemen 
 whom I had sent out brought me word that Dramales had 
 embarked for the Peloponnesus, and had reached Corinth, 
 but it was not yet known that the fort was in the hands of 
 the Turks, and we hoped to bring it help. 
 
 A messenger came on foot an hour before sunrise. Upon 
 the receipt of the letter he brought me I went to the Senate 
 and said, " As many among you as have any acquaintance 
 with letters, let them come hither." Then we sat down 
 and wrote all through the night and sent to every district 
 to gather men together as quickly as possible, because 
 Dramales had come into the Feloponnesus. I gave an 
 injunction to the Senate to remain: " Stay here and help 
 us with food and ammunition, and I will go forward with 
 the armies, and if I see that I can do nothing towards 
 crushing the enemy, I will send you word, and you can then 
 depart." 
 
 In the morning I addressed the soldiers. " Greeks," I 
 cried, " do not fear the Turks ; we have killed so many of 
 the native Turks in battle, that why should we not do the 
 same by these ? There are not so many Turks either as 
 you have been told. Let us go and fight and slay them 
 far away from our children and our families ; do not take 
 with you either mules or capotes, they will bring you all 
 those things." 
 
 I directed Koliopoulos and Anton Kolokotrones with 
 seventeen hundred men to march to Agio-Georgio, and to 
 go opposite and fire off two or three volleys, so that the 
 Greeks who were in the fort of Corinth might be em- 
 
KLEPET AND WABBIOB. 179 
 
 boldened when they heard them, because I hoped that the 
 fort was still standing out. I myself marched on with only 
 three hundred men, because I knew that there were five or 
 six thousand soldiers at Argos, whom I took with me when 
 I reached that place, and then went forward to meet the 
 Turks at Dervenia. Upon reaching Partheni I met Ehegas 
 with Kolios the Dareiote. I asked them to tell me what 
 they knew, and they told me that sixty thousand Turks had 
 met them, and that only he (Ehegas) was saved. I scolded 
 him right well, and bade him not to carry such tales to 
 Tripolitsa. He, however, had scarcely got into Tripolitsa 
 before he spread this report all over the city, and every one 
 immediately fled, only the Senate remaining behind. 
 
 The soldiers also whom I had assembled around me 
 lost heart when they heard this, so in order to put a 
 little confidence in them I began to sing. Lower down I 
 met Lycurgus Krestinites with fifteen men, and asked them 
 whither they were going. Their answer was that they were 
 going to Pyrgos, but that they should come back. The 
 Maniotes got out of Argos and fled. I met them on the road 
 and asked them whither they were going. They all said, 
 "We are ill, so we are obliged to return." " One or two 
 among you may be ill, but not all of you," I said. At 
 Tavouli I met Ypsilanti, Krebata, my son Panos, who was 
 in the Senate, and Mavromichaeles. " Where are you 
 going ? " I asked. " Can you see the Turks with your open 
 eyes ? " " No, but they tell us that fifty troops of cavalry 
 have gone to Nauplia." " And whither go ye ? Have we no 
 fort to go to ? Have we no force to march forward ? Are 
 the Turks to enslave the world ? " And in this way I 
 restrained them from going. 
 
 I then called out for Petro Barbitsiotes, Theodoros 
 Zacharopoulos, and Anton Koumoustiotes. <$ Go and take 
 possession of the fort of Argos," I said, "and hold it with 
 
180 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 a hundred men, and, having got possession of the fort, make 
 a light to show that the fort is being held." They all 
 answered, " We will go, but we shall be lost men." 
 " Go," I cried ; " I will be answerable for you." 
 They accordingly went and exhibited a light. Imme- 
 diately afterwards I sent Panos with another hundred and 
 fifty to seize Mylos, and to give orders that the vessels of his 
 mother-in-law (Bouboulina, the heroine of Spetsai) should 
 come near so that they might help him with their cannon 
 if there should be a battle. We stopped at Achladokabo 
 for three days, and wrote for the armies to move forward, 
 when the Agiopetriti and the Mistriotes arrived under 
 Zapheiropoulos, and we made together some thousands. I 
 then ordered Petro Bey and Ypsilanti to go also and occupy 
 Mylos, and send help to Argos thence, whilst I would march 
 over to Corinth and see what the Turks were doing there, 
 or whither they had gone. I formed them into two columns, 
 one to go to Vasilika, and the other to Argos. These went 
 to, Mylos ; Panos and Georgakes Beyzade passed over to 
 Argos, and were shut up there ; I marched towards Corinth 
 and met with Koliopoulos at Skenochori ; Anton was at 
 Agio-Georgio, and the Turks were preparing to make a 
 descent upon Argos. Koliopoulos encountered some Turks 
 at Charvati, and killed twenty of them. Koliopoulos had 
 a single combat with one of their cavalry and slew him, 
 after which he returned to Skenochori. Many of them 
 came out of the fort of Argos and skirmished and fought 
 with the Turks who were arriving from Corinth, and about 
 ten were killed. The Koumountouraioi and Sissinos re- 
 mained with Anton Bey who was also lying in wait 
 at Agio-Georgio for the Turks who were expected to 
 arrive from Corinth, and they slew about seventeen* 
 The day after that occurrence two thousand came up in a 
 body and iought with him, when he was repulsed and some 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 181 
 
 houses were burnt. For myself, when I had sent forward 
 others to Mylos, I made haste to get to Corinth, and 
 going by Skenochori, I sought out Koliopoulos, when he in- 
 formed me that Anton had departed from Agio-Georgio by 
 the way of Malandrino ; we met ten of the Turkish cavalry, 
 who, seeing us coming, shut themselves up in a house, and 
 as they would not surrender we burnt the house and them 
 inside it. One of our soldiers seeing a gun standing against 
 the door took possession of it. I then marched on to Agio- 
 Georgio. The village was full of oil and other things. I 
 seized upon the village, and as I advanced further I saw 
 that the Turkish forces were moving from Corinth in the 
 direction of Argos and Nauplia. 
 
 When the Turkish armies had arrived they at once laid 
 siege to the old fort of Argos. There were two Pashas among 
 these troops, and they said to the soldiers : " Here lie the 
 riches of the world ; if Nauplia is ours, we will soon have 
 all the rest," and they began the siege. 
 
 There were quite five thousand men assembled at Mylos. 
 Koliopoulos, with his Phanarites and Karytainans, and 
 Deligianni also, were shut up in the old fortress there. 
 They sent word to me that I must go to their aid because 
 the fortress was surrounded, and they had no provisions. 
 The following day Antonaki Mavromichaeles was made 
 general of the army that was in Mylos. As he was made 
 a general he wished to have a battle with the Turks, and did 
 not warn Koliopoulos, who was just on their side, so the 
 engagement was forced and took place at the end of the 
 vineyards, when the Turkish cavalry, ten thousand strong, 
 broke the Greeks, and a hundred and fifty of them were 
 slain. As they were losing the battle they sent a note to 
 me bidding me even if I were eating my bread to leave 
 it and go to their assistance ; but I was at Agio-Georgio, 
 therefore the country suffered, 
 
182 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 I lost no time, however, in moving up a hundred soldiers, 
 and I left Anton Kolokotrones at Dervenaki with some 
 thousands. When I reached Mylos I found all the Argive 
 soldiers sorrowing and despondent on account of the battle 
 of the day before, in which many of the army had been 
 killed. I did not fail to speak to them, and tried to en- 
 courage them by saying, that if the Turks had killed a 
 hundred and fifty, we had slain our thousands, and that 
 we would yet avenge those others, with many other things 
 of the kind to put them in heart again. I very strongly 
 upbraided them, however, for the undisciplined conduct of 
 the engagement, and for their not communicating with 
 Koliopoulos. Mavromichaeles and Krebata were at the 
 Aphentikos Mills. The next day twelve hundred Arcadians 
 came up. 
 
 The Turks threw bombs into Argos, and placed' two 
 cannon on a rock, in order to lay close siege to the old 
 fortress. They who were shut up there had nothing with 
 them, and were much distressed for want of provisions. 
 On the 20th of July, the festival of St. Elias, I summoned 
 all the regiments to the Argive Mills, and harangued them 
 for the space of two hours. " We must fight," I said ; 
 " we must relieve those who are shut up there : the Turks 
 are all mere ballast." 
 
 I decided to attack the Turks in the evening on all sides ; 
 for no one could get through to communicate with the 
 besieged, but we depended entirely on signals. I therefore 
 ordered the different districts to attack the enemy each 
 from the position it held, and I placed Koliopoulos and the 
 Arcadians in the centre to make for the Turks holding the 
 guns. The Arcadians, as I was going round in the even- 
 ing, attacked on different sides, rose and destroyed their 
 breastworks, knocking them down with their feet, and left 
 them because the other Greeks did not .move ; they re- 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. . 183 
 
 mained shut up in the old fort. The next day, becoming very 
 anxious about the besieged, I had recourse to a stratagem ; 
 I decided that we should all go right round to the other 
 side, and while discharging a couple of musket shots make 
 lights so that they who were in the fort might find means 
 to sally out. In this way we approached the fort, and the 
 whole of them were able to come on without loss to the 
 Mill of Argos ; * the only provisions left in the fort being 
 a skinful of cheese. 
 
 The Turks went to the fortress at daybreak and found 
 nothing. It was told to them that we had all moved away 
 and whither, so a force of about ten thousand cavalry rode 
 off to the Argive Mills to see the truth of the matter. 
 When the cavalry were seen approaching I formed my own 
 men into two columns at the base of the hill, and also sent 
 out twenty horsemen to skirmish on the plains, as the Turks 
 had come to reconnoitre, not to fight. They then turned 
 into the vineyards where the grapes were showing and 
 gathered them. I instructed the soldiers at the Argive Mills 
 to occupy that place, and to light about twenty fires, and I 
 threw the Tripolitsan force on the heights opposite, and gave 
 them orders to do the same. Koliopoulos, with his army, was 
 to be at Skenochori, near the roads leading to Tripolitsa. 
 
 The Turks seeing so many fires all round decided that 
 they could not pass through Tripolitsa. They were lacking 
 supplies, because Tsokres had burnt the plains of Argos 
 beforehand. They therefore resolved to turn back to 
 Kortho, and, crossing through Vostitsa to go to Gastouni, in 
 order to obtain provisions, as they had none. I summoned 
 all the captains to a meeting at the Argive Mills, and said, 
 " The Turks will turn back towards Kortho ; they see that 
 from this place they are not able to cross ; you remain 
 here, and I will go and occupy Dervenaki, which the Turks 
 r See Note D. 
 
184 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 will endeavour to pass over." I left Giatrakos with the 
 main body which was at the mills. They did not desire 
 this arrangement ; they asked that I should stay there. I 
 told them they must go. I marched on with all haste to 
 Dervenaki, being quite certain myself that the enemy 
 would pass thence and not by Tripolitsa. 
 
 " Kolokotrones has gone to the hills to become a Klepht 
 again," said Petro Bey. I moved on and reached Agio- 
 Georgio. 
 
 On the 26th of July, the festival of St Paraskevy, 
 a sentinel of Anton spoke with three hundred men, 
 who told him that the Turks were advancing in two 
 columns. I immediately made my arrangements at Agio- 
 Georgio and commanded the Tsaousadoi to collect all 
 the supplies and to place them in four different houses, 
 with this direction, that if I saw the two columns ap- 
 proaching I would give a signal, upon which they were 
 to set fire to them all, so that they should not fall into the 
 hands of the Turks, and with the other part of my force I then 
 occupied Dervenaki. I had sent Niketas, Pappa Phlessas, 
 and Ypsilanti with five hundred men to occupy Kinari, a 
 strong village on the road to Corinth. The advance guard 
 of the Turks came up to Anton, and when they saw the 
 Greeks in front of them, the Turks ordered them to leave the 
 road free. They wanted to pass behind into Eoumeli, our 
 own place. I sent a foot-runner to Skenochori, where Kolio- 
 poulos was, to tell him to come and bring us all the aid he 
 could. The distance between Dervenaki and Kinari was 
 six hours' journey, and it was two hours from Agio-Georgio 
 where Niketas was stationed, whilst Pappa Nika with the 
 Corinthian soldiers was in another village. I sent to them 
 all to come with reinforcements. 
 
 When I got to Dervenaki I picked out eight hundred men, 
 made them into four columns, and sent them to the post 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 185 
 
 which was being held on the rock, whilst Anton, who held the 
 chief command, was in front. The Turks meanwhile had left 
 the fort, and the foremost ranks waited until the whole had 
 assembled. As soon as the Turks began to move I threw 
 down all our flags and capotes upon a height, and brought 
 hither all our animals, piling them up so that they might 
 think that there was a large body of soldiers ready to come 
 down, and for that reason would not attempt to mount to 
 the positions to rout us. I stayed on the top with ten men, 
 my adopted sons with the mules in line. A foot messenger 
 belonging to Niketas told me that the Turks were on the 
 move, but that they were not going to pass by Dervenaki. 
 The Corinthians dispersed. Koliopoulos was six hours' 
 journey off in a straight line : it would be night before a 
 man on foot could reach him. About three o'clock the 
 whole of the Turks were gathered together, the Pashas 
 being in the hindmost flanks. 
 
 The six thousand men who were at the mills had no 
 sentinels to look out and see if Argos was evacuated, so 
 that they might advance nearer. I had ordered that the 
 four columns should not begin the battle until they heard 
 ten shots, and that then they were to stand. 
 
 When the entire forces of the Turks were met together, a 
 Pasha ordered the advance guard 'to move forward, and 
 therefore the Turks galloped to take the position and 
 moved on with the baggage. Anton was entrenched. As 
 soon as the Turks advanced within a hundred paces, Anton 
 attacked them, and held about ten Turks engaged. The force 
 turned their flanks and made for Agio-Sosti. Streams of 
 water at that place, however, prevented their passage, so 
 that the whole Turkish host ascended the rocks. Antonaki 
 did not throw himself upon them in close quarters, but 
 taking a banner with thirty men he reached Agio-Sosti 
 before them, The Turks now formed into three columns 
 
186 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 one behind, then the Pashas, another in the middle, and 
 the third was opposed to Antonaki there were ten thou- 
 sand men opposed to Antonaki but he and his thirty killed 
 very many, only two of them being slain, and those two 
 were my nephews. 
 
 The whole of the Turks who remained passed at Kourtesa 
 and there made a stand. Niketas, Ypsilanti, and Phlessas, 
 hearing of the conflict, arrived at Agio-Sosti and took 
 possession of the most powerful post there. The middle 
 body where the Greeks had been slaying also made for 
 that place, and fell upon Niketas, when a thousand men 
 were killed. This column succeeded in crossing into 
 Kourtesa and united with the others ; but the Pashas who 
 were left behind were not able to pass over, and night was 
 coming on. They then opened a colloquy with the Greeks. 
 
 " What captain have you forward ? " 
 
 A pappas from Chrysovitsi answered, " Kolokotrones." 
 
 "Ask him," answered the Pashas, " to allow us the 
 means whereby we may pass, and we will give him what- 
 ever he may choose to ask." 
 
 Pappas Demetrius sent a person to speak with me, and 
 as soon as I received this information I prepared to 
 go on at once, for I was planning in my mind how I should 
 be able to delay them, so that in the morning we might 
 destroy them. We had some horsemen with us ; there 
 were Photakos and Speliopoulos, Kotsos Boulgaros, and 
 one other nephew of mine. These galloped forward, and 
 the Pashas, seeing these horsemen of ours, thought we had 
 a large body of cavalry, so they turned back towards Tiryns 
 and left all they had, for night was at hand, and we could 
 just see the dust that rose as they went. 
 
 When day dawned Koliopoulos with two thousand and 
 Deligianni with his Phanarites came up. Our own 
 men had fallen upon the spoils and gone to the hills. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 187 
 
 The Turks, who were at Kourtesa, tried to learn what 
 had happened to the Pashas, and sent out a thousand 
 men, who were to go to Agio-Sosti and find out what had 
 become of them. Our own men were lying in wait for 
 them, and after firing some volleys drove them back 
 again. The Pashas who had gone on stopped when they 
 reached Tiryns, and Niketas marched on to Agionori 
 with Pappa Phlessas, and was the first to arrive at Agio- 
 Sosti. Dervenaki is at the side of the tomb of Aga- 
 memnon. 
 
 When day dawned Koliopoulos and ourselves mustered 
 four thousand at Dervenaki. Giatrakos and Tsokres soon 
 arrived also at Dervenaki, and I asked them, " Where are 
 the other armies ? " 
 
 " They are at Koutsopodi and Charbati," they answered. 
 
 " Well, then," I said, " the Pashas who are in Tiryns 
 will soon prepare for a campaign in Corinth ; you therefore 
 must take your soldiers, and go to a village on the road 
 leading from Agionori to Corinth, and there you must 
 station yourselves and make your observations so that the 
 Turks shall not get to Agionori. If they come on to us 
 you must then advance on the rear, and we will await 
 them in front ; you are to come up on the rear if they try 
 to pass near us, so that we may seize upon the Pashas 
 alive j if they act as I am now describing, give some 
 signal and we will come to your assistance." 
 
 These men did as I said, and went to their army, and 
 the army fled away, going off to the Aphentikos Mills (it 
 appears that Giatrakos urged them to go). Giatrakos, 
 when his army departed, certainly did not inform me of 
 it, but I hoped that he would go whither I had directed 
 him, and consequently I remained waiting, and had 
 placed sentinels everywhere to look out for the signal which 
 I expected them to make. 
 
188 . KOLOKOTBON&S, 
 
 The Turks went forward, and the Pashas and the army 
 marched straight to Agionori. The advance guard of 
 Niketas, however, came upon them, and his advance 
 guard began the battle, when Niketas himself went forward 
 to reinforce them, and they were not able to sustain the 
 combat, but the whole army turned back and took possession 
 of the village. The Turks fought all the way to the ex- 
 tremity of the village. The Turks had no intention of 
 engaging with Niketas; their sole intention in the first 
 instance was to pass through Klenia ; but when the Turks 
 began to descend upon that place, Niketas went forth with 
 the inhabitants and even the women to oppose them. At 
 that point Niketas gave me information at Dervenaki of 
 the occurrence, and when I heard of the battle I sent 
 Demetrius Koliopoulos with two thousand men to occupy 
 Klenia. Niketas threw himself upon them in close con- 
 flict at Klenia, and about five hundred of them were killed, 
 among whom was a Pasha. They got possession of all their 
 camels and baggage. Koliopoulos did not arrive in time 
 to occupy Klenia. When the forces which were at the 
 mills saw the Turks in flight, they advanced somewhat 
 nearer, but they did not engage in the battle. So much for 
 Giatrakos. The Turks who were left endeavoured to 
 reach Corinth. When I heard that the Turks and the 
 Pashas^ had resolved to get to Corinth, I was persuaded 
 that they would pass by the Black Bocks, and through 
 Vostitsa and Patras, in order to procure supplies ; so I 
 immediately ordered all the soldiers to follow me, and 
 went forward and occupied Vasilika. Our army numbered 
 seven thousand. 
 
 In the evening, as darkness was coming on, I warned 
 the soldiers to light ten or fifteen fires, for where we were 
 was directly opposite Corinth, so that all the hills were 
 lighted up, and the Turkg in consequence thought that 
 
WABBlOB* 189 
 
 we had many thousands of soldiers. In the morning the 
 Turks made a movement with fifteen thousand to- try to 
 cross over, but we attacked them vigorously, and they were 
 unable to pass us ; a few were killed ; and in the evening 
 they returned to Corinth. As they were going thither 
 they were attacked on the roads by the Greeks, and 
 several skirmishes took place. One day two thousand 
 sallied forth again with the object of fighting their way 
 across. The Greeks obstinately opposed their passage, 
 but their cavalry made a rush and broke through the 
 Greek breastworks, destroying them to their very founda- 
 tions, and thirty of the men were killed, among whom 
 were Anagnostes Petimeza and his son, who was com- 
 mandant, and also a pappas, a man of some importance, 
 from Mistra. The other breastworks being broken down 
 helped the fugitives. The Turks returned the same day 
 without having done much. 
 
 Dramales chose out four hundred Turks and left them 
 with rations for six months with a commandant at Pala- 
 medi, with orders that none of the other Turks were to go 
 either in or out. He made a resolution not to send them 
 any reinforcement. The main body remained for a time 
 inactive with the exception of a few skirmishes. The 
 Corinthians had previously asked me to send them a 
 commandant, which I did, and he put the Corinthians 
 under discipline, and harassed the Turks. An order now 
 came to me from the Senate to go to Tripolitsa, and there- 
 fore I left Gennaios and Anton Kolokotrones in the 
 Vasilikan district. (I had also a regiment at Klenia.) 
 
CHAPTEK VI 
 
 FBOM Corinth I went to Tripolitsa to support the 
 Senate. The chiefs were envious of my successes 
 with Dramales, and the Senate also was envious even 
 whilst it upheld me. When I routed Dramales at 
 Dervenaki the army voted me to be the commander-in- 
 chief, and the Senate sent me a diploma as generalissimo. 
 The members and the executive had no power and used no 
 exertions at that crisis. (Kanakares even said, " Let us 
 save the Archives and let the nation perish." What 
 madness !) 
 
 The chiefs tried all they could to have an assembly, with 
 the view of overturning the Senate (which had done the 
 greatest service), and its generalissimo, and for this pur- 
 pose they made every effort to call a meeting. Whilst 
 I was in Tripolitsa, I learnt that two hundred loads of 
 supplies had gone from Dervenaki into Nauplia. I was 
 ill at the time, but I was much annoyed. Within five or 
 six days afterwards ten thousand men with four hundred 
 baggage loads came over and occupied Agio-Sosti, and, 
 sending the supplies on to Nauplia, remained there until 
 they who took them should return. I had left Niketas, 
 Panos, Gennaios, and others at Dervenaki. When I 
 heard that provisions had been sent down twice, I marched 
 
KOLOKOTRONES, KLEPEtT AND WABBIOB. 191 
 
 forward to the Aphentikos Mills, and wrote thence the 
 following letter to the Beys and Pashas who were in 
 Nauplia. " If you are willing to evacuate Nauplia, I will 
 embark you all, and you can go whither you will, wherever 
 you can have supplies, but if you are not, and, out of mere 
 despite, stay on with your families and your children, 
 I shall not hereafter treat with you, and you need not 
 expect any more supplies from Corinth, because I am going 
 in person to Dervenaki, and shall not allow any provisions 
 to pass ; so if you do not now listen to me, the punish- 
 ment will fall upon your own heads." 
 
 From Mylos I went to Dervenaki. I had a regiment at 
 Klenia, and another at Stephani, which was an hour's 
 journey in a straight line from Agio-Sosti. Hadji 
 Chrestos was at Stephani, Zapheiropoulos at Klenia, the 
 brother of Giatrakos at Agio-Georgio with three hundred 
 Mistriotes, and Niketas with the Kranidiotes was at Agio- 
 Sosti. Alexis Kolios was commander of the Tripolitsans. 
 I had brought with me to Agio-Sosti masons, who built 
 me up a tower and breastworks, so that no supplies should 
 be transported that way. Gennaios and Panos with the 
 Karytainan army were above Dervenaki, and I was in their 
 rear. 
 
 When the Turks went over to Nauplia, taking supplies 
 thither, and afterwards returning, the Naupliotes accom- 
 panied them back, and went with them to Corinth, with 
 the expectation of their being despatched back again 
 with further supplies. The resident Turks knew the 
 locality, and ten thousand made a move to pass 
 through Agio-Sosti. They sent five hundred in advance 
 to fall upon Niketas, and the baggage and supplies 
 remained behind on the height above Agio-Sosti. The 
 engagement began : they who were on the flanks fell 
 upon them in the rear, our soldiers were broken, and 
 
192 KOLOKOTUONES, 
 
 Pappas Arsenios killed. Niketas was surrounded in the 
 tower. Chrestos now came up with assistance and pressed 
 upon the flanks. The Turks were broken, and Niketas 
 came out of the tower (the tower saved him), and in con- 
 junction with our own men the enemy was vigorously 
 assailed, and followed up for the space of two hours ; 
 about forty of them were slain, and they were effectually 
 hindered from taking on the supplies. After this the 
 Turks made no further attempts to carry provisions into 
 Nauplia, because we held every post. Moreover, Giamsakes 
 and Apostolus Kolokotrones in the space of one month had 
 made raids and collected more than three thousand horses. 
 The Turks at Nauplia were now getting much distressed. 
 Autumn had arrived. On the 26th of November Dramales 
 died. All the other Pashas who were left were weak and 
 exhausted. Death and slaughter encircled them on every 
 side, and they were now very few. Twenty-seven died in 
 the month of December from huuger alone. 
 
 I had left my nephew Nikolas to be commander at the 
 siege of the fort of Nauplia. One day the Turks made a 
 sally; there was some fighting, and Nikolas was killed, 
 when Staikos became leader. Before long the Turkish 
 squadron came as far as Astro, but our vessels frightened 
 it with their fireships and it was driven out by the 
 Spetsiotes. On the 26th of December the Turks had 
 a communication with Staikos, when they asked him to 
 send for Kolokotrones to enter into a treaty with them, 
 and Staikos sent it on to me by his brother. I wrote 
 to them thus : " You ask for a treaty : it is my will 
 that you deliver up all the forts; that you leave your 
 property behind you; I will then embark you on Greek 
 vessels, and will send you whither you desire to go : for 
 this you must give hostages. "When I wrote to you from 
 Mylos I told you that you could go and take your things 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 193 
 
 with you ; but now, a-hungered and wearied out though you 
 be, you must go as you are. Such is my will, and if you do 
 not listen now, in ten days the whole of the Turks at 
 Corinth will have gone, and the armies will return and 
 will come hither and will take you by assault, when you 
 will all be put to the sword." 
 
 As the Turks were so weakened at Nauplia, I left very 
 few men there with Staikos, and guarded and strengthened 
 Dervenaki so that no help could get to them from Corinth. 
 I gave the above letter to Staikos, and he summoned the 
 Turks, and delivered the writing to them on the evening 
 of the 27tb. As soon as they had received the letter 
 they summoned a meeting in the village, and called for 
 Teztaraga and other of their principal men who were to 
 take the answer to Palamedi. They left nine men at the 
 redoubts in Beziera, and about ten others with two or 
 three Albanians at the Giour redoubts. I had left so few 
 men at Palamedi, that those at Nauplia had no fear of 
 the Greeks, because they were so small a number. Two 
 Albanians dropping down from the redoubts went to Staikos, 
 and told him that the Turks had gone down to the village, 
 and that they could go and take the fort, adding, " If we 
 do not tell you the truth, keep one of us here, and if it be 
 false, kill us." Staikos upon this took some soldiers, and 
 sprang over. The Turks who were in the other redoubts 
 went down into the village also. 
 
 This happened at midnight. Daybreak was the festival 
 of St. Andrew. Cannon was fired off, and I knew directly 
 that Palamedi was taken. I galloped there immediately, 
 and as I was on the road I met a foot-runner who was sent 
 by Staikos to give me the information. I had left Panos, 
 Gennaios, and others with the regiment. I sent the 
 messenger on to the army to carry the news to the others. 
 As soon as I got to Palamedi I found that Staikos had 
 
 14 
 
194 KOLOKOTRON&S, 
 
 purged it from the Turks. I went into Palamedi, and found 
 that our men had planted fifty cannon there. As soon as I 
 saw that I ordered them to be turned round and directed to 
 the village and Its Kale. I then sent to the village and invited 
 the Turkish chiefs to a parley. The Beys came to Palamedi, 
 and with them was Albanites, a leader of Albanians. I 
 said to them, " What will you do now ? Deliver up to me 
 all your forts and arms, and I will save your lives and those 
 of your children. You must take with you only two 
 changes of raiment, and I will embark you in Greek 
 vessels to go whither you will. When you give up the 
 keys to me I shall put my own men in possession, and 
 give you a body of soldiers who will conduct you in safety, 
 and put you on board at the Five Brothers (Penta Adel- 
 phia).* 
 
 The Albanian answered to this, "We will not give up 
 our arms. We will fight, we will burn up the country, and 
 we will not leave one stone upon another." I said to 
 him, "You wretched Albanites, to whom do you speak 
 thus ? Let us once fight on horseback, and you will see. 
 As to burning up the country which our forefathers made, 
 we shall rear it again, but as for you, we will put you all 
 to the sword." 
 
 The Beys called out, " Do not listen to him, because he 
 is a single man ; treat only with us who have families ; 
 we will come down to you, we will make a contract with 
 you, we will put our signatures to it, and we will send it 
 to you with the keys ; you on your part must do the same, 
 and give us your oath upon it." 
 
 They then went down and made an agreement, and 
 
 sent me the bond that they had signed, and also the keys at 
 
 the same time. Ali and another Pasha did not sign it 
 
 because they dreaded the wrath of the Sultan, and I 
 
 * A name given frequently to plantations of firs. 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOB. 195 
 
 therefore accepted them with forty-five other lives as 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Three or four days after the feast of St. Andrew I de- 
 spatched some soldiers to occupy Its Kale, the Five Brothers, 
 and the redoubts both on the seashore and on the land, 
 and to gather together the Turkish properties and put 
 them in the mosques. I also wrote to Hydra and Spetsai 
 to send boats, which they did. I had shut up the fort 
 in order to prevent any excesses. I sent also to all our 
 own forts and to the forces wherever they were stationed, 
 and embarked the Turks for Smyrna. 
 
 ' The Senate had likewise been summoned there to be 
 present at the fall of Nauplia, and the division of the spoils. 
 I realized, at a bazaar which was held in the ships, a 
 hundred and ten thousand grosia. Whatever articles that 
 remained were put back into the mosques, and the Greek 
 soldiers seized upon the rest. There was only a moderate 
 amount of money found at Nauplia, because the besieged 
 had spent so much in procuring provisions. There were 
 a good many silver vessels and also clothing, and these I 
 gave as freight money for the ships. After three days had 
 passed I went down to the houses of Aga Pasha in 
 Palamedi. The spoils were all disposed of for the public 
 benefit, and every district and each island had its allotted 
 portion. By this means I preserved Nauplia from the 
 consequences of any inadvertence. 
 
 During this time the Turks who were left at Corinth, 
 and who numbered something like three thousand men, 
 had heard of the fall of Nauplia, and leaving four hundred 
 men in the fortress they prepared to go to Patras. The 
 Kalavrytians were quarrelling among themselves. Zaimes, 
 Charalampes, and the Petimezaioi made ready to attack, 
 but when they heard of the Turks they forgot all their 
 dissensions, and falling upon them, routed them, and 
 
196 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 laid siege to them at Akrata. When Panos and Gennaios 
 whom I had left with the army at Dervenaki learnt that 
 the Turks had fled from Corinth they also came to Nauplia,. 
 but as soon as I found that the others were being besieged 
 at Akrata, I equipped Niketas, Panos, and Gennaios in 
 order to despatch them to their aid. The chiefs, however, 
 sent me word to send them war material only, and not to 
 forward an army (they were thinking about the probable 
 division of the spoils). They had been laying siege to 
 Akrata for two months. The Turks were much distressed, 
 and made several agreements without fulfilling any. The 
 Turkish vessels, brought them reinforcements and took 
 them all off in safety to Patras. Out of the thirty-two 
 thousand men and the seven Pashas which Dramales 
 brought over, there were orrfy saved the four thousand who 
 were in Athens and Euboia, and these two thousand at 
 Akrata who were taken away to Patras. I asked Ali and 
 some other of the chief Turks (prisoners of war) about it, 
 and they said that the number of those who entered 
 the Peloponnesus was twenty-eight thousand, with twenty 
 thousand saddle horses, thirty thousand baggage mules, 
 and five hundred camels. All these were left in the 
 Poloponnesus, and thus the Greeks became possessed of 
 many very costly weapons and other treasures. That army 
 was very rich, because it had seized upon the valuables of 
 Ali Pasha when they were besieging him. 
 
 I had often represented to the Russians and the 
 French (as well as to the English) that I had con- 
 templated the revolt of the Peloponnesus, not because 
 I limited the movement to that place alone, but because 
 at that time, as there was no general information, the 
 enterprise could not at once become national, because 
 the people were not prepared. I saw a little about what 
 means were available, and my plan was, first, to make 
 
KLEPHT and WABBIOB. 19? 
 
 the Peloponnesus free, and when that was done we should 
 have a basis for operations, which we could carry on out- 
 side the Peloponnesus : for the Peloponnesus was like an 
 island, and it was easy to defend it. 
 
 Between the epochs of 1805 and 1821 there was a very 
 great difference. When I first took refuge in Zante in 
 1806, the Turkish Power offered fifty thousand grosia to 
 Eussia if it would seize upon me and deliver me up. The 
 Kussian consul sent me word about this, and told me to 
 hide myself; and in consequence I kept myself concealed 
 for a month, whilst he told the Turks that Kolokotrones 
 had fled, for he could not be found in Zante, and therefore 
 he must have gone away. At one time AH Pasha * sought 
 me, and made me a thousand grand promises to induce 
 me to go to Juannina ; but I never paid any attention to 
 them. 
 
 * See Note E. 
 
CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 AS the districts were preparing to send representatives 
 to the second assembly which was about to be held, 
 I wrote to them to say that I considered it would be 
 better to hold it in Nauplia. The chiefs, as a body, did not 
 wish to go there : first, because it was a fortress ; and 
 secondly, because I held it. I left Koliopoulos comman- 
 . dant there, and went to Tripolitsa to join the Senate and 
 Mavromichaeles, and we made an agreement that the 
 Senate and the office of generalissimo should be retained 
 in the forthcoming assembly. We took oaths that we would 
 retain the existing order of things. It was at last settled 
 that it should take place at Astros, and part of the repre- , 
 sentatives met there. They wrote thence to Mavromi- 
 chaeles, telling him that they would appoint him president 
 as soon as he arrived. Then Mavromichaeles forgot the 
 oaths that we had taken, and so did Pappa Phlessas and 
 others. I went also to Astros, and then I saw clearly that 
 we were divided into two parties, one of which might be 
 called the Primates' party, and the other the party of Kolo- 
 kotrones. The most of them were for the Primates. There 
 were a hundred and fifty representatives and six thousand 
 soldiers, Odysseus, Mourtzinos with eight hundred men, 
 and forty nther representatives were with me. 
 
 They brought soldiers to support their opinions by force, 
 
KOLOKOTBONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 199 
 
 and I also made use of force to overturn their opinions. 
 We established ourselves in a tent at Melegitika, and the 
 other party was at Agiannetika a gun-shot off. They had 
 a sitting, but we did not attend it. They desired and they 
 voted that fifty generals should be made, and also a hundred 
 and fifty more deputies. This excess of a governing power did 
 not please me at all, because this excess was with a view of 
 destroying our power, which it would have done, for they 
 thought that by voting for fifty generals my influence must 
 certainly be demolished. They also voted for alienating 
 the land, with the purpose of reimbursing themselves for 
 whatever they laid out just as they willed, and by such a 
 course the land would suffer loss, and the people, whose 
 only hope was in the earth, would be left destitute. The 
 people then became of my opinion in this matter, for they 
 saw how evil a blow this alienation would cause, and they 
 obliged them to expunge that article. They then began to 
 cajole my friends and supporters, and won them over to 
 their side one by one. 
 
 They called upon me to go to them, and I went to a 
 garden wherein their assembly was held and thus addressed 
 them: "Keverend assembly, the votes which you have 
 made are not good, for it is not well to have so many 
 generals and members, because they will bring upon us 
 many expenses and many cares, for the nation is poor and 
 is not able to pay for so many unnecessary politicians and 
 soldiers." Zaimes at once rose up and called out, 
 " Kolokotrones, Kolokotrones, it is in thy hands whether 
 Greece shall be ruined, or be made free if thou wilt unite 
 with us." I then asked him three times, " Does it rest 
 with me ? " " Yes," he replied, " with thee." I then went 
 and gave my signature, saying, " Look to it, and see if 
 evil does not ensue to our country from this plurality 
 of chiefs." 
 
200 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Upon returning to Tripolitsa all kinds of intrigues re- 
 commenced. It was evident that they intended to give 
 every post, whether political or military, to their own 
 party and relations. We had called an assembly for the 
 benefit of all Greece, and they had employed it in the in- 
 terest of family connections and partisanship. I gave my 
 opinion upon it, saying, " What is this which the ministers 
 propose that you should do ? Your assembly swore that 
 you would regard the whole nation that was the proposed 
 condition, and that you would put those people into office 
 who would serve the country and be useful in times of mis- 
 fortune, but I see that you have elected representatives out 
 of a party, and thus the politicians and the military will 
 be disunited." 
 
 They answered, " If that occur we can rectify it." 
 
 Both in word and deed it was their full intention to 
 appoint their own people in order to weaken me. Seeing 
 that things were getting worse, I proposed to have a meet- 
 ing of my own adherents. 
 
 A vote had passed in the assembly that no strangers 
 should be elected, except Mavrokordatos, as minister for 
 foreign affairs. Everything had been conducted at first in 
 a friendly spirit, but those things to which we had put our 
 signatures were forgotten. So when I got our meeting I 
 said, "What is this which has now come about, patriots? 
 We signed that certain acts should be done, and we see that 
 others have been substituted. We said that both for poli- 
 tical and military offices the most worthy should be chosen, 
 and they were all unanimous to nominate such, and now 
 they are doing the very opposite." 
 
 At noon the same day I went to the village Siliimna, an 
 hour from Tripolitsa, and Ypsilanti was there also. Many 
 members came to join us. We there proposed and passed 
 a resolution not to attend to any of their orders, but that as 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 201 
 
 many among us as were soldiers should act against the 
 Turks, whilst those who were politicians should provide us 
 with supplies, and in that way we would save our country ; 
 and as for them, let them sit. I saw that their intrigues 
 aimed at getting rid of and weakening me. 
 
 Then they began a system of cajolery, and made 
 Anagnostes Deligianni the mediator. He was one who took 
 the middle course till he saw who would be likely to 
 conquer,, and he sent the professor Theodoros and Gianni 
 Eakos to ask me to return, in order that the Government 
 might not be ruined : "Come, and be the vice-president thy- 
 self." As Anagnostes Deligianni urged me to do so in order 
 to avert a civil war, I did return, just to see what would 
 come out of such a Government. I went to the executive 
 department. On the first day of my appearance there I 
 greeted Mavromichaeles and the others, when Petro Bey 
 said, " So, then, art thou going to dance, Kolokotrones?" 
 "As thou art singing," I replied, "I am dancing; cease 
 singing, and my dance ceases." 
 
 Civil war began ; * they laid siege to Nauplia by sea and 
 land, they sent soldiers to Tripolitsa, they besieged us ; we 
 were besieged for a whole month. Londos, Giatrakos, 
 Notaras, and others conducted the siege. When they laid 
 siege to us they proposed that we should give up the 
 executives, Petro Bey, Soter Charalampes, and Metaxa.. We 
 answered that it was not possible to do that, but if they 
 liked we would take one or two of the executive and try 
 them, and whichever was found culpable among them he 
 should be punished. This they would not agree to, and 
 
 * Panos Kolokotrones was holding Nauplia at this time for his father, 
 who had put himself in opposition to the Government, and was at 
 Tripolitsa. 
 
202 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 several skirmishes followed. Koliopoulos went to act as 
 mediator, and Petro Bey promised to remain neutral and go 
 to Mani, acquainting us that we could easily leave Tripolitsa, 
 as there were no soldiers on the road either from one side 
 or the other. So I went from Tripolitsa to Karytaina, and 
 Soter Charalampes went to Kalavryta. Nauplia was still 
 besieged, and Niketas was in Bougiati ; he had some con- 
 ference with Kountouriotes, when the latter proposed that 
 he, on his own part, should return ; but he replied, " You 
 must communicate with my uncle, and if he unites with 
 the Government again, then I shall unite." I wrote there- 
 fore that I would go, and that we would talk the matter 
 over together, and Kountouriotes wrote to me to go to 
 Tsiveri with only fifty men of my own, and then I was to 
 proceed on my journey with his men ; but I had my sus- 
 picions, and did not go. 
 
 "Whilst at Karytaina I got many soldiers to join me, and 
 I made some descents on different parts and took three 
 hundred prisoners, but no blood was shed. I then marched 
 over to Tripolitsa and laid siege to them. Gennaios, Kolio- 
 poulos, and Niketas went to the help of Panos at Nauplia, and 
 returned to us afterwards. Then Andreas Zaimes came to 
 confer with me, and we met outside Tripolitsa. He asked 
 me to write to Panos and order him to deliver up the fort. 
 "No," I answered, "I will not consent that he shall give up 
 the fort into the hands of adventurers like thyself ; if thou 
 wert fit to hold it I would give it up to thee, but I have 
 three hundred grosia owing to me for my disbursements in 
 pay." " We are fit to hold it," he answered, " and we will 
 discharge all the outlay which you have been subject to." 
 I wrote to Panos upon this, and told him to deliver up the 
 fortress to the Andreides and not to the Government. I had 
 told it previously to put their own people in the fort of 
 Palamedi, and not those wrong-headed people ; but they 
 
KLEPBT AND WABBIOB. 203 
 
 placed Photomara there, and afterwards Grivas; hence 
 arose all the after evils. 
 
 Panos came to Karytaina. In regard to Panos there was 
 an amnesty given, and therefore he received an order to go 
 and besiege Patras, in consequence of which he joined 
 Zaimes and Londos, and they, being very much displeased 
 with Kountouriotes, united with us. Pappa Phlessas was 
 sent to subjugate the districts of Arcadia, Phanari, and the 
 rest. The loans that had been advanced by Kountouriotes 
 strengthened the Government, and power made everything 
 legitimate. I wrote for Panos and Gennaios to come to 
 Karytaina and oppose Pappa Phlessas. The districts drove 
 him out, and he retired to Nauplia. A force of eight 
 hundred under Vasos was then sent, and the soldiers came 
 up with Panos, and he was killed. 
 
 Zaimes had arrived, and we were going to Tripolitsa. 
 The Tripolitsans were alarmed on account of Panos 
 having been killed, and resisted. Kanelos Deligianni had 
 frightened them. The Government being strengthened by 
 Kountouriotes sent into Eoumeli for Gkoura to come, and 
 he, with the other captains of Eoumeli, went to Corinth 
 and routed Notaras ; thence they went to Kerpeni, a village 
 of Kalavryta, and surrounded Zaimes, whilst Karaiskakes 
 and Tsavellas also going against Zaimes, he was defeated, 
 and with Niketas and Londos fled into Western Greece. 
 Karaiskakes and Tsavellas wrote to me to stay and have a 
 conference with them, and they took it upon their own 
 heads if I should suffer any harm. I was no longer in 
 Karytaina, however, for Koliopoulos had come to me, being 
 sent by the Government, and he had told me that we must 
 go to Nauplia in order to arrange matters there. 
 
 We went to Tripolitsa; there was a committee there 
 composed of Skourtes, Mavrommates, and Zapheiropoulos, 
 and they gave me to understand upon their oaths that I 
 
204 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 could go there safely, so that they might transact the 
 necessary business. I trusted them implicitly, and went 
 to Nauplia. There I saw that in two or three days they 
 had driven away all my men, and had left me alone under 
 arrest, in fact, until they got hold of the others. They 
 embarked us in the sloop Gorgo, Skourtes was also there, 
 and took us to Hydra. We stopped there two days, and 
 then they sent us to the monastery of the prophet, St. 
 Elias.* We remained there four months. Twenty days 
 after we were seized, Ibrahim came into the Peloponnesus. 
 A society was formed directly by the people in Hydra 
 demanding our release. Kountouriotes made himself ready 
 to go to Patras, but when he heard that Ibrahim had got 
 as far as Mothokorona, he gave orders that the armies 
 should return to Neo-Kastro. Kountouriotes then went to 
 Tripolitsa, and sent Skourtes forward as generalissimo of all 
 the forces. He had with him half a million of grosia. The 
 Eoumeliote armies also marched forward, and went to Neo- 
 Kastro. P. Giatrakos and G. Mavromichaeles were com- 
 mandants at that fort. Ibrahim laid siege to Neo-Kastro ; 
 afterwards he disembarked at Navarino, where a thousand 
 Peloponnesians were shut up, and being much distressed 
 for want of provisions, they surrendered, and Ibrahim let 
 them go free. Among them were Tsokres and Tzametos. 
 Ibrahim bore himself most amiably just at this time, in 
 order to get the Greeks to submit. The people began to 
 cry aloud, " We won't fight unless you give us back our 
 chiefs." The Eoumeliote and Souliote armies, and espe- 
 cially Karaiskakes and Tsavellas, appealed to the Govern- 
 ment for our freedom, and all the soldiers framed a petition, 
 asking for our release, and presented it to Anagnostaras, 
 who was the minister of war ; but he tore it up before 
 
 * See Note F. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABR10R. 205 
 
 them, saying, " Do not interfere in these matters, leave 
 his business to the Government." 
 
 There was a battle at Kremydi, and our people were vic- 
 torious. Karatassos fought a good battle. Then all the 
 Koumeliote leaders gathered together, preparatory to going 
 over to help Koumeli, and especially Missolonghi, the siege 
 of which had now commenced. They then went to Koun- 
 touriotes and took their pay, and some departed for Eastern 
 Greece, and others went to the Western districts. Ibrahim 
 made a descent upon Sphakteria, and Anagnostaras as well 
 as Tsamados were killed ; many prisoners were taken at 
 Sphakteria, and P. Zapheiropoulos was taken as a slave 
 to Kremydi, and K. Zapheiropoulos, and Chrestos were also 
 captured. Neo-Kastro was so sore distressed that it capi- 
 tulated and was given up. The enemy permitted them to 
 go out as soldiers, only without their arms ; the officers 
 were allowed to retain their arms, and two only were 
 detained as prisoners, namely, Georgakes Mavromichaeles 
 and Panagiotes Giatrakos. 
 
 Kountouriotes, hearing that Neo-Kastro had capitulated, 
 embarked at Almyro for Hydra. The time was now come 
 for our release. When they saw the dangerous position 
 of the country, and the perseverance of the people who 
 clamoured for our being set free, they set us free. We 
 went to Nauplia, and upon our arrival there, the members, 
 the executive, and ourselves all went to church, and took 
 our oaths that we would let all the past go, and forget 
 it, and uniting together, would have no other idea in the 
 future but how we could best serve our country. Then they 
 made me the national general. The deputies and the 
 executive assembled, and I went also. 
 
CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 AS soon as the deputies and executive were assembled, 
 they summoned me, when I thus addressed them : 
 " Eevered Administration, will it please you to listen to 
 the advice which I proffer to you ? Let no Turk be found 
 anywhere in Patras, Korona, or Mothokorona let the 
 whole be Greek ; but the fort of Tripolitsa we must 
 destroy, because it is not well in the middle of the Pelopon- 
 nesus to have such a cradle where civil wars can be nursed, 
 especially now, when Ibrahim is in the Poloponnesus with 
 fifty thousand men, and holds the three forts of Messenia, 
 and is also keeping Patras, besides which he has won 
 many victories over the Greeks, and has killed Phlessas, 
 with his five hundred men; and had Phlessas had a thousand 
 men, he would have been killed ; he has also burnt Kala- 
 mata, and the armies have fled before him, he having con- 
 quered in so many engagements. He will surely now come 
 to Tripolitsa, and if he come to Tripolitsa, and seizes the 
 fort, then the whole of the Peloponnesus is lost, because 
 the fort is in its very centre." 
 
 " There are no funds;" they answered. 
 
 " Give me permission," I replied, " and with the help of 
 the people I will pull it down in five days, and then Ibra- 
 him will not find a place wherein he can make his nest, and 
 I can attack him from all sides. If he takes Tripolitsa he 
 
KOLOKOTBONJ&S, KLEPHT AND WARBIOB. 207 
 
 will not need any other nest from which he can go forth 
 and ravage the Peloponnesus, but if we destroy Tripolitsa, 
 he will find no other nest, and I, with my armies, will 
 drive him out of the Peloponnesus. The other armies will 
 then join us, otherwise they will not join us, for they are 
 afraid on every side." (And so it was.) 
 
 They suspected that I had some hatred to gratify by 
 destroying the walls of Tripolitsa, and answered, " We 
 will see." I went to Argos, and made an address similar 
 to that which I had made at Tripolitsa, but I was not 
 listened to. Then I massed eight thousand soldiers : the 
 soldiers came at my bidding. The Argives came to Nauplia, 
 and the Tripolitsans to Argos. I said to them, ''Hasten, 
 brothers, lest these Arabs make slaves of us; we shall 
 have no help except from our own arms." Both men and 
 women then joined in thanksgiving to the Most High. I 
 then sent an order to all the districts, and thus, in three 
 days, I assembled eight thousand men. 
 
 I was in Tripolitsa when the news came about Phlessas. 
 The enemy had burnt Kalamata ; he was powerful, and ruled 
 all Messenia. I occupied Dervenia, and passed over to 
 Leontari, and built furnaces in order to cook food at 
 Dervenia ; I also built a breastwork strong enough for them 
 to fight Ibrahim from. He also had his spies, and he saw 
 that he could not pass over Dervenia without much loss. 
 There was a Leontarian Turk, a captive at Bolianen, who 
 was a fugitive to Ibrahim, and he told him : "I know a 
 way by which we can take the ranks through, and ascend 
 to the plain above." I did not think that he would cross 
 by that narrow pass, which I hoped could never be, yet it 
 stirred me to find that the Messenians were moving to the 
 hills, and I hastened on myself to secure that very place by 
 which he had already passed. 
 
 Some captive Turks, who were natives of the place, had 
 
208 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 fled to Ibrahim, and acted as guides. I had sent my 
 nephews to take possession of it, and I moved on to Sam- 
 pazika with eighty men, in order to raise the villages and 
 secure the positions. Day dawned when I arrived at the 
 village of Akova, and more men came from other villages 
 so that we might occupy this post. They (the enemy) did 
 not arrive until three o'clock that day, and by the help of 
 bis Turkish guides, he (Ibrahim) took possession of the 
 hill before we came up there with our army. Every one 
 who was in the village, when they saw that the hill was 
 occupied, scattered and fled ; and I, who was on a cliff, 
 saw them flee before me. 
 
 The Turks went to Boliani, a village with two hundred 
 and fifty inhabitants. The infantry set fire to the village, 
 and the cavalry hunted up the children to make slaves of 
 them ; the army was coming up on the rear. I fired off a, 
 volley : the Turks feared something, and the people there 
 were saved. This was at noon. 
 
 That hill whereon I remained was a strong post, so I sent 
 word to Dervenia for the army to return and come to me, 
 because the Turks had gone to Boliani, bidding them 
 hasten so that the plain should not be taken. The army 
 was six hours off, and night was coming on, so I stayed 
 there like a watchman, to observe what the Turks would 
 do. On receiving my message, G. Giatrakos brought up 
 eight hundred men, and the others drew nearer, led by 
 Gennaios, Koliopoulos, Deligianni, with the Arcadians and 
 Tripolitsans. (Kolios had been killed.) I went back an 
 hour's journey along the road by which my own people 
 came up. It was about sunrise when Giatrakos reached 
 me, and I made him occupy a village called Dyrrachi, for 
 I suspected that the Turks would not pass through Mistra. 
 He left, and went thither ; I remained at the same post. 
 Anton Kolokotrones, who well knew the locality, passed 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 209 
 
 along a footpath and got before the Turks. Our armies 
 came up in detachments. About a thousand arriving, I 
 sent a body of five hundred of them to seize upon a height; 
 among them were Kanelos, Gennaios, and Papatsones. 
 Koliopoulos came nearer with his Arcadians and the other 
 forces. The Turks came down upon us early in the morn- 
 ing, but not by Dyrrachi ; they met, but our own people 
 did not resist them, and made their retreat to me. 
 
 Upon their coming to me, I made my resolutions accord- 
 ingly, and despatched three thousand to the heights, that 
 we might sustain the enemy there. The Turks came down 
 straight upon Gennaios, and stood. He gave them no oppor- 
 tunity to advance, because they had left the main body in 
 the rear. The battle began with Gennaios, Kanelos, and 
 the others. Our own three thousand men built up breast- 
 works, and the cannon was placed there ; but we could do 
 nothing against them. I went half an hour's space forward 
 in order to- be opposite to the engagement, and I ordered 
 Koliopoulos to take assistance to the base of that hill, the 
 top of which was held by Gennaios ; and Koliopoulos went 
 thither and fought with the Turks, but Gennaios descended 
 and said, " Uncle, leave this place, and go to my father, so 
 that you may strengthen his position. " So Koliopoulos 
 came to me, and the Arcadians also, and therefore we were a 
 good force. Gennaios with his body was fighting through- 
 out the whole day. Giatrakos, who was stationed in the 
 village, when he heard the battle going on sent a reinforce- 
 ment to one part ; but the Turks were many, and they fell 
 upon him and routed him. There was no possibility of our 
 giving him any aid, because rocks separated us. Giatrakos 
 was wounded, and his force scattered. We expected help 
 from the villages, but none came. Gennaios, with the 
 others on the heights above fought all through the night ; 
 but the Turks did not take the posts in front. 
 
 15 
 
210 KOLOKOTBONltS, 
 
 The next day I sent the Arcadians to occupy a footpath, 
 because I saw that the Turks had seized all the heights. 
 The Turks, seeing that I had sent to take possession of that 
 narrow defile, moved thither. The Arcadians did not 
 oppose them when fighting commenced, but came to me. 
 The Turks took the plains. The Turkish cavalry then 
 moved on to Leontari, burning the villages as they went 
 along. About ten thousand were extended along the flanks 
 of Gennaios, on the plain. When I saw that our forces 
 were outflanked, I sent down Koliopoulos to a quarter 
 a little distant from the Turks, to frighten them. The 
 battle never ceased for two days and three nights. I saw 
 that I was not able to give them assistance there was_a 
 brook near, but I could not give any care about their going 
 to get water, because they were in flight I had neither 
 ammunition, food, nor water so I made a signal by lighting 
 fires, that they should retreat. In that battle five of our 
 own people were killed, and of Turks a good number. Our 
 men fled to Tourkoleka, and thence marched to Dervenia. 
 We went on to Karytaina, which was a strong position. The 
 Turks marched towards Tripolitsa, and entered it. When 
 we were in retreat, I sent Tsokres in the evening to burn 
 Tripolitsa, but he did not succeed in doing so. He had 
 begun to burn the city when Ibrahim arrived. Tripolitsa 
 and all therein were taken. 
 
 For ten days the armies of Ibrahim never ceased burning 
 the country. During those ten days I got together Kolio- 
 poulos, Kanelos Deligianni, and Papatsones. Kolios was 
 killed on the night of the retreat, but not by the enemy ; 
 we made altogether four thousand five hundred men. We 
 approached nearer in order to occupy certain positions, to 
 prevent him (Ibrahim) from marching to Karytaina and lay- 
 ing waste the villages. Zaimes and Archontopoulos were 
 at Torniki with two thousand men. The Mistriotes and 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 211 
 
 Agiopetritai were with Zapheiropoulos. Ibrahim did move 
 forward, but he went to Argos. He left an army in Tripo- 
 litsa and went to Glykeia (a garden belonging to Miaoules). 
 
 As soon as we learnt that Ibrahim had gone to Argos, I 
 devised a stratagem, by which we, by going outside Tripo- 
 litsa, might fight with them, and spring over into it. I 
 sent Koliopoulos with a thousand men to seize upon the 
 water source secretly; but his army was not to appear. 
 Gennaios with two thousand was to go to Perithori, and 
 Kanelos Deligianni, Papatsone3, and the rest moved to 
 the centre above the gate of St. Athanasius, where they 
 were to be concealed, whilst I stationed myself in the centre. 
 Kanelos, who was among them, was to have fifty men with 
 him. My idea was that the Turks, seeing so few, would 
 come out, and in that case Koliopoulos and Gennaios, who 
 were concealed, could enter Tripolitsa by means of the 
 Leontarian gate. But my device was of no avail, for the 
 Turks within were few and never left the fort. There was 
 some firing for about an hour, when the Greeks, seeing 
 that the Turks would not come out, showed themselves. 
 The Turks got possession of some redoubts. 
 
 At the same time I received a letter from the Government 
 which was at Nauplia. The Government sent me word that 
 Ibrahim had gone to Akro-Corinth, and that I was to take 
 my armies thither. We had neither ammunition nor pro- 
 visions. We had been feeding upon old rams and green 
 corn, because the villages were deserted in consequence of 
 their fears. The Turks of Tripolitsa wrote to Ibrahim to 
 return. As soon as I received this letter from the Govern- 
 ment, I directed Demetrius Koliopoulos to go to the Aphen- 
 tikos Mills and obtain ammunition and provisions for us* 
 I left Kanelos and Papatsones with fifteen hundred men, 
 just to terrify the Turks, and with another three hundred 
 I went forward to obey the orders of the Government. On 
 
212 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 that day there happened to have been a great rising of the 
 water springs, and there was quite a flood. The men got 
 food from many villages, and drank wine, which got into 
 their heads and intoxicated them, so that they delayed going 
 on to Partheni. I sent Konstantinos Zapheiropoulos to 
 number the forces of Ibrahim from a nearer point, and I also 
 went myself. I marched forward, and about noon we 
 arrived at Achladokabo. I went down to the Khan at 
 Achladokabo to reckon up all our forces, and then moved 
 on. I wrote to the Government to send me forthwith powder 
 and bread to the Aphentikos Mills, so that I might go to 
 Akro-Corinth. 
 
 Ibrahim went to Argos and slept at Vrysaria : the place 
 had been dug out and ploughed. When we sent forward swift 
 messengers, they came up with the advance guard of Ibrahim, 
 and fled back to us, saying that the Turks were come. 
 
 I organized the army to form into four columns, and sent 
 out Basil the trumpeter to make a reconnoissance. If the 
 Turks were few in number, he was to blow his trumpet ; 
 if all the force was present, he was to fire off a gun. He 
 went, and he fired off his gun. Koliopoulos then went to 
 Gyra, and G. Alonistiotes to the place of embarkation at 
 Begi ; Gennaios was to occupy the pass of Partheni, and I 
 was to be on the heights. We saw all the force of Ibrahim, 
 numbering three thousand men, opposite to us, and he 
 placed himself on the plain of Achladokabo. He formed 
 his men into four columns, and directed the greater part 
 of the cavalry to move towards Gyra. 
 
 The Greeks who were with me were broken because they 
 had no breastworks. I quite expected that we should be 
 routed. If we had received the news at night we could have 
 made breastworks, and if Zaimes had come we should have 
 had some good fighting. I was very anxious the army 
 was starving, and without powder ; so, to save the army, 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 213 
 
 I ordered a retreat. Koliopoulos marched to the monastery 
 of St. Nicholas, which was a strong place. I blew my own 
 trumpet so that Gennaios might move away ; but he did 
 not wish to retreat. Ibrahim, seeing that he remained, 
 threw column upon column on the wild position which he 
 held. I again ordered a retreat. 
 
 Going towards Partheni, accompanied by twenty cavalry, 
 I went into a village at Pertsova to find some water to 
 drink. Gennaios occupied the heights opposite this village, 
 on the top of the hill, and had fifteen hundred men with 
 him. I went there to drink water, but found none : there 
 was a place excavated for a fountain, and I went thither to 
 drink. The Turks were stationed in the vineyards of 
 Pertsova until they all could assemble, and the Turkish 
 cavalry who were scattered over the plain came down upon 
 us at the fountain. We fired off our guns and fled. We 
 continued to be fired upon for some distance, and then I 
 went and waited opposite the place where Gennaios was 
 posted. The other Turks did not take the field, but re- 
 mained in the vineyards ; they saw Gennaios, but did not 
 attempt to ascend to him. In the twilight I summoned Gen- 
 naios with my trumpet to come down to us, and in the 
 evening we met again. When they had rejoined us I said 
 to them, " Kanelos and Papatsones are encouraging them- 
 selves with the idea that the Turks are few in number; let 
 us go forward and make them leave their positions so that 
 they be not surrounded by the Turks." We reached them, 
 and they arose, and we all went to Alonistaina together. 
 
 Ibrahim took up his quarters at Tripolitsa. I wrote to 
 the different districts, and we assembled seven thousand 
 men at Dervenia. Archontopoulos, Zaimes, and Londos 
 had two thousand at Levidi, and I had five thousand with 
 Koliopoulos, Papatsones, and the Karytainan armies. We 
 learnt from a Turk that his son-in-law had gone with a 
 
214 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 reinforcement of soldiers to Mothon, which was to move 
 forward to give additional aid to Ibrahim. I then sent 
 orders that Dervenia should be occupied, so that the rein- 
 forcement should not pass that way, and with this object, 
 I seized on Yervena, and they were to come to our aid from 
 Dervenia, whilst Zaimes was to go to Pano-Chrepa. I also 
 sent Koliopoulos with two thousand men to seize on Valtetsi, 
 and despatched Gennaios to occupy Trikorpha. 
 
 In the evening Zaimes came to Pano-Chrepa and 
 lighted fires. The Turks saw the fires from Tripolitsa, 
 and suspected that the Greeks were going to seize upon 
 Trikorpha ; so in the morning Ibrahim decided to send one 
 or two thousand men to secure Trikorpha during the night. 
 Gennaios had gone forward, but he did not succeed in 
 taking the whole of the breastworks, but about half of 
 them, and the other half was taken by Ibrahim. The 
 battle began ; I was at Pano-Chrepa, where the Kalavry- 
 tian and Corinthian armies were posted, and Koliopoulos 
 endeavoured to take a reinforcement to Gennaios. Ibrahim 
 thereupon sent out his cavalry, who were gathering in the 
 harvests on the plain. They went to Sylimna, and turned 
 Koliopoulos back ; it was a plain, and Koliopoulos was not 
 able to oppose himself to them there. There were seven 
 thousand soldiers in Vervena ; they heard the battle going 
 on, and never went to render any assistance ; if they had 
 gone and given their aid, Ibrahim would not have sent his 
 entire force against Gennaios. As soon, however, as Ibra- 
 him sent to Tripolitsa for aid, I also had sent to get help 
 from the other side for our own people. 
 
 The battle lasted from early morn until two hours after 
 noon nine hours altogether. Cannon was brought opposite 
 the breastworks of Gennaios. Twice did Gennaios sally 
 forth from his breastworks to seize on the cannon, but he 
 found too great a force arrayed against him, and was forced 
 
ELEPHT AND WABBIOB. 215 
 
 to return. The cannon of the enemy, however, did no 
 damage. Papatsones was killed in the breastworks, and 
 two or three other chief men among us. 
 
 Ibrahim's whole force amounted to twenty thousand men. 
 Gennaios had no fears as regarded the breastworks, where 
 he placed himself, and when the Turks saw, that they could 
 do nothing in that part, they extended themselves to act 
 upon the wings. * Panagiotakes Notaras, who kept the flank 
 of Gennaios, went away, and Gianni Notaras then retreated 
 amid great risk; the rear of Gennaios had been taken, and 
 as soon as they saw that, they fled from the breastworks 
 and came to us. The cavalry came up to them, and a 
 hundred and eighty of them were lost, among whom were 
 many distinguished officers for instance, George Alonis- 
 tiotes, Kostas Boura, Tambakopoulos, Christodoulos, and 
 others, and the rest of the Greeks were all picked men. There 
 were a hundred and ten men from Karytaina, and seventy 
 from the other districts. I had sent Michalaki Zaimes' 
 standard-bearer out with thirty men ; he maintained his 
 position well against the Turks, and our own men saved 
 him. At night we went back to Alonistaina. 
 
 When Ibrahim saw that there were Greek soldiers there, 
 he occupied both Piana and Chrysovitsi, about a mile the 
 one from the other, with the mills of Davia between. He 
 left Souleiman Bey there with five thousand men, and built 
 twelve breastworks so as to guard the mills. Ibrahim 
 spread his men all over the fields in order to harvest the 
 corn, and to carry it when reaped into Tripolitsa, whither 
 he now went. A hundred Arabs went to Alonistaina, but 
 the Greeks fell upon them, and killed all except tbree or 
 four who managed to escape, and carried the news to 
 Tripolitsa. When Ibrahim found that we were at Alonis- 
 taina, he moved the whole of his army forward in five 
 columns, both cavalry and infantry. 
 
216 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 We had an intention of going to Demitsana, but we 
 were not able to get there. 
 
 We left in the early morn, and Koliopoulos remained 
 behind with a thousand men, but he was not strong enough 
 to oppose himself to Ibrahim, who got to Vytina, and from 
 Vytina went on to Magouliana. We were not able to stand 
 up against him there, and the army was dispersed. As 
 for the Karytainans, when Ibrahim reached that district, 
 each one there thought about securing the safety of his 
 family; the Corinthians dispersed; Londos himself got away. 
 
 At this juncture there remained myself, Zaimes, Kanelos 
 Deligianni, Koliopoulos, Anagnostes Papastathopoulos, and 
 Apostolus Kolokotrones. We went to Langadia. 
 
 Zachariades came to us with letters, asking us to sign 
 an address in which we asked for the intervention of 
 England, because, on account of the position of affairs, we 
 were not able to unite, and we were to sign this address. 
 I and the six others put our signatures to it. We were 
 all in despair in this conjunction of affairs, and therefore 
 we signed it, and gave it to the person who was sent with 
 it, who took it back to Zante. 
 
 Zaimes went away to Kalavryta. Gennaios departed 
 to look after my son Konstantine at Psathari. Kanelos 
 accompanied him, and they took their families, and carried 
 them to Nauplia. Koliopoulos departed for Palouba, and 
 secured the safety of his family, and took it to Monemvasia. 
 
 Thus this force was entirely disbanded, but I remained 
 with thirty men, and crossed over to Phanari. 
 
 From Phanari I despatched my orders, and in three 
 days I found myself again with two thousand men. This 
 was what puzzled Ibrahim so much, that when he broke up 
 one of my camps, in two days I set up another. 
 
 Ibrahim now went to the district of Karytaina ; he also 
 went to Kalavryta and Strezova, burning all before him, 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 217 
 
 and making slaves everywhere. Having ravaged all those 
 places he returned to Tripolitsa, and after stopping there 
 one night he went to Mistra, and, having enslaved 
 and despoiled that place also, returned again to Tripolitsa. 
 Thence he went forth to Mbthokorona. I left two thousand 
 men at Karya, and went myself to Vervena for the purpose 
 of preventing the five thousand who were assembled there 
 from dispersing. They scarcely set eyes on the Turks 
 before they were broken ; at Yervena many were sur- 
 rounded and shut up. Andreas, a son of Koutaki, fought 
 well, and killed fifteen. When the Turks went back to 
 Tripolitsa, we went to Agio-Petro, and the army was dis- 
 persed. Ibrahim had gone down to Mothokorona, and 
 attacked the army which I had left at Karya. He attacked 
 them, but had no great success, and thence he passed to 
 Korona. Seventy Turks were killed. 
 
 Just see how the beginning of this address for the inter- 
 vention of England came about. I once took a letter to 
 Romas,* and he said that he would talk it over with 
 Adam.t Adam asked him whether it would not be possible 
 to detach Kolokotrones from the body of the chiefs. This 
 body was supposed to be in opposition to England, and 
 devoted to Russia, so the Mavrokordatoi gave out. Romas 
 wrote to me, and said something to the same effect, and 
 asked me to give him my opinion in writing under my 
 own hand. " I am neither an opposer of the English, nor 
 a worshipper of the Russian," I answered, " but I am the 
 friend of whosoever is willing to do any good service for 
 my country, and I will become a guarantee for this to his 
 Excellency, Adam, and let Adam take my sentiments 
 
 to his court." 
 
 Adam did send information about this to England, and 
 
 * Conte Eoma. He belonged to a great Greek family in Zante. 
 f The English Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, 
 
218 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 after some time he sent for Romas, and they were closeted 
 together for two days. The scheme of an address was then 
 framed: one was sent to me for my signature, and another 
 was sent to Miaoules. We signed it. The nation under- 
 standing this, called for an assembly, and the members 
 and the executive signed as private persons, not as an 
 administrative body. By the rule as it now stood the presi- 
 dents both of the sea and land service were to execute it. 
 Thus I put my signature as president of the united districts 
 of Greece, and also as the generalissimo of Greece, and 
 Miaoules as the president of the islands, and admiral of 
 the Greek forces on the sea. The nation ratified this 
 action as regarded the address to be forwarded, in an 
 assembly held at Epidaurus and Troizenos. 
 
 I again despatched my summonses to Mistra, Monem- 
 vasia, and Agio-Petro, for troops, and gathered together 
 ten thousand men, when I went and occupied Vervena. 
 The old lady my mother (I had instructed Captain Chima- 
 riotes to take charge of her) went at this time to Gior- 
 gitsi, and passed to the end of Mistra in order to go to 
 Nauplia. We had also with us the two sons of Senetzim 
 Bey, hostages from Tripolitsa, whom we put into a safe 
 place and guarded until we could exchange them for the 
 two Zapheiropouloi who were with Ibrahim. I then took 
 over the army to Vervena, and left it there, whilst I went 
 to visit my family. It is two miles from Vervena to Agio- 
 Petro. My troops saw a haze rising from the plain of Tripo- 
 litsa, and fancying that it was an army coming, thereupon 
 dispersed, aud as I was returning I met them. I now saw 
 that it was impossible to make them serve, and so I sent to 
 the Government to enlist soldiers at Nauplia, and to give 
 them to Londos, Gennaios, and Kanelos, and they were 
 to be paid troops, when I, having the executive power, 
 would send for them, also myself collecting other soldiers. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 219 
 
 They came, and altogether we assembled four thousand 
 men. Londos and Kanelos arrived, and in this way we 
 made up the four thousand which were at Agio-Petro. 
 
 I immediately ordered Anton Kolokotrones and those 
 he had with him to go and seize the shepherds, and 
 to attack the enemy in every direction. He did so, and 
 got some flags, and also killed many, bringing us their 
 heads, for which we paid the soldiers a dollar apiece. 
 This brought Ibrahim with all his force to Tripolitsa. 
 Leaving part of his army at Mylos, and part in Tripolitsa, 
 he went on to Mistra with a force of thirty thousand. At 
 that time I happened to be at Nauplia on military busi- 
 ness, in order to give my opinion to the Government in 
 respect to supplies of food and ammunition, in conse- 
 quence of which a commission was formed of Konstantine 
 Deligianni and another Eoumeliote of the same name, and 
 also Anastases Londos, and sent to Astros to procure pro- 
 visions, and to pay the chiefs and stipendiaries who had 
 received orders payable there. 
 
 I then departed for Astros, where information was 
 brought me that Ibrahim had gone to Mistra. I wrote, 
 therefore, for my troops to move on to Mistra also, and I 
 embarked myself in a boat to go to Levidi in search of 
 soldiers. And this is what happened. Whilst I was at 
 Levidi I succeeded in getting two hundred Levidiotes, and 
 again going forward, 1 came up with some bodies of troops 
 under Zaimes, Londos, Gennaios, and Panagiotakes Notaras. 
 
 Ibrahim again went forth, burning the country beyond 
 Monemvasia, and afterwards returning to Apidia, he sent 
 out his son-in-law into the country with a thousand men, 
 and he entering into a village in that district, we harassed 
 him there, and four of his men were killed, after which he 
 ascended a hill and signalled from thence for aid, when 
 some regular troops were sent to his assistance. 
 
220 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 The Turkish armies moved thence towards Gerald, and 
 our own force went to Kosma. I ordered them all to 
 cross over to Agio-Basil and to prepare for battle. The 
 whole of the paid troops accompanied the baggage : they 
 were about three thousand in number, so we had only a 
 thousand left with us. Ibrahim marched over to Mara- 
 thonesi, thence to Polytzaravon : there he was met by the 
 Maniotes, who fought a good battle, and the Turks were 
 repulsed. Our men were surrounded in many strong 
 positions, but they fought so well that the Turks gained 
 no advantage. The enemy then marched back to Tripolitsa, 
 and we returned to Vervena. Zaimes departed for 
 Kalavryta, and Notaras went to Corinth to collect forces to 
 oppose to the Turks if they entered those districts. Whilst 
 the Corinthians were occupying Tsipiani, myself, with 
 Gennaios and Londos, remained at Vervena. 
 
 At this time Theodore Grivas came from Nauplia to 
 Doliana with three hundred men. 
 
 I made my resolves accordingly, and taking two hundred 
 men with me, went to the Mills of Davia. When I left 
 Gennaios, Londos, and Kanelos at Yervena, I said to 
 them, "In so many days you will see fires lighted up all 
 round ; have your sentinels in readiness, and as many fires 
 as you see, so many thousands of soldiers shall I have with 
 me. You must then kindle the same number of fires, so 
 that we may understand that- you have seen ours. At 
 dawn I shall then attack the Turks at the mills, and you, 
 during the night, must seize upon Trikorpha and prevent 
 the possibility of any assistance reaching them from 
 Tripolitsa." 
 
 I went to Doliana accordingly, and brought thence 
 Theodore Grivas and his three hundred men, and we 
 crossed over to Tsipiana, when I said to the forces as- 
 sembled there : 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 221 
 
 " If you see fires on the hills, let this force go and occupy 
 Pano-Chrepa." 
 
 I departed to Alonistaina and sent a courier on foot to 
 Zaimes, who was at Kalavryta, writing him that he was 
 to come up with as many as he could get an hour earlier 
 than was agreed upon. He brought six hundred men with 
 him, and as I had fourteen hundred, we had thus acquired 
 between us a force of two thousand. It was my intention 
 to attack the Mills of Davia, so as by that means to cut 
 off all food supplies from the enemy. I inquired of several 
 Turks, whom the Greeks had captured, how many there 
 were at the Turkish breastworks, and the answer was that 
 they numbered only about eight hundred. 
 
 I made the signals as concerted, and as soon as the 
 morning dawned the different bodies went out and seized 
 upon the positions which I had indicated. Theodore Grivas 
 wished to go to the post which Hassan Bey was occupying, 
 so I gave him guides, and he went thither. Basil Alonis- 
 tides with his men went to his side. I ordered Anton 
 Kolokotrones to take five hundred soldiers to Chrysovitsi, 
 with instructions that if the Turks should make any attempt 
 upon the entrenchments for the purpose of carrying aid to 
 other bodies of Turks, that they should fall upon them from 
 above; and this was the same spot where Konstantine 
 Anastopoulos, my sister's son, intended to make an attack. 
 Zaimes and myself, with two hundred men, stationed our- 
 selves inside Piana, and we divided the Alonistainans among 
 five positions. Thero is an old tower in Piana, and the 
 Turks had made it into a fort, and a hundred and thirty 
 Turks were in it. I had ordered the force to draw near to 
 it during the night, approaching it either from the heights 
 or from the village. The distance from one post to the 
 other, whence we were to get there, was only about ten 
 minutes' journey. 
 
222 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Konstantine and Lechourites went down at sunrise to 
 the village which had been destroyed by the Turks pur- 
 posely that the Greeks should not take possession of it, 
 but there were two companies of Turks at the foot of the 
 village. 
 
 Firing was opened at Piana, and when we went forward 
 to give them assistance those two companies came down 
 upon us. When the Turks saw that we had ten of the cavalry 
 with us they thought we were more numerous than we were, 
 and retired. The Alonistainans came upon the lines of the 
 Turks, but Grivas did not stop to fight when he caught sight 
 of Souleiman Bey. Anton Kolokotrones with Petimeza 
 rushed to seize Kephalovryso and the mills, but they were 
 not able to pass the Turkish entrenchments. 
 
 My own standard-bearer, and also that of Zaimes', drew 
 near to the wings of the Turkish army. -Zaimes' standard- 
 bearer was the first to break them, when he killed three with 
 the spear of his banner staff. The Turks fell into disorder, 
 and out of those two companies only four were saved. We 
 took their flag and sixteen drums. The Turks who were 
 shut up in the old tower were defeated, and the whole 
 of the hundred and thirty were killed. 
 
 The body of the Verveni went to the post vacated by the 
 men of Trikorpha ; Londos, Giatrakos, Kanelos, and Gen- 
 naios were the leaders, and they had the cavalry. There 
 were twenty horsemen, and it was the first time that we had 
 begun to form regular cavalry. The Turks came out of 
 Tripolitsa to go to the aid of those with whom we were 
 fighting ; they were attacked and driven back by our 
 cavalry. Notaras then arrived at Pano-Chrepa, whilst 
 forces from Tripolitsa and Sylimna came down upon Gen- 
 naios at Trikorpha, which is opposite Sylimna. A most 
 obstinate battle ensued, and the Turks took to flight. 
 About seventy of them were killed, and they got possession 
 
KLEPHT AND WABMOU. 223 
 
 of thirteen drums ; eleven breastworks were also taken, as 
 well as the little fort of Sylinma, On account of their 
 complete defeat they did not attempt to go on to 
 Tripolitsa. 
 
 The Turkish leader sent four of his cavalry to carry the 
 tidings to Ibrahim, who was then in Messenia making ready 
 to go and waste the Soulimo district. Upon hearing the 
 state of affairs Ibrahim pushed on to relieve the men who 
 were shut up in Davia. 
 
 Gennaios had no more ammunition or provisions. He 
 went to Valtetsi and I to the vale of Alonistaina. On the 
 third day I ordered Gennaios to take his force to the mills 
 below, near Sylimna. He went there and fought for four 
 hours, when he got possession of the fortifications and 
 burnt the mills. They killed about fifty and seized upon 
 the entrenchments. 
 
 On the other part, we, with Anton Kolokotrones, 
 Kolphinos, Grivas, Tsokres, and others, destroyed all the rest 
 of the mills, and shut up those who were in the old fort 
 that was situated upon a rock which it was almost impos- 
 sible for any one to ascend. We came to the opinion that 
 the best plan would be to cut off the water from them, and 
 that in two days they would then be forced to surrender. 
 
 At this juncture of affairs, however, Gennaios showed 
 a light, which gave us to understand that Ibrahim had 
 arrived. Gennaios marched to Vervena. 
 
 Ibrahim brought up two thousand cavalry ; they went 
 and released the Turks whom we had surrounded, and the 
 soldiers went through, fighting all the way from the rear. 
 We passed through Vervena, and Notaropoulos and Tsokres 
 stayed at Tsipiana. We destroyed eight or nine mills on 
 the plain of Tavia ; and then the enemy went back to 
 Tripolitsa. The regular Turks in three days, and in 
 different places, lost five hundred men, twenty drums, 
 
224 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 many muskets, four flags, and a great number of 
 officers. . 
 
 We fought there; but in all parts and in every dis- 
 trict the Turks were continually being attacked, and not 
 a single day passed on which Turks were not killed. I am 
 writing here, however, only concerning the engagements at 
 which I was present and in which I was the leader. 
 
 This was the only way in which the Turks 'could be 
 successfully attacked, since I was not able to systematize a 
 national campaign : first, because I had no food supplies ; 
 secondly, because there was no ammunition ; and thirdly, 
 because it was utterly impossible for us to conquer 
 the Turks in a pitched battle on account of the 
 overwhelming force of the enemy. I always, therefore, 
 gave directions to attack the enemy from the front, from 
 the rear, and from the sides, and to fall upon their 
 camp at night, and I also ordered that our own soldiers 
 should burn all our supplies when there was no means to 
 carry them away, rather than leave them to be taken by the 
 Turks ; and by this system many Turks were destroyed 
 without much loss to the Greeks. 
 
 There were not wanting some who called out upon this, 
 and the Government had the same impression, writing to 
 me to systematize a national camp and carry on a national 
 campaign ; but none of them knew our position. The 
 Turks had seized upon the centre, and we were never enabled 
 to centralize ten or fifteen thousand to oppose to the 
 enemy's forces. Every district had to take measures for 
 its own defence. Every part had become almost like a 
 desert waste, for the war had prevented all husbandry and 
 tilling of the ground, and so we had no bread. The Govern- 
 ment was a Government only in name, and never sent us 
 what we needed, because it had it not. For twenty and thirty 
 days at a time we lived solely upon crabs, green corn, and 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 225 
 
 flesh {of rams). If we had carried on a national warfare, 
 and five or six thousand of us had been destroyed, it was 
 not possible to amass another force ; whereas if Ibrahim 
 lost ten or fifteen thousand of his Arabs in a battle he 
 could at once bring others into the field. 
 
 In such a conjuncture of affairs many shepherds greatly 
 helped us, because the whole camp was sustained by the 
 products of the people. In these skirmishing wars all 
 assisted to the utmost of their power ; all, but especially 
 Antonakes Kolokotrones and Korelas from Akrodoremma, 
 with Pappas Demetrius from Chrysovitsi. These killed 
 sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty, sometimes forty, and 
 sometimes even fifty of the enemy. Every district opposed 
 itself to the common foe. The Arcadians and the Konto- 
 vounesoi, and all the Messenians went to Mothokorona 
 and attacked the Turks and slew them, often carrying off 
 twenty, thirty, and forty mules ; and in this way only could 
 exist, because the Peloponnesians had no pay, and they 
 could only live by the spoils taken from the Turks. The in- 
 habitants of all the districts fled to a hill when the Turks 
 came down upon their places; if the Turks followed them 
 thither, they fled to another. All these things were done in 
 1826. 
 
 After I had destroyed his mills, Ibrahim had no longer 
 any means for storing supplies ; he therefore opened a road 
 from Mothokorona to Tripolitsa, and sent beasts of burthen 
 laden with supplies from Messenia. He took possession of 
 Issari and made a camp there. In this manner he fed 
 Tripolitsa for some time, and left there five thousand guards 
 whom he had collected from different Messenian forts. 
 
 When I learnt from the captive Arabs whom the Greeks 
 had taken that Ibrahim was making ready to pass over 
 from Gastouni to Missolonghi, I wrote to the Govern- 
 ment, and I gave them my opinion, with two alternatives 
 
 16 
 
226 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 namely, that they should either give me permission 
 to go myself to Gastouni, or allow some one else to go, 
 for the purpose of collecting all the provisions that could be 
 found in Gastouni, in order to embark them for Missolonghi ; 
 and had they been but willing to listen to me, God knows 
 how everything might have been changed, because Mis- 
 solonghi would not have fallen if there had been any more 
 food in it. The Government had time there were twenty 
 days and I gave them information very early. Ibrahim 
 supplied the three forts with soldiers and provisions, and 
 himself moved into Gastouni. As to the Gastounians, 
 some took to the hills, and others shut themselves up in 
 Chlomoutzi. He burnt some provisions there, and the 
 rest of the supplies he prepared to take with him on his 
 journey to Missolonghi, 
 
 Thus the Gastounians who were shut up in Chlomoutzi 
 had not the necessaries of life, for they had with them 
 many women and children, and very few provisions. Three 
 hundred of the Gastounians at Chlomoutzi, considering 
 how they were thus surrounded, resolved to fall upon 
 the camp of the enemy, to fall upon them very sud- 
 denly, and after harassing their enemies, to return to the 
 fort. These attacked the Turks in this manner and 
 destroyed many, but a spring of water had been occupied 
 during the evening, and as they were returning they were 
 enclosed in a village, and were all killed. They had slain as 
 many Turks as they could, but they were lost themselves, 
 and Chlomoutzi was given up. Michaelakes Sissines was there. 
 
 Ibrahim now made ready to go to Missolonghi with his 
 army. What took place at Missolonghi is well known, and 
 has been told in another history. He united himself to 
 Kioutahi. Another history also has taken note of the 
 bravery of Missolonghi. A very few days after he arrived 
 there, Missolonghi was lost. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 227 
 
 When the enemy had gone to Missolonghi I went all 
 round Tripolitsa, and was able to find out the narrow 
 road leading from Agiorgitika and Pertsova, and burnt 
 the houses belonging to the Turks. I measured out the 
 ground for the purpose of making an entrenchment there, 
 for it was winter time, and going down to the national 
 mills, I sent to the Government to provide me with food 
 and ammunition in order that I might be able to collect 
 soldiers in the villages within a mile or so of Tripolitsa, 
 from which we might find an opportunity for getting 
 into Tripolitsa itself. And my Government told me to go 
 to Nauplia ; but this was my answer : 
 
 " This is no time for me to go to Nauplia, but if you 
 will let me have what I have asked for, I shall be able to 
 do some hurt to the enemy, here in Tripolitsa." 
 
 Upon this the Government promised me that it would do 
 so, and began to send me supplies, which I stored up in the 
 village where I had made entrenchments. 
 
 I transmitted despatches to all the districts to bid them 
 assemble. In one part they collected soldiers, and from 
 another part they gave provisions. At the same time they 
 sent to me Konstantes Mavromichaeles, who was a member 
 of the executive, with a hundred men, and I went to the 
 interior of Achladokabo, and gave provisions both for that 
 place and for himself. The newspapers heard that food 
 supplies had been sent to me to Tripolitsa, with the object 
 of making an assault upon it. This got into the news- 
 papers, wherein it was also stated that the national general 
 had made agreements with the Government whereby it 
 engaged to supply him with rations and ammunition, in 
 order that he might make an assault upon Tripolitsa. This 
 was what the newspapers made public before I had made 
 ready my designs. Whatever secrets they had were always 
 reported to the enemy. 
 
228 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 In those days, whilst I was collecting troops, Petro Bey 
 and his son Georgaki, who were in the Government, sent 
 letters to Tripolitsa, by which an exchange of prisoners 
 was effected. (We had given them up the two Pashas, and 
 they delivered back Georgaki Mavromichaeles and Giatrakos 
 to us.) They sent Philemon from the mills with letters, and 
 he stayed a day and a night at Tripolitsa, until the Turkish 
 commandant who was there should give him his answer 
 to carry back. A closed answer was delivered to him after 
 the same manner as the letter sent, and he went to embark 
 at the mills for Nauplia. 
 
 " Where hast thou been ? " I asked him. 
 
 " To Tripolitsa with letters." 
 
 " Who sent thee ? " 
 
 " The Government." 
 
 Then I said, " I am collecting soldiers and provisions, 
 and I am the general, and yet the Government carries on 
 a secret correspondence with the Turks." I seized upon 
 his letters, and tore them up, and thrashed Philemon. 
 
 When the Government heard of my proceedings it was 
 very displeased, and wrote me a reprimanding letter, which 
 I answered by saying that it was my duty as a general to 
 know what transactions the Government had with the 
 enemy, lest I should be chastised," &c. 
 
 I began my campaign by collecting five thousand men, 
 and I ascended to the camp by ladders, and passed one day 
 there it was near Christmas and because excavations 
 had been made by our own men from Tripolitsa, I divided 
 the forces among the leaders. I sent Niketas to the gate 
 of Mistra, Gennaios to that of Karytaina, Konstantes 
 Mavromichaeles to the gate of Kalavryta, and Panagiotes 
 Zapheiropoulos, with the Agiopetritai, to the gate of Sarai, 
 and to the other gates I despatched other captains. I 
 divided the scaling ladders among the commanders who 
 
NIKETAS THE TURKOPHAGE. 
 
KLEPHT AND WAUUIOB. 229 
 
 were to mount the fort, and I bad a body of men with me 
 who were to render any assistance that might be needed. 
 When we were all ready we marched forward, but when we 
 drew near to Tripolitsa some traitors (it was night-time) fired 
 off two guns a signal to the enemy. Two Bulgarians had 
 joined us ; who sent them I know not. The traitors had 
 given this information : " To-night there will be an assault 
 upon you." The Turks, men, women, and children, came 
 to the walls and waited for the dawning. Niketas threw 
 down the ladders, and we, seeing that we were betrayed, 
 retired at daybreak. 
 
 When morning came the Turks saw that there were no 
 armies, and attacked the body of Tripolitsans under 
 Kiziotes. Gennaios sent them a reinforcement, but ten 
 of them were killed. Gennaios had perceived the position 
 from Rizai. We were unsuccessful on account of those 
 traitors, and therefore, as we were unable to perform 
 any good service, we gathered our men together, and went 
 back to the villages, when they all began to disperse. 
 
 I then went down to Nauplia in order that we might 
 confer together upon the expediency of calling an assembly, 
 since the Government had ruled for a year in an unwilling 
 mood, and the term of its duration was approaching. "What 
 treachery is this that is going on ? " I said ; and then we 
 spoke of the imminent danger which threatened the coun- 
 try. The Government had issued a decree that no military 
 man should go to Nauplia, because, if he did, he would not 
 be received. 
 
 As soon as I knew of this decree I wrote to Zaimes and 
 to the districts that they had better gather themselves 
 together, and that we would hold an assembly in Argos. 
 The plenipotentiaries began their work, and came to Argos, 
 and we agreed forthwith to go to Piada, and went there. 
 The representatives from the islands of the iEgeau Sea 
 
230 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 came, and also the Peloponnesians, and we framed our as- 
 sembly. This assembly then abolished the rule of Ypsilanti. 
 
 Having all met, we began our work: we placed the 
 executive power in the hands of Andreas Londos, and con- 
 stituted the elder, Panoutsos, our president, because, as one 
 party wanted to throw out Petro Bey, and another desired 
 to get rid of Zaimes, we thought the best way to put an 
 end to this wrangling was to give the presidency to Panout- 
 sos. And in these afore-mentioned" labours there was a 
 party among the Koumeliotes, and Ypsilanti, on his side, 
 said, " We do not agree with that appeal which you have 
 sent to London." They answered with one voice, " We 
 have done that which the nation wished, and that cannot 
 be made matter for his opinion." The Koumeliotes stood 
 by Ypsilanti. Whereupon I rose up : "It is not just," 
 I said, " to drive out Ypsilanti from among us, because it 
 seems to me that at the beginning of the rising you had a 
 writing sent to you from his late brother ; and did we not 
 make great use of that brother in the cause of Greece ? " 
 And with other words I endeavoured to pacify them in 
 regard to him, saying, " He has opposed you, that is true ; 
 but let us look at the good work he has done." I suc- 
 ceeded in getting a remission, and the suppression of his 
 official duties was limited to a year. We then went on 
 with our business. 
 
 On Palm Sunday the heroic people of Missolonghi 
 made a sally out of Missolonghi, through a host of many 
 thousands, through all their cannon, their entrenchments, 
 and their cavalry. Two thousand only were saved, and 
 the women and children were sacrificed. The news came 
 to us on the Great Wednesday, at evening time, when the 
 meeting of the assembly was over, and the shades of night 
 were closing round us. The news came to us that Misso- 
 longhi was lost. We were all plunged in great grief ; for 
 
KLEPHT AND WAtiBIOB. 23l 
 
 half an hour there was so complete a silence that no one 
 would have thought that there was a living soul present ; 
 each of us was revolving in his mind how great was our 
 misfortune. When I saw this great silence I rose to my 
 feet, and spoke some words to encourage them ; I told them 
 that Missolonghi had fallen gloriously, and that her bravery 
 would be for ever remembered, but that if we gave ourselves 
 up to mourning we should bring upon ourselves a curse, 
 and that we should be guilty of sinning against all those 
 who were weak. They answered, " What can we do now, 
 Kolokotrones ? " " What can we do ! " I cried, " why, we 
 will have a meeting at daybreak, and decide upon a Govern- 
 ment with five, six, or eight persons who can govern us, and 
 we must choose persons who will resolve to correspond with 
 foreign Powers (the Minister, Canning, had then gone to 
 Constantinople), the committee of the Assembly for Foreign 
 Affairs must give their report to the Government, and to 
 the people, and all of us meanwhile must disperse to the 
 districts, and take up arms everywhere, as we did on the 
 first day of the rising. 
 
 And so on the morning of the Great Thursday we 
 assembled and chose eleven members for the Government 
 committee, with Zaimes for President. We had Petro 
 Mavromichaeles, Spiridon Trikoupes, and others ; and the 
 duration of this committee (this was the 26th of April) 
 was to be until September, 1826, and then, if we were 
 saved, we were to meet and finish the sitting. 
 
CHAPTEB IX. 
 
 WE had Gennaios with us at Nauplia lest there should 
 be any opposition. The new Government, however, 
 did not offer any opposition, and departed for Nauplia, 
 where it began to attend to its business. I went down to 
 Argos, and, collecting some troops, prepared to move them 
 forward. The Government had arranged to make Gennaios 
 chief of the garrison, and then afterwards it desired that 
 Londos should be appointed. I said to Gennaios immedi- 
 ately, " Let be, we must save our country, and whatever the 
 Government wishes, let it be done." Gennaios therefore 
 exerted himself, and I got together some thousands of men, 
 and occupied a village in Bongiati, six miles from Argos. 
 
 I sent out men to collect sheep for slaughtering. I 
 wrote to the Corinthians to assemble, because Ibrahim 
 Pasha was about to leave Missolonghi and go to Patras 
 with the whole of his force, and I also told them what I 
 had heard, ' namely, that he was about to unite with 
 Kioutahi, who was also coming; but this report was false, 
 for Kioutahi had gone to Eastern Greece. 
 
 When all his army had passed over to Patras for he 
 began to move immediately with the whole of his troops 
 the people of Patras, everyone of them, gathered together, 
 and with their women, their children, and their effects, 
 took to the hills. There were among them two Pelopon- 
 
KOLOKOTBONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 233 
 
 nesian Turks who fled from the hill Chelmos, and betrayed 
 it to Ibraham. Ibrahim went to Chelmos, and there was 
 not a shot fired at him anywhere. He made slaves of 
 about two thousand women and children, and took alto- 
 gether four thousand captives. The rest were scattered 
 like the winds, and there was a report that five thousand 
 were killed. The Kalavrytians and the inhabitants of dis- 
 tricts of Karytaina, Leontari, and Mani, fled ; horror filled 
 the whole of the Peloponnesus, and Ibrahim passed- along 
 and arrived at Tripolitsa, and I myself, when I received 
 this information, had two thousand men with me, and we 
 went over opposite Tripolitsa in order that we might see 
 whither he would direct his arms, and then we marched 
 to the district of Karytaina. 
 
 Ibrahim took his forces to the plain of Karytaina, when 
 I sent Gennaios forward with five hundred men, and 
 he occupied Stemnitsa, in which, being a strong position, 
 he could shut himself up if Ibrahim should come down 
 upon him. I meanwhile lay concealed with the rest of 
 the army, so that if I saw that Gennaios was attacked 
 by the Turks, I could fall upon them in the rear. Ibrahim 
 did not come down upon Gennaios, for he had learnt that 
 the female children had been taken to Mani, and therefore 
 he followed them thither, leaving his camp on the plain. 
 The people, hearing that Ibrahim had gone to villages 
 on the rear, burning all before him, took refuge in Mani, 
 until his army turned back. He marched through 
 Messenia, and the Arcadians and Androusani, upon hearing 
 of the ravages committed on the plain above them, also 
 hastened to Mani. Wherever he went there was slaying, 
 everywhere there was enslavement. Pie then fixed his 
 camp at Nisi, in Kalamata. 
 
 When Ibrahim had left Missolonghi the Maniotes 
 erected a strong breastwork at Armyro, where lie the 
 
234 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 homes of the Kapetaniani. It was built from the sea-shore 
 to the rock, and was quite an hour's march in extent. 
 Ibrahim went thither once, but the Maniotes attacked, 
 and after killing a considerable number, repulsed 
 him. About the same time I took three thousand 
 soldiers to Derveni, and leaving them all there except 
 eighty men, I went with this body into Messenia, 
 and marched over the whole of the heights because 
 Ibrahim and his camp were stationed at Nisi, in Kala- 
 mata. As I was on the road I blew my trumpet, so that 
 everybody should know that I was there, and they knew 
 me, and they were much cheered in consequence, and were 
 encouraged to go back to their houses. And then going 
 down to Armyro, I wrote to every part that the Pelopon- 
 nesians had returned to their several districts, and there- 
 upon they all came back, the women and children going 
 to their homes, and the men going to the war. 
 
 I stayed eight days there, lest Ibrahim might again 
 attempt to go to Verga. Ibrahim, however, marched away 
 to the forts, so that his army might get a little breathing 
 time, and also to leave the captured women and children 
 there. I sent many inspiriting words to encourage the 
 Maniotes, and many gathered round me at Armyro, when 
 I went to the army which I left at Derveni, and led it 
 to Manesi, between Leontari and Mistra, and when we 
 were all united with the Mistriote forces we numbered 
 four thousand. At Mistra I obtained some provisions. 
 
 Ibrahim sent his lieutenant to attack Verga in Armyro 
 again, and at the same time despatched a force to fall upon 
 the same place in the rear. Upon hearing of this movement 
 of Ibrahim, and that he had gone to Verga for the second 
 time, they sent word to me, " The enemy is upon us, come 
 with a reinforcement." I moved forward directly to their 
 assistance with two thousand men, but the distance was 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOR. 235 
 
 great, for it was ten hours' journey. The Turks marched to- 
 wards the above place, but were re-attacked by the Maniotes, 
 who again drove them back ; the Turks were at half-an- 
 hour's distance both from Verga and Kalamata. We had 
 ourselves reached Giannitsa, and the Turkish forces were 
 an hour from us. As we were advancing I blew my trumpet, 
 that our forces upon hearing it might act. I did not 
 expect that the Turks would hear the trumpet because 
 it was cracked. As soon as the Turks heard my trumpet, 
 which they did, they marched off an hour's journey to the 
 plain in the direction of the river of Kalamata. If we had 
 succeeded in getting in time to the place where the Turks 
 were encountered by the Maniotes, we should have been 
 able to surround them, whereby numbers of them would 
 have been killed. 
 
 After two days had passed the Turks went over to Nisi. 
 I also marched to Manesi, where I had left the other part 
 of the army, not being able to stay any longer where I 
 was on account of a lack of provisions. In the space of 
 ten or fifteen days Ibrahim took his cavalry with the 
 intention of going from Armyro to Mani, and also to embark 
 his infantry in boats to be disembarked again at Vero on 
 the coast of Tsimova. The Maniotes, however, women as 
 well as men, came out and arrayed themselves against 
 them, driving the Turks into the sea, and causing a 
 tremendous panic among them. They opposed them- 
 selves to the cavalry at Verga with the like fury, and 
 Ibrahim, seeing that he could have no successes in that 
 quarter, marched away to the Messenian forts. 
 
 I stopped ten days at Manesi, and whilst there I received 
 a letter from the Eoumeliote captains who were at Nauplia, 
 namely, Karaiskakes, Tsavellas, Kostas Botsares, and 
 Lambros Veikos, with Georgios Drakos, and the other 
 leaders who had been at the fort of Missolonghi, and they 
 
236 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 wrote to the effect that we should all of us meet and 
 confer together upon the advisability of uniting, and of 
 our all taking measures simultaneously in an endeavour 
 to overthrow the enemy. I left Georgaki Giatrakos 
 as my lieutenant with the army, and taking fifty men 
 with me, I went to Argos forthwith. I sent word to 
 Nauplia, and Karaiskakes, Tsavellas, and the rest came, 
 .except Kostas Botsares and some others who held with 
 Zaimes, who did not wish the forces to unite. 
 
 The grapes* were now getting ripe, so Gianni and 
 Panagiotes Notaras began to harvest them; the reason 
 of their doing so was that they were in the district of 
 Corinth. The greater part of that district wished to have 
 Panagiotes as its leader, but Gianni had got paid men, 
 and tried to prevail upon the district to choose himself 
 instead of Panagiotes, in consequence of which there was 
 much discord between them. 
 
 The Government ordered me to go to Nauplia. I answered 
 that I could not go thither, but that if they would go to Areia 
 we would confer with them there, upon which Zaimes, Petros 
 Mavromichaeles, Boudoures, and other members came to 
 Areia. They asked my opinion whether it would be desir- 
 able for Zaimes to go to Corinth in order to put an 
 end to the civil war still going on there. I told them that I 
 thought Zaimes had better not go, but that they should 
 transmit one order to Gianni, and another to Panagiotes 
 couched in the following manner : " The general of the 
 nation has himself come hither, and you must obey what 
 he enjoins ; and Zaimes as the president forbids you to do 
 any damage, or to erect any camp." But they did not 
 follow my advice, and departing into the interior the Koume- 
 liotes made an encampment, whilst Zaimes prepared to go 
 to Corinth. I meanwhile remained at Argos. 
 * The currant grape is here alluded to. 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 237 
 
 When Karaiskakes, myself, and the other captains men- 
 tioned above met together, we swore to be wholly united, 
 that thus we might conquer the enemy. We transmitted a 
 commission to Vostitsa and Corinth, and as many as they 
 assembled there to go against the enemy were to be paid 
 troops. Ibrahim was now moving his forces towards Tri- 
 politsa, by the way of Agio-Petro, and arrived at Astros. 
 Panagiotes Zapheiropoulos gave me information of this, so 
 I sent Niketas forward with two hundred men, and he shut 
 himself up in Kastraki. The Turks swept over the whole of 
 Tsakonia, whilst I with a hundred men went to the villages 
 of Corinth, whither I had written for Gennaios and Kolio- 
 poulos to come. I sent Gennaios with a thousand men to 
 the assistance of Astros, and when Koliopoulos came up with 
 another thousand, I sent him thither also. Kanelos Deli- 
 gianni arrived with five hundred, he having despatched 
 three hundred to help Panagiotakes Notaras (the reason of 
 the Deligiannis helping him being that he was their co- 
 father-in-law). Zaimes and Londos at the same time aided 
 Gianni. 
 
 We united, however, with Zaimes and the other leaders 
 at Klementokaisara, as Karaiskakes had gone for a cam- 
 paign into Koumeli. Panagiotes had some of his men at 
 Sophikos, whither went Gianni, and in order to drive them 
 thence he burnt the whole village, such was the way in 
 which they conducted themselves. 
 
 We next had a talk about the currant harvest. The soldiers 
 who had come from Missolonghi hoped to receive their pay 
 out of the grapes, because we had no funds. I told them 
 that we would appoint a commission to gather them in, 
 and that we would reckon up their value. We were now 
 six thousand in number, so we wished to go nearer to the 
 enemy, and therefore I sent Gennaios, Koliopoulos, and 
 Niketas forth, announcing that when we had attacked the 
 
238 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 Turks every man who served should receive his pay. They 
 did not oppose my counsel, they only said, " We will stay 
 here until we get our pay, and afterwards we will unite 
 and go against the Turks." " Now," I answered, " now is the 
 time to act, whilst the Turks are burning the villages ; if we 
 allow them to be burnt, of what use is it to act afterwards ? " 
 
 We strongly opposed Kyr [Mr.] Andreas Zaimes, and 
 came to words. 
 
 " Why didst thou not send to thy nephew Gianni, Kyr 
 Andreas," I said, "to bid him not to burn Sophikos, which 
 was the chief village in the district? " 
 
 He answered me that he had not got a man to send. 
 
 "What sayest thou, Kyr Andreas? Thou hadst four 
 thousand men with thee, and yet thou couldst not send 
 one horseman to stop the burning of two hundred houses! " 
 
 Many were the other words which passed between us, 
 when he called out before all the captains, " Kolokotrones, 
 Kolokotrones, for six years thou hast been trying to unite 
 the armies, and neither have I let thee unite them, nor 
 will I let thee do so now/' -No one made any answer 
 to him ; clapping my hands 
 
 " Bravo, good patriot ! " I cried, " thou who wilt not have 
 the armies unite ! If they were united Ibrahim could not 
 burn the villages nor enslave the inhabitants ! " 
 
 I saw that there was no use arguing with them. Zaimes 
 then sent Kitsos Tsavellas and Notes Botsares and others 
 to me, who said that I was to take seventy thousand grosia 
 for my expenses that money being the produce of the 
 currants. 
 
 "What! " I said, "not only will I not receive seventy 
 thousand grosia, but I would not receive seventy millions, 
 if there were so many. I have served my country so long 
 without pay, that I will serve her still to the utmost of 
 my strength." 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOE. 239 
 
 I remained there five or six days longer, and then de- 
 parted, having Hadji Michaeles and fifty cavalry with me. 
 These remaining with me, they collected four hundred 
 thousand grosia, and divided the sum amongst them- 
 selves. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 AS soon as Karaiskakes reached Roumeli he wrote asking 
 for assistance, when the Roumeliote captains moved 
 forward, and Gianni Notaras came to Phaleria. This time 
 Ibrahim burnt all the villages of Agio-Petro and Prastos 
 (the people saving themselves by fleeing to Levidi), and 
 thence he went to Mistra, burning everything as he went 
 along on his way back to Tripolitsa. Gennaios, Niketas, and 
 Koliopoulos did not, however, allow any opportunity to pass 
 for engaging in frequent skirmishes with him. Gennaios 
 passed on to the villages of Corinth, and I sent Kolio- 
 poulos back to his old quarters again, so he went to Alonis- 
 taina. Thither also went Meletopoulos and Petimeza ; and 
 they had some very good skirmishing, when a good number 
 of Turks were killed. Koliopoulos then occupied Atsicholon, 
 which is situated near the country of Karytaina, in order to 
 prevent the Turks from going to Liodorai. I called upon 
 Niketas to join me, and we went to Argos, and sent for 
 Almeidas, who was the leader of about ninety of the regular 
 cavalry with about fifty irregulars besides. I went with 
 them to Agio-Petro and collected a force of about two 
 thousand of the Agiopetrians, Mistriotes, andJTripolitsans. 
 The Turks who were in Tripolitsa had a habit of^ going 
 every day to the plains, and there they reaped and gathered 
 
KOLOKOTRONfis, KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 241 
 
 in the corn. I sent out scouts to watch them. One night 
 I rose up and divided the irregular cavalry, putting Hadji 
 Michaelesat their head, and also Niketaras, who was put over 
 another thousand men, and they all passed along in secrecy, 
 whilst Panagiotes Giatrakos had a force of a thousand men 
 likewise, and Captain Almeidas had his regular cavalry. I 
 took four men with me, and remained in the centre, with this 
 agreement, that when I saw the Turks I would immediately 
 make a signal for them to go out of their ambush and 
 surround them. 
 
 On that day the Turks did not go to the place where we 
 were expecting them. On the contrary, they sent out 
 three hundred of the regular troops with the view of 
 scouring through the villages to ascertain whether the 
 Greeks were lying in ambush anywhere, ready to 
 fall upon the large bodies of Turks who were reaping 
 in the fields, because the Greeks had for some days 
 past been lying in ambush, and had killed five or six 
 Turks every day ; and I gave one dollar to every 
 Greek who brought me either a head, a gun, or a 
 captive. 
 
 The Turkish force went out to make their circuit and 
 came to a village called Meimetaga. There was a tower 
 there, so in order that they should not be able to shut them- 
 selves up in it I made no signal, but left them undisturbed 
 until they had spread themselves all over the village. 
 Then I gave the signal, when out flew the cavalry, which 
 was under the command of Niketas, and, with a sudden 
 rush, fell upon the Turks. The Turks endeavoured to 
 make a stand on the plain by forming a square, but when 
 they saw our cavalry, and beheld the infantry pouring in 
 on all sides, they returned to the village. They were not 
 able to reach the tower in order to occupy it, and so in 
 half an hour only four out of the three hundred were able 
 
 17 
 
242 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 to save themselves. Never in my life before had I seen 
 such slaughter. 
 
 The whole of the Turkish cavalry came to their assist- 
 ance when they heard the battle raging, but none of them 
 got away alive. I had told our troops on the previous 
 evening that if I saw the Turkish forces coming down I 
 would make a signal for them to hasten to the place 
 which I held. I made a signal, but Niketas did not follow 
 out the orders which I had given him. The Turks, 
 towards evening, advanced somewhat nearer, when Niketas, 
 with thirty of his men, made a stand, and a Turk of dis- 
 tinction was killed, and then the Turks drew back and 
 retired, and we all rejoined each other safe and sound 
 at Agio-Petro. The muskets and drums were sent to 
 Nauplia. 
 
 I went to Nauplia myself afterwards in order to obtain 
 ammunition, and then I intended to return immediately 
 for the purpose of continuing these ambuscades. The 
 Greeks were much inspirited, and whenever we had cavalry 
 they went down to the plain. In that battle they all bore 
 themselves with courage, but Theodoros Zacharopoulos was 
 especially noteworthy, because he fell upon a house 
 wherein there were twenty Turks and killed them all. 
 Stamates Metsas was wounded in the foot by a bayonet. 
 The regular cavalry now went back to Areia. Almeidas 
 promised me that he would return, but he received an 
 order to go to Damala, which he obeyed. 
 
 Ibrahim marched away to Messenia. He came in the 
 month of September, and in October I went to Nauplia in 
 order that we might have a conference respecting the 
 Assembly. I told the commission of the Assembly to 
 gather together because I wished to address them. They 
 met accordingly, and I presented myself there, and spoke 
 to them concerning the state of affairs in somewhat the 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 243 
 
 following manner : " Now is the time for you to announce 
 (being the Committee of the Assembly) that the pleni- 
 potentiaries who are known to us should come together 
 to complete the meeting of the previous April, when we 
 only lost our time. Now is the fitting season it is winter 
 and \ve cannot fight, neither can Ibrahim." " Where 
 can the Assembly take place?" they asked. "Let the 
 Assembly take place on the heights of the Peloponnesus. 
 There we can keep Ibrahim in ignorance of all that is 
 going on, and we can give military help upon any 
 emergency, because we have the enemy at our own door." 
 To this they replied, " Where can we find a secure place 
 there to hold an Assembly in ? " " At Lenidi, at Kranidi, 
 at Kastri," I answered; " and then there is Piada, and among 
 those four places you could take your choice." "We will ask 
 the Administrative Committee," they said ; and so those two 
 bodies met together and consulted, and deceitfully resolved 
 to do according to their own wills as regarded the Assembly, 
 being bent upon holding it either at Poros or iEgina, 
 when they would be able to embark any representative 
 whom they desired, and whomsoever they did not desire to 
 have they would also be able to decline to receive into the 
 island. The committee therefore replied to me in respect 
 to the conversation which I had had with the other body of 
 the Government, that the Assembly would be held either in 
 Poros or iEgina. I, however, would not receive this propo- 
 sition, and made my resolution known to them in the 
 following manner : 
 
 " I will not embark on the sea, for I took an oath when 
 they had me in Hydra that I would act no more on the seas. 
 If I am not in the Assembly I should be the one person 
 whom that would not injure. I have, nevertheless, many 
 votes, and among the armies and the politicians I have also 
 others who would not wish to go thither." 
 
244 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 After this. I got up and went to speak with Kyi Andreas 
 about the place of assembly, for he was the President of 
 the Executive Committee, therefore I went to his house and 
 had some conversation with him. u This plan of having 
 an Assembly in the islands is not praiseworthy," I said to 
 him, "and not well as regards the Peloponnesus, nor for 
 the whole of the nation generally considered, because 
 when we sail away from the Peloponnesus, then the Pelo- 
 ponnesus becomes cold and indifferent, but as soon as we 
 are on dry land again we give them all new hearts." 
 
 Kyr Andreas sat down by the window looking out there- 
 from, and not looking at me ; he kept shaking his foot. 
 
 " Kyr Andreas," I cried, " I am discoursing to thee, and 
 thou art looking another way ! Farewell, brother, I talk 
 to thee no more on this subject." 
 
 So I immediately went to my own house, and afterwards 
 galloped off and got Tsokres to join me with two hundred 
 men, and, accompanied by Nikolaki Poneros and Anag- 
 nostakos, went to Agio-Demetri. As soon as I reached 
 Hermione I assembled four hundred men. When the two 
 committees heard that I had gone to Hermione they 
 removed at once and went to iEgina and announced that 
 the Assembly was opened. I also, at the same time, 
 announced that we should open an Assembly at Hermione. 
 I sent Nikolaki Poneros to Hydra, to Kyr Georgios, and 
 the other Hydriotes, and the Hydriotes came straightway to 
 our Assembly, and we had ninety representatives, whilst 
 that one at iEgina with its two committees only had fifty. 
 
 This division was continued for three months. At this 
 time Hamilton came over and went to iEgina, and then he 
 came to us to persuade us to unite, and to form one 
 Assembly only. We said in answer, " Let the iEgina 
 people come hither, for we are the most numerous, and we 
 will receive them ; " and they on their side said the same 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 245 
 
 thing. They were quarrelling over the matter, and wrote 
 as a committee to the Minister, and I wrote also, but as a 
 private person. They received their answer, and I received 
 mine. There was some rioting at Hydra about Hamilton, 
 when some people were killed, and Hamilton was very 
 much annoyed with the Hydriotes. Hamilton came one 
 day to the camp which I kept at Hermione. He had 
 Count Andreas Metaxa for his interpreter, as he did not know 
 our language. Hamilton said to me one day 
 
 " I hear that it is the intention of your Assembly - to 
 send for Kapodistria." 
 
 " Whoever has told you so has been joking," I answered, 
 "because Kapodistria was once the Eussian Minister of 
 War, and as he did not lend us a finger to help us then, 
 there is no reason why we should be induced to 
 invite such a man over now ; time will show us what to 
 do, because we are depending upon England, who has 
 promised us her protection." Hamilton then went away. 
 
 In the month of March, when we had ninety representa- 
 tives, we began our work, and made Sissines our president. 
 
 Cockrane* then arrived, and we at once voted him high 
 admiral in the three departments of Spetsai, Hydra, and 
 Psara. Churcht came about the same time. As the 
 Assembly at iEgina had said that I, Kolokotrones, wanted 
 to become generalissimo all over Greece, I resolved that they 
 should not find this disposition in me, and I threw aside 
 all personal ambition for the love of country, and the 
 three islands also cast down whatever ambition they also 
 might have had, and signed that Cockrane should be high 
 admiral. 
 
 Cockrane then coming to Poros he took Metaxa to 
 accompany him, and I met him on board, when we con- 
 versed upon everything which our Assembly had decreed. 
 * Lord Cockrane. t Sir Bichard Church. 
 
246 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 He also asked for the union of the two Assemblies, and we 
 made the same remark as formerly, " Let the Assembly at 
 iEgina come here and we will receive it." I saw by the 
 style of his conversation that Cockrane had some 
 ideas of his own, and therefore I answered him as a 
 Greek, who also had ideas of his own too. We parted and 
 went back to Hermione, and we had General Church at 
 Hermione with us, and then Cockrane joined fellowship 
 with Church, and they gave it as their opinion that they 
 would be able to bring about a reconciliation. 
 
 At that time letters came from Athens that they were 
 terribly distressed there for want of soldiers, and the Assem- 
 bly charged me to procure forces and send them thither; so 
 I despatched Gennaios to all the districts, and in twenty 
 days he went there with three thousand men, and the 
 Assembly promised me that the Assembly itself, that is, the 
 nation, would give them their pay, and so we remained 
 content. 
 
 The two commanders by sea and land, who were desirous 
 to unite the two Assemblies, did so by finding a third place 
 wherein they could finish the remaining business of the 
 Assembly, and this place was Troizen, also called Damala. 
 We made answer to this proposition of the leaders that we 
 would go thither, but everything which we had made law 
 must remain the same, and the forts must be in the same 
 hands, and if they ratified all this we would go. The 
 iEginetans ratified everything. We therefore rose, and the 
 two parties went to Troizen and became re-united there. 
 We immediately began the required work ; all that we had 
 done remained unannulled, and we prosecuted the business 
 in hand. We made a resolution to vote in three persons 
 to act as a Government Commission to overlook the army, 
 and fifteen for the Senate. When we voted, the greatest 
 number of votes fell to Georgaki Mavromichaeles, Marki, 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 247 
 
 and Nako. There was to be a committee appointed at an 
 early date for the purpose of choosing a president. The 
 committee went to Poros, and the Assembly was left to 
 complete its business. 
 
 We had some thought of sending for Kapodistria in the 
 year 1827. They had all tried their hands at governing, 
 and the whole nation was going from bad to worse on 
 account of our dissensions. So I spoke out openly, saying, 
 " We have cast away all our personal ambition in regard 
 to the army, and we have put the Englishman Church 
 over us, and our brave seamen have taken Cockrane ; it 
 behoves you politicians also to throw aside your ambition, 
 so that we may choose a president who can govern us, 
 for the English have promised that we shall have our 
 independence." 
 
 One of those days I saw that they wanted to invite 
 Kapodistria to the nation, and some of them came armed 
 to see if they could frighten us, so that they could take 
 the matter in hand; the secretary, Speliades, was one. 
 I perfectly understood with what view they came to me. 
 They had a meeting at the house of Mavromichaeles, and 
 asked me to attend it; so I went by myself, when they 
 began to talk to me about the Assembly, saying that 
 they could not perceive that any good had come forth 
 from it. I replied to them with some anger, that the 
 nation had willed it, and whoever was not satisfied with 
 it, let him try to ruin it if he were able, and went 
 away without saying another word. Seeing that they had 
 no power by themselves, and that, if they had endeavoured 
 to do anything, they would certainly be put to shame, 
 they dissolved. 
 
 Two days after we had finished the work of the 
 Assembly, we resolved in the morning that after dinner 
 we would sign a paper for Kapodistria, and so I went to 
 
248 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 my tent and ate some bread, and threw myself down to 
 sleep. I looked up and saw Kyr Georgio Kountouriotes 
 with Karakatsanes the Spetsiote, and Mark the Psarian, 
 coming to speak with me about the Kapodistria proposition, 
 which we were to sign in the afternoon. They said 
 
 " We were to sign for Kapodistria this afternoon, were 
 we not ? 
 
 " Why do you ask me ? I am neither the president, nor 
 do 1 represent the nation. The President Sissines and the 
 nation resolved upon that measure this morning." 
 
 " It will be a good plan for us to send and ask for the 
 opinion of Hamilton, who is at Poros, he having lately 
 come from Smyrna." 
 
 " What ! shall we send some adventurer to him to say 
 things quite opposite to those which he will report to us, 
 and thus ruin the position of the nation ? Where will 
 you find a suitable person to send? If you would trust 
 me, I will go myself." 
 
 "We do trust thee, we do trust thee!" Three times 
 they called out, "We do trust thee !" 
 . Kountouriotes was of opinion, that as I had spoken to 
 Hamilton, and as we had not at that time chosen 
 Kapodistria, that I might meet with some opposition on 
 the part of Hamilton, but I answered him, " Go in peace." 
 
 I then made myself ready, and called for Metaxa, and 
 ten of his men to come at noon, and as I did not 
 know any one else who could go with me, except Niketas, 
 I sent for him, and told him that he must behave himself 
 with discretion, and not cause any scandal whither I 
 was going. The Assembly wondered, but had no idea 
 where I intended to go. We went to the river of Poros, 
 where the ships of Hamilton were taking in water; we 
 there embarked on a boat and drew near the frigate. 
 Hamilton received me and we sat down to converse, I 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. '249 
 
 opened the subject by saying, "How does it appear to 
 you now, since the Assembly has united and the sitting 
 is nearly over?" 
 
 " I rejoice at your union ; you have done well." 
 
 " Captain Hamilton, we have come to ask your advice, 
 for you have always counselled us best in our endeavour 
 to acquire our freedom, and we know that, above all 
 others, you are our greatest benefactor." 
 
 " Place your opinion before me, and if I am able, I 
 will answer you in accordance with that opinion." 
 
 "Captain Hamilton, I have reflected that you have 
 known the Greeks for many years. We throw over all 
 those who govern us, for they never govern us as they 
 ought, and seeing that we have no political man fit to 
 rule us, we have come to ask for your advice, and because, 
 whatever is decided by the Assembly, we dismiss : it has 
 been decided to make Cockrane high admiral, and 
 Church generalissimo, and now we want a politician. 
 Will England give us a president, or a king?" 
 
 " No, that will never happen." 
 
 " May France give us one?" 
 
 " That's likely." < 
 
 "Kussia?" 
 
 "No." 
 
 "Prussia?" 
 
 "No." 
 
 "The East?" 
 
 "No." 
 
 " Spain." 
 
 "No, that can't be." 
 
 As I had mentioned all the kingdoms, I said, " Well, 
 then, if all those Courts are not to give us a ruler, what 
 are we to do?" 
 
 " Look about and find a Greek." 
 
250 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 "We have no Greek who is sufficiently worthy; we can 
 only choose Kapodistria." 
 
 When he heard the name of Kapodistria he turned 
 and looked fixedly at me. 
 
 " Was it not you who told me that you would not have 
 Kapodistria because he had been in the Eussian ministry ?" 
 
 "Yes, that was upon another occasion, but now it is 
 different, because we have the protection of England. 
 The sea is the right hand of Greece, and we have put 
 an Englishman at the head of the navy; her left hand 
 is her power on shore, and that we have also put under 
 an Englishman. If England will now give us a politician 
 we will take him, and then we shall no longer break our 
 heads one against the other; but if this cannot be, as 
 you say, we must then choose Kapodistria." 
 
 " Take Kapodistria or any other devil you like," he 
 replied, warmly, "for you are quite lost." 
 
 I wanted to hear this from his own mouth, and I did 
 hear it, and in this way our conversation terminated, and 
 I left immediately. I had lost a great deal of time on 
 board the frigate, and the drum of the Assembly began 
 to beat. When the plenipotentiaries from the three 
 islands heard the drum, they left and went away to the 
 Panagia, in order to go to Hamilton. Hamilton saw them 
 with his glass and embarked in his cutter for the Panagia. 
 As the representatives went on purpose to question him, 
 Hamilton first put the question to them, saying, " How is 
 it that you have left the Assembly?" 
 
 " We were coming to ask your opinion." 
 
 "I gave my opinion to Kolokotrones," he replied; "do 
 what he tells you," and then he returned to his frigate. 
 
 Panagia was half an hour distant from the Assembly. 
 As soon as the Hydriotes returned they called for me, 
 when I related to them all that had passed. We again 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 251 
 
 met together at early morn, and signed an address to 
 Kapodistria. The letters of invitation were begun and 
 finished and sent away to three parts, and so that business 
 was completed. We met the next day to resolve upon a 
 president for the Senate, and the members voted for a 
 presidency. On the day following, rushing to the Assem- 
 bly, one was for Zaimes, another for Basla, and another 
 for Piasa from Androusa, and there was a complete 
 division. The next day succeeding that there was the 
 same thing going on. Seeing how great was the division 
 and caprice of every one around, I rose straightway to my 
 feet. "Honourable Assembly," I cried, "we are sitting 
 and quarrelling about a president of the Parliament, 
 whilst our country is in danger of being ruined. We 
 have had an Assembly sitting for seven months, whilst 
 Kioutahi is president in Eastern Greece, and the president 
 of the Peloponnesus is Ibrahim, and yet we are sitting 
 and wrangling. May is now here, and Athens is in great 
 danger, and the Peloponnesus is also imperilled: shall not 
 one out of so many Greek representatives be spared that we 
 may make a President ? Are we still to go on sitting and 
 wrangling?" I looked around and saw a nice old man 
 who was sitting amongst the Cretans. I did not know 
 his name, nor did I look to see what it was, but sprang up in 
 the middle of the Assembly, took hold of him, and leading 
 him in front of the seat of President Sissines, I put 
 him on a stool. "This man is worthy!" I cried; and 
 with one voice the Assembly cried aloud, "He is worthy, 
 he is worthy!" and there was great clapping of hands, 
 and thus it was settled. They blessed the memory of my 
 father, but Pienieres seemed as if he were frightened. The 
 Assembly was then dissolved. 
 
 On one occasion I went to Nauplia and said to the 
 Government, * The Boumeliotes receive their pay, whilst 
 
252 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 the Peloponnesians are stripped of their all by Ibrahim, 
 and have not where to lay their heads why do you not 
 pay those who have lost so much ?" They then resolved 
 to form twelve thousand disciplined soldiers; this number 
 was to be reckoned as fifteen thousand, and with the over- 
 plus the proportion could be so reckoned as to afford thirty 
 grosia a month to each. They told me that they would be 
 required to serve three months beforehand, at the expiration 
 of which they were to go and receive their monthly pay. 
 Three months passed, and I sent to take the month's pay, 
 when I received for answer that " a small donation of two 
 arid a half millions (of grosia) has arrived, but the Govern- 
 ment had other necessary affairs to attend to, and they 
 have used it. Your experience," it said, " will be able to 
 prevail on the soldiers to have patience." 
 
 Our rising was totally different from any which had 
 ever taken place in Europe before our day. The revolu- 
 tions of Europe had always been against their rulers they 
 were civil wars. Our war was more just than any of them 
 it was a nation rising up against another nation it was 
 a war with a people whom it never desired to acknowledge 
 as ruling them ; to whom it had never taken oaths of 
 fealty, except when made to do so by force ; neither had 
 a Sultan at any time any inclination to regard the Greek 
 people as his people, but only as his slaves. Once, when 
 we had gone to Nauplia, Hamilton came to see me. " You 
 Greeks must have a treaty," he said, " and England will 
 act as mediator." 
 
 " This will never come to pass," I made answer; " with 
 us it is freedom or death. Captain Hamilton, we have 
 never yet made a treaty with the Turks ; they have killed 
 some of us, others they have enslaved by the sword ; but 
 the rest, like ourselves, have lived free from generation to 
 generation. Our king was killed, he made no bond, and his 
 
ff/T->ji M no'j^fy 
 
 ') 
 
 NOTES BOTZARES, A SOULIOTE CHIEF. 
 
^N/VKS/TV 
 
 .. 
 
 or 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOE. 253 
 
 citadel Las carried on a never-ending battle against the 
 Turks and there are two fortresses which have never 
 surrendered." 
 
 "Where is this royal garrison which are your for- 
 tresses ? " 
 
 "Our royal garrison is with the bands called Klephts; 
 the fortresses are Mani, Souli, and the hills." 
 
 He said no more. 
 
 The world said we were fools, because if we had not been 
 fools we should not have made the rising until we had 
 first got together our ammunition, our cavalry, our explo- 
 sives, our powder magazines, and our stores ; we would 
 have reckoned up our own powers as against the Turkish 
 power. Now when we have conquered, when we have 
 successfully terminated our struggles, we are praised and 
 we are applauded ; if we had not succeeded we should have 
 been reviled and cursed. We are like a small heavily- 
 laden boat which, lying in a harbour where fifty or sixty 
 large ships are waiting with their cargoes, cuts herself 
 adrift, spreads her sails, and goes on her voyage in the face 
 of a strong gale blowing ; she goes on her errand, and she 
 sells her merchandise, makes a good profit, and comes back 
 to port safe and sound. Then all the ship's captains who 
 were left behind, cry out aloud, saying, " Here is a true 
 man ; here is a pallikar ; and a wise one, unlike us, who 
 are sitting here idling and are full of fear ! " And those 
 captains are upbraided as being worthless ; but if the little 
 boat had not been successful, then they would have said, 
 " What an idiot to go out with such a burthen, in such a 
 wind to be lost ! " 
 
 The commandership of a Greek army was of necessity a 
 perfect martyrdom, because he was made to be both leader, 
 judge, and adviser, and therefore they had to run to him to 
 and fro each day ; he had to hold his camp together by 
 
254 KOLOKOTBONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 cajolery and promising tales ; to him was left the procuring 
 of supplies and ammunition, and no one listened until the 
 leader called. In Europe, on the contrary, the commander- 
 in-chief gave his orders to his generals, the generals to the 
 colonels, and the colonels to the majors, and so throughout. 
 The general formed his plan of campaign, and it was 
 carried out. If Wellington had given me an army of forty 
 thousand, I could have governed it ; but if five hundred 
 Greeks had been given to him to lead, he could not have 
 governed them for an hour. Every Greek had his caprices 
 and his hobby, and to get any service out of them, one had 
 to be menaced and another to be cajoled, according to the 
 nature of the man. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 IN November, 1826, when I went down to Hermione for 
 the Assembly, I left Gennaios behind, in order that 
 he should endeavour to impede the devastation which 
 Ibrahim was carrying on. The captains and chief men of 
 the district of Karytaina at that time made a proposition 
 to him: " If you will build up the fort of Karytaina, 
 Gennaios, Karytaina could be guarded on all sides as well 
 as Phanari and all the middle districts." Gennaios was 
 himself persuaded of this, but he answered, " I must send 
 and ask my father's opinion, and then we will see about 
 it." So he despatched a foot-messenger to me with the 
 proposal about a fort, and I gave him permission to build 
 it. As soon as he received my permission he set about it 
 earnestly, and paid for lime, and got four lime-kilns made, 
 and he also sent about to find out masons, so that the fort 
 might be immediately commenced. When they began to 
 build they came across four or five hollow places, which 
 they filled with powder and exploded, and on account of this 
 it was said that cannon had been discovered, and so the 
 report spread about. He never allowed any one to go 
 over his fort, because there was in every place a traitor to 
 be found, and therefore Ibrahim, having been told that 
 cannon had been found, and that they were fired off daily, 
 
256 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 made no attempt to go "thither lest, indeed, it might so 
 happen that cannons were really there. Gennaios had 
 the gates built first and then the cisterns, when he 
 commenced carrying up the fort as far as it was possible 
 at the time. He at once had the furnaces set to work and 
 baked biscuits, which he sent to Demitsana in exchange for 
 three or four loads of powder. When he happened to 
 have no lead, he sent into Zante and bought five or six 
 hundredweight. He also purchased two cannons, which 
 were transported to the fort, and then got carpenters to make 
 gun carriages also, which were placed on the fort. 
 
 The fort being thus strengthened, the districts of 
 Phanari and Karytaina carried their property thither, and 
 deposited it in the fort for safety. They worked at it through- 
 out the whole winter until April came. They erected three 
 caserns, and finished the interior, and at this time, at the 
 battle of Lala, he had the two cannons brought from Cepha- 
 lonia. They were fixed up in one place. They were brought 
 over and put into the fort at considerable expense. He 
 placed two hundred soldiers in it when it was completed. It 
 was near two rivers, and whilst they were erecting it they 
 found some helmets that belonged to the Crusaders. 
 
 Niketas had a sentinel on a hill near Tripolitsa, who, 
 when the Turks went forth on their pillaging expeditions, 
 as they did in. every direction of Messenia making slaves 
 all round gave a signal that the Turks were out, and as 
 soon as this was known, the fort also made a signal, when 
 the surrounding families came to the fort, bringing in their 
 animals. When the signal on the hill was seen the two 
 cannons were fired off, and thus all knew that the Turks 
 were out again ravaging Messenia, and thus the people near 
 the fort were protected. He had sentinels also at Derveni 
 of Leontari. The people became more emboldened in 
 consequence of this, and the husbandmen began to till 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 257 
 
 their fields again, as they were protected in this manner 
 from any sudden surprise by the enemy. Before this they 
 were dying of hunger, for if agriculturists owned any oxen 
 they did not dare to take them out to make use of them ; 
 but now they could do so, being under the protection of the 
 fort. The sentinels were always at work night and day 
 attending to the lights, so that throughout these districts 
 there was no more ravaging going on, and the people were 
 much inspirited, and worked to help the masons until 
 April. Gennaios was still carrying on this work when, in 
 April, he received the order to go to Athens. 
 
 On the part of the Assembly of Troizen, we sent 
 Karaiskakes and Hadji Michaeles, with a hundred and 
 twenty horses, and twenty-five thousand grosia and 
 cavalry. 
 
 I was freed from the Assembly in the month of May, 
 and went to Argos. The camp at Athens was broken up, 
 and the Peloponnesian soldiers returned. As soon as I 
 reached Argos I sent orders to all the districts in which 
 there were no Turks. I did not send to Messenia because 
 there were three forts there, and the Messenian armies 
 were therefore always impeded by the enemy. I left the 
 troops of the surrounding country at Tripolitsa, for fear of 
 Ibrahim. I despatched, however, my commands to Mistra, 
 where there was no apprehension concerning Ibrahim, as he 
 was at Patras at this time ; and I also transmitted my 
 orders both to Agio-Petro and Monemvasia, and they 
 replied to them by asking me to build a camp for them, 
 and then I might command them, and they would come. I 
 marched over to Corinth. Grivas and all the rest of the 
 Eoumeliotes were at the fort of Nauplia, and did not move at 
 my summons, and Nikolas Tsavellas was at Corinth ; they 
 were holding the forts there, namely, at Corinth, and did 
 not leave them ; they seemed to look upon those forts as an 
 
 18 
 
258 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 inheritance. I therefore found myself on the hill of 
 Corinth (Agio-Georgio) with two hundred and fifty soldiers 
 only ; but Zaimes had a force also, and he, with Panagiotes 
 Notaras, looked forward to fight with those malcontents 
 who were in Corinth. 
 
 " Leave them alone," I said ; " we must gather 
 soldiers together for the sole purpose of aiding the 
 fatherland." 
 
 At this very time Ibrahim sallied out of Patras and 
 summoned Nevekos to submit, and Nevekos made his 
 submission, when Ibrahim despatched him to prevail upon 
 others to submit also, when two parts of the Kala- 
 vrytians submitted, together with the whole of Patras and 
 some parts of Vostitsa. He then came to Kalavryta, two 
 hours beyond the capital Kalavryta, with the object of the 
 whole of that part making its submission also. 
 
 Ibrahim now endeavoured to conciliate the people. A 
 Turk was not permitted to cut or to burn the standing 
 corn, and in consequence of this many were gained over, 
 and he gave papers of submission to numbers of them. The 
 whole of the captains submitted, and even the captains 
 belonging to the -chiefs also gave in their submission. 
 The Petimezaioi and others formed themselves into a 
 force, the submitted people went to Megaspelaion, and 
 others to the hills, among which they were shut up. 
 Following upon this, and being incapable of doing any- 
 thing, Basil Petimeza was one night, through some 
 treachery, surprised, and barely escaped with his life. 
 He immediately sent out his brother Nikolaki, who came 
 te me where I then was in the villages of Kortho. " Hasten 
 to Spelaion," he cried, " for Spelaion is betrayed, and the 
 whole district will be lost." I resolved to despatch my 
 adjutant, Photakos, directly, and also my standard-bearer, 
 Karachalio> and gave them to Nikolaki Petimeza to go 
 
KLBPHT AND WABRIOB. 259 
 
 with him to Megaspelaion. I got together the Corinthian 
 forces, and they went to the monastery. 
 
 In the space of three days I amassed fifteen hundred 
 men and despatched them under Panagiotes and Georgaki 
 Cheliotes and their captains to the villages of Vostitsa, and 
 I myself went to Agio-Georgio, in Phonia, and although 
 we did not get very near them, they were able to fall upon 
 the submitted soldiery and the Turks, and wholly ravaged 
 Diakophto, taking many captives and also a good portion 
 of spoils. On their return they attacked the monastery, 
 and killed there about sixty Turks, after which they went 
 back to the camp at Kalavryta. Ibrahim took fifty of his 
 cavalry and came opposite the monastery to reconnoitre, 
 but after making a good survey of the position through 
 his glass, he saw that he could not possibly lay siege 
 to it, as the place was a most difficult one, and there- 
 fore retired. 
 
 It was through our prisoners that we suffered in the 
 Peloponnesus. They were Turkish prisoners, who betrayed 
 the Petimezaioi, at Chelmos. 
 
 Whilst I was at Agio-Georgio I wrote letters to Gen- 
 naios and Koliopoulos, who were together, and ordered them 
 into Livartzi, a submitted district of Kalavryta. My 
 mandate was, "Fire and sword to those ivho have submitted ! " 
 And so they passed over to Livartzi. 
 
 Ibrahim now sent out spies to see where I was, and what 
 was the amount of the force that I had with me, and he 
 gave three hundred pieces of money to a Greek to learn 
 where I was, so that he might fall down upon me suddenly. 
 I seized the spy, however, and sent word to the public 
 authorities, and hung him at Kalavryta, two miles outside 
 the town ; I had him hung up with a paper upon him which 
 detailed his crime " a traitor to his nation." I sent two 
 other men whom we had seized to the monastery of Mega- 
 
260 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 spelaion, because they were not clearly traitors, and then 
 I went to Spelaion myself. 
 
 Ibrahim heard that there was an army of five thousand 
 men gone into Livartzi, and that I was in another part 
 with two thousand. Spelaion is about two hours distant 
 from Kalavryta. Gennaios and Koliopoulos with the 
 other body of men were also about four hours off. Upon 
 Ibrahim learning that the Karytainan armies had arrived, 
 he marched with his forces towards Tripolitsa and Kary- 
 taina, and sent for Deli Achmet Pasha, who was to march 
 into Patras with the submitted soldiers, and they, going 
 along the road, came across the man whom we had hung 
 up, and he went up to him and read the paper fastened to 
 his breast and on his shoulders, and he plucked his beard, 
 and terrified the whole of Karytaina, and taking a force df 
 eight thousand cavalry aud infantry a picked force 
 went forth for the purpose of chastising Akovo and 
 Langadia, and with an intention of burning the villages of 
 Demitsana, Zygovisti, and Stemnitsa, whence, it was said, 
 the Greeks, who were with Gennaios, had gone. Gennaios 
 and Koliopoulos, when they heard that Deli Achmet Pasha 
 had gone forth and would pass over to Patras, and that 
 Ibrahim was on his way to Tripolitsa, turned back, and 
 coming across the advance guard of Ibrahim, had a skir- 
 mish and killed about fifteen. 
 
 Whilst Ibrahim was marching to Tripolitsa, his force, 
 which had been sent to the villages, Akovo and Langadia, 
 arrived at those places. Akovo and Langadia had already 
 been burnt, but what was left of them they burnt over 
 again, and the Turkish army stationed itself on the plain 
 of Demitsana. Gennaios and Koliopoulos, not knowing 
 whither it had marched, Koliopoulos returned and went to 
 Heliodora, and Gennaios -marched by night, and with only 
 five hundred men took possession of Demitsana and built 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOR. 261 
 
 up breastworks to fight from, whilst the rest of the Kary- 
 tainan forces dispersed to the hills where their families were, 
 for the purpose of protecting those families. The Turks 
 arrived as they were passing over to go to their families, and 
 passed the night on the plain of Demitsana, when the 
 soldiers below fell upon them for plunder, and began to 
 shoot them, and the soldiers on the hills sent for a rein- 
 forcement either from Gennaios or Koliopoulos. Gennaios 
 not knowing that the Greeks were all round the Turks, and 
 seeing the Turks on the plain, resolved to attack them at 
 night with his little body of five hundred soldiers, and 
 moving forward he arrived at the plain during the night, 
 and when he got near the Turkish army he fired a volley 
 into them. When the other Greeks heard this volley they 
 were at once convinced that Gennaios must be there, so 
 that every Greek fired off his gun whenever he found him- 
 self opposite the Turks. When the Turks saw that they 
 were thus encircled they collected on the plain and passed 
 the night in camp, sending out some cavalry as scouts. 
 The number of the Turks was eight thousand. Gennaios 
 marched forward and seized upon the road which led to 
 Demitsana, so that when the morning broke the Turks 
 would see that there was no way for them to depart, as if 
 they tried to go into the country they would come up to the 
 breastworks which he had built up to fight from. 
 
 When the Turks heard the volleys of the Greeks they 
 were convinced that they proceeded from the armies led by 
 Gennaios and Koliopoulos. They were therefore much 
 alarmed, and turned back towards Tripolitsa. Gennaios 
 and his band advanced nearer to them, and the Turks 
 marched to the vale of Alonistaina in order to pass at 
 that place. The Alonistainans came in front of the vale 
 and drove them back into another road, when the Turks 
 endeavoured to cross near to Akrodoremma, and then 
 
262 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 the Greeks, who were approaching in that quarter, forced 
 them to go in like manner to Trikorpha. In that pursuit 
 many Turks were killed, and many horses were taken before 
 the Turks got back to Tripolitsa. 
 
 As Ibrahim had his whole force in Tripolitsa, he marched 
 out to go to the forts of Messenia, and Gennaios with four 
 thousand Karytainans went straightway into Messenia in 
 order that they should not be able, as they passed along, to 
 make all the people slaves. Phourtzalokamara is about two 
 miles distant from Kalamata, and it was there that Gen- 
 naios took up his station. When I learnt that Ibrahim had 
 sallied out from Tripolitsa, I marched into the villages of 
 Kalavryta, which had submitted, and sent Basil Petimeza 
 with fifteen hundred men to Agio-Vlasi, one of the sub- 
 mitted villages, to take from the inhabitants all their 
 papers of submission and send them back to those who had 
 given them, and to tell them that I would give them in 
 exchange the papers of submission of the nation. Five 
 hundred Argives came at the same time, and I sent them 
 also to Basil Petimeza. Tsokres was at their head, and 
 Nezon, his wife's brother. Agio-Vlasi was seized, and the 
 papers of submission were sent to me. 
 
 There were with me at Spelaion Londos, all the Peti- 
 mezaioi, Lechorites, Soter Theocharopoulos, and Benizelos 
 Kouphos. The vacated army of Gianni Notaras was with 
 Londos. I said to them, " Let us go to the submitted 
 villages, and march on to Patras ? " They answered, 
 " Go forward, to-morrow we will follow," and the four 
 hundred remained at the monastery. I took my own men, 
 and Kolphinos Petimeza his four hundred also, and we 
 went together to a village called Petzakos. I sent word 
 to the submitted villages that if they would deliver up the 
 papers of submission which they had from the Turks I 
 would give them papers from the nation. Before I moved 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 263 
 
 forward to those submitted villages, and whilst still at 
 Agio-Georgio I wrote a letter to the Government asking 
 them " to send me both soldiers and ammunition, because 
 the country is in great danger from submission ; and if you 
 know any invention by which an army can be fed upon air, 
 please forward it. If you should also know of any other 
 invention for making gunpowder out of earth, and lead out 
 of stones, send this machine also, and we will use it, for the 
 men about here have not yet discovered such. I pray you 
 send me all these." 
 
 I entrusted this letter to a monk, and exhorted him to 
 speak to the Government about the danger which was thus 
 threatening the country. The monk went to Nauplia and told 
 them to assemble the Parliament, as he was charged to read 
 aloud to them that of which he was the bearer, and also 
 he had to tell them somewhat from my part. They there- 
 fore assembled the members, and he read them the letter, 
 and also delivered to them by word of mouth all that he 
 was commissioned to say. One of the members said, 
 " What can he want with ammunition when he has only 
 fifty men ? " The monk assured them that I had four 
 thousand, but they did not believe it. The Parliament sent 
 Anagnostes Zapheiropoulos from Zygovisti, and Anagnostes 
 Papagiannakopoulos to see the condition of the armies 
 and districts. They came to Agio-Georgio. I said, 
 " Our country is endangered." They on their side told me 
 all which they had been charged to say to me, which was 
 that I should go to Argos, in order that we might all unite 
 our arms there, and then the whole force could move on 
 together. If I had listened to them and gone to Argos the 
 country would have been lost, because in that case the 
 greater part of the districts would have submitted directly 
 they heard that Kolokotrones had gone to Argos. 
 
 II Go back to them," I said, " and tell them by word of 
 
264 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 mouth that I will do according to their plan, that they also 
 must send forth as many as bear arms, believe in Christ, and 
 love their country. Cretans, or whatever kind of soldiers 
 they may be, let them come, and we will meet this great 
 danger, and I I will become of the smallest account amongst 
 them all ; let them but send me ammunition, and as for pro- 
 visions, we will do what we can ; with water and the bodies 
 of sheep we may be able to manage." 
 
 They went back, but they sent me no reply ; neither 
 ammunition, nor provisions, nor paper whereon to write 
 despatches, and not even did they send one consolatory 
 epistle to the districts, and thus they abandoned both me 
 and the Peloponnesus together. When I saw how great 
 was their indifference I moved on to Megaspelaion and 
 exerted myself as I have related before. 
 
 Deli Achmet Pasha, going out from Patras with the sub- 
 mitted Corinthian soldiers, and part of the submitted 
 Vostitsanoi, pressed on to Agia-Paraskevy and killed about 
 a hundred Greeks most of them were from Corinth, under 
 Cheliotes ; two good captains were also killed. The Pasha 
 returned afterwards to Patras. When I arrived at Petzakos 
 the men who had submitted went to the Pasha and told him 
 that Kolokotrones and Basil Petimeza had only a few 
 soldiers with them, and that they could go and easily 
 destroy us. Deli Achmet fell in with this opinion and 
 marched with six thousand submitted Greeks, Neketos 
 accompanying him with two thousand of the submitted 
 Greeks. He came to Lapates, which was three hours from 
 where Petimeza was stationed, and one hour distant from 
 myself. I had written to Megaspelaion for Londos, Theo- 
 charopoulos, Nickolas Petimeza, and Lechorites to come, 
 and they sent word to-day or to-morrow, but they had not 
 yet arrived. A captain of the submitted armies from the 
 village in which I was, that is to say, from Petzakos, went 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 265 
 
 o the Turks and said, " Kolokotrones is at Petzakos with 
 only four hundred men, and we can easily go and attack 
 him." When the Pasha heard these words of the captains, 
 he immediately, that same evening, summoned all the 
 captains to receive his counsel about going against me. 
 When all the captains were gathered there the Pasha said, 
 " Information has been brought to me that Kolokotrones 
 is down at Petzakos with only four hundred men, and we 
 will go and attack him." There was one captain present, 
 one of those who had submitted, whose name was Stamates 
 Botiotes, who, hearing this, called out, " We will not go to 
 Petzakos, we have a king, and we will not go and destroy 
 him." He addressed these words to the Pasha; and the 
 Pasha laughed, saying, " Whom do you wish, then, that we 
 should go against and destroy ? " The same captain answered 
 " Why, we will go against Petimeza, who is at Agio-Vlasi 
 with two thousand men." So his resolution was taken, 
 and it was agreed to go forth by night and attack Basil 
 Petimeza. 
 
 Two brothers deserted from the submitted ranks and 
 came to us, saying, " They are coming upon you." I did 
 not repeat this to the Greeks, but I left my adjutant and 
 Oikonomopoulos from Stemnitsa, and Karachalio, my 
 standard-bearer. I left them in the village, saying to them 
 previously, " I sball go out to sleep for the village was a 
 strong position to fight from, according to my judgment. If 
 I am outside, I thought, I can go to them to help in case of 
 need ; but if I am within, and with them, they cannot bring 
 any aid to me. I went therefore to the heights of the 
 village, to a rock, and I stationed a watch with ten men, 
 who were to remain there the whole of the night. 
 
 At daybreak the Turks advanced upon Basil Petimeza 
 and the Argives at Agio-Vlasi, and there was some little 
 skirmishing, when our people departed. There was no blood 
 
266 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 shed either upon one side or the other. The Argives went 
 away to Argos. Basil Petimeza did not see them, neither 
 did I. So Basil remained in his post at Agio-Vlasi, and the 
 Turks with the whole of the submitted soldiers returned to 
 Patras. 
 
 The next day Londos, Nikolaki * Petimeza, Theocharo- 
 poulos, Bouphos, and Lechorites, with the four hundred 
 men who were in the monastery, came to me, and then 
 I arranged to leave Petzakos, because I did not know who 
 had submitted, and who had not, therefore I determined to 
 go to Kerpeni, which was a much stronger place for defence. 
 Londos and the other leaders said, " Old chief, let us stop 
 here all together." I answered, " You are untrustworthy, 
 the whole of you, and I know not what to do ; I shall go 
 away and make an army for myself, and you can stay 
 instead. When I arrived at Kerpeni I sent my 
 adjutant, Photakos, to seek out Gennaios and Koliopoulos, 
 and to bid them join me. Gennaios at that time was at 
 Phretzali, and Koliopoulos gathered the soldiers together, 
 and within the space of five days came to me with five 
 thousand men. 
 
 When Londos and his company heard that my own 
 soldiers had arrived they went over to Argos, not because 
 I had got my own army again, but because they learnt 
 that Deli Achmet Pasha had gone to gather in the currants, 
 and having lost all hope of being able to get the currants for 
 themselves (for which purpose they had been waiting), they 
 departed. I spread my soldiers all over the submitted 
 villages, and made the following proclamation: ''Every 
 village that does not return shall have all its houses 
 burnt, its vineyards shall also be burnt, and I will sweep 
 it from the face of the earth ; but if any of them shall 
 
 * The termination aki is an addition frequently bestowed on names 
 out of familiarity or affection. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 267 
 
 turn back to us, the nation will forgive it everything," and 
 ruany'other threats,"as, for instance, " If you imagine that 
 Ibrahim will give you five hundred men to guard your vil- 
 lages, you are deceiving yourselves, because he has no such 
 force, and if you flee from one part to another for safety, 
 we shall come down upon you nevertheless, and shall burn 
 and slay you all." When I distributed these proclamations 
 they were shown to Ibrahim, and he said, " I will have a 
 battle with this Kolokotrones." The submitted villages, 
 however, did turn back, and we received from them their 
 papers of submission, and gave them in exchange those of 
 the nation. So they returned and went back to their 
 villages in order to save their houses from being burnt. 
 
 I marched forward with eight thousand men, and we 
 took our way to Vostitsa, and upon reaching Vostitsa, 
 opposite the heights, we placed men there, so that we 
 might ascertain if the enemy were coming, in order to 
 fight. But the Turks had no intention of fighting at that 
 time, but had gone there solely to harvest the grapes, and 
 had stationed cavalry at the extremities of the plain 
 so that we could not fall upon them. We stopped there 
 two days, and I challenged them to combat, but they had 
 no mind for a battle. Seeing that it was useless to remain, 
 and having no provisions to allow of our staying there, I 
 took Gennaios and half of the army with me and went 
 to Agio-Vlasi, and left Koliopoulos, Meletopoulos, and 
 the Petimezaioi to look after Patras and the villages of 
 Vostitsa. 
 
 When I arrived at Agio-Vlasi I received a letter from 
 the fort of Karytaina, which read thus : " Messenia is 
 preparing to give in her submission " (I had left Niketas 
 in Messenia with an army, but his soldiers, out of sheer 
 hunger, had left him), "only come to us as quickly as 
 possible, that we may not have to suffer this." I left 
 
268 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 Gennaios thereupon, and announced to Koliopoulos that 
 they must stop and watch the movements of Deli Achmet 
 Pasha, and the submissions that were being carried on 
 in Gastouni and Pyrgos, and that I should go forward with 
 two hundred of my body-guard. The Pasha collected his 
 troops at this time, and, joining to them the submitted 
 bodies, left Patras to go against Koliopoulos in Kaukaria, 
 a strong place. Koliopoulos was there alone, for he did 
 not send any information to Gennaios, who was six miles 
 farther on , because he had no idea that the Turks had 
 any intention of going to attack him, and thus they fell 
 upon him unexpectedly; but he fought a good fight. A 
 hundred and fifty Turks were killed, but among our men 
 no harm was done. Chrestos Photomaras, Meletopoulos, 
 Nikolas Petimeza, and others were among them to the 
 number of two thousand : the Turks were eight thousand. 
 So Deli Achmet Pasha returned in the direction of Patras 
 and Gastouni, and going down to Divres, that and the 
 neighbouring villages immediately submitted. 
 
 As soon as Gennaios, who was at Livartzi, heard about 
 the Turks and the submissions, he encamped at Para- 
 longous, about an hour distant from the Turkish camp; 
 Chrysanthos Sisinopoulos and Thanases Koumaniotes 
 were with him. When the Turks saw Gennaios they 
 broke up their camp and went to Lala. Gennaios sent 
 different bodies against them, who attacked and harassed 
 the Turkish rear, which was also attacked by a cohort 
 at the bridge of Nemouda. In this skirmish forty-five 
 Turks were killed and five captured, three Greeks also 
 were slain. The Pasha had made a forced march from 
 Gastouni and Patras thither, and Gennaios turned with 
 his arms to Divres for the purpose of chastising those who 
 had submitted, as also to get them to go back to the 
 Greek side, and in consequence of this they and all the 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 269 
 
 villages round about came back to the nation. Pyrgos 
 bad submitted, and Gennaios wrote two letters to them, 
 but they not only did not heed him, but persuaded the 
 districts of Phanari to submit also. Wherefore Gennaios 
 was forced to go and take severe measures with them, 
 and he burnt some houses by way of giving them an 
 example, and also that others might profit by it. I 
 marched forward, as I said before, and crossing over the 
 districts of Kalavryta, Karytaina, and Leontari, arrived 
 in Messenia, and went to the village Zavazika, where 
 Niketas was, two miles from Kalamata. I accumu- 
 lated many soldiers on my road, and we mustered some 
 thousands of Arcadians and one thousand Androusani 
 in three days ; I had no provisions for them, but sent 
 to the villages for supplies, and in this way received 
 two hundred dishes of corn and a thousand animals 
 for the use of the army. The submitted people of 
 Patras, Kalavryta, and a part of Phanari wrote to 
 Ibrahim. Ibrahim took his measures, and sent his 
 lieutenant with a force of some thousands with weapons 
 and axes into Messenia, with orders to go with fire and 
 with hatchets through all the district. What they did 
 not destroy by fire they were to cut down with their 
 hatchets. Olives, fig-trees, and mulberry-trees were all 
 destroyed. Five thousand of the cavalry were stationed 
 upon the heights, so that the Greeks should not go down 
 to the plain, and do battle. " With thy life," Ibrahim 
 had said to Kehayas, " thou shalt pay for it, with 
 thy life if any one be slain, because I send you thither 
 not to fight, but to burn and destroy." He himself went 
 with the remaining part of his army to Zacharo, and 
 ordered the submitted districts to assemble for the pur- 
 pose of going out to destroy Karytaina. He gave his 
 lieutenant injunctions first to send to the Messenians, 
 
270 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 calling upon them to submit, and if they did not submit, 
 to begin his work directly. He gave this order in writing 
 to two captured Gastounian slaves, who brought it to the 
 place where I was stationed. 
 
 Upon reading this decree, which was in itself so terrible, 
 I answered him, not on the part of myself, but on the 
 part of the people of Messenia, " This action with which 
 you would terrify us, threatening to cut down and burn 
 up our fruit-bearing trees, is not warfare ; the senseless 
 trees cannot oppose themselves to any one; men alone 
 who have soldiers and slaves can be arrayed in opposition 
 to each other ; and this is legitimate warfare with men, 
 not with trees ; but we will not submit no, not if you 
 cut down every branch, not if you burn all our trees and 
 houses, nor leave one stone upon another ! What, and if 
 you do cut down and burn up all our trees, you cannot dig 
 up and carry off the earth which nourished them ; that 
 same earth will still remain ours, and will bear them 
 again. If only one Greek shall be left, we will still go 
 on fighting, and never hope that you will make our earth 
 your own dismiss that from your mind." 
 
 As soon as Kehayas received this answer he began 
 his work in earnest with fire and axe. We endeavoured 
 to force his army into a battle, but they were not to be 
 incited to battle, but only to execute his work. Some 
 Greeks during the night seized upon four Bulgarians, and 
 I had them under examination, when they told me that 
 their orders were, not to have a battle, but only to look 
 that this work of destruction was carried out. I then went 
 over to Armyro and summoned the captains and other 
 Maniotes, bidding them find a boat so that we might send 
 Ibrahim's letter to the admirals, and also the answer of 
 the people to him, to be opened outside Messenia or 
 wherever they were met with. Captain Panagiotes Gian- 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOR. 271 
 
 neas had a schooner, and we gave fifteen dollars and the 
 letters, and also another letter of my own, in which I said, 
 " Behold what the enemy of the Greeks has done ! " And 
 she went, and was to return to us when she had found them. 
 I then marched out, and I and Mourtzinos joined together, 
 when I said, " What are you doing, brothers ? shall we not 
 occupy Armyro with the thousand of Peloponnesian soldiers 
 which I have?" Upon this they assembled again, both 
 Anastases Mavromichaeles and other captains of Mani, and 
 all went to Armyro. On the very same day I received a 
 note from Basil Alonistiotes, who was at Karytaina, saying, 
 " Phanari is beginning to submit ; only take some 
 measures." I immediately summoned Mourtzinos and the 
 captains, and Niketas also, and I took two hundred men 
 myself, to go over to Karytaina and Leontari to collect an 
 army to take to Phanari, for I had an idea that Ibrahim 
 was at Zacharo collecting soldiers also. And so in 
 twenty-four hours I found myself at Karytaina, and sent 
 forward soldiers to Phanari. 
 
 The schooner succeeded in meeting with the French squad- 
 ron, and upon making a signal was reconnoitred by the three 
 admirals, who read the letters, but did not believe that 
 it could possibly be true that Ibrahim had done the things 
 alleged, because they had sent to him strict orders that he 
 was to cease all warfare ; but that dog did not heed them, 
 and in this way he showed the enmity and ill-feeling which 
 he bore towards the Greeks. They then called for the late 
 ever-to-be-remembered Hamilton, and a French and a 
 Bussian frigate set sail for Armyro in order that they 
 might be able to ascertain with their own eyes if that 
 which had been asserted was really true. When they 
 reached Armyro they disembarked, and found the captains 
 who were still remaining there. From Armyro to Kala- 
 mata is only half an hour, and they saw truly that the 
 
272 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 districts had indeed been cut down and burnt, for the 
 captains showed them all that Ibrahim had done. 
 
 The three commanders embarked in three cutters, and 
 went as far as the river of Kalamata, which is about half 
 an hour from Armyro, and summoned Kehayas to put an end 
 to his work, " with fire and hatchet." And his answer was, 
 " My orders from his highness are to cut down and burn." 
 
 " The three Powers have sent him a letter, telling him 
 that he must make an armistice, and now he has done 
 that which is contrary to all the laws of war, as well as 
 contrary to humanity." 
 
 " I know nothing about that ; I receive my orders from 
 one who is above me. Let the admirals and Ibrahim do 
 what they choose." 
 
 The commanders upon this departed, and made sail, 
 and went to the admirals, and acquainted them with all 
 they had seen, and also what they had heard from Ibrahim's 
 lieutenant, Kehayas. 
 
 Following upon this, the most gallant Codrington and 
 the gallant Eussian and French admirals went to Neo- 
 Kastro,* and burnt his (Ibrahim's) fleet, so that if, when 
 they arrived at Navarino, there had been two thousand 
 Greeks, they would have annihilated the fifteen thousand 
 Turks, who were in this place, and were reduced to despair 
 at the burning of the fleet. The burning of the country 
 thereupon ceased, and he (the lieutenant) went to Neo- 
 Kastro, and Ibrahim, who was encamped there, intending 
 to go to Karytaina, departed for Navarino. The rage of 
 war now ceased. This was in the month of October. 
 
 About that time Karytaina gave nine hundred thousand 
 
 grosia to the armies for their pay during the five months' 
 
 service of June, July, August, September, and October. 
 
 Nothing was sent to me, however ; neither to the districts 
 
 * Neo-Kastro = Navarino. 
 
KLEPBT AND WAHBIOB. 273 
 
 of Messenia, Leontari, Patras, Kalavryta, was there any- 
 thing disbursed. I had had for six months a body-guard of 
 two hundred men, who had gone everywhere with me. I 
 myself was ill through the amount of intriguing and cabal 
 going on, my feet swelled, and if I had not had Agamem- 
 non with me, I should have died. That summer I had 
 used twenty reams of paper in letters and despatches. 
 The Government had gone to iEgina, and took no care 
 about anything, and there it remained, resting all its hopes 
 upon the mediation of Stratford Canning at Constantinople. 
 I had six secretaries, and I wrote day and night, but it was 
 of no avail. 
 
 During the time when they were submitting all round I 
 feared for my country, but only then at no other time, 
 not even at the commencement of the struggle, nor in the 
 time of Dramales, who came with a chosen army of thirty 
 thousand men not even then ; but I did fear when all 
 around me were giving in their submission. The whole of 
 Roumeli had submitted, Athens had fallen, the Koumeliote 
 army had dispersed, and only the Peloponnesus and the 
 two islands were left to us. Kioutahi had got his sub- 
 mission tickets with him ; he worked hard to spread them, 
 and Ibrahim was about to send them to Constantinople in 
 time, so that if the minister of England, or of any other 
 Power, should have gone to the Sultan to mediate for 
 Greece, he should have been able to answer, "What 
 Greece ? Greece has entirely submitted ; here are her 
 papers of submission ; there may be still a few evil-dis- 
 posed men standing out ; but see, all the others have given 
 in ; " and in that case the Powers would have had nothing 
 to answer, and we should have been ruined ; because, if I 
 had not exerted myself against the submission which was 
 being carried on, the Peloponnesus would also have sub- 
 mitted, and then what could Hydra and Spetsai have done? 
 
 19 
 
274 KOLOKOTRONJES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 They would have been lost. I held everything up until the 
 naval engagement at Navarino, after which the governor 
 came, and the French expedition took place. In 1826 I 
 began to put them all in heart when I built up houses and 
 a fort outside the camp, for then every one said that " if 
 Kolokotrones did not feel sure that we shall get our free- 
 dom, he would not build up houses, nor plant vineyards on 
 the national soil ; " and when the people saw this, and saw 
 the houses that were being built, their hopes revived, and 
 that was the way I gave them courage. 
 
CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 THE governor (Kapodistria) arrived at Nauplia on the 
 6th of January, and stayed there one day (Theodore 
 Grivas being commandant), and then went to iEgina. The 
 Parliament and Executive received him as Kapodistria 
 only. 
 
 I delayed going to iEgina, so he wrote for me to go. I 
 had just gone from Karytaina to Argos, where Gennaios 
 and the other soldiers were, when the messenger who bore 
 the letter came to Gennaios. " Give it to me, and I will 
 deliver it myself," said Gennaios, and brought it into my 
 tent to me. After reading the letter I took two hundred 
 men, and went with the other captains to Epidaurus, and 
 thence to iEgina. When I got there and presented my- 
 self, he received me at once, because we were known to 
 each other since 1807 at that time when he came over 
 from Kussia, and I had met him again at Corfu, when he 
 came to pay a visit to his father. Afterwards, when he 
 went to Pisa, and took a station there, many of our friends 
 in those years of the rising sent some letters to him con- 
 taining matter against me, and there were false reports (as 
 lately when our king came), averring that possibly I might 
 have done some good to the country, but that I had also 
 done more evil. His ear, therefore, had been filled with 
 lying representations, such as, that I had played the tyrant, 
 
276 KOLOKOTRONfiS, 
 
 and the like evil sayings, so that he did not look upon me 
 with any favourable eye. I understood it, however, for I 
 said when he came, " Such a man as he is, experienced 
 and far-seeing, will know in one or two mouths whether I 
 have done good or evil to my country." 
 
 ***** 
 
 As soon as he began to reorganize the affairs of the 
 nation, he made twenty regiments out of the Eoumeliote 
 soldiers, but not one from the Moreotes. When he re- 
 turned from doing this I said to him, " Your Excellency, 
 why have you made no regiment out of the Peloponnesus ? 
 what will become now of the armies of the Peloponnesus ? 
 what will result to them but of all their labours ? " He 
 answered, " Theodoraki" (he always spoke to me thus), " you 
 do not understand foreign affairs, nor why I do this. You 
 must know that the three Powers have only taken the part 
 of the Peloponnesus and the islands thus far, and have no 
 intention of widening these limits. I am acting in this 
 manner, so that the Koumeliotes may find themselves pos- 
 sessed of armies in their own districts, but if I form the 
 Peloponnesians into Peloponnesian armies, my coadjutors 
 will say, " Why does the governor wish to arm the Pelo- 
 ponnesians when the Peloponnesus is free ? He is looking 
 forward to the strengthening of his own army, and does 
 not regard us who were the defenders of Greece, and so I 
 should be doing harm rather than good. But tell the 
 soldiers and the captains of the Peloponnesus that we shall 
 see what time will teach us, and bid them be patient." 
 
 He then gave me a letter to all the submitted parts of 
 Patras, saying that the Government would forgive them 
 everything, and that they must separate themselves from 
 the Turks. 
 
 In the month of May the French army, a force of four- 
 teen thousand, under Maizon, arrived with all the materials 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 277 
 
 for war, either by sea or land. The governor (Kapodistria) 
 went by sea to Petalidi, and when I, who was then in 
 Karytaina, heard of it, I took a hundred men with me, 
 and went to Messenia. Niketaras was also there. 
 
 The governor and General Maizon had some conversation 
 together, in consequence of which General Maizon sent 
 letters to Ibrahim, saying that he had arranged with the 
 three Powers that he should go with his army into the 
 Peloponnesus, "and so, as I have now arrived there, I 
 write to you to bid you gather up the remnant of your 
 vessels and soldiers, and march away from the Pelopon- 
 nesus forthwith ; and if you do not march away, I am 
 come prepared to fight you both by land and by sea." 
 And he threw the whole of his army into Petalidi, and 
 began to build works, with fascines, and every other pre- 
 paration needed for batteries. He also asked the governor 
 to leave him a general and two or three guides, so that his 
 armies might have reliable people who knew the place. 
 Niketaras was therefore left. He then despatched a part 
 of his forces to Koron, and another body was sent to 
 Neo-Kastro. For myself I went to Karytaina. 
 
 All this time, as many Turks as were at Koron, some 
 two or three thousand, seeing the strength of the French 
 army, and the corresponding weakness of Ibrahim, de- 
 serted from Ibrahim, and marched forward for the purpose 
 of seeking a conference with me, so that they might be 
 able to secure a safe passage for themselves through the 
 narrows to Koumeli. They came up to me on the frontiers 
 of Arcadia. When Ibrahim heard that they were gone, 
 and had learnt what their intentions were, he sent in pur- 
 suit, and there was fighting between them, in which about 
 a hundred regular soldiers were killed. 
 
 As they desired to have a meeting in order to procure an 
 agreement from me, which would allow them to pass, I 
 
278 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 accepted their proposals, and sent Gennaios and Kolio- 
 poulos into Derveni of Leontari to confer with them. They 
 consented in the first place to set at liberty all their cap- 
 tives and slaves. They then assembled on the plain of 
 Karytaina, whither our own soldiers also came. The Beys 
 also gathered together, and I met them there. Thence they 
 marched towards Tripolitsa, and encamped outside it. They 
 wanted to get possession of Gennaios and Koliopoulos, and 
 to hold them as hostages, and I warned them both not to 
 go to their camp, but Gennaios actually went there one 
 day quite unattended (yet I would rather he should have 
 been killed than have been made a captive), and I rose up 
 and went down to Tripolitsa, and there was some fighting 
 in consequence. A Greek spy had been to them, and 
 had said, "You who are purposing to go to Derveni, 
 beware, for there are pitfalls dug there in order to slay 
 you." 
 
 The Turks then turned back to the plain to go to Argos, 
 and I took my army to Achladokabo. I always followed 
 in the rear of their flanks. They then went down to the 
 mills, and pitched their camp there. 
 
 The French general who was with the governor at Mes- 
 senia, said to him concerning this, " Do not let the Pelopon- 
 nesians kill the Turks, but send your brother there." The 
 governor, in consequence of these words, sent his brother 
 to the mills, and he drew up a writing by which the Turks 
 were to be allowed to pass over unharmed. Augoustinos 
 met me there, and gave me the order which the governor 
 had written to procure boats, when I also sent Augoustinos 
 to give them a safe conduct ; but I likewise said to him, 
 " We have made a treaty with them to allow them to go, 
 but they must first set free all their slaves." 
 
 "What you have said, see that it be done," he said. 
 
 Whereupon I summoned the Beys, and told them about 
 
KLEPHT AND WARBIOB. 279 
 
 the agreement concerning the slaves, when they answered, 
 " Send out your men; and as many children as they can 
 find, let them take them.' , 
 
 I immediately sent out two captains, and they brought 
 back eighty children who had been carried off by the 
 Turks, and also a hundred and twenty women. There 
 were three or four women who were dressed in male 
 garments ; these we took by force, and set them all at 
 liberty. Then I gave them guides, following them close 
 in the rear, Augoustinos also accompanying me, and we 
 consented that they should pass by Corinth. They pitched 
 their tents at Agio-Basil, when Augoustinos said to me : 
 " Let us go to the same place too." 
 "This is not thy duty," I answered; "they might use 
 some treachery. If they fell upon us, they could do what- 
 ever they willed, as our force is only four hundred." 
 
 I then went to Agio-Georgio, which was about an hour's 
 journey in a straight line, and on the day following the 
 Turks went down into the country. There was a Greek 
 garrison at the fort, and the country was held by Greeks. 
 We went along with Augoustinos, and had a tent below the 
 fort, because we always had some fears regarding them. We 
 also sent to Ypsilanti, who was at Eleusis, to come with 
 his regiment to Lontraki, that we might speak together 
 about the permission that the governor had given for them 
 to go to Derveni, and pass by that route. He came at my 
 request, and I and Augoustinos met him at Lontraki. 
 Then the French sent a corvette to see if we were going to 
 let the Albanians cross (from Patras), and also to observe 
 our own movements. Ypsilanti wished that they should 
 leave their arms and horses behind them, and then cross 
 over, because we could press on them in the Peloponnesus ; 
 but if we had wanted to kill them, we could have killed 
 them in the Peloponnesus ; but the order of the governor 
 
280 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 was that they should pass over, and I had given them 
 hostages for their safe passage. The Turks seeing this 
 disorder in the state of affairs, moved off with their hos- 
 tages one morning at daybreak, and crossed from Vostitsa 
 to Patras. We followed with our soldiers, in order to 
 attack them because they transgressed the conditions by 
 taking the hostages with them. If we had seized upon 
 the Black Kocks no one could have passed. 
 
 Captain Chrestos Alexandropoulos from Stemnitsa told 
 me what follows : " The Turks had encamped outside 
 Patras ; Deli Achmet thereupon sent a man with whom 
 their leaders had a conference. 'Why,' he asked, 'are 
 you leaving Ibrahim ? ' ' Because he does not give us 
 our pay.' ' I will give you your pay if you will remain 
 with me.' The Albanian Bey then went to persuade the 
 Pasha to remain ; but the Pasha had no wish to stay with 
 him, and struck him with his sword, upon which he called 
 out, ' Strike me not,' and drew his pistol and killed him." 
 The name of the Bey who was killed was Mousam Bey. 
 After six days the Albanians fled from Patras and went 
 to Juannina, and the hostages also fled. Upon this, 
 Augoustinos and myself went to Trikala, and afterwards 
 returned to Nauplia, when Augoustinos persuaded the 
 goveruor to raise the seat of government, and move to 
 Nauplia. 
 
 I forgot to say that Ibrahim, when he heard in April, 
 1827, that the French army had come over, went with his 
 whole army to Tripolitsa, and utterly destroyed it, pulling 
 down all the walls to their very foundations, and after that 
 was done he sowed the place with salt. On his return he 
 seized twenty-six of our own people, the Alonistainans, all of 
 whom were our relations. 
 
 Ibrahim once charged me with avoiding coming to an en- 
 gagement with him. I answered him that if he would meet 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 281 
 
 me with five hundred or with as many thousands, and I 
 had equal forces, we would then fight; or if he liked to 
 come and engage with me in single combat, I should be 
 most willing to do so ; but he did not answer this. If he 
 had been desirous to meet me, I would have done so with 
 all my heart, because I said to myself, if I am killed 
 well, then I am gone; but if he should be killed, my 
 nation is saved. 
 
CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 THE governor arrived at Nauplia on the 6th of 
 January, and afterwards went to jEgina, where the 
 opposition committee and the Parliament were sitting. 
 He went to church, where a thanksgiving service was held, 
 but he would not take the oaths until he had made some 
 remarks. " If you wish me to govern," he said, " the 
 Parliament must be dissolved, because I cannot be under 
 it. Our country has enemies as well as friends ; but if 
 you do not wish this I will remain and will serve you as 
 far possible as a private individual. He told them that 
 there were foreign causes that rendered this measure 
 necessary. He dissolved the Parliament himself, and 
 every member that was discontented was to receive 
 more than his pay. He organized the State and sent 
 out governors to the districts ; he instituted commissions 
 of inquiry and began a regular system, so that each 
 might know his especial duties a military man what 
 military duties were required from him, and a politician 
 what was demanded of him as a politician. He systema- 
 tized the Panhellenic union, and placed all the chiefs; 
 Kountouriotes he made member of the administration, and 
 Zaimes of the interior. Upon all these things comments 
 began to be made, and a reaction set in, although in 
 secret. Even before the governor arrived there were many 
 
KOLOKOTRONJES, KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 283 
 
 who were prepared to act against him, because they feared 
 that an orderly Government was about to be systematized, 
 when every one would not be able to do what he pleased. 
 ***** 
 [The governor had gone to Messenia.] Whilst he was 
 in Messenia, Maizon (the French general) came to Nauplia, 
 and I being in Karytaina, the governor sent me with a 
 hundred men into Derveni of Leontari to escort them to 
 Nauplia. As it was Passion Week, and I did not know 
 on what day he would come, I sent a scout to Derveni, who, 
 as soon as he knew that Maizon had arrived, was to send 
 me information by signal, and then I would go to Leontari. 
 The baggage belonging to the army of Maizon came to 
 Derveni, when my men made inquiries concerning him, 
 and were told that he had gone to Ithome in Messenia in 
 order to see the ancient remains, and that he would come 
 on the morrow. He went to these antiquities with the 
 utmost speed, and whilst they signalized to me that he 
 had arrived, he had passed over to Tripolitsa and had 
 fixed his tents at the Nauplian gates, and did not go 
 into the country. I immediately, therefore, hastened 
 forward and got near to where he was stationed, when, 
 taking five or six men with me, I went to offer him my 
 apologies, saying that I had been ordered by the governor 
 to receive him at Derveni in Leontari, and that my scouts 
 had deceived me, and so he had passed without my 
 knowledge, again begging him to forgive me. "Oh," he 
 said, "I did not come as a general, but as a private 
 person ; there is no harm done." 
 
 ***** 
 
 At this time as many of those who were discontented 
 with the governor because they saw that he would not 
 embroil himself with the state of affairs, met together to 
 concert a new assembly with the object of driving away 
 
284 KOLOKOTRON&S, 
 
 the governor and reducing us to the same anarchy as 
 before. The governor heard that an assembly and a 
 constitution were talked about, and he consequently 
 arranged that an assembly should take place at Argos ; 
 wherefore they immediately began to assemble. He sent 
 for me, and I went down to Argos, and the governor also 
 arrived there, and he stayed awhile in Tsokres' house. 
 We were one day together, and the inhabitants showed us 
 a garden, wherein it was proposed that the assembly 
 should be held. It was in the beginning of July, and 
 they had been making a good many fires there, and so 
 I gave it as my opinion that the assembly ought not to 
 take place in the garden, but that we should build a 
 theatre near Panagia for the purpose. " That means 
 expense," he answered. " Let the expense be made," 
 I replied; " they who come here from Europe to look at 
 those stones can defray the expense : it will be an honour 
 for us to clean up those stones and show them, in order 
 to have our assembly." Upon this he sent for wood and 
 other materials and erected a magnificent place for the 
 meeting, and the entire body being assembled the work 
 began, and it ratified all the actions of the governor at 
 Troizen, of whatever kind they were, the basis of the 
 assembly being a complete ratification of the opinions held 
 by the governor. 
 
 At one of their sittings there was a question raised 
 about the Order of the Eedeemer, which I opposed; 
 " the Cross is a sign of the enfranchisement of every one 
 of us ; but if we succeed in getting a king he can do as he 
 likes regarding it." 
 
 So with the full consent and entire agreement of the 
 Government we decided upon giving the governor the full 
 powers bestowed on him by the three Powers, and that he 
 was to render an account to the assembly of what he 
 
KLEPHT AND WARRIOR. 285 
 
 received and what he expended. The assembly expressed 
 their satisfaction with what he had done, and also passed 
 the same resolution on the festival of the Saviour. What 
 could it do ? It gave him full powers, for he was the only 
 fit man. 
 
 Klephts again. 
 
 Klephts at Gastouni, Patras, Vostitsa, Kalavryta, and 
 parts about Karytaina and Phanari in all the districts 
 together about a hundred and twenty. These went about 
 the roads ; among them was a son of Kostantes, and one 
 of Anagnostes Petimeza ; some from Soudena, Konto- 
 vounesios, the Perameresioi, the sons of Karales, about 
 fifteen Gastounians, the Charilaioi from Patras, and three 
 or four from Phanari. On account of these men scandals 
 got abroad that there was a great number of Klephts. 
 They arose on account of the collection for the revenues 
 and the manner of taxing the herds, &c. Thirty men 
 were sent to Katakolo, where there was one Phrangoundes, 
 a revenue officer, and seized him and his family and all 
 that he possessed. The father of Lycurgus was also an 
 abettor of Klephts at Pyrgos. 
 
 When the governor heard of these disorders in the 
 Peloponnesus, he gave a very severe order for me to carry 
 out namely, that I was either to kill them, take them 
 prisoners, or to make them submit, for there had been a 
 report given out that they numbered from three to five 
 hundred. I sent to the captains whom the governor had 
 in his service, and assembled them at Tripolitsa. There 
 were Captain Georgaki Driva from Tsakonia, Prastos, 
 Captain Georgaki and another captain from Kranidi, 
 Nikola Lambros, Stamates Metsa from Kastri, Tsokres 
 and Nezo from Argos, Captain Anagnostes from Nauplia, 
 who was in the service, Georgaki from Korthos, Cheliotes, 
 
286 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 and others, so that we mustered about a hundred officers 
 altogether. I gave an order to Koliopoulos to bring a 
 regiment Tsavellas' regiment to Kalavryta, at the head 
 of which was Gianoules, and I commanded Gennaios to 
 collect the captains of Karytaina and others. These 
 crossed over Langadia and Akovo and drove the Klephts 
 from those parts; and Gennaios arranged that Thanos 
 Koumaniotes from Patras should go to the frontiers there, 
 whilst I moved forward with twenty irregular cavalry, 
 which I took from the cavalry at hand. 
 
 When I got to Phanari I seized two Klephts and im- 
 prisoned them in the same district. I afterwards marched 
 on to Pyrgos, because there were two, three, or four 
 Klephts in Pyrgos on account of the father of Lycurgus 
 being there. When he heard that I had gone to Pyrgos he 
 tried to escape to Nauplia, but I sent four of the cavalry, who 
 seized him at Tripolitsa and brought him back to Pyrgos. 
 I had learnt that he abetted the Klephts before he went to 
 Katakolo. When the Klephts heard that myself, with Kolio- 
 poulos and Gennaios, had arrived, they dispersed. I marched 
 into Gastouni, drove the men into a corner there, and 
 imprisoned six of them. The people whose oxen and horses 
 had been stolen made their complaints to me, and I, who 
 knew the Klephts, became also their judge for this the 
 position of affairs necessitated. Then each man took back 
 what belonged to him. We then went by night to Patras, 
 and on the frontiers of Patras we met with some merchants 
 of Pyrgos, who had been despoiled, and the Klephts who 
 had robbed them were from Soubara. 
 
 An order then came from the Government to the general 
 of the commune concerning the despoiled frontiers, demand' 
 ing that he should call upon the surrounding villages to 
 deliver up the Klephts. I at once searched all those vil- 
 lages where the Pyrgiot merchants had been robbed to find 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOR. 287 
 
 either the Klephts, or the ten thousand grosia which had 
 been given out by the receiver who had bought the mer- 
 chandise at Patras. The robbers came quite near to me 
 at Patras, for in those days when I was sojourning there 
 one Charmelas, who was among the Klephts, came into 
 Patras openly, and as there were many there who had been 
 despoiled, and who recognized him, they gave me informa- 
 tion, and I sent and had Charmelas apprehended, when he 
 bore witness against others who were also in the same 
 place. When the Klephts heard that Koliopoulos and 
 Gennaios were on the heights they came down to the 
 frontiers of Patras, and I sent some soldiers and seized 
 them also, and drove out others who went to Kalavryta. 
 Koliopoulos with his regiment and with the half of the 
 Petimezaioi pursued them and gave them an alternative 
 when they surrendered. There were fifteen of the Petime- 
 zopoulai. 
 
 I despatched a messenger to Nauplia to obtain advice as 
 to what I was to do with them whether I should send 
 them to Nauplia, or take sureties that they would not any 
 more follow the same practices. I received an order that 
 if the sureties were reliable they should be accepted, but as 
 it would be an act of folly to forgive them all, as many as 
 had no good sureties should be sent to Nauplia. There was 
 one whom I had seized in Patras, when I went there by 
 night with three hundred soldiers, and waited at the 
 place till daybreak ; for these Soubariotes had gone to 
 the heights on account of the surrendering going on. I 
 surrounded them during the night, and they were seized, 
 and I took their spoil which had not been divided. The 
 captain, who was not a native of the place, had gone to 
 find a dealer to sell it. As soon as I went to Soumpara I 
 resolved to hang one of them, and the captains were all 
 incensed with me lest I should do so; therefore I took him 
 
288 KOLOKOTRONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 and another away with me. I then arranged in the 
 several districts about the sureties, and they gave me their 
 word and promise that they would be careful in the future. 
 The sureties were their neighbours. 
 
 Thus terminated this expedition. I made five hundred 
 decisions in the course of it, which, if they had been 
 carried to the lawyers, would have taken them three 
 hundred years to decide upon ; and so I put the districts in 
 order and quieted them. Of those two Soubariotes whom 
 I took, the one escaped from me with his irons on, and the 
 other, who was taken to Nauplia, was condemned to two 
 years' imprisonment ; he was the brother of the fugitive. 
 When I returned I presented myself to the Government ; 
 the manner in which I had pacified the people pleased the 
 governor, and then he disbanded the captains. 
 
CHAPTEE XIV. 
 
 THE votes of the Assembly at Argos formed the basis 
 of a constitutional Government. When the Senate 
 was chosen the governor organized a committee to pre- 
 pare the constitution. Many members were displeased, 
 especially the Hydriotes, because the governor had not 
 immediately declared what he had spent upon the rising, 
 and the Chiote3 because he asked for their accounts. He 
 was ill-spoken of by many literary men on account of the 
 freedom of the press. They asked for a constitution, and 
 yet the discontented united with the Hydriotes and others 
 who were disaffected to overthrow the constitution before it 
 was made. 
 
 The Klephts being overthrown, and the districts at peace, 
 the Hydriotes endeavoured to make the islands revolt ; and 
 they promised that they would return to Hydra, for the 
 Hydriotes, who had become suspicious that the governor 
 would send the Greek fleet against the Hydriotes, commis- 
 sioned Miaoules to go and destroy it. He accordingly burnt 
 two ships and set fire to the harbour, but some servants 
 of the Government succeeded in quenching it. Miaoules 
 by this deed darkened his reputation, for until then he had 
 not mixed himself up with any of the divisions (of party), 
 and his reputation was spotless. The vessels were the 
 property of the nation, and not of Kapodistria. They 
 
 20 
 
290 KOLOKOTBONfiS, 
 
 succeeded in throwing down the masts and filling the sea 
 with the pieces, and there they remained. 
 
 The governor was killed on the 27th of February, 1831, 
 as he was going into church, by Konstantine and George 
 Mavromichaeles. That family had poured out much of its 
 blood in the cause of our independence, but it was 
 a family which always had a propensity to commit 
 assassinations. The late Elias killed his uncle, Theodore 
 Koumoundouraki, whose wife was his father's own sister, and 
 Georgaki and Katsako invited Nikolaki Pierakos one day to 
 have some conversation with them, and whilst they were 
 talking together they threw themselves on him and wounded 
 him in the belly, and it was with difficulty that he was 
 saved. He was, however, healed in six months. 
 
 Some other events, however, happened before the governor 
 was killed. A committee was sent from Speliotopoulos, and 
 others from Hydra to Mani when the constitution was 
 announced, and the Hydriotes also sent three vessels to sup- 
 port the movements of the Maniotes. I was at Karytaina 
 when I received a note from the Government bidding me 
 send soldiers to Kalamata to guard the city from any 
 spoliation of the Maniotes. I sent Gennaios with a regi- 
 ment of Eoumeliotes and many Peloponnesians. He went 
 to Kalamata, and the Maniotes came and laid siege to 
 Gennaios. The Eoumeliote regiment of Alexakes (Kostas 
 was not there) was perfidious and turned to the Maniotes. 
 Kikordos came, and the committee itself burnt two national 
 boats, and Eikordos also captured a Hydriote vessel. 
 
 I set out with four hundred cavalry, both regular and 
 irregular, and got together about four thousand men from 
 the districts. When the French learnt that I had been 
 gathering soldiers in order to subject the Maniotes they 
 sent a regiment without any orders from the Greek 
 Government and occupied Kalamata, and proclaimed that 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOE. 291 
 
 they should not receive either one side or the other. I 
 went to Nisi, and thither came a French regiment, and its 
 commander told me that he had received a commission 
 from his general to go to Nisi. I said, " If you have a 
 commission from your general I also have a commission 
 from my Government to occupy Nisi. If you like I will 
 receive you there, and give you anything you may require." 
 
 "It is ordered that you are to leave, and that we are to 
 enter into this place," he replied. 
 
 "lam also ordered by my Government to remain ; if you 
 wish, your general can write to the Government, and then 
 if the governor orders me to do so I go away." 
 
 " We will go away," they answered. " If war is the con- 
 sequence, the burthen of it will be thine." 
 
 " If I begin the war ^the burthen of it will be mine," 
 I said, "but if you begin it the burthen is yours." 
 
 They thought to intimidate me, and that I should march 
 away. We stopped three days outside Nisi, when it rained, 
 and I told them to go in and occupy a warehouse and write 
 to the Government, and if it sends me an order to leave 
 I leave directly, even from my own house, if such be the order. 
 
 Seeing that we were not to be compelled they all marched 
 into Kalamata. 
 
 When Gennaios had left Kalamata the Maniotes sacked 
 it, and only spared the houses of some members of the 
 Government. The Hydriotes saw that Kikordos had burnt 
 two shops which belonged to the nation, and that the third, 
 which was private property, he had left unhurt, and had 
 taken possession of. The Maniotes robbed the committee 
 sent from Hydra, and all the Hydriotes who had fled from 
 the ships, whom the French took care of and transported 
 back to Hydra. This commission when it came to Mani 
 announced a constitution and freedom, and that Mani was 
 not to pay more than one part in ten, and then it seized nine 
 
292 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 parts out of ten, and Kalamata was to be mulcted in five 
 hundred thousand grosia such was the constitution it 
 announced, a constitution of rapine. I learnt that Kikordos 
 had then gone to Armyro, and I moved thither with all my 
 cavalry, both regular and irregular. Kalerges was at the 
 head of the regular cavalry, and Hadji Chrestos com- 
 manded the irregulars. I met him and returned to Nisi, 
 Eikordos went to Tsimova ; the mother of Mavromichaeles 
 came to speak with him there, whence he moved to Nauplia. 
 When Miaoules burnt the boats, all the nation murmured 
 upon the injustice which he had committed in destroying 
 the national vessels. Many men, seeing that they could 
 effect nothing either by committees or revolts, resolved 
 thereupon to kill the governor. At this epoch I received 
 orders to go to Nauplia with my cavalry, both regular and 
 irregular, and to take the infantry also, and leave it with 
 Gennaios at Messenia, in order to keep watch over the 
 movements of the Maniotes, lest they should go and 
 ravage the place. Petros Mavromichaeles had fled secretly 
 from Nauplia during the winter in order to cross over to 
 Zante, so as to reach Mani. After a space he came down 
 to Katakolo, and Anagnostopoulos, the primate there, had 
 him seized, and sent him back to Nauplia, where he was 
 put into a prison sufficiently commodious, in which he was 
 supplied abundantly with necessaries. He seized Gianni 
 Katzi and sent him to Palamedi, and Konstantine and 
 George Mavromichaeles and Katsakos found themselves in 
 a prison in the village of Nauplia. Katsakos escaped and 
 got to Mani, and their constitutions were framed simul- 
 taneously with their designs for murdering the governor. 
 Thousands of dollars and other things had turned his 
 head, and if they had not been incited by very great 
 promises it is certain that they would have been saved 
 from this, and would never have attempted it. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 293 
 
 As I said before, the governor was entering the door of the 
 church on Sunday morning early, when these men greeted 
 the governor. He had only two persons with him, a one- 
 armed man and another. As he was going through the 
 door Konstantine fired off a pistol at his head, whilst 
 George plunged a knife into his belly, when the governor 
 fell dead in the doorway. As soon as they had done 
 this they attempted to fly, but Konstantine was wounded 
 to the death by the one-armed man a Cretan, and 
 Georgaki fled to the house of Valianos. He saw that he 
 could not remain there, and then took refuge in Rouan's 
 house. The mayor of the city did not disturb himself 
 much at this crisis, because he was himself mixed up in 
 the affair. Zerar also, who regulated the regular Greek 
 army, was in a position of cabal with his adjutant at 
 Platonos, where the army then was, and he merely said, 
 " It is nothing nothing keep quiet." Almetas, who was 
 the governor of the fort, having with him a sworn and 
 faithful army, shut the gates ; he divided this force 
 between the redoubts and the other posts of the city, 
 and divers other citizens seized their arms ; and thus it 
 was that Nauplia, which was in danger of being lost, was 
 saved. 
 
 The Senate and secretaries met immediately, and pre- 
 pared to form a committee of three : namely, of myself, 
 Augoustinos and Koletes. Augoustinos had sent a mes- 
 senger directly to give me information of the death of the 
 governor, and I went to Nauplia. I was at Tripolitsa at 
 the time. The Senate communicated its proposition to 
 Augoustinos, but he said that he could not accept the 
 position until Kolokotrones had come and talked it over 
 with them. I received the information from this mes- 
 senger in the evening of the same Sunday, to the effect 
 that the governor had been killed by the Mavromichaeli, 
 
294 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 and that one of them was also killed, and that the other 
 had taken refuge in Kouan's house ; I knew nothing more. 
 I then remembered that the governor had ordered that if 
 he should die suddenly, an assembly should immediately 
 be held. I summoned Karores, the prefect of Tripolitsa, 
 and his secretaries directly, and wrote despatches to 
 the armies everywhere, to march forward with Gennaios, 
 stating that I should remain in Tripolitsa. For myself I 
 did not at that time know whither to march, or what to 
 do, for I was in ignorance of what had occurred at Nauplia, 
 but I sent letters to the cavalry and infantry in all parts 
 to oblige them to come at an earlier date. When morning 
 dawned on the Monday, two foot regiments, one closely 
 following the other, brought the news that the Senate had 
 voted a committee of three, that the people were laying 
 siege to Georgaki Mavromichaeles in the house of Eouan, 
 asking Eouan to give him up, that he had delivered him 
 up, and that he was taken to Palamedi, and asking me to 
 go as soon as it was possible. 
 
 I had kept it secret the evening before, and had not 
 communicated the death of the governor to the city. At 
 daybreak, when the citizens of Tripolitsa heard of it, they 
 were all like dead men paralyzed ; they left their work, 
 abandoned their employment, and wandered up and down 
 the roads like madmen. I sent messengers bearing second 
 letters to every one of the districts, bidding them all to 
 remain quiet, and enjoining the prefects to keep at their 
 posts and to continue their work. I gave them infor- 
 mation that a committee had been chosen to govern the 
 place, and that the necessary measures would be taken to 
 ensure quiet and order in this critical moment. The pre- 
 fects of the town of Tripolitsa came to me before I set off 
 to go to Nauplia, and said to me, " What is to become of 
 us ? We fear that we shall have to go through some trouble 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 295 
 
 here, because our city is open and accessible." I told them 
 to send out heralds to read out aloud what I had written 
 to the other districts. They besought me then to send 
 heralds, and as the citizens had assembled in the school, 
 would I go there and address a few words to them? I 
 agreed to do so, and going to the school whither the 
 citizens were gathered, I spoke to them for one whole 
 hour, and told them as many things as it was proper to 
 tell them under the circumstances. 
 
 I put in Sisinopoulos with a hundred cavalry to ensure 
 the peace of the place, and left, and in six hours I arrived 
 at Nauplia. I had a hundred and fifty cavalry with me. 
 The people asked permission, and the gates were thrown 
 open for my reception, at the spot where our king after- 
 wards disembarked, and the inhabitants conducted me 
 thence to my house. Some who met me were weeping, 
 others were in a great frenzy ; to all I said but one word 
 "Peace." When I got to my house I turned to them. 
 " Greeks," I cried, " go to your homes and fear not ; 
 the power of God will take care of all things." Then I 
 went to comfort Augoustinos, who was sitting alone, 
 mourning, and when I went to him, we both consoled each 
 other, and at last he said, " It is to thee that I cling, both I 
 and the nation ; we will all do what thou judgest to be right." 
 
 I then returned home. I spoke with Almetas, the com- 
 mandant of the fort, who was at the head x>f the regular 
 cavalry, and instructed him to send out heralds, and that 
 every one was to remain quite quiet in his own house, and 
 keep his arms (for all the citizens were armed), and " Go 
 on in the same way as thou hast borne thyself in the last 
 few days," I said, " for the conservation of peace. The 
 regulars stand to their oaths faithfully, and have prevented 
 fire and slaughter ; make your oaths now to the committee, 
 until we see how the affair will turn out." 
 
296 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 The next day the Senate and secretaries met, and we 
 took our oaths to abide by the powers over us. The 
 people clamoured for the murderer Georgaki. " Either 
 kill the murderer, and seize his accomplices, or we shall 
 take our revenge ourselves, and we shall do what we can." 
 We then resolved upon a court-martial, and condemned 
 him to death, and the result was left to Providence. His 
 two servants and Kaklamanos were thrown into prison, 
 because they knew of the society which had pledged itself 
 to kill the governor. We forced Zerar to. make his 
 declaration, although we did not wish to convict him as an 
 accomplice. He gave his testimony, and he was thrown 
 into prison also as well as the son of Kalamodartes, and 
 others who would not give in their declaration. A number 
 of fools came to me, calling out, " Kolokotrones, revenge 
 us ; kill all the murderers." I drove them out of my 
 house, saying, "Go to your homes, this is no affair of 
 yours." 
 
 At Hydra they had scarcely heard that the governor was 
 slain, before Speliotopoulos, Papalexopoulos, and others 
 rushed to Nauplia expecting to be able to do whatever 
 they had a mind to, and so bring everything into disorder. 
 We seized them at once, and put them in prison in the 
 castle. All the districts and islands with the exception of 
 Hydra sent addresses, lamenting the death of the governor, 
 acknowledging the. Executive Committee, and praising 
 the action of the Senate. Those who were in Hydra sent 
 a committee, but we did not receive it. If God had 
 enlightened the Senate, and it had chosen another man in 
 the place of Koletes, we should possibly have done better. 
 We directed affairs for three months, and we announced by 
 proclamation that there would be an assembly inviting the 
 nation to attend at Argos, and it met there. Others 
 came from Western Greece, and by the help of the devil 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBTOU. 297 
 
 Grivas made it up with Tsokres, with whom he was always 
 quarrelling, and they all came together. 
 
 The whole nation having thus met together, I ran over 
 in my mind that if we constituted ourselves another govern- 
 ment the foreign courts would consider that we were all in 
 agreement in regard to the murder of the governor; 
 because by killing the governor, and changing the govern- 
 ment in order to advance others, the world would plainly 
 see that we must be all of one accord, or else that the 
 governor was a tyrant. We had tried in past times the 
 government of the many, so I said that Augoustinos had 
 better be made the sole president, and that the Assembly 
 should appoint a senate to consult with the president to 
 govern until such time that the Powers would send us a 
 king, and I made a proposition in the Assembly to that 
 effect. Koletes, when he heard of this proposition of mine, 
 was not well pleased that he was excepted, and began to 
 agitate, so that both Eastern and Western Greece 
 began deserting, and civil war was imminent. We had 
 made an assembly, and the tents where the pleni- 
 potentiaries and captains met were thrown down by the 
 body of the nation. They actually began to divide the 
 tents among them, and Grivas, fool as he was, built breast- 
 works at the tents, and thus was the whole society in 
 parties. The Assembly took possession of the fort of 
 Kitsos Tsavellas, because they had an idea that they would 
 come upon the Assembly and destroy it, but they did not. 
 
 Day after day our troubles increased, but still we always 
 carried on the Assembly. Augoustinos sent once or twice 
 to Koletes. " It is not well," he said, " that the nation 
 should be disunited ; let there be harmony and peace, and 
 let the Assembly finish its work." 
 
 ****** 
 
 At last we learnt that the King of Bavaria had consented 
 
298 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 to send his son Otho to us this was in June. I then 
 made representations to the three Powers that Grivas 
 should be prevented from interfering, for Grivas had gone 
 to Tripolitsa, and was trying to stir up a civil war. They 
 did not, however, attend to my request. I therefore sent 
 a declaration to the Senate that we were bound to protect 
 our honour, our lives, and our property, and that we must 
 not recognize a tyrannical government. 
 
 This administration saw that it was powerless to control 
 the present state of affairs, and asked the three resident 
 ministers to allow the French army to occupy Nauplia and 
 Patras. What a government to hand over national for- 
 tresses to foreigners to keep ! General Genek, therefore, 
 took a French force to Patras. Kitsos Tsavellas would not 
 receive them, and said that he should deliver up the fort 
 when the king came, adding, " If you want to take it by 
 force, you will first have a battle," and hoisted a flag. When 
 the French general saw the firmness and resolute bearing 
 of Kitsos, he retired, and the French went to Nauplia and 
 turned out the national regiment, and then shut them- 
 selves up there, and occupied it ; if the French had not 
 been invited Koletes must have fled to his own place, 
 Juannina. 
 
 The soldiers who had gone against Kitsos Tsavellas 
 formed themselves into an alliance with him, and said 
 that they would prevent any civil war, and had sent 
 messengers to the governor of Nauplia to reorganize 
 matters. These messeugers passed through Valtetsi where 
 Gennaios was. As they were journeying along I met 
 them at a certain village, and stopped to speak with them. 
 I had made a proclamation, and Arcadians, Phanarites, 
 Karytainans, and men from every district came to occupy 
 different points to prevent those districts from being 
 ravaged, and these also allied with them. They passed 
 
KLERHT AND WARRIOR. 299 
 
 over to Tripolitsa and conferred with Grivas and Hadji 
 Chrestos, thence they went to Nauplia, where they 
 gathered together in order to form a new Assembly, and 
 choose a committee to come to confer with ns also. When 
 Grivas went to Tripolitsa very few of the inhabitants re- 
 mained, the others were dispersed over the different districts 
 because they were frightened when they saw the evil which 
 he had wrought in Argos and Corinth. I sent a messenger 
 on foot to Tripolitsa to command them not to fight, and 
 Grivas seized him, and had him beheaded. I then went 
 from Karytaina to Valtetsi. I said to myself that they 
 had something in view. 
 
 Evangeles Kontogianni was at war at this time with the 
 inhabitants of Agio-Petro and a part of the district of Mistra, 
 and was in some danger. He had about three hundred men 
 with him, eighty of whom were Turks. Gennaios, when he 
 heard of his position, went and saved him, and took him 
 away with him to Tsiveri, where he left him, and then 
 proceeded to Eoumeli. Niketas had defeated Katsakos 
 in Messenia, and was besieging him in Phourtzalokamara, 
 and if the French had not come up he would have taken 
 him prisoner, but he purged all this part and despatched 
 Apostolus Kolokotrones to Kantela in order to stop 
 Karataso from making any progress there. When I went 
 to Valtetsi I sent to Grivas to march on. The answer was, 
 "We will have a battle." I then directed Gennaios to go to 
 Mantzagra, when they came forth from Tripolitsa to besiege 
 him there, whilst at the same time our own people went from 
 different districts to go to Tripolitsa. Gennaios being at 
 Mantzagra, and Grivas being opposed to him, I gave the 
 signal for attack, and they went back fighting all the way 
 to Tripolitsa. I there received word that it was not his 
 intention to destroy that city, and I had a personal 
 interview with Hadji Chrestos, and as if I had allowed 
 
300 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 the soldiers to enter with arms in their hands the houses 
 would have been ravaged, however much order might have 
 been imposed by sentries. Grivas at last fled, along with 
 Hadji Chrestos and the calvary, and got to Argos. . I 
 went into Tripolitsa, and in five days all the scattered 
 inhabitants returned to their homes. A few days after- 
 wards Tsavellas came. In all the skirmishes at Mant- 
 zagra there were only fifty killed. I brought all the army 
 together, and after the Koumeliotes had left, I gave 
 an address to them on discipline. During all this interval 
 I had daily correspondence with Zaimes, Metaxa, Kolio- 
 poulos, and others. 
 
 An order came from Trikoupes that Gennaios should 
 take part in the commission which he had arranged to 
 go to Bavaria to invite the king over, and accompany 
 him to Greece. I could not give my consent that Gennaios 
 should go to a government where he was not known, and 
 I resolved to go to Nauplia myself to see how this pro- 
 position was to be carried out. I went to Astros, and 
 there I got some information from Eikordos, who sent 
 me a cutter to bring me to his frigate. I had scarcely 
 arrived there in the evening, when Koliopoulos came to 
 ask my permission that he himself should go. He pressed 
 me so earnestly, saying that the English vessel which 
 was appointed to take out the commission was in haste 
 to be gone. So what could I do more ? I said, " Go in 
 peace." 
 
 We reflected afterwards that we ought to have sent a 
 commission from the whole nation to Bavaria, with an 
 armed body accompanying it, but the circumstances did not 
 permit this ; if they had told me exactly how it was, I should 
 have ordered Gennaios to go, and he would have gone. I 
 saluted the two captains, English and French, and they 
 asked me why I had not sent my son to Bavaria ; when 
 
KLEPHT AND WARBIOB. 301 
 
 I said, " I did not know enough of the Administrative 
 Commission to accept its proposition." Zaimes and 
 Metaxa came, and we all conversed together in the frigate. 
 My view was that the senate should be left free to choose 
 a government from the different parties after the protocol 
 of London. 
 
 I returned to Astros and thence to Achladokabo, when 
 Tsavellas and other Eoumeliote officers came to us. We 
 wrote with one accord to the different captains who were 
 with the regiment to come and confer together at Tsiveri. 
 They came accordingly, and we went thence to Argos. 
 We resolved upon a commission of the army, in order to 
 diminish the existing evils, and we wrote to Grivas to go 
 out of the Morea. Grivas went to Koutsopodi upon this, 
 and committed great abuses there. We thereupon decided 
 upon forming a military commission, with a view of collect- 
 ing the revenues, and dividing them in proportion and 
 according to rule, so as to prevent the great abuses which 
 had hitherto occurred. Zographos had written to them 
 that discipline must be maintained, but who listened 
 to him ! 
 
 Whilst we were at Argos, the Senate wrote for me to go, 
 and Zaimes and Metaxa with me, so that it might choose 
 a third member, in order that the place might be arranged 
 upon where the King was to disembark. I did not agree 
 to this because there were so many officers there, and we 
 were not in accord. 
 
 There were soldiers in every district, and they committed 
 many excesses, and there was therefore a great necessity 
 for a commission to collect as much revenue as the dis- 
 tricts were entitled to give, and which were to be divided 
 among the different officers for the purpose of getting 
 supplies, and to establish a good state of discipline de- 
 manded by these anarchical circumstances. Each went to 
 
302 KOLOKOTBONES, 
 
 his post. Tsavellas and Notes Botsares were stationed at 
 Patras. Myself and Hadji Chrestos went to Tripolitsa, 
 and the rest remained at Argos. A French regiment upon 
 this resolved to occupy Argos, in order that the King 
 should disembark at Mylos. They moved forward from 
 Messenia, and came to Tripolitsa; I paid them every attention 
 that. could be offered, and then they went down to Argos. I 
 don't know what they did there, but the men of Tsokres and 
 Griziotes fell upon them ; there was fighting, and more 
 than two hundred innocent lives were sacrificed. The 
 French seized upon my son as a hostage, lest the Greeks 
 should go and kill them all. The Executive sent a com- 
 mission to me to see if I had any information concerning 
 how it came about. When they arrived they inquired 
 into it themselves, and I wrote to the French general to 
 say that I could have no view in harassing the French, 
 for if I had been so inclined, I should not have let them 
 pass through Tripolitsa, but should have awaited them at 
 Derveni in Leontari, and that I had no cause to be the 
 enemy of soldiers who were my comrades in arms, asking 
 them wiry they had seized my son as a hostage. If I 
 had thought that it was needful for my country's weal 
 to attack them, I should have done so, and I would have 
 let them have my son for a hostage, but they were quite 
 convinced that I knew all about it, and the French thought 
 that I was their enemy, although I had never given them 
 any cause to think so. Koletes and the opposite party had 
 filled their heads with the idea that I was against them, 
 and that I was devoted to Eussia. 
 
 Ten days later on, the fleet which carried our King came 
 to the Gulf of Argos. Before this occurred, however, the 
 French had seized upon the house of Tsamados, the 
 President of the Senate, and treated him very badly. On 
 account of this circumstance and other outrages which 
 
KLEPHT AND WABRIOB. 303 
 
 were committed on the senators, they resolved to go to 
 Nauplia. I had gone down to Astros to speak about the 
 position in which we were placed. Many of the senators 
 had an idea of going to Astros also, in order to choose a 
 fresh administration, consisting of three members, and to 
 call upon Zaimes and Metaxa to make Kikordos a pro- 
 visional president until the King's arrival. The Senate 
 left Argos, and suddenly one morning at daybreak I saw 
 them arrive at Astros. I did not accept their proposal, 
 for I said matters had better stand as they were until 
 the coming of the King, whereupon the Senate went to 
 Spetsai, and remained there until the King's arrival. 
 
 When the Senate went to Astros they ordered Konstan- 
 
 tinos to go to Nauplia and make a convention. By this 
 
 convention they agreed to throw half their (military) 
 
 strength into the several districts, a part of which would 
 
 be composed of our men, and to regulate the accounts 
 
 of their pay and other matters. Koletes was in accord 
 
 with this, because he did not know anything outside the 
 
 Senate, and there was the difficulty for him, that I 
 
 did not wish to accept all the propositions that were useful 
 
 to myself only, and abandon my senatorial comrades. 
 
 These asked that there should be an administration 
 
 formed, without waiting until the arrival of the King, 
 
 because they said that the King might delay his coming 
 
 for three or four months ; and again, that when the King 
 
 did come, he would find these matters before them, and 
 
 that he could then take only those representatives whom 
 
 he found in their places, and by this way all the errors which 
 
 had been already committed might be concealed, such as the 
 
 burning of the fleet, the stirring up the districts to revolt, 
 
 and the murder of the Governor ; whilst, if there were a 
 
 new administration formed by the Senate, which, until 
 
 then, the resident ministers and the King of Bavaria had 
 
304 KOLOKOTRONES, KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 
 
 considered legitimate, this new administration would give 
 full assurances regarding the deeds of those before them, 
 and it would know what kind of men they were, and if 
 Koletes and the secretaries should be left to consider 
 themselves an administration, the King would find two 
 governments, and might not listen to either, but follow his 
 own way. No one in the so-called Government ever imagined 
 that the King on his arrival might not take him to his heart, 
 or that he would rather be indifferent to him, for each 
 thought that the King would incline to him before those 
 who had been faithful to the only regular government, 
 which the nation had had since the commencement of the 
 rising. Every one of the senators had such ideas, and in 
 fact all those who were in any way connected with the 
 Government. 
 
 Whilst I was in Tripolitsa I had been in correspondence 
 with all the military both of West and Eastern Greece as 
 well as with the Peloponnesus and the islands, especially 
 with Spetsai and Hydra, urging them to prepare proper 
 representatives to go and welcome our King on his arrival. 
 My view was that all of them should assemble at Argos, 
 and receive the King there, and that each of them should 
 have an address prepared, in which should be stated all 
 the evils which had arisen from having so many con- 
 stitutional forms (so-called). Since the Greeks had 
 attacked the French at Argos, I had changed my opinion, 
 and I wished that he should land at Mylos. I did not 
 know at what time the King would come, and upon this 
 account I did not compel the representatives to assemble. 
 
 The King came to Nauplia. 
 
CHAPTEE XV. 
 
 IT is now time to speak of certain matters which have 
 reference to my unjust prosecution. Thersius and 
 other foreigners had made a tumult in Bavaria by saying 
 that I was the leader of a Bussian party, and that I, 
 being the leader of a faction, did not wish for a king, and 
 other things of the like kind. They were foreigners who 
 said so, although Koliopoulos had fully shown to the King 
 and Queen all my sentiments in respect to a king, and 
 Koliopoulos had told them that he himself would remain 
 as a hostage in Bavaria until their son should arrive hi 
 Greece. Notwithstanding this they had some suspicions. 
 On the English boat where the King and the Eegency 
 embarked there might possibly have been something 
 brewing, on account of the impediment caused by Gen- 
 naios going away to Monaco. The King came first to 
 Corfu, when he heard that the Senate had left Nauplia, 
 and had left with bad intentions. He then reached Mani, 
 and there he heard that the French had been attacked by 
 the Greeks, and that those Greeks were the men belonging 
 to Kolokotrones, and that Kolokotrones, with a force of ten 
 or fifteen thousand, wanted to prevent the disembarkation 
 of the King : all these things excited in their minds a 
 feeling against me. I was written to from Nauplia, and 
 thus this was all made known to me. I was very sorry to 
 
 21 
 
306 KOLOKOTBONJES, 
 
 see that the intriguers had been so successful in perverting 
 the truth, and I left it to time alone to make clear to the 
 King all about men and affairs. I went to Eikordos on his 
 frigate, and said that I desired to present myself to the 
 King and the Eegency, and I sent Koliopoulos to ask 
 permission for me to do so, when he brought me back for 
 answer that the King did not receive any one yet specially, 
 and that I should be informed concerning the place where 
 the King would disembark. Eikordos gave a dinner, and 
 we sat down with the General of the Bavarian armies, 
 with the uncle of the King, and with Smaltz, but I saw 
 that they were suspicious of me. 
 
 The day for the King's disembarkation arrived, and I, 
 with Koletes and Kountouriotes, went down down to 
 meet him. The King came : we ail went to Nauplia. There 
 we were presented. Every day the committees met, but 
 things were changed, there were no addresses nothing. 
 The King said that the Greeks had borne themselves with 
 bravery during the rising ; that he had left his parents and 
 his fatherland to go to a new country ; that he intended to 
 work for the welfare of Greece, and all the kind of things 
 which kings are accustomed to say, and he also made a 
 proclamation to that effect. After two or three days had 
 passed, I dismissed all my old officers, my soldiers, my 
 clerks, and my secretaries, and said to them, " Go in peace, 
 stay quietly in your own homes until the hour shall arrive 
 when the King may wish to know about certain men, and 
 some doings on our part, in order to reward each accord- 
 ing to his deeds and his past services." 
 
 I then prepared an address, and offered the King the 
 fort of Karytaina, which I had built at my own expense. 
 I said in my address that I had built the fort to be useful 
 in any necessities of my country, but now, as I required it 
 no longer, I wished him to accept it. My view was that I 
 
KLEPBT AND WABBIOB. 30? 
 
 should thus give an example to all the others who had 
 built towers and forts to give them also, on account of the 
 position of affairs. I received a gracious answer that he 
 would keep my building. As far as I could I had always 
 done my duty to my country, and not only myself, but all 
 my family. I now saw my country free. I saw that which 
 I, my father, my grandfather, and my whole race, as well 
 as all the Greeks had so long desired. I resolved therefore to 
 go to a garden which I had outside Nauplia. I went there, 
 and passed all my time in husbandry. I rejoiced greatly 
 to watch the small trees which I had planted myself grow 
 and flourish. 
 
 After a little while I sent a sword to the King's brother, 
 Prince Paul Louis. 
 
 I left to pass two months at Tripolitsa, because I was 
 afraid of being ill from the great heat in Nauplia. I was 
 at Tripolitsa, and went thence to a festival at Agia-Mone, 
 whither I went every year, because that was my own 
 property. When I returned to Nauplia I found that 
 intrigues had not been wanting in their influence upon 
 the Government, and that many false statements, such 
 as how Kolokotrones had himself made assemblies, 
 got abroad. Zographos, who was the prefect of Arcadia 
 (and he ought to have known if there had been any- 
 thing of the kind), went to the Eegent, and declared that 
 all such reports were false. When I came back to 
 Nauplia I went to pay my respects to the King and the 
 Regent, and I saw that they looked very gloomy, but I did 
 not understand anything about it. 
 
 I stayed in my garden. On the night of the 7th 
 of September, Kleopas, the commandant, with forty 
 soldiers, came there, and arrested me, carrying me off 
 to Its Kale, and delivered me to the governor there, who 
 cast me into a secret prison, where I was six months 
 
308 KOLOKOTRONES, 
 
 without seeing one person except the gaoler. All those 
 six months I knew nothing of what was going on, neither 
 who was living, nor who was dead, nor why I was in 
 prison ; for three days I did not know that I even existed, 
 everything seemed to me to be a dream. I often asked 
 myself if I were really the same man, or some other. I 
 could not understand why they had shut me up. 
 
 In time a thought came into my mind that perhaps the 
 Government, seeing the credit which I had with the people, 
 had confined me in order to cut off that influence, but I 
 never thought that it would go such lengths as even to 
 procure false witnesses. 
 
 After six months the accusation was communicated to 
 us * that we had frequently made addresses opposing the 
 whole Eegency, and again opposing the two members, and 
 in favour of Armausberg, that we wished to make a rising, 
 and with this view we had stirred up robbers. 
 
 When these accusations were communicated to me, I 
 immediately suspected that the hand of the Government 
 was in it, and that they would destroy us. They brought 
 us before the tribunal ; many unworthy men of no account 
 appeared there as false witnesses against us, who stated that 
 they had, seen the addresses, and other like falsehoods. 
 Honourable men came from all parts householders, who 
 said that all these things were lies, and that those men 
 were bad characters ; but they would not listen to them, 
 they wished to see their aim condemnation carried out. 
 I heard afterwards that Schinas, the Minister of J ustice, 
 had compelled the president, Polyzoides, and Tertsetes, 
 with fixed bayonets, to sign it in the Court. 
 
 They took us down, and read the sentence to us. I had 
 seen death near me so many times that I did not fear it 
 not then ; better that I should be killed unjustly than 
 - ;c Koliopoulos was also arrested, as will presently be seen. 
 
KLEPHT AND WABBIOB. 809 
 
 justly. I was sorry for Koliopoulos, because he had a 
 large family. We ate in the evening ; at daybreak I made 
 my will, and prepared for the hour of death. After two 
 hours we learnt that the King had granted us our lives. 
 
 They took us to Palamedi as a more secure place, and 
 there we were kept eleven months. When the King came 
 to the throne he gave orders that we should be released 
 from prison, as it was an injustice. I went forth from 
 Palamedi, and the reception which the people gave me 
 made me forget all the troubles through which I had 
 passed. I saw that some were weeping, others laughing 
 for joy, and they all shouted together, " Long live justice ! 
 long live justice and the King ! " I stopped two or three 
 days at home, and then I went to Athens, and paid my 
 respects, and expressed my gratitude to the King, and to 
 Armansberg, after which I remained in peace and quiet 
 until now when I relate all these events. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 THE false representations of Eussia that led to the dis- 
 astrous rising of 1770, which, although it spread itself 
 over all Greece, was particularly felt in Mani, occasioned 
 the Porte, who greatly miscalculated the strength of the 
 insurrection, to call in the aid of the Albanians. When, 
 through the desertion of the Eussians, the revolt was 
 successfully quelled, the Albanians who remained in the 
 Morea carried on the same cruelties towards the submitted 
 people as they had exercised during the time when they 
 were actively engaged in putting down the rebellion. For 
 nine years the whole of the Peloponnesus was ravaged 
 and desolated by those savage and faithless hordes, who 
 became so emboldened that at last they threw off all 
 nominal allegiance to the Porte, and aimed only at securing 
 the whole Morea for themselves. To quell this outbreak, 
 which threatened so greatly the safety of the Porte, the 
 Kapitan Pasha, Gazi Hassan, was sent with a strong force 
 to drive them entirely out of the Peloponnesus. This he 
 effected with the help of the Klephts and Kostantes Kolo- 
 kotrones, and pursued them so relentlessly that the whole 
 Morea was cleared in a very short time, when the heads 
 
312 NOTES. 
 
 of the unhappy wretches who fell were devoted, some to 
 adorn the court of the seraglio at Constantinople, and 
 others to build a wall at Tripolitsa. 
 
 B. 
 
 Hassan Tzezairles, the Kapitan Pasha or High Admiral 
 of the Porte, was undoubtedly one of the bravest of the 
 brave, and as capable as he was brave. This truly great 
 man, who is supposed to have been of Algerine extraction, 
 was captured by the Turks when quite an infant, and 
 being afterwards sold, became the property of a man who 
 employed him for a long time in the capacity of an oars- 
 man. Fleeing from this service in the company of other 
 fugitive slaves, he took service with a Greek, and thence 
 went to Smyrna, where he enlisted among the recruits of 
 the Prince of Algeria. In the different expeditions in 
 which he was engaged he suffered untold hardships, and 
 upon two occasions being badly wounded, was left for dead 
 in the loneliness of a desert, exposed to all the horrors of 
 a tropical sun, combined with hunger and thirst. He 
 escaped, however, with his life from these dangers, and 
 re-entered the service of the Prince, but the intrigues and 
 envy which surrounded him impelled him in the end to 
 abandon it, when he took himself to Spain, and after 
 passing through many vicissitudes, travelled to Con- 
 stantinople, where, falling under suspicion, he was cast 
 into prison. The Sultan Mahmoud happened to pay a 
 visit of inspection to the prison in which he was confined, 
 when Hassan undauntedly appealed to him to the effect 
 that he, being an innocent man and a foreigner, had been 
 unjustly thrown into a dungeon as a malefactor. The 
 Sultan was impressed with his boldness and his general 
 appearance, and taking him straightway from confinement, 
 
NOTES. 313 
 
 appointed him to the post of commander of one of his 
 vessels, when he quickly rose to the highest post in the 
 fleet. The Kapitan Pasha does not appear to have been 
 ill-disposed to the Greeks as a people. There was a great 
 friendship between him and the celebrated Nikolas Mavro- 
 genes, the Hospodar of Wallachia, who, although he was 
 in the service of the Porte, did not always forget that he 
 was himself a Greek, and possibly this friendship influenced 
 Hassan. It is the opinion of the Greek historian Sathas 
 that Greece owes much to him, for it was due to his inter- 
 position that a wholesale massacre, by which the entire 
 annihilation of the Greek race was to be effected, was not 
 decreed by the Divan. When all expostulations on the 
 score of humanity had failed to turn this purpose, Hassan 
 simply remarked, " If all the Greeks are slain, where will 
 your taxes come from?" And this proved conclusive in its 
 logic, and so Greece was saved. His measures against the 
 Albanians were too sweeping to be just, and he was almost 
 disposed to be as inexorable towards the revolted Maniotes 
 in the following year when Kostantes Kolokotrones lost 
 his life. Besides the dignity of Kapitan Pasha, Hassan 
 had the title of Gazi (conqueror), and, on account of his 
 luxuriant growth of moustachios, received also the cognomen 
 of Mustakos. 
 
 C. 
 
 The promontory of Mani is considered by many writers 
 to be inhabited by descendants of the ancient Spartans, 
 and until its submission to the Kapitan Pasha in 1779, 
 never to have been entirely subdued by either Frank or 
 Turk. Its rugged hills, its sterile soil, and its proximity 
 to the sea conduced to make it in all ages the appropriate 
 nesting-place for brigands and pirates. Its inhabitants 
 were indisposed to industrial pursuits, and were by nature 
 
314 NOTES. 
 
 warlike and somewhat fierce, whilst their extreme poverty 
 incited them to lives of rapine and plunder. It has even 
 been stated that they were equally impartial in their 
 incursions both to Christians and Mohammedans, and 
 that their galleys by sea, and their bandits from the moun- 
 tains, swooped down on both alike. The coast, indented 
 with small creeks, was a safe hiding-place for the pira- 
 tical row-boats, and the steep ridges of Mount Taygetus 
 were a safe refuge upon the invasion of an enemy. The 
 very women were ready to fight, in order to repel a foe, as 
 is seen in regard to Ibrahim Pasha's troops, whom they 
 attacked and prevented from landing. There were no 
 Turks resident there, and they kept their own institutions, 
 and were virtually self -governed. The districts were 
 divided between the chiefs or Kapetani, and the taxes were 
 sent to the Porte, being collected by themselves; but it 
 need hardly be said that they were not always regularly 
 paid, and from the inaccessible nature of the country, and 
 the determined character of the people, attempts at com- 
 pulsion had always been unsuccessful. Mani only produced 
 acorns and oil, and these were almost a monopoly of the 
 Bey. This wild, barren district has been called the nursery 
 of the Eevolution, and its untamable sons its chief 
 promoters. After 1779 Mani was governed by the Kapitan 
 Pasha. 
 
 D. 
 
 Among those who were shut up in the Acropolis of Argos 
 was one Karagianni, a Maniote who, in the midst of the 
 universal panic occasioned, by the approach of Dramales, 
 had displayed spirit and courage ; for he, hearing that the 
 Turks left in Argos were enjoying themselves in supine 
 ease as if they were having a holiday, fell upon them with 
 ten companions of the like mind as himself, and after 
 
NOTES 315 
 
 slaying some, drove the rest forth and planted the Greek 
 flag on the Acropolis. When Kolokotrones, upon their 
 subsequently being besieged by the Turkish force, achieved 
 their rescue, as he narrates in his Autobiography, poor 
 Karagianni, worn out with fatigue and hardships, was 
 asleep on the floor, and knew nothing of what had tran- 
 spired until he was awakened by the voices and entrance 
 of the Turks, who were seeking for spoils in the deserted 
 fort. The orave, quick-witted fellow started up, and seizing 
 a large copper vessel which happened, fortunately, to be 
 lying within reach, he put it over his head, and went out 
 dancing as though he, a Turk, had chosen that for his 
 share of the booty. 
 
 E. 
 
 AH Pasha, whose name is inseparably connected with 
 the Klephts and Armatoli of the close of the eighteenth 
 century, was born about 1745 at Tepeleni, the son of one 
 Veli, the most notorious of the bandits of Albania at that 
 time, who, being devoted for a long period of years to the 
 prosecution of his nefarious profession, amassed con- 
 siderable wealth, and eventually became the Aga of his 
 village. After a life of frightful crime and profligacy, he 
 died when AH was quite a youth. Educated as a bandit, 
 Ali was noted at an early age for his skill in shooting, for 
 his ^swift running, and for his bold riding for all those 
 acquirements, in fact, which were invaluable in a brigand. 
 He was also inured to every toil and hardship. From the 
 possession of these qualities he was at length attached to 
 the service of the Beys, and he made a good marriage. 
 He was able and he was ambitious, and rose by successive 
 steps to the Pashalik of Trikala in Thessaly, and to the 
 post of Derven Aga, or inspector of roads. This position 
 was the chief origin of his future power. He was as 
 
316 NOTES. 
 
 crafty and subtle as he was able and daring, and be 
 managed to attract into his service many Klepbts and 
 Armatoli. The Porte, becoming alarmed at the large body 
 of men which he attached to him by good pay and better 
 promises, was pacified from time to time by his representa- 
 tions that this force was required in order to suppress the 
 robbers. By his enormous wealth, acquired in his former 
 expeditions of rapine, he was enabled to purchase (all 
 posts being saleable at the Porte) the government of 
 Juannina. Once established there, his next object was to 
 get rid of the most dangerous of his enemies, the Klephts, 
 and by cajolery, and gold, and protestations of his devotion 
 to the cause of Greece, and his desire for her emancipation, 
 he succeeded from time to time in inveigling many brave 
 but unthinking chiefs to second his designs. The manner 
 in which he obtained possession of the persons of several 
 of the most renowned of those brave men is told in the 
 introductory history of the Klephts. His dealings with 
 the unhappy Souliotes, and his subsequent treason against 
 the Porte, with his fall and decapitation when in extreme 
 old age, are matters of history. 
 
 F. 
 
 There is frequent mention in the Autobiography of 
 monasteries used for garrisons or strongholds. The old 
 monasteries of Greece were all built so strong as to 
 enable them to take the place of citadels in war time. 
 Megaspelaion, in the north of the Peloponnesus, about 
 two hours distant from Kalavryta, is the largest monas- 
 tery in Greece, and the next in size is Taxiarchi, 
 about an hour and a half from Yostitsa. Besides the 
 fortress style in which these edifices are constructed, they 
 are provided with natural defences from their situation, 
 
NOTES. 317 
 
 especially the former, which on one side has a precipice of 
 four or five hundred feet. There are many lesser monas- 
 teries of the same character scattered over the Morea, 
 which were used by the Klephts as places of retreat. It is 
 seen also how Kolokotrones availed himself of their libraries 
 in order to make his cartridges. The monastery of St. 
 Elias, where Kolokotrones and some of his colleagues were 
 confined, was one of the same character as the above. 
 
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