vvlOSANGElfj> -> <^ -*. ^ T 1 O & , \\\E UNIVERS//) oK ^ g vvlOS ANGELA \V\E UNIVER5 1 //, % ^10$ ANGELA 3 g ^ s * s ^ =s -j i ^ 5jtf UNIVERS//J .^OFCAilFO% $ ^^^ * ^l-UBRARYQ/r 5r? / < .^' ^ OF he Frontispiece to Vol. I. ANECDOTES OF CHIEFLY OF THE PRESENT AND TWO PRECEDING CENTURIES. ILLUSTRATED BT ENGRAVINGS. INDOCTI DISC.WT, ET AMI-NT MEMIJflSSS PE&ITZ. -THE FOURTH EDITION: CONSIDERABLY ENLARGED, AND NEWLY ARRANGED AND DIGESTED. IN FOUR VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOR T. CADELL JUN. AKD W, DAVIES, IN THE STRAND. 1798, ADVERTISEMENT. 'TpHis Work originally appeared in four fmall volumes, without much regard to chronology, or order of fituation. By the advice of the Bookfellers the prefent arrangement takes place, which may per- haps render the Collection more acceptable to the Public. Of its Contents about one- fixth part is new to the prefent Edition*. Hiftory has been called " Philofophy < teaching by examples." Biography may be faid to be Philofophy rendered dramatic, and brought home to " each man's bufmefs " and bofoin;" and, in the opinion of a great mafter f of this fpecies of compofi- tion, " is, of the various kinds of narrative * The New Articles may be had of Meflrs. Cadell and Davies, printed uniform with, and as a Supplement to, the former Editions. f Idler, N? 84. 1609 1584 1654 D. 1634 1640 15931641 > 1566 1645 15701641 15681639 1599 165 & 1626 1712 D. 1662 16331693 D. 1671 D. 1682 1582 1650 a 2 GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOLUME THE SECOND. BRITISH. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of , Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. CHARLES II. 1649 1 ^5 The King Lord Clarendon 1607 1674 Duke of Ormond 1665 General Monk 1608 1670 William Prynne 16001669 Dr. Harvey 1578 1657 Sir Philip Warwick 1667 Sir Richard Fan- 1 ,- ,tf fhawe j 1607-1666 Lady Fanfhawe 1666 Sir Matthew Hale 1609 1676 Lord Chancellor ~l e. Shaftefbuiy j 1621-1682 Goiuville 1670 Rev. William Mom- 1 , ff peflbn j 1666 Jeremy Taylor D. 1667 John Wallis, D. D. 1680 Ifaac Barrow, D.D. 1630 1677 Samuel Butler 1612 1680 JAMES II. 1685 1689 Mr. Dryden 1631 1701 The King Edmund Waller 1605 1687 Lord Chancellor \T\ /co Jefferies J " Dr. Sydenham {,642 1689 Sir John Tabor 1710 Dr. South 1633 1716 Dr. Bufby 1606 1695 WILLIAM III. 16891702 Mr. Oldham 16531683 The King Queen Mary D. 1695 Earl of Warrington 1688 Bifhop Burne.t 1643 1714 WILLIAM GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourifhed. WILLIAM III. 1689 1702 Nicholas Facio 1686 Sheffield, Duke of 1 f , n i f 16461721 liuckingnam ^ Marquis of Halifax 1630 1695 John Evelyn Efq. 16201706 John Locke 16321704 Robert Nelfon Efq. 1 656 1 7 1 5 Boerhaave 1668 1738 Sir Jofiah Child 1700 AKHB 17021714 The Queen Sophia Eleftrefs of 7 TV Hanover J&- *7<>5 Rev. John Norris 1657 1711 Geo. Hickes, D.D. 1642 1715 GEORGK I. 1714 1727 The King Duke oF Marlbo-7 6 rough j J Sarah Duchefs of 7 Marlborough j '*9 Lord Peterborough D. 1736 Lord Somers 1652 1716 Earl Stanhope I 7 I 5 Mr. Addifon 1672 1719 Lord Chancellor Macclesfield t * Lord Chancellor ,- * King ^59-1733 GranvillcLordLanf- f , downe ^667-1735 Mr. Pope 1688 1744 Dean Swift 1667 1745 Matthew Prior 1664 *72l Sir John Vanbrugh 0.1726 Mr. Congreve 1672 -1729 Lord Granville 1690 1 763 SirChriftopherWreri 1632 1723 SamuelClarke,D.D. 1675 1729 Sir Ifaac Newton 1642 1727 Duke of Wharton 1699 1731 GEORGE II. 17271760 The King Queen Caroline 1683 1737 Dr. Butler, Bifhop 1 , of Durham j 1692-1752 Sir Robert Walpole 1674 1745 33 GEORGK GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. GEORGE II. 1727 .1760 Dr. Cheyne 1671 1748 Dr. Young 16841765 Dr. Middleton 16831750 Aaron Hill 16841749 Admiral Bofcawen 1711 1761 Dr. Hough, Bifliop \ of Worcefter j 16501743 Dr. Gregory Sharpe 1713-1771 Handel 16841759 James Thomfon 1700 1748 Mr. William Collins 1721 1756 Sir John Barnard D. 1767 Lord Chefterfield 16951773 GEORGE III. 1760 Princefs Dowager of 1 Wales j 17191772 Lord Chatham 1708 -1778 Earl of Mansfield 17051793 Zachary Pearce, Bi- ? fhop of Rochetter 3 1690 1774 Wprtley Montague 7 Efq. ] 1711 1776 Dr. Johnfon 1709 1784 David Garrick Efq. 1716 1779 .Dr. Goldfmith 17291774 John Hunter Efq. 17251793 Sir Jofhua Reynolds 17231792 Sir William Jones 17461794 JofiahTucker,D.D. Dean of Glou- cefter No. APPENDIX. I. COPY of the Inftruaion fent to the High Sheriff of Bucks j together with the Writ for levying the Ship-money. II* Information filed by the Attorney-General againil Mr. Sel- dcn, c. III. Addrefs from the Grand Jury of the County of Buckingham . to his Majetty King Charles the Firft. IV. Lttter from Mr. Pym to Mr. Grenvile. V. Letter from Mr. Tyrrell to Mr. Grenvile. VI. Letter from Lord Warwick and Mr. Pym to the Deputy- Lieutenants of the County of Buckingham. VII. Letter from the Lord General to the Deputy-Lieutenant* of the County of Buckingham. VIII, Letter from John Dormer, Efq. to Mr, Cartwright. GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOLUME THE THIRD. FOREIGN. Sovereigns. \ Date and Duration of Sovereignty Anecdotes of Flourished. PAPACIES, &c. of ITALT. THEODORIC I. 489526 The King INNOCENT IV. 1241 1254 NlCHOLASlII. 1277 1280 St.Thomas Aquinas 1224 1274 Cimabue 1230 1300 Giotto 1276 1336 URBAN VI. i37 8 i3 8 9 Emanuel Chryfoloras I355HI5 COSMO DE 7 MEDICIS j 1430 1464 Cofmo de Medicis Donatello 13831466 LORENZO DE 7 MEDICIS 5 1478-1492 Lorenzo de Medicis John Lafcaris 14451535 Georgio Scali 1485 ALEXANDERVI. 14921503 The Pope Caefar Borgia D. 1507 JULIUS II. i53 J 5*3 The Pope Michael Angelo 14741564 Raphael D'Urbino 1483 1520 LEO X. 1513 1521 The Pope Tetzel 1520 Martin Luther 14831546 Melanfthon 1497-1560 Palingenius 1 53 John Calvin 1509 1564 Servetiu 15091553 *~ X ' 84 ADRIA* GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Anecdotes of Flouriflied. Sovereignty. ADRIAN VI. CLEMENTVU. PAUL III. PAUL IV. COSMO I. COSMO II. INNOCENTX. 1521 1523 1523 J 534 15341549 15551559 15691574 1609 1621 1644-1655 INNOCENTXI. 1676 1689 EMPIRES. TURKS. MAHOMET II. 14511481 CHINA. KANG Hi 16611724 CERMANT. SlGISMUND - 1438 MAXIMILIAN!. 1493 I 5 I 9 CHARLES V. 1519- 1558 The Pope Propertia da Rofli Corregio Muncer Ignatius Loyola Guicciardini Beza Fallopius The Grand Duke The Grand Duke The Pope David Teniers The Pope The Emperor Scanderbeg The Emperor The Emperor John Hufs The Emperor Albert Durer CEcolampadius The Emperor 1530 14941534 D. 1525 14911556 1482 1540 1519 1605 15231563 1582 1649 1404 1467 13761415 14711528 14821531 ii Guillaume de Croy 1458 1521 CHARLES GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. XliJ Sovereigns; Date and Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourhlied. CHARLES V. 1519 1558 RUSSIA. PETER the 7 GREAT. 51696 1725 CATHERINE!!^ ._,-,_ ., KINGDOMS, DUKEDOMS, &c. SWEDEN. GUSTATUS 7 f ADOLPHUS {'611-1632 CHRISTINA 1632 1654 CHARLESXH. 16971718 PRUSSIA. FREDERIC III. 17401786 Cardinal Ximenes Cardinal Farnefe Annibal Caracci Agoitino Caracci Benvenuto Cellini Antonio Guevara Camerarius Philippe Strozzi Barthelemi de las Cafas John of Leyden The Emperor The Emprefs H37 D. 1589 1560 1609 1557 160* 1500 1570 D. 1544 15001575 D. 1538 7 __ D. 1536 The King The Queen Oxenftiern, Great Chancellor Defcartes The King The King Ferdinand Prince of Brunfwick Marfhal Keith D. 1631 15961650 0.1758 POR. XIV GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Sovereigns. Date and Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. PORTUGAL. JOHN II. 14811495 ^he King JOHN III. JOHN IV. 15211557 1640 1656 ^he King i'he King ARRAGON. ALPHONSO V. 1416 1458 The King SPAIN. TERDINANDV. 14791504 The King Queen Ifabella 14511504 Gonfalvo the Great ' Captain 14411515 Columbus 1442 1506 PHILIP II. 15561598 The King Dqn Carlos D. 1568 . PHILIP IV. l62I 1665 Count Olivarez D. 1645 Lope de Vega 15621635 PHILIP V. 1700 1724 The King Cardinal Alberprii 1664 1752 FRANCE. Louis I. 814840 The King HUGH CAPET 987996 The King Louis VI. 1108 1137 The King Abelard 1079 1142 Louis VIII. 1223 1226 The King Louis IX. 1226 1270 The King JOHN Duke of Normandy j 1328 1350 The Duke JOHN II. 13501364 The King JOHN GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourilhed. JOHN Duke of 7 Bourbon j T 3 6r J 4 12 The Duke CHARLES V. 1364 1380 The King BertrandDuguefch- ") CHARLES VI. 1380 1422 The King I 3 II -I 3 80 RENE'II.Duke? of Lorraine |M*-M*0 The Duke CHARLEsVII. 14221461 The King Agnes Sorel D. 1450 AimerigotTete-noire 1450 Jeanne d'Arc 14071431 CHARLES the 1 BOLD, Duke >I433 1477 of Burgundy J The Duke Louis XL 1461 1483 The King Princefs Margaret 1480 1530 La Dame de Beau- 1 jeau J 1480 CHARLESVIII. 1483 1498 The King Louis XII. 1498 1515 Philip de Comines The King 1 445 * 509 Anne de Bretagne 14761514 FRANCIS I. 1515 1547 Abbe Blanchet The King H59I5I9 Margaret Queen of ? 14921549 Marot 14951520 Marefchal Strozzi 1508 1558 The Conftable of 7 Bourbon j D. 1572 Chevalier Bayard H74-I524 Andrea Doria 1476 1560 M. de Vielleville D. 1570 Leonardo da Vinci 14451520 HENRY II. 1547 1559 The King Amyot, Bifhop of] T. Auxerre, &c. . 1590 GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOLUME THE FOURTH. FOREIGN. Date and Sovereign*. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. CHARLES IX. 15601574 The King Catherine de Medicis '1519 1589 Francis Due de ' Guife 15191563 Due de Guife (Le 88 Balafre) * l $5 J 5 Anne Due de Mont- morenci ^1515 1567 Marfhal Sepier 1570 Baron d'Adrets 1573 Admiral de Coligny 1516 1572 Morvilliers, Keeper of the Seals [ I507I577 Hennuyer, Bifliop t T ^ rr fj of Liiieux r Z 57 2 Viconte d'Orte 1572 Due de Montpenfier 1572 Noftradamus 15031566 Chancelier de 1'Ho- pital 1 15051574 ' LePrefidentdeThou 1533 '617 Montagne v 1533 J 59 2 Pierre Charron 1541 1603 Cardan 15011575 HENRV III. i574~*5 8 9 The King Due d'Alengon 1583 Louifa de Lorraine (Queen) 1 D * OI Achilles Harlay 1588 Magdalene de St. ") Ne&aire \ r 575 Muretus 15261585 Pafferat 1534 J 602 CHARLES GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvti Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. CHARLEsEMA-1 nut-Li. Duke > 1580 1630 of Savoy J The Duke HENRY IV. 1589 1610 The King Marguerite de Valo is ? (Queen) j 1552-1615 Sully 1559 1641 Armand de Biron 0.1592 Charles Gontaut de 7 TA /: ' Biron |D. 1602 Prefident Jeannin D. 1622 Cardinal d'Oflat 1536 1604 Theodored'Aubigne 1550 1630 Theodoric de 1 Schomberg j 15831632 M. de Sillery 1544 1624 Crillon 1541 1615 Seigneur de Beau- 7 -r* e . > 1 I T r f . manoir j * Pierre de Cayet 1525 1610 Abbe Rucellai D. 1628 St. Fran9ois de Sales 1567 1622 Louis XIII. 16101643 Marquis Spinola 1569 1630 Jofeph Scaliger 1540 1609 The King Mary de Medicis D. 1642 AnnofAuilria 1602 1666 Marechal d'Ancre D. 1617 Le Chevalier de 7 Guife | l612 Henri Due deMont- 1 morenci j '5951632 Cardinal Richlieu 1585 1642 Alphonfedc Richlieu 1582 1653 Marfhal Marillac D. 1632 Michael Marillac D. 1632 Due de Rohan 1579 ^38 Cardinal de Berulle 1575 1643 Jaques de Callot * 593 1635 Campanella 1568 1639 Augufte de Thou D. 1642 La Comtefie de St. 7 , Balmont } l6 3 8 Madame de Sevigne 1626 1696 Lemeriug 1618 Louis xvlii GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS; Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. Louis XIII. 16101643 Marftial Rantzau D. 1650 Vtalherbe 1556 1628 jrodeau Bi/hop of 7 r /- f f 1OOC""IO72 Vence J J Peyrefc 1580 1637 Louis XIV. 1643 1715 The King Prince of Conde 1621 1686 Gafton Duke of 7 l6o8 _ l66o Orleans 3 Philip Duke of 1 D>I70I Orleans j Madame de la Valiere D. 1710 Madame de Main- 7, tenon J " Mafque de Fer Henry Duke of 7 <, T /r/r,. Guife J 1614-1664 Cardinal de Retz 1613 1679 Cardinal Mazarin 1602 1661 Colbert 1619 1683 Gomberville 1599 1674 Ducde la Roche- 7 I6 68o roucault 3 J John Gerard Voffius 1577 1649 Salmafius 1588 1653 Gaffendi 1592 1655 Father Mabillon 1632 1707 Santeuil 1630 1697 Pafcal 16231662 Omer Talon 1595 1652 Prefident Mole 1584 1656 Foucquet 1615 1680 . Peliflbn D. 1693 M. Dumoulin D. 1680 Regnard 1647 r 79 Sene9ai ^43 1737 Lainez 1660 1710 Racine 1639 1699 Charpentier 1620 1702 Father Bouffieres 1672 Segrais 1624 1701 Lulli 1633 1685 M. Amauld d'A,,} 89 _ I6?+ Louis GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Date and Sovereigns. Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourished. Louis XIV. 1643 I 7 I 5 Arnauld, Bifhop of 7 Angers J 1700 Abbe Arnauld 1720 Anthony Arnauld 1612 1694 Marflial de Navailles D. 1684 St. Evremonde 1613 1703 Cardinal d'Eile 1660 DomNoeld'Argonne 1640 1704. Sorbiere 1615 1670 Bayle 1647 1706 - Jean d'Alba 1700 Abbe de Ranee 1626 1700 Francois CafTandre D. 1695 Gui Patin 1602 1672 Pavilion D. 1705 Prince Eugene 16631736 Marfhal Turenne 1611 1675 Montecuculi D. 1680 Due de Montaufier D. 1691 Cardinal de Polignac Antonio Priolo 1661 1741 1648 Due de LonguevJIle T 1648 Madame deLongue- ] ville ] 1648 Nicolo Poufiin 15941665 Rubens 15771646 Le Sueur 1617 1655 CHARLES V. "1 Bouchardon 1698 1762 Duke of [-1675 x ^9 Lorraine J The Duke Louis XV. 1715 1774 The King Louis Dauphin Regent Duke of Orleans Madame de Baviere Cardinal Dubois Mr. Law M. Boudou M. de Belfunce, Bi- (hop of Marfeilles Cardinal Fleury Marfhal Saxe M Duclos *7 2 9 ") f \ l6 74~ 1688 1741 D. 1723 1688 1729 1720 !< *653 '743 1696 1750 D. 1772 Louis GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Sovereigns. Date and Duration of Sovereignty. Anecdotes of Flourifhed. Louis XV. 17151774 Fontenelle 1657 1756 Montefquieu 16891755 Abbe de Marfy D. 1763 Rameau 1683 1764. M. d'Acquin 1750 Du Cerceau 16701730 Marivaux 16881763 Louis XVI. 17741793 The King Voltaire 16941778 J. J. Roufleau 1712 1778 Cardinal de Brienne 1750 M. Turgot 1777 M. Chamfort 1789 Abbe Brotier D. 1789 ANEC, ANECDOTES OF DISTINGUISHED PERSONS. BRITISH. EDWARD THE FIRST. [12721307.] ROGER BACON. THIS acute and learned Francifcan Monk was, according to Mr. Selden, of a gentleman's family in Dorfetfhire, and was born in 1214. He began his ftudies very early at Oxford, and then went to Paris, where he purfued mathe- matics and phyfic; and, as Mr. Selden relates, was made ProfefTor of Divinity in the Univerfity of that city. He returned to Oxford foon after- wards, and applied himfelf to the learned ian- VOL. i. B guages, 2 ROGER BACON. guages*, in which he made fo rapid a progrefs, that he wrote a Latin, a Greek, and an Italian Grammar. He makes great complaints of the ignorance of his times, and fays, that the Re- gular Priefts ftudied chiefly fcholaflic divinity, and that the Secular Priefts applied themfelves to the ftudy of the Roman law, but never turn- ed their thoughts to philofophy. The learned Dr. Freind, in his Hiftory of Phyfic, very juftly calls this extraordinary man " the " miracle of the age in which he lived j" and fays, that he was the greateft mechanical genius that had appeared fmce the days of Archimedes. Roger Bacon, in a Treatife upon Optical Glafies, defcribes the Camera Obfcura, with all forts of glaffes that magnify or diminifh any object, bring it nearer to the eye, or remove it far- ther j and Dr. Freind fays, that the telefcope was evidently known to him. " Some of thefe, and " his other mathematical inftruments," adds that learned Writer, " cod 200!. or 300!." * How much the ftudy of the learned languages was tieglefted in his time, Roger Bacon himfelf informs us ; for in a letter to his patron Clement the Fourth, he tells him, that there were not four among the Italians who un- derftood the grammatical rudiments of Greek, Latin, and Italian ; and he adds, that even the Latin tongue, for the beauty and correctnefs of it, was fcarcely known to any one. He fays, that the Scholars, as they were then called, were fitter for the cradle than for the chair. ri ,- v and ROGER BACON. 3 and Bacon fays himfelf, that in twenty years he fpent 2000 1. in books and in tools; a prodigious fum for fuch kinds of expences in his day! Bacon was almoft the only Aftronomer of his age ; for he took notice of an error in the Ca- lendar with refpeft to the aberration of the folar year; and propofed to his patron, Clement the Fourth, a plan for correcting it in 1 267, which was adopted three hundred years afterwards by Gregory XIII. Bacon was a chymift alfo, and wrote upon medicine. There is ftill in print a work of his, on retarding the advances of old age, and on preferving the faculties clear and entire to the remoteft period of life; but, with a littlenefs unworthy of fo great a mind as his was, he fays, " that he does not choofe to exprefs himfelf fo " clearly as he might have done refpecting diet " and medicines, left what he writes mould fall " into the hands of the Infidels." Gunpowder, or at leaft a powder that had the fame effect, feems to have been known to him, if he were not the inventor of it j for, in a letter to John Parifienfis, he fays, " In omnem dlftantiam qitam volumus, foffitmux * artificialiter componere ignem comburentfrn, ex B3 "fale 4 ROGER BACON. " fale petra et aliis, viz. fulphure Esf caroonum " puherem. Prater hanc, (fcilicet combuftionem,} " funt aliajlupenda, namfoni velut tonitus et cor- " ruf cat tones fieri poffunt in a'tre^ immo major e hor- " rore quam ilia quajiunt per naiuram: By our *' (kill we can compofe an artificial fire, burning " to any diftance we pleafe, made from fait- " petre and 'other things, as fulphur and char- " coal powder. Befides this power of com- <{ buftion, it pofleffes other wonderful pro- " perties; for founds like thofe of thunder and 8 EDWARD THE BLACK PRINCE. " granting the lives of thofe three perfons, to " fpare the lives of all that were in the town." Froiffart has preferved the names of thefe three brave men : " They were," fays he, " Meffieurs Jehan de Villemur, Hugues de la " Roche, and Roger de Beaufort, fon of the " Count de Beaufort, ^Captains of the town. " When they faw," adds the Chronicler, " the " mifery and the deftruftion that was preffing " upon themfelves and their people, they faid, " We mall be all dead men, if we do not defend 4C ourfelves : let us then fell our lives dearly, as " true Chevaliers ought to do : and thefe three ' himfelf told me that I might." VOL. i. H Sir $8 SIR THOMAS MORE. Sir Thomas More ufed to fay of ungrateful perfons, that they wrote good turns done to them in the duft, but engraved injuries upon marble. Of the folly of thofe who were over- anxious for the dignities of the world, he ob- ferved, " As a criminal who is about to be " led to execution would be accounted foolifh, " if he mould engrave his coat of arms upon. '* the gate of the prifon ; even fo are they vain, " who endeavour with great induftry to ereft " monuments of their dignity in the prifon of " this world." The King, Henry the Eighth," fays Mr. More, in the Life of his Grandfather, " ufed of " a particular love to come on a fuddain to u Chelfey, where Sir Thomas More lived, and " leaning upon his moulder, to talke with him " of fecrett counfel in his garden, yea, and " to dine with him upon no inviting." " It happened one day," fays Mr. Aubrey, in his Manufcript Lives, " that a mad Tom of " Bedlam came tip to Sir Thomas More as he " was contemplating, according to his cuftom, " on the leads* of the gate-houfe of his palace at " Chelfea, and had a mind to have thrown him " from the battlements, crying out, Leap, Tom, " leap. The Chancellor was in his gown/ and " befides, SIR THOMAS MORE. 99 " befides, ancient and unable to ftruggle with " fuch a ftrong fellow. My Lord had a little " dog with him. Now, (faid he,) let us firft " throw the dog downe, and fee what fport that " will be : fo the dog was thrown over. Is not " this fine fport (faid his Lordfhip)? Let us " fetch him up and try it again. As the mad- " man was going down, my Lord fattened the " door, and called for help." . t When Sir Thomas was Lord Chancellor, he conftantly fat at mafs in the chancel of Chelfea church, while his Lady fat in a pew; and be- caufe the pew flood out of fight, his Gentle- man Ufher ever after fervice opened it, and faid to Lady More, " Madam, my Lord is gone." On the Sunday after the Chancellor's place was taken from him, (of which he had not ap- prized his wife,) the family went to church as ufual ; when, after % the fervice, Sir Thomas himfelf came to his wife's pew, and faid, " Madam, my Lord is gone," to her great aftonimment and indignation^ More's fpirit and innocent mirth did not for- fake him in his laft moments. As he was going up the fcaffojd to be beheaded, he found the ftairs of it fo weak and crazy, that it was nearly ready to fall: he turned about to the Lieutenant of the Tower and faid, " Pray, Mafter Lieu- H 3 " tenant, 100 SIR THOMAS MORE. " tenant, fee me fafe up ; and for my coming " down, I can fhift for myfelf." When he had nimed his prayers, he turned to the executioner and faid, on obferving him look fad and deject- ed, " Pluck up thy fpirits, Man, and be not " afraid to do thine office; my neck is very " ihort, therefore take care you do not ftrike " awry, for your credit's fake." Then laying his head upon the block, he defired the execu- tioner to (lay till he had put his beard afide, " for that," faid he, ". has never committed " treafon." Mr. Addifon well obferves, " that * c what was only philofophy in Sir ThomaS " More, would be phrenzy in one who does not " refemble him in the cheerfulnefs of his temper, *' and in the fanclity of his life and manners." The Duke of Norfolk advifed Sir Thomas, previous to his trial, to make his fubmiffion to his unprincipled and obdurate Sovereign. " By " the mafs, Sir Thomas," faid he, " it is peri- " lous ftriving with Princes ; therefore I could " wilh you as a friend to incline to the King's * 6 pleafure; for, by God's body, Indignat'w prin- *' cipis mors eft." " Is that all, my Lord ?" re- plied Sir Thoma.s : " In good faith, then, there ** is no more difference between your Grace and " me, than that I mail die to-day and your Gracq " to-morrow. If therefore the anger of a Prince * ( caufeth SIR THOMAS MORE. 101 " caufeth but temporal death, we have greater " caufe to fear the eternal death which the King " of Heaven can condemn us unto, if we fticke " not to difpleafe him by pleafmg an earthly " King." " When the news of More's death was brought " to the King," fays Stapleton, " he was play- " ing at tables ; Anne Boleyn was looking on. " The King caft his eyes upon her, and faid, " Thou art the caufe of this man's death ! and " prefently leaving his play, he retired to his " chamber, and fell into a deep melancholy." It is wonderful what mifchievous effects fuper* ftition and prejudice produce upon the wifeft heads and the beft hearts : One Frith had writ* ten againft the corporal prefence ; and on his not retracting, after More had anfwered him, he caufed him to be burned. " James Bainton," fays Burnet, " a Gentle- " man of the Temple, was taken to the Lord * 6 Chancellor's houfe, where much pains was " taken to perfuade him to difcover thofe who " favoured the new opinions. But, fair means " not prevailing, More had him whipped in his " prefence, and after that fent to the Tower, " where he looked on, and faw him put to the * e rack. He was burned in Smithfield ; and H 3 " with SIR THOMAS MORE. " with him," adds Burnet, " More's perfecu- " tions ended ; for foon after he laid down the " Great Seal, which put the poor preachers at " cafe." Luther being afked, Whether Sir Thomas More was executed for the Gofpel's fake ? a*nfwered, " By no means, for he was a very notable tyrant. " He was the King's chiefefl counfellor, a very 66 learned and a very wife man. He fhed the " blood of many innocent Chriflians that con* " fefled the Gofpel, and plagued and tormented " them like an executioner." " Colloq. MenfaL" 464. Yet how difcordant does More's practice feem to be to his opinions ! In his celebrated " Utopia" he lays it down as a maxim, that no one ought to be punifhed for his religion, and that every perfon might be of what reKgion he pkafed* FISHER, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER. HENRY the Eighth having demanded of the Convocation the furrender to him of the fmall Abbies in England, the Clergy in general agreed 4 to FISHER. 103 to his requifition. Fimer, Bifliop of Rochefter, perceiving how his brethren were inclined, thus addrefied them : " My Lords, and the reft of my Brethren here " aflembled, I pray you to take good heed to " what you do, left you do not know what you " can and what you cannot do. For indeed the " things that are demanded at our hands are none ** of ours to grant, nor theirs to whom we mould " beftow them, if we mould grant them their * 6 defires ; but they are the legacies of thofe tef- " tators who have given them to the Church for *' ever, under the penalty of a heavy curfe im- " pofed on all thofe who fhall any way go about " to alienate their property from the Church : " and befides, if we mould grant thefe leffer " Abbies, &c. to the King, what mail we do " otherwife than mew him the way how in time " it may be lawful to him to demand the greater? " Wherefore, the manner of thefe proceedings " puts me in mind of a fable : How the axe " (which wanted a handle) came upon a time " unto the wood, making his moan to the great " trees, how he wanted a handle to work withal, *' and for that caufe he was conftrained to fit " idle. Wherefore he made it his requeft to " them, that they would be pleafed to grant him " one of their fmall faplings within the wood, to " make him a handle. So, becoming a complete H 4 " axe, 104 FISHER. " axe, he fell to work within the fame wood, : rt that in procefs of time there was neither great " nor fmall tree to be found in the place where " the wocyl flood. And fo, my Lords, if you " grant the King thefe fmaller Monafleries, you " do but make him a handle, whereby, at his " own pleafure, he may cut down all the Cedars " within your Libanus ; and then you may thank " yourfelves, after you have incurred the heavy " difpleafure of Almighty God." " This fpeech,*' fays his Biographer, Dr. Bay- ley, " changed the minds of all thofe who were " formerly bent to gratify the King's demands " herein, fo that all was rejected for that time." Cromwell was fent to the good Bifhop by the King, to know what he would do if the Pope mould fend him a Cardinal's hat. " Sir," re- plied Fifher, " I know myfelf to be fo far " unworthy of any fuch dignity, that I think of " nothing lefs j but if any fueh thing mould hap- " pen, affure yourfelf I mould improve that fa- " vour to the beft advantage that I could in " aflifting the holy Catholick Church ; and in " that refpet I would receive it upon my knees." Cromwell having reported this anfwer to the King, he faid, with great indignation, " Yea, is " he yet fo lufly ? Well, let the Pope fend him " a Car; FISHER. k * a Cardinal's hat when he will. Mother of *< God ! he fhall wear it on his fhoulders then ; " for I will leave him never a head to fet it on." Henry was foon afterwards as good as his word, and fent to the block one of the mofl virtuous and upright prelates that his kingdom had ever produced. The Bifhop met his fate with the conflancy and refignation of a martyr. Charles the Fifth, on hearing of the death of this Prelate, told Sir Thomas Ellyot, the King of England's Ambaflador at his Court, that in killing Bifhop Fifher, his rnafter had killed at one blow all the Bifhops of England : " For," added he, " the Bifhop was fuch an one, as for all pur- " pofes I think the King had not the like again k< in his realme, neither yet was he to be matched " throughout all Chriftendom*" ERASMUS. THIS great man defcribes a cuftorh prevalent in England in his time among the females, the difcontinuance of which, as the Britifh ladies have mofl afiuredly gained great attractions fmce the 106 ERASMUS. the days of Erafmus, ftrangers, no lefs than natives, muft mofl truly lament. ' < Ex Anglia, 1449. " Sunt hie in Anglii nymphse * divinis vul- u tibus, blandse, faciles. Eft prasterea mos nun- " quara fails Iaudandus 9 five quo venias, om- * " The Englifh," fays Mr. Barry, in his excellent work upon the Obftru&ions to the Arts in England, " have been " remarked for the beauty of their form even fo early as ** the time of Gregory the Great, and it was one of the " motives for fending Auftin the Monk amongft them. " Our women alfo we mail but (lightly mention, for it would ** bear too much the appearance of an infult over others, *' were we to do but half juftice to their elegant arrange - 4< ment of proportions and beautiful delicate carnations.'* " There is a delicate peachy bloom of complexion very " common in England (which is the fource of an infinite ' truly pi&urefque variety, as it follows the directions and * the paflions of the mind) that is rarely and but partially " V> be met with anywhere elfe, except in the fancied de- 4 * fcriptions of the Greek and Latin poets." The celebrated Roger Afcham, in one of his letters from Augiburg, thus fpeaks of the Englifti : " England need fear no outward enemies ; the lufly lads ' verelie be in England. I have feen on a Sunday more " likelie men walking in St. Paul's Church, than I ever yet ' faw in Auguila, where lieth an Emperor with a garrifon, OT three Kings, a Queen, three Princes, a number of Dukes,. &c." " nium ERASMUS, " nium ofculis receperis, five difcedas aliquo, " ofculis dimitteris. Redis, redduntur fuavia ; " venitur ad te, propinantur fuavia ; difceditur " abs te, dividuntur bafia ; occurritur alicui, " bafiaturaffatim; deniquequocunquetemoveas, " fuaviorum plena funt omnia." Luther in his " Table-Talk 51 fpeaks thus of this great fcholar and elegant writer : " Erafmus was ftained and poifoned at Rome " and at Venice with Epicureifm. Pie praifes " the Arians more than the Papifts. But " amongft all his blunted darts I can endure " none lefs than his Catechifm, in which he " teaches nothing certain ; he only makes young " perfons err and defpair. His principal doctrine " is, that we mufl carry ourfelves according to " the times, and as the proverb fays, We muft " hang the cloak according to the wind* Eraf* '* mus only looked to himfelf, to eafy and plea- " fant days. Erafmus is an enemy to true reli- " gion ; a picture and image of an Epicure and " ofLucian." When the portrait of Erafmus was one day (hewn to Luther, he faid, " Were I to look like " this picture, I ihould be the greatefl knave in " the world," Luther JOS ERASMUS. Luther had a perfonal diflike to Erafmus. They differed in opinion refpefting free-will. At the beginning of the difputes between the Papiftg and the Proteftants, Luther had done every thing in his power to bring him over to his opinion, and according to Boffuet had written fome very fervile letters to him for that purpofe.* At firft Erafmus favoured the fentiments of Luther j but when he found the fchifm between the tw& Churches openly declared, he withdrew from. Luther, and wrote againft him with his ufual moderation. Luther anfwered with extreme violence ; and Erafmus in one of his letters to Melanfthon fays, " I really thought that Lu- " ther's marriage would have foftened him a " little. It is Very hard for a man of my mode- " ration, and of my years, to be obliged to write " againft a favage beaft and furious wild boar." Erafmus, in another letter to Melanfthori, fpeaks of Luther's excefs of vehemence, and Drives a folution of it* " What mocks me the " mofl in Luther is, that whatever opinion he " undertakes to defend, he pufhes it to the ut- " moft. And when he is told of this, inftead *' of becoming more moderate he goes on dill " farther, and feems to have a great pleafure to " hurry on to a greater extremity. I know his " difpofition from his writings as well as if I was " living with him. He is of an ardent and im* " petuous ERASMUS, 4 * petuous fpirit. You fee in every thing that tl he does an Achilles, whofe anger is not to be " fubdued. Add to all this, his great fuccefs, " the favourable opinion of mankind, and the " applaufes of the great Theatre of the World, ft there is furely fufficient to fpoil a man of the * c moft modeft difpofition," Malichias fays of Erafmus, " that he ufed to " rife early, and give up his mornings to ftudy *' and to writing ; then, in imitation of the An^ " tients, make a late dinner, and afterwards give * c himfelf up to the company of his friends, or " take a walk with them, and in converfation " chat pleafantly and chearfully with them, or " repeat thofe fentences which, taken down in ** writing from his mouth by fome of them, have " fince appeared with the title of his Familiar " Colloquies." Erafmus had fo great an averfion to fifli, that he could not even bear the fmell of it : this made the Papifts fay, that Erafmus ha4 not only a Lutheran difpofition, but a Lutheran ftomach. The memory of Erafmus was held in fpch yeneration even by Sovereigns, that Philip the Second of Spain, Mary Queen of Hungary, and many Princes in their train, who were at Rotter- ' dam 110 ARCHBISHOP WARHAM. dam in 1 549, inflamed with a veneration for the memory of this great man, vifited the houfe and the chamber in which he was born. ARCHBISHOP WARHAM. THE memory of this learned and excellent Prelate will be ever endeared to all lovers of li* terature, for the patronage which he conftantly afforded to Erafmus,, Warham died, as d'AIembert fays a Catholic Bifhop ever fliould die, without debts and with- out legacies. Though . he had paffed through the highefl offices in the Church and State, he left little more than was requifite to pay his funeral charges. Not long before he died, he called for his fleward to know how much money he had in his hapds, who told him that he had about thirty pounds. " Well then," replied he cheerfully, " fatis viatki ad Cesium : There is " enough to laft me to Heaven." Erafmus, on hearing of the death of this kindeft patron he ever had, thus exprelfed him- felf in one of his letters to Charles Blunt, the fon of Lord Mountjoy: " My letter is, I fear, an u unpleafant ARCHBISHOP WARHAM. Ill lt unpleafant melancholy letter. I have this in- " ftant heard that that incomparable treafure of " virtue and goodnefs William Warham has " changed this life for a better. I lament my * fate, not his; for he was truly my conflant " anchor. We had made a folemn compact to- " gether, that we would have one common " fepulchre ; and I had no apprehenfion but " that he, though he was fixteen years older " than myfelf, would have furvived me. Nei- " ther age nor difeafe took away from us this " excellent man, but a fatality not only to him- " felf, but to Learning, to Religion, to the " State, to the Church. Though, as Lord " Archbifhop of Canterbury, and Lord Chan- " cellor of England, obliged to give audiences " to Ambafladors, and his time to fuitors, yet " he had Hill time enough not only to tranfaft " all his fecular bufmefs, but to beftow a large " portion of it upon ftudy and religion : for he " never loft a moment in hunting, in gaming, " in idle talk, or in amufement of any kind. " He occafionally received two hundred guefts " at his table; amongft whom were Bifhops, " Dukes, and Earls; yet the dinner was always " over within the hour. Himfelf feldom tafted ** wine ; and when he was near feventy, he 66 drank, and that very moderately, a weak " liquor which the Englifh call Beer. Though " fo fparing in his diet, he was always cheerful " and 112 ARCHBISHOP WARHAM. * e and lively in his converfation ; and both be-. 6 with great pleafantry, and permitted it in ld man, though at " other times he had the manners and behaviour " of his own age. He attended to the bufinefs " of the State, and he was liberal like his Father, " who, whilfl he affected that character, gave *' into the extreme of it. The fon, however, " had never the fhadow of a fault about him ; " he had cultivated his mind by the precepts of " philofophy." Fuller, in his " Worthies," has preferved the following letter of this Prince, addrefled to Mr. Barnaby Fitzpatrick, Gentleman of his Bed. 4 chamber, tDWARD THE SIXTH. 117 chamber, and who had been brought up with him. It exhibits a fpecimen no lefs of the fweet- nefs of his temper, than of the excellence of his underftanding. " EDWARD, " We have received your letters of the eighth " of this prefent moneth, whereby we underftand " how you are well entertained, for which we " are right glad ; and alfoe how you have been " once to goe on pilgrimage ; for which caufe " we have thought good to advertize you, that " hereafter, if any fuch chance happen, you (hall " defire leave to go to Mr. Pickering, or to " Paris for your bufinefs : and if that will not " ferve, to declare to fome man of eftimation, " with whom you are beft acquainted, that as " you are loth to offend the French King be- " caufe you have been fo favourably ufed, fo " with fafe confcience you cannot do any fuch " thing, being brought up with me, and bound *' to obey my laws j alfo, that you had com- " mandment from me to the contrary. Yet, if " you be vehemently procured, you may go as " waiting on the King, not as intending to the " abufe, nor willingly feeing the ceremonies, and " fo you look on the mafic. But in the mean " feafon regard the Scripture, or fome good " book, and give no reverence to the mafie at 13 " all Il8 EDWARD THE SIXTH; " all. Furthermore, remember when you may " conveniently be abfente from court, to tarry ' with Sir William Pickering, to be inftrufted " by him how to ufe yourfelf. For women, as " far forth as you may, avoid their company : " yet, if the French King command you, you " may fometime dance (fo meafure be your " meane) j elfe apply yourfelf to riding, mooting, " tennis, or fuch honed games, not forgetting " fometimes (when you have leifure) your learn- " ing, chiefly reading of the Scriptures. This I * e write not doubting but you would have done, " though I had not written but to fpur you on. " Your exchange of 1 200 crowns you mail re- " ceive either monthly or quarterly, by Bartho- " lomew Campaigners factor in Paris. He hath * e warrant to receive it by, here, and hath .writ- * c ten to his factors to deliver it you there. We " have figned your bill for wages of the Cham- " ber, which Fitzwilliam*s hath. Likewife we " have fent a letter into Ireland, to our Deputy, " that he mall take furrender of your father '$ " lands ; and to make again other letters patent " that thofe lands (hall be to him, you, and " your heirs, lawfully begotten, for ever ; ad- rr.t -r , March 1 8, 1556. The Lady Mary, my " fitter, came to me at Weflminfter; where, " after falutations, me was called with my " Council into a chamber, where was declared " how long I had fuffered her Mafs, in hope of " her reconciliation; and now being no hope, ** which I perceived by her letters, except I faw " fome fhort amendment, I could not bear it* " She anfwered, that her foul was God's, and * Edward was fo fond of his inftru&ors, that when his tutor, Sir John Cheke, was ill^ he prayed to God to grant him his life ; and the grateful and pious Prince imagined that his petition had been granted* " her EDWARD THE SIXTH. " her. faith fhe mould not change, nor diflemble " her opinion with contrary dbings. It was faid, " I constrained not her faith, but willed her, " not as a King to rule, but as a fubject to obey, " and that her example might breed inconveni- ence." 19. " The Emperor's Ambafiador came in " with a fhort meifage from his mafter, of war, " if I would not fuffer his coufm, the Princefs, " to ufe her Mafs. To this no anfwer was " given." 20. " The Bifhops of Canterbury, London* " and Rochefter, did confider to give licence to " fin, was fin. To fuffer and wink at it for a " time might be borne, fo all poffible. hafte might be ufed." 26. * c The French Ambaffadors faw the " baiting of the bulls and bears." 27. " The Ambaffadors, after they had " hunted, fat with me at fupper." 29. " The Ambafladors had a fair fupper < made them by the Duke of Somerfet, and but leaveth it fufficient to work on ; ** neither doth meddle in any kind of engender- '* ing of blood ; no, nor no one part of the body " doth ferve for two occupations : even fo nei- " ther the gentleman ought to be a farmer, nor " the merchant an artificer, but to have his art " particularly. Furthermore, as no member in a *' well-proportioned body and whole body, is " too big for the proportion of the body ; fo ** muft there be in a well-proportioned Com- " monwealth no perfon that mail have more than ** the proportion of the country will bear, for it ** is hurtful immoderately to enrich any particular " part. EDWARD THE SIXTH. 125 part. I think this country can bear no merchant " to have more land than one hundred pounds; " no hufbandman or farmer worth above one *' hundred or two hundred pounds ; no artificer " above one hundred marks ; no labourer much " more than he fpendeth. I fpeak now gene- ** rally, and in fuch cafes may fail in one parti- " cular ; but this is fure, this Commonwealth " may not bear one man to have more than two ** farms, than one benefice, than two thoufand *' fheep, and one kind of art to live by." " For idle perfons, there were never, I think, *' more than be now. The wars men think is " the caufe thereof. Such perfons can do no* " thing but rob and fteal. But flack execution * e of the laws hath been the chiefeft fore of all ; " the laws have been manifeftly broken, the " offenders baniftied, and either by bribery or " foolifh pity efcape punimment." " Thefe fores mufl be cured with medicines, " Firft, by good education ; for Horace fayetfc wifely^ *0>uo femel eft imbuta recent, ftrvabit oderein *' With EDWARD THE SIXTH. ff With whatfdever thing the new veffel Is Jnl " bued, it will long keep its favour, faith Ho- " race ; meaning, that for the moft part men be * c as they are brought up *, and men keep " longeft the favour of their firfl bringing up ; " therefore, feeing that it be fo necelfary a thing, f6 we will give our device thereupon. Youth * 6 muft be brought up, fome to hufbandry, fome " in working, graving, gilding, joining, painting, *' making of cloaths, even from their tendered 66 age, to the intent they may not, when they " come to man's eftate, loiter as they do now- *< a-days in negleftj but think their travail fweet " and honeft. This mail welj eafe and remedy " the deceitful workings of things, difobedience 66 of the lowed fort, cafting of feditious bills, " and will clearly take away the idlenefs of the " people." * By a law of Solon, the Legiflator of Athens, a child who, by the careleffnefs or the over-tendernefs of his parents, was brought up to no trade or profeffion, was not obliged to fupport his parents -when they were old or in want ; the Legiflator wifely confidering habitual idlenefs not only in itfelf to be criminal, but to be the caufe of the greateft crimes that are committed, and that thofe perfons mould be completely put out of the protection of the laws, who have been the occafion of that deteflable and dangerous vice in the rifing generation, " Secondly, EDWARD THE SIXTH. 127 < Secondly, By devifmg of good laws. I *' have (hewed my opinion heretofore what fta- ** tutes I think mofl neceffary to be ena&ed this " feflions ; neverthelefs I could wifh, that befide " them, hereafter (when time mail ferve,) the " fuperfluous and tedious ftatutes were brought * e into one fum together, and made more plain. " Neverthelefs, when all thefc laws be made, " eftablifhed, and enafted, they ferve to no pur- " pofe, except they be fully and duly executed. " By whom ? By thofe that have authority to M execute; that is to fay, the Noblemen and " the Juftices of Peace j therefore I would wifh, " that after this Parliament were ended, thofe " Noblemen (except a few that mould be with " me) went to their countries, and there mould " fee the ftatutes fully and duly executed ; and " that thofe men mould be put from being Juf- " tices of Peace that be touched or blotted with 16 thofe vices that be againft thefe new laws to * be eftablifhed: for no man that is in fault " himfelf can punifh another for the fame of- 46 fence: Turpe eft doElori^ cum cnlpa redarguit ipfum. Shamelefs the teacher, who himfelf is faulty. " And thefe Juftices being put out, there is no ** doubt of the execution of the laws." Defunt Cetera. " King EDWARD'S Remains." Hooker 1 28 MARY. Hooker fays of this Prince, " that though te he died young he lived long, for life is in " afiion." MART. 1*553 THE Engliih feem early in their hiftory to have made pretty free with the defeats and fail- ings of their Sovereigns. M. de Noailles, in his * c Embaflades," tells us, that when Mary gave out that me was pregnant, the following paper was fluck up at her palace-rgate; * c Serons nous fi betes, O nobles Anglois, " que de croyre notre Reyne enceinte, & de *' quoi le feroit elje, fmon d'un Marmot ou " d'unDogue?" Mary, till her marriage with that cold and in- human tyrant Philip the Second, appears to have been merciful and humane ; for Holinfhead tells us, that when me appointed Sir Richard Morgan Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas, me told him, " that notwithflanding the old error ^ which did * e not admit any witnefs to fpeak, or any other *' matter to be heard, (Her Majefty being party,) " her MARY. 129 " her pleafure was, that whatfoever could be " brought in favour of the fubject (hould be ad- " mitted to be heard ; and moreover, that the QUEEN OF SCOTS. 157 land, in her paffage to that country fhe kept her eyes conftantly fixed on the French coaft, and breathed out her expreflive forrow at quitting it in the following elegant verfes : Adieu^ plaifant Pays de France* O ma patrie La plus cherie, ^ui as nourri majeune enfance : Adieu, France ! adieu ties beaux jours! La nef qui de joint nos amours^ N'a eu de mot qite la tnoitie ; Une part te re/le, elle eft tienne .- Je lajie (t ton amitie t Pour que de I'autre il te fouvienne. IN the year 1564, Buchanan made fome ele- gant verfes upon the marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Lord Darnley, and alfo on a dia- mond ring in the form of a heart, which Mary fent in the fattie year to Elizabeth Queen of England. They are publifhed in an account of f the life and writings of George Buchanan, b Monf. Le Clerc, and may be thus tranflated : This gem behold, the emblem of my heart, From which my Coufin's image ne'er (hall part ! Clear in its luftre, fpotlefs does it fliine j As clear, as fpotlefs, is this heart of mine ! "What though the ftone a greater hardnefs wears, Superior firmnefs ftill the figure bears. Thw 158 MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. This ring was prefented by King James the Firft to Sir Thomas Warner, and is now in the pofTeffion of the great-grandfon of Sir Thomas. By the kindnefs of Mr. PLANTA, the reader is prefented with the firft letter that this unfortunate C)ueen ever wrote in Englifh. It was written, moft probably, in the fummer or autumn of the year 1568, and was addrefied to Sir Francis Knollys : " Matter Knoleis, y hauu har Aim news from " Scotland, y fend zou to da the double of them. " y wreit to the Quin my gud lifter, and prey zou " to do the lyk conforme to that y fpak zefter- " nicht unto zou, and fut hafti anfur y refer all to " zour difcretion and wil lipne beter in zour " gud dalin for me nor y con perfuad zou nemli " in this langafg excus mi ivel wretein for y " newer ufed it afor and am hafted ze fchal fi *' mi bel whuilk is opne it is fed Saterday mi " unfrinds will be vth (with) zou y fey nothing M but traft weil and ze fend one to zour wifF ze " may afur her fchu wald a bin weilcome to a " pur ftranger hua nocht bien aquanted with her " wil notcht bi over bald to wreit bot for the " aquantans betwix ous, y wil fend zou litle " tokne to rember zou of the gud hop y hauu in *'. zou ques ze fend a met meflager y wald wyfh ze " beftouded MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. I$9 *' beftouded it reder upon her nor ain uder. thus " efter my commendations y prey God hauu zou " in his kipin. " Your afured gud frind " MARIE R. " Excuf my ivel wretein " the furft time." Ronfard, the celebrated French Poet, ad- drefled fome verfes to Mary. She preiented him with a filver cup embofled, reprefenting Apollo and the Nine Mufes, thus infcribed : " A Ronfard fApollon de la fottrce des Mufes" One of Mary's MS. letters ends with thefe melancholy words, " Car je fuis prejjee dc *' mourir." The following copy of verfes, written by this beautiful and unfortunate Princefs during her confinement in Fotheringay Caftle, is preiented to the Public by the kindnefs of a very eminent and liberal Collector. Quefuis-jt) helas? ft de qttoifert la vit?. J'etifuisfors qu'un corps prive de cutur\ Un ombre vaytj, un objet de tnalteur, %i n'a plus rlen que de mourir en vif. Plus ne me portez y O enemy s t fen"vle t *$i n'a plus V efprit a la grandeur : J' ai confomme tfcxcejjive douleur, Voltre l6o MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS'* Tfoltre ire en bref de voir aj/buvie. Et vans amyf qui m'avez tenu chere, Souvenez-vous que fans cueur^ et fans fanttf y y who ftill have held me deafr*, Bethink you, that when health and heart are fied, And ev'ry hope of future good is dead> *Tis time to wifli our forrows ended here ; And that this puniflimerit on earth is given, That my pure foul may rife to endlefs blifs in Heaven* In her way to Fotheringay Caftle, Mary flop- ped a few hours at Buxton, and with her diamond The PRAYER of MARY QUEEN of SCOTS before her Execution. Air\ dolce i ^ _ - 1 r-s~-I^tH Dens f |e.r '. - \ i in r. -o- c ^ -A- ^ Te O Care ni f Jesu iiunc 1*- TT Y" ^L~- 1l ; bei ra me In (In - ra t--na in mi. se - ra l*>e-.na O -t^- r-. ^ "^ ^ -**_ TT *w ^ ' ii "^ v^ . _ ^^" dxilcis mi Jrsti de m*.si n deiro c ; i do g;e i men dc t nu: fit c i ^ tt x ni do Aiido^ro Im. r^. ^^^^^^^^ . plo i ro nt li i i bee ires me Lanj C yrrpL-,0.11 -fa 4 SPIT = g- ' I ^ --^ -e menclo A-*do-ro Ini. ' r ^ E35 *j> ?s ^1 Q :rf \ - 1 fc 6-' ^^ - jilo.-ro ut li-. be^res (fea ^ a nn :5^ e ^ r 6* *~^J . . . im-n A .-.nidi ex. n - au.di O Je tuln4e~.lil den* Ma. aa.di O Je su Tn-e..li . < t-ni Ma.. O Jt.su Infe.- li - inn M..-. - - nz am m ^ff3 3 o-e . .ri^ani 1 i-.n^utn- tem g-esinenttm et -ft f -jji+JJ^J --- |;t'^nu-afleciittntein idi et PPP i nu i -flee i-tentem et ^^^ lihera Infei liicem Ma^iriiam O * marfn^ g^ libe-ra O ^ E liberalise- li^cemMariam O g - sn Care Je . . sti Kx . - ,uti-dl ft 3 3 _ " i.*^ -^ ^ Jc . sti Care Je-.su Kx- ,iu -' v i rT J c* m _ a -^_ . m *~> - * fl m i J li - be- ra Infc - - li - - cem A M ** ^ Ma . , rvs 9 A * I f -**1f r r _< I c H li- be- ra Infe - . li . - CMTI Ma . - rf i*-\ P ^ \ P * lit m H, ., g \ r U Ml 1 ^-K - n n i \ w m \ lc/ ^ : . ri, am A -men A- \' i - - - - rl - am A - - m en A - V r h- , ri - am A. yff | j 1 I i m ~ -^ ~~"~~~ v . .men A. . . .. men A..men A ^ i [/*T i i i > "A 1 ^ ^ 1 Wii N .// i - L_L - *fc' J- 77 .men A... men A., .men V * . men A. . .. ^^men A.. men A* Adag*io . . men MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. l6l diamond ring wrote on a pane of glafs at the inn of that place, JBuxtona, qua tepida celebralerc num'ine lymph*, Buxtona, forte iterum non adeunda t vale ! Uncertain, in the womb of Fate, What ills on wretched Mary wait ! Buxton, my tribute (whilft I may) To thy fam'd tepid fount I pay ; That fount, the cure of ills and pain, Which I fhall never fee again ! Many curious MS. papers relative to Mary- Queen of Scots are to be met with in the Library of the Scots College at Paris. The lafl time that David Hume was in that city, the learned and excellent Principal of the College mewed them to him, and afked him, why he had pre- tended to write her hiftory in an unfavourable light without confulting them. David, on being told this, looked over fome letters which the Principal put into his hands, and, though not much ufed to the melting mood, burfl into tears. Had Mary written the Memoirs of her own Life, how interefling mutt they have been ! A Queen, a Beauty, a Wit, a Scholar, in diftrefs, muft have laid hold on the heart of every reader : and there is all the reafon in the world to fup- pofe that me would have been candid and im- partial. Mary, indeed, completely contradicted the obfervation made by the learned Selden in VOL. i, M his MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. his Table-Talk, " that men are not troubled to " hear men difpraifed, becaufe they know that " though one be naught, there is ftill worth in " others : but women are mightily troubled to " hear any of themfelves fpoken againfi, as if the " fex itfelf were guilty of fome unworthinefs :" for when one of the Cecil family, Minifter to Scotland from England in Mary's reign, was fpeaking of the wifdom of his Sovereign Queen Elizabeth, Mary flopped him fhort by faying, " Seigneur Chevalier, ne me parlez, jamais de la " f a & e jfe d'un femme ; je connois bien man fexe ; " la plus f age de nous toutes rfeft qu'un peu moint " fotte que les autrcs." The pictures in general fuppofed to be thofe of this unfortunate Princefs differ very much from, one another, and all of them from the gold medal ftruck of her with her hufband Francis the Se- cond at Paris, and which is now in the late Dr. Hunter's Mufeum in Windmill-ftreet. This me- dal reprefents her as having a turned-up nofe. Mary, however, was fo graceful in her figure, that when, at one of the proceflions of the Hoft at Paris, me was carrying the wafer in the pix, a woman burft through the crowd to touch her, to convince herfelf that me was not an Angel. She was fo learned, that at the age of fifteen years fhe pronounced a Latin oration of her own com- pofition MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 163 pofition before the whole Court of France at the Louvre. Mary, wearied with misfortunes, and tired of confinement, received with great firmnefs and refignation the fentence of death that was pro- nounced againft her by her rival. " Death," faid me, " which will put an end to my misfor- " tunes, will be very welcome to me. I look " upon a foul too weak to fupport the body in " its pafiage to the habitations of the blefled, as " unworthy of the happinefs that is to be enjoyed " there." The original of the following fupplicatory let- ter of Mary Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth, is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford : " MADAME, " Pencant felon le commandement donney, " que tous ceulx non compris en ung certeinge " memoyre, deuflent aller ou leur affayres les " conduirefoient j'avois choifi Monfieur de Le- " vington pur eftre porteur de la prefente, ce " que m'eftant refufay a lui retenu, j'ai ete con- " traynte, nayant autre libertay", mettre la pre- " feme aux mayns de Monfieur de Shrewfoeri, " de la quele, & de celle fiendofes, je vous fuplie " au moyns par pitie me faire quelque refponfe. M i " Car 164 MARY, QUEEN O? SCOTS. " Car fi je demeure en cet eftat, je n'efperai ja- " mais vous donner plus de payne. " Voftre affligee bonne Soeur & Coufm, " MARIE R." " A la Royne d'Angleterre, " Madame jna bonne foeur." A very curious account of her execution was publiftied in France foon after that event ; from which it appears, that on her body's falling after decapitation, her favourite fpaniel jumped out of her clothes. Immediately before her execution me repeated the following Latin Prayer, compofed by herfelf, and which has been fet to a beautiful plaintive Air * by that triple fon of Apollo the learned and excellent Dr. HARI^TGTON of Bath, at the requeft of the COMPILER, as an embellifh- ment to thefe little volumes. Doming Deus t fpercrvi in te ! O care mi Jefu^ nunc libera me! In dura catena^ in miferd pcena^ dejidero te ! Laxguendo, gcmendo^ et genujJcflwdoj Oy implore, ut liberes me ! It may be thus paraphrafed : In this laft folemn and tremendous hour, My Lord, my Saviour, I invoke thy power ! In thefe fad pangs of anguifh and of death, Receive, O Lord, thy fuppliant's parting breath f * See the My sic annexed. i- Before MARV, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 165 Before thy hallowed crofs (he proftrate lies, O hear .her prayers, commiferate her Gghsi Extend thy arms of mercy and of love, And bear her to thy peaceful realms above, Buchanan dedicated to Queen Mary his beau* tiful tranflation of the Pfalms into Latin verfe, The concluding lines of his Tranflation are ; Non tamen aufus eram mafe natum exponere fcetum t Ne mibi difpliceant, qv& placuere tibi t Nam quod ab ingenio Domini fperare nequibitnt^ Debfbunt ggnio forfttan ilia ttto. They were thus altered by Bifhop Atterbury the night before he died, and were fent by him to the late Lord Marfhal Keith ; Atji culta parum, fifint incondita. Noftri Scilicet ingenii eft, non ea culpafili. Poffe etiam Kit nofci qua font pulcherrimafpondet t Ex vultu ft gen to Scotica terra tuo. Jf thefe rude barb'rous lines their author fhame, His mufe and not his country is to blame j That excellence e'en Scotland can beftov/, We frpm chy genius and thy beauty know. When the Commiffioners from Queen Eliza- |)eth came into her chamber to conduct her to the fcaffold, {he faid to them, " The Englifh *' have more than once ftained their hands with V the bloodjof their Kings. I am of the fame M 3 *' blood ; l66 MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. " blood ; fo there is nothing extraordinary in " my death, nor in their conduct." As fhe went to the fcaffold with a crucifix in her hand, one of the Commiffioners brutally told her, fhe had much better have her Saviour in her heart than in her hands. " Sir," replied fhe coolly, " it is almoft impoffible for any one to have his " Saviour in his hands without having his heart " deeply affected by him." She was preffed even at the fcaffold to change her religion ; to which fhe nobly replied, " Pray give yourfelves " no farther trouble on that point. I was born " in the Catholick Faith, I have lived in the " Catholick Faith, and I am refolved to die " in it." " And now," fays Wilfon in his " Hiftory of " the Reign of King James," in fpeaking of the fecond funeral of Mary in Weftminfter Abbey " in the tenth year of his reign, the King cafts *' his thoughts towards Peterborough, where his " Mother lay, whom he caufed to be tranflated ' to a magnificent tomb at Weftminfter. And " (fomewhat fuitable to her mind when fhe was " living) fhe had a tranflucent paffage in the " night through the city of London, by multi- " tudes.of torches : the tapers placed by the tomb " and the altar in the cathedral, fmoaking with " them like an offertorie, with all the ceremonies " and MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 167 " and voices their quires and copes could exprefs, " attended by many Prelates and Nobles, who " payd this laft tribute to her memory. This " was counted a piaculous action of the King's Ritchard " Knightlies. " The next day, as I take it, we The tt .v i ^ an jr j night or 2 [at] ^ muc " as m y La: or Joediord Wantage at " was fomethinge out w hir, and W 7^ s j tcn . " when fliecametoHampton Court nant of my Lo: " was eiitertayned but euen indiffe- of Bath's, and rent ii e anc j yet continued to be troni his houle ' to Mr,Dulcns. " of y e bed chamb . One day the " Queene went from Bafeinge Stoack and dined AfoNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. 227 ** at S r Hen: Wallups, wher my Lady, my aunt " and I, had layen 2 or 3 nights before, and did " healpe to entertayn hin " As we rid from my La: Wallups to Lance- " leuell, rideinge late, by reafon of our flay at " Bafing ftoke, we faw a ftraunge comet in the " night, like a cannopie in the aire, w ch was a " thinge obferued ouer all England. " From Lance-leuell we went, as appears in " the marginall note in the p' h leafe [*], to M r . " Dulons, wher we continued about a weeke " and had great entertaynement. And at that " tyme kept a fad by reafon of the plague, w ch " was then generally obferved ouer all England. " From M r . Dulons we went to Barton to one " M". Dormers, wher M". Hampfhire, hir mo- " ther, and me, entertayned vs w' h great kindnes. ** From thence we went often to the Court at " Woodftock, wher my aunt of Bath followed " her fute to the Kinge, and my mother wroat " lers to the Kinge, and hir means was by my " Lo: Fenton, and to the Queene by my La; of " Bedford. My father at this tyme followed " hir [his] fute to y e Kinge about the border " lands ; fo that fometymes my mother and he [* Sec the preceding fage.] " did 228 ANNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. did meet, by chaunce, wrier ther countenance did (hew the diflik they had one of y e other ". yet he would fpeak to me in a flight fafhion, and giue me his bleffinge. Not longe be- fore Michael- mas my felf, jny cozen Frauncis Bou r , Mrs. Good- win & Mrs. Haukrige waitinge on vs, went in my mothers coach from Barton to Cookam, wher my unc- kle Ruffell & his wif and his fon then lay. From thence y e next day we went to None- fuch, whcr Prince Henrie and hir Grace lay, wher I ftayed about a" week, and left my coy.en Fr: ther, who was purpofed to continue w th hir grace ; but I came back by Cookam & came to Bar- ton before my aunt of Bath " While we lay heere we rid ." thorough Oxford once or twife, " but whither we went I rememb r '* not. Ther we faw the Spannifh " Embaflador, who was then new * c come into England about the " peace. While we lay at Barton " I kept fo ill a diet w th M". Mary ** Gary and M rs Hinfon in eatings " fruit fo as I fell fhortly after into " # * * * * ficknes. " From this plaee my aunt of " Bath, ha^ieinge little hope of hir " fute, tooke hir leaue of my mo- " ther, and returned into the wefl " cuntrie. While they lay at Bar- " ton. my mother and my aunt " payed for the charge of the houfe 64 equallie. " Some weeke or fortnight after ** my aunt was gone, w ch was about " Michaelmas, my La: went from " Barton to Greenes Norton, and w lay one night at my cozen Tho : " Sellengers, ANNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. 229 " Sellengers, wher we faw old M r . went into the " Hicklin, wher he and his daugh- " ter preferd William Pond to fearue my Lady. " To this place we came about 10 of y c clock " in the night, and I was fo wearie as I could " not tell whether I mould fleepe or eate firft. " The next day we went to North-hall, wher . " we found my aunt of Warwick fomething ill " and melancholy ; fhe hir felfe had not bin " ther pafiinge a moneth, but lay at $' Moyle " Finches in Kent, by reafon of the great plague, " w ck was then much about North-hall. " Not longe after Michaellmas my unckle " Ruflell, my aunt Ruflell his wife, their fon, " my Lo : of Bedford, my mother, and I, gaue " all allowance to M r . Chambers, my aunts " Steward, in w ch fort the houfe was kept du- " ringe o r being ther, I vfed to weare my haire- " cullered veluet gowne euerie day, and learned " to finge and play on the bafs viol of Jack " Jenkins, my aunts boye. " Before Chriftmas my cozen Fraunces was *' fent for from Nonefuch to North-hall, by rea- " fon that hir grace was to goe from thence to " be brought vp w lh the La: Harington in the " cuntrie. All this tyme we wear merrie at " North- 230 ANNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. *' North-hall, my coz: Fra: Bourcher and my man, but it is very fcanty and imperfect, and fafy~s very little either of the philo- fophy of Lord paeon or of thofe that preceded him ; on whicjli account Bifhop Warburton, in his flrong manner, faid, " that he fuppofed if " Mr. Mallet/ 'were to write the life of the Duke " of Marlborough, he would never once mention " the military art." Lord Bacon died at Lord ArundePs houfe at Highgate, in his way to Gorhambury, being feized with the ftioke of death as he was makirfr o fome philofophical experiments. He dictated the * " What a pity it is that no good memoir (fcarce in- ** deed any memoir at all) of this reftorer of philofophy has " ever appeared ! and how much is fuch a work to be dc- " tired by all true lovers of literature." Dr. JOR.TIN. following 238 LORD BACON. following letter to Lord Arundel three days be* fore he died j and it muft be perufed with a melancholy pleafure, as the laft letter this great man ever dictated. " MY VERY GOOD LORD", " I was likely to have had the fortune of " Caius Plinius the elder, who loft his life by " trying an experiment about the burning of the " mountain Vefuvius ; for I was delirous to try " an experiment or two touching the conferva- " tion and enduration of bodies. As for the " experiment itfelf, it fucceeded extremely well j " but on the journey (between London and " Highgate) I was taken with fuch a fit of caft- " ing as I knew not whether it were the ftone, or fome furfeit, or cold, or indeed a touch of " them all three. But when I came to your " Lordmip's houfe I was not able to go back, *' and therefore was forced to take my lodging " here, where your houfekeeper is very careful " and diligent about me ; which I aflure myfelf '* your Lordfhip will not only pardon towards " him, but think the better of him for it ; for " indeed your Lordfhip's houfe was happie to " me, and I kifie your noble hands for the wdl- " come which I am fure you give me to it. I *' know how unfit it is for me to write to your * c Lordfhip with any pen but my own, but in " truth LORD BACON. 239 ei truth my fingers are fo disjointed with this fit " of ficknefs that I cannot fteadily hold my pen. " Your Lordfhip's to command, " ST. ALBAN'S." Mr. Evelyn, in his Eflay upon Phyfiognomy at the end of his Treatife upon Medals, fays of Lord Bacon, " he had a fpacious forehead, and " a piercing eye, always (as I have been told by " one who knew him well) looking upward, as " a foul in fublime contemplation, and as the " perfoh who, by {landing up againft dogma* " tifts, was to emancipate and fet free the long " and miferably captivated philofophy, which " has ever fmce made fuch conquefts in the ter- " ritories of nature." Lord Bacon, in his " Eflay upon Health and " Long Life," fays, that on fome Philofopher's being aiked how he had arrived to the very ad- vanced period of life at which he then was, replied, " Intus melle, extra oleo By taking honey " within, and oil without *." Not * One of our Confuls in Egypt (a gentleman to whom this Country has the highcil obligations, for the very early information with which he fupplied our Settlements in the Eaft Indies with the information of the breaking out of the lafl war with the French ) imagines that oil applied externally to the human body, as in a fhirt dipped in that lubricating fubftance, 240 LORD BACON. Not long before Lord Bacon's death he was vifited by the Marquis d'Effiat, a Frenchman of rank and of learning. Lord Bacon was ill, and received him in his bed-chamber with the cur- tains drawn. The Marquis on entering the room paid to him this very elegant compliment : " Your Lordfhip refembles the Angels. We CHfEF JUSTICE OF THE COURT OF KING'S BENCH, cn receiving from Lord Bacon, (who was not fappofed to be a very pro/ound lawyer,) as a prefent, his celebrated Treatife " De Inftaura- *' tione Scientiarum," wrote on a blank leaf, ma- lignantly enough, this diftich : Injiau- SIR EDWARD COKE. 253 \ Injta urare paras veterttm documenta fophorum, Injlaura leges jujlitiamque prius. You with a vain and ardent zeal explore The old philofopher's abflrufer lore. Juflice and law your notice better claim, Knowledge of them infure you fairer fame. " Five forts of perfons," fays Fuller, " this " great man ufed to foredefign to mifery and " poverty : chymifts, monopolizers, concealers, " promoters, and rythming poets. For three " things he faid he would give God folemn " thanks : - that he never gave his body to " phyfic, nor his heart to cruelty, nor his hand " to corruption. In three things he much ap- " plauded his own fuccefs : in his fair fortune " \vith his wife, in his happy fludy of the law, " tmd in his free coming by all his preferment, " me precs nee pretio ; neither begging nor brib- " ing for preferment. He conftantly had pray- " ers faid in his own houfe, and charitably re- " lieved the poor with his conftant alms. The " foundation of Sutton's Hofpital (the Charter- " Houfc, when indeed but a foundation) had " been ruined before it was raifed, and crufhed " by fome courtiers in the hatching thereof, " had not his great care preferred the fame." When Sir Edward had loft all his public em- ployments, and fome Peer was inclined to quef- tion the rights of the Cathedral of Norwich, he hindered 54 SIR EDWARD COKE. hindered it, by telling him plainly, THIS great Architect, a pupil of Palladio, ap- pears to have excelled his mafter in magnificence and fplendor of defign. What can be conceived more grand in defign, and more exquifite in de- coration, than the palace of Whitehall planned by him, and of which the prefent banqueting- houfe made a part. The original Drawings of this intended palace are in the Library of Wor- cefler College in Oxford ; they are extremely highly finifhed, and are not fuppofed to have been executed by the hand of the architect him- felf. Lord Burlington publifhed a complete Col- lection of the Defigns of Inigo Jones, and was u 2 fo INIGO JONES. fo impreffed with the beauty of the Corinthian Portico which his favourite Architect had ap- pended to the old Gothic* fabric of St. Paul's Cathedral, that on feeing the prefent beautiful Chriftian Temple built on the fite of the old church by Sir Chriftopher Wren, and being aiked what he thought of it, he exclaimed, " When " the Jews faw the fecond Temple, they reflected " upon the beauty of the firft, and wept." The firft work which this great architect exe- cuted after his return from Italy, is faid to have been the decoration of the infide of the Church of St. Catherine Cree in Leadenhall-ftreet. CHARLES THE FIRST. [16251649.] THIS accomplifhed Sovereign when Prince of" Wales, and foon after his return from Spain, is v ' I * " It was the fafhion," fays Ofborn, " in James the " Firft's time, for the principal Gentry, Lords, Courtiers^ ** and men of all profeffions,. to meet in St. Paul's Church; " by eleven, and walk in the middle aide till twelve, and " after dinner from three to fix ; during which time fome " difcourfed of bufinefs, fome of news." 0/lorn's Advice to a Son. thus CHARLES THE FIRST. 293 thus defcribed by the Countefs of Bedford, in a letter to his filler the Queen of Bohemia : " None plaies his part in this our world with " fo due applaufe as your excellent brother, " who wins daily more and more upon the hearts " of all good men, and hath begotten, by his " princelie and wife proceedings, fuch an opinion " of his realitie, judgment, and worthie inten- " tions for the public good, that I think never " Prince was more powerful in the Parliament- " houfe than he; and there doth he exprefs " himfelf fubftantially fo well, that he is often " called up to fpeak, and he doth it with that " fatisfaclion to both Houfes as is much admired; " and he behaves himfelf with as much reverence " to the Houfes, when either himfelf takes oc- " cafion to fpeak, or is chofen by them to do fo, " unto the Lower Houfe, as any other man who " fits amongft them ; and he will patiently bear " contradictions, and calmly forego his own " opinions, if he have bee'n miftaken, which * yet hath fo feldom happened, as not above " twice in all this time he hath had caufe to " approve of any other than his own ; all which " are fo remarkable excellencies in a Prince fo " young, fo lately come to be himfelf, as I am " fure the world hath not another to parallel *' with him. He is befides moft diligent and u 3 " iride* 294 CHARLES THE FIRST. " indefatigable in bufinefles, a patient hearer, " judicious in diftinguifhing counfells, moderate '* in his a&ions, fteady in his refolutions ; fo " even as variablenefs is a thing neither in deed " nor in appearance ^in him ; and fo civil and the King did; fhe pafled V divers monppolies ; me kept an Agent at * Sec p. 200 of this Volume. " Rome; 298 CHARLES THE FIRST. " Rome ; me fent her Serjeant at Arms to pluck " out a Member then fitting in the Houfe of " Commons by the ears, and clapped him in " prifon ; fhe called them faucy fellows to med- " die with her prerogative, or with the goverh- fe merit of her houfhold; me managed all foreign " affairs, fpecially the wars with Ireland, by her " Privy Council ; yet there was no murmuring " in her reign ; and the reafon I conceive to be, " that neither Scot or Puritan had any flroke in u England." Howell's Italian Profpeflive. Howell concludes one of the many Pamphlets that he wrote in the reign of Charles the Firft thus : " I will conclude this point with an ob- " fervation of the moft monftrous number of " witches that have fwarmed fince the wars (t againft the King, more (I dare fay) than have ft been in this Ifland fince the Devil tempted Eve ; " for in two counties only, viz. Suffolk and Eflex, " there have been upwards of three hundred * e arraigned, and eighteen executed, as I have it " from the Clerks of the Peace of the two " counties. What a barbarous, devilifh office " one had, under colour of exoneration, to tor-' " ment poor filly women with watchings, pinch- " ings, and other artifices, to find them for " witches : while others (called fpirits) by a new "' invention of villainy, were connived at, for " feizing CHARLES THE FIRST. 299 f * feizing upon young children, and hurrying' " them on (hip-board, where, having their heads " fhaven, they were fo transformed that their * { parents could not know them, and fo were " carried over for new fchifmatical plantations " to New England, and other feminaries of f ' rebellion. My Lord," fays Howell, (this Trea- tife is addrefied to Philip Earl of Pembroke,) " there is no villainy that can enter into the SAMWAYS, AND BY HIM SENT TO THB A.BP OF CANT. D r ' SANCROFT. (( r S * 6 After his late Matye's remove from Wind- " for to S l * James's, albeit according to y e duty * of my place I lay in the next room to the bed- " chamber, the K z then commanded me to bring Juxon, " then Bp of London, came to the K g , as I re- " late in y f narrative I fent S r W m Dugdale, w ch * c 1 have a tranfcript of here, nor know whether " it refls with his Grace y e A. Bp of Cant, or " S r W. Dugdale, or be difpofed in S r Jo" Cot- ** ton's Library near Weflminfter-hall ; but wiih ** you had y e perufal of it before you return into ** y* North. And this being not communicated x 3 " tp CHARLES THE FIRST. -M 1 to any but your felf, you may fhew it to his - " Grace & none elfe, as you promifed, S r , " Yo r very affeft. fn d & ferv 1 " THO: HERBERT. " Tcrk, 28 Aug* 1680." Many refemblances occur in feveral of the cir- cumftances attending the execution of this Prince and that of the late unfortunate Louis XVI. The following extraft is made from a very curious little book, called " England's Shame, or the " UnLiafking of a Politic Atheift ; being a full " and faithful Relation of the Life and Death of " that Grand Importer Hugh Peters. By Wil- " Ham Young, M. D. London, 1663. i2mo. " Dedicated to Her Moft Excellent Majefty " Henrietta Maria, the Mother Queen of Eng- *' land, Scotland, France, and Ireland." ui auroit eu I'amitie du Roi d'Angleterre " {Charles /.), du Roi de Pologne (Cafimir F.), " & de la Reine de Suede (Chriftina\ auroit il " cru pouvoir manqucr de retraite d'azyle au " monde ? -Could any perfon that poffefTed the ** friendfhip of a King of England, a King of " Poland, or a Queen of Sweden, have thought , . ** often, and againft too many, in that kind " and particularly one with the old Chancellor " Loftus, which was fullied (as was fuppofed) " by an intrigue betwixt him and his daughter- " in-law. But with thefe virtues and infirmities * c we will leave him ruling profperoufly in Ire- " land, until his own ambition or prefumption " brings him over to England in the year 1638* 4C to take up a loft game, wherein he loft him* felf." When Lord StraiFord was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he made an order, that no Peer fliould be admitted into the Houfe of Lords in that kingdom without leaving his fword with the door-keeper. Many Peers had already complied with this infolent order, when the Duke, then Earl, of Ormond being afked for his fword, he replied to the door-keeper, " If you make that " requeft again, Sir, I mail plunge my fword " into your body.'* Lord Strafford hearing of this faid, " This Nobleman is a man that we " muft endeavour to get over to us." Defection in party was perhaps never more fever ely punifhed than in the fate of this extra- ordinary Perfonage. On quitting the Country Party, he told his old fellow-labourer Mr. Pym, You fee, Sir, I have left you."" So, I fee, Sir Thomas," replied Mr. Pym j "but we will " never LORD STRAFFORD. 337 * 6 never leave you fo long as you have a head " upon your fhoulders." The following curious and detailed account of the apprehenfion and trial of Lord Strafford is taken from " A Journal addrefled to the Prefby- " tery of Irvine in Scotland, by Robert Baillie, " D. D. Principal of the Untverfity of Glafgow," who was fent up to London in 1640 by the Co- venanting Lords of Scotland to draw up the Ar- ticles of Impeachment againft Archbifhop Laud, for having made fome innovations in the fervice of the Church of Scotland : " Among many more," fays the Doctor, " I " have been an affiduous amftant of that nation " (the Englifh), and therefore I will offer to give " you fome account of a part I have heard and " feen in that notable procefs. " Weftminfler-hall is a room as long as broad, " if not more, than the outer-houfe of the High " Church of Glafgow, fuppofing the pillars were and " moft of the late King's Judges, if not all. e When the Patriarch came, he wrote in the " common Greek the aforefaid fentence, and " figned it with his own hand ; after which, my " father turned it into our Greek ; which, when ** it was written, he did (tho' with much adoe) " underftand and fet his hand to it. Then my " father turned it into Latin and Englifh, and " delivered it under his hand to Cromwell, y " that was the bufmefsof the Patriarch's embafiy; " fefTe I could never fatisfie my felfe of the iufte- " nefle of this warr, but from the authoritye of " the Parliament to maintaine itt in itts rights, * c and in this caufe I hope to approue my felfe " an honeft man, and fingle harted. Pardon mee " that I am thus troublefom. I write but fel- 1644.'* " My loue to your daughter, and to my cozen *' Perceual, filter Defbrowe, and all freinds w 1 * e you. J> " Oliver Cromwell, the I^roteftor," fays An- thony Wood, " loved a good voice and inftru- ie mental mufic well. Mr. James Quin, a ftu- " dent of C. C. Oxon, a good finger, was in- * e troduced to him': he heard him fing with very " great delight, liquored him with fackj and in " conclufio* OLIVER CROMWELL. ** conclufion faid to him : " Mr. Quin, you " have done 7 very well : What fhall I do for ** you ?" To which Quin made anfwer with " great compliments (of which he had com- '* mand) with a great grace, " that your High- " nefs would be pleafed to reftore me to my ftu- " dent's place : ' which the Proteftor did ac- /, (faid he,) mail " les Francois font toujours fous." [ 375 LORD FAIRFAX. PERSONS who have been the mod active in promoting Revolutions in Kingdoms, have in general, after their experience of the dangers and miferies confequent upon them, been very open in proclaiming them to the world. Lord Fairfax, the celebrated Parliamentary General in Charles the Firil's time, fays, in the Memoirs that he left of the part which he took in thofe times of trouble and confufion, in fpeaking of the execution of his Sovereign, " By this purging " of the Houfe (as they called it), the Parlia- " ment was brought into fuch a confumptive " and languifhing condition, that it could never " again recover that healthful condition which " always kept the kingdom in its ftrength, life, " and vigour. This way being made by the " fword, the trial of the King was the eafier " for them to accomplifh. My afflicted and " troubled mind for it, and my earneft en- " deavours to prevent it, will, I hope, fuffi- " ciently teftify my diflike and abhorrence of " the fact. And what will they not do to the " fhrubs, having cut down the cedar?" Lord Fairfax by no means confented to the * death of Charles the Firft, and was ciuch fur- B B 4 prifed ?76 LORD FAIRFAX. *y / prifed when Sir Thomas Herbert informed him that the fatal ftroke had been given. This nobleman made an offer to his Sovereign of the affiftance of the Army. Charles replied, that he had as many friends there as his Lord? Jhip. Lord Fairfax told Sir Philip Warwick, who was complimenting him upon the regularity and temperance of his army, that the bed common fbldiers he had came out of the King's army, and from the garrifqns he had taken. " So," added he, " I found you had made them good " foldiers, and I have made them good men." According to Sir Henry Slingfby's MS. Me- moirs, Lord Fairfax appears to have been once in the moil imminent danger of his life, in the fummer of 1642. " My Lord of Cumberland once again fent out " Sir Thomas Glenham to beat up Sir Thomas * c Fairfax's quarters at Wet'herby. Command- " ing out a party both of horfe and of dragoons, " Sir Thomas comes clofe up to the town undif- " covered, a little before fun-jife. Prideaux ^ and fome others enter the town through a *' back yard. This gave an alarm quite through " the LORD KEEPER FINCH. .377 " the town. Sir Thomas Fairfax was at this " juncture drawing on his boots to go to his " father at Tadcafter. Sir Thomas gets quickly " on horfeback, draws out foine pikes, and fo " meets our Gentleman. Every one had his " mot at Sir Thomas, he only making at them " with his fword, and fo retired under the guard " of his own pikes to another part of the town." LORD KEEPER FINCH. THE following curious particulars relative to the impeachment of Lord Keeper Finch were copied by Biihop Warburton from a MS. Hif- tory of the Rebellion, found in a large volume, all in Lord Clarendon's hand-writing, which contains the private Memoirs of his own Life, as well as the public hiftory that was extracted from this volume. They form one of the many paflages which Lord Clarendon himfelf had drawn his pen through, as not to be printed as part of the Hiftory of the Rebellion, and were prefented to the COMPILER by the late learned and excellent Dr. Balguy, who received the copy from Bifhop Warburton : " It began now to be obferved, that all the " public profeflions of a general reformation, and " redrefs LORD KEEPER FINCH. " redrefs of all, grievances the kingdom fuffered " under, were contracted into a fharp and ex- ' traordinary perfecution of one perfon * they " had accufed of high treafon, and within fome " bitter mention of the Archbifhop f ; that there " was no thought of difmiffing the two armies, " which were the capital grievance and infup- " portable burthen to the whole Nation ; and " that inftead of queftioning others, who were " looked upon as the caufes of greater mifchief " than either of thofe they profefied fo much " difpleafure agamlr., they privately laboured by 46 all their offices to remove all prejudice towards " them, at lead all thoughts of profecution for " their tranfgreflions, and fo that they had " blanched all fharp and odious mention of Ship- " Money, becaufe it could hardly be touched " without fome reflection upon the Lord Keeper " Finch, who had acled fo odious a part in it, " and who, fince the meeting of the Great " Council at York, had rendered himfelf very " gracious to them, as a man who would facili- " tate many things to them, and therefore fit to " be preferved and protected. Whereupon the " Lord Falkland took notice of the bufinefs of " Ship-Money, and very fharply mentioned the ** Lord Finch as being the principal promoter of " it ; and that, being a fworn judge of the Law, * Lord Strafford. f Archbifhop Laud. " he LORD KEEPER FINCH. 379 " he had not only given his judgment againft " law, but had been the folicitor to corrupt all *' the other Judges to concur with him in their " opinion ; and concluded, that no man ought " to be more feverely profecuted than he. It " was very fenfible that the leading men were " much troubled at this difcourfe, and defired to " divert it ; fome of them propofmg (in regard " we had very much and great bufmefs upon " our hands in neceflary preparation) we mould " not embrace too much together, but fufpend " the debate of Ship-Money for fome time, till ** we could be more vacant to purfue it, and fo " were ready to pafs to fome other matter. " Upon which Mr. Hyde infifted upon what the " Lord Falkland had faid, that this was a parti- " cular of a very extraordinary nature, which " ought to be examined without delay, becaufe " the delay would probably make the future " examination to no purpofe; and therefore " propofed, that immediately, whilft the Houfe " of Commons was fitting, a fmall Committee " might be appointed, who, dividing themfelves " into the number of two and two, might vifit " all the Judges, and afk them apart, in the " name of the Houfe, What meflages the Lord " Finch (when he was Chief Juftice of the Court " of Common Pleas) had brought to them from " the King in the bufmefs of Ship-Money ? and, " Whether 380 LORD KEEPER FINCH, " Whether he had not folicited them to give " judgment for the King in that cafe ? Which " motion was fo generally approved of by the *' Houfe, that a Committee of eight perfons " (whereof himfelf was one) was prefently fent " out of tfye Houfe to vifit the feveral Judges, " mod whereof were at their Chambers ; and " Juftice Croke and fome other of the Judges " (being furprifed with the queflions, and preffed " earnestly to make clear and categorical anfwers) " ingenuoufiy acknowledged that the Chief Juf- " tice Finch had frequently (whilft the matter " was depending) earneflly folicited them to give " their judgment for the King, and often ufed " his Majefly's name to them, as if he expe&ed " that compliance from them. The Committee " (which had divided themfelves to attend the " feveral Judges) agreed to meet at a place ap- " pointed to communicate the fubftance of what " they had been informed of, and agreed upon *' the method of their report to the Houfe, which u they could not make till the next morning, it " being about ten of the clock when they were " fent out of the Houfe. " That Committee was no fooner withdrawn, " (which confifted of men of more temperate " fpirits than the Leaders were poifefied with,) " but without any occafion given by any debate, " or LORD KEEPER FINCH. 381 " or coherence with any thing propofed or men- " tioned, an obfcure perfon inveighed bitterly " againfl the Archbifhop of Canterbury ; and " there having been a very angry vote pafled th " Houfe two days before, upon a fudden debate " upon the Canons which had been made by " the Convocation after the diflblution of the " lafl Parliament (a feafon in which the Church " could not reafonably hope to do any thing " that would find acceptation) ; upon which de- " bate they had declared, by a vote, that thofe " Canons were againfl the King's prerogative, " the fundamental laws of the realm, the liberty " and property of the fubjecl, and that they con- *' tained divers other things tending to fedition, " and of dangerous confequence; Mr. Grimflone " took occafion (from what was faid of the " Archbifhop) to put them in mind of their vote " upon the Canons, and faid, that the prefump- *' tion in fitting after the diflblution of the Par- " liament, (contrary to cuflom, if not contrary " to law,) and the framing and contriving all " thefe Canons, (which contained fo much fedi- " tion,) was all to be imputed to the Archbifhop; " that the Scots had required juflice againfl him " for his being a chief incendiary and caufe of " the war between the two nations ; that this " kingdom looked upon him as the author of " all thofe innovations in the Church which were c " introdu&ive 382 LORD KEEPER FINCH. " introduftive to Popery, and as a joint contriver " with Lord Strafford to involve the Nation in " flavery ; and therefore propofed, that he might " be prefently accufed of high treafon, to the " end that he might be fequeflered from the " Council, and no more repair to the prefence of " the King (with whom he had fo great credit, " that the Earl of Strafford himfelf could not do " more mifchief by his councils and infufions). " This motion was no fooner made but feconded " and thirded, and found fuch a general accepta- " tion, that, without confidering that of all the " envious particulars whereof the Archbifhop " ftood accufed there was no one which amounted " to treafon, they forthwith voted that it mould " be fo, and immediately promoted Mr. Grim- " flone to the meffage, who prefently went up " to the Houfe of Peers ; and being called on, " he, in the name of all the Commons of Eng- " land, accufed the Archbifhop of Canterbury " of high treafon and other mifdemeanors, and " concluded in the fame flyle they had ufed in ' the cafe of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. " Upon which the poor Archbifhop (who floutly " profeffed his innocence) was brought to the " Bar upon his knees, and thence committed to " the cuflody of Maxwell, the Gentleman Ufher " of the Black Rod, (from whence the Earl of " Strafford had been fent a few days before to " the L'bRD KEEPER 1-INCH. 383 14 the Tower,) where he remained many months " before they brought in a particular charge " againft him. " Notwithftanding which brifk proceeding " againft the Archbifhop, (when the Committee " the next morning made their report of what " the feveral Judges had faid concerning the " Lord Finch,) they were wonderfully indifpofed " to hear anything againft him ; and though " many fpoke with great marpnefs of him, and *' how fit it was to profecute him in the fame " manner and by the fame logic they had pro- " ceeded with againft the other two, yet they " required more particulars to be formally fet " down of his mifcarriage, and made another " Committee to take farther examination (in " which Committee Mr. Hyde likewife was) : " and when the report was made, within a few " days, of feveral very high and imperious mif- " carriages, (befides what related to the Ship- " Money,) upon a motion made by a young " Gentleman of the fame family (who pretended " to have received a letter from the Lord Keeper, " in which he defired leave to fpeak in the Houfe " before they mould determine anything againft " him) j the debate was fufpended for the pre- " fent, and leave given him to be there (if he " pleafed) the next day j at which time (having " likewife obtained a permiflion of the Peers to " do LORD KEEPER FINCH. " do what he thought good for himfelf) he ap- " peared at the Bar of the Houfe of Commons, " and faid all he could for his own excufe (more * in magnifying the fmcerity of his religion, and " how kind he had been to many Preachers <6 [[whom he named, and} whom he knew were " of precious memory with the unconformable 46 party) ; and concluded with a lamentable " fupplication for their mercy. It was about c nine of the clock in the morning when he went " out of the Houfe (and when the debate could " no longer be deferred what was to be done s * upon him) j and when the fenfe of the Houfe ' appeared very evidently (notwithilanding all " that was faid to the contrary by thofe eminent " perfons who promoted all other accufations " with the greateft fury) that he mould be ac- " cufed of high treafon in the fame form the " other two had been, they perlifted ftill fo long " in the debate, and delayed the putting the " queftion by frequent interruptions (a common " artifice) 'till it was twelve of the clock ; and " 'till they knew that the Houfe of Peers was " rifen (which they were likewife readily enough " difpofed to, to gratify the Keeper) ; and the * c queftion was put and carried in the affirmative, th of body 66 and mind, this employment of a foldier is " contrary unto it, and mall greatly improve " them, by enabling the body for labour, and " the mind for watchfulnefs ; and fo by a con- " tempt of all things, (but that employment " they are in,) they mall not much care how " hard they lie, or how hardly they fare." At the defeat of the King's troops near Chefler, which Charles faw from one of the towers of that city, Sir Henry exclaims : ** Here I do wonder at the admirable temper of " the King, whofe conftancy was fuch, thai no " perils 410 SIR HENRY SLINGSBY, BART. * perils ever fo unavoidable could move him to " aftonifhment, but that ftill he fet the fame face " and fettled countenance upon whatfoever ad- " verfe fortune befell him, and neither was he " exalted by profperity, nor dejected by adver- " fity ; which was the more admirable in him, c But they fend from York to take me rather the " firfl month, and all this is to try me with the " negative Oath and national Covenant : the one 4< makes me renounce my allegiance, the other * 4 my religion. " For the oath, why it mould be impofed " upon us not to aflift the King, (when all " means are taken from us whereby we might " aflift him,) and not to bear arms in this war, " which is now come to an end, and nothing in " all England held for the King, I fee no rea- " fon, unlefs they would have us do a wicked *' act, and they, the authors of it, out of a " greater fpite, to wound both foul and body. " For now the not taking of the oath cannot " much prejudice them, and the taking of it will " much prejudice us, being contrary to former " oaths which we have taken, and againft civil " juftice, which, as it abhors neutrality, will not " admit that a man mould falfify that truth which *' he hath given." As 412 SIR HENRY SLINGSBY, BART. " As for the Covenant which they would " have me take, there is firft reafon that I " mould be convinced of the lawfullnefs of it " before I take it, and not urged, as the Maho- " metans do their difcipline, by force, and not " by reafon. For by this new religion which is < e impofed upon us, they make every man that * 6 takes it guilty either of having no religion, ** and fo becoming an atheift, or elfe a religion .** put on and put off, as he doth his hat to ** every one he meets. '* Meantime, to keep out of their hands, I am " deprived of my health, as wanting liberty to " enjoy the frefh air ; for keeping clofe in one nJ'ublir/ul.36irc/i tj.r705.bi' i&r. Strand. LORD KEEPER WILLIAMS. 439 great man brought the Seals to his Sovereign James the Firft, the King was overheard to fay, " Now, by my foule, I am pained to the heart " where to beftow this ; for as to my lawyers, ** they be all knaves." Williams, however, was not more honeft than the perfons of that profeflion which James had fo fcandalized ; for, as Keeper of the King's confcience, he gave to his Sovereign, Charles the Firft, that advice refpe&ing the figning the warrant for Lord Strafford's death, which pre- vented him from having afterwards any perfons firmly and fleadily attached to him. Lord Clarendon fays, *' That Lord Keeper *' Williams told his Sovereign, that he mufl " confider that he had a public confcience as *' well as a private confcience; and that though " his private confcience, as a man, would not per*. " mit him to act contrary to his own underftand* " ing, judgment, and confcience, yet his public " confcience, as a King, which obliged him to " do all for the good of his people, and to pre- " ferve his kingdom in peace for himfelf and " his pofterity, would not only permit him to do " that, but even oblige and require him ; and (t that he faw in what commotion the people " werej that his own life, and that of the p F 4 ** Queen 440 LORD KEEPER WILLIAMS. " Queen and the royal iffue might probably be " facrificed to that fury ; and it would be very (C ftrange if his confcience fhould prefer the right " of one fmgle perfon (how innocent foever) " before all thefe other lives, and the preferva- t( tion of the kingdom." Williams, who foon after this ruinous advice was made Archbifhop of York, fortified Conway Caflle for the fervice of his Sovereign ; and hav- ing left his nephew as Governor there, fet out to attend the King at Oxford, in January 1643. In an interview that he had with Charles, he is faid to have cautioned him againft Cromwell ; telling his Majefty, that when he was Biftiop of Lincoln, f he knew him at Bugden, but never knew of s< what religion he was. He was," added he, s\x-i t IIItUABV University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. m .inc.iyr.nrr. 3 UC SOUTHERN gag^UBRJRVMaLnY AA 000032188 5 ?