THE SCIENCE OF EDUCATION IN ITS SOCIOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL ASPECTS BY OTTO WILLMANN, Ph.D. Authorized Translation from the Fourth German Edition BY FELIX M. KIRSCH, O.M.Cap. IN TWO VOLUMES SflsiJJ VOLUME I AFCHABBEY PRESS, BEATTY, PENNSYLVANIA 1921 IMPRIMI PERMITTITUR. FR. THOMAS PETRIE, O. M. CAP., MIN. PROV. .PlTTSBURGI, PA., DIE 2Oa JUL., IMPRIMATUR. CAROLUS, EPISCOPUS PlTTSBURGENSIS. COPYRIGHT, 1921, BY THE ARCHABBEY PRESS. nnb irnf^fnlh; PREFACE. IN his latest Report the President of Columbia Univer- sity, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, makes the following con- fession : " For a quarter century past, American educational practice has been steadily losing its hold upon guiding prin- ciple and has, therefore, increasingly come to float upon the tide of mere opinion, without standards, without purpose and without insight." Any one familiar with recent educational history will bear out the truth of this statement. Hence the writer ventures to think that The Science of Education by the late Dr. Otto Willmann, now made acces- sible to English readers, has a mission for our day and our country, since it offers those guiding principles of which American education stands in sore need. Dr. Willmann acts on the principle that the history of education must be our guide in educational matters. Whatever has stood the test of the ages, bids fair to prove of value in the future also. The present volume undertakes to ascertain from the history of education, what is the basis of our culture and civilization and what must, consequently, ever remain the essence of our courses of study. This volume is probably the best defence extant of what may be called the u ars educandi perennis." But Dr. Willmann is not a blind worshipper of past glory. He is fully alive to the achievements of modern educationists, VI PREFACE. especially of Herbart; but while adopting all that is of prac- tical value in his pedagogy, he is at pains to correct Herbart's mistakes in metaphysics and psychology. This phase of the work will appear in detail in the second volume which is now in the press. What gives a particular value to the present work is the broad vision of the author. Dr. Willmann does not ininimi/e the importance of education; yet with his philosophical mind he realizes that the school is but one of the forces that are en- gaged in the momentous task of social reconstruction. Hence he treats the subject of education in its sociological aspects and traces the interdependence between the school and other social factors. This broad view of the field is needed most urgently to-day to prevent our educational leaders from draw- ing conclusions that are based on narrow professional grounds. The Science of Education is considered a pedagogical classic in Europe. It has even been called the greatest achievement of modern pedagogy, and competent authorities do not hesitate to declare that the author is the greatest educationist of our time. The present work has given rise to a school of educa- tional writers, and its principles are consistently developed and illustrated in Professor Roloff's "Lexikon der Padagogik" (five vols., Herder, 1913-1917). The Society of Christian Ped- agogy has undertaken to spread the teachings of Dr. Will- mann among all classes of teachers. Several educational peri- odicals serve the same purpose. Catholics and Protestants are one in paying tribute to Dr. Willmann's genius, and thus it is not surprising that his Science of Education has exerted a profound influence on the development of educational thought in Europe. The wo'rk has been translated into Dutch, and a Spanish version is in course of preparation. May we not, then, PREFACE. VII hope that the book in its English dress will not only assist our educators to solve the problems now confronting them on all sides, but that it will also prove. to them an inspiration and a guide in their work? The translator owes a debt of gratitude to the late Rev. I )r. Thomas E. Shields, of the Catholic University of America, for reading the entire manuscript and for suggesting a wide variety of changes. He is likewise indebted to Mr. Arthur Preuss, Editor of the "Fortnightly Review," for his scholarly revision of the Introduction. Valuable assistance was also received from the Rev. Dr. Patrick J. McCormick, Editor of the "Catholic Educational Review," the Rev. Clarence Tschip- pert, 0. M. Cap., and other confreres. To all these friends the translator begs herewith to express his grateful appreciation of their many kindnesses. HERMAN, PA., Sept. 1, 1921. F. M. K. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. I. PAGE 1. Analogy between society and the organic body. 2. The analogy ap- plied to social reconstruction. 3. The acts of social reconstruction; reproduction and heredity; care of the young. 4. Spontaneous assimi- lation of the young; hereditary transmission of property. 5. Teach- ing and discipline. 6. The acts of social reconstruction in their re- lation to the totality of social functions. 7. The acts of social re- construction as embodied in moral education. 8. Import of moral education. 9. Intellectual education. 10. Comparison of moral and intellectual education 119 II. 1. Can pedagogy and didactics be treated scientifically? 2. Pedagogy should embrace the collective phenomena of the social world and should be treated in its social aspects as was done by the ancients and the Didacticians of the 17th century. 3. Modern political science deals with education: the system of Lorenz von Stein. 4. The individualistic views of Locke, Rousseau, and Herbart. The science of education in England. 5. Defects of the individualistic view. 6. The problem of education has, like all moral problems, two sides. Views of Plato and Herbart. 7. How to widen the scope of the science of education: its relation to ethnology and psy- chology, 8. to moral statistics, and 9. sociology. Limitations of the analogy between society and the animal organism 2040 III. 1. The historical view of education ignored by educational reformers. 2. Contradictory views of Pestalozzi and Herbart. Reaction from their extreme position. 3. The importance of history for pedagogy and didactics. History of the science of education and of educational systems. 4. Tracing existing educations and customs to their be- ginnings. The comparative study of historical phenomena. 5. The problem of combining the historical and the philosophical view re- curs in all moral sciences. The historical method does not affect the normative character of a science. Theoretical and practical ped- agogy. 6. Education in its relation to history. Education as a motor force in historical movements. 7. History as co-operating with education. The analogy between the development of the race and the development of the individual 40 56 IX X CONTENTS. IV. PAGE 1. Mutual relationship between pedagogy and Didaktik. Views of the old Didacticians and of modern economists. 2. Herbart. 3. Schleier- macher. 4. Different scope of pedagogy and Didaktik. Historical and philosophical differences between moral and intellectual educa- tion. 5. Relation between Didaktik and the individual sciences. Difficulties resulting from the character of a science of general edu- cation. 6. These difficulties can not be solved by specialization. Correcting some misconceptions of the science of education. 7. The science of education is not the only science that touches upon fields belonging to several sciences. 8. Outline of the plan to be followed in treating the science of education 56 74 PART I. THE HISTORICAL TYPES OF EDUCATION. I. EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE, CIVILIZATION, AND MORAL REFINEMENT. Chapter I. I'AOE Civilization Culture; Moral Refinement Education 77 1. Civilization compared with culture. 2. Moral refinement contrasted with education. Chapter II. Interdependence of Education and Culture 79 1. Education and culture are interdependent. 2. Variations in educa- tion resulting from differences in the source and the later devel- opment of a nation's culture. 3. Education is deeply influenced by the stage of a nation's civilization. 4. It is also influenced by the stage of its moral refinement. Education and wisdom. Chapter III. Education and the Stages of Culture 84 1. No real education among primitive peoples. 2. The art of writing essential to education. 3. The civilized peoples of the East pos- sess true education. CONTENTS. XI II. ORIENTAL EDUCATION. Chapter IV. I'AOE India 90 1. The Vedas. 2. Vedic studies: grammar and the art of language. 3. Mathematics. 4. Teaching- methods. Elementary Instruction. 5. Appreciation of education. Chapter V. Egypt 97 1. The Hermetic Books. 2. The art of writing. 3. Mathematics. Music and physical culture. 4. The temple schools. Character of the educational system of ancient Egypt. Chapter VI. The Nations Employing Cuneiform Writing 103 1. Education among the Semitic peoples. Chaldean education. 2. Per- sian education. Chapter VII. The Hebrews 106 1. Unique position of the Hebrews. High regard for learning. 2. Early beginnings of a school system. Higher education after the Exile. 3. Study of Hebrew. The Jews in the later history of education. Chapter VIII. China Ill 1. Canonical books and studies. 2. Higher studies. Elementary schools. Encyclopedias and newspapers. 3. State support of the schools. The system of examinations. Chinese view of education. Estimate of Chinese education. III. GREEK EDUCATION. Chapter IX. The Content of Greek Education 118 1. The spirit of Greece is opposed to, but influenced by, the oriental spirit. Pre-Homeric theology contains the lirst sources of Greek education. 2. Homer is the standard author. 3. Liberal educa- tion; language and literature, music, and gymnastics. Correlation of school and life. 4. Philosophy is opposed to Homer. 5. The courses of study outlined by Pythagoras and Plato. 6. The influ- ence of philosophy upon general education. The Sophists. Isoc- rates. 7. The system of the seven liberal arts comprises both cultural and scientific subjects, and is supplemented by popular literature and miscellaneous studies. Philosophy is the capstone of general education. XII CONTENTS. Chapter X. The Ethos of Greek Education 134 1. Liberal education versus vocational training. 2. Education is an ornament, and part and parcel of one's personality. Education is to be acquired for its own sake. The fullness and many-sidedness of Greek education and the dangers resulting therefrom. 3. The moral and religious factors inherent in education. The socio- ethical conception of education. 4. The Greeks discussed educa- tional problems. Educational literature. Chapter XI. The Greek School System 141 1. Elementary schools. State laws and State support. Gymnasiums. 2. Philosophy schools. Grammar and rhetoric schools. Voca- tional training. 3. Higher educational institutions of the Alexan- drian Age. IV. ROMAN EDUCATION. ' Chapter XII. The Content of Roman Education 147 1. The theological element in Roman education. Roman education was deeply influenced by Greek education. The study of Greek. 2. The study of the mother-tongue. Importance of grammar and rhetoric. 3. Textbooks and school authors. Comedies, orations, and recitations as educational instruments. 4. Cato's views on educational mate- rials. The mathematical element in Roman education. Varro's course of study. 5. Roman encyclopedias. 6. Philosophy. General view of the content of Roman education. Chapter XIII. The Ethos of Roman Education 157 1. Oratory and jurisprudence are practical aims of the liberal educa- tion. Education and the demands of practical life. 2. Practical ability and theoretical knowledge. The tendency toward many- sidedness. 3. The moral viewpoint. The cosmopolitan tendency of Roman education. Chapter XIV. The Roman School System 162 1. Beginnings of the School System. School regulations with regard to the introduction of Greek education. 2. Grammar and rhetoric schools. 3. Great number of schools. A system of State schools organized by the Caesars. CONTENTS. XIII V. CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. Chapter XV. PAGE The Aims of Christian Education 170 1. The influence of Christianity on education. The religious element. The distinction between liberal and illiberal arts- becomes less marked. 2. The life of the spirit and spiritual living-. The aesthet- ical element. 3. The tendency toward totality rather than toward the diversity of the parts. The objectivity of the content of edu- cation. Love of fame and glory is no longer the principal con- sideration. Chapter XVI. The Content of Early Christian Education : > 177 1. The difficulty of assimilating the content of ancient education. Chris- tianizing the Latin and Greek languages and the sciences dealing with these languages. 2. Correlating the mathematical sciences as well as philology, history, and 3. philosophy with the Christian content. 4. The attitude of the Fathers of the Church towards the problem of education. 5. St. Basil, St. Gregory of Nazianzus, and St. Chrysostom. 6. The Latin Fathers, especially St. Jerome. 7. The course of study outlined in St. Augustine's De Doctrina Christiana. 8. The final selection from the content of ancient education. Chapter XVII. The Early Christian School System , . . . 191 1. The Christian instruction of the young and elementary schools. 2. Higher education. 3. Bishops' schools. Benedictine schools. 4. Character of the early Christian school system. VI. MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. Chapter XVIII. The School System of the Middle Ages 196 1. The Middle Ages are the dawn of a new era and represent the youth of the modern nations. 2. The continuation of the early Christian school system: the Benedictine school system. 3. The teaching activity of the new Orders and Congregations. 4. Cath- edral schools and parish schools. 5. Lay schools. Chivalric educa- cation. t>. Guild schools. City schools. 7. Universities. 8. Colleges. Chapter XIX. The Content of Medieval Education 213 1. The seven liberal arts. The Quadrivium. 2. The Trivium in the pre-Scholastic period. The dialectic of the Scholastic period. The Humanistic movement in opposition to the Schoolmen. 3. History. XIV CONTENTS. 1'AOE 4. Natural history. 5. The encyclopedists. Rhabanus. Herrad. Hugh of St. Victor, fi. Vincent of Beauvais. Brunetto. Dante. 7. Grammar. Greek. Hebrew. 8. Arabic. The Moslem school sys- tem and its relation to the Christian school system. 9. National ele- ments in medieval education. Chapter XX. The Ethos of Medieval Education 234 1. Christian perfection is the end and aim of education. The writings of the great masters are rarely used in the schools, but their authority holds sway nevertheless. Thomas Aquinas on self- activity. 2. The relation of teacher and pupil. 3. Character of chivalric education. Defects of medieval education. VII. THE RENAISSANCE. Chapter XXI. General View of Renaissance Education 240 1. Medieval and modern views of classical antiquity. Humanism. Re- naissance. 2. Roman Education as the model. Importance of the art of language. 3. The cosmopolitan tendency of Humanism. Love of fame. 4. Relationship between the new principle and Chris- tianity. 5. Protestant Attitude. 0. Catholic Attitude. Paganism in education. Chapter XXII. The Content of Renaissance Education 250 1. Philology. Latin. 2. Greek. Hebrew. 3. Trivium. Ramus' reform of logic. Quadrivium. Philosophy. 4. Encyclopedias. Morhof. Freigius.. Comenius. Becher. 5. Verbalism and realism. 6. Modern educational elements. Study of the vernacular. Accomplishments of the gentleman. Doubts about the superiority of classical an- tiquity. Chapter XXIII. The Educational Institutions of the Renaissance 2(>5 1. Humanistic circles and societies. Academies. 2. The classics are introduced into the universities, and private and public schools. The Protestant school system. 3. The Catholic school system. 4. New schools. 5. Influence of the State on the school system. Chapter XXIV. The Renaissance in the Different Countries 274 1. Italian Humanism is a vital element. 2. French Humanism and its influence on the character of the French. 3. English Humanism and the analogy between ancient and English education. 4. German Humanism and its fruits. CONTENTS. XV VIII. THE ENLIGHTENMENT. Chapter XXV. PAGK The Character of the Enlightenment 282 1. Enlightenment in ancient education. 2. The Enlightenment of the 18th century as a general principle. The attitude of the Enlight- enment towards religion, society, and history. Individualism and intellectualism of the Enlightenment. 3. The Enlightenment in England, France, and Germany. Attitude towards education. Chapter XXVI. The Content of the, Education of the Enlightenment 287 1. The basic principle of the Enlightenment. The theological element of education. 2. The ancient classics. Criticism of classical antiq- uity. 3. The encyclopedic tendency of the 18th century. Gesner. Bayle. The Encyclopedic. Popular encyclopedias. The Elementary Book. 4. Popular treatment of philosophy. 5. Popular history. 6. Polite literature. Popular science. .Chapter XXVII. The School Reform of the 18th Century 300 1. The conservative attitude of the English. 2. Education in France. Holland. La Chalotais. 3. Mirabeau. Talleyrand, Condorcet, Le- pelletier. The Napoleonic Universite. 4. Educational reforms in Latin Europe as well as in Poland and Russia. 5. Important fac- tors in the reform of the German school system. Philanthrop- inism. 6. State reform of the schools. Pietism and the reform of the Prussian school system. The reform of the Austrian school system. 7. The smaller states. The elementary school. Vocational schools. The universities. IX. MODERN EDUCATION. Chapter XXVIII. The Character of Modern Education 315 1. Points of contact between the education of to-day and the educa- tion of the Enlightenment. 2. The renaissance of historical, na- tional, and Christian elements. Nationalism versus cosmopolitan- ism. 3. The State is no longer regarded as omnipotent. The historical conception of education. 4. Modern eclecticism. General education versus vocational training. Modern education is a com- promise. The mechanistic conception. XVI CONTENTS. Chapter XXIX. I'AG K The Content of Modern Education 324 1. The modern conception of philology. Modern philology as a school subject. 2. Prominence of Greek. Modern languages. Compara- tive philology. Modern education is neglectful of the art of lan- guage. 3. Modern philosophy has influenced education only indi- rectly. Modern schools neglect the study of philosophy. 4. Theol- ogy. Theological pedagogy. 5. The historical sciences. Geography. (5. Natural sciences. Mathematics. The encyclopedic character of modern education. Chapter XXX. The Modern School System 337 1. The elementary school system. Training of the teacher. 2. Scope of the gymnasium, Latin schools of England. Catholic secondary schools. The Prussian gymnasium. 3. Secondary schools in Bavaria, ( Austria, and France. 4. The Realschule. Vocational schools. Female academies. 5. University education. 6. Strength and weakness of modern education. Index.. 353 j. - ipiiiFip "nfri|""|j.!, INTRODUCTION. I. "A /TAN has ever realized the need of illustrating the ab- stract by the concrete and of explaining moral events by analogous physical occurrences. An analogy that is very fruit- ful of thought is the comparison of human society with the living body. The author of the Rig-Veda has this comparison in mind when he tells us that not only the elements and the heavenly bod- ies, but also the caste^ of Indian society spring from the body of the god Purusha: the Brahman, from his mouth; the Kshatriya, from his arms; the Vaisya, from his thighs; and the Sudra, from his feet. 1 By means of the well-known fable of the dfe- pute between the stomach and the hands, Menenius Agrippa is alleged to have persuaded the plebeians to return from Mons Sacer to Rome." A further and more frequently employed ana- logy has been found to exist between the organism and the State: the government has been compared to the head; and the subjects, to the members of the body. The Latin language, especially, has led the way for the modern languages to develop this metaphor. The Romans were familiar with such turns of expression as head and body of the State, of the people, of the army; just as we to-day speak of the head, body, and members to denote different .parts of a society. Plutarch draws a com- parison between the living organism and the State, the family, and the tribe, for the purpose of illustrating how all these, in 1 Rig- Veda X, 90. 2 Liv. II, 32; for a more detailed account, see Dionys. Hal VI, 86. INTRODUCTION the course of the ages, preserve their nature; and consequently that the merit as well as the guilt of the forbears may be in- herited by their descendants. 1 Seneca goes still further in con- sidering the whole human race as one social organism, of which the individual men, united by the bonds of nature and by their common needs and duties, are the members. 2 Just as it was left to Christianity to grasp the full meaning of the unity and solidarity of the human race, so has the Christ- ian religion also raised the figurative expression of this union to a higher plane. The penetrating mind of St. Paul saw in the living body a symbol of the unity existing between all men baptized in Christ and of the further unity that obtains in the distribution of gifts, offices, and works. This common bond made distinctions of race and caste impossible: "For in one Spirit were we all baptized into one body, whether Jews or Gentiles, whether bond or free; and in one common Spirit have we all been made to drink;" the one common vocation of all is "to grow up in Him who is the head, even Christ, from whom the whole body being compacted and fitly joined together maketh increase;" at the same time, however, Christ has com- mitted to each member of the body a special function, "for as in one body we have members, but all the members have not the same office: so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and every one members of one another, and having different gifts, according to the grace that is given us." 3 This teaching has served Christian theology as the basis for developing the doc- trine of the mystical body of Christ. The same idea underlies the relations existing between the mother church and her daugh- ter churches, between the visible head of the Church and the faithful, between the different offices in religious communities, etc. 4 Plato introduced this biological simile into the political sci- ences. He uses it to prove that citizens must have many inter- ests in common: the State should be, as far as possible, an object of personal concern to each individual; its common weal and woe should be felt by all just as keenly as the members of a body share pleasure and pain. The keynote of Plato's Repub- lic is that the constitution of the whole State, no less than the 1 Plut. De sera numinis vindicta, c. 15. (Moralia, ed. Duebner, t. I, p. 676.) 2 Sen. Ep. 95, 52. 3 I. Cor. XII, 12-27; Eph. IV, 11-16; Rom. XII, 4-6 ff. 4 Tert. De virg. velandis, c. I, and elsewhere. 5 Plato, Rep. V, p. 462 and 464, Steph. INTRODUCTION well-being of the individual, must rest on the concerted action of many factors, each component part of the State as well as of the body following the rule, "Every one shall perform his proper duties." But in developing this idea, Plato employed the 'har- mony of the faculties (not of the body but of the soul) as pic- turing the unity that must prevail among the different forces at work in the State. Aristotle compares the parts composing human society to the different organs of the animal body, and so obtains his principle for distinguishing the forms of govern- ment, which can be divided (as in the animal kingdom the com- binations of the variously shaped physical organs differentiate the classes) in accordance with the union they establish be- tween the different classes of the population. 1 Aristotle, how- ever, attaches, on the whole, less weight to this comparison, in keeping with his usual practice not to illustrate human life by pictures drawn from the physical world; but, instead, to use moral examples to elucidate the doings of the lower order. 2 With Hobbes, the comparison is more than a mere analogy, for he demands that the body of the State be made the subject of study, not only in the political sciences, but also in ethics, the latter being, in his opinion, a part of the former; but since the body of the State is thus made an object of inquiry on a par with the natural bodies of the physical sciences, the whole phi- losophy of Hobbes is reduced to somatology. According to Hobbes, the sovereign of the State, which is the corpus politi- cum, represents the life principle, and is consequently not mere- ly the head, but the soul, of the body. But one step more was needed to consider the organs of this body as mechanical instru- ments and the whole organism as a machine, and, by not draw- ing this conclusion, Hobbes failed to -perceive the practical re- sults of his theory. 2. Modern sociology has been enabled by the new discover- ies made in the natural sciences to disclose new points of simi- larity in the old comparison, and has thus been enriched by important and novel concepts. What modern biology has bor- rowed from sociology in concepts and technical terms (e. g., di- vision of labor, economy of organic life, colony of cells, etc.) it has compensated for in ideas and expressions, of which some possess no more than the charm of novelty, while others are of 1 Arist. Pol. IV, 3, p. 1290 Bekk. 2 Cf. Eucken, Ueber Bilder und Gleichnisse in der Philosophic, Leipzig, 1880 p. 14. INTRODUCTION permanent value. The light thrown upon biological processes has increased the points of contact between social and organic life by revealing hitherto unknown analogies. The philosophers of a former day saw in the organism and in society only the one whole, "consisting of parts, differing in function, so united as to be conjointly responsible for self-preservation and able to produce harmoniously the collective effects." But after natural philosophy had analyzed the organic body, a further analogy, fruitful of new concepts, was discovered: it was recognized that there is in the organism not merely one system, but that the whole is based on the union of a variety of interconnected sys- temsbones, muscles, blood-vessels, nerves and that, simi- larly, men have established the State, not merely by forming one union, but by uniting a number of diverse unions and thus producing a complex social woof, which includes the national union, the political confederation, the texture of all classes and all professions, community of religion, and the innumerable as- sociations that owe their being to the respective communities of interests, be they economic, social, intellectual, or otherwise. To bring out these facts, however, such terms as people, nation, confederation, and even society are utterly inadequate, since they denote only different modes of union, not the whole com- plex; and only the terms borrowed from biology, social body or social organism^ convey fully this complex system. A deeper study of the organic body has disclosed a further point of agreement between organic and social life. The social and the animal body have in common a continual acquisition and a continual discharge of their constituent elements. The living organism discharges matter, whose place it fills with other elements, and thus is ceaselessly engaged in building up and tearing down. Human society with its births and 'deaths shows an analogous increase and decrease; it, too, continually renews itself; and, as the animal organism remains, despite the changes affecting its component elements, and as it assimilates and elaborates the new matter before it is distributed to the various systems of which the whole is composed, so the social body also preserves its identity while new individuals are arriving and the old are departing; and it is likewise one of its vital functions to assimilate and incorporate the incoming elements in order there- by to insure the continuity of its forces. This social reconstruction appears generally not as one whole, concerted process. The observer is almost invariably too much taken up with some particular facts, subservient to the whole, INTRODUCTION and this prevents him from obtaining a complete view of the phenomena that are so vast and embrace such diverse and sub- ordinate phases. Indeed, it is only the comparison drawn from organic nature that leads one to perceive the unity of the whole process. The value of this analogy is not impaired by the fact that the resemblances are less important than the differences, and that one must ever be on guard lest the social phenomena receive through the comparison with the physical order a for- eign and naturalistic coloring. We should never forget that the processes brought about in the animal body by the change of organic matter are but natural and physical; whereas the re- construction of human society, while including physical occur- rences, tends rather towards psychical processes and psychical actions, which finally result in conscious and free actions, and therefore transcend all mechanism, whether physical or psychical. In every action and in every phase of social reconstruction we discern the influence of historical development, a trait that is common to all human activity. 3. The first step in the process of social reconstruction is to engender the individuals that are to receive the effects of the assimilating forces, and this very first act, a reproduction, be- longs alike to the natural, the ethical, and the historical order. All classes of living beings renew themselves by reproduction. The natural instinct of the individual animal to produce beings of its own kind is, beside that of self-preservation, the strongest motor force in all animal activity. The properties and attri- butes of the parents are inherited by the young, and so nature conserves the types of life and preserves the successive gener- ations from material change. Man can purify and ennoble by higher motives the primitive instinct of propagation; he can control it by the moral law and convert the sexual union into the family bond, which is the protoplasm of all social organi- zation. Thus a relationship is established between the function of reproduction and the vital activities of the social body, which is so intimate that the latter can, in a certain sense, be held responsible for the former. Nationality, form of government, morality, education, wealth, historical events, and similar fac- tors influence not only the birth-rate, but likewise the type, qualities, and faculties of the children. Even with the brutes, it is not only the congenital characters, /. ., those inherited from ancestors, but also those acquired by the individual that pass to the young. The same is true, only in much greater di- versity, of the human race, for the accomplishments and ac- INTRODUCTION quired habits of parents can be transmitted to their children. , to edu- cate and practice; or, with a different shade of meaning, ayeu> /cat TratSeveu', to lead and to educate; or placed together such expressions as: paOelv and TraOelv, to learn and to experience; e#os and \oyos, habit and teaching; e#teo-#at and a/couetv, to habituate and to hear; or, in a more extensive enumeration:. $17 /cat TratSetat /cat SiSacr/caXtat /cat ftiwv ayaryai, habits, education, instructions, and directions."' The Romans joined together: studio, and artes; dqctrina, disciplina, and institutio. The Germans say: Lernen und Ueben; Lehre und Leitung; Unter- weisung und Uebung; Unterricht und Zucht. The following ex- pressions are familiar to English ears: theory and practice; lesson and exercise; schooling and training; instruction and disci- pline. These pairs of terms either contrast intellectual and moral training, or distinguish between theoretical knowledge and practical skill, or combine the concepts of intellectual pro- 1 Schaffle, Ban und Leben des sozialen Korpers, II, 102. 2 iPseudoplutarch, De Educatione Puerorum, c. 4. INTRODUCTION I I ficiency and moral perfection. None of them, however, em- braces all the activities belonging to the subject. Still usage justifies us in letting the terms teaching and discipline (Lehre und Zucht) denote the two principal categories and in enlarging the scope of their meaning so as to embrace practice, training of habits, schooling, direction and instruction, guiding and moral improvement, etc. The element of teaching transmits to the young the intellectual content of education (knowledge and skill, teachings of philosophy and doctrines of faith) and renders in- tellectual assimilation a conscious process. The element of dis- cipline introduces the young into the moral life of the com- munity, admits them to full membership in society, and lets them share its moral interests. All associations and classes of the social organism are con- tinuously engaged in the work of incorporating their new ele- ments by teaching and discipline; and not only the pupil, but also the apprentice and the recruit, the novice and the neo- phyte, the tyro and the beginner in any field, must be intel- lectually and morally assimilated to the respective social bodies into whose sphere they have entered. 6. Reproduction and heredity, the care of the young, the spontaneous assimilation of child to parent, the hereditary trans- mission of property, the conscious and more or less systematic influences exercised by teaching and discipline, these are the essential stages of the process by which the reconstruction of social life is wrought. Upon closer examination, however, we perceive that reproduction and heredity alone are the peculiar and characteristic attributes of this process, since the others, though in a modified form, occur also in other fields of social life. It is not only in behalf of the young that efforts are made to provide the necessaries of physical life. No stage of civili- zation neglects the erection of hospitals and homes for the aged and feeble. The opinions, maxims, and practices of medical science influence the care of children, and with the development of medical science grows its influence in the nursery. The spon- taneous assimilation by which the child, as it were, grows into its environment, has a counterpart in the phenomenon that association and intercourse everywhere produce similar results. Adults, like children, adopt without special effort the opinions and sympathies, the style and manner of those with whom they associate. Young and old become refined by moving in polite society; among the rude, they develop into boors; savages be- come civilized if thrown into intimate companionship with 12 INTRODUCTION Europeans; the white man of refinement will lose his delicate breeding if doomed to a life among savages. Individuals are not alone in being susceptible to the transforming influences emanating from communities, for whole classes of society as- similate one another either by mutually exchanging customs and practices, or by effacing the characters that are less strong, and offer, therefore, less resistance. Even nationality may be transmitted,, if not without the aid of compelling forces, yet in a perfectly natural way. And thus the assimilation of the young to the old is but an exemplification of a broad psycho- logical and sociological law that has no particular bearing on the reconstruction of society. Similarly, the transfer of ma- terial property, though an important factor in the solidarity between successive generations, has nevertheless no direct bear- ing on social reconstruction. Property changes hands hot only through inheritance; sales, whether free or forced, and donations must also be considered beside the fact that even hereditary transmission is not confined to the descendants, but can extend to the collateral relations. Teaching and discipline can both be traced back to the general functions of society, and offer the best opportunity for studying the reconstruction of social life. Teaching, in general, transmits an intellectual content from one mind to another, and in so doing, not only reproduces but enlarges the matter trans- mitted. But there is a form of teaching which either goes beyond the intellectual assimilation of the new generation, or is not at all concerned with it. Missions, sermons, religious propaganda are forms of teaching with which the instruction and education of children can well be associated, but which are primarily addressed to adults, to "the men of every nation under heaven," to employ a Scriptural term. Science needs teaching as a vital element, because the purpose of all science is to extend the boundaries of knowledge, not only for him who is in possession, but also for him who is in search of it. The research worker is not satisfied unless he can communicate his discoveries to others; what has been thought out in solitude, becomes a vital force only when brought into contact with an outside consciousness. He who communicates the results of his inquiry or speculation to others, teaches; and the great men of science are the teachers of their age, if not of all future time; the circles that gather about such leaders are known by the same name as the lecture halls and laboratory buildings, for they are called a "school". The artist, too, who sets the fash- INTRODUCTION 13 ion for his contemporaries, is known f as their teacher; and the disciples who recognize him as such are called his "school". The term "master" connotes both production and teaching; and the disciple as well as the apprentice is a "learner". Me- chanical and technical skill presupposes learning and imitation - the showing of models frequently taking the place of teaching. Civilized life abounds in sources of knowledge which no indi- vidual can ever outgrow; yea, we only grow up to them when we have completed our course of schoolroom study. Books can, for purposes of teaching, be called the eternal fountain-head of knowledge, for they give visible and permanent form to the intellectual content, and conserve, the spoken word as a teaching voice an achievement which appeared to the ancients little short of divine. The influence of the book is not limited by time and space, as is teaching by word of mouth; though its teaching be mute, its voice is louder than that of any living man, and it will be, a teacher and guide to generations yet unborn. From this point of view, the teaching that serves as a means in the intellectual assimilation of the young appears but as a specific instance of a general function of intellectual life. The same is true of discipline, which is its complement. As no man can outgrow the work of learning and the broadening and cor- recting of his views, so none can escape the checking and di- recting influences that proceed from social institutions. All social organizations exert a disciplinary influence upon their members, and that, not only upon the newcomers, who must be trained, to live up to existing conditions, but also upon the veterans, keeping their conduct in harmony with the ruling standards. We speak of ecclesiastical discipline, military dis- cipline, police discipline of the discipline, in fact, of social bodies of every description. The penal code of a State repre- sents the efforts of public authority to maintain its laws by rigorous discipline. Besides the forces which are at work for the training of our young people in morality, there are others aiming at the uplift of the masses; and the care for the per- petuation of morality is closely bound up with the .task of pre- serving its existence in the present. History even records in- stances where the purposes of both functions overlap; thus, in the patriarchal system of ancient China, the education of the young was entrusted entirely to the police, while the pedagogy of Sparta knew no higher aim than to train future soldiers. 7. Considering the agencies, then, which serve the process of social reconstruction, we must admit that individually they 14 INTRODUCTION possess no specific relation to the new elements, but spread out, as it were, in a collateral direction. This, however, militates in no way against the harmony and unity of the process, nor against its being recognized as a distinctive vital function of the social organism. The relation between the one generation in its ma- turity and the other in its growth and development is too spe- cific, and its ends are outlined too clearly to preclude the cre- ation of spheres, complete in themselves, of activities, laws, and institutions. The system of moral education and the system of intellectual education (Erziehungswesen und Bildungsweseri) are such spheres; both rest on the broad foundation of civilized life, are interrelated with each other and other fields besides, and yet possess, by reason of their own purposes and problems, a sufficiently distinct character. "Education" is etymologically derived from the process of rearing children (educere^ to lead forth, bring up a child). At first it was regarded as a continuation or intensification of the work directed toward the bodily well-being and growth of the child; but since the terms employed for the latter work are related to the expressions in use for the process of generation, 1 education is looked upon, not merely as furtherance of life, but as a life-giving process. Like the person entrusted with the upbringing of a child, the educator watches over the develop- ment of a life that stands in need of protection, assistance, and di- rection from others: his task is analogous to generation in that he reproduces, not a bodily and external, but an inner, moral form. The work of rearing as well as of educating is begun in the home and within the family circle. There physical life is produced and there the moral life also finds the most congenial environment for its first tender growth; and as the mother- tongue marks the beginning of intellectual training, so the manners and customs of the home are the first aids to the moral development of the child. Mere re.aring is converted into edu- cation as soon as the instinctive impulses of the child become an object of care; to control these, to suppress those that make for evil, to encourage those .that exert a favorable influence, to assist the mind wavering between good and bad, to strengthen it until good habits are formed, this is the first and most ob- vious purpose of education. Its main support is the relation between authority and obedience, and in this respect education coincides with discipline; but it has a vastly richer content than 1 Cf. supra, p. 6. INTRODUCTION 15 the exercise of mere discipline, as its activity is directed toward the future and its aim is to provide well for the child. Taking the place of a Reason as yet immature, the educator makes such preparations as his charge, when arrived at maturity, may be expected to approve and continue. The educator is not satisfied with inculcating good manners, he wishes to improve the moral side also; and hence he does not confine himself to regulating the present impulses and actions of the child, but inspires new motives and higher impulses, thus grafting a noble scion upon wild stock. To accomplish this, he must employ intellectual agencies; and hence education, by teaching, instruct- ing, and intellectually stimulating, enters into the domain of doctrine. Instruction, which may be defined as a systematic inculcation of doctrines adapted to promote the assimilation of knowledge, is one of the most powerful forces in education. On the one hand it gives the young, who are drawn hither and thither by diverse aspirations, an opportunity for well-regulated activity and exercise of faculties; while on the other hand it broadens and enriches their mental horizon by awaking interests which engender new impulses and fresh efforts. Like discipline, instruction, to be truly educative, must not content itself with a momentary and partial growth in knowledge; but, with an eye to the future, must adapt its purpose and methods to mental development. Education is a moral, and therefore conscious, activity. It proceeds from one person and enters another, the latter being in a developmental stage. It is neither that unconscious (or semi-conscious) assimilation by which the young are made like the old, nor a process for merely controlling the actions of the young, without ever asking whether the influences exerted upon the child penetrate its soul and there unite in one harmonious total effect. Education is not a mere giving forth of knowledge, nor does it consist in sowing seed without regard as to whether it will sprout and grow. This does not mean, however, that education can dispense with the unconscious and semi-conscious influences that spring from the mutual intercourse of men. The purposive influences which it brings to bear would remain a mere aggregate, an incoherent mass, if they lacked the subtle and spontaneous emanations of community life, because it is these which give a basis and continuity to education. With the influences of the environment hostile, these influences could never strike root. Unconscious assimilation is an important factor which must be taken into account by the educator. It 16 INTRODUCTION is like an elemental force, which, if rightly directed, assists the work of the mind, but, if ignored or unchecked, destroys the results of weary labors. 8. In as far as education provides for the development of the growing generation, it may be said to be looking into the future; but, like the head of Janus, it has two faces, one of which constantly looks backward upon the chain of past generations, to which it is adding a new link, and upon the treasures of civ- ilization, which it must conserve and transmit. Education is, then, the fulfillment of a double duty : of charity towards the new generation and of a social duty towards the organisms and individual representatives of culture, to whom it commits the young in order that the State may have citizens; society, work- ers; the nation, people; and the religious bodies, communicants. The individual ethos of education is inseparable from the social; parental authority reflects the State; the customs of the family, the morals of the nation; and the intellectual content, which furnishes the basis of instruction and the guiding principles of discipline, is derived from the very life of society. Despite the liberty granted the individual teacher, therefore, education is after all a homologous activity, and, (as history, especially an- cient history shows) it may be made collective by treating it as a public concern with the State as chief educator. But even where no such collective activity has resulted, we may speak of education as a system embracing all educational forces, meas- ures, means, and institutions, though they may not assume the form of a separate and definite organ of the social body. Education occupies a middle position in the work of recon- structing the social life. The reproduction and rearing of the young precede education, while the incorporation of the new elements into the various classes of society and their training for the special tasks assigned to them there, as a rule presuppose education in the general sense; for education in that sense moves in the general and basic realm, and is therefore rightly con- sidered as opposed to the vocational training required for par- ticular walks in life and acquired, in great measure, only in the respective profession. Professional training ma^, nay in some instances, e. ., in the training of apprentices, must admit certain pedagogical elements; whereas, on the other hand, vocational training may have to begin in the cradle, as with princes. Yet the educational ethos is entirely distinct from the tendency to enable a man to enter a particular profession. Education at- tends mainly to the individual; its principles are the general INTRODUCTION 1>J and basic principles of morality; and it prepares for practical efficiency only in as far as the moral assimilation which it ef- fects is a prime requisite for all social achievement. In pro- fessional training, on the contrary, special interests and pro- fessional needs are of first importance, and the development of personality is a purely secondary consideration. Hence education may be described as the homologous activity of the adult generation in watching over and directing the as- pirations of the young, in order to make them moral by trans- mitting to them the foundations of its own moral and intel- lectual life. 9. It is far more difficult to determine the precise import of the term intellectual education (Bildung)} Intellectual educa- tion implies in the first place an internal, mental form, in contra- distinction to the mechanical acquisition of knowledge. In im- parting intellectual education we do more than impart knowl- edge; we convert the matter imparted into a dynamic force, into an intellectually productive content. Materially education means an increase in knowledge; intellectually it means an in- crease in the plastic power of the mind. What has been learned by heart or acquired by dint of exercise and practice, may be lost in course of time; but the degree of intellectual education once attained will ever remain the pupil's property, though the means employed in imparting it may have been lost. The intel- lectual culture acquired develops into a habit of the soul mod- ifying the whole personality. Intellectual education is a co-factor along with temperament, natural disposition, talents and faculties, in the development of the individual; but being a product of free will, it is opposed to what are mere factors of nature. Intellectual education is the fruit of work, work performed by the subject himself and by others. To acquire an intellectual education, the pupil must of his own free will grasp a body of intellectual truths. In this sense we speak of striving for culture, of the sources of culture, etc. But beside the efforts of the individual, other (social) factors, more or less organized, must also be active; and these constitute intellectual education as a system. The process of intellectual education is both individual and social. The intel- 1 Intellectual education is the nearest approach, in our opinion, to the German Bildung. Among the Germans themselves so exact a writer as Kant used Kultur instead of the modern term Bildung. To Winkelmann, Gothe, and Schiller, Bil- dung signified more the material action of forming and the resulting form. The perfection of intellectual training they designated as Aufklarung (enlightenment). 2 l8 INTRODUCTION lectual education possessed by an individual is his property, but not exclusively his. To be an educated man is merely to belong to the class of the educated. It is not the individual, however, but the whole circle of the educated that are the representatives of education. They represent a community; and it is in this sense that we speak of general education as being an intellectual property common to all. However, we should not conceive this generality of intellectual education too narrowly, as there are both social limits and social grades. Intellectual edu- cation, in fact, admits of different degrees and is of different kinds: we distinguish between the education of the scholar and that of the gentleman, between the education of the higher classes and that of the masses. By a rigorous use, the term intellectual education might even be made to exclude, entirely the masses from the educated class. But this would be a misuse of the word because the lower classes are not outside the pale of intellectual education, and in highly civilized communities are generally quite active in its behalf. The intellectual content which must be assimilated before one can attain to any particular stage of intellectual education, is not always the same; but it has one feature in common, viz., that, the knowledge and skill required is general and basic for all stages. By reason of this common content, which is gen- erally received and generally useful, intellectual education is called general? and as such differs from the intellectual edu- cation belonging to a class or a special profession. The so- called cultural studies are concerned principally with the general elements of knowledge. Intellectual education demands more than merely vocational skill, and only cultural studies can pro- duce a harmonious whole a thing impossible of attainment by specialized and one-sided vocational training. But the very generality which is the characteristic trait of cultural studies, frequently leads to the reception of counterfeits of intellectual education as current gold coin. From superficial knowledge nought but superficial culture can result; when the lower classes ape a culture other than their own, vulgarity is the inevitable outcome; and the fashions of the passing hour can never super- sede the eternal foundations of true and tried culture. 10. To discover the relation between moral and intellectual 1 The Greek terminology shows a like charige in meaning as the modern lan- guages. The fyKi!>K\i.a iratSe^ora or /xadi^uara denoted originally the studies common to the educated, but later they signified the course of study embracing the gen- eral elements of knowledge. INTRODUCTION IQ education we must consider their respective foundations. The elements that make up the matter of intellectual education reach over into the foundations of the intellectual and moral content of life which moral education transmits to the young. The two- fold purpose of moral education namely the ethical formation of the developing life and the transmission of the treasures of civilization has a counterpart in intellectual education, for the latter must also be something more than a mere accomplishment or ornament. The inner form which it imparts to human person- ality should also be a moral support; and intellectual education is likewise concerned with the conservation and transmission of intellectual treasures. Moral education and intellectual educa- tion, nevertheless, present some marked differences, the former being concerned primarily with the appetencies and the will, the latter, with the intellect. The former is moral assimilation; the latter, intellectual. The mainstays of moral education are author- ity and obedience, whereas intellectual education requires, be- sides subjection to authority, free and spontaneous co-operation on the part of the subject. The work of moral education ends with the maturity of reason, whereas intellectual education must be continued beyond that period and may well occupy the whole life. Moral education derives its character from the ethos and the forms of domestic and public life, from the organism and morals of society; whereas intellectual education depends mainly on the intellectual activity evinced in the language and beliefs, the arts and sciences of a nation. Moral education is satisfied with shaping the educational activities according to a well- defined plan, while intellectual education busies itself with col- lecting and organizing, develops into an organ of society destined to control the transmission of intellectual treasures in a manner somewhat analogous to the exchange of material goods in our markets. To summarize, we may define a country's system of intel- lectuaT~ecIucation as the sum total of the institutions, means and helps which enable individuals to master the elements of general knowledge as well as to acquire a certain general facility of doing things, both this knowledge and this facility being freely attainable and fecund elements of intellectual life, which serve as stepping stones for reaching certain degrees of intel- lectual and moral proficiency. 1 1 In the present work we shall use the term education in this sense, i. e., to signify mental and intellectual, not moral, training. (Tr.) 2O INTRODUCTION II. I. Plato reports Socrates as saying that astonishment is an emotion worthy of the philosopher, because it marks the first stage of speculation. Aristotle contends that men have at all times proceeded from astonishment to philosophy.' In matter of fact, nothing truly scientific is undertaken except on the spur of surprise and wonderment at some unexplained marvel. The scholar begins by marvelling at some strange object that baffles explanation; by and by he is completely taken up with the mystery, and finally he determines to examine it from all sides, to scrutinize it, to fathom it in all its bearings. This is scien- tific research in its perfect form, carried out independently of utilitarian advantages. The questions put by children and the nature myths of primitive nations reveal at first hand the charm exercised upon the mind by new and strange objects. The same charm is potent in research work, even when this is directed towards a practical purpose; it is, however, most active in pure- ly theoretical speculation. The different sciences did not pass simultaneously from the field of practical utility into the higher realm of theoretical speculation, whose threshold is marked by surprise and wonder- ment. Astronomy is one of the few which deal with the mar- velous in their very first stages and are subservient to scarcely any practical demands, but soar aloft into the empyrean of pure science. Most sciences must first assimilate and reproduce the facts and objects before they can indulge in speculation. His- torically, the first object of science was not the discovery of facts but a problem to be solved; problems, not ready knowl- edge, first stimulated the human mind. The natural sciences were the first to ascend to the stage of pure theory; next came the sciences that deal with man and the moral order. Of the moral sciences, those dealing with general institutions lying be- yond the individual, preceded those whose objects were more changeable and that depend on the individual and his whims, or extend into everyday life; for as "use lessens marvel," so the objects of our daily environment are ill adapted to inspire that speculative spirit which proceeds from wonderment. 1 Plato, Thecet., p. 155. Aristotle, Met., I, 2; Rhet.. I, n. The senti- ment would seem to have been familiar to the ancient mind; cf. Olympiodor, E/J rbv UX&TUVOS trp&rov 'A\Kt^tddr]v ed. Creuzer. p. 24, and Proclos in the work bearing the same title, Creuzer, p. 46. INTRODUCTION 21 Education is affected more than any other science by this disadvantage. Its object is not large, like that of political science or that of jurisprudence. The activity which it inves- tigates is concerned primarily with the individual only; it de- scends to small, and even minute, particulars; it leaves much to discretion, temperament, and individual interests; and con- sequently often seeks advice and regulation. The final aims of education are of an ideal nature, and, considered from this point of view, pedagogy and didactic must be regarded as the most ideal forms of artistic instruction. Yet, by very reason of this ideal mission, education is prevented from regarding its objects as concrete facts and looking upon them with the interest of a research worker. Thus education appears as a chaos of contra- dictory views, or at best as a system of principles, rules, and suggestions abounding in counsel but poor in observations and facts. It cannot be denied that much educational literature is scientific in treatment; but this is owing to the accidental cir- cumstance that the writers were at home in some other science - theology, philology, philosophy, history and that their educa- tional treatises derive an advantage from the proficiency there acquired rather than to any light they derive from the topic of education itself. Eminent educationists have not scrupled to deny to education the character of a science; and some have even declared the popular essay, the very reverse of scientific research, to be its proper element. A witty teacher ventured the opinion that "Pedagogy teaches partly what we all know and partly what no one can know. " And yet it is only necessary to take the right viewpoint to be persuaded that the subject of education is by no means des- titute of that which must elicit scientific thought and which assures a rich harvest for all scientific work spent on it. If we examine our subject at close range, we shall perceive that it includes much that is wonderful (Oavp-aa-rov), a large complex of facts, independent and comprehensive enough to invite the marvelling contemplation of the scholar. Do not the phenom- ena described above invite scientific research? Undoubtedly it is worthy of scientific scholarship to inquire into the wonderful solidarity of succeeding generations of men, by which the cre- ations and acquisitions of the race are conserved despite the continual change of the agencies entrusted with their care, to discover by what happy coincidence it comes to pass that what has been acquired and conserved by preceding generations, what has made them civilized and cultured, that this is transmitted 22 INTRODUCTION to one generation after another without a break in the educative process; and to examine how this process of rejuvenation com- bines and interlaces with the vital functions of the social body, creating at the same time its own proper course and evolving its special organs. ' 2. Education is a science because its field extends to the great collective phenomena wherein the educative and cultural activity of the race has taken shape, and because it thereby gets in contact with the phenomena, both collective and indi- vidual, of the social world. The demand that education be treated as a part of sociology is not new, but ancient in fact, the science of education is an offspring of sociology. Whenever the ancients treated educa- tion systematically, they had practical ends in view, but they always dealt with the subject in connection with political and sociological studies; witness Plato's Republic. In this work, which stands at the head of political and sociological as well as educational literature, Plato treats of education twice: first, as the aggregate of all those agencies by which the citizens of the ideal State are to be imbued with the moral principles upon which the commonwealth is based; 1 second, as the power which is to raise the State to ideal perfection by training the future philosopher-kings and directing their minds towards eternity and the Great Beyond." In Plato's Laws the basic principle of the prospective colonial state is the norm for controlling the propagation and training of children, their teaching and dis- cipline, nay even their games. 3 The same work furthermore contains a sort of comparative pedagogy, a description and ap- preciation of the relative merits of various educational systems among Greeks and barbarians. 4 In several passages character- ized by depth and beauty education is described as a new life, as a social and religious duty, as a transmission of the treasures of civilization from generation to generation. We quote but one sentence, which recalls a thought already expressed by Pythagoras: "We must have and train children, transmitting to them the torch of life, so that generation may succeed gen- eration, serving the gods in accordance with law and tradition."' 1 Republic, II, p. 376 to III, p. 412. 2 Ib. VI, pp. 503-541. 3 Laws, VII, p. 798. 4 Spartan education especially II, p. 666; Persian III, p. 694; ancient Attic III, p. 700; Egyptian VII, p. 798 and 819. 5 Ib. VI, p. 776; cf. Jambl. Vit. Pyth., 85; see also Legg., II, p. 659; III, p. 681, and X, p. 887. INTRODUCTION 23 Aristotle's pedagogical system also is essentially sociological. Education in a State is determined by the constitution and is its preserving element; every constitution is an outgrowth of the ethos of the nation, is safeguarded by the preservation of that ethos, and improved by its elevation, both of which func- tions (preservation and elevation of the national ethos) belong to education. 1 Home education likewise requires that the at- tention be focussed upon the whole nation: to instruct even a few in virtue, one must be endowed with the gifts of the legis- lator.' The pioneers of pedagogy as a science built it upon a social foundation. Similarly, their successors never lost sight of its relations to society and the State. The Didactica which took its rise in the iyth century, endeavored not only to make teach- ing and learning less onerous and more profitable, but also to regenerate education in all its branches and thereby to advance the welfare and prosperity of the Christian State. Wolfgang Ratke (d. 1635) with his reforms aimed at nothing less than to establish and preserve one language, one government, and one religion throughout the whole empire. Cristoph Helwig (d. 1617) and Joachim Jung (d. 1657) in their report on Ratke's sug- gestions declare that the art of teaching is "more necessary and more useful to the art of government than all other arts, because it is by teaching, as all philosophers and political economists admit, that the highest and final end of governing must be obtained." This tendency is still more evident in the writings of Amos Comenius (1592-1670), who describes "Didactica" as artificium omnes omnia docendi and as the "universal art to found schools for the teaching of all things." As workshops encourage the trades, as churches foster religion, as courts ot justice safeguard the law, so schools should engender, enlighten, increase education "the li^ht of wisdom" and "transmit it to the whole body of the race", thus performing their share of the work that results from a mutual relationship analogous to that existing between the members of the living body. What the stomach is for the body, says Comenius, that the "collegium didacticum" (a board of scholars who are supposed to watch over the curriculum of the schools) is for the educational or- 1 Aristotle, Pol., VIII, i, p. 1336. 2 Eth. Nic., X, 10, p. 1180. 3 Cf. Guhrauer, Joachim Jungius und sein Zeitaller, 1850. 4 Didactica magna, 8, 8. 24 INTRODUCTION ganism. 1 The same writer repeatedly compares the school sys- tem with a printing shop, that is, he conceives instruction as a process of reproducing souls and the art of teaching as a sort of intellectual typography; he even coined a new term, didacho- graphia, to express this idea. 2 Still, he recognized that the schools represent but a fraction of the educational and cultural agencies, and that education is not completed in school. He pays due attention to the " schola materna," by which the child receives its first informal instruction at home. 3 Nor does he lose sight of the instruction given in workshops and artists' studios, but rather chooses the old and tried traditions living in these institutions as a norm for the formal instruction of the schools. 4 Comenius also devised a system of self-education, a "pansophic library," which was to constitute a "seminaHum eruditionis universalis. " 3. The ambitious dreams of Comenius and his school could not be realized, because these writers, despite the breadth of their view, failed to recognize the importance of history and psychology in education. The rationalists of that period' were too subjective; they limited their studies to the individual as such and disregarded his relations to society, present and past, and consequently conceived of education as a discipline con- cerned only with individuals. They never went beyond the re- lation of teacher and pupil to examine the larger social factors of education. Though solitary voices clamored for a public, in opposition to exclusively private education then in vogue, and though the i8th century really gave birth to the view that the education of the lower classes is a matter of public concern, yet not even this novel departure, was an adequate corrective of the extremely individualistic conception of education, for the resulting State System of education recognized no public or col- lective educational activity beside that of the State. Now, the social character of education cannot be understood from the political viewpoint alone. While it would be unfair to find fault with the Greeks for having failed to distinguish between the social and the political aspect of education because their national customs, their religious institutions and various forms of social organization appeared to them as inseparably united 1 Ib. 31, 15. 2 Ib. 32 and Opera didactica omnia, Amstelodami, 1657, IV, p. 85 ff. 3 Didactica Magna, 28. 4 Didactica Magna, 21, 21; Meth. ling, nov., Opp. D.O., II, p. 103-129 et al. 5 Prodramus Pansophiae, Opp. D.O., I, p. 404 ff. INTRODUCTION 25 with the political commonwealth, we must admit that the po- litical educationists of the i8th and ipth centuries were guilty of onesidedness when they regarded education as the business of the State, and entirely ignored those other social and histor- ical forces the Church, society, and custom to which system- atized education really owed its being. The renewal of the life of the social organism cannot be properly understood from the viewpoint exclusively of the"*State, because the latter is but one of the factors that constitute the social organism. The ideals of education owe their existence to the treasures of civilization, which are safeguarded, or at most controlled, but not in any sense created, by the State. The State can organize, but the materials necessary for this process are derived from sources entirely beyond governmental sway. But the age of rational- ism, which recognized only the dictates of reason, which held society to be the product of a contract, which believed that faith and morality were the invention of wise men, was ob- viously not equal to this exalted conception of education and consequently ignored that part of the educational field which, while it transcends the individual, yet does not come within the purview of the State. The social view of education having been narrowed down to a purely political view, it was no longer able to supplement the individual view, and the science of education showed a glaring defect, which had to be supplied, especially since the political sciences, with the aid of corrected principles gained from his- torical studies, began to deal with education. The theory of Lorenz von Stein, in his Verwaltungslehre^ which is far more comprehensive and profound than those of earlier writers, as Pcelitz, Aretin, and Mohl, may serve to remind pedagogy of its deficiencies. Stein's starting-point is the concept of intel- lectual good, which he defines as "knowledge and skill in as much as they are a product of mental work and economic utili- zation, and an element in the production of new goods. " This process of production Stein calls education a concept which is at first restricted to the individual, but soon transcends this limit, because every individual needs the co-operation of others in acquiring an education. The collective activity devoted to the educative process is termed the system of education. 2 It is an organic element of the national life of a people which comes 1 Verwaltungslehre, 1868, Vol. V, p. xix. 2 Ib., p. 8. 26 INTRODUCTION into being and asserts itself by its own power. The State does not create it, but finds it ready made. The need, however, of directing the stream of intellectual life along definite channels brings about an active interference by the conscious will of the community as a whole as expressed in the State. In other words, the State takes hold of, and applies its own principles to, education, and we have a public system of educational agen- cies governed by well-defined laws and regulations. 1 In this public system Stein recognizes three distinct departments: i. The primary or common school system; 2. Preparatory, pro- fessional, and special schools for vocational training; and 3. The agencies for the general education of the people, which embrace the internal momenta connecting the various professions. Such institutions are: academies, libraries, museums, theatres, and their common organ the press. Stein traces each of these de- partments in their course of development and describes their organization in the principal countries of Europe. Stein steers free of the superficial view of his predecessors that education and its organs are the creation of the State, and acknowledges that the work of education is autonomous. He also avoids the error of subordinating the science of education to political sci- ence, but assigns to it its own proper field of research, which he defines as the establishment of "the principles and laws that govern the transmission of knowledge to the individual through the co-operation of others." Political science, in his opinion, is limited "to controlling the external form and order of the various branches, organs, and agencies of education, by means of which government fulfills the duties incumbent upon the community to provide for the education of its citizens." It is not our purpose to inquire in how far these views of Stein must be modified before they can be accepted as the ground- work of a satisfactory system of education. One thing is quite obvious: his division of the educational field cannot be accepted as definitive. Were we to accept Stein's definition, we should have to postulate a medium by which the science of education is enabled to enter into proper relations with political science, for it is necessary to ascertain how the individual pursuit of knowledge becomes the business of the whole community, how a system of public education can grow out of united individual efforts, and what is the nature of the influence exercised upon 1 Ib., p. 12 and p. xix. 2 Ib., pp. xix and xx. INTRODUCTION 27 it by national, social, literary, scientific, and religious factors, before it is sufficiently developed to receive a fixed form at the hands of the State. Stein admits that such an inquiry is neces- sary, but fails to assign to it its proper place. Evidently this function belongs to the science of education, no to political science; and Stein rendered a signal service by showing how far the former must extend its scope before it approaches the do- main of politics and jurisprudence and is in a position to co- operate with these sciences. 4. While the science of education is correlated to other and larger fields, we do not mean to force upon it the political point of view, for this were tantamount to neglecting a great part of its sphere. Nor do we intend so to extend its scope as to render it shallow and to create the belief that education, though it brings great numbers under its influence, lacks a subject and an" object as well as a particular aim. This naive view is enter- tained by those who consider it education to keep the children, by fair means or foul, in a tolerable state of order; or by those who consider it real culture to force intellectual data down the pupil's throat. The sophist whom Plato cites in his Protagoras gives expression to this ingenuous view when he says that a single individual can no more be held responsible for training others to virtue than a single teacher may be credited with teaching boys how to speak Greek, or a single master-mechanic may be regarded as an instructor of the young generation in the trades. 1 This conception of education is so vague that it assigns even to impersonal agencies the work of educating the young: if the boy is a failure in school and appears to his teach- ers a good-for-nothing fellow, then some parents will console themselves with the thought, "Life will teach him," or, "neces- sity and want have educated many who were the despair of both teachers and parents." In opposing these vague notions, the educationists of the so-called Era of Enlightenment (Ration- alism), headed by Locke, rendered a valuable service to edu- cation. Locke demanded that education be individual and per- sonal, that its end and object is "a sound mind in a sound body"; that the teacher must be left free to employ educational means and agencies in, accordance with the needs of his pupils; that he must respect the individual character of each. Quite naturally Locke was an opponent of public school education. Rousseau developed this theory into a stubborn individualism, which de- 1 Plato, Prolog., p. 337. 28 INTRODUCTION stroys the bonds connecting the individual with the commu- nity, present and past, and isolates education in a manner that runs counter to nature and historical development. His revo- lutionary doctrines throw a new and glaring light on the sub- jective and individual factors of education. Some of his de- mands for instance, to study the child's nature, to train his senses, to make his childish experiences the starting-point of his own co-operation with his teachers, to distinguish between the scientific and the didactic method revealed a deep psycholog- ical insight, and, while pointing out specific problems, encour- aged the discovery of new methods. 1 Of the followers of Locke and Rousseau, Trapp was the first to suggest, in his Versuch einer Padagogik (1780), that psychology be made the main source for pedagogical knowledge. Though he himself did not enter deeply into the subject, he pointed out the connection existing between psychology and pedagogy. To have fused these two sciences is the glory of Herbart, who added ethics (though of a purely individualistic character), as another fundamental science, and treated pedagogy systematically ac- cording to the deductive method. According to Herbart the fundamental relation is the mutual relation existing between teacher and pupil. 2 His immediate purpose is to perfect edu- cation by the aid of science so as to make it an art. His final end is to make the pupil virtuous, to enkindle in his soul varied interests, and to ground his moral life on a strong character. Herbart warns the teacher expressly against fitting his pupil for any special profession or social task. 3 His categories are: gov- ernment, instruction, and discipline. He gives definite rules concerning the method, content, and course of instruction, and the use and method of discipline. Psychology being his auxil- iary science, he devotes special care, on the one hand, to the intermediate steps connecting knowledge and volition interest, sympathy, attention, etc. and, on the other hand, to the means 1 We agree with Herbart when he says (Padagogische Schriften, ed. by Will- mann, 1873-75, II, 240), of the educational systems of Locke and Rousseau: "This point of view was necessary for differentiating properly between ethics and ped- agogy," but we must protest against his assertion that, "Had this not been done, the true nature of pedagogy would never have been revealed." This is an ex- aggerated estimate of the importance of the new doctrine. In his earlier years, Herbart had more correct views of Locke and Rousseau. Cf. Padagogische Schrif- ten, I. 336, 506, and II, 241, 258. 2 Cf. The Science-of Education, Translated by H. M. and E. Felkin, London, 1892, p. 92; Padagogische Schriften, I, 349 and II, 208. 3 Cf. the resume in my edition of Herbart's educational writings, II, 671-688. INTRODUCTION 2<) by which these manifold influences and impulses are fused into one harmonious whole. 1 Besides his psychological treatises, which deal with the conditions and means for raising pedagogy to a higher scientific plane, Herbart has written others of a purely theoretical character treating of the individual recep- tivity of different pupils, the educational content of various studies, and the efficiency of educational institutions. 2 What he says on the subject of studying and developing character is very stimulating and instructive. 8 Herbart's pedagogy marks the highest point reached by that school which regards education from the standpoint of individ- ualistic (in opposition to social) ethics. Theodor Waitz neglects the ethical point of view in favor of the psychological. 4 Fr. Ed. Beneke has no adequate conception of the significant re- lations established by education between man and man, to which Herbart devoted such close attention. 5 In England the science of education has not developed in the same measure as in Germany. Herbert Spencer never got beyond a sort of mod- ernized Philanthropinism. Alexander Bain offers a few help- ful remarks, but conceives the idea of personality too narrowly to recompense us for his extreme individualism. 6 His strictures passed on John Stuart Mill's definition of education show how little he understood the sociological method. In an address de- livered at his inauguration as Rector of St. Andrew's University, Mill had said: "Education is the culture which each generation purposely gives to those who are to be its successors, in order to qualify them for at least keeping up, and if possible, for raising, the level of improvement which has been attained." 7 Bain says of this definition, that it is "grandiose rather than scientific" and that "nothing is to be got out of it". 8 He re- gards Mill's fruitful idea as over-scientific. We on our part must confess that Bain's definition of education as "The arts and methods employed by the schoolmaster," 9 appears to us as under-scientific. 1 The Science of Education, p. 84 ff., and The Application of Psychology to the Science of Education, translated by B.C. MulKner, New York, 1898. 2 In The Application of Psychology to Education. 3 The Science of Education. 4 Erziehungs- und Unterrichtslehre, 1835 (new ed. Berlin, 1876). 5 Education: Intellectual, Moral, Physical, i86"i. 6 Education as a Science. New York, 1879. 7 Dissertations and Discussions: Political, Philosophical, and Historical. New York, 1 874, Vol. IV, p. 333. 8 Education as a Science, p. 6. 9 Ibid. 3O INTRODUCTION 5. The concepts of education have gained much, particularly in depth, by studying pedagogy from the standpoint of the in- dividual; and as we enter the social field, we must be careful lest we forfeit this gain. The path leading to this larger field must pass through the field of individual pedagogy; and as our view becomes enlarged and takes in the vast complex of col- lective educational efforts, we must not overlook the individual- ethical and psychological conditions underlying them. If anyone doubts the need of studying the social forces in education and of enlarging the view to embrace the collective efforts made in its behalf, let him consider that even so com- prehensive an individualism as Herbart's cannot take in all the facts. True, the final end of education is to produce a certain inner state, but what constitutes this state and co-operates in creating it cannot be compressed into an abstract formula. Education always involves a transmission and an assimilation of ideas and principles and presupposes an intellectual and moral vital content as well as certain collective agencies that are the bearers of this content and possess the power to bring about its assimilation. The knowledge that forms the object of educational activity is not a mere instrument to be employed at will, but a treasure, which has been handed down the ages and must be scrupulously guarded. The forms, too, which the educative process assumes, are closely interwoven with other social and historical agencies, so that no deductive process can hope to draw forth more than a few of the many interlacing threads, leaving the rest of the web a mess so much the more hopeless of disentanglement because of the wrong attempts made to that end. The art of education may mark one of the highest points of pedagogical activity, but it by no means in- cludes the whole field. Wherever one generation is engaged in raising another to its own level, wherever a father faithfully labors to train his boy, wherever a mother prays for life, health and purity for her children, there is education; and often its half-unconscious strength transcends all art. The relation be- tween two individuals is indeed basic, so far as education is concerned; but not more so, be it remembered, than the relation between two generations. In order fully to grasp the scope of education as a science, it is necessary to combine the individual and the social views, for only in this way can we realize the richness and depth of the personal relation without losing sight of the various social and historical interrelations. The nature of the problem may be stated, somewhat paradoxically, thus: INTRODUCTION 3! Without understanding education in all its aspects we cannot understand the nature of education; and, conversely, the latter is the key for understanding the former. The processes and activities occurring between individuals can be understood only in the light of the general process of assimilation of the young to their elders, which collective activity in its turn must be viewed as the product of a fusion of innumerable individual processes and activities. The science of education may with equal propriety be defined as a science dealing with the whole system of education, or as a science dealing with the acquisition of an education by the individual. If we adopt the latter de- finition, we must bear in mind that the acquisition of an edu- cation is always conditioned by the existing system, in which it has, so to say, taken substantive form, and that neither the ends nor the subject-matter nor the means of instruction can ever be autonomously determined by the individual. . If we adopt the former definition of education, as coextensive with the system of educational agencies, then we must not forget that it is not a matter of merely describing the shell or case that has been erected around the work of education, but like- wise of appraising the forces active within this system which in their last analysis, are traceable to individual endeavor. We must in the first case proceed synthetically until we arrive at an understanding of the collective agencies; and in the second case, we must follow the analytical method till we arrive at the individual processes. To express the twofold problem involved, the definition ought really to read: Education is the science treating of all the activities that are directed toward the moral and intellectual assimilation of the young, as performed by and upon individuals, upon the basis of >an existing system. 6. The fact that neither the individual nor the social prin- ciple is in itself sufficient to supply a starting-point and coign of vantage, because each continually points to, and, as it were, conceals itself behind the other, is a distinct difficulty, but it is one that is not peculiar to the science of education, but com- mon to all the sciences that concern themselves with the moral order both in general and in particular. The State rests on the political consciousness of its subjects the ethos of its citizens and must be explained in the light of the same; but the ethos of the citizens is itself a product of the national life both its root and its blossom. The public market is an immense mech- anism whose motor forces (and therefore also the reasons for its existence) lie in the different economic needs of individual men; 32 INTRODUCTION but take away the market, and you will have neither business nor business needs, for the father of these is commerce, which takes shape and form in the market. To solve the problem of language you must study man, who employs it; but what is man without language, which is furnished him by society, and how could he be understood unless considered as a partaker in the common gift which itself must be explained by his individ- ual soul activity? Customs and institutions, the spirit of the age and of a nation, are objective forces that impress upon the individual a stamp that cannot be deciphered without these same factors; and still, upon closer view, we discover that they are little more than phenomena of consciousness and exist no- where outside of the consciousness of individuals, and what was to have been explained by them must be accepted as the principle for their own explanation. The two-sided nature of these problems forces itself upon both classes of thinkers those who by their philosophical pre- possessions are inclined to study the collective forces, as well as those who by preference study the individual. In studying the fitness of things, which he considered the main purpose of his ideal State, Plato proceeds from the fitness discovered in the common life of the race, hoping that this fitness proper to the larger field would assist in explaining the fitness of the mind and actions of the individual. 1 But in the course of his inquiry he recognized that society and the individual must mutually explain each other, and in this sense compares them to two pieces of wood, which must be rubbed together in order to pro- duce a spark. 2 Herbart arrives at the same conclusion from the opposite direction. His individualistic psychology leads him to confess that man cannot be understood except in connection with society and history, though these two factors themselves are products of the joint efforts of individuals, so that it is "not the straight and direct road, but the zigzag path, running this way and that, in a slow onward course, that will lead to the correct interpretation of psychological facts ". 3 Had Herbart ap- plied this truth to ethics and pedagogy, he would have found himself compelled to give to these sciences a form differing from the one they hold in his system. 4 1 Rep., II, p. 368. 2 Ib, IV, p. 435- 3 Gesammelte Werke, edited by Hartenstein, VI, 21; cf. IX, 185. 4 In my edition of Herbart 's educational writings, I have indicated the pas- sages where it is necessary to go beyond the individualistic conception, and take INTRODUCTION 33 7. Modern research has adopted the methods recommended by Plato and Herbart: by employing Plato's rubbing process, it has thrown new light on old problems, and by following Her- bart's zigzag path it has come closer to an understanding of the moral world. The demand that the. individual and society, the microcosm of personal and the macrocosm of social and historical life, should be made to explain each other, has come to be recognized, at least among German scholars, as a method- ological principle. This principle has a twofold importance for the development of the science of education; it supplies it with models showing how the individual and social views are to be carried out, and furnishes a large number of new and valuable data, the result of the researches in allied sciences. This new principle has been successfully applied in the ethnological field by M. Lazarus and H. Steinthal, who have established a mutual relationship between psychology on the one hand and philology, ethnology, and history on the other. Psy- chology has thus broadened its horizon, while the other three sciences and the moral sciences in general have acquired a deep- er and more exact understanding of their respective problems and much valuable stimulation. Education should establish similar relations to psychology and ethnology, for the fields of the two sciences are practically inseparable: the former examines into the psychological processes of education and the latter into the historico-social forms of these processes; and beside this formal analogy, there is a connecting bond in the very content of the .two disciplines. Of the organizations that together make up the social organism, the nation is the first and the strongest, as it is prepared directly by nature; and when there is question of reconstructing the social life, the nation is the first fact to be considered. The national type is transmitted by heredity, and the intellectual possessions of the nation its language, litera- ture, customs, and beliefs are the principal means of conscious and unconscious assimilation on the part of the young. Nay, we may say that the youth of a country belong to the nation. The family speaks of its children, society of its members, but regard to the two-sided nature of the problem. Cf. Padagogische Schrijten, I, XXXV and II, 287. The practical philosophy of Waitz underwent a similar change. Waitz had originally based his system, in an abstract way, on the individual, but by and by he allowed more importance to sociological principles, and finally ar- rived at the study of anthropology, which he undertook for the purpose of obtain- ing an empirical and social basis for his system of ethics. Cf. my edition of Waitz's Pddagogik, p. LX ff. 34 INTRODUCTION the young people bear the name of the nation to which they belong Greek, Roman, etc. Many agencies co-operate with the national spirit in impressing upon the educational system of each country a distinctive type; but the spirit of the respec- tive nation is always the most powerful. Each nation has its own peculiar system of education, and if the education of cer- tain classes of society is somewhat the same in all countries, yet there are always clearly pronounced national differences. The truth of this observation is borne out by the comparative study of different national systems of education. Thus Wiese's Deutsche Briefe uber englische Erziehung show that the character of the English people asserts itself, often in an astounding way, in their schools, from the principles underlying the system itself down to the daily routine of the schoolroom and the customs, good and bad, of the pupils. The psychological analysis of the soul of nations, the study of their psychic types, the investigation of the factors that constitute nationality and their mutual relations all of which tasks modern ethnography has undertaken with considerable success greatly benefit the science of education; and even an only occasional ray of light falling thence on cognate subjects is of some service. In return for this service education assists the researches of ethnology. To solve the problem of the origin of language and popular customs it is helpful to observe the child's awakening to the consciousness of language and morality. Scholars have not been blind to this fact, but they cannot arrive at satisfactory results until the educationists have elaborated and organized the materials belonging to this field. The science of education must furnish what Francis Bacon would call the " instantice ostensivce" for the immense field of psychical agen- cies, which we have described (p. 19) as involuntary assimilation, and which are of far-reaching influence upon a nation's life. It was left to education to draw the line of strict demarcation between conscious and unconscious influences and to make of the former a field of special investigation. The science of education, if its scope is sufficiently broad- ened, can furnish ethnology with a new category, the category of education itself. The educational system of a nation, com- prising all that makes for general knowledge and skill, is a spe- cial department and the manner of its cultivation bears testi- mony to a nation's creative genius. Though education depends on language, literature, science, art, religion, and other factors, it is coextensive with none of these. The genius of the Greek INTRODUCTION 35 nation appears in its paideia no less than in its literature, sci- ence, and art; and paideia implies more than merely the form for sharing these intellectual treasures, for, though it derives its content from them, it has a principle of its own for converting multitudinous knowledge into a harmonious whole, and this principle is independent of the content. The Humanism of the I5th century, which was at first a purely intellectual movement, but subsequently became a power- ful vital force in Italy and the other countries of Europe, was identical neither with science, nor with poetry and art, though its representatives appeared alternately as scholars, poets, or artists. It was a thing of protean shape, as Burckhardt has. described it so masterfully, 1 which, after passing through vari- ous modifications, became firmly fixed in modern education. These two examples (Humanism and the paideia of the Greeks) show that ethnology would do well to include education among such creations of the national spirit as language, mythology, poetry, art, and science. 8. The science of education must furthermore take cogni- zance of the researches in moral statistics, which received a new impetus when Alexander von Ottingen made social ethics the basis for his statistical studies, trying to prove that a harmony exists between the collective movements of a community and individual liberty. 2 The statistics dealing with the polarity and equilibrium of the sexes, with marriages and births, furnish a broad empirical basis for the study of the process of social re- construction, and they are particularly well adapted to drive home the idea of the solidarity of society and the succeeding generations of the human race, for they demonstrate the won- derful harmony existing between the natural and the moral order, between necessity and liberty. It has been observed that after wars or other catastrophes causing a great loss of men, the births of male children increase beyond the normal number, whereas their death rate decreases, as though all forces of the social body set to work to supply the wounded organ with what it needs. This phenomenon, known as "the law of compensation" is a veritable marvel, a ^av/aatrroj', which gives us a glimpse, though faint, of the natural forces engaged in the reconstruction of the social body. 1 ]. Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, translated by Middlemore, London, 1898. 2 A. v. Ottingen, Die Moralstatistik und die christliche Sittenlehre, Erlangen, 1868. 36 INTRODUCTION The mortality statistics for the different ages enable us to obtain an idea of the numerical strength of a generation in its successive stages. The process may be illustrated by the simile of a tree, broad at the base, but narrowing down immediately to three-fourths of its thickness one-fourth of the children dying in their first year growing thinner gradually after the first year, till after twenty years the proper thickness is one-half of that at the base. This is not a perfect picture of the recon- struction of social life, still it will serve as an outline. To supply the material needed for a complete study, we should lay under tribute the school statistics, for they show the paths which a generation follows in acquiring an education, and allow us to follow a generation up to certain stages of its development. But as yet we lack a complete picture portraying all the differ- entiations in education and the professions and representing all the forces, great and small, that furnish new blood to the social organism. A further gain for the science of education may be expected from the attempts of statisticians to measure the intellectual activity of communities. Their figures are the ranging-poles for measuring these large fields, which without some positive data are so easily misjudged. The figures for school attend- ance, Literacy of adults (recruits, or persons contracting mar- riage), frequency of letter-writing, bookproduction and sale, etc., are useful in estimating the degree of a nation's education and the exchange carried on in intellectual treasures; but we cannot base our judgments exclusively upon them, because the things of the mind are contingent upon many other factors which by their very nature do not admit of computation. Joining hands with the criminologists, the moral statisticians have investigated the influence of education upon national mo- rality, and thereby helped to solve problems that are of the greatest importance for the science of education as well as for ethics. False conclusions have, indeed, been set down by some investigators. Thus Perdonnet's dictum, "Instruction is moral improvement," is the result of ignoring the difference between knowledge and conscience, intellect and will. But it is not the statistics which are at fault; it is the wrong moral standard of the men who draw conclusions from them. Individualism and its near relative, intellectualism, had, since the i8th century, treated ethics so entirely apart from social science that these men were unable to interpret aright the collective phenomena presented by statistics. Ottingen deserves credit for demand- INTRODUCTION 37 ing that personal ethics be developed into social ethics, for the science was thereby qualified to digest statistical facts. Some have considered it a whim of the theologian that Ottingen con- ceded to Christianity its constitutive influence upon morality, but he did this because he felt that no other movement in the history of the world can better explain and more fully harmonize the opposition between the individual and the community, be-. tween the rights of an individual and his duties as a member of society, between the liberty of man as a moral agent and the limitations of free will resulting from natural and historical development. Our chief regret is that Ottingen's Lutheran point of view did not permit him to look with an unbiased mind upon the great social and ethical institutions of the Chris- tian world. 9. Auguste Comte's sociology has been vastly overrated, and it needs but a cursory examination to realize that his views throw no light upon the mutual relations existing between the individual and the community. Comte treats psychology as a branch of biology with phrenology as its scientific basis, and consequently cannot be expected to examine seriously into the soul-life of the individual. His moral philosophy is crudely materialistic, and its sensualistic tendency is not corrected by the attempted inoculation of higher and purer elements. His sociology never attains to the level of social ethics, but remains merely social physics and obscures the great problems of moral philosophy by applying the notion of law, as abstracted from nature, to the moral order. Neither will the principles of Comte's philosophy of history bear a close scrutiny. His supreme thesis, reiterated ad nauseam , that humanity passed from the stage of childhood, where faith and theology were its guides, into ado- lescence and youth, where abstract thinking and metaphysics prevailed, and ultimately attained to manhood the age of Pos- itivism where, for the first time, facts, and not dreams, are perceived and understood this thesis, I say, does not explain the development of the human mind. Comte has actually in- verted the order in which the principles governing his three epochs should, by reason of their respective value, be considered. Occupation with material things marks the lowest stage of philosophy; then the mind proceeds from appearances to the study of the nature of objects, which denotes a higher step; the highest stage is reached when man recognizes that he is unequal to understanding everything, and that there is a reality to which he can attain only in the light of faith. Comte's 38 INTRODUCTION views on education are of very unequal merit; they are purely fantastic when he describes education as the mainstay of the new Positivistic age, which is to be ruled by a "hierarchy of intelligence" devoid of anything smacking of the lepov or of the things of the mind. But when Comte tells us that education is to be sought in the "consensus" of social phenomena, and that it cannot be understood except by passing beyond abstract psychological concepts and examining into the ever-changing state of civilization, he displays fine discrimination. 1 By proving the solidarity and interrelation of the forces at work in society, which are the proper subjects of social statics, Comte 'has ren- dered a great service to sociology, which gives him a place of honor among its pioneers, for to inquire into the totality of the social phenomena will ever remain the starting-point of social science. In establishing this same view Lilienfeld and Schaffle have laid the natural sciences, especially evolution, under tribute and have gone so far as to divest the time-honored analogy between the social and the organic body of its purely figurative meaning and to treat it as a reality, for they consider both society and the animal body as compounds of forces: the former of intel- lectual; the latter, of physical forces. Lilienfeld's method and presentment are terse and compendious, whereas SchafHe first sketches the outline of the social cosmos and then fills it out with the products of his immense erudition. SchafBe's encyclo- pedia of sociology marks, as it were, the terminus ad quern of education, /. ., the position which, developing along sociological lines, it must occupy in the structure of the social world. This is a fruitful conception and we have utilized it in the first part of this Introduction. We must, however, guard against overestimating the impor- tance of this system of sociology based on the natural sciences. Though its field is more extensive than that of any of the other systems discussed, it cannot explain all the phenomena of the social world. Thus it has no key wherewith to unlock the prob- 1 Cf. Cours de philosophic positive, IV, 349. La vicieuse preponderance des considerations biologiques et 1'irrational dedain des notions historiques ont par- eillement conduit a meconnaitre profondement la veritable evolution sociale et a supposer une fixite chimerique a des dispositions essentiellement variables. Cette influence nuisible est surtout tres marquee dans la plupart des theories relatives a 1'education, presque toujours consideree ainsi a la maniere theologico-metaphysique, abstraction faite de 1'etat correlatif de la civilisation humaine. Cf. Catholic Ency- clopedia, Positivism. * INTRODUCTION 39 lem of the mutual relationship existing between the individual and society, because it applies concepts derived from the natural order to the intellectual order, regardless of the generic differ- ence between the two. Lilienfeld and his school perceive in the analogy between the living body and the social organism more than a simile fruitful in thoughts and suggestions, and make it the first principle of inquiry, since they assume a real conform- ity, almost identity, in the operations of the two essentially different fields. Society is not a compound of ideal forces; it is rather an ideal compound of forces. Masses of men, though one in language, customs, and interests, do not constitute a nation; they must be conscious of being bound together by the ties of a common nationhood. A number of men imbued with the same ideas on religion do not constitute a religious body; to be a religious body, they must be conscious of being united by a common faith. The animal organism needs but a union of forces to be a reality; but social forces must produce an act of consciousness, before the social organism can be said to possess reality; without this act which is an act of the free will no social organism exists. Therefore consciousness is of vastly greater importance for the social organism than the organic individual, the cell, is for the living body. The cell is but a part of the animal organism, whereas the consciousness of the individual is not only a part of the social organism, but the source of its continued existence. Compared with the organism, the cell is a unit of a lower order: the organism is its end; but in the relation between the individual and the community, the latter is not superior to the individual: both are complements of each other, and neither of them is merely a means for the other. There are two termini in the moral world: the one is the personality of the individual, the other is the intellectual and moral community; the structure of the physical universe here makes way for a new architectonic principle. The deep, yet simple, wisdom of Christianity is 'our safest guide also in this matter, and it alone furnishes the true stand- ard by which we can correct the errors of the naturalists. The Church has ever considered the simile of the living body as of basic significance for her own teachings, and no mechanistic or individualistic system of philosophy has ever made her doubt of her own organic character. But, though intent on incorporat- ing the individual with her mystical body, the Church never denied the absolute value of the individual soul, but has ever 4-O INTRODUCTION regarded, next to God's glory, the care for the individual as the chief function of her divine mission among men. III. i. If we insist that the science of education embrace the social and collective phenomena belonging to its field, then we must demand that history also enter into the scope of the edu- cationist, for it is one and the same principle that requires the study of the social and the historical aspects of education. To assign to education its proper place in the process of social re- construction is synonymous with determining its position in the course of historical development and inquiring into its influence upon the continuity of human affairs. To consider education as a bond between different generations, as a heritage and an assimilation, is to view it from the standpoint of history, for all that has been transmitted and all that produces the assimi- lation intellectual treasures and human organizations have developed in the course of time and can be understood only in the light of history. To follow up the forces and agencies that together constitute the system of education, means to deal with historical movements and historical values, for, though they can all be traced back to human nature, they have assumed various forms in the course of historical development. Educationists have ever evinced a certain unwillingness to study the historical development of education, and, despite the intimate connection between the social and the historical side of the subject, some have studied the former but ignored the latter. The reason is that educational movements as a rule owe their existence to a desire to reform, if not to reorganize, the existing system, and hence direct attention to the future rather than the past. Reformers never do full justice to the achievements of the past; intent upon changing prevailing conditions, they are too prejudiced to appraise them at their true value and to ap- preciate the actual work embodied in existing institutions. Plato, it must be admitted, in devising an educational sys- tem for his philosopher-kings, did not reject all points of contact with the past, but adopted some of the national customs and some of the educational views of Pythagoras. Yet he did not understand the importance of historical development for edu- cation, for he demands that the child be brought up outside the INTRODUCTION 4! family circle, learn nothing of the nation's poetry and traditions, and be kept aloof, at least during its early years, from the com- pany of its elders, whom the philosopher thought hopelessly corrupt. Even in his Laws, where he adheres more closely to the conditions obtaining in his day, and where he expresses such a sublime conception of education, describing it as the trans- mission of intellectual treasures, even there we miss a broad outlook upon the forces and agencies of history, upon which all public institutions depend, and which cannot be supplied by abstract principles. No system of state pedagogy but will re- veal the same defect: the various organizing activities of the State are dealt with, but the historical forces and agencies that created a system of education before the State ever concerned itself with the matter, are simply ignored. The pedagogical systems of the I7th century, which also ventured upon the dangerous ground of state pedagogy, are aptly characterized by the motto which Wolfgang Ratke, their pioneer, chose for his writings: "Vetustas cessit, ratio vicit." Comenius, the most important representative of the new edu- cational thought, did not express himself in equally strong terms, but he nevertheless failed to explain whether and where his far-reaching reforms had a support in history. 1 These earlier didacticians had some sort of a historical basis, in as much as they held fast to the philological and theological element of the older education; but the later pedagogy of the Enlightenment discarded this also. Rousseau made it his principle to repudiate the past: "Always do the opposite of the traditional, and you will do the right thing. " Though his followers modified this maxim somewhat, yet they too distrusted whatever had been handed down from the past, and contended that pedagogy had to be made all over. The leaders of the rationalistic era held that the arts and sciences, pedagogy included, could be raised to an eminence undreamt of in the "Dark Ages," if only new methods superseded the antiquated fashions never once real- 1 Comenius mentions his immediate predecessors, Ratke, Bodinus, Fortius, Bateus, etc. (Cf. Didactica magna, introduction, 10 and Methodus linguarum novissima, cap. 8); but he knows nothing of the great encyclopedias of the Middle Ages, the remote forerunners of his pansophical undertakings, nor of such text- books as had formerly been in wide use, e. g., J. Murmelius' Pappa, which followed the principles of the Janua in arranging the vocables according to their meaning. He likewise failed to appreciate the system of the seven liberal arts, although it embraced the mathematical studies demanded by Comenius; and his connection with the whole system is, at best, only external (Didactica magna, cap. 30). . 42 INTRODUCTION izing that they were carrying on their work of destruction, by means of the very instruments they had inherited from preced- ing generations, and that they were entirely dependent in their own efforts upon the views, the endeavors, and the achieve- ments of the piast. 2. Pestalozzi presents a curious amalgam of the Zeitgeist and the opposite tendency to adopt all that had proved its value in the past and must, therefore, be regarded as a basis for all fu- ture attempts. It is this contradiction that makes Pestalozzi's system so difficult to understand. He contends, especially in his early writings, that education should not cast about for new- fangled theories, but follow the wise and simple methods handed down from past ages, and that all attempts at reform should embody the "venerable remains of the superior educational system of our ancestors". 1 But his own system of education was launched in direct opposition to this view, as entirely new and well-nigh perfect. In devising it, Pestalozzi failed to ap- preciate the most obvious truths of the old education. When he established language, form, and number as the three instru- ments of education, he forgot that these have been the founda- tion of all schooling from time immemorial. The Pythagoreans considered number and measure the basis of wisdom, and highly regarded the mental power that gave things their names. These three factors had been employed as fundamental principles of education thousands of years before Pestalozzi. What need for him, moreover, to search, as he did, for a core around which the elementary branches might be grouped, when religious in- struction had long before established itself as such! Though Herbart was clearer and more definite in his aims than Pestalozzi, he failed, like the latter, in trying to bridge the chasm between a shallow, unhistorical Zeitgeist and the deeper and more comprehensive view of education. Herbart's prin- ciples and methods are individualistic, and therefore his peda- gogy is too narrow to embrace the historical factors of education. He holds that the true nature of education was revealed only after Locke had given the impetus to examining the personality of each individual pupil, 2 and merely insists that "since Locke the science of education has made constant progress". 3 In his 1 Schweizerblatt, 1782; Complete Works, edited by Seyffarth, VII, pp. 273, 294, et al. 2 Pddagogische Schriften, II, p. 240 and p. 233. 3 Application of Psychology to the Science of Education, tr. by B. C. Mulliner, London, 1898, p. 9. INTRODUCTION 43 review of Schwarz's Erziehungslehre he describes the author's notes on medieval education as "unpleasant parerga which are of purely historic interest, but may serve to give us some satisfac- tion as showing the superiority of present educational methods. " Schwarz's account of the Humanist movement is of less interest to him than the question, what methods Sturm would adopt under present-day conditions. 1 This attitude is convincing proof that Herbart never realized that our modern universities had their beginnings in the Middle Ages, that our colleges are a re- sult of the Renaissance, and that the essence of modern edu- cation cannot be understood except in the light of the Middle Ages. Occasionally, however, Herbart makes a statement which proves that his view was not entirely hemmed in by the exi- gencies of his system. In his Allgemeine Padagogik, published in 1806, he avers that "the true and right educator is the power of what men have at any time felt, experienced, and thought," and that "to present to the young the whole treasure of ac- cumulated research in concentrated form is the highest service which mankind can render at any period of its existence to its successors. " Seven years later, when engaged on problems of psychology, he was even more emphatic in asserting that human progress depends entirely on historical development, because each generation transmits to its offspring those ideas that have been most fully developed, besides its language, its inventions, arts, and social institutions, so that the whole past lives in each one of us, and empirical psychology cannot be universal in % its scope unless it remains under the influence and inspiration of history. 3 This change in Herbart's views was, no doubt, induced by the general revival of historical studies at the beginning of the 1 9th century. The individualistic philosophy of the Enlighten- ment had given way to a healthy reaction: men turned to study the inheritances of the past and. found among them the counter- parts as well as the reason for existing conditions. This change affected all sciences; for philosophy and jurisprudence it proved epochal; economics, too, received a fresh impetus in all its de- partments; and educationists took up again the study of what had been neglected for a full century the continuity of educa- tional history. This revived interest in the history of educa- 1 Padagogische Schriften, II, pp. 233, 237. 2 The Science of Education, tr. by H.M. and E. Felkin, London, 1892, p. 81. 3 Lehrbuch zur Einleitung in die Philosophic, 1813. Gesammelte Werke, edited by Hartenstein, I, p. 302. 44 INTRODUCTION tion as well as that of the other sciences, owed not a little to the teachings of Hegel and Schelling. Schwarz, a disciple of Schelling, was the first to write a general history of education, Geschichte der Erziehung nach ihrem Zusammenhang unter den Volkern (1813 and 1829). Of Hegel's scholars, Fr. Cramer, Alex. Kapp, G. Thaulow and others produced valuable histor- ical works. The re-introduction of the Christian element was of even greater importance, for Christianity, along with the na- tional and ancient elements, not only constitutes the real con- tent of history, but it is the golden thread which unites the different ages, binding them to the supernatural element that is eternal and indestructible. It is significant that Karl von Raumer's history of education, the first to draw upon 6riginal sources, and of permanent value despite its partisan spirit in religion, is based on Christian principles. The same is true of K. A. Schmid's monumental Enzyklopadie des gesamten Er- ziehungs- und Unterrichtswesens as well as of the same author's scholarly Geschichte der Erziehung? The history of education has since been cultivated with good success, K. Kehrbach's Monumenta Germaniae paedagogica being the most striking case in point. The history of education is to-day rightly considered to be the best safeguard against superficiality, vagueness, and subjectivism. Many educationists perceive that numerous and diversified relations exist between history and the science of education, and it needs but one step further to prove that some of these relations are intrinsic and essential. 3. What, then, were the reasons that have led modern edu- cationists to take up the study of history, and what positive gain can they expect from historical studies? In the first place, they can expect the gain obtainable by all the sciences, natural as well as moral, whether relatively complete or still in an em- bryonic state, when they study their own development in the light of history. To progress securely, every science must know whence it has come; to increase Jts stock of knowledge, it must join what it has acquired to what it has received from tradition; in order not to overestimate the new, it must be able to recog- nize the old in the new; and in order not to underestimate the new, it must never lose sight of the problems that have for ages baffled a satisfactory solution. Education has more reasons than most other sciences for accepting historic continuity as a princi- 1 K. A. Schmid's Geschichte der Erziehung was continued by G. Schmid; the fifth and last volume appeared in 1902. INTRODUCTION 45 pie for all its researches, because all educational systems are, by their very nature, directed more towards the future than the past, and are ever flushed with the hope of making new and startling discoveries, so that educationists are, as a rule, loath to recognize the achievements of the past and slow to combine them with the endeavors of the present. The history of education as a science is not directly con- cerned with education as such; its proper end is to record edu- cational views, theories, and systems, to tell about the men who propagated them and the books they wrote. It is a part of the larger history of the sciences; it is intimately connected with the history of philosophy, since all advanced educational thought is influenced by the trend of speculation; but it is also related to the history of religion, of language, and of the art of lan- guage, because theology, philology, and literature are of funda- mental importance in education. The history of the science of education must follow up, with some attention to detail, the history of these related sciences and of the other sources of educational thought; it must throw light upon all phases of educational speculation; must trace the lines of contact and di- vergence between the various educational theories; must show where one system complements another; and must, finally, show how the educational conditions of the present may be improved. While engaged in such studies we cannot but note that the very object of whose speculative treatment we are tracing the history, is itself a matter of history: the educational theories of the past presuppose existing (and therefore changing) condi- tions. Educationists, whether they wished to reform or to throw light upon the traditional views, always had an eye on the edu- cational practices of their age. This alone would make it neces- sary for us to consider, not only their theories, but also the educational systems in vogue at their time. But over and above this consideration, the various educational practices and insti- tutions are in themselves of paramount importance for obtain- ing a clear view of the nature of the educative process. Human nature remains, indeed, essentially the same, and has ever been the basis for all educational endeavor; yet it does not supply all that is needed to explain the categories, the aims, the prob- lems, and phenomena of education. To explain these we must analyze and compare the various institutions that have taken shape in the course of time. Any purely theoretical explanation will ever be exposed to the danger of looking on the merely tran- sient as of permanent value, of confounding the particular with 46 INTRODUCTION the general, of establishing its general principles on a too narrow basis of facts, and of underestimating the interrelation and in- terdependence of existing systems of education. To remove these pitfalls and to supply a comprehensive and illustrative supply of historical material, is the aim of the history of educa- tional systems. Its relation to the history of the science of edu- cation is analogous to the relation between the history of the Church and the history of dogma, between the history of law and the history of jurisprudence, between the history of poetry and the history of poetics. In the one the content of the art or science is the object of inquiry, whilst the various methods adopted to explain and to systematize this content are treated in the history of the respective systems. Considered from the viewpoint of historical science, the history of the systems of education is a department of the history of civilization, closely related to the history of morals, of religion, and of social and political institutions. Like all departments of the history of civilization, it must turn to diverse sources for its material. In former times the principles, institutions, and customs belonging to this field were rarely made the subject of special and detailed accounts; and to obtain any knowledge of them we must con- sult law and statute books, search in larger histories for an oc- casional reference to educational conditions, and, in general, trace existing institutions in a roundabout way to their begin- nings. Even professedly educational writings, as they mostly aim at reform, are not reliable guides to a knowledge of actual conditions; and school laws are subject to the same limitation. The study of modern educational systems is rendered less diffi- cult by the fact that trustworthy sources and original documents are generally accessible. The aid rendered by statistics, aptly described as "history halting on its onward rush," is invaluable in connection with the study of present-day systems; and to understand these is of essential importance to the historian of educational systems. Political history may refuse to regard as historical such movements as are still in process of development, but the history of civilization is real history in the sense of the icrTopia of the ancients, i.e., it is concerned with movements and events both past and present. Even if there be a difference in .tone and manner between the history of the past and that of the present, they are parts of one whole and may not be sepa- rated. To explain existing conditions historically, we must de- scribe their present status; to describe the institutions of the present, we must inquire into their origin and development. INTRODUCTION 47 4. To trace existing institutions to their beginnings, i.e., to look back upon the history of the forces at work to-day, is the most interesting part and the most profitable task of the his- tory of education. This history will show the genealogical tree of our educational views, ideals, and customs, and of our cul- tural tendencies, instruments, and institutions; it will, further- more, show the concentric layers formed in the trunk of the tree, as the ages rolled on; it will indicate the points whence branches and twigs issued, and will open up to view the intricate roots that supply the nourishment. Such an inquiry must extend far back into the past, because our complex civilization and culture comprise elements brought from distant climes and ages. Our alphabet is an invention of the Phenicians. Our calendar is the joint work of the Egyptians and Babylonians; to the Egyptians we probably owe also the animal fable and elementary mathe- matics. To India we are indebted for our system of notation and for certain exotic elements in our tales, while the indigenous elements can be traced to Celtic, Germanic, and Slavic sources. The Greek and Roman classics equip our youth for higher stud- ies, but the ancients are in a still larger sense the teachers of the modern world: their grammar, perfected in Alexandria, is the foundation of all our language studies; the mathematics taught in our schools is based upon Euclid's elements, and our advanced mathematicians have but just begun to break the ancient fetters; our rhetoric, prosody, science of music, all fol- low ancient models. It would not be difficult to show traces in modern education of the ancient system of the seven liberal arts. Thus not only the content, but the forms and methods of our education are, in great measure, inherited from the ancients; our educational aims, too, are deeply influenced by their cultural ideals the paideia of Greece and the humanitas of Rome About one-half of the world's leading universities and a great number of the world's best secondary schools can be traced back to the Middle Ages; the medieval Origines and Specula are the proto- types of the modern encyclopedia, and The Soul's Balm and Jewel of the Middle Ages are the patterns of our juvenile liter- ature; the youth of our day are still enjoying many of the verses, sayings, riddles, and games that entertained the lads and lasses of the Middle Ages. Modern culture conserves more of this in- heritance than modern education, since the latter is so intimate- ly interwoven with the daily ever-changing life of the masses; but even customs and manners are often more closely connected with tradition than would seem, at first sight, to be the case. 48 INTRODUCTION There is a certain pleasure in tracing the beginnings of exist- ing conditions and in throwing light upon them by disclosing the history of their gradual development; but this pleasure is not the only incentive for historical research, for there are joys and rewards in the work irrespective of its connection with the present. At first, it is perhaps a sort of what Carlyle would term "divine curiosity" that leads men to these researches; yet the savant will eventually discover a thought and a soul in the raw-material of experiences and facts, though to the layman it might well seem destitute of meaning. No fact is too insignifi- cant, too remote from human interest, but the savant will find in it material that will serve either for a point of comparison or as a link in the chain of some general reasoning. Hence a further advantage accruing from the study of history: history teaches not only the dependence of human agencies on other factors, but also their mutability; it discloses not only the hidden springs of our actions, but also their analogues in conditions of life other than our own. It supplies the empirical material which must form the basis of all speculation tending toward the establish- ment of general principles and without which speculation is wild and untrustworthy. Because the viewpoint of education is generally narrow and its generalizations therefore lack breadth, this science stands in special need of having its theoretical spe- culations rectified in the light of historical events. Too many teachers consider the aims, the content, and the methods of their professional work as implied in education itself, and frown on any suggested change as revolutionary and subversive of educational ideals. Many modern educationists create the im- pression that the public school -system enjoys the monopoly of education, and that any other system, no matter of what age or country, lags woefully behind. But when some prominent educational leader opens their eyes to the defects of the system and the superiority of others, then the former panegyrists of the public school are likely to become its fiercest foes; narrow and provincial before, they are broadly generalizing cosmopoli- tans now; they pass from one extreme to another: seeing no longer any redeeming features in the public schools, they would transplant the German system to American soil, and, unmindful of the modifications necessitated by a different environment, they would produce but a parody and caricature of a foreign system. But the history of education will both broaden and deepen the views of educators, and so will prove a corrective INTRODUCTION 49 as well for a narrow provincialism as for too broad a cosmopoli- tanism. 5. The relation, therefore, between the history of education and the study of the nature of education is of an intrinsic and essential character. To examine into the origin and the changes of systems of education, is not a mere complement, but a basic part of the science of education. Research and speculation, elaboration of the historical and empirical data and strict evolv- ing of principles, i.e., a historical and philosophical treatment, belong together and must be employed together to attain their end. This need of combining the two methods is not confined to education, but is common to all the moral sciences, because they are at once historical and philosophical. To ascertain the nature of law, we must inquire into its historical forms and see what laws have existed in various ages and among different peoples, else we shall never arrive at reliable conclusions con- cerning its source and nature. To be successful, then, in this field, we must combine the historical with the speculative method. Pure speculation, though productive of good results, could never have solved the problem of the beautiful; neither could the ex- clusively historical study of taste and the arts accomplish this; a real science of art was made possible only after the study of aesthetics was joined to that of the history of art. Similarly, ethics must unite history with speculation; it must, as its name implies, treat of morals, of the forms and rules of life, and record their changes in the course of history; but it may not sink down to the level of a merely empirical science, it may not neglect its high mission to prove that human nature is the basis of mor- ality and that the destiny of man is its end. What Trendelen- burg has so well said of ethics is true of all the sciences that deal with human actions: "The principle of this science is human nature, both in the depth of its idea and in the wealth of its historical development. Both belong together, for the history alone would dull the vision, and the ideal alone would lead to empty and hollow views. True progress consists in permeating the historical method with the ideal, and in joining the ideal to the study of historical facts." The historical method, if rightly applied to the moral sciences, affects neither their speculative nor their normative character; they will still fulfill their twofold purpose of ascertaining facts as well as setting up ideals. True, -the pioneers of a science, 1 Naturrecht auf dem Grunde der Ethik, 2nd ed., 1868, p. 45. 4 5O INTRODUCTION when first applying the historical method, are usually tempted to lose themselves in the labyrinth of historical development and to relegate to the background the question how this new information is to shape the policy of the present and future, or what benefits are to accrue from historical discoveries to living science. Savigny, the founder of the historical school of juris- prudence, was accustomed to trace the organic growth and de- velopment of law, and felt but little attraction for the legisla- tive problems of his own day. 1 His great pupil, Jacob Grimm, who created the historical grammar of the German language, so loved "to trace the origins of the simple and wonderful ele- ments of the language to dark and immemorial ages," that he indignantly refused to lay down rules for its correct use and considered the analysis of the rules of grammar the driest of drudgery." And when we consider the activity of modern gov- ernments, fabricating law upon law to meet the most trivial contingencies, we may well appreciate Savigny's dislike of press- ing into the service of the State the genius of his science, which had but just begun to draw strength from the past; and we shall likewise understand Grimm's refusal to furnish every mediocre pedant with the gold he had unearthed from the rich mines of language development. Yet science must not hold aloof from the problems of everyday life. Jurisprudence may not refuse to serve as a luminary both for legislation and the practice of law, because it is by practice that theoretical principles and methods must be tested. Neither may the science of philology prove disloyal to its time-honored name of ars grammatica; it must prove not only an explorer of the past, but a teacher of the living present. Science may not in the long run eschew the practical problems of the day, and as a matter of fact never does. Though it is sometimes wrapt in deep thought and reflection, these but presage a period of intense activity. In the face of a vast mass of new materials, science may well seem impatient of using the imperative form and content itself with the indica- tive; but the final goal of human endeavor is the imperative, the categorical imperative, as Kant called it, to which is joined a system of hypothetical imperatives, which must be formulated and explained by science. It was only in this sense that we demanded above (p. 21 ff.) that the science of education, before drawing up rules and regu- 1 Savigny, Vom Berufe unserer Zeit zur Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft, 1814. 2 Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, ist edition, I, Preface. INTRODUCTION =jl lations, should devote itself to the study of actual conditions. In doing so, of course, it should not set aside all practical and ethical tendencies, but merely halt the shortsighted and ill- advised haste of those who wish to regulate and direct before they have obtained a clear view and thorough knowledge of the subject. The human activities to which education is devoted are concerned largely with the solution of problems and the per- formance of duties, and are too closely interwoven with the highest interests of man to admit of being studied with that coolness and objectivity with which we observe natural pheno- mena. The search after truth and the search after justice are here inseparable. The question, What is education? is syn- onymous with another, namely, What sense is there in these doings? What ideas underlie them, and what standards are derived therefrom? All these questions inevitably culminate in this: What is the end and object of education? If we begin our study by first trying to ask this last-mentioned question, we might be tempted to confine ourselves to the problems of the here and. now, and to employ too narrow a standard in laying; down laws and regulations. If, on the other hand, we begin by studying actual facts and conditions and survey the immense field, as it were, from the summit of a mountain, we shall avoid that danger, without, however, neglecting the important task of fixing norms and standards. We must study the history of- education in order to get at the rational basis of its various phases, to become acquainted with the ideas underlying and inspiring educational movements; and such a historical inquiry will naturally lead up to the practical and moral question, In how far are present-day educational aims, methods, and condi- tions in conformity with the dictates of right reason? and, By what ideas is our age guided? A scientific inquiry following the lines just described, will quite naturally differ from a book of practical instructions. Theoretical and practical pedagogy are not co-extensive. The former is philosophical in character and deals with general conditions, while the latter is concerned with particular cases; the former treats of the true and the right, the latter discusses the means and instruments of realizing what is true and right. Theoretical pedagogy furnishes the major premise; practical pedagogy, the minor and draws the conclusions that govern educational activity. Theory is .ever striving for broad and deep views, while applied science gives practical and definite directions, which must allow full play to the tact of the indi- 52 INTRODUCTION vidual and yet serve him as guides. Yet theory and art are not heterogeneous. They are drawn from the same point of view, and Herbart is evidently mistaken when he considers the chief difference between theoretical and practical pedagogy to be that the former considers merely the conditions of education (p. 28), whereas the latter proceeds from the concepts of purpose and aim. We cannot determine the purpose of a science without research and theorizing, and the aim of a science can therefore not be considered the starting-point of speculation; neither can we, on the other hand, establish the conditions on which an action depends without looking into the action itself and exam- ining into its special purpose; theory and practice are related to each other not as fact and ideal, but as inquiry and rule; but inquiry into facts must take cognizance of the ideal, facts and ideals being inseparable. 6. The relation described above as existing between history and the science of education is common to all the moral sciences. But there is one relation which is proper to the science of edu- cation alone. In as far as the system of education represents a field of human activity, it has its own history; but at the same time it is related to general history, as being a phase of the reconstruction of social life, which is a condition of all historical movements. All activity directed toward the intellectual and moral assimilation of the young makes history and operates by means of history; it makes history, for it bridges over the gulf between the present and the past and adds new links to the chain of successive generations; it operates by means of history, for its instruments, the things which it transmits, the institu- tions which it restores, are all products of previous development. Thus we have in educational science both a motor of the future and a condenser of past forces. Educationists have generally overlooked the last-named fact; and, giving more attention to the influences that education exerts upon the men and women of to-morrow, they regard the education of the young as the arm of the lever with which the generations of the future are to be raised to a higher plane. Plato hoped to realize his social ideals by changing the ways of the growing generation; and Rousseau and Fichte shared his view. Cristopher von Uttenheim, Bishop of Bale, demanded that the reformation of the Church begin with the young; and Leibniz' saying, "Si /'on reformait I 'education, /'on reformerait le genre humain y " is a commonplace. But a critical and dis- passionate study of the great revolutions of the past political, INTRODUCTION 53 religious, and otherwise does not warrant such exaggerated hopes. Momentous changes have always been wrought by adults, for new principles must first change the life of a nation before they can modify its schools. The Gospel was preached first to men and women, and it was only after society had been Christianized that a system of Christian education was estab- lished. Humanism was received first by scholars, artists, and men of the world, before it conquered the schools. The Re- formers of the 1 6th century first transformed religion and so- ciety before they affected the educational systems. Upon closer study we shall find that the great revolutions of the past were wrought, not by, but in direct opposition to, the educational systems prevailing at the time: the first Christians had been educated as Jews or heathens; the Humanists, as Schoolmen; and the Reformers, as Catholics. Life is a power that effaces the impressions of youthful days, because the forces present to the adult man are more powerful than the influences which would assimilate the young to the types of a past age. Even in, spheres that are more secluded, and where we should expect a more continuous development, e. g., in art, literature, and science, the influence of education upon the process is surpris- ingly small. The great masters attain their eminence despite the deficient education received during the period when their genius was still growing; the epigoni remain small in the face of all the wealth and inspiration drawn from the models of their predecessors. In the springtime of genius great talents spring up on all sides, and draw their nourishment from the poorest of soils; but when the time of plenty has come, when the field is saturated with the richest of elements, there ensues satiety, the zest for labor passes away, and inspiration dies of surfeit. Yet education will ever remain a powerful force in history, even though mightier powers seem to undo much of its work. The results of education are often hid from view, but they are there a mighty power for modifying the larger movements, for intensifying some of their phases, and for extending their effects over wider areas. The man who changes the current of his country's course of thought or action is of necessity the creature of an older system. The impressions received in youth always influence the activity of manhood, either by unconsciously in- fluencing conduct or by acting as a brake in some direction or other. Education is, then, a determining factor even with a generation that launches a new movement. But its chief in- fluence is exercised when there is question of transplanting the 54 INTRODUCTION new principles permanently into the minds and lives of men. The life of the race will never be guided by new views until a whole series of generations has been imbued with them. If the new principles be powerful enough to direct education into new channels, they have stood the test; if they succeed in this, the new movement will prove a thing of permanence in the world's- history; but if they fail, the new movement will eventually prove but an episode and a ripple in the onrushing stream of events. While the sober view of education should thus preserve us from exaggerated notions of its influence, we still have reasons enough to work strongly and unremittingly to shape education along the right lines. Though the direct influence of education upon artistic and kindred activities be small, its indirect in- fluence is great. No teacher would attempt to create a genius out of mediocre material; but it is the teacher's duty to make the world's masterpieces the common property of all, to purify and correct the taste of the public, to bring hidden talents to light, and in this way be instrumental in preparing the way for a new spring of art and literature. These and similar considerations reveal the debt that the science of education owes to pragmatic history: the latter fur- nishes a standard for the assimilation of the young; it corrects the exaggerated notions of the importance of education, yet safe- guards us against underestimating its influence. 7. The other side of the twofold relation between history and education is that of history co-operating with education. Of this the ancients did not, indeed, lose sight, but as all their educational activity was based upon historical traditions, they speculated but little about the service rendered to it by history. Modern pedagogy, in endeavoring to correct unhistorical and individualistic tendencies, has given special attention to this side of the subject. Education employs the forces of history, for it makes the growing child a historical being, raises it to the level of the present, and allows it, in a certain sense, to run during the short years of its youthful plasticity the laborious course that mankind has run throughout the long ages of his- tory. There is a special pleasure in speculating along these lines, in discovering the analogies between the development of the race and of the individual, in order to ascertain principles apt to throw new light on the educative process. Pestalozzi was much given to such reflections, but his system would not admit of them. Herbart was influenced by them when he compares the heroic age of Greece to the early years of a boy INTRODUCTION 55 and suggests that education begin with the reading of the Odys- sey, whose heroes represent a world akin to the dreams of a boy's fancy, proceed with the naive narrative of Herodotus to the glories of Greek literature, and take up the disputes of Rome's constitutional history when the mind of the young man turns to serious tasks and problems. 1 Modern evolution introduced a new viewpoint. It holds that the human embryo passes through all the stages of lower animal life before it finally arrives at the human form; and, analogously, looks on the devel- opment of the child and youth as a successive passing through all the types of ma/n represented by historical development, and completed in the present. The evolutionists think that it is natural for a boy to pass through antiquity as the period when the human race most enjoyed the contemplation of beauty, and that a defective development would result from making the study of the natural sciences precede that of the classics. 2 The evolutionist methods of teaching are modelled along genetic lines, so as to embrace successively all the stages which knowl- edge has passed through in the history of the world. Thus, the pupils are first taught to assume the shape of the earth to an- swer Homer's description, later to adopt Ptolemy's view's, and finally the Copernican system. In geometry they would, with the predecessors of Pythagoras, first compare the squares of the sides of certain triangles before taking up the theorem of Py- thagoras. In natural science they first study the facts of nature with regard to man's needs and advantages, but at a more mature period they discard all considerations of relativity and study facts and events objectively and independently of any particular point of view. The science of education will profit by the study of the interrelations between education and history, provided the es- sential differences existing between the development of the race and that of the individual are duly emphasized. The path along which we lead the young is not so firmly fixed within the lines that mark the way humanity has taken in its course, that we are unable to bend it this way or that by our own views and principles. If it is true that education is a compendious repetition of universal history, it is equally true that we teachers 1 Herbart's A B C of Sense-Perception and Introductory Works, transl. by Eck- off, New York, 1896, p. 84; Science of Education, transl. by H.M. and E. Felkin, London, 1892, p. 74; Outlines of Educational Doctrine, transl. by A.L. Lange with annotations by Charles de Garmo, New York, 1901, pp. 282 ff. Lilienfeld, Gedanken iiber die Sozialwissenschaft der Zukunft, 1873, I, 274. 56 INTRODUCTION make the compendium in the light of our own ideals. A knowl- edge of the development of the race is not sufficient to enable us to interpret the development of the individual, for the former requires to be interpreted no less than the latter. The philos- ophy of history, in attempting to interpret the evolution of the human race, must necessarily take its stand on certain religious and ethical principles, and consequently is on the same level with pedagogy, not superior to it. The naturalistic view, which is too ready to attribute the works of free will to nature, may throw some light on the problems involved, but can never solve them. IV. i. In the preceding pages we attempted to sketch the lines which the science of education must follow in order that it may be raised to the level of the allied sciences that deal with human actions. Most of what has been said refers to pedagogy as well as to what the Germans call Didakfik, but, as we purpose to treat in the present work only of the latter, i.e., the science of education in its sociological and historical aspects, 1 it will not be out of place to indicate, briefly, in how far its subject-matter differs from that of pedagogy in general. An erroneous conception of the union that ought to exist between the social and the individualistic view of education results, as a general rule, in the curtailing of either the social or the individual field of labor. If interest in social institutions preponderates, men are likely to ascribe undue importance to the existing educational apparatus, which represents the fruits of organized efforts, to look on education as a mere complement to culture, and to treat pedagogy as an appendix to the science of education. If the viewpoint be individualistic, and education be considered as consisting in forming the individual according to a preconceived ideal, then there is danger of ignoring the broad and diversified elements of education, and the science of education will become a part of pedagogy and receive inadequate treatment. The first of these errors we meet in the iyth cen- 1 The term "didactics" has in English pedagogy taken on an unfavorable meaning, referring to cut and dried methods, as opposed to organic education; whereas, in Willmann's use of it, it has quite another connotation. And so, for want of a better term, we shall substitute for the German Didaktik the English science of education. (Tr.) INTRODUCTION 57 tury, to which age we owe .the idea of a Didactica? or "Art of Teaching" (Lekrkunst}. It was not merely their taste for euphonious and novel terms that led the educational reformers of the age to invent a new name for their science, but rather the fact that their efforts went beyond the labors of the past and tried to embrace the entire system of education as one harmonious whole. This one whole embraces, as may be seen from the systematic presentation of the new ideas by Comenius in his Didactica Magna, the work of moral training. Comenius' concept of teaching includes train- ing in morality and virtue, 2 the educational influences of the home, 3 and care for the body, as important factors in sucessful schooling. 4 Thus the Great Didactic really presents a complete system of pedagogy, though its specific functions are not all developed. The same mistake was made, on a larger scale, by the con- temporary exponents of political science when dealing with matters educational. To them the school system is the main thing; education is either treated under that head or lost among the measures governing the discipline and morality of the com- monwealth. Robert von Mohl adopts the latter policy; Lorenz von Stein, the former. Stein's treatment lacks clearness be- cause he neglects to distinguish properly between refinement (Gesittung) and education, between moral and intellectual as- similation, and fails to assign to pedagogy a special field of activity. His definition of pedagogy as the science of the ac- quisition of education by the individual, is in reality a defi- nition of what we call Didaktik, or rather of that part of it which treats of the individual. The science Stein 'postulates would be a complete Didaktik, but not a complete pedagogy. 2. Herbart's teachings will show how difficult it is to deter- mine from the individualistic viewpoint the mutual relationship between pedagogy and Didaktik. Herbart considers pedagogy 1 Wolfgang Ratke is probably the author of this term, as he assumed the surname of didacticus. At all events the term came into general use in course of the disputations waged about Ratke's educational reforms. It is an abbreviation for Methodus Didactica, this complete form also being in use. The I7th century also coined the terms mnemonics, cyclopedia or encyclopedia, polymathy, poly- history, pansophy, all of which denote undertakings connected with current edu- cational reforms. The terms anthropology and psychology may also be traced to this age of polymathic realism. 2 Didactica magna, IV, 6; XXIII ff. 3 Ib., XXVIII. 4 Ib., XIV, 4 and XV. 58 INTRODUCTION as the superior science and Didaktik as one of its parts, co-ordi- nate with the science of government and discipline. The first principle of his Didaktik is the concept of many-sided interest to be evolved from the idea of virtue. Its subject-matter is limited to "educative instruction," i. t a 1 PART I. THE HISTORICAL TYPES OE EDUCATION L EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE, CIVILIZATION, AND MORAL REFINEMENT. CHAPTER I. Civilization Culture ; Moral Refinement Education. i. The terms civilization and culture are used to denote all those institutions, activities, and objects that humanize life and ennoble and elevate existence, or, as the ancients put it, raise the tfiv to ev tfiv, KaXox; tfiv The term civilization is, in accord- ance with its etymology, generally understood to embrace the institutions and forms of life that make man a member of a community, and consequently comprises all the forces making for a social and common life in opposition to the egotistic in- stincts of the solitary savage. The term culture has also re- tained some part of its primary meaning, for it signifies the cultivation of those fields of labor that present themselves to the human mind after it has emerged from the indolence of the primitive stage and reward the labor bestowed upon them by objects that lend dignity and happiness to life. Civilization is based on religious and civil laws, on manners, customs, and the social order; culture, on faith, knowledge, ability, labor, and social intercourse, artistic and creative activ- ities of all kinds. Civilization comprises the foundations of life, which the ancients regarded as blessings accruing from what such kindly deities as Osiris and Isis, Dionysos and Demeter, had taught the children of men; culture comprises the gifts committed to man when, according to Greek mythology, Pro- metheus breathed life into the sluggish and brooding race of men, not without warning them against restless and immoderate striving. 1 1 Arist., Pol. I, 2, III, 9. Diod., XII, 13, and elsewhere. 77 78 EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. Civilization humanizes by joining together; culture, by viv- ifying. The strength of the former lies in the solidity of its foundations and the firmness of its structure; the glory of cul- ture, in its breadth and depth. We are wont to regard civili- zation as the everywhere recurring foundation of humanity, untouched by differences in the spirit of the nations: we speak of civilized nations, not of national civilizations. But we are in the habit of considering culture as influenced by, and dependent on, the creative genius of each nation, and we even name it after the different nations, thus referring it to the nation as such, and this despite the fact that humanity always plays an important rule in making for points of similarity in the culture of even the most diverse nations. 2. The relation between civilization and culture will come out still more clearly if we contrast the kindred terms: moral refinement and education. The term moral refinement stresses the subjective element not expressed by civilization, denoting a bent of mind corresponding to the dictates of civilization; it expresses the internal effects of civilization in the individual, and is akin in this regard to the Greek ^#05, which signifies, beside the objective content, the subjective state of the soul. To be refined is to be more than merely civilized; it expresses that the external forms of civilization have been received by the soul, that the heart and mind have been raised above the stand- ard of primitive man. We may speak of sham civilization, /. e., civilization that is purely a matter of external forms, but we cannot correctly speak of counterfeit refinement or of purely external forms of refinement, since refinement presupposes that the soul, or the inner man, has become truly ennobled. As soon as civilization has entered into the flesh and bone of the indi- vidual, he has refinement. Analogously, there is a subjective, individual element implied in education. Education certainly signifies something more than that the creative forces of nature have been called into play, for when we speak of an educated person, we wish to say that the creative forces of nature have been active in his mind and soul spontaneously building on the foundation of his natural endowments. Similarly, when we speak of an educated nation, we wish to say that the nation has not only acquired the treas- ures of education, but is able to hold and to impart them to individuals, so that they become for the latter the sources of such mental qualities as an open and receptive mind, a refined taste, and nobility of soul. No great receptivity is needed to INTERDEPENDENCE OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE. 79 share in the blessings of culture; but great efforts are required to obtain a real education, and these endeavors must be con- tinuous if the education is to be permanent. Before a man can be considered to be truly educated, it is necessary that he cor- rectly join together and incorporate in his personality the vari- ous elements of culture. It is not an easy task, though it is essential for the man of education to harmonize into one whole the parts which together form the content of education and to express this in all the activities of his soul. 3. Education is not co-extensive with the whole of language, literature, faith, science, religious worship, art, technology, eco- nomics, but is placed beside and among these fields; it is in touch with each and all, but is not co-extensive with any single field, but transcends beyond all. Its content is, indeed, related to all these fields, but its proper function is not to reproduce any of them in their entirety, but to make a wise and prudent selection of their choicest elements. The work of cultural edu- cation is taken up with general and basic knowledge and arts (Fertigkeiteri}) which have about the same relation to the whole of the vast field of culture as a smaller circle to a larger con- centric circle. The system of education is the tangible form for the whole of the joint efforts and agencies devoted to the ac- quiring and imparting of a general education. But the work of culture can not, by reason of its universality and all the branches spreading out from its boundaries, be comprised in any similar single institution; but the nation, or rather the social organism, embracing all professions and all classes of society, must be said to be the representative of a certain culture. CHAPTER II. Interdependence of Education and Culture. i. Among the four socio-psyc'hological concepts that we con- sidered, the concept of education shows the smallest compass, and hence we may expect that it will also be the most condi- tioned; and, in point of fact, there are presuppositions (Voraus- setzungen) in culture, as well as in civilization and refinement, which produce, according to their modification, various types of education. 8O EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. The culture of a nation is an important factor in shaping its education. Nations possessing an indigenous culture have the sources and monuments of their education on their own soil and in their own past; the content of education transmitted to the descendants is the property of the nation; the language in which it is couched may have a strange and unfamiliar sound, but it is the language of the forefathers and will, upon closer inspection, reveal its kinship to the living language of the day. But a nation with a foreign and borrowed culture is forced to look in foreign lands for the sources of its education, and must master one, or perhaps several foreign languages before the path leading to these sources will be clear, and consequently educa- tion is the exclusive privilege of certain classes of the popu- lation. The education of such a nation is like an exotic plant, whose care requires much labor and which, moreover, remains restricted to a very limited territory. Yet this very disadvan- tage may be productive of good results in stimulating men to such redoubled activities as may succeed, finally, in assimilating fully all the foreign elements and in creating out of the union of native and foreign materials a second education that is truly national in spirit. In this process the two opposed factors may produce happier results than are possible to a nation whose educational system received no foreign influences, and which, by being limited to the continuous reproduction of the same content, may easily degenerate into a dead and soulless thing a fossil. 2. While the starting-point of a nation's culture is thus an important factor m developing a specific character in education, an influence equally strong is exerted in the same regard by the direction of the nation's cultural activities. If the religious element is the chief influence in the national life, the foundation of the national education will also be religious in character. The principal purpose of all schooling will be the preservation of the sacred traditions; the intellectual interests will be com- mitted to the priests, and their education will mark the highest stage of artistic and scientific achievement, and even if a pop- ular education should develop and exist side by side with the education of the clergy, the latter will remain the model in content as well as in form. The system of education will pre- sent hard and fast distinctions in forms and grades, and these distinctions will be jealously guarded against any and all in- novations; teaching will be considered more as an imparting of positive knowledge than as an awakening of the pupil's mental INTERDEPENDENCE OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE. 8l powers; but the relations between teacher and pupil will bear so sacred and reverential a character that the knowledge im- parted will prove a strong moral force. The opposite of this type of education is developed by a culture with a predominantly aesthetical tendency. Here the poet has charge of the subject-matter of teaching, which is held in high esteem not merely for its content but also for its perfect form; here the artist and the master of language are ever dis- covering and making accessible new sources of education. The manpf education is he who can not only enjoy the works of art, but also interpret their message and meaning. This latter abil- ity raises him above the masses, who can only look on, or listen to, the creations of genius. Whosoever has a message of general interest is considered a teacher; circles of pupils gather about him, and a school is established. Education is prized not for its content (sacred in having been handed down from the for- bears), but for its inherent grace and charm; it is looked upon as the means for perfecting and rounding off the personality oif man. Again, the educational system of a nation will be more fixed and stable in form, if the national life is deeply influenced by an abiding interest in science and research. Such a naticn will distinguish very carefully between scientific and purely cultural studies, and between the work of scientific research and the elementary or propaedeutic study of the sciences. There will be a twofold conception of the school: one as comprising the schol- ars engaged in scientific research, and the other as representing the institution where knowledge is imparted to the young. In as much as the school in the latter conception must prepare for higher studies, it may be called a school of science and may become the fixed centre of the educational system. The general education of the masses will pursue a different course than the education of the scholar, but the findings of scholars are a deep influence in popular education. The popular essay, the encyclo- pedia, polite literature, the newspaper, the magazine all join in popularizing the discoveries made by scholars; and though this popularizing activity does not always promote scientific pro- gress, yet the process itself is due to the expansive force of sci- ence, which will out, "like the water which, once it is set free from its source, will continue to flow on its endless course; and like the flame which, when once enkindled, will emit both light and heat." 1 1 J. Grimm, Ueber Schule, Universitdt, Akademie. 82 EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. On the other hand, the idealism, which is characteristic of the education fostered by the devotion to the arts or to sci- entific research, will wane if a nation permits its national life to be absorbed in economic and utilitarian interests. These inter- ests will establish the bread-and-butter standard for evaluating the work of the school; they will make the practical efficiency of the pupils rather than the development of their intellectual and moral faculties the end of education. These losses, how- ever, are counterbalanced by positive gains in other directions. There is in this education, aiming, as it does, at practical effi- ciency and practical results, less danger of resting satisfied with selfish enjoyment or idle speculation, which is too frequently the fruit of the purely aesthetical tendency in education: by attaching special importance to work, the moral value of the latter will be enhanc d, and this will in turn assist in improving the living conditions of the workers of all classes. Technical and practical training as well as the education of the masses will be assured a place in the national system of education. The technical sciences will multiply and improve the vehicles for human intercourse, and some of these improvements, though they be only technical, may, as is seen in the history of the art of printing, turn education into an entirely new channel: the education of the nations who have adopted the printed book is, in some respects, of a higher type than that of the nations who are confined to script. 3. In establishing the community of life, which is the neces- sary condition for a system of education, civilization is a more remote, but not a less important, factor than culture. Man must first settle down to fixed habits of life, his relations with his fellowmen must be firmly established and well-regulated, ere a mutual influence of the more delicate psychical effects can be exerted. The forces of civilization are thus the foundations of education and, though they do not create the latter, their in- fluence in this regard is powerful and manifold. Laws and customs determine when the individual is of age, and this fact is of great importance in education, as it is in great part re- sponsible for the grading and the completion of the individual's period of school life. Laws and customs also regulate the re- lations between the various social classes, and thus determine whether the national education belongs to one or more classes. The prevailing views on what is just and right will decide wheth- er and how far women are to share in the intellectual gifts, and thereby modify not a little the work of cultural education. The INTERDEPENDENCE OF EDUCATION ANt) CULTURE. 83 system of education depends most upon the power of the State when it has grown to such dimensions as to necessitate its legal organization. The nature and spirit of the constitution of the State, its relations to. the other social organisms the family, society, the Church, the people at large will then shape, in great measure, the legal form of the system of education; and this legal form will eventually prove a powerful factor in deter- mining even the most minute details of school work. But even before this direct influence of the State is felt, there is a con- tinuous influence proceeding from the public life of the nation. A great world power exerts an entirely different influence than 'the government of a petty prince; a monarchy exerts a different influence than a republic; and a nation conservative in spirit and another given to perpetual changing will again exert differ- ent influences. One government favors more a solid and stable form of education, while the other encourages the moveable and individual type of school; and this respective policy is followed even without the direct intervention of the State, solely as a "result of the spontaneous tendencies of human activity. 4. If customs and laws are the chief factors in modifying the forms and institutions of education, refinement is responsible for the endeavor to make all the educational work one harmonious whole. The ideals of education, be they ever so varied in form, can always be traced to moral views and principles, which are formulated when a nation becomes conscious of its refinement. Among the motives encouraging us to strive for an education is the sincere persuasion that it is proper for a man to receive some intellectual content, to make it part of his nature, and thus to become a member of a select circle. Even the crudest reasoning must discover the relation existing between education and refinement. The ideal of the wise man preceded the ideal of the man of education. Long before the idea of a common intellectual property, refining in influence, had been conceived, men had looked up with veneration to the wise man, who was by the bounty of the gods in full possession of the highest of intellectual gifts, and whose life was a model and an inspiration to all. Aristotle enumerates the following traits noted univer- sally in the wise man: his knowledge covers all fields, though he is wise enough not to attach to6 much importance to the details and the individual; he finds no difficulty in solving problems that are difficult to others; he knows the causes of all things; he possesses a rare skill in instructing and directing his fellow- 84 EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. men. 1 All these features are common to our ideal of the edu- cated man: his education, too, should be universal and thor- ough; he should be endowed with the power of expression; and should make practical use of his knowledge and educational attainments. The man of education is, in a certain sense, an epigonus of the wise man of antiquity; he is the incarnation of the idealized vision of the ancients. He is the incarnation, moreover, of the ancient ideal on a large and ever increasing scale; what had been the prerogative of a few select and highly gifted mortals, has come to be the common property of the multitude; the intellectual life has come down from the highest heights into the valleys of the plain and homely folk. CHAPTER III. Education and the Stages of Culture. i. Order and a worthy content of life appear, therefore, as" the basis of that refinement and assimilation of men, upon which education is founded, and hence a nation that lacks in its national life these elements, cannot be said to possess edu- cation. Primitive peoples, whose life is destitute of system and law and order and regular activity, have no education. Still we would not deny that every stage of development of a race, no matter how primitive, is in possession of some ideas, of some knowledge, of some arts, and that a certain mental growth may be observed in the individual's mastery of these elements. The very language is the vehicle of much thought, a valuable asset; and the languages of "nature peoples" (Naturvolker) y even if primitive, are often strangely ingenious in structure, and dis- close in their vocabulary a surprising wealth of ideas gained from communing with nature. The traditions of the Golden Age. of the destruction and restoration of the human race, of the Deluge, which we find among almost all peoples, and which extend back into time immemorial, are only a fraction of the intellectual treasures of primitive peoples, which can not but exert an elevating influence upon these children of nature. Their feelings, both of sadness and joy, they express in songs and music; wise and witty sayings, the proverbs and adages, which they transmit to the succeeding generations, are the i Aristotle, Met., I, 2. EDUCATION AND THE STAGES OF CULTURE. 85 vehicles of much homely wisdom. They cultivate the arts of dancing and of military drills, not merely because they are pleasant or useful, but because they develop physical charms and graces. Nations destined to become truly cultured show even in the first stages of their development the characteristic features of their later education. The heroes of Homer can not be expected to bring out in full the -culture that was the glory of a later Greece, and that actually grew out of Homer's poetry; but what Phoinix, the teacher of Achilles, describes as the end of his training, "to shine in councils, and in camps to dare," is not essentially different from the educational ideal of a later age. Similarly, the education given by the Aesir Heimdall to Jarl, as described in the Lay of Rig,, in the Elder Edda, 1 is an unmistakable counterpart of the chivalric education of the Middle Ages. But this is, nevertheless, not ground enough to allow even to the more developed of the primitive races a type of education. The possession of education may be denied to them for various reasons: their teaching lacks a substantial and articulated content; the matter of their knowledge and arts is not co-ordinated; their acquiring of an intellectual content wants form and order; and they make no attempt to systema- tize their pursuit of knowledge. But to the student of edu- cation this incipient development of an educational type should prove of particular interest: as the educational life of the nation is not yet fixed, one can observe its elements, as it were, in a fluid state before they are partly chrystallized a necessary condition for the creation of an educational type; the forces, too, that will continue to operate in a higher stage of culture are already at work and are noted more readily in the primitive than in the advanced stage viz., the spontaneous assimilation of the young, the spontaneous teaching and learning, and the very fruitful, even if crude and informal, daily intercourse. 2. It is not an easy task to determine the exact point when a "nature people" may be said to have advanced so far in civi- lization, culture, and refinement as to deserve to be termed an educated people; but it may be safely stated that this stage is reached when the art of writing has come into general use. The art of writitag holds fast, like a fixative, the intellectual content of a nation's life; to religious ideas it gives a permanent form in the sacred books; it collects' all the knowledge transmitted 1 Iliad, IX, 445. 2 The Elder Eddas, Transl. by B. Thorpe, Norroena Society, New York, 1906, 81 ff. 86 EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. from the past, and this knowledge, now stated with precision, is the basis of scientific research; it selects from the legends and poems handed down, by word of mouth, the nation's standard poetry. When written, the reminiscences and memories of the olden days are history; and the customs and manners, when expressed in writing, assume the force of laws. Of the content of a nation's knowledge only that which has been reduced to writing can be made the subject of real teaching, and the art that is the instrument for formulating it, is the subject of sys- tematic practice. Reading and writing are the first subjects of real teaching and learning; and as the alphabet to-day still holds the first place in the schooling of our children, so it also marks the entrance of education into the life of a nation. The beginnings of schools can be traced back to the time when the art of writing was made the subject of systematic study and practice. We find, indeed, that nations who lacked the art of writing would assemble the children together for the purpose of discipline and physical culture, but never for the purpose of common study. Though we may deny that Comenius' defini- tion of the school as the " officina transfundendce eruditionis e libris in homines" 1 is "perfectly satisfactory, yet the school and the book are, in matter of fact, mutual complements, and have been mutually related long before there was such a thing as a textbook. But the book is not only the basis of instruction, but also its supplement; "to write is but to speak to the eyes, and to read is but a hearing with the eyes." The written word is heard longer and farther than the spoken word; it travels abroad, through the length and breadth of the whole country; and long before the demand of the reading public had created the supply of a large and extensive literature, the inscription, the page, and the book had become the vehicles of general knowledge, and some of the most powerful means for equalizing the knowledge and ability of men. The stage of development reached by a nation when it "is first introduced to the art of writing, or the matter which is first committed to writing, may determine the future character of the national education. The ease or difficulty with which the written language may be learned, or even the technical matters to be considered in writing, especially the cheap or expensive writing materials all will influence, favorably or 1 Opp. Did. O., II, p. 527. 2 H. Wuttke, Geschichte der Schrift und des Schrifttums, Leipzig, 1872, p. n. EDUCATION AND THE STAGES OF CULTURE. 87 otherwise, the progress of national education. If the first book be a collection of hymns, the effects will be other than if the first matter written down were historical facts, or laws, or man- ners and customs. The art of writing will likewise fare differ- ently, both in the schoolroom and out, if the national. language recognizes but one system of writing instead of permitting two the sacred and the profane to co-exist with one another. Nor can we expect the same educational results in the nation that has a system of writing which is so difficult, that its mastery requires the work of the entire period of a child's schooling, as in another nation whose written language is so easy as to be mastered by a lad of seven. Again, there will be different re- sults, if the leaves of trees or bast, or slate and paper, are used for writing materials instead of such materials as are too costly for extensive use. 3. While nations, then, that possess no written language have likewise no education, there is a further point to be settled whether all nations that practise the art of writing possess an education, or whether there be any additional requisites. When we consider how far superior education is to culture (Kultur), we shall realize that education is so choice a flower of humanity that it can be expected even from a civilized nation only under the most favorable circumstances. It may well seem that a special creative force is needed, over and above the forces inherent in culture, to join certain elements of the latter into a harmonious union, and to make them so much a property of the individual person that they shall prove in his life an element of intellectual fructification and of aesthetic and moral enlightenment; and that for this purpose the function of culture must first be set free, in order to fit it for exercising so free and unhampered an influence on the inner life. There are some nations, who have attained a high degree of civilization, but who have evolved the idea of an individual personality so slight- ly, that there can be no thought with them of centering the work of culture in the development of the individual. Shall these nations then be denied the claim to education, or may it be assumed that the absence of these factors would but indicate that the idea of education is, like every other idea, subject to a long period of successive development, before it can be con- sidered a historical reality? The answer will decide whether the civilized nations of the East may be called educated or no. There can be no doubt that these nations were highly civilized, but the rigidity and 88 EDUCATION IN ITS RELATION TO CULTURE. fixedness of their institutions, and the hard and fast lines bind- ing the individual to the whole and the past, seem to render educational efforts which must be free, if anything impos- sible. These nations looked upon the regulation of life and the consequent perfection of it as lying beyond the individual, though they regarded it as a sacred duty of the individual to co-operate in attaining this end. The chief duty of the indi- vidual was to fill his place in the whole of the social organism and to conserve and guard scrupulously all that was entrusted to him of the highest gifts of civilization. The ancient civili- zation of the East recognized no distinction between right doing (Rechtturi) and correct acting (korrekt handeln)\ to know some- thing was the same as to have learned it by heart; to be master in any field meant no more than to be able to do what the for- bears had been doing centuries before. Though we can not concede that the civilization of the ancient Eastern nations was mere "barbarism ruled by priestcraft and the darkest of super- stition," yet, in point of fact, the social constitution of these nations and their servile worship of traditions allowed scant opportunity for the homogeneous development of the intellect and for the free use of the products of culture for the purposes of education. However, this is not sufficient ground on which to deny the existence of a certain type of Oriental education. To do so would be unfair to all that has been achieved by the Eastern nations in the field of the higher life of the mind. The preju- dices of a former day, which refused to recognize any education in the East, should long ago have died a natural death in the face of facts unearthed by modern scholarship. Modern re- search has thrown new light on Eastern conditions, and has disillusioned the world of the notion of the oriental priests, who, jealous of their secrets, would withhold from the masses the pur- suit of knowledge. The ancient Greeks inform us, that popular education had in the early days of Egyptian history branched off from the education that was held sacred, as being the ex- clusive privilege of the priest; Plato does not hesitate to re- commend this popular education to his countrymen, as possess- ing many features worthy of imitation. 1 It is now a well known fact that the knowledge of the Vedas was not looked upon as the monopoly of the Brahmans, but that the religious instruc- tion was open alike to the warrior and the merchant. The 1 Plato, Legg., VII, p. 819. EDUCATION AND THE STAGES OF CULTURE. 89 educational system of India, though one of many ramifications, resembles more closely, in form and structure, the organization of the family than of the school; but the school system of ancient Egypt was well organized and well graded. Indian literature is not devoted to science exclusively, for a large portion of it is pure letters, serving not for any purpose of study, but for ele- gant leisure. Upon a deeper study of oriental education we shall realize that it does not lack altogether the idea of indi- vidual education. The Hindu makes a due distinction between the man of learning and the man of education; he has a happy term for designating the latter, taking, as the Germans do for Bildung, his conception from the idea of forming man like a vessel; though his word for the man of education, vidagdha, is superior to the German der Gebildete^ because the Indian term expresses that the ware has been well baked in the fire. Durvidagdha is the Sanskrit for the half-baked one, the man of superficial education; viceschadschna is the man of universal learning, and adschna is the ignoramus. 1 If noble self-respect proves that the content of education has become the property of the soul, then we must allow that the Egyptians also assimilated their knowledge, for Plato has the Egyptian priest make the proud avowal: "Ye Greeks are but children, and a Gireek shall never attain the wisdom of old age; ye all have the minds and souls of children, for ye lack the knowledge of the olden days, and have no wisdom come down from the early ages." ' Does this sentence not give expression to the proud consciousness of possessing a complete personality, and does it not voice perfectly the ethos of Oriental traditions? It were certainly a serious defect in what purports to be a his- tory of educational types to have it begin with the nation of children and ignore the idea of education however imperfect, yet venerable and deep in meaning as formulated by those nations of the East, that have been, in a measure, the teachers of the Greeks, and, therefore, of all Western nations. 1 "Lightly an ignorant boor is made content, And lightlier yet a sage, But minds by half-way knowledge warped and bent, Not Brahma's self their fury may assuage." P. E. Moore, A Century of Indian Epigrams, Boston, 1898, p. 52; Bhartrihari, I, 52, 87. 2 Plato, Tim., p. 22. II. ORIENTAL EDUCATION. CHAPTER IV. India. i. Some of the great indigenous civilizations of the East date from prehistoric times and flourished for thousands of years. However, because of the vast differences between the East and the West and between the ancient and the modern world, the ancient civilizations of the East might well appear strange and unintelligible to us. But the culture of the Indo- Aryans seems to present the fewest difficulties to the modern mind. And it is, indeed, not so very difficult for us to under- stand the plastic forces at work in the civilization of ancient India, and that for the following reasons. There is, first of all, our kinship with the Indo-Aryan race. Next, there are certain points of contact between our culture and that of ancient India, for Western culture, on the one hand, owes some of its most valuable elements to India, while the latter, on the other hand, has received valuable cultural elements from the West. Finally, the culture of the Indo-Aryans is still existing and thus allows us a concrete view of at least some of the educational forms produced by the civilization of ancient India. The collective designation of the sacred literature, which is the foundation of Indian education, is Veda^ i. e., knowledge. At the base of this entire literature of more than one hundred books lie four varieties of metrical compositions known as the four Vedas in the narrower sense. The Rig-Veda contains the invocations addressed to the gods by the priest of Rik. The Sama-Veda contains the prayers of the sacrificing priest; these prayers are but repetitions of the verses of the Rig-Veda in new combinations. The Yajur-Veda contains the blessings pro- nounced by the Adhvarju. The Atharva-Veda is the ritual of a special order of priests, who practised fire worship, but who performed no definite liturgical function. The Samhita of each of these four Vedas is a purely lyrical collection, to which were added the Brahmanas and Sutras^ i. e. y liturgical, dogmatic, and 90 INDIA. QI didactic explanations, which are the main content of Vedic theology. 1 The hymns and the dogmatical and liturgical parts repre- sent, as it were, the inner circles of the Veda^ and around these all Indian literature and science is grouped. The demarcations between the Veda proper and what has grown up around it, or directly out of it, are so shadowy and vague as to make a clear- cut distinction impossible. 2 How the Vedas influenced the course of studies is clearly seen in the various systems followed in explaining the sacred text. There was one system of Veda interpretation which treated etymological, mythical (using tales and legends to illustrate the text), and liturgical matters and also examined into the inner nature and interrelation of things. 3 Another system recognized six Vedanga^ i. the science of hieroglyphics, geography, the laws of the sun, the moon, and the planets, topography, survey- ing (especially in its connection with the Nile), and lastly the science of building and ornamenting temples. The next ten books dealt with liturgy, the science of the master of ceremonies, the Stolist. The next ten books contained matter reserved to the priests, and treated in full the functions of the high-priest; dealing with the science of the gods and of laws, they may be called compendiums of dogmatics and jurisprudence. The last six books never enjoyed the same authority as the others, and were not considered canonical; they treated of the "qualities of bodies, of bodily diseases and their cure, and of women. " These writings, of which a copy was deposited in the archives of every temple, are the core of a very extensive literature. The Egyptians themselves give 36,525 as the number of all the writings belonging to this class of literature. The number quoted is that of the great Sothic period and is obtained by multiplying the number of days in a year by one hundred. 2. In comparison with the Vedic sciences, the books of Thoth give scant attention to grammar, treating in this regard only of hieroglyphics. More attention was given to mathe- matics, astronomy, geography, and medicine. A striking fea- ture of Egyptian literature is the strong interest in history: the Egyptians recorded in their annals the deeds of their kings; 1 A translation by Birch has been publish :d in Bunsen's Egypt's Place in Universal History, V, 66-333. 2 Clemens Alex., Strom., VI, 4, p. 269 ed. Sylburg. EGYPT. 99 inscriptions told all that was noteworthy in the history of the race; the nation was proud of its knowledge of the past, and was eager to communicate it to the foreigner. 1 The several departments of science were entrusted to the individual orders of priests. They were to know by heart and to be able to quote freely the books of Thoth, but only the highest order of priests were expected to command a universal knowledge. Some knowledge was, despite these restrictions, ex- pected of the people at large. Among the treasures accessible to all were the social gifts granted by Thoth: language, the art of writing, the worship of the deity, the knowledge of the stars, music, and physical culture. 2 Most, if not all, of the inhabit- ants of ancient Egypt seem to have been able to read and write. "The temples spoke in letters of heroic size; the worship of the gods and the songs sung in praise of princes and kings impressed the teachings of religion and kept alive the memory of the nation's glorious past; the inscriptions were engraved in imper- ishable marble and porphyry, and would continue for centuries and ages to speak their message to the race. " Rolls of parch- ment were placed beside the dead to cheer them on their mys- terious journey. Pious sayings and proverbs were engraved on the articles in daily use. Court trials were transacted in writ- ing, and all contracts had to be made in writing. In fact, every- thing of any importance was written down; and gods, as well as men, are often represented as engaged in writing. The hiero- glyphic characters there were about 650, of which some repre- sented simple sounds, while the majority represented compound sounds are by most Egyptologists explained symbolically, but Seyffarth and his followers explain them phonetically. They are the basis of the later development of the hieratic style of writing, and the latter, by changing to a still more simplified form of representation, finally evolved what is known as the demotic or epistolographic style, which comprised about 350 characters. 4 The priests pursued the more advanced study of these various styles, 5 while the lower castes acquired only an elementary knowledge of reading and writing. 6 1 Her., II, 3 and 100. Diod., I, 73. Tac., Ann., II, 60. 2 Diod., I, 16. Cf. Plato, Phadr., p. 213. 3 Heinrich Wuttke, Geschichte der Schrift, Leipzig, 1872, pp. 576 ff. 4 M. Uhlemann, Thoth oder die Wissenschaften der alien Aegypter, Gottingen, 1850, pp. 173 ff- 5 Diod., I, 81. 6 Plato, Legg., VII, p. 819. IOO ORIENTAL EDUCATION. 3. Arithmetic and geometry were also studied by the chil- dren of the masses. Plato has naught but praise for the extent to which the knowledge of these branches had spread among the whole nation, but he finds fault with the practice of devoting the knowledge of them to exclusively practical ends instead of employing it, at least in part, for higher and cultural purposes. 1 The two subjects were of great practical benefit for the trades and commerce, especially for architecture and administration. The Egyptian yard, the unit of measurement, is remarkable for the exactness of its division, and the still extant ground-plans of tombs agree perfectly with the execution. The practice of hav- ing charts of fields and maps of the different sections of the country made, for the purpose of dividing off the castes and of taking up the census, dates back to the earliest times. 2 The Egyptian system of notation lacks the speculative idea of the Indian system, 3 but their theory of numbers as well as their geometry, both of which stimulated Greek philosophers, must have had a philosophical foundation. 4 Astronomy and astrol- ogy could not, because of their nature, be cultivated so exten- sively as arithmetic and geometry; but the mere fact that they are mentioned twice in the sacred books, once as the higher science of the temple scribe and then as the elementary science of the horoscope, demonstrates that the rudiments of them were accessible to the people at large. It is certain that all Egyp- tians were familiar with the calendar and its mythological- astronomical apparatus, as well as with the horoscope and the observations and superstitions on which it was based. The public monuments recorded not only all important events in minute detail, but gave, besides, a description of the constel- lations visible in the heavens at the time; and it was a general practice to foretell for every newborn child the events of its life 1 Ibid., VII, p. 819 and V, p. 747; Rep., IV, p. 436. 2 M. Uhlemann, I.e., pp. 262 ff. 3 The numbers i, 10, 100, 1000 were represented by symbols, which, by being placed a certain number of times, expressed how many times the number which they represented was to be understood. The use of these symbols never extended beyond Egypt, but the Egyptian symbol for addition, a cross, and the manner of writing fractions (originally the picture of a mouth above which the numerator and below which the denominator was placed) are in universal use. Cf. H. Brugsch, Numerorum apud veteres Aegyptios demoticorum doctrina, Berol., 1839. 4 E. Roth, Geschichte der abendldndischen Philosophic, Mannheim, 1862, II, 586 ff. EGYPT. IOI from the aspect of the heavens at the moment of its birth. 1 Music was closely allied with astronomy; a planet was assigned to each of the seven notes; the three principal notes, the pri- mary, the quint, and the octave, were representative of the seasons: the high note, of summer; the low, of winter; and the middle, of spring. 2 But there was an even closer connection between music and the national religion. The least change in vocal or instrumental music was strictly prohibited, and the priests were the musical censors, 3 which fact, fan from indicating a slow development of the art, proves that it was practised so extensively as to threaten a departure from the standards of sacred music. It would seem that the physical culture in vogue among the Egyptians represented a system of national gym- nastics, though the Greeks deny this. Yet Thoth-Hermes was considered the inventor of the palaestra, of eurythmy, and of physical culture in general; cleanliness, anointing, and the prac- tice of dietetics were Egyptian customs of old and national standing. 4. The archives and libraries that were connected with the temples, first suggested the establishment of priests' colleges, and these in turn proved the centres of a well organized system of education. The description given by the Egyptologist G. Ebers of the temple schools of Thebes shows them to have been highly organized. These schools were patterned after the older institutions at Heliopolis and Memphis. They were grouped about an institution of higher learning, where all such as were aspiring to the professions of priests, physicians, mathemati- cians, astronomers, or grammarians could not only secure an adequate training, but were furthermore assured, once they had reached the highest degree of knowledge and had been enrolled among the scribes, of a free home. The savants had access to a large library, which housed thousands of papyri and with which a papyrus factory was connected. Some of the savants taught the younger pupils who were educated in the elementary school 1 The belief in the horoscope is founded on the idea that the soul of the child has come down from the world of the stars. The horoscope itself is the degree of the ecliptic which rises at the hour of birth. The planet next to this is considered the star of life. Cf. Roth, I.e., I, p. 214. 2 Heinrich Wuttke, I.e., p. 569. Diod., I, 16. 3 Plato, Legg., II, p. 656 and VII, p. 799. 4 In the novel Uarda,Vo\. I, pp. 17 ff., Ebers vouches for the reliability of his description: all the details are drawn from sources contemporary with Ramses II. and his successor Menephthah, /'. e, y 1324-1230 B. C. IO2 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. connected with the Seti-House, the name of the whole establish- ment. This elementary school was open to all sons of free-born citizens, and was attended by more than 100 pupils, who lodged and boarded in the same institution. The pensioners of the temple, the sons of noble families, sometimes even the sqns of the king, lived in a separate building. Before advancing from the elementary to the higher school the pupils had to pass an examination. Having passed this examination, the student would select one of the higher teachers as his special teacher, and the latter, being once chosen, had the exclusive charge of his training, and the pupil owed him for life the allegiance of a client to his patron. A second examination had to be passed before the student could be admitted to the office of scribe or any other public office of the State. Those pupils who showed talent for sculpture, architecture, or painting were trained in a special art school; they likewise chose their own teachers. In most cases the pupil's choice of a profession was dictated by that of his father: documents have been found in the grave of an architect stating that his family practised this profession for twenty-five successive generations. All the teachers of these various schools were priests assigned to duty in the Seti-Temple. There were more than 800 priests in charge of the teaching; they were divided into five classes, and were governed by the three "Prophets." The rooms of the priests opened on the cor- ridors of the different buildings, whose courtyards (paved and covered with mats) were the "classrooms," and the students lived in the stories overhead. The discipline was severe: "The pupil's ears are found on his back; strike him, and he will lend you his ear," is the opi'nion of an educational writer of ancient Egypt. Much attention was given to memorizing. The author- ity of the teacher was supreme, and this accounts for the rigor- ous training of the will. The importance attached to memory- work prevented premature philosophizing. The educational system of ancient Egypt shows, in contrast to that of India, a realistic tendency: the Egyptians, though also interested in theological speculations, are interested, besides, in historical and physical realities; they also speculate about num- ber and space, but they turn the knowledge of these matters to practical account; they are not content with satisfying the needs of the mind, but have an open eye for the needs of the body as well; they systematize and organize all that helps to conserve and transmit the treasures of the mind. In ancient Egypt, however, just as in India, religion is the basis of all knowledge THE NATIONS EMPLOYING CUNEIFORM WRITING. IO3 and art and science: the earth is "the house of adoration," the worship of the deity is the final end of all human activity, and knowledge is to be sought only as a means for arriving at ethico- religious perfection; books are to be a "sanatorium of the soul." CHAPTER VI. The Nations Employing Cuneiform Writing. i. The spelling out of the hieroglyphics has revealed much that was previously unknown of ancient Egypt, and similar results may be expected from the decipherment of the cuneiform writings for the nations of the Near East. Much as the Turan- ian Chaldeans, the Semitic Babylonians and Ninevites, and the Iranians differ ethnographically, they are one in the use of this writing. The culture of Egypt antedates, according to the view prevailing at present, the culture of these nations, and so the latter owe the beginning of their educational development to Egypt. The Chaldeans, having been influenced directly by Egypt, transmitted their civilization to their Semitic conquerors, and these in turn passed on the intellectual heritage to the Medes and Persians. According to another view, however, the Babylonians were the teachers of the Egyptians. 2 The deci- pherment of the cuneiform inscriptions has in the history of the Chaldean and Semitic peoples revealed the case certainly the earliest known case in the history of education where the organized culture of an older people was transmitted whole and entire to a younger people. While excavating at Nineveh, Layard discovered the remains of the royal brick library, of which some 30,0x30 fragments were sent to the British Museum. 3 The tablets record matter per- taining to mythology, history, geography, statistics, natural his- tory, astronomy, arithmetic, architecture, and grammar; and the different colors of the bricks (black, grey, blue, violet, red, \s the inscription placed by Osymandas on the library which he built at Thebes. Diod., I, 49. 2 Hommel, Die semitischen Volker und Sprachen, Vol. I, 1887. 3 For the following cf. Hilprecht, Explorations in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1903, I, 1-577; Booth, The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cunei- form Inscriptions, London, 1902; Vigouroux, La Bible et les decouvertes mo- dernes en Palestine, en Egypte et en Assyrie, Paris, 1896; Kaulen, Assyrien und Babylonien, Freiburg, 4th ed., 1891. IO4 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. yellow, brown, white) signify the different sciences treated. One of the grammar tablets speaks of the origin of the library: "Pal- ace of Asurbanipal, King of the World, King of Assyria, to whom the god Nebo and the goddess of instruction have given ears to hear, and whose eyes they have opened to see the foun- dation of government. They have revealed to the kings, my predecessors, this style of cuneiform writing. I have written on tablets the revelation of the god Nebo, the lord god of highest knowledge; I have ordered the tablets and have given them a place in my palace for the instruction of my subjects." The royal founder of this library is the fourth of his name, the war- like Sardanapalus of the Greeks, who reigned in Nineveh about the middle of the seventh century before Christ. But the mon- uments of learning which he collected, are not the work of the Semitic Assyrians, but translations from the older literature of the Chaldeans, who were the inventors of cuneiform writing and the earliest representatives of the civilization of Near Asia. To acquire an education, the Assyrian had to go to the works of the Chaldeans, written in an old-fashioned style of writing and couched in the Ural-Altaic language, of which the Finno- Ugric is a subfamily. It was the study of this language, spoken and written, which occupied the Prophet Daniel and his com- panions for the three years of their stay at the court of Na- buchodonosor, where "they received knowledge and understand- ing in every book, and wisdom" (Dan. I, 4, 5, 17). The gram- mar tablets prove indirectly that the Assyrians could acquire the higher learning only by way of a tongue that was foreign to them. Out of about 100 of these tablets a reader has been made out, which served the purpose of explaining an older and foreign idiom in the language with which all were familiar. In the reader there are three columns of characters, and the first gives the Assyrian symbol, the second, the symbol for the Tu- ranian-Chaldaic word (which is to be explained), while the last column gives the explanation in Assyrian, i. e., in a Semitic language. This primer is undoubtedly older than Asurbanipal's library, and is, like all the intellectual work of Nineveh, pat- terned after Babylonian models. The ancient writers are unanimous in praising the simplicity and thoroughness of Chaldean teaching., "They (the Chaldeans) transmit," says Diodorus, "their wisdom from one generation to the next: the boy is free from all other work and receives all wisdom from his father; and thus, having his own parent as teacher, the boy's instruction is comprehensive; the pupil never THE NATIONS EMPLOYING CUNEIFORM WRITING. IO5 lacks attention, nor does he hesitate to give the fullest confi- dence to his master. The schooling begins almost at the cradle, and hence with the natural docility of the child and the many years of learning, the best results are obtained. " The higher education "of such as had a mother-tongue other than the Chal- dean must have been more systematic; what the Prophet Daniel describes is a sort of palace-school for Semitic youths. The rapidly developing science of Assyriology promises to shed more light on this education, which must have been rich in foreign elements. The opinion, first expressed by Professor Fr. De- litzsch, in his lectures Bible and Babel y in 1902, that the Mosaic Law can be traced back to older Babylonian laws, has given rise to much discussion, but the majority of scholars agree that the monotheism of Moses, the underlying principle of his laws, was not influenced by Babylonian teachings. 2. We lack the data to give an adequate description of Persian culture, which resulted from the mixture of Chaldaic- Assyrian elements with the native Aryan. Greek writers praise the Persians for training their children to be truth-loving and useful members of the race. They tell us that the wisest of the nation were chosen for teachers, whose duty it was to acquaint the young, by word and song, with the deeds of the gods and the nation's heroes. The education of the king's sons was en- trusted to the four wisest teachers, and it was their duty to make the princes sincere, just, and manly, and to introduce them to the occult science of Zoroaster. 2 The Zoroastrian sac- red writings, discovered in the i8th century, give an account of this magic as well as of the religion of ancient Persia and the laws based thereon. From these writings we see that the priests enjoyed in Persia as much esteem as in India; that all classes were instructed in religion; and, incidentally, we learn of some customs obtaining in the Oriental schools. 3 Yet we cannot 1 Diod., II, 29. 2 Her., I, 136; Strabo, XV, p. 733; Plut., Ale., I, p. 121. 3 In the Zend-Avesta we find occasionally the catechetical method as well as the use of numbers as aids to the memory. We quote the following passage as containing these two elements and as giving in the briefest compass the social and moral system of Iranian civilization. "The speech spoken by Ahura-Mazda contains three principal points and mentions five castes and four masters. Which are the three principal points? Good thoughts, good words, and good actions. Which are the four castes? Priests, warriors, tillers of the soil, and merchants. The Lord and the Law teach that all that is praiseworthy becomes the possession of him whose thoughts, words, and ac- tions are true. The deeds of the pure mean for the world an increase in purity. IO6 . ORIENTAL EDUCATION. ascertain whether the knowledge and learning of the Persian priests has, as in India and Egypt, ever given rise to various scientific and cultural studies. But the ease and quick despatch with which the Greeks-- -beginning with Alexander the Great destroyed the national culture, superseding it with their own, may be considered proof enough that Persia never enjoyed the wide-spread and diversified education of India and Egypt. Per- sian culture had not entered deeply enough into the life of the people and was therefore too weak, as not possessing body enough, to offer an effective resistance to the encroachment of foreign elements. It fell back along the entire line, and at the time of the Sassanids the ancient spirit of the nation was dead; it had to be recreated entirely, and in this process of recreation the remains of the ancient religion proved the best aid. It was only at this time, in the third century of the Christian era, that the nation took up the scientific study of its sacred writ- ings, and this study was continued with such success as to go beyond the translation and interpretation of the text and to treat cosmology, natural and universal history. These various subjects are treated compendiously in the Eundahish^ which was compiled in the Middle Ages. CHAPTER VII. The Hebrews. i. The Hebrews are connected with the other Eastern na- tions by many different ties: they are a Semitic people; in early times they were influenced by Egyptian civilization, and later Which are the masters? The master of the household, the chief of the tribe, the lord of the community, and the ruler of the province; Zarathustra is the fifth master. When is a thought good? When the wisest entertain pure thoughts. What speech is good? Sacred speech. W 7 hen is an action good? When the purest perform a deed while praising the Lord. Ahura-Mazda has spoken. Whom has he addressed? He has spoken to the pure of heaven and earth. In what capacity has he spoken? He has spoken as the best of kings." Jacna, XIX, 44-58. ' The book, edited and translated by Ferdinand Justi (1868), treats, in concise form and with continual reference to the Avesta, the following subjects: creation of the world, the conflict between the powers of good and evil, the properties of the earth, mountains, seas, rivers, animals, etc., the earliest his- tory of man, generation, resurrection, motions of the planets, mythical stories, chronology, and the succession of dynasties. THE HEBREWS. IO7 by the civilization of the Near East. Still they occupy among the peoples of the East a unique position, as may be seen also from the unique type of education that they developed. Their sacred books, the Sacred Scriptures, revered alike by Jew and Christian, differ from the canonical books of polytheistic peoples. Their core is not a book of hymns, from which the sacred law, sacred history, and sacred science might have grown. Instead, the Bible begins with history and bases the laws upon it, and lets the hymns, the prophecies, and the wisdom of the proverbs follow after. The gesta Dei are the foundation of the whole; they are the key to the Law, the perennial inspiration of piety and meditation. The Pentateuch lacks the tendency of the Veda or of the books of Thoth to encourage speculative and poetic thought. Nor does its doctrine of the one God lead to the study of astronomy, or of magnitude, or of numbers. The theo- cratic form of government lends little glamor to the deeds of war and of heroes; and a form of worship in which all pictorial representations are forbidden, retards the growth of the fine as well as the mechanical arts. Thus all that is needed for the development of priestly learning no less than for the organiza- tion of the work of teaching, was missing with the Hebrews. In content their teaching was restricted to the Law and the history of the nation, but in form it was the more free and va- ried: the master of the household, the priest, the prophet, one and all, taught the word of God. The word of God was, like the omnipresent Lord, to strike upon the ear at home and in the field, at night and in the morning (V. Moses, VI, 7). It should meet the eye everywhere, and should be expressed in written words and meaningful symbols; and the language of the people should never weary of explaining the worship and the monuments of God's greatness. (II. Moses, XII, 26; XIII, 14; Josue, IV, 6; V. Moses, XXXII, 7.) The Lord Himself has trained the people of His election "as a man traineth up his son" (V. Moses, VIII, 5), and has taught it "profitable things and led it in the way it should walk" (Is., XLVIII, 17). Thus God Himself sanctifies all teaching and discipline. The instruction of the individual is only a repe- tition on a small scale of what the Lord has wrought in the generations of His chosen people, and the teacher merely im- plants anew and protects from the natural temptation of poly- theism that higher principle which had been planted and safe- guarded by the Lord in the beginning. Thus the teacher's vocation reflects God's activity: "They that are learned shall IO8 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that instruct many to justice, as stars for all eternity" (Dan., XII, 3). Each individual is, like the whole nation, the object of the loving care and guidance of the Lord, who knew each man "when he was made in secret, and who ordered his days ere one of these was at hand." (Ps. 138, 15; cf. Ps. 21, 10; Jer., I, 7.) Consequently, the value of the individual personality is rated higher among the Hebrews than among the other ancient peoples of the East; the religious faith of the individual is deep- ened, and he assumes a higher nature. For instance, no people of the East has produced any individuality that could compare with the clear-cut characters of the Hebrew prophets. With other nations an individual could scarcely and that but rarely rise above the rank and file of the caste. 2. Thus the ancient Hebrews were a teaching people, even if they had no organized system of schools. It was the faith in their God that developed their minds to such a degree as is generally attained only with rich and free elements of education. The period before the Exile produced only the beginnings of a system of education. The schools of the prophets, which are frequently mentioned in Scripture, 1 do not invite comparison with the temple schools of ancient Egypt. They have been explained in most diversified ways. The Fathers of the Church looked upon them as predecessors of monastic institutions. The rabbis explained them as academies. Protestant theologians considered them training schools for preachers. The Deists re- garded them as schools of free thought and moral philosophy. However, it may now be considered as an established fact that they were circles of disciples who gathered about men eminent for sanctity and divine gifts, for the purpose of conserving the sacred traditions and of cultivating the art of sacred music; these gatherings, however, seem to have lacked the character of permanent organizations. 2 We have no records of popular education in early Hebrew history. But the art of writing appears to have been generally known, as may be concluded from the law that every Israelite should write the most important of God's precepts "in the entry and on the doors of his house" (V. Moses, VI, 9). It is probable that the Hebrews continued to practice the art of surveying, which they had brought along from Egypt (Jos., 1 I. Kings, X, 5 ff.; IV. Kings, II, 3 ff.; IV, 38. 2 Catholic Encyclopedia, s. v., Prophecy. THE HEBREWS. IOQ XVIII, 4 ff.). Music, especially liturgical music, in which all present at the divine services joined, was a general accomplish- ment. (Ps. 67, 26 ff., and elsewhere.) A system of higher education was organized only after the Exile. The reason was the same as with the Persians: the need of safeguarding what remained of the nation's intellectual prop- erty and of restoring what was destroyed. In the day of trial the Law alone had saved the nation from complete destruction, and with the restoration of peace came a zeal for its conscien- tious observance. This observance, however, necessitated a thor- ough study of the Law, and such a study was the chief duty of the Sopherim, whose first representative was Esra (about 450 B. C.). The Book of Ecclesiasticus, written in the Alexandrian Period, speaks of the studies of the scribe, or doctor of the Law, who was at that time the representative of a social class (chap- ter XXXVIII, 2<; ff.): "The wisdom of a scribe cometh by his time of leisure; and he that is less in action, shall receive wis- dom. With what wisdom shall he be furnished that holdeth the plough and that glorieth in the goad, that driveth the oxen therewith and is occupied in their labors? ... He shall give his mind to turn up furrows, and his care is to give the kine fodder. So every craftsman and workmaster that laboreth day and night, he who maketh graven seals, and by his continual dili- gence varieth the figure: he shall give his mind to the resem- blance of the picture, and by his watching shall finish the work... The wise man will seek out the wisdom of all the ancients, and he will be occupied in the prophets. He will keep the sayings of renowned men, and will enter withal into the subtleties of parables. He will search out the hidden meanings of proverbs, and will be conversant in the secrets of parables. " But that the knowledge of the doctor of the Law is not confined to Scrip- ture, is evident from the Book of Wisdom, dating from about the same time, where the scribe (ch. VII, 18-21) is said to be versed in "the beginning and ending and midst of the times, the alter- ations of their courses and the changes of the seasons, the rev- olutions of the year and the dispositions of the stars, the natures of living creatures and rage of wild beasts, the force of winds and reasonings of men, the diversities of plants and the virtues of roots; and all such things as are hid and not foreseen, I have learned, for wisdom, which is the worker of all things, taught me." Thus the way was open for the development of theology and its auxiliary sciences, which now grew up about Scripture I IO ORIENTAL EDUCATION. as their centre, and which were later collected in the Mischna and the Talmud. 3. The changed conditions after the Exile that led to im- provements in the higher schools, necessitated a corresponding improvement in the schools -of the masses. The language of Scripture was no longer the language of the people, and knowl- edge could be handed down only through systematic instruction in the home and the school. The highpriest Joshua ben Gamla introduced, about 67 of the Christian era, a system of elemen- tary schools; he ordained that each town, and even each village, should open an elementary school for children. Moses Maimo- nides says of the Jews of the Middle Ages that they everywhere employed teachers of boys, and that they would curse the town where no such instruction was given, or, if that availed not, even destroy it, "because the world existed solely by the breath of school boys." The deep interest in studies gave rise to the belief that a system of schools was described in the Bible, and that the Jewish system of education dated, therefore, from the earliest times. To the rabbis the patriarchs appeared as the founders of academies; and the tribe of Simeon they regarded as the tribe of teachers and as enjoying, in consequence, a dig- nity fully equal to that of the tribe Levi, etc. Of the methods of teaching, that of interpretation or exegesis was cultivated most. The need of harmonizing different interpretations gave rise to the disputation, which is a method of teaching peculiar to the Jews. Language teaching, however, did not develop be- yond the primitive stage; and the first systematic study of Hebrew gram-mar was made as late as the nth century by Rabbi Jona, who followed the methods of Arabian grammarians. The old method, still in vogue to-day, for introducing the child to the language of the Thora, consists in having the teacher first speak the words and sentences of the text, next translate them, and finally let the pupil memorize all. Thus the text is read, explained, and memorized without one single word of grammatical analysis. 2 This method was followed by the He- brew teachers of Reuchlin, Trotzendorf, and A. H. Francke; and Esra Ezardi, Francke's teacher, defended it as embodying the first principle of language instruction: " Lege biblia^ relege biblia^ repete biblia." Wolfgang Ratke and others adopted it in the iyth century for the teaching of the classical languages, and it 1 Schwarz, Erziehungs/ehre, Leipzig, 1829, I, I, p. 204. 2 Jost, Brzoska's Zentra'bibliothek, 1839, Feb. issue, pp. 49 ff. CHINA. Ill was useful in offsetting the evil effects of the one-sided gram- matical method. The Jews of later days have repeatedly rendered special services to Western education by being the intermediaries in transmitting certain educational elements from the East. In the Middle Ages they played an important role as the connect- ing link between Moslemin and Christians; to the latter their philosophical and medical works were particularly helpful; and it is owing principally to the Jews, that the oriental tales and legends have become so widely known in the West. 1 In the Renaissance the rabbis were in great demand for teaching He- brew and other oriental languages, and the pantheism of the Kabbalah was a deep influence in the philosophy of the age. Jewish rationalists were an important factor in popularizing the philosophy of the i8th century. However, at the present time the Jewish elements are assimilating more and more with west- ern culture. The specific features of Jewish education are fast disappearing, and represent, in fact, a mere remnant of Hebrew culture, although still an interesting object of study. "With no class of people will you find among the savants so few books and among the lower orders so many books, as among those Jewish elements of our population that have remained faithful to the ancient ideals of their race. Nowhere else will you find anybody taking so much delight in a book as among the Jews, and often, after having driven the most sordid of bargains, they appear to refresh their minds by recurring in their con- versation ever and anon to the sublimest of subjects. You will frequently find the wretched dealer in second-hand goods, or the trader in cattle, bending of a Sabbath, or of a winter's eve- ning, over old and venerable tomes, studying the most abstruse casuistry, or revelling in Hebrew history or poetry, or writing for publication. " CHAPTER VIII. China. i. Chinese education has been influenced very little by the peoples we have been dealing with, and hence it differs essen- tially from their educational systems. The education of China 1 Benfey, Pantschatranta, I, pp. 10, 26 ff. 2 Jost, 1. c. 112 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. lacks the religious foundation. The Chinese mind is fixed upon the things of this world and does not connect them with a higher order. The fine arts, as finding their highest inspiration in re- ligion, are neglected, while the mechanical arts attained early a high degree of excellence. The moral life lacks the ennobling and sanctifying element that might raise it above the trivial and insipid. Science ranges over broad and varied fields, but does so at the expense necessarily of depth, the natural result of the absence of the speculative element. "The life of the Chinese is workaday and profane; the State takes the place of the Church; the laity has crowded out the clergy; the workday supersedes the holyday; memorial halls take the place of temples and shrines. " The canonical or classical books, which are the basis of Chinese education, are not regarded as religious or sacred. They are not an inheritance, guarded by priests, but mere com- pilations of current traditions made for moral and educational purposes by Confucius, "the King of Teachers" (about 550 B. C.). "To the King, edited by Confucius, the model of lit- erary form, the acme of philosophic wisdom, is largely due that extraordinary stability of Chinese thought and institutions which is the wonder of the world." The Five Classics of Confucius are: Y-king, the book of changes, 64 figures, unintelligible even at the time of their first publication, which probably signify some cosmological facts; She-king, the book of odes, a collection of 311 moral, political, and lyrical poems; Shao-king, the book of history; Li-ki, the book of rites; and Ch'un-ts'ew, Spring and Autumn, the last-named being the only one claiming Confucius as the actual author. To the King must be added the Four Books: Lun Lii, or Analects of Confucius, his views and maxims retailed by his disciples; the Book of Mencius\ Ta Hsueh, or Great Learning; and Chung Yung, or Doctrine of the Mean, a short treatise enlarging upon Confucius' teaching about conduct, and ascribed to his grandson K'ung Chi. These classics occasioned innumerable commentaries and paraphrases, and the whole vast field of Chinese literature, history, didactic works, and poetry, is indirectly connected with them. The polyhistor Chu Hsi (1130-1200) is important in the history of education for having compiled in works, large and small, all that he thought worthy of preservation. For the instruction. of the young he compiled the encyclopedia Siao-hio, i. e., The Small Study. 2 No 1 Adolf Wuttke, Geschichte des Heidentums, Breslau, 1853, II, p. 68. 2 Heinrich Wuttke, Geschichte der Schrift und des Schrifttums, Leipzig, i 8 7 2 > P- 353- CHIN-A. 113 science of language developed in connection with the study of these early writings. The Chinese are indifferent to the spoken word, for they regard it as the mere expression of the written characters, which may be read according to different dialects ^ and thus the study of grammar dwindles down to an explanation of the pictured symbols. 1 The Chinese never lacked the ele- ments of the mathematical sciences: in the nth century B. C. arithmetic and the calendar were widely known, maps of the empire were drawn on vases, and tables of statistics posted in public places. But it was only in the Middle Ages that they received of the Arabians the rudiments of astronomy and geom- etry and of the Hindus their system of notation. 2 The Chinese esteem music for its ennobling effects on the young: its function is to produce the harmony of souls, to be the step leading to wisdom, and to prove a type of the order that ought to prevail in a well-organized community. Yet music has not developed in China, neither on its sesthetical nor its theoretical side, and the method of writing music the Chinese learned only of Chris- tian missionaries. 2. The King, seven small volumes with many commentaries, are the chief subject in higher education. The pupils copy the text and try to fix in their memory and imagination the char- acters peculiar to the book studied. The more advanced pupils analyze the text, and practice the use of lists of pictured words. The most important work, however, is the writing of compo- sitions, for which the subjects are taken either from the classics or from encyclopedias. 3 Some attention is also given to the writing of verses and to the acquiring of a business style. De- spite the dryness and severity of the instruction the picture of a hand holding a rod represents the word kiao to teach the pupils leave school with a taste for literature. A man of edu- cation will invariably have a library of scientific and literary works, and will also visit the public library quite frequently, besides reading his magazines and newspapers at home. Elementary instruction is, like the higher education, chiefly a matter of memory and of the skillful use of the brush-pen. It deals, however, only with the common characters, the knowl- edge of which does not yet fit a person to read the higher liter- ature. The most widely used elementary textbook is the San- 1 Ibid., pp. 320 ff., 402 ff. 2 Ibid., pp. 277, 364 ff. 3 Ibid., p. 388. 8 114 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. tse-kingy which was written in the ijth century of the Christian era by the teacher Wang-po-heu. It contains 1068 word-pic- tures in groups of three, joined by rimes, and touches upon all that is thought most necessary for life. Many books have been written to explain its contents and to suggest the best methods for imparting its material to children. 1 The children's schooling begins at the age of five or six. Several years are spent first in learning to sketch roughly the pictures of words and then in making more exact drawings of them; before the age of fourteen to sixteen,' pupils can rarely read and write. 2 The West has taken a new interest in Chinese encyclopedias since the publication, in 1905, of the great encyclopedia in French and Chinese, comprising twelve volumes and edited by the Jesuit Wieger. This monumental work, honored with the grand prize of the Paris Academic des inscriptions et belles-lettres ', comprises Chinese grammar, literary as well as colloquial, dia- logues, orations, ethics, philosophy, history up to the date of publication, written characters, etymology, dictionary, etc. 40,000 letters had to be cast for the printing of the encyclopedia, and the work was done by Chinese under the direction of lay- brothers. The Chinese newspapers have had a long history. The Peking Gazette (Tsching-pao, News of the Capital) is said to have been founded 911 B. C.; it appeared in print since 1351, has been issued daily since 1800, and is now published three times a day; each issue appearing, according to the time of day, on yellow, white, or green paper. 1 Neumann, who edited it along with a translation and commentary (Mu- nich, 1836), was the first to bring this textbook to the knowledge of the West. The following is a summary of its contents: importance of education, examples of good children, numbers, the three fundamental entities (heaven, earth, man), the three duties (patriotism, piety, conjugal love), the four seasons, the four cardinal points, the five elements (water, fire, wood, metal, earth), the five virtues (humanity, justice, good taste, wisdom, fidelity), the six kinds of grain, the six domestic animals, the seven passions (joy, anger, aversion, fear, love, hatred, lust), the eight tones, the nine generations from the great- great-grandfather to the great-great-grandchild, the ten moral ties (between father and son, between the married, between brothers, king and people, old and young, and friends). This is followed by a list of the canonical books, a survey of the country's history, admonitions to industry, and examples of industry. The popularity of this primer has recently induced Christian mis- sionaries to preserve its form while Christianizing its content, and the attempt is reported to have proved very successful. 2 H. Wuttke, 1. c., pp. 386 ff. CHINA. 115 3. The State supervised and assisted the schools in the earli- est times. The Emperor Yao, the Chinese Alfred (2205-2198 B. C.), divided the government lands, and apportioned off no small part of them for school purposes. 1 In 1097 B. C. an im- perial edict of the Emperor Tscheu decreed the establishment of large and small schools throughout the country. 2 Till 750 B. C. the schools of the country were state institutions. The school of the court, the highest in rank, had its own 'teachers; but in the provinces the teaching was committed to state offi- cials, regardless of their age or experience. 3 The schools' were an integral part of the imperial police system. But the schools of modern China are private, and by supervising the examina- tions the State provides both for the uniformity and the spread- ing of, knowledge. Because the examinations determine the individual's social and political rank, the interest in education is intense and general. Every village boasts a school, and evening and night schools are numerous in all towns. 4 To be admitted to society or to be classed among the men of education, one must pass the first examination, which consists in writing several compositions on subjects taken generally from the King; three prose compositions and one poem must be written on four texts taken from the classics. It is estimated that no more than five per cent of the candidates pass this examination, and, though their number cannot be stated exactly, Chinese authorities con- fess it to be a full million. To ensure the possession of the title ob- tained by this examination, the holder must every three years pass a similar test. The next higher examination lasts a full month and admits the candidate to a public office. The third exami- nation is taken to obtain the title of savant and to be eligible to the highest state positions; it lasts thirteen days, consists in writing compositions in elegant style, and can be taken only in the capital of the country. The savants desiring to be members of the Peking Academy of Sciences (founded in the ninth cen- tury of the Christian era) must pass a final examination in the imperial palace; this examination is not confined, as the others, to certain periods of time. 5 1 Plath, Ueber Schuls, Unterricht und Erziehung bei den alien Chinesen^ Munich, 1868, p. 13. 2 H. Wuttke, 1. c., p. 278. 3 Plath, 1. c., p. 56. 4 Fr. Muller, Ethnographic, 1873, p. 392. 5 Plath, 1. c., p. 6. Il6 ORIENTAL EDUCATION. By this system education and scholarship obtain a politico- economical importance; knowledge is a social power, yea, an attribute of public power. Yet the encyclopedic character of knowledge and the value of formal accomplishments are stressed equally in all the various examinations. It is not professional knowledge that fits a man for public office, but his knowledge of language, and the savant differs from the man of general edu- cation, not in possessing a different knowledge, but solely in the greater volume of his learning. The subject-matter of elemen- tary and higher education is practically identical. It is, then, but natural that in China the acquisition of knowledge goes hand in hand with spreading it. It is significant that the sym- bol for one of the terms for "teaching" (hoei} combines the signs for "word" and for "everyman," thus expressing that to teach is "to transmit words for everyman." Similarly, the terms for the one who knows and for the one who teaches, play, as in the English "master," into each other. 1 The Chinese proverbs: "To teach and to learn imply a mutual growth," "Teaching is half learning," also voice the idea that the re- ceiving of an intellectual content connotes that it will be trans- mitted to others. Chinese institutions and writings embody the view that teaching and learning must be moral in aim. In the Li-ki, (The Mirror of Morality}, we read, "The righteous scholar should look upon a righteous heart as his chief treasure; honesty should be his best possession; and the enriching of his mind should be his profession." Chu Hsi, describing the difference between the two grades of education, says, "The lower educa- tion teaches moral living and the ways and means of making moral progress. But it is only the higher education that gives a clear insight into the foundations of morality; it is the highest perfection of all norms and the full development of the mind; it teaches why we are enjoined to lead a moral life and to make progress on the path of virtue. " The educational system of China has frequently been over- estimated. Its admirers praised the Chinese for recruiting the state officials from the ranks of scholars; but they failed to note that by this very privilege the scholar became a mere official. They rejoiced that writers were admitted to high places; but 1 Ibid., p. 26. 2 Heinrich Wuttke; I.e., p. 391. 3 Adolf Wuttke, I.e., II, p. 198. CHINA. they overlooked that thus the entire field of writing and litera- ture was left to the mercy of the state functionary. While admiring the industry of the Chinese, they did not note how valueless is the matter thrashed out by this ceaseless activity. The Chinese were congratulated upon the fact that their system of education precludes all friction between Church and State, between religious and secular education. But this advantage was secured at too dear a price, for it involved the sacrifice of high ideals, as is evident from the restless and joyless drudgery of the people. III. GREEK EDUCATION. CHAPTER IX. The Content of Greek Education. i. The difference between the East and Greece is too strik- ing to have escaped the Greek philosophers, and they have, indeed, described very clearly the contrast between the two civilizations. They prefer their own countrymen for all that pertains to the activities of the State and public life. For the Greek, so they contend, was by nature, by his inherent energy and the consciousness of his powers, well qualified to enjoy the boon of liberty, whereas the Orientals, lacking in political sagac- ity, had sunk into slavery. 1 Still they are broadminded enough to pay generous tribute to the knowledge and learning of the East, which, dating from the earliest times, continued to grow about a never-changing core, and was guarded as a sacred treas- ure and transmitted in an unbroken line to successive genera- tions. Occasionally, the Greek philosophers even express the wish that their own people, alert and active though they were, might leave off from running after the novel and cling to some similar foundation of culture. 2 Though a former age might, in its idolizing of the Greek spirit, have refused to admit Hamitic or Semitic influences in Greek education, we must at the present time, in the light of well-known facts, acknowledge that the East played a large role in the development of Greek learning and civilization. It is to-day an established fact that the glory of the Greek learning at Alexandria was the result, at least in part, of the treasures collected there by the Egyptians, and that the Egyptians had in still earlier times been the teachers of the Greeks in the math- ematical and technical sciences. It is equally certain that forms of worship, myths, fables, tales, songs, and wise sayings, were 1 Her., VII, 101-105 an d elsewhere; Arist., Pol., VII, 6, p. 1327; Her., II, 4, 77, 79 ff- 2 Plato, Tim., p. 22 (see supra p. 89); I. Ale., p. I2i ; Legg., VII, pp. 798 ff.; Diod., II, 29 (see supra p. 104). 118 THE CONTENT OF GREEK EDUCATION. II 9 imported into Greece from the East, and that it was the Sem- ites who in pre-Homeric times taught the art of writing to the Greeks. Eduard Roth has collected the oriental influences of the different periods and presents them as links of a chain; he has demonstrated that Greek culture is based on oriental, and particularly Egyptian, elements. 1 Otto Gruppe takes a similar view in his great, if incomplete, work, 2 and adduces a wealth of material to prove his contention, though his erratic conception of the nature of religion makes many readers doubt some of his conclusions. These researches have called attention to another factor, already noted by Friedrich Creuzer, 3 but later lost sight of, viz., pre-Homeric theology, which is unmistakably similar to oriental beliefs, and which is a cultural element preserved by the priests, and at the same time, because it cannot be entirely drawn from foreign sources, native to Greek soil. In this pre-Homeric theology we must look for the begin- nings of Greek intellectual life and, therefore, also for the first sources of Greek education. The Appolonian circle of beliefs, to which the worship of the Muses belonged, and from which the epic and the lyric sprang, represent one side of these priestly teachings, while the mysteries, which are the source of the occult ritual and the drama, are their other side. The service of the Muses which term later designated the devotion to the arts and sciences was originally a form of religious worship practiced by priests. The Muses had bestowed not only the arts of singing and music, but (as is apparent from the names of some of them: Mnemosyne, Clio, Urania, Poly- mathia) the knowledge of early times, the remembrance of glo- rious deeds, the knowledge of the cosmic phenomena the learn- ing, in fact, of all kinds was recognized as the gift of the Muses. Plato calls Calliope and Urania the eldest of the Muses, which is the same as saying that the knowledge of the past and of the heavens antedates all other sciences. 4 Orpheus was celebrated not only for having brought to men the charm of song, but also for having disclosed the secrets of nature and for having taught men the art of healing. Musaeus is said to have written 1 E. Roth, Geschichte unserer abendlandischen Philosophic, Mannheim, 1862, particularly Vol. II, pp. 278 ff., Ill, I ff., 71 ff. 2 O. Gruppe, Die griechischen Kulte und Mythen in ihren Beziehungen zu den orientalischen Religionen, Vol. I, Leipzig, 1887. 3 Fr. Creuzer, Symbolik und My t ho logic der alien Volker, besonders der Griechen, 2nd ed., I-IV, Leipzig, 1819. 4 Plato, Phted., p. 259 d. I2O GREEK EDUCATION. a book on astronomy, and Linos' poetry dealt with astronomy and natural history. 1 The hymns and prayers of these poet- priests were preserved even at a later day in shrines and tem- ples, e. g., in Delos. From these hymns and prayers the later poetry derived "the first notions concerning the structure of the world, the dominions of the Olympian gods and the Titans, the established epithets which are applied to the gods, without reference to the peculiar circumstances under which they ap- pear, and which often disagree with the rest of the epic mythol- ogy. " But the ideas current among these Pierian bards as- sumed no sufficiently definite shape to prove the foundation of a priestly education; it was left to epic poetry to become the standard for all later time. 2. Among the epic poets Homer held undisputed sway, and the Greeks regarded him as the father of their whole intellectual life. Common opinion had it that he had, in union with Hesiod, "fixed the genealogical table of the gods, had given them their names, their character, and had determined the forms of wor- ship. " Homer was the teacher of all poets that came after him: their works were but "crumbs from his sumptuous ban- quet." He was for all writings "the model and the source, even as the ocean is the source for all streams and springs. " He was the eternal fountain-head of the national spirit, whence the Greeks could ever draw new strength for their struggle with the forces of barbarism. 6 His poetry was considered the inexhaustible source of ideas, of views of life and nature, and even of scientific knowledge and of philosophical principles: 7 "He is the source of all culture and all science that has entered 1 Horace, Ars Poet., 391 ; Diog. Laert., Procem., 3 and 4. 2 K. O. Miiller and J. W. Donaldson, History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, London, i8<;8, p. 39. 3 Her., II, 53. 4 Plato, Rep., X, p. 585; Athen., VIII, 49, where Aeschylus calls his tragedy Tffjui\ri TWV 'Oujpov ncyd\uv deiirvov. 5 Quintilian, X, i in. 6 Isocrates, Paneg., 159. 7 Though Plato is opposed to the Homeric worldview, he does not hesitate to quote quite freely from Homer's verses, which he calls ^JTIJ icarA 6c6v rus tlprj/j^va KO.I Kard. foiv (Legg., Ill, p. 682). Alkidamas calls the Odyssey a beautiful mirror of human life: icoXAv dvOpuirtvov ptov K&dovrpov (Arist., Rhetor., Ill, 3). The Sophists were eager to prove Homer the father of their system (Plat., Pro/., p. 316). Krates of Mallos interprets all the learning of the Alexandrian age into the poet (Strab., Ill, p. 157). THE CONTENT OF GREEK EDUCATION. 121 into human life." "He was the educator of Greece and laid down the norms for the inner and outer forms of life. " The canon, then, of Greek education is not the sacred texts of priests, but the creations of poetic genius. At the bottom of this poetry there was no set of teachings that would attach the mind to a fixed content, but the pictures of the nation's great achievements, which ennobled the young as well by the easily understood meaning as by the perfection of form. To behold this glorious panorama, to understand it, to enjoy it, was not reserved to one privileged caste which would share only in a small measure its knowledge with the masses. No, it was granted to each and everyone of the Greeks to learn of Achilles' wrath and the wanderings of Ulysses, to train his ear with the hexameter's rythmic flow, to store his fancy with the splendid pictures of the epic, and to enrich his mind and heart with the wisdom of the father of poets. All poetic and artistic activity of the Greeks followed in the wake of Homer, and, as his poetry appealed to the whole people, it was a thing of beauty that enriched in many ways the national and public life. 3. To make Homer's poetry accessible to all was one of the chief objects of the liberal education (musische Eildung) of the Greeks, for the latter tended to make the individual apprecia- tive and receptive of the intellectual treasures belonging to the whole nation. It comprised the teaching of reading and writ- ing, the reading and memorizing ot texts, and vocal and instru- mental music. The elements of grammar were taught by the ypa/A/AaTicrr^s, who made use of various helps. One such help was the grammar play written by Kallias, a writer of come- dies of about 400 B.C., in which the 24 letters of the Ionic al- phabet, which was then to be introduced, appeared on the stage in due order. Combinations of the different letters were spoken and sung. The play was written in verse, and followed in all its details (prologue, chorus, etc.) the plan of the classical tragedy. 3 In the Alexandrian age grammar was taught in con- nection with the elementary instruction. Three parts of speech were recognized: noun, verb, and conjunction (ovoftara, ptj- /u,ara, i\offola. 2 Strab., X, 3, io. 3 Plato, Phced., p. 6gd and Phcedr., p. z^d. 4 Procl., Comment, in Eucl., II, p. 19. 5 Ov., Met., 1 5, 66. 6 In the dialogue Amatores, ascribed to Plato, there is a scene (p. 132) in which the youths dispute about different opinions of Anaxagoras and Oino- pidas. They also draw circles and show with their hands their angles of in- clination. In Aristophanes' Clouds (vv. 200 flf.) a young wiseacre is given to airing his knowledge of astronomy, geography, and geometry. 7 This is probably the meaning ot the tv rots /j-aB^nacriv fdedcraro rb Koivbv KO.I ffw^Kdua-ev dXXiJXots in Diog. Lsert., IV, 2, because the speculative relation- ship of these disciplines had been established, if not by Pythagoras, then at the latest by Plato. 128 GREEK. EDUCATION. ethical principles, and he was followed in this work by the Stoics who gave special attention to this phase of the Homeric studies. 1 While the higher learning, which drew upon the philosophy of the pre-Homeric age, was thus enlarging the content of liberal education, popular philosophy was active in the same direction. Though the popular philosophy of the Sophists affords evident proof that the learning and speculation had deteriorated and had not kept pace with the growth of the nation, yet their efforts had at least stimulated intellectual activity, and con- sequently the history of education may rate them a little higher than does the history of philosophy. The Sophists made utility the standard of all knowledge and skill, and their aim was to discover how the factors and forces of life could be made of the greatest possible benefit to the race and the individual. Gorgias recognized the art of speech as the art that would ac- complish this, because, as he mainatined, it embodied all other arts and superseded all knowledge. Other Sophists shrank from so extreme a view, and contended that a certain mass of knowl- edge must be mastered ere the gift of speech could appear at its best; and some Sophists, like Hippias of Elis, made researches in most diverse fields. By calling attention to the questions of the day the Sophists encouraged not only theoretical specu- lation, but also the practical application of knowledge, and thus politics, jurisprudence, political economy, and ethics began to be studied, even if the viewpoint was frankly utilitarian. Fur- thermore, once the interest in the spoken word was awakened, men did not rest satisfied with systematizing the methods em- ployed in rendering language effective, but proceeded not only to trace the interrelations of thought, as exhibited in spoken and written language, but also to inquire into the nature of language as such. The debates of the Sophists gave birth to dialectics and logic. Their grammatical distinctions mark the beginning of the philosophy of language, and the latter has proved the source a development quite different from that in the East of the scientific study of grammar. Protagoras led the way in this field, for he was the first to distinguish be- tween the different classes of sentences which he called the "roots of language" (TruOpeves Aoyciw) and he also discovered the genus of nouns and the relationship of agreement. 2 1 Diog. Laert., II, II and the commentaries on Horace, />., I, 21 ff. 2 Diog. Laert., IX, 53; Arist., Rhetor.^ Ill, 5; Soph, clench.^ 14. Pro- tagoras distinguishes at times four classes of sentences, then seven; either THE CONTENT OF GREEK EDUCATION. Socrates examined into the same matters as the Sophists, but he opposed their frivolous tendency by taking a more serious view of life. He encouraged the serious pursuit of knowledge, for he declared knowledge to be not only the means for attain- ing virtue, but identical with it. The problems that he pro- posed, could not be solved by playful reasoning or dabbling in science, but only by deep and earnest study. The dialectic of the Sophists had been mainly controversial and frivolous, too, in its eagerness for a dispute, but Socrates changed it radically and put it to better use. By developing the analytic operations of the intellect, induction and definition, he laid the foundation for the structure of logic, which was later completed by Aris- totle. The Socratic method is the happy union of the dialectic and didactic processes. The teaching process means the freeing of the mental powers; the knowledge is apparently presented to the pupil, yet he must find it himself, and his circle of thought becomes the birthplace of knowledge. The honor of having continued and harmonized all that the Sophists and Socrates had begun belongs to Isocrates. Isocra- tes's school at Chios is said to have produced as many men of the finest type of culture as heroes issued forth from the Trojan Horse. He raised the art of oratory to a truly educational and cultural subject and made it subservient to a moral aim. He converted the egotistical polymathy of the Sophists into a many-sided receptiveness, after the example of the bee, which knows well how to extract what is wholesome from all flowers. 1 He popularized the view of Pythagoras and Plato, that the chief function of mathematics is to prepare for the study of philosophy." 1 * Isocrates is also responsible for the blending of rhetoric and historiography, but this blending was not favorable to the development of history. 3 7. It remained for the Alexandrian age to compress all the educational elements, introduced by the various philosophers, within the compass of the one system of the seven liberal arts, which was to be the standard in education for so many cen- turies. It was called ey/cv/cXios TraiSeia, ey/cu/cXia T wish, question, answer, command; or declaration, question, answer, command, message, request, and invocation. 1 Ad Demon., 52 ff. 2 De permutatione, 264 and 256. 3 Droysen, Grundriss der Historik, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1875, p. 76. I3O GREEK EDUCATION. fJM0ypa,Ta l , i. e., the common education or studies, with the connotation of a circle of education or studies. It comprised grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. Grammar did not in this period lose its primitive philosoph- ical character the Stoics especially continued along this line- but it began at the same time to promote the scientific treat- ment of language by assisting in the emendation of texts and in interpretative criticism. Going back to the origins of edu- cation, it concerned itself mainly with Homer's poetry. It embraced the methodical or technical study of spoken and written language as well as the historical or exegetical study which dealt chiefly with the authors' texts. 2 For the purpose of teaching the Greek language to young Romans, Dionysius Thrax reduced (c. 60 B. C.), the results of the grammatical re- searches to a system. His book was the first practical elementary Greek grammar, and it "became one of the principal channels through which the grammatical terminology, which had been carried from Athens to Alexandria, flowed back to Rome, to spread from thence over the whole civilized world." Rhetoric examined the different species of oratory, treated of the in- vention and arrangement of thought, of style, memory, and elocution, gave directions for model compositions (chria), and classified the tropes and figures. Aristotle's Rhetoric, the T^mj prjropLKTJ of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a contemporary of Dio- nysius Thrax, and the npoyv/avacr/aara of Hermogenes, Aph- thonius and other rhetoricians, or technicians, as they were called, of imperial Rome give us a good and succinct view of what was usually taught in the schools under the name of rhetoric. 4 From the scant material extant in regard to .the study of logic, we cannot say how much of this subject was studied in the schools. There is no Greek textbook of elementary dia- lectic extant, and the Roman encyclopedias (see. ch. XII) compilations of what was taught in the Greek schools give 1 For complete references see Wower, De polymathia tractatio, 1603, cap. XXIV, pp. 208-21 3. 2 Concerning the different definitions and divisions of grammar cf. Sext. Empir., Adv. Gram., pp. 224 ff. Fabr. Cf. also Wower, 1. c., pp. u ff. 3 M.ax Miiller, The Science of Language, New York, 1891, I, pp. 103 ff. 4 Krause, Geschichte der Erziehung bei den Griechen, Halle, 1851, pp. 179 ff. Cf. R. C. Jebb's translation of Aristotle's Rhetoric (ed. by J. E. Sandys, 1909) and hi s Attic Orators, 1876. THE CONTENT OF GREEK EDUCATION. more attention to oratorical training than to logical materials in what they quote under the head of dialectic from Aristotle and the Stoics. 1 The Elements (crrot^eta) of the Platonist Euclid of Gela (c. 300 B. C.) were the basis of geometry and arithmetic. The Elements, however, were not the first systematic textbook, for the Pythagorean Hippocrates had written one 150 years earlier, 2 but the fame of Euclid's book eclipsed all former works. In Euclid's book plane geometry is treated in six books; arithmetic, in four; and solid geometry, in three. The presentation has been much admired, imitated even by philosophers, and is to-day still the standard for our textbooks: the definitions, postulates, and axioms head the list, and the teaching matter is contained in the theorems and problems. The structure of the whole reveals great art, yet allows no view into the relation of the mathematical truths, because the propositions are treated more as matter for memory and reflection than as members of a scientific organism. It would seem that only the first book of which the theorem of Pythagoras is the last, and which was often edited and annotated was in general use. From the Roman encyclopedias we can conclude that geographical matter was introduced into geometry, and that the encyclical arith- metic treated only the theory and symbolism of numbers and did not include the theory of the four operations. 3 From what Strabo requires of the readers of his work on geography we can infer how much astronomy was taught in the schools. He says that the reader "should be familiar with the shape of the earth and its circles (parallel, perpendicular, and oblique), and know the position of the tropic of Cancer and of the tropic of Capricorn, of the equator and the zodiac, as well as the paths of the sun which show the difference in the degrees of latitude and the winds; for he who is ignorant of the horizon and the Arctic and Antarctic Circles and of other elementary matters of mathematics, might well despair of grasping what is to be explained here." 4 Geography was naturally studied in connec- 1 Prantl, Geschichte der Logik, I, pp. 528, 578 ff. 2 Roth, 1. c., II, p. 586. Cf. The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, transl. with introduction and commentary by T. L. Heath, 3 vols., Cambridge, 1908; A\\mann,GreekGeometry from Thales to Euclid, Dublin, 1889; on Euclid: Cantor, Vorlesungen iiber Geschichte der Mathematik, Leipzig, 1880, pp. 221 ff. 3 Cf. Peacock's article Arithmetic in the Encyclopedia Metropolitana, which contains a detailed account of the Greek system. 4 Strabo, I, pp. 12-13. 132 GREEK. EDUCATION. tion with elementary astronomy, and the form of the elementary geographies of the Alexandrian age they are written in verse to assist the memory leads us to believe that they were used in the schools. 1 Music, as taught in the schools, embraced the knowledge, first, of the instruments, next, of the height and depth of the tones, and, finally, of their duration. Different symbols were employed for writing vocal and instrumental music, and the two styles were more difficult than our system, as it took several months to teach the pupils to read music. 2 In the golden age of Greek culture the course of liberal education was kept up and perfected amid the multiform inter- ests of a highly developed national life. But the encyclical (enzykliscti} education of the Alexandrian age was rounded off by literary work and higher studies. In the latter age the de- mand created a large supply of reading matter to take the place of the public life and social intercourse of the earlier period. 3 Didactic poetry formed part of this popular literature, and though its artistic value is practically nil, it promoted the inter- ests of education, for it made the elements of higher learning the common property of the masses, and thus much of what might otherwise have remained pure theory or inaccessible; was made to serve the practical needs of the time. Astronomy, geography (general and local), history, mythology, agriculture, hunting, medicine, etc., were treated in didactic poems. The term philology now came into use for designating the amateur as well as the professional occupation with scientific matters. Though this term had been employed formerly in the sense of scientific or educational interests, 4 yet this use had been only occasional, and it became general only after Eratosthenes had first called himself a philologist. There is some relation in the meaning of philology and polymathy, which latter term also came into general use about the same time. But while phi- lology implies primarily book learning, polymathy expresses primarily the desire for many-sided knowledge. 8. Philology and polymathy were never considered the com- pletion of education. They were regarded as merely extending 1 Bernhardy, Griechische Literaiurgeschichle, I, p. 99. 2 Boeckh, Enzyklopadie und Methodologie der philologischen fPissenschaften, ed. by Bratuschek, Leipzig, 1 877, pp. 503 ff. 3 At this time dvayiyixlxrKfiv came to mean: to read, to occupy oneself with books; popular writers were called dvayvwriKol. Bernhardy, 1. c., I, p. 57; Grassberger, 1. c., pp. 283 ff. >i\&v \6yovs xal THE CONTENT OF GREEK EDUCATION. 133 the boundaries of knowledge and as leading up to the highest field, to philosophy. In this sense Strabo assigns to the phi- lologist Eratosthenes a middle place between him who devotes himself to philosophy, /. e., scientific research, and the other who would not venture so far, yet is desirous of going beyond the encyclical course of studies. 1 Philosophy had to maintain its superiority the more as it had begun with Aristotle to em- brace as its own department all that was proper to polymathy. Aristotle, whom Dante calls "The master of those who know," the type of the man who combines the scrutinizing eye of the research worker with the gift of universal knowledge, was fit- tingly born in the beginning of the Alexandrian age, for he well marks the change ushered in with that period. All phi- losophers agreed that their science is the completion and end of education, and they differed only in their evaluation of the encyclical studies. The Stoics refused to acknowledge that these studies had a propaedeutic function. However the Academy, true to its founder, held the opposite view and looked partic- ularly upon the mathematical sciences as the handmaids of philosophy; 2 but to such as rested satisfied with this preparatory work instead of taking up the higher studies, the words of Aris- tippus were applied: they resemble the suitors of Penelope, who, when the mistress was refused them, were content with her maids. 3 How the deeper natures of the age sought to combine phi- losophy and polymathy, is seen in the beautiful allegory of Nicholas of Damascus, contemporary and friend of Augustus. The studies are compared to a journey: at one place the trav- eller makes a brief call, at another place he takes only a meal, at other places he spends entire days. Some objects he scru- tinizes carefully, at others he merely glances, but having re- turned home, he takes up his permanent abode in his own house. The friend of studies will conduct himself in a similar Way: he will give much time to one subject, to another but little; some sciences he will try to master, while he is satisfied with the elements of others; and after he has tasted of all that seemed inviting, he turns to philosophy to dwell permanently in her 1 Strabo, I, p. 15. For Zeno's opinion see Diog. Laert., VII, 32; Chrysippus expressed himself more favorably, ib., 129. When a youth who was ignorant of music, geometry, and astronomy applied toXenocrates for instruction, the philosopher refused saying, irop&!>ov, Xa^As ykp OVK 2x* i\offoias. Ib., IV, IO. 3 Ib., II, 79; cf. Pseudoplut., De lib. educ.> 10. 134 GREEK EDUCATION. company. 1 To have traced philosophy back to its theological elements, is the principal achievement of the Neo-Platonists and Neo-Pythagoreans. They tried to recreate the oldest wis- dom and to convert philosophy into a theological science. In this way the formal disciplines of philosophy came to be con- sidered as a preparation for theology, the latter remaining, as it were, the core of the former. Hence there are four steps in education conceived in the highest sense: liberal studies, mathe- matics, philosophy, and theology. Greek education finds its completion, then, in that very ele- ment with which the schools had in the East, and, to some ex- tent, even in Greece, begun. While the priestly learning of the East and of Greece in the Pelasgian age formed the foundation of all general education, the liberal education of Hellenic Greece was at first saturated with aesthetical materials. It was only later that the scientific research workers began to add scientific elements to the cultural subjects, /and their solid contributions proved a basis of profane knowledge that was almost equal in strength to the religious beliefs that had been the foundation of primitive education. It has been frequently observed, and that justly, that Providence guided matters so that at the time when Christianity was to be introduced into the world, the culture of Greece had stamped itself upon the whole ancient civilization and was fast making its way into the most distant countries, with the result that national differences were rapidly disappearing. It may be added that the very development of the content of Greek education was also providential: the edu- cation of the Greeks was not, as with the Hindus, Egyptians, and Persians, a thing that was added to old and unchangeable beliefs. It was rather a union of loosely joined materials, and one that was seeking solidity and depth; and this was undoubt- edly the happiest condition for giving welcome to the new theology and philosophy. CHAPTER X. The Ethos of Greek Education. i. It is undeniable that there were vast differences among the ancient Greeks arising partly from the division of the people 1 Suidas, s. v. N6Xooj, cf. Pseudoplut., De lib. educ. y 10, and G. J. Vossius, De ratione studiorum, Ultra)., 1651, p. 12. THE ETHOS OF GREEK EDUCATION. 135 into tribes and commonwealths, entirely distinct from one an- other, and, partly from the opposite tendencies, which at differ- ent times, or even at the same time, influenced Hellenic life. In view of these differences it may well appear most difficult to describe briefly and succinctly the ethos and character of Greek education. The education of the Athenian differed toto coelo from the education of the Spartan. The Athenian could boast "of his ability, skill, and grace displayed in many fields," and could point to his own Athens as being "the school of whole Greece. " The Spartan had to bear the reproach of his own countryman that he was an a/aoucros, one lacking a liberal education. However, he was proudly conscious of his training to self-reliant manhood: "Man differs but little from man," says Archidamus, "but he who has passed through the severest training will prove most valiant in life's battle." Similarly, we have, "on the one hand, the serious and deep views of edu- cation which the Pythagoreans expressed, in their principles concerning the proving of the mind and heart, and which they embodied in their systematic grading of studies. But, on the other hand, we have the shallow view of the Sophists, the lo- quacious busybodies who dreamed that all could be learned and all taught, as though nature or the gods had bestowed the same gifts upon all alike. 3 And there is almost as great a difference between the doctrinairism of Xenophanes and Heraclitus who opposed the popular beliefs, and Aristotle's universality which was born of historical studies. Nay, even the same philosopher will give expression to views diametrically opposed to each other: in his Republic Plato assigns to philosophy the highest place; but in his Laws, where he appears to be convinced of the need of an historical faith, he declares the worship of the gods as practiced in early Greece to be the foundation of the inner life. Still, there are certain traits broadly characteristic of Greek education, and the most prominent of these is the sharp dis- tinction made between cultural or liberal education and voca- 1 Pericles in Thuc., II, 41, i: rrjs 'EXXdSoy walStvffiv, cf. Diod., XIII, 27: raiSevr-fipiov irdriv dvOpwir. 22. X 1CIIVS* iVf //.j T **> 5 Cf". supra, p. 22. THE GREEK SCHOOL SYSTEM. its defenders." The philosophers generally dealt with the sub- ject of education in their socio-philosophical writings. Thus Plato's Republic and Laws and Aristotle's Politics treat of the science of education, and it is to be regretted that Aristotle has not completed his treatise on the subject (see supra p. 23). But the subject of the science of education was also treated separately or in connection with pedagogical matters. Of such works the treatise on the education of children, ascribed to Plutarch, is the only book that has come down to us. But Democritus, Antisthenes, Aristippus, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Clearchos also wrote on education (Trepi TrcuSeias). The work of the last-named writer must have included materials belonging to the history of education; at least he discussed therein the relations between the wisdom of the Indian gymno- sophists and the learning of the Magi. 2 The Stoic Zeno wrote Of Greek Education, with references, no doubt, to the points of difference between it and foreign educational systems. 3 The same philosopher, as well as Chrysippus and Plutarch, wrote on the study of poetry. We find directions for private study intermingled with general rules in several treatises of Isocrates (e. ., in the writings addressed to Demonicus and Nicocles) and in the numerous exhortations (Xoyoi Trpor/aeTrrt/cot) of later philosophers. 4 Some quotations from the lost works are pre- served in later compilations, especially in those made by Sto- baeus and John of Damascene, the latter placing the sayings of the philosophers and of the Doctors of the Church in parallel columns. CHAPTER XI. The Greek School System. i. The educational institutions of ancient Greece were, with few exceptions, not systematized, and the schools were private foundations with the most meagre appointments. The teachers of reading and writing set up their schools in booths and huts, frequently even in the streets and the market place, and loafers 1 Arist., Pol., VII, 2, p. 1337. 2 Diog. Laert., Prooem., 9. 3 Ibid., VII, 4. 4 Cf. the list of educational writings in Grassberger, 1. c., II, pp. 10 ff. 142 GREEK EDUCATION. could at any time, as Theophrastus describes it in his Char- acters^ disturb them at their work. The profession of the gram- mar teacher was held in low repute, and it was proverbial to say of one who had disappeared, "He either died or is gone to be a schoolmaster." Freedmen and slaves often conducted schools. In the homes of the wealthy, slaves taught the ele- ments; and slaves (the rraiSayoryoi) were generally appointed to watch over the school-boys and to assist them in their lessons. If a slave was unfit for other work he was generally entrusted with this office: a slave fell from a tree while picking fruit and broke his leg, whereupon the master remarked, "He has now advanced to the office of a pedagogue." The music schools were distinct from the elementary schools and were of higher rank; occasionally, statues of Apollo and Athene graced their halls. The State contented itself with passing a few general laws. Athens limited the number of boys who were permitted to be at school at one and the same time and appointed the opening hour for the schools." Some laws were also passed concerning the teaching matter: at the time of the Archon Euclid the State introduced the Ionic alphabet; and the parents were obliged to have their children receive a certain amount of liberal and gymnastic training. 3 The legislation of Charondas is the only case or\ record where the State provided for elemen- tary education. Charondas ordained that all sons of citizens be taught to write, and that the State employ and pay the teachers of the poor. 4 All the schools of Sparta were controlled by the State, and the rigorous censorship of music exercised in that country by the ephors, which prevented the introduction of new melodies, naturally influenced the musical training in the schools. The municipalities provided better than the State, not only for concerts, plays, and other public entertainments, but also for gymnastic training. Each city had its own gymnasium, and Athens boasted several. These gymnasiums were furnished with the necessary apparatus for physical culture, and were surrounded by extensive parks and spacious halls. Long, shady 1 Gaisford, 1. c., No. 121. 2 Aesch., Timarch., 9. 3 Plato, Cr/V., p. 50. 4 Diod., XII, 12. Grafenhahn (Geschichte der Philologie im Altertum, I, p. 67) and Ussing (! c.) refuse to accept the statement of Diodorus, because it is the one solitary case on record. But we must consider that it is not a question of a state system of schools, but merely a form of state aid to the poor. THE GREEK SCHOOL SYSTEM. 143 avenues ran through these parks, and both the latter and the halls were adorned with statues of gods and national heroes. Thus there was ample opportunity for social intercourse and recreation. The physical instruction and exercise of the adults were supervised by the directors, and these in turn were subject, with the whole of the gymnasium, to the Sophronists. The Gymnasiarchs, whose office was held in turn by the wealthiest citizens, arranged the athletic games and other celebrations. In Athens, the Solonic laws regulated the matters pertaining to the attendance and supervision of the gymnasiums. The halls of the gymnasiums were popular meeting-places for social and intellectual intercourse; it was here that the philosophers delivered their lectures, and to attend the latter was considered an elegant occupation of one's leisure (0-^0X17). Plato and his successors lectured in the Academy, which was sacred to Athene and which had been named after Academes, the hero of Attica. Plato's pupils placed a statue of their master in the temple dedicated to the Muses, which had been built in the plane grove adjoining the Academy. Aristotle and his successors lectured in the covered walks of the Lyceum, which was dedicated to Apollo. The Cynics frequented the gymnasium which was sa- cred to the memory of Hercules, and which had been named Cynosarges because it was originally intended for the use of such youth as could not claim the full rights of citizenship. 1 All these institutions were sometimes called palaestra, with the connotation that their service to the mind was similar to the effects of athletics on the body. 2 2. The philosophy schools were generally free associations of youths who, eager for knowledge, would crowd about a master. It is probable that a certain amount of knowledge had to be mastered by the pupil before he was admitted in the well- known inscription Plato refused to admit those not versed in mathematics 3 but no compensation was asked for the instruc- tion. The continuity of the school was preserved by the teach- ing and the regular succession of headmasters (scholarchs). Theophrastus and Epicurus willed some real estate to their suc- cessors, 4 and this marks the beginning of securing^material assistance for the schools. Pythagoras' schools alone^enjoyed 1 Ussing, 1. c., pp. 135 ff. 2 Cf. Longinus, 4, 4: fZevoQ&v Kal liXdrwv K rrjs Sw/cpdrovs 6vres TraXa/trrpas. 3 Mi/Seis Ayeufj-tTpriTos dfflrw ftov T^V v., Ill, 5. THE CONTENT OF ROMAN EDUCATION. 155 its author and an inexhaustible storehouse of anecdotes. A. Gellius, the author of the Attic Nights, which he wrote for the instruction and entertainment of his children, is a representative of those compilers who, while following no system in their work, yet succeeded in amassing a wealth of information as well as in making it accessible to others. The didactic purpose of many similar works appears from the introduction, wherein the work is dedicated to a friend or a son a custom of Roman authors which was not borrowed from the Greeks, but which can be traced to Cato. Many textbooks were thus written for indi- vidual needs, and they form a special department of Roman literature. 6. The Romans inclined more to philology and polymathy than to philosophy, and they accomplished little for the ad- vancement of philosophy. Pure speculation had little attraction for the practical Roman, the man of war and action, yet he availed himself of the services of philosophy for the purpose of increasing his knowledge and of developing his mental faculties. The statement of Ennius, " Philosophari est mihi necesse, at panels, nam omnino haud placet," 1 expresses the subjective and eclectic attitude of the educated Roman toward philosophy, for even if Cicero and Seneca did not content themselves with a smattering of the subject, still self-enjoyment was the prin- cipal motive of their speculation. Cicero was moreover ambi- tious to try the powers of his native tongue on the abstract materials, and though Varro had taught dialectic "to converse in Latin," it was Cicero who inaugurated the use of Latin phil- osophical terms, a fact that was to have far-reaching effects in after times. 2 The study of philosophy is also largely responsible for the high stage of development attained by Roman juris- prudence, for jurisprudence is indebted to philosophy, not only for its first principles, but also for its perfection of logical form, which rendered it fully equal as a work of intellectual art to the mathematics of the Greeks. 3 The founders of the Neopythag- orean and the Neoplatonic systems also drew largely upon Roman philosophy, e. g., the learned mystic Nigidius Figulus and the Sextii. Here the history of philosophy repeats itself: 1 Cic., Tusc. y II, I, i; cf. de or., II, 37, 156; Rep., I, 18. 2 Willmann, Geschichte des Idealismus, 2nd ed., Braunschweig, 1907, I, 41 ff; Eucken, Geschichte der philosophischen Terminologie, Leipzig, 1878, pp. 52 ff. However, Prantl, Geschichte der Logik (I, p. 512) takes a less favorable view of Cicero's terminology. 3 Boeckh, 1. c., p. 705. 156 ROMAN EDUCATION. as formerly in Greece so now in Rome philosophy returned to theology, whence it had first proceeded. This circumstance explains the interest which the Romans at that time took in the mysteries. This interest certainly betokened more than a mere hankering after the wonderful and the occult, or an af- fected air of mysteriousness. "The shallow mind," says Fr. Creuzer, "was satisfied with the glamor of the garish gods of mythology, but the man of deeper mind sought an answer to his anxious questions and rest for his weary heart in the sacred mysteries. In the midst of a dark and dreary world these mysteries appeared to the Roman as a place of refuge, as an oasis in the desert, where he found rest and peace." Thus all the essential elements of Greek education find a home in Roman education. But the results of this assimilation of foreign elements compare unfavorably with the development of the original content of Greek culture. In their education the Romans lack the proper foundation: they possess no literary work, created in the olden days, revered and esteemed as an oracle by the nation at large, and interwoven with its very fibre. Instead, we see the Greek schoolmaster attempting to supply both the literature and the subject-matter of teaching. There is, furthermore, no harmonious co-operation between poetry and science in order to produce the art of language and its theory. Instead, theory develops prematurely at the expense of art, and hence the mind is first taken up with form rather than with content. Finally, Greek polymathy transferred to Roman soil, gains rapidly in extent, but, lacking philosophy, it lacks unity; and while the Roman philosophers were eclectics, the system of education had to serve the purely practical and useful. But with all these defects, the form that Rome gave to the content of Greek education was best adapted for spreading as well as for conserving Greek culture. The Mediterranean and Northern peoples could not be properly introduced to the cul- ture of the ancients before this culture had assumed the form of practical sciences instead of its original spiritualized fullness. The rules of Donatus' grammar were more useful in the process of assimilation than the Stoics' philosophy of language or the Homeric criticism of the Aristarchs of Alexandria. Again, the art of oratory, allied with jurisprudence, did better service in this connection than the ethical rhetoric of Isocrates; and great- er results were obtained by the practical and expert gromatists 1 Creuzer, Symbolik, 2nd. ed., II, p. 996. THE ETHOS OF ROMAN EDUCATION. . 157 than with the logico-architectonic wisdom of Euclid. Though the content of Roman education appear inorganic and unas- similated, yet it entered . deep into the consciousness of the Roman nation, and thus the great nation of warriors and con- querors could employ it as the instrument for the intellectual assimilation of the most diverse peoples, and, in point of fact, it proved one of the strongest elements in holding together the nations that came under the sway of the Romans. CHAPTER XIII. The Ethos of Roman Education. i. Just as the content of Greek education was changed and modified by being transplanted to a foreign soil, so the ideals, too, of Roman educators were not entirely the same as the educational ideals of the Greeks. The Romans accepted the distinct difference established by the Greeks between liberal and vocational education; and the terms: artes ingenues, liberates, studio, ingenua, liberalia are faithful renderings of the corre- sponding Greek terms. However, the bonce artes, i. aMAMtT6j, and its specific meaning is, interpreter of liter- ary works. "Litteratura" is the Latin for ypa.fj./jLa.TiK'/i, and the Latin equiva- lent for the Greek 7paju/Tt., 73, de i 4 Cf. Aug., De Civ. Dei, XIX, 7. 5 Juv., Sat., 15, in sq.; cf. Plin., N. //., 3, 6, 39. 11 162 ROMAN EDUCATION. hence was similar in meaning to the Greek TrcuSeia. Later, however, it came to mean the refinement of the mind in keeping with man's high nature and sublime destiny: "They who have coined the Latin words as well as they who used these words correctly, wished humanitas to express what the Greeks have called TraiSeux, the knowledge, namely, and the instruction in those matters which, when known, produce men in the full sense of the term; for of all living beings, man alone can strive for such a mental development and refinement, and therefore it is most proper that this education has been named the study of the humanities." Humanitas is, then, the proper word of the Romans for education, and we find it used extensively in connection with the different phases of education: humanitas was connected with doctrina, bonce arfes, and even with sermo? It retained, however, the original meaning of the sympatheti- cally human and elegant refinement, and in its full meaning it expresses alike the cosmopolitan and the ethical tendencies of Roman education. CHAPTER XIV. The Roman School System. i. The freedman Spurius Carvilius opened a pay school in Rome, about 250 B. C., and his name is generally associated with the beginnings of the Roman school system, 3 but upon what grounds is not certain. The reforms inaugurated by Spu- rius he changed some characters of the alphabet, establishing especially the difference between C and G may have attached special significance to his teaching; the novelty of asking com- pensation may also have rendered him noteworthy.. But be that as it may, so much is certain that schools existed in Rome before the time of Spurius, 4 and even if we had no positive 1 Cell., N. A., 13, 16: "Qui verba Latina fecerunt, quique iis probe usi sunt . . . humanitatem appellaverunt id propemodum, quod Graeci iraidelav vocant, nos eruditionem institutionemque in bonas artes dicimus, quas qui sinceriter percipiunt (al. cupiunt) appetuntque, ii sunt vel maxime humanis- simi. Hujus enim scientiae cura ac disciplina ex universis animantibus uni homini data est, idcircoque humanitas appellata est. " Cf. Cic., Rep., I, 17. 2 Cf. Cicero, De Or., I, 16, 71: "In omni genere sermonis, in omni parte humanitatis dixerim oratorem perfectum esse debere. " . 3 Pint., Qucest. Rom., 59: txpt 5' ijp^avro /j.ur0ov diddfficeiv Kal Trpwros Avtyl-e ypafi- Ha.To5i6a.ff KaXeiov Zir6pios KapJ8/Xtos dn-eXetfflepos KapfiiXiov. 4 Liv., Ill, 44, where he tells the story of Virginia, and V, 27, where he tells the story of the schoolmaster of Falerii, who turned traitor. THE ROMAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. 163 proof for this, we might conclude it from the fact that the Ro- mans had written laws 200 years before him, and had even long before been interested in the priestly learning of the neigh- boring nations. From the earlier name for school, /udus, we may infer with some probability that the first schools were connected with religious services. The ludi were the festive games connected with public worship, and it is much more probable that the schools were named after these games, than that learning was considered a sort of play or sport. Further- more, if Spurius occasioned so much comment by asking pay for his teaching, the earlier schools may well have been con- nected with the religious services. Still, we have no direct proofs to substantiate this view. In the period of the Republic, the Censors were entrusted with the supervision of education, but their authority was restricted, as in the matters also of immorality and celibacy, to passing a vote of disapproval. For the rest the individual was free to follow his own views in educating his children: "The Romans have seen fit not to pass such laws anent the training of the young as would establish a uniform system of education." 1 This liberal policy of the Romans was often censured by the Greeks; but it was only the revolutionary changes which threat- ened to result from the introduction of Greek education that induced the Romans to pass school regulations. The first step in this direction was taken in 161 B. C., when the Senate ordered the Greek philosophers to leave the country. In 93 B. C., the Censors Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and L. Licinius Crassus published an edict against the Latin rhetors, which, though it failed to produce the desired effect, is an interesting document for the history of education: "It has been brought to our knowl- edge that there are certain educational reformers and that the young people flock to their schools. These reformers call them- selves rhetors, and they demand of the young that they sit in their schools day by day. But our forefathers have ordained what is to be taught in our schools to the young, and what schools they are to frequent. We can not approve of these new practices, opposed, as they are, to the manners and cus- toms of our forefathers; it is for this reason that we would pub- licly state that we disapprove alike of the new teachers and of their pupils." 1 Cic., Rep., VI, 2. 2 Suet., De Clar. Rhet., i. 164 ROMAN EDUCATION. 2. The new education, however, continued tg win favor, despite the government opposition, and shortly after the pub- lication of the edict Rome had no less than twenty schools, directed, in great part, by capable grammarians and rhetori- cians. The Grecism schola now began to supplant the old Latin ludus^ and the schools were also graded according to the Greek system. The ludi magisfer known also as litterator^ which name later gave way to grammafisfes taught the ele- ments; his school building was modest and, his pay equally so. - His instruction was known as the trivia/is sciential i. e., the knowledge to be found in the streets; or perhaps, too, the cir- cumstance that his school was generally located at crossroads (in triviis) gave rise to a term which was later used so exten- sively. 'Larger schools employed assistant teachers and special tutors for writing (notarii) and arithmetic (calculatores). A more honorable position was held by the litter atus or grammaticus, who taught grammar, read and interpreted the poets, practiced recitations and disputations, and occasionally taught the elements of rhetoric. Suetonius has given us fine sketches of some Roman grammarians; they are splendid types and men of strong character. There is the learned, but irascible, Orbilius Pupillus, the teacher of Horace, who, at war with the rest of the world, wrote a book on the sufferings of the school- master, and died poor, but received a monument in his native city, Beneventum. Another type is Valerius Flaccus, who in- troduced competitive drills and prizes among his pupils, and who was so much attached to his charges that when Augustus appointed him tutor of his grandchildren, he would not leave his school, so that the Emperor was forced to transfer the whole institution to the imperial palace. Another interesting figure is Remmius Palaemon, who, having been born in slavery, accom- panied the son of his master to school and acquired so extensive a knowledge from merely listening there that he was much in demand as a teacher. In this way he amassed an immense for- tune, but his pride he maintained that learning had come to the earth at his birth and would leave again at his death and licentiousness gave offence. The rhetorician finished the education begun by the gram- marian. Adults, and even distinguished men, frequented the first schools of the rhetoricians. The rhetorician was always assured of a large attendance whenever he or his pupils con- 1 Quint., I, 4, 27. THE ROMAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. 165 ducted public exercises in oratory. The public exercises in a good school of oratory were always an event for Roman society; every new turn of expression, every witty allusion to the ques- tions of the day, was applauded; and the performers would ever after remember their parts. Seneca, for instance, in his old age recorded long passages from speeches he had delivered as a boy. 1 The technical rules were many and covered the most minute details. Not only the plan of the oration and the orna- ments of style, but also the euphony of words and the delivery, were the subject of serious study and much practice. Whether the sentence should begin with an anapest or a spondee, was a question of great moment. Every movement of the hand, the folds of the toga, the dropping and the throwing back of the toga all was subject to rules. "The art of oratory required the full development of both body and mind;" 2 and in the school of oratory the young Roman acquired the good taste, the man- ners, and the pleasing address of the gentleman. The young -Romans were accustomed, even after their own country had established a complete system of schools, to go to foreign countries for their higher studies, especially for a course in philosophy. Though Alexandria was considered the home of scientific research, yet Athens and Rhodes were frequented more by the traveling students. The higher forms of Greek oratory were likewise studied in Greece; and in the period of the Empire, the Sophists, who represented the last flowering, as it were, of Greek rhetoric, attracted pupils from all parts of the world. 3. The number of the lower schools must have been very great. "It is a mistaken opinion," says Mommsen, 3 "that antiquity was materially inferior to ou.r own times in the diffu- sion of elementary attainments. Even among the lower classes and slaves there was considerable knowledge of reading, writing, and , arithmetic: in the case of a slave steward, for instance, Cato, following the example of Mago, takes for granted the ability to read and write. " Among the lower classes the truly gifted could find opportunities enough to learn to read and write, and thus the way was open to them to acquire an ex- tensive knowledge. The schools of the provinces, the lower as , well as the higher, were no mean factor in the Romanizing 1 Ussing, 1. c., pp. 148 ff. 2 Burckhardt, Die Zeit Konstantins des Grossen, 2nd ed., 1880, p. 380. 3 History of Rome, transl. by W. P. Dickson, New York, 1894, II, p. 494. 1 66 ROMAN EDUCATION. process and fully as important in this regard as the garrisons and courts. In Spain, Sertorius had established, about 80 B. C., a school at Osca, for the purpose of introducing Greco-Roman culture, and, as early as the first century of the Christian era, the Spanish schools could point to such graduates as M. An- naeus Seneca, the father of the philosopher, and the celebrated rhetorician Quintilian. The African Province became in the second century the literary centre of the Empire, and Utica, Carthage, and Madaura were the seats of famous schools. In Gaul the Roman schools spread so fast that Horace expressed the hope that the "pofor Rhodani" would read his poems, and not a few cities of France and the border country of Ger- many can boast of having possessed schools at the time of the Roman occupation. Among the Britains, Agricola gave the im- petus to study Latin; and the Pannonians learned the imperial language under Augustus. 1 The East was slower in accepting the language and education of Rome, as it had assimilated the Greek learning long before the Roman invasion; but Latin' schools seem to have flourished there also, as may be concluded from the textbook that Dositheus wrote in Latin for Greek- speaking pupils. 2 With a view to making the treasures of Greco-Roman cul- ture accessible to the vast Empire, the Caesars organized a 1 Cf. Eckstein in Schmid's Enzylkopadie, XI, p. 497. 2 For the references see Eckstein, 1. c., p. 509. The exercises are written in Greek and Latin and are placed in parallel columns. They give a good view of the teaching methods as well as of the daily life of the pupils, and hence we may be pardoned for quoting extensively. "I go to school; I greet the teacher, and he returns my greeting. Good morning, master; good morn- ing, my fellow pupils. Let me go to my place. Give me my chair and stool. Move up. Come here. I am seated; I am studying, and learning by heart. I know my lesson and can recite it. Write. I am writing. I studied, then recited, then I began to read a few verses. I can not write first; please, write it for me as best you can. The wax is too hard; it should have bee/i soft. I write, then rub it off. The page, the stylus. I know my lesson. 1 asked the teacher for leave to go home for my breakfast. He dismissed me; I took my leave, and he returned my greeting. After I returned from breakfast, I recited my lesson. Boy, let me see your tablet. The others took their turn in reciting their lessons. I also know my lesson. I must take a bath. I am coming; I have arranged for the fresh linen. Then I ran and came to the bath. " The quaint little book contains, besides such conversations, a Latin grammar, a Greek-Latin dictionary, fables of ^Esop, a brief account of the Trojan War, the names of the gods, the constellations, tales from mythology, court-decisions of the Emperor Adrian in the form of anecdotes, and extracts from a compendium of law. And thus classical antiquity did not lack the medley of the modern reader. THE ROMAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. system of state schools that was well adapted to this purpose. It is unfair to accuse them of having, through their system and laws, stifled a free and natural growth, because it is only through a system and laws that education could at all be organ- ized, a conditio sine qua non for all later cultural progress. The imperial schools were the predecessors of the universities; their methods were copied by the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, and the Didactica of the lyth century was patterned after Quin- tilian's textbook, the latter being the fruit of twenty years of teaching in a school endowed by a Roman emperor. Julius Caesar, the creator of the Empire, took the first steps towards giving state aid to the schools. He granted the privilege of citizenship to the teachers of the liberal arts, and planned the founding of a public library of Greek and Latin books, the librarianship of which he offered to Varro. Augustus was a generous patron of scholars and artists, and founded the Octa- vian and Palatine Libraries. Vespasian was the first to grant the higher teachers a salary, and Quintilian is mentioned as the first salaried professor. Trajan provided for the education of the children of the poor, and the U/pia, a library founded by him, surpassed all similar institutions. Encouraged by his ex- ample, the provinces also began to provide better for education and to employ teachers. Adrian founded the Atheneum on the Capitoline Hill, and here orators and poets appeared in public, and Greek and Latin rhetoricians conducted classes. Owing to his efforts the Athenian schools flourished anew, and he added a palatial gymnasium and a large library to the exist- ing institutions., and scattered schools all over the provinces, particularly his native province, Spain. He honorably retired on pensions those men who had grown old in the teaching serv- ice. His successor, Antoninus Pius, paid high honors and sala- ries to the higher teachers in all provinces; he made a privileged class of these by exempting philosophers, rhetoricians, and grammarians from taxes, military service, the quartering of soldiers, and other public duties. But the number of privileged positions was limited, so that small towns were entitled to six, larger towns to eleven, and the capitals to fifteen. 1 Marcus Aurelius endowed two professorships at each of the four Athen- ian schools of philosophy (Academic, Peripatetic, Stoic, and 1 Ussing, 1. c., p. 1 60. These figures do not fix the number of teachers to be employed in the respective places, but only the number of the privileged positions. 168 ROMAN EDUCATION. Epicurean) and, besides, two professorships of rhetoric. Alex- ander Severus founded at Rome new chairs of rhetoric, grammar, medicine, mathematics, mechanics, architecture, and haruspicy, and granted free scholarships to poor students. In 301 Diocletian -made regulations to prohibit the teachers from demanding too high a compensation of their pupils: the master (magtster, insti- tutor litterarum) was to receive no more per month than 50 denarii; the teacher of arithmetic, 75; the teacher of shorthand, the same sum; the teacher of architecture was allowed 100 denarii; the teacher of Greek or Latin grammar, 2OO; and the teacher of geometry, the same amount; while the rhetorician or sophist was entitled to the highest compensation, 250 denarii. 1 Constantine confirmed all the privileges previously granted to teachers and added that of personal inviolability. The rich endowment of the professorships made them desir- able, and this brought it about that the candidates for them had to submit to competitive examinations. The Emperor Julian was the first to issue a decree to this effect, and his de- cree is the oldest document extant relative to the .admittance of candidates to the teaching profession: "The teachers and masters of studies should be distinguished, first, for their ex- emplary conduct and, secondly, for their eloquence. But since it is impossible for me to be personally present in each com- munity, I order that the candidate for the office of teacher should not be admitted in a careless, haphazard way, but- only after the governing board (prdo) has declared him fit for the office, and after the chief men of the council (curiales optimi} have unanimously declared in his favor." The enactments of Justinian are the oldest academic laws extant. According to his regulations, the students must, before being admitted to the schools of the Capital, produce before the board their natu- ralization papers, must next decide for a certain science, keep aloof from forbidden societies, and, in general, lead a good life, and complete their studies when twenty years of age. The graduation papers should report upon the morals of the student and his progress in studies, "so that," as the document states in the end, "We may obtain full knowledge of the scholar's good points and the studies pursued by each student, and may be~able to decide whether and at what time We shall need his 1 Th. Mommsen, Ueber das Edikt Dioktetians, etc. in the Ber. d. Konigl. Sachs. Ges. d. Wissenschaften, 1851, pp. I ff. 2 Cod. Theod., XIII, 3, 5. THE ROMAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. 169 services. " The number of professors teaching in the larger institutions may be inferred from the regulations passed by Theodosius II. in 425, which ordained that Constantinople University, which was rivalling the imperial university at Rome, should have 31 professorships: three for Latin rhetoric, and five for Greek rhetoric; ten for Latin grammar, and the same num- ber for Greek grammar; one for philosophy; and two for juris- prudence. Only the holders of these professorships were per- mitted to lecture in, the halls of the Capitol; but the public professors were, on the other hand, forbidden to conduct private schools. The political magistrates controlled all the schools and in- stitutions of learning. It would seem as though a special official had been appointed for a time for this work; at least there was an office charged with the supervision of schools and libraries: eVt ru>v 3ij3^.ioOrK(t)v /cat eVl TraiSetas- 2 1 Ibid., XIV, 9. 2 Grassberger, 1. c., II, p. 3. V. CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. CHAPTER XV. The Aims of Christian Education. i. In the process of changing the face of the world the forces of Christianity were first engaged upon the races and peoples belonging to the Roman Empire, and this Christianizing of Greco-Roman education is of basic importance for all later sys- tems of education. This is not saying that all the educational influences of Christianity were called into play in this first period, for the influences received by the ancient peoples which were then the representatives of education, were other than were received later by peoples just emerging upon the scene of civili- zation. And these later peoples, too, in their maturity, re- ceived peculiar, though again different, influences from the same source. In point of fact, each age has come under the creative influence of Christianity, but none has exhausted the fulness of its blessings. The Age of the Fathers built, indeed, the founda- tion for later developments in education as well as in other fields, but it did this only in so far as it was the first to receive the educational elements of the new teaching and the first to witness how these elements, added to a soil rich with the ma- terials of a different civilization, showed their strength by pro- ducing fruit a hundredfold. The Gospel brought along no system of education and, only in a limited measure, did it furnish the wherewithal for the making of one, and the materials embodied in Christian educa- tion were only born of the ideals that Christianity brought into the world. But these ideals are by their nature opposed to the ideals of the education of classical antiquity, and the ethos of Christian education is the reverse, in more than one regard, of Greco-Roman civilization. Though the religious element was not lacking in heathen civilization, yet it was considered of secondary importance. To the cultured Greek and Roman the 170 THE AIMS OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. religious sense appeared of no higher importance than other phases of the complete character. But the religious element was the core of Christian education, and it was proposed to men, not in an abstract or obscure formula, neither in the im- agery of poetic thought, but in the figure of a concrete person, the model for all followers of Christianity: "Other foundation no man can lay, but that which is laid; which is Christ Jesus." (I. Cor., 3, n.) As the glad tidings were not transmitted "in the learned words of human wisdom, but in the doctrine of the Spirit, comparing spiritual things with spitirual (ibid., 2, 13)," so no knowledge and no ability, if disjoined from Him, before Whom the wisdom of the world is foolishness, could be held of any worth. The Christian sense turned away as well from the Jewish knowledge of the Law as from the aesthetical and world- ly culture of the Greek, and turned to what appeared to these as an abomination and a foolishness. To the Christian the learning of the Jew and the culture of the Greek was the fountain- head of pride and self-justification, and the very opposite not only of that poverty in the spirit to which the kingdom of hea- ven has been promised, but also of that childlike spirit which is the spirit of the children of God. A second element that was also strange to the ancient world, was introduced with the Christian hope for an eternal life. The innermost feelings of the ancients were bound up in this world as being the scene of their labors, sorrows, and joys; and their contentment with the things of sense was not disturbed by any teachings of the philosophers, though the latter, per- petuating the traditions of the olden times, taught the immor- tality of the soul and the judgment of the gods. The Christian, however, did then and does still look forward to the next' world as man's true home, "for we have not here a lasting city, but we seek one that is to come." (Heb., 13, 14.) Hence he must in all his doings distinguish between such actions as have but a temporal end and such as will extend in effect into eternity. Consequently, the Christian attached less weight than the Greek and the Roman to the distinction between liberal and illiberal arts; his Faith established other and higher standards for eval- uating the things of the earth, and hence the distinction between liberal and illiberal arts became less marked. It is now con- sidered the chief aim of education to direct the minds of the young to "what is modest and sublime." The sublime belongs 1 Clem. Rom., Ad Cor., I, I : utrpta, KO.I (re^A ioeiv. 172 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. to the supernatural order; for this life it is enough, if we attain to what is modest: that a man be a true Christian in belief and practice that is the all-important consideration. Of infi- nitely less moment is it whether he be practicing, beside his holy Faith, 'a liberal art, or whether he be only a humble mechanic. Education fulfills its chief purpose if it assists "the man of God to be perfect, furnished to every good work." (II. Tim., 3, 17.) The educational ideal of the Greeks ignored social and voca- tional relations; but this haughty aloofness had to give way before the teaching of Christianity that special gifts and offices and their organic co-operation, are traceable to divine influences, and are the type of the communion of the Church (see supra pp. 2 and 39). The Christian peoples have developed a concept of education that is essentially different from that of the an- cients, and the very term " vocation, "\ which is derived from the vocatio (/cA^cri?) of the New Testament, reveals the influence of the Christian religion. 2. Having thus established as the chief end of education something that was foreign to the ancients, Christianity had to abandon also the exclusive character of ancient education, by reason of which culture was granted to only a few and denied to the uneducated masses. The latter condition of affairs ap- peared irremediable to even the greatest and keenest of the Greeks and Romans. However, Plato's saying, "It is difficult to discover the Creator and Father of all, but to announce Him to all is impossible," 1 has been proved untrue by the achieve- ments of Christianity. Even the lowest is now free to ask with Philip, "Lord, show us the Father;" 2 and St. Chrysostom could truly say in praise of the Cross that it had made all peasants philosophers. It is certain that the Church gave and gives to each individual, irrespective of sex, of family, or position in life, an ideal seed of the inner life, of which ancient education could offer a counterpart, inadequate at that, only through long and weary studies. It may be said that Christianity directs all to the path that leads to the life of the spirit, and so enables all to lead a spiritual life. Ancient philosophy had conceived the spirit as vovs, mens^ mind, or reason, the faculty of thinking and reasoning, and deemed this to be the faculty of the soul that is destined to rule the sensuous appetite, and which was therefore to be trained to fulfill its function. This 1 Plat., Tim., p. 28. 2 John 14, 8. THE AIMS OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 173 training of the mind was to be done systematically and was to be encouraged in every possible way; but such a task could l?e undertaken only by the fortunate few. Christianity, however, sees the governing principle of man in another field of his mys- terious inner nature, not in his intellect, but in his pneumatic or spiritual faculty. In this sense the Christian religion speaks of the spirit (TTvevp.cn} in opposition to the flesh (crct/>), and the latter includes, not only the sensuous appetite, but every- thing connected with the earth earthly. The spiritual in man, the spirit that quickeneth, must also be kindled by the word and strengthened by discipline; but, as it has its source in God, it allows little opportunity for human development and en- deavor. Its proper element is the life of Faith, but all faculties of the inner man, the understanding included, may become its instruments. The value, then, of. the understanding is not absolute, nor beyond that of a most helpful instrument. But though the spiritual life does not depend on its development, yet the understanding, by having the power to raise man above the sensuous, becomes a strong weapon in the fight against the flesh. Thus the tendency of ancient education toward the spiritualizing of man is realized in a higher sense than was dreamed of by the heathen. The exclusiveness of ancient edu- cation is no more, but its moral value and content are preserved in the new order, and the spiritual tendency furnishes new arguments, even if only indirectly, for cultivating and ennobling the understanding. "The Logos enters," as Clement of Alex- andria puts it, "through the gate of the thoughts." The regeneration in spirit demanded by the Christian reli- gion takes place in the innermost parts of man's nature, where no teachings can assume such 'plastic forms as were possible within the field which ancient education had apportioned off as its proper domain. It is not the aim of Christianity to make a work of art of the inward and outward man. Hence the Christian religion appears to be unfavorable to the aesthetic tendency of education. The Christian ideal insists more on* the complete changing of the personality than on harmonious and general development, Its doctrines are intended for a leaven in the inner man, rather than for a means to assist in the artistic development of the faculties. Nevertheless, the aesthetical element had its due place in early Christian edu- cation, for not only did the Church invite the arts to assist 1 Clem. Al., Coh., i., fin. 174 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. in her divine worship, but the spirit of Christianity supplied a content for the aesthetical forms in keeping with its own high nature. Even if the forms did thus lose somewhat of their purity, they were more than compensated for this loss by the richness of the content they received. Christianity deepened and spiritualized all human activity; and for this reason the creations of the Christian and of the ancient world are so differ- ent in conception and execution, so that the works of classical antiquity often appear to be, despite their greatness and per- fection of form; cold, unsympathetic, and even soulless. This general tendency of the Christian religion extended in time and with ever-growing strength to music and the arts of design no less than to poetry and the ar-t of language, and through these to the entire field of education. In Christian education, however, the arts never gained the high position they had occu- pied in ancient civilization: the civilization of the Christian religion has introduced so deep and serious a view of life as not to permit the spirit of play to remain the governing prin- ciple of inner formation. 3. The many-sidedness of ancient education was, like its aesthetical tendency, a hindrance rather than an advantage to the growth of the Christian educational system. The home of the busybodies, where the "natives as well as the strangers employed themselves in nothing else than either in telling or hearing some new thing" (Acts, 17, 21), proved an infertile soil for the seed of the Gospel. Yet the universality of Chris- tianity influenced the entire field of arts and sciences. The mind of the Christian was naturally ready to receive all truth, for the truth of science and of art is in the end but "an ema- nation from Him Who has said: I am the Truth;" 1 and hence the Apostle could say truthfully, "All things are yours .... whether it be the world of life or death or things present or things to come; all are yours." (I. Cor. 3, 22.) But the uni- versality of Christianity tends more towards the whole than the multiplicity of the parts; its aim is the totality rather than the diversity of the parts. This tendency renders Christianity so important a factor for the natural growth of science and, therefore, also of education. To establish the character of science as being one harmonious organism, it was necessary that a harmonious system of philosophy and theology be first established, and that, furthermore, the leading role in the world 1 Aug., De Doctrina Christ., prooem., 8. THE AIMS OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 175 of learning be assigned to theology. Certain writers have found fault with this leadership of theology, contending that it pre- vented the free and unhampered development of science. But in point of fact, this leadership has been most favorable to science, for it gave to the endless variety of scientific efforts a kind of unity and harmony, and this resulted in the intensive, instead of in the extensive, work of the individual scholars. The peace that ensued among the wrangling philosophers was the stillness of recollection and a blessing for science, for it meant that the world of scholarship was rapt, as it were, in deep Pythagorean silence. Of the individual sciences, histori- cal research admittedly received its universal character when the Bible became the world-book, as assembling in one book what Orientals and Greeks and Romans had written on history. The Bible furnished the first principles for the history of the human race; the sermon preached by St. Paul at Athens and Augustine's "City of God" contain the beginnings of all phi- losophy of history. 1 Similarly, the science of language is in- debted to the "loosening of the tongues," because the Church, when preaching the Gospel, was the first to lay all languages under tribute and so afforded the first opportunity for treating all languages from a common point of view. 2 And the natural sciences, too, received from Christianity not only the impetus to dig deep into the nature of things that tendency to search for the last reasons and the nature of things, which was more apt to encourage the laborious work of the scientist than was the care-free and happy-go-lucky character of the heathen 3 - but also the concept of nature uninhabited by fauns and nymphs. And hance it was only after the Christian view of physical nature had taken root, that the scientist was able to conclude upon laws, uniform and universal, governing the visible crea- tion. The unity and harmony of nature could not be estab- lished but upon the grounds of monotheism, teaching one Creator for the whole creation, and it was the monotheism of the Chris- tians, and not the monotheism of the Jews, that first let this principle of the unity of nature bear fruit in scientific research. 1 Cf. Rocholl, Die Philosophic der Geschichte, Gottingen, 1878, pp. 21 ff. and 391. 2 "The science of the languages of mankind is a science which, without Christianity, would never have sprung into life, " M. Mtiller, Lectures on the Science of Language, New York, 1866, I, p. 128; Cf. J. Grimm, Deutsche Gram- matik, I: Widmung an Savigny. 3 Dubois-Reymond, KuIturgeschichteundNaturwissenschaft, Leipzig, 1 878, p.JQ. 176 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. The false many-sidedness of the ancients, the tendency of ancient education to fritter away its strength on a multiplicity of matters, the dabbling in all fields, offered little attraction to early Christian educators, as they were alive to the errors to which the subjective mind is liable. They recognized that this smattering of all knowledge involved an abuse of God's gifts. The truths of Faith are the centre; they must be received ab- solutely; and their objective nature is such as to admit of no change in favor of any subjective opinion. The glad tidings announcing the coming of the great King among the children of men and the truths proclaimed by Christ, His apostles, and His Church, are a precious inheritance that must be faithfully conserved and transmitted to future generations. The mind a,nd feelings may and should dwell on this content, but no man may ever presume to apply to it any standard lower than itself. 1 But in this way the subject-matter of teaching is again endowed with that objectivity by 'virtue of which it is, not merely the instrument of education, but its content as well; and the narrow view of the Sophist, which obtained, at least to some extent, among the Greeks, that man is the measure of all things, is abandoned. Still, it cannot be denied that the Christian nations have occasionally, in the course of later devel- opments, gone to the opposite extreme by teaching what was much akin to the view of early oriental theology, that man is only the vessel for holding and receiving a certain educational content. This erroneous doctrine has, at different times, led to the revival of the subjectivity of the ancients. But the Christian view, rightly understood, combines properly both ele- ments: first, the objectivity of the content and, secondly, the demand to make this objective matter a vital element of the inner life. And it is this Christian view which has had to serve again and again as the corrective of the mistaken relationship of the two factors. As Christianity emphasized, in contrast to the subjective and sesthetical trend of the ancients, the discipline of truth inherent in all teaching and learning, so it has also established the love and care of souls as the chief motive for conserving and transmitting knowledge. Consequently, the ancient love of fame and glory was no longer the principal consideration; 1 " Keep that which is committed to thy trust, avoiding the profane nov- elties of words, and oppositions of knowledge falsely so called. " (I. Tim. 6, 20.) Faith is a "good thing committed in trust" (II. Tim. i, 13 and 14), a "treas- ure" (II. Cor. 4, 7). THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 177 and ambition, the prime force in ancient education, lost much of its power with Christian peoples. CHAPTER XVI. The Content of Early Christian Education. i. The content of early Christian education was, to a large extent, taken over from the educational system of the Greeks and Romans, but was considerably modified by coming into contact with the ideals of the new religion. The process of developing and organizing this content resembles the educational development of those eastern peoples whose intellectual life sprang from the national religions. But in the latter case the flexibility of the myths and the mythological philosophy facil- itated the educational development from the heathen reli- gions. A further favorable circumstance was the fact that the national consciousness of these eastern peoples was the instru- ment as well as the end of their educational development. The growth, however, of Christian education lacked these favorable conditions; the Faith that was its foundation is not born of myths, nor of poetry, nor of a poetic philosophy; neither was it connected with any definite nationality or any one language. The spirit of Christianity was obliged first to assimilate from the civilization, in the midst of which it found itself, all the elements of which it stood in need, in order to create its own language, literature, science, art, and education; and to accom- plish this gigantic task, a force was needed, infinitely more powerful than any that had been operative in the ancient civili- zations of either the eastern or the western peoples. Still it must be conceded that there were also certain favor- able circumstances, yet these were of such a nature as again offered special difficulties; and consequently even the favorable circumstances tested the creative power of Christianity. The two world languages, Greek and Latin, were an obvious advan- tage: the Greek language prevailed in the East, and after several centuries of growth and development, it was now a well-nigh perfect medium for the expression of thought; the Latin lan- guage, the language of conciseness and strength, of exactness and precision, prevailed in the West. But these languages had 12 178 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. to be adapted to the new doctrines which had found first ex- pression in a Semitic, and therefore essentially different, tongue; and the Christian coinage of Greek and Latin words deserves to be called a creative process. The flexibility of the Greek language was of invaluable advantage for expressing the new concepts: "The cultured Greek took a special delight in apply- ing all the resources of his wondrous language, with all its nice- ties, to any concept that met his eager and searching mind, and it was natural that he would address his questions to the Chris- tian religion, and thus elicit many a reply." Yet the over- refinement and the dialectical subtleties of the Greek offered as many difficulties as advantages, and neither its brilliant rainbow hues, nor the penetrating light shed by the Latin lan- guage on all the objects of the earth, sufficed by themselves to illumine the depths that the new doctrines disclosed. These advantages and disadvantages of Greek and Latin obviously affected those sciences that dealt with these lan- guages: grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic. However, the formal character of these subjects facilitated their assimilation. In as far as they tended to make human speech pure, fluent, and effective, they performed as great a service to the preacher of the Gospel as to the secular orator. Still their close connection with a literature and a system of poetics whose content was foreign and even hostile to the ideals of Christianity, stamped the heathen character on the sciences themselves. They were Christianized first on Greek soil, whence they had sprung, and only much later on Roman soil, where a further difficulty pre- sented itself in their being so closely related to the laws and the government of the State. It is surprising how long it took to adapt these sciences to a Christian content. It might seem that the Epistles of St. Paul, distinguished, as they are, for fiery eloquence, brilliant figures, and cogent argumentation, could have proved the basis of a new system of rhetoric and dialectic. But technical systems have a most tenacious life, and it is by far easier to change the language and literature of a people than to supply a new organon for them. Nay, these sciences have up to the present successfully withstood all at- tempts at a thorough reformation, so that even to-day though we have at our command comparative philology and other sciences sufficient to revise the laws governing language, style, and the operations of the mind we are still bound to the for- 1 J. A. Mohler, Patrologie^ Ratisbon, 1 840, I, p. 37. THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 179 mulas of the ancients, just as though Aristotle and the Alex- andrians had decided all these matters for good and all. 2. It was an easier matter to correlate the mathematical sciences with the Christian content. Geometry and arithmetic appeared almost indifferent to the great disputes of theology and philosophy. Music, instrumental and theoretical, astronomy, and the science of the calendar were readily adjusted to the service of the Church. The text of Scripture, "Thou hast ordered all things in measure and number and weight," 1 became the guiding star of these studies, and this was no departure from the spirit in which they had been conducted by the ancients. It was a particular advantage that the ancients had generally assigned to the mathematical sciences a merely preparatory function. They had regarded them as preparatory to philos- ophy, and Christianity now set up theology as their goal, which step involved no material change, because even with the Greeks the theological aim had been the final end of mathematical studies. 2 The demands of ecclesiastical writers that arithmetic occupy itself with the mysteries of numbers and with the figures quoted in the Bible, that geometry should deal with Biblical and ecclesiastical measurements, and that astronomy study ep- ochs and the cycles of feasts these demands might, at first blush, appear foreign to the proper functions of these sciences; but they will no longer appear so if we recall that, in the East, mathematics was originally considered an auxiliary science of theology and was taken up with just such subjects as those mentioned, 8 and that, in the West, the Pythagoreans and Pla- tonists preserved the tradition that priests were the founders of mathematics. Philology was , studied by the early Christian less for its cultural value than out of sheer necessity: it embraced the history, the myths, and antiquities of heathenism, and its mas- tery was thus indispensable for any successful controversy with the heathen. Equipped with a knowledge of philology, the Christian apologist could, on the one hand, show the foolishness and inconsistency of old and recent myths and, on the other hand, establish the consensus gentium by pointing to the traces found among all peoples of the primitive revelation. To the industry of ecclesiastical writers who worked with these ends 1 Wisdom, xi, 21. 2 Cf. supra, ch. IX, 5. 3 Supra, ch. IV, 3 and ch. V, 3. l8O CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. in view, we are indebted for much of our knowledge of classical antiquity. For instance, the account given by Clement of Alexandria of Egyptian literature is the safest guide extant among all the discordant reports concerning this dark field; 1 and the picture of Varro, so unique a character in the univer- sality of his researches, has been preserved by Augustine. 2 The introduction of such matters into the theological writings was also of educational value to the early Christians, for in this way they became acquainted with choice elements of ancient education. The Christians were from the first deeply interested in his- tory, for the "fullness of time" represented to them the down- fall of many nations and the beginning of a new epoch in the history of the world. They were interested in the history of the East as well as of Greece and Rome: the first formed the background for the history of the Chosen People; and the latter, the background for the history of the Church. Thus the im- pulse was given to write Christian history. But the written histories were assisted by other forces in keeping alive the historical interest. The very content of the Christian religion suggests, like that of the Mosaic Law, the style of historical presentation, and this circumstance led St. Augustine to adopt his historico-genetic plan of studies, in which "the heart and the lips would never lose the thread of the narrative, because the latter would prove the string of gold for holding the pearls of the doctrines." This historical character of the teaching content had to react favorably on the growth of the historical sense in general. The study of history was also encouraged by the efforts made to preserve the memory of the Martyrs, for the purpose of establishing a vital solidarity with these heroes. Even in the first centuries the Church began to com- memorate her joys and sorrows, her victories and persecutions, for she considered all these inseparably connected with the glorious records of her martyred Saints. This veneration of the saints has, like the Greek cult of the national heroes, in- spired the fine arts, and has deepened and ennobled the soul of the whole Christian world. 3. The assimilation of philosophy, the capstone of ancient culture, with Christian education was a most difficult process: heathen philosophy furnished the enemies of the Gospel with 1 Supra, ch. V, i . 2 Supra, ch. XII, 4. 3 De catech. rudibus, c. 6. THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. l8l weapons and the heretics with arguments against the Faith. The other departments of knowledge resembled fields where the new plants, though frail and weak in the beginning, would eventually supplant the vegetation of an older and strong- er growth. Heathen philosophy, however, was rather like a fortress which the Christians had to take by storm before they could think of assimilating its good elements. This assimilation implied not a mere taking over of new and foreign elements; nay, the whole system must needs be made over and re-created in its entirety. One circumstance favorable to the Christian apologist was the fact that the tenets held by the various schools of philosophy were frequently diametrically opposed to one an- other. Another favorable circumstance was, that there existed no one school of philosophy but taught some 'truths that were closely related to the doctrines of Christianity. The transcen- dental philosophy of the Platonists appeared, in the beginning, to come nearest to the supernatural doctrines of Christianity. But as the struggle continued and as the dogmatic and philo- sophic position of Christianity became more clearly defined, it was found that just the ancient philosophers of a predominantly ethical or religious turn were the most insidious foes of the Christian religion. They represented, indeed, the highest form of heathenism, yet withal its most dangerous form also; and thus Plato, the Attic-speaking Moses, Mwucre? OLTTIKL^WV, could later be decried as the father of all heresies. Tt is a noteworthy fact that expiring heathenism clung tenaciously to the most abstruse of the ancient philosophers, Plato and Pythagoras, and sought among their teachings for the remains of earlier and more simple beliefs. But Christian philosophy accepted the supernatural at the hands of Faith and chose as its guide in earthly matters the sober clearness and keenness of the far- seeing and matter-of-fact Aristotle. It was no light labor, and one of not a few generations, to assimilate the content of heathen education. There were seasons when the champions of the Christian cause grew faint of heart; then again they were elated with sudden and unlocked for success. At times all their efforts seemed to be naught but much ado about nothing, while at other times they grew elo- quent with the supreme importance of the struggle. Much of what the early Christian writers wrote goes to show the heat of the strife and the varying moods of the parties engaged. The literature of the early Church reveals such widely divergent opinions, that certain writers have found in it authorities in 1 82 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. support of their view that the Church was soon reconciled to the ancient philosophies, while writers of another school have likewise drawn from it arguments in support of their claim that Christianity looked with suspicion and even scorn on all ancient learning. 1 But it is this very divergency of views which should have opened the eyes of the student of history to read the signs of the times, as indicating the shifting of opinions and as be- tokening an intellectual and spiritual crisis the greatest crisis, in fact, in the history of education. 4. The Greek-speaking East showed, in general, more readi- ness than the West to assimilate' ancient education with the new religion. The Greek theologians of the period received their secular education at the old and venerable seats of learn- ing; their teachers were, in some cases, celebrated representa- tives of the heathen sciences; and the theologians themselves realized, that they could not meet the heathen and the heretic on their own ground unless they were masters of the secular learning. Consequently, they defend the view that the Chris- tian can and should assimilate the culture of the heathen; and they entertain little doubt that the difficulty presented by its polytheistic element can easily be overcome. Clement of Alex- andria (died 217), the famous head of the catechetical school of the same city, was the first to combine the Christian and heathen studies in one system. The liberal arts form the lowest class, the philosophical sciences occupy the middle place, and the studies dealing with Christian Doctrine are supreme in rank and importance. A graded course of study prepares for the last-named subject, and this preparatory course Clement com- pares with the propaedeutics of the Pythagoreans. 2 The course embraces the controversies with heathenism, the refutation of heathen errors, the directions for Christian living, and the doctrines of Christianity joined with the purer teachings of the heathen. This system of propaedeutics forms the substance of the three chief works of Clement: Hortatory Discourse to the Greeks (Adyo? Trpor/DeTrriKo?), The Tutor (IlatSaywyd?), and Mis- cellanies (Sr/aeej/aarei?). While Clement adopted the methods of the eclectic, Origen (died 254), his successor, allowed the ancient learning as a whole to serve as a system of propaedeutics: he 1 The first view is taken among others by C. Daniel, Des etudes classiques dans la societe Chrelienne (1853); and the second, by Abbe Gaume, Le ver ron^uer des societes modernes (1851) (tr. by R. Hill, Paganism in Education, London, 1852). 2 Strom., VII, p. 845. THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 183 conducted his pupils through dialectic, natural philosophy, math- ematics, and astronomy to ethics; then he returned to the phi- losophers and poets, employing an artist's skill in unraveling the tangled skein to detect the subtle errors. Only after all this ground had been gone over, did he begin the explanation of Holy Writ, and here he distinguished carefully between the literal, moral, and mystical sense. 1 Similar cases of the mastery of the diversified learning of the age were not rare. Instances in point are Dorotheus (about 300), presbyter at Antioch and a Hebrew scholar, and Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea, to whom the Alexandrians offered the rec- torship of their Peripatetic school 2 . There are, however, other instances evidencing that ancient philosophy was a hindrance to the perfect development of Christian philosophy. Stephanus of Laodicea, for example, proved at the time of the persecution neither a staunch Christian nor a consistent philosopher; 3 and even the great Origen was charged with having compromised between Christian theology and heathen philosophy. 5. The much-quoted oration of St. Basil, Address to Young Men on the Right Use of Greek Literature^ treats professedly of the attitude of Christian youth toward classical literature. Em- ploying a comparison found in Plato, Basil describes pagan literature as the material on which the young men are to exer- cise the eyes of their mind. Pagan literature should prepare, like shadows and mirrors, the eye for beholding the truths of Scripture. Christian wisdom is the choice fruit of the soul, while secular learning (KOO-^LKIJ TraiSetct, 7rat8ev/x,ara ra ea)6ev) is the foliage that protects and gives a pleasant appearance to the fruit. Moses and Daniel frequented the schools respectively of Egyptian and Chaldean sages, and were, therefore, pupils of pagan philosophers. The works of the poets may well elevate our feelings and infuse into our souls the respect for all that is noble and righteous. One who is familiar with Homer claims that all his works are one hymn in praise of virtue, and the poets, historians, and other representatives of the OvpaBev cro(/>ia have written in a kindred spirit. All these works should be used as the bee uses the flowers: the bee neither visits all flowers nor does it ever attempt to carry off a whole plant; it takes of the single flower only so much as it finds useful and leaves the 1 Greg. Thaum., Paneg. in Orig., c. 5 sq. 2 Euseb., Hist, ecd., VII, c. 32. 3 Ibid., c. 33. 184 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. rest. 1 As we beware of the thorns when plucking a rose from the bush, so we should select from these works what is useful, but beware of anything that might prove harmful. We must from the very beginning examine all learning and try to har- monize it with our final aim, or as the Doric proverb says, " test each stone by the measuring line. " The countryman and fellow-student of St. Basil, St. Gregory of Nazianzus, is more emphatic in insisting on the necessity of secular studies, as we may see from his funeral oration on his departed friend. Here we have exact information relative to the status of studies in that age. In the eleventh chapter we read: "I think that all wise men will agree that education is our most valuable gift, and this is true not only of the sublime education proper to us Christians which can neglect the orna- ments of style and attend solely to the salvation of men and the beauty of truth but also of pagan education, though this is looked upon by most Christians as harmful and as leading away from God. We need not scorn heaven, earth, and air, and all that belongs to these elements, because men have been so foolish as to pay divine honors to these works of the Lord. On the contrary, we may use them for our needs and comfort, though we must avoid the while all that might bring harm to ourselves, and never sink so low as to prefer 'the creature to its Creator, but rather discover in the work the hand and the power of the Architect and surrender up our minds and wills to the willing obedience of Christ. Similarly, must we use the pagan learning which occupied itself with the study and inves- tigation of things, though we must here, too, shun all that might lead to error or perdition. The pagan learning may be employed to the best of purposes. Of itself it is indifferent, just as fire and food and iron or any other things are not of themselves useful or harmful, but the use or abuse makes them so, as even worms, if mixed with a drug, may give it a medicinal power. By taking over the learning of the heathen our fear of the Lord has been much increased: by noting what was of minor value we have come to have an eye for what is of the greatest value, and the impotence of the heathen has supplied our Faith with a strong support. We may, therefore, not make light of education, though many are inclined so to do; the probable reason for their narrowness being their own dullness and igno- 1 The comparison of the bees has been much used in Christian pedagogy and has given rise to the pun: "Si sapis, sis apis." 2 rt>v \l0ov irorl vir&prov Ayeiv. THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 185 ranee which they would fain conceal before others by making all like themselves, so that their own illiteracy would pass un- noticed amid the universal ignorance." But this clear and unmistakable commendation of education presupposes that as had been the case in Gregory's own youth "the heart be strong and surrounded by a strong wall" in order that the Faith of the Christian remain sweet and pure, like the River Alpheus (whose water is said to remain sweet while flowing through the Ionian Sea), and reject all harmful foreign ele- ments. (Ibid.,.c. 22. *) Led by the same reasons, St. John Chrysostom did not permit the mythological fables to be read during the first period of schooling, for this might result, as he says, in an admiration of such heroes as were not able to control their passions. 2 The instruction in the elements of Christian Doctrine had marked the beginning of his own education, but later his mother An- thusa, who directed his training, did hot hesitate to commit the rhetorical training of the mature youth to the care of Li- banius, the celebrated Sophist and defender of heathenism. 6. The difficulties attendant upon the assimilation of ancient education were still greater in the West than in the East. This was in the nature of the case, for Roman education, being at best but an exotic growth, was controlled even more than Greek education by rhetoric and polite literature. A further reason was that philosophy offered the Greeks a goal that was some- what akin in its idealism to the noble spirituality of the Chris- tian religion, while the end-all of Roman education was the profession of the advocate, which could not, in spite of its scien- tific basis (the result of the development of Roman law), prove a fountainhead for the ideals of the higher life. To understand the opposition of the Latin Fathers to literary affectation, we must remember that some pagan rulers were even more strongly opposed to it than they. For example, Licinius, at first the co-regent and then the enemy of Constantine, describes literary education as a poison and pestilence to the State. 3 The artificial and stilted taste of the homines literati could not appreciate the greatness and simplicity of the Scriptures, and these aesthetes were more apt than the cultured Greeks to scorn the inspired volume as barbarous. The phrases: Ciceronianus Christianus, 1 Cf. K. Weiss, Die Erziehungslehre der drei Kappadozier, Freiburg, 1903. 2 Homil. 21 in epist. ad Rphes. 3 Burckhardt, Die Zeit Konstantins des Grossen y 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1880, P- 3 2 7- 1 86 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. , disertus desertus cullura Dei, were thought to imply an irrecon- cilable opposition; and among the Christians even professed imitators of classical models as St. Ambrose, whose De officiis ministrorum is patterned after Cicero's De officiis^ and the bril- liant stylist Lactantius warned their co-religionists against a devotion to secular studies. 1 Speaking of mythology, Minucius Felix says, "These fables we learn from our unlettered parents, nay, what is still worse, they are the material with which we are constantly occupied in our studies and in our schools, espe- cially when reading the poets, whose great influence has been most instrumental in preventing the spread of truth. Hence Plato justly banished Homer, though celebrated and much ad- mired, from the State." 2 St. Jerome vehemently opposed the cult of pagan authors, for to his mind there could be as little intercourse between them and the Faith of Christ as between Christ and Belial, and as between the chalice of the Lord and the cup of the demons. He tried to purge his style of all ancient reminiscences, but had to confess that dire necessity, and not his free choice, forced him to tolerate them occasionally. 3 The character of St. Jerome as well as certain circumstances of his life must be taken into account in judging his passionate on- slaught on the classical studies. The climax of his attacks on the classics is reached in the report he gives of a vision he had in the desert and during which the divine Judge hurled at his head the sentence, "Thou art Cicero's, and not Christ's." But if we consider the time, the place, and the situation, we shall better understand this fierce antagonism: Jerome had re- tired to the desert for the purpose of solitary study and medi- tation; his mind craved continuous occupation, and he had taken along from Rome a goodly number of books, among them the writings of Cicero and Plautus; and seeking at once both occupation and peace of soul, the hermit would turn from the Roman classics to the Hebrew prophets, thus allowing his mind no rest whatever, and a crisis was inevitable. The earlier exaggerated views of Jerome must be corrected in the light of his later utterances, wherein he openly admitted that the Chris- tian writer must needs be familiar with ancient literature, and 1 Gaume, Paganism in Education, London, 1852, p. 67. 2 Minucius Felix, Oct., 23. 3 " Si quando cogimur litterarum sacularium recordari et aliqua ex his dicere: non nostrce sit voluntatis, sed, ut ita dicam, gravissimce necessitatis. " Pro/eg, in Dan. (Gaume, 1. c., p. 71, note). 4 Ep. 22 ad Eustachium, c. 30 (Vallarsi). THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. 187 that he may freely quote pagan authors. In a letter to the Rhetorician Magnus, he enumerates all that the champions of Christ, St. Paul included, had borrowed from secular writers. 1 7. However, the most complete picture of the gigantic strug- gle between ancient education and the principles of the Chris- tian religion may be witnessed in the case of the greatest Doctor of the early Church, St. Augustine. 2 Here the. conflict extends over the Saint's entire life, which was so rich in years and labors. In his youth Augustine delighted in classical poetry; he followed the wanderings of Aeneas and wept over the death of Dido. Without a teacher he mastered the liberal arts, and soon taught them in his own school. Cicero's Hortensius set his soul aglow with an eager longing for immortal wisdom; and what first struck him in the sermons of St. Ambrose, was their perfection of form. But when the hour of his conversion had struck and when his soul, new-born, first saw the light of Faith, he turned on all that had hitherto filled his life and condemned the whole system of secular education: "Such madness, then, is looked upon as a more honorable and a more useful study than reading and writing. " ' Yet the wealth of learning and the polished form, acquired in his early years, stood the Saint in good need in the continuous controversy that was now to ensue. The philosophy of the Greeks encouraged him to go deep in his own reasonings and researches, and the familiarity with the Latin classics contributed not a little to make his language so splendid and incisive an element. The admirers of St. Augustine have justly noted in his works, over and above their sublime Chris- tian content, some of the grandeur of ancient Rome, and this grandeur of his style and manner had a special charm for Charle- magne, just as it later led the first Humanists, Petrarch, Vives, and Erasmus, to regard his writings as bridging the gulf between Christianity and antiquity. Concerning the value of ancient education, he has given expression to contradictory views; and in trying to get at his true mind we must tike into account the circumstances that called forth the respective book as well as its aim, for these factors will necessarily modify the views expressed. The clearest and most dispassionate treatment of the subject is found in the work De Doctrina Christiana (Book II, written about 396), where St. Augustine outlines, from the 1 Ep. 70 ad Magnum, c. 3-5 ; cf. Ecclesiastical Review, LXI (191 9), pp. 266-269. 2 Cf. Fr. X. Eggersdorfer, Der heilige Augustinus ah Padagoge, Freiburg, 1907; Spalding, The Influence of St. Augustine's Teaching, New York, 1886. 3 Conf., I, 13. 188 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. viewpoint of Holy Writ, a system of secular studies that has exercised upon the succeeding ages a powerful influence. 1 The basic thought of the whole inquiry is that the honest and right- eous man will gratefully receive any truth, no matter where it be found, as coming from the hands of God. An error connected, through the fault of man, with a truth should not prejudice us against the truth itself: we do not shrink from learning the alphabet, though the invention of the letters is ascribed to Mercury. The arts and sciences of the pagans are partly human inventions and partly imitations of realities, ;'. ., of works of God, which have been rightly traced back by the pagans them- selves to the deity. The works of man are partly reprehensible, e. g., haruspicy, astrology, etc., and partly dispensable, as the mass of fables, of fictions, .and meaningless pictures and statues; but partly they are necessary, as the entire apparatus of social life: weight, measure, money, written and spoken language, etc. The studies that are concerned with realities deal partly with the concrete and partly with the abstract. Of the sciences dealing with the concrete, history easily stands first, for though concerned with human activities, it is not a human invention, as all happenings are controlled by the Lord, who shapes the course of the world. The descriptive sciences, natural history and astronomy, are closely related to history. The technico- empirical sciences, as medicine, agriculture, political economy, mechanics and gymnastics, are co-ordinate with the descriptive sciences. A superficial acquaintance with these sciences will enable one to pass an opinion on them and to understand the passages of Sacred Scripture that deal with these matters. However, our vocation may necessitate a more exact knowledge of these sciences. Dialectic, rhetoric, and mathematics are the abstract sciences. Dialectic is not man's work, because he has not invented the rules and modes of reasoning, and the mis- application of them by the individual does not invalidate them. Rhetoric is dialectic applied to language; the rules for attract- ing, holding, and persuading an audience are likewise based on laws that do not date from men. These sciences can not dis- pense with common sense, which is the common foundation of all their minute rules. They are a source of exquisite and elevating pleasure, and train the mind, and are, therefore, useful so long as their pursuit does not degenerate (a common danger) 1 "He (St. Augustine), no infallible teacher, has formed the intellect of Christian Europe." Newman, Apologia, 1908, p. 265. THE CONTENT OF EARLY CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. I 89 into affectation and vain display. The truths of mathematics have been discovered, but not invented, by man; they are of use in explaining the meaning of those passages of the Bible that deal with forms, tones, and mystical numbers. At the same time they lead the mind to study the relationship between the changeable and the unchangeable, and thus the soul provided it traces this relationship to its ultimate end, the love of God will be conducted to the spring of wisdom. The God-fearing youth, talented and thirsting for knowledge, should be very cautious in taking up the study of any secular science. He may give some attention to those institutions that are in- dispensable to social life; and the sciences most useful to him are the history of past and present-day events, dialectic, and mathematics. But in studying even these sciences he must be guided by the principle, "Ne quid nimis." Works like Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History and the explanation of the concrete mat- ters of Scripture should be the basis of the empirical studies. St. Augustine does not decide whether the dialectical portions of Scripture are to receive special treatment, but inclines to the negative answer, "because the art of the pro and con ex- tends, in the manner of nerves, through the entire body of Scripture;" 1 and he grants that dialectic may be studied in schools not under the control of the Church. 2 The truths found among the heathen philosophers, especially among the Platonists, are compared to the vessels of gold and silver that the Israelites took, upon God's command, from the heathen temples of Egypt, to devote them to the service of the Lord. In like manner, the Christian should withdraw from the worship of the demons and devote to the service of God all that has been dug, in the course of time, from the mine of truth. 3 8. With the gradual growth of a distinctively Christian literature and the corresponding decline of heathen literature, Christian educational writers, feeling sure of a broad and homo- geneous Christian foundation, saw less danger in what was taken over from heathen education. And thus a considerable portion of the content of ancient education was incorporated into the Christian system. The framework consisted of the seven liberal arts as described, not without some African flour- ishes, by Marcianus Capella, or in a plainer style and with 1 Cow/., II, 4 o, 56. 2 Ibid., 32. Concerning rhetoric, cf. IV, 2 sq. 3 St. Gregory of Nyssa employs the same comparison for enjoining the same duty in his De Vita Mosis (Opp., Par., 1638, I, p. 209). 190 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. references to Christian materials by Cassiodorus (died 562). In the West philology assumed an encyclopedic character as may be seen in the Origines or Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (died 636), wherein the compiler has assembled, by covering the ground of the liberal arts and by adding biblical and theo- logical materials, all that was thought worth knowing. His Sententice is a compilation of the essentials of Christian Doc- trine, and by these works Isidore prepared the way for the encyclopedias and compendiums of the Middle Ages. 1 Boethius (died 525), the translator and commentator of Aristotle, exer- cised in the West the profoundest influence on the study of philosophy. The selections from the ancient classics were largely made at random. It was not the internal value of the work, or the importance attached to it by the ancients, that deter- mined the reading of a poem; but other, often entirely mistaken, considerations prevailed. The works of Vergil were highly es- teemed the reason being, 'besides the traditional attitude, the interpretation of his fourth eclogue as a prophecy of the Messias. His poems were 1 interpreted allegorically, and the Aeneid was considered a picture of human life. St. Augustine states (De Civ. Dei, I, 3) that the little ones read him in order that, after having in their earliest childhood imbibed his wisdom, they might never forget the greatest and best of poets. Statius, who was believed to have been a secret follower of Christ, was es- teemed most after Vergil. The traditional attitude towards Horace and his wealth of quotable sentences are responsible for his being read in the schools. Sallust was preferred to Livy, probably because the introductions in his Lives abound in moral maxims; but the authors of historical summaries were esteemed above both. Seneca ranked high among the philosophers be- cause of his sententious style; the later tradition represents him as a Christian and a martyr to the Christian cause. The Greeks cultivated for a long time an eclectic study of the classics. Their anthologies contained, in parallel columns, texts from Scripture 1 The Origines treat the following subjects (the figures indicate the respec- tive book): i. grammar; 2. rhetoric and dialectic; 3. arithmetic, astronomy, music; 4. medicine; 5. jurisprudence; 6. of books, writing, literature, spiritual offices; 7. of God and holy men; 8. of the Church; 9. of languages; 10. ety- mologies in alphabetical order; II. of man; 12. of the animals; 13. and 14. of the earth and its parts; 15. of cities, houses, and rural estates; 16. of metals, stones, weights, and measures; 17. of agriculture, horticulture, and plants; 1 8. of armies and games; 19. of architecture, navigation, and dress; 20. of food and household furniture. THE EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. and the Church Fathers and quotations from the classics; and of all collections that made in the eighth century by St. John Damascene enjoyed the greatest favor. The ecclesiastical schools conducted in Constantinople at this time taught the liberal arts and the philosophical disciplines, and read and interpreted Homer, Hesiod, Demosthenes, and Plutarch. CHAPTER XVII. The Early Christian School System. i. As the process of assimilating the content of ancient education was slow, so the schools also were slow in adapting themselves to the new conditions. The Christians were obliged as late as the sixth century to study grammar and rhetoric in schools that held sacred the ancient traditions and that were, only too frequently, hotbeds of paganism. It was just the middle schools that preserved their pagan character longest, while the elementary as well as the highest schools were Chris- tianized much earlier. 1 It was not difficult to correlate the Christian instruction needed for the youngest pupils with the subject-matter of the elementary school. The first schools for reading, writing, and the singing of psalms were founded in Syria, where the need of having the Scriptures translated into the vernacular urged the Christians to be active both in edu- cation and in general literature. The Presbyter Protogenes is mentioned as having opened, in the second half of the second century, the first Christian school at Edessa. We lack the data to trace the growth of the early Christian schools con- ducted by the presbyters. However, in the fifth century these schools had spread at least over the whole of Italy, as appears from the decree of the Council of Vaison (Vasio), issued in 443, which ordained that all Gallic presbyters should follow the custom which was said to be of long standing in Italy: to take boys into their homes, be spiritual fathers to them, and teach them the reading of the Psalms and of Sacred Scripture; and, in general, to instruct them in the knowledge and fear of the Lord. The Synods of Orange and Valence on the Rhone (529) decree the opening of schools in connection with the different 1 Cf. E. Magevney, Christian Education in the First Centuries, New York, 1900; A. T. Drane, Christian Schools and Scholars, New York, 1910. CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. parishes. The third Council of Constantinople (68 1) ordained that the priests should conduct schools in all places (per villas et vicos} within the parish limits. From the lives of many saints we learn that the missionaries who preached the Gospel taught the neophytes reading and writing also. It is related that the pagan pupils of Cassian, the traveling bishop of Rhse- tia, being incensed at the severity of his discipline, killed their master with their styles; and St. Patrick is said to have written as many primers as there are days in the year. The monasteries also played an important role in laying the foundation of the Christian school system. The rules of the religious orders of the East prescribed that the novices learn to read; and they contained minute regulations for the education and instruction of the children entrusted to the care of the monks. Such regulations are found in the rule of St. ' Basil the Great as well as in the older rule of St. Pachomius (died 348), so that Egypt, which was the scene of St. Pachomius' labors, is considered the cradle of the monastic schools. 1 Orphan asylums began to be opened about the same time, first in Con- stantinople and Rome, and in the latter city song schools were connected with the asylums. 1. The system of higher education developed out of the catechumenate. The term /care^etv meaning originally to teach by word of mouth was employed in the early Church for desig- nating the instruction and the training then required as a pre- paration for the Sacrament of Baptism. 2 The need for giving this instruction to whole classes of catechumens suggested the organizing of regular catechetical courses, which were conducted during Lent preparatory to the solemn administration of Bap- tism at Easter, and which were in charge either of the priests themselves or of such as were especially engaged for this work (doctores, SiSao-KaAot) . These courses developed into regular schools wherever the scientific spirit was strong enough to prompt a deeper and broader study of the teachings of Chris- tianity. The catechetical school of Alexandria, which traced its origin back to the Evangelist St. Mark, was at first devoted exclusively to the instruction and training of catechumens, but later took up the scientific study of the Christian religion, for the purpose not only of converting educated pagans to the 1 Brother Azarias, Essays Educational, New York, 1 896, pp. 6 ff. 2 Ad. G. Weiss, Die altchristliche Padagogik dargestellt in Katechumenat und Katechese der ersten seeks Jahrhunderte, Freiburg, 1869, p. 40; cf. McCormick, History of Education, Washington, 1915, pp. 65 ff. THE EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. 193 truths of the Church, but also of training efficient catechists. 1 Christian schools of the same type were located at Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis, Gandisapora, and other Syrian cities. The African Bishop Junilius relates that the school at Nisibis was celebrated for its methcdical and well-regulated (ordine et regulariter traditur) course in the law of Christ, which was given by public teachers after the manner of the public teachers of grammar and rhetoric.' 2 The West had fallen upon evil days, and hence it was in vain that Cassiodorus tried to persuade Pope Agapitus to introduce the methods of the eastern schools. 3 3. In the West, the bishops' schools, modeled after St. Augustine's school at Hippo, were the first homes of higher learning. Possidius states, in his life of St. Augustine, that no less than ten bishops, celebrated for their learning, had studied in the school at Hippo; and they in turn were the founders of similar schools in their own cathedral cities. The primary pur- pose of these schools was to provide for the training of the diocesan clergy. But there is no doubt that such as had not yet decided for the clerical state were also admitted, for we read of an inner circle of students that gathered about the bishop, in contrast to a class of pupils who were not so privi- leged. St. Peter Chrysologus, for instance, who received his education in the first decades of the fifth century under the direction of Cornelius, Bishop of Imola, was trained for the priesthood only after he had advanced from an exoteric class to an inner circle. 4 The development of the bishops' schools was contemporaneous with that of the monastic schools. It must be admitted that the rule of St. Benedict was not more explicit on the subject of education than the earlier monastic rules had been. To studies in general the Saint himself was rather opposed than favorable; and Gregory the Great, the glory of the Benedictine Order, avows that "it is an indignity 1 That the f chcol at Alexandria never lest sight of its original aim, is clear from the two courses offered there at the time of Origen: one elementary for beginners and the other a theological course for advanced students. (Eus., Hist, eccl., VI, 15.) It is noteworthy that the mission schools of the ipth century bear evidence to the wisdom of combining heathen and Christian studies, as was done at Alexandria. The Catholic schools in China, opened since 1840, devote the first seven or eight years to the national studies required for the state examinations, and only after this ground has been covered are the pupils introduced to the distinctively Christian branches. 2 Junilius, De part. div. leg. in Conring, De antiq. academ., I, 29. 3 Cassiodorus, De divin. et hum. /ect., Pnef. 4 Bardenhewer-Shahan, Patrology, New York, 1908, pp. 526 ff. 13 194 CHRISTIAN EDUCATION ON ROMAN SOIL. that the words of the oracle of heaven should be restrained by the rules of Donat," 1 and that the same lips can not be ex- pected to praise at once both Jove and Christ. But that state- ment of the Benedictine Rule which enjoins the monks to devote three hours daily to reading and to peruse entire books during Lent, contained the germ of the glorious educational history of the Order; and it was not long before the education of the oblati the children who had been dedicated by their parents to the religious life and the training of the monks for the duties of the priesthood assumed the form of systematic schooling. The full realization, however, of their educational mission came to the Benedictines only after they found themselves far re- moved from the centres of civilization and face to face with semi-barbarous" races, whom they could gain permanently for Christ by no other means than by becoming their teachers and masters in the mechanical as well as the fine arts, in agriculture, in science and in cultural activity of all kinds. The Benedictine school of the Middle Ages is only a part of the complex system of institutions that assisted in the work of civilization, and which were the outgrowth of missionary activity. The early form of the monastic school embraced the whole content of education: the elements, the liberal arts, the reading of the classics, theology, and gave some attention, besides, to the professional sciences, as, medicine and surveying. To meet the twofold purpose of educating the young members of the Order and of providing the secular training for the man of the world, the schola claustri or interior for the young monks was separated from the schola canonica or exterior. The monks shirked no labor; they were tireless in improving their schools; and hence their institutions became the models for all the schools of the Middle Ages. 2 4. Between the early Christian schools and the schools of classical antiquity there are three striking differences. First, the Christian schools were, by virtue of their pronounced reli- gious and moral aim, institutions not only for cultural, but also educational, purposes, and of this fact their practice of com- 1 Gregory expressed himself thus: " Non metacismi collisionem fugio, non barbarismi confusionetn devito, situs motusque prapositionum, casusque servare contemno: quia indignum vehementer existimo, ut verba caelestis oraculi restringam fub regulis Donati" (Praf. Jcbi., I, p. 6). We can not say that these words imply a declaration of war on grammar; they only state that we do not de- mand grammatical scrupulosity of the theologian. 2 Cf. J. H. Newman, Historical Sketches, 1912, Vol. II, pp. 450 ff. THE EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOL SYSTEM. munity life, which was unknown in the Greek and Roman schools, bears external evidence. Secondly, the Christian schools were obviously bent on making religion the core-subject about which all the various branches were grouped, so that one institution embraced the whole field of general education; whereas the ancient schools taught generally only one subject, wherefore the young Greeks and Romans could obtain a general education only by passing through the different schools of the grammarian, rhetorician, music teacher, etc. Thirdly, the Christian schools were considered, because they were controlled by the Church, public institutions, while the school system of the ancients represented, at least at the time when the schools were at their best, only the loose union of private establishments. Of ancient institutions, the temple schools of Egypt, with their affiliated colleges and priest-teachers, might perhaps correspond, in some degree, to the school system of the early Church. But the few points of similarity will appear insignificant, when we consider that the spirit as well as the end of the Christian schools differ essentially from all that inspired the schools of ancient Egypt. The latter were confined to an exclusively national subject- matter of teaching. The different castes were allowed only a graduated amount of instruction, and the educational content, thus hedged in on all sides, could not enjoy a proper develop- ment, but grew more rigid with its increasing age. In contrast with this, we knew the Christian school system to be the mem- ber of an organism that transcends beyond the limits of nation- ality, and which, instead of stressing any class distinctions, obliterates these differences by dealing with the individual and by giving him, through teaching the loyalty due to the Lord of the earth, the liberty of a child of God. The Christian school system will never grow rigid, because it is controlled by the teaching office of the Church. An eternal youth is its pre- rogative, for it is continuously renewed by drawing from the waters of the eternally new teachings of the Christian Church. The Christian nations are teaching nations; they have attained this distinction by virtue of the teaching office of the Christian Church; and in organizing the system of education they have far outstripped the ancients, because they were assisted by the plastic forces at work in the Church. VI. MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. CHAPTER XVIII. The School System of the Middle Ages. 1 i. The Middle Ages is the term (first used in the lyt'h cen- tury) for designating the thousand years intervening between the fall of the Roman Empire and the revival of letters in the i6th century. But the designation is obviously inappropriate, be- cause it is founded on what is of most external significance. These thousand years are, in reality, not a middle period at all; they are the dawn of a new era, for they cover the first stages in the cultural development of Christian Europe, and represent the youth of the modern nations. As improper as is the name given to these thousand years, so little ground is there for the various notions popularly associated with the "Dark Ages." Modern historical research has shown convincingly that the world was not buried for a thousand years in a sort of winter- sleep, but that there was, in fact, during the Middle Ages a most vigorous and general activity, and that much of our mod- ern progress would have been impossible had not the Middle Ages first broken the ground. Looking broadly at some of the results accomplished by the Middle Ages, we must note the civilization of the barbarian races of the North and the amal- gamation of divers races with individual peoples of settled and national character. Furthermore, we see Europe as a whole superseding the geographical unit constituted formerly by the countries bordering on the Mediterranean Sea.' Ancient history had ever known only one world-empire; but the wars of the Middle Ages brought about the establishment of several inde- pendent nations united by the ties of a common culture. But the medieval nations were disadvantaged in this, that they drew much less than the ancient Greeks and Romans upon what was their own, being obliged to turn to foreign peoples 1 E. Magevney, Christian Education in the Dark Ages, New York, 1900; P. J. McCormick, History of Education , Washington, 1915, pp. 86-aio; cf. also Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1907-14. 196 THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. for essential elements of their historical life. Still, this process of assimilation, once it was well under way, inaugurated the growth of a culture that was immeasurably richer than that of the ancients. "European civilization from the Middle Ages' downwards is," as Gladstone says, 1 "the compound of two great factors, the Christian religion for the spirit of man, and the Greek, and in a secondary degree, the Roman, discipline for his mind and intellect;" and these foreign elements had to enter deep into the national life, before the native forces of the latter could be set free for the work of co-operation. Thus the educational forces of the Middle Ages were pri- marily occupied with receiving, assimilating, and imitating the matter that was on hand; and the medieval school system is consequently not free from the cumbersomeness (Schwerfal- ligkeif) that characterizes all such beginnings. Ancient Greece and Rome had never in their educational efforts met with such difficulties as confronted the Middle Agjes on all sides. The Middle Ages had to assimilate, not only the entirely new ele- ments of the Christian religion, but also the elements of classi- cal education, the precipitate of Roman education. To convert these latter elements, which represented an apparently dead matter, into a life-giving factor, was not a light task; and the difficulty was the greater as dry and uninviting compendiums were the sole guides in this work. The medium of expression was, moreover, the Latin language, not only a foreign tongue, but itself dying and containing, at its best, a subject-matter that was at variance with the intellectual content of the new nations. It is true that the Church proved the patron of the new education, lending it the influence of her own organiza- tion; but at the same time she subjected it to her authority and determined its scope accordingly. In some points the hard schooling of those centuries may often enough appear meagre and unproductive 'in its details; but considered as a whole, it was the best preparation for free movement and independent efforts. Yet it was more than a mere preparation for better things: medieval education advanced far beyond the stage of tutelage. It was far from being merely receptive; for it did not only take over the various forms of schools of the early Church: the monastic, episcopal, and parochial schools (whose scope of usefulness it enlarged), but founded institutions wholly un- known in any previous age: the system of chivalric education, Cyclopedia of Education, s. v. Gladstone. 198 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. the guild schools, and the teachers' corporations of the uni- versities. 2. Among the monastic schools of the Middle Ages the Be- nedictine schools hold the first place. 1 The black monks had early recognized the principle that the welfare, glory, and sta- bility of their Order depend on its schools; 2 and the events fol- lowing upon the Barbarian Invasion bore out the truth of this view. The educational leaders of the period of the Carolingians and Ottos were either Benedictines or their pupils. The Ven- erable Bade 3 (died 735), the scholasticus of Jarrow and the Father of English History, is the first of the long line of dis- tinguished Benedictine scholars. Tradition is at fault in mak- ing Alcuin or Albinus (born 735, died 80^.) the pupil of Bede, but in his spirit and methods of teaching he is a disciple of the master of Jarrow. Alcuin was a friend and councilor of Charle- magne and the first of the masters from whom rays of culture (as it were) issued in all directions; his monastic school at Tours is the first of the model schools and institutions for the train- ing of teachers that were in those centuries the chief seats of learning in Europe. Paschasius Radbertus, his fellow-laborer, founded the monastic school at Corbie, and this in turn became the parent of the school at Corvey, in Saxony. Of his other fellow-laborers, Leidrad was the glory of the cathedral school at Lyons, and Arnulph, of the Salzburg school; and of his pupils, Rhabanus modeled the abbey school at Fulda after that of Tours. The same was done by Ludger at the cathedral school at Munster and by Haimin at the school at Arras the last- named proving the pattern for the schools at St. Amand and Auxerre. The educational writings of Alcuin spread his influence far beyond the territory of the Franks. 4 The school at Fulda, organized by Rhabanus Maurus (born 775, died 856) served as the model for the reorganization of the schools of Saint Gall (Wernbert and Hartmut) and Reichenau (Walafried Strabo), and for the founding of schools at Weissenburg (Otfried), Hers- feld (Strabus), Hirschau (Hidulph and Ruthard), and Ferriere (Servatus Lupus). The influence of Rhabanus, the praeceptor 1 Cf. Newman, Historical Sketches, New York, 1912, Vol. II, pp. 450 ff. 2 Ziegelbauer, Hist. Ord. S. 5., I, p. 652: "Veterum ccenobitarum frequens erat istud keleusma: Ex scholis omnis nostra sa/us, omnis felicitas, divitice omnes ac ordinis splendor constansque stabilitas. " 3 Cf. Rawnsley, The Venerable Bede, Sunderland, 1903; Lingard, Anglo- Saxon Church, London, 1 840. 4 West, Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools , New York, 1892. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 199 Germaniae^ extended, like that of Alcuin, through his educa- tional and encyclopedic works, far beyond his school and coun- try. A position similar to his was held in the period of the Ottos and the first kings of the Capetian dynasty by Gerbert, known in history as Pope Sylvester II. (died 1033), who, though not a Benedictine, had been educated in the Benedictine monastery at Aurillac. This school at Aurillac had begun to flourish under Odo of Clugny, who was a pupil of Remigius of Auxerre, the latter being, through his teacher Heiricus, connected with the circle .of Alcuin. Gerbert was "so brilliant a teacher that every school became under his management a training school for teachers;" he taught in Rheims and Paris, and was instrumental in raising the schools of St. Germain aux Pres (Ingo), of Aux- erre (John of Auxerre), of Leury (Abbo), Chartres (Fulbert), Mittelach (Nithard and Remigius), etc., to a high degree of efficiency. He introduced the learning of the Arabians into the West; and the interest taken in his schools in dialectic gave rise to Scholasticism. 1 The monastic school connected with the Benedictine Abbey of Bee, in Normandy, where Lanfranc was prior and his pupil Anselm of Canterbury (born 1035, died 1 109) abbot, was the most famous school of dialectic in Chris- tendom, and one of the first schools to take up the study of Scholasticism. The Archabbey of Monte Cassino flourished anew during this period, and teachers connected with its school in- vented the so-called ars dictandi^ a branch of rhetoric. St. Thomas Aquinas, the greatest and most influential philosopher of the Middle Ages, studied at Monte Cassino. 3. Beginning with the tenth century, many new and inde- pendent orders branched off from the Benedictines, but con- tinued to observe though in a more or less modified form the Rule of St. Benedict. Though these new orders did not directly influence the schools, their indirect influence was large, for they raised the tone of the religious life and thereby im- proved general Christian morals. The Cluniac rule declared the study of the heathen classics to be dangerous, and the Cis- tercians as well as the Premonstratensians did not attach the same importance to learning as the mother-order. But the monasteries of these orders founded in Brandenburg, Misnia, Silesia, and Poland exercised, in these countries, the same whole- some influence on studies as the Benedictine schools had done in the West. The mere number of the monasteries in 1500 McCormick, 1. c., pp. m ff.; cf. Opera, Migne, Pat. Lat. CXXXIX. 2OO MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. there were no less than 37,000 monasteries belonging to the Ben- edictines and to branches of their Order is sufficient evidence of the important public function of the religious orders; and even if we granted that only one twentieth of these 37,000 monasteries had regular schools, they would still constitute no small part of the school system of the time. The two great orders of the Franciscans and Dominicans, which were founded in the age of the Crusades and which en- joyed a phenomenal growth, influenced the schools in a different way than the older orders had done. They gave most of their attention to preaching and to the religious instruction of the masses, and therefore considered the pursuit of higher learning as foreign to their primary aim. St. Francis of Assisi deposed the guardian of the monastery at Bologna for having opened a house of studies, and justified this step with the words, "The life of the brothers is to be their learning, and piety is to be their eloquence;" but the same Francis gathered up any scraps of writing he found in the street and put them aside in rev- erence, "because the writing contained the letters which com- bine to form the most holy Name of God." With the further development of the two orders it became evident that no teach- ing could prove successful unless the friars cultivated habits of study and research. But their world-wide educational activity, which embraced university teaching as well as elementary in- struction, dates from the .year 1259 when both the Franciscans and the Dominicans were granted the right to a professorship at the University of Paris; St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Bona- vehture were the first to fill these chairs. The Mendicants followed the example of the Benedictines in opening schools in connection with their friaries; but they taught, besides, in city schools, and went about in the rural districts preaching and catechizing. They are known also as the authors of textbooks and popular encyclopedias. The Franciscan Alexander of Ville- dieu is the author of the most popular Latin grammar of the Middle Ages, the Doctrinale, which was first published about 1 200, and which was reprinted more than a hundred times 1 "Ones when it was pointed out to him, perhaps not without sarcastic intention, that the scrap of writing he had rescued was from some heathen author, he replied that it mattered not, since the words, whether of heathens or of other men, all came from the wisdom of God." I Celano, 82; Cuthbert, Life of St. Francis, London, 1912, p. 294. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2OI before I5OO. 1 The Dominican Vincent of Beauvais is the author of a large encyclopedia (about 1300) in which he summarized the learning of the later Middle Ages (see infra, Ch. xix). Other orders that had an organization similar to that of the purely religious communities, but which combined spiritual and secular elements, were also active along educational lines. There are several instances on record where the Knights of St. John (founded 1048) established and conducted schools; and the same is true of the Teutonic Knights (founded at Acre in 1190), whose grand-master Winrich of Kniprode (died 1382) was a patron of the schools in Prussia, where the first' schools had been opened about 1228 by Pope Honorius III. Winrich of Kniprode is credited with the statement: "Our Order will ever be well supplied with wealth and other earthly goods, but not always with prudent and faithful members, so that we must found in Prussia not only a few, but many, schools." The Order of Calatrava, founded in the I3th century, cared not only for the poor and orphans, but also opened schools at some places. The Brethren of the Common Life, founded by Geert Grote (Gerhardus Magnus) of Deventer, opened their first house in 1384 at Deventer; a hundred years later their schools had spread over the whole territory between the Scheldt and the Vistula; the motherhouse at Deventer continued the centre of influence, and by being actively engaged in both elementary and higher schools, the Brethren popularized the study of jSacred Scripture and prepared the way for the Humanists' reform of studies. 4. The bishops' schools of the primitive Church developed in the Middle Ages into cathedral schools. St. Chrodegang of Metz (died 766) based his rule of the common life, which he introduced among the cathedral clergy, upon the Benedictine Rule, and charged the scholasticus (scho/aster, didascalus^ magi- scola, cancellarius] with the education of the youths that were committed to the care of the priests. 2 In the period of the 1 The Humanists attacked the Doctrinale as being the authority for bar- barous Latin; but in our tims the book has received kindlier treatment at the hands of Haase, Eckstein, and others. Many syntactical terms of the Doc- trinale are in use in our present-day grammars. Cf. Eckstein's article Latei- nische Sprache in Schmid's Enzyklopadie, IX, p. 512; cf. infra, ch. XIX, 7. 2 St. Chrodegang is not, as is frequently stated, the founder of the cathe- dral schools, for in the oldest version of his rule (Migne, Pat. Lat., t. 89, p. 1057) we find mention merely of the supervision of the pueri parvi et adulescentes. It is only the later versions that contain specific details concerning the edu- cation of the young. 2O2 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. greatest efficiency of the cathedral schools, the bishops them- selves would often teach, though the scholasticus was the ordi- nary teacher. Later, learned monks, especially Benedictines, or laymen, were engaged as teachers. These schools were at- tended, not only by the candidates for the priesthood, but also by the sons of nobles and even of princes. The cathedral schools had, like the monastic schools (Ch. xvii,3), two divisions: the inner school, a boarding school, for clerical students, and the outer school for the laity. Some cathedral schools, for example, the Lateran school at Rome, the schools at Lyons, Rheims, Li6ge, Paderborn, and Goslar, were as celebrated as the monastic schools, but were, for all that, patterned after the best of the latter. But when the canons discontinued the common life in the nth century and committed the schools to hired and salaried teachers, the cathedral schools were doomed, for they could not compete with the universities. The great Pope Innocent III., who was bent on conserving and improving all the elements of ecclesiastical power as well as of early Chris- tian education, stayed the downfall of the cathedral schools: he is responsible for the decree passed by the Lateran Council, in 1215, ordaining that teachers of grammar and professors of theology be employed in the schools to be opened in connection with all cathedrals; and when instituting a trial against any bishop, he always made it a point to inquire whether the prelate had provided for the Christian education of the young. The bishops were expected not only to maintain the cathe- dral schools, but to supervise all the schools of the diocese, especially those connected with the parishes. It is a fact sub- stantiated as well by the decrees of councils and synods as by direct testimonies, that the work of the medieval parish church always included a certain amount of regular school work. The pastor or his assistants (clerics, sextons, or other persons in his employ) did the teaching. That the sexton's school was com- mon in rural districts in the latter part of the i2th century, would appear from the law passed in 1183 by the diocesan synod of Saint-Omer: "As the schools are intended to train all such as will in the future have the management of ecclesiastical and secular matters in Church and State, we ordain that the parish schools, if fallen into decay, be rebuilt in all cities and villages of the diocese, or, if they be still in use, be given more attention than heretofore. To this end, the pastors, , magis- trates, and prominent members of the community should pro- vide for the support of the teachers, for which office the sextons THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2O3 are generally employed in the rural districts. The school is to be opened in a building near the parish church, so that the teacher may the more easily be controlled by the pastor and other authorities, and the pupils, too, be introduced more easily to the practices of our holy Religion." 1 Even if these parish schools represent only elementary schools, we must not overlook the fact that the Middle Ages did not regard, as we do, the elements of reading, writing, religion, etc., as belonging to a special kind of school; no school was thought worthy of the name unless Latin was taught in it, and the study of Latin was taken up as soon as the pupils had gotten beyond the rudi- ments of religion. The instruction in the elements was con- sidered to be supplementary to the cure of souls, and even the higher studies were never considered to be independent of the teaching office of the Church. 5. The laity was intimately connected with the ecclesiastical schools of the Middle Ages: young laymen frequented these schools, and laymen were permitted to teach in them; and these conditions account for the fact that no lay schools de- veloped during this period in contrast to the schools of the clergy. The lay schools of the early Middle Ages kept up Roman traditions. Especially in Italy and the South of France, learned laymen taught the seven liberal arts, but the Church tolerated and controlled their work without positively encour- aging the founding of lay schools. Roman law was taught in Italy by secular teachers till the universities made it one of their faculty subjects, and it would seem as though medicine also though some monks had practiced medicine had been taught by secular teachers till it was recognized as belonging exclusively to the universities. 2 The palace schools (schola pa- latii or palatince)^ which were first opened at the Franconian court, resemble in many points the schools of the Roman em- perors. The Merovingians had opened a palace scho'ol, in imi- tation, most probably, of the schola Gallica palatii at Treves; but the institution flourished most under Charlemagne, when Alcuin and Peter of Pisa were in charge of the palace school. Charles the Bald transferred it to Paris, where its most cele- brated teachers were the Greek Mannon (who brought some 1 A. Stockl, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Pddagogik, Mayence, 1876, p. 118. 2 In Rome there was a school of law in the loth century, and the Roman judge received, amid much ceremony, the Justinian Code "to pass sentence on Rome, Trastevere, and the whole world according to its behests. " Grego- rovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, III, 161 and 525 ff. 2O4 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. of the writings of Plato and Aristotle to the knowledge of the West), John Scotus (Eriugena), and Remigius of Auxerre. This palace school was finally merged in the cathedral school of Notre Dame. In the loth century Bruno, subsequently Arch- bishop of Cologne, the brother of Emperor Otto I., founded the palace school of the Ottos. 1 The palace school did not differ essentially from the ecclesiastical institutions. It prepared its pupils for secular and clerical professions, and its teachers were taken almost exclusively from the ranks of the clergy; but being founded and controlled by the secular authorities, it stands in a class apart and is, in fact, the forerunner of the state universities founded under the Hohenstaufen. A peculiar kind of education, lacking the hard and fast forms of regular schooling as well as the materials of the higher learning, developed in connection with medieval knighthood. The training to knighthood reveals the influence of national elements, and the latter can be traced back to the pre-Christian Germanic age. The description in the Edda of the training of the young nobleman contains many elements later incorporated in chivalric education: "Modir then brought forth a boy; in silk they wrapped him, with water sprinkled him, and named him Jarl. Light was his hair, bright his cheeks, his eyes pierc- ing as a young serpent's. There at home Jarl grew up, learned the shield to shake, to fix the string, the bow to bend, arrows to shaft, javelins to hurl, spears to brandish, horses to ride, dogs to let slip, swords to draw, swimming to practice. Thither from the forest came Rig walking; runes he taught him, his own name gave him, and his own son declared him, whom he bade possess his alodial fields, his ancient dwellings. " Turning to chivalric education, we find the warlike practices of the olden days exchanged for the arts and accomplishments of the tour- nament. Instead of learning the runes, the boy must now learn the harp, must study languages, and read tales telling of the heroic deeds of the past. The virtue of the knight is des- ignated vriimecheit, i. e., ability; and cottrtoisie is mentioned as his special accomplishment. The training of the young knight was regulated, like that of the young cleric, in its min- utest details, and even the grading of the seven liberal arts was applied to the course of chivalric education. The court of some distinguished nobleman was the school for the noble 1 Brother Azarias, The Palatine School, in Essays Educational, pp. 39 ff. 2 The Elder Eddas, transl. by Benj. Thorpe, New York, 1906, pp. 81-82. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2O5 youth. Though the father controlled the education as a whole, he committed the carrying out of his plans to strangers: personal service was looked upon as inseparable from learning, and a strange house was undoubtedly better suited to this purpose than the home. The son of a knight was known as a page till he attained the age of fourteen, when he received at the altar the sword blessed by a priest, being thereafter known as a squire. He had to serve as stjuire for seven years, and at twenty-one he was dubbed knight, for which great honor it marked his freedom from service he had to qualify by deeds of chivalrous courage. The night of watching in the church, the confession, the Holy . Communion, the Missa de Spiritu Sancto, the ser- mon on the knightly life, preceded the most solemn ceremony of his life. The principal part of a boy's education was carried on out of doors. All kinds of exercises and games were prac- ticed, such as wrestling, boxing, running, riding, tilting at the ring and quintain; and such amusements as bull and bear- baiting. The squires who had charge of the pages or henchmen were required to "learne them to ryde clenely and surely, to draw them also to justes, to learne them wear their harness, to have all curtesy in wordes, dedes and degrees. ... to learn them sondry languages and other lernings vertuous, to harping, to pipe, sing, dance . . . with corrections in their chambers." The pages and squires were frequently dispensed from learning to write, but great importance was attached to learning foreign languages, especially French; Latin was frequently learned, but Greek only in rare instances. The boys were imbued with the knightly spirit of the age by being steeped in the poems and tales that told of the chivalrous deeds of all times; for it was thought that these aventiuren were the embodiment of the ideals of knighthood, showing concretely what should be the goal of knightly ambition. Classical antiquity furnished its quota of tales, for the stories of the Trojan War, of Aeneas' wanderings, and of the wars of Alexander had been treated by national poets and adapted to the national way of thinking. Though chivalric education was adapted to meet the needs of the nobility, a particular class, and though it was, therefore, vocational in aim, yet it was based on the broadest of human elements, for it included Christian, German, Latin, and roman- 1 Furnivall, Forewords, E. E. T. S., 1867, quoted in Cornish, Chivalry, Lon- don, 1908, p. 64. 2O6 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. tic elements, and it was thus well calculated to develop the whole personality of the young nobleman. 1 6. Despite the contrast between the life at court and that of the citizenry, the guild schools have much in common with chivalric education. The guild schools recognized as basic prin- ciples that serving and learning are inseparable, that the edu- cation of the young must be graded, and that the training for a mechanical vocation is, like the training for knighthood, concerned with the transmitting of specific art,s, customs, con- cepts. However, the last-named elements are so closely inter- related with the universal consciousness and the ideas of the age that the training for the trades, though vocational in aim, may be considered a branch of general education. Be- sides the proximate aim of safeguarding the interests of their members, the guilds followed the higher aim of conserving and transmitting to posterity mechanical skill and the approved customs of the various trades. This higher aim gave rise to the scholce of the guilds and brought it about that the full-fledged members were called magistri, masters. Only legitimate boys, who were "born in honorable wedlock, of father and mother according to the laws and regulations of Holy Church," 2 could learn a trade; for the members of the guild must be pure and spotless. Neither could a boy begin to learn a trade before he was well grounded in the elements of Christian Doctrine, and after the establishment of writing schools in the i4th century he was expected to be familiar also with the elements of general knowledge. When receiving a boy as an apprentice, the master acted in the name of the whole guild: "I will engage this boy in the name of the whole guild. " The master had to do more than teach the boy "how to use his hands," for he took upon himself, "during the time of apprenticeship, all parental obli- gations, educating him under the supervision of the guild." The master was advised to allow his apprentice "a small sum for bathing;" and the apprentices are told to "use this money well, for every laborer, whatever be his age, must keep himself clean in body, which cleanliness also ministers to the soul's good." 4 They are, furthermore, enjoined to hear "every Sun- 1 For further details, see Chivalric Education in the Cyclopedia of Education. 2 So run the statutes of a glovers' guild of Dan?ig in 1412, quoted by W. Stahl, Das deutsche Handwerk, Giessen, 1874, I, p. 100. 3 J. Janssen, History of the German People, transl. by M. A. Mitchell and A. M. Christie, London, 1896-1910, II, p. n. 4 Ibid., p. 34. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2OJ day and Holyday a mass and a sermon and to read good books. They must be industrious and seek not their own glory, but God's." The apprentice was obliged to pay a certain fee, which, however, was returned to his parents, if he proved unfit for the trade; if he ran off because of ill-treatment received, the master was forbidden to take in a new apprentice, "because the apprentice-fee is still sitting on the chair. " If he made good, he was advanced to the rank of a companion. Upon this occasion the master addressed him thus," Thou hast till now been a boy and hast associated with boys, now thou art made a companion and wilt associate with companions; but if the Lord will give thee the grace to advance to the rank of a jour- neyman, thou mayst associate with honest journeymen." 2 An examination finally determined the fitness of the companion for the position of journeyman, and he was advanced to this rank amid much ceremony, though games and merrymaking also entered into the celebration. The journeyman was still bound to obey his master, whom, however, he was free to choose. He generally went on travels, to increase his knowledge and to improve his skill by serving different masters. This travelling of the journeymen was a common practice in the i4th century and became compulsory in the I5th. After having attained a certain degree of perfection in his trade, the journeyman might expect the mastership, which the guild eventually conferred on him if the need for a new master arose upon the ground of some skilled piece of work. These customs continued to prevail down to an age that could no longer realize their advantages, but only suffered from their rigid enforcement. But once these customs had been abolished, the system of apprenticeship train- ing had also lost the mainstays of its stability, and neither the improved elementary school, nor the manual training school, nor the technical school can adequately supply what was lost. And hence our educationists and economists are still searching for a substitute for this medieval institution that was well adapted to the primitive conditions of the time, and which gave artisans and mechanics such a training as assured them of technical skill besides a class-consciousness based on religious and moral grounds. It is obvious that the organized citizenry would not confine their educational influence to the guilds, and many city schools 1 Ibid., p. 20. 2 Stahl, I.e., p. 222. 2O8 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. were opened either by the city authorities (scholce senatorice] or by private men. These schools, as a rule, were purely ele- mentary, but occasionally they also offered advanced courses. The local clergy frequently frowned upon them as undesirable rivals of their own institutions; but the Church in general pre- served a neutral attitude, and thus it is not surprising that members of both the regular and the secular clergy taught in the city schools. 1 Still, the teaching body of these schools was largely secular, and the need of safeguarding their common interests gave rise, towards the end of the Middle Ages, to the teachers' associations. The latter copied many features of the guilds: the teachers were engaged like the apprentices, and several years were spent in training for the mastership in the teaching profession. One feature, however, also copied from the guilds, could not but work harm among the teachers, viz., the custom of wandering from place to place. The schoolmasters were themselves in the habit of going from place to place, and set up their schools in whatever town or village struck their fancy. It was not long ere this Wanderlust took hold of the pupils also, and led by the scholares vagantes, they travelled from place to place, looking for bread and schooling. This vagabondage of teachers and pupils represents the reaction of the age against the rigid forms of the medieval schools. 7. The highest educational achievement of the Middle Ages is represented by the universities, and they are the last word in the realization of the cultural ideals of the age. They are representative of the best elements of the spirit and customs of the period. They are united with the Church, for they recog- nize the Pope as their supreme head, and convert their faculties of theology into the homes of ecclesiastical learning. In contrast to knighthood, they represent the aristocracy of learning, and the graduates of the universities were considered socially the equals of the nobiles. The university corporations have many i In illustration of the liberal and generous policy pursved by the Fcpes in the controversies between the clergy and the city jchcols, we may quote Pope Alexander III., who in 1 170 directed the Aichbishop of Rheims to examine into the prohibition passed by the director of schools at Chalcns on the Marne against an individual teacher. The Pope writes: " Ur,de quoniam, cum donum Dei sit scientia Jitterarum, liberum esse debet cuique talextum gratice cut coluerit erogare, fraternitati tuee per Apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus tarn Abbati quam Magistro scholarum prcecipias, ne aliquem probum et litteratum virum regere scholas in civitate vel suburbiis> ubi vcluerit, aliqua ratione prohibeant tel interdicere qualibet occasione prtesurr.ant. " Cf. Schwarz, Erziehungslehre, 2nd ed., 1829, I, 2, p. 169. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2OQ points in common with the guilds of the citizenry,, and the university degrees (scholastic, bachelor, master) mark a grada- tion of rank similar to that of the three kinds of members of the guilds (apprentice, journeyman, master). The universities countenanced the growing power of the State, and eventu- ally proved the instrument for the latter to monopolize the schools. With their learned character they would seem to be out of sympathy with, the broad interests of the people. Still, they were interdependent on all that concerned the masses; and what was said of Oxford may be said of other universities as well: " Chronica si penses, cum pugnant Oxonienses, post paucos menses volat ira per Angligenenses." By assembling teachers and students from all countries and by conferring dignities that were recognized in all Christendom, the universities proved a clearing house for the exchange of intellectual values, and a mighty agency in providing the broadest possible field for any ideas whether born of the Crusades, the Schoolmen, the Hu- manists, or the religious Reformers to spread over Europe. As varied as are the relations of the universities, so diverse are also their origins. Some universities grew out of older ecclesiastical institutions, either by enlarging and making in- dependent the schola externa for instance, the University of Cambridge; 1 or by uniting under one management several insti- tutions that had been independent before for instance, the University of Paris. 2 The aulce built by Alfred the Great may be considered the beginning of Oxford University, and Alfred is rightly called the founder of this celebrated seat of learning. 3 The University of Naples, founded by the Emperor Frederick II., is the first university on the Continent founded by royalty. The 1 "The town of Cambridge was raised into a seat of learning first by the monks of Croyland, a place about 30 miles to the north of it. Their Abbot Goisfred had studied at Orleans, and promoted their teaching (1109-1124) at a farm called (Tottenham near Cambridge, and afterwards in a barn at Cam- bridge itself. The great press of students rapidly raised up schools; ard though we have no direct proof of their continuing to exist for seme time, these may probably have been the germ of the University." Huber, The English Uni- versities, ed. by Francis W. Newman, London, 1843, I, pp. 61-62. 2 The earlier palace school had been merged in the cathedral school of Notre Dame, and the latter was the nucleus of the University of Paris. The school of St. Victor, an Augustinian monastery founded by William of Cham- peaux, and the monastic school of St. Genevieve, and several other smaller secular schools were affiliated with the central school of Notre Dame. Cf. Catholic Encyclopedia, s. v. University of Paris. 3 Huber, I.e., pp. 46 ff. 14 2IO MEDIEVAL EDUCATION 1 . University of Bologna must be traced back to the studies of law pursued under the direction of the judges of the Imperial Court residing in the city. The brilliant lectures of Irnerius, in the beginning of the I2th century, attracted large numbers of law students to Bologna. The students gathering about Constan- tine of Carthage, a baptized Jew, inaugurated the medical school of Salerno. If older schools form the nucleus of the new institution, the teachers establish the universitas; but if the circles of students mark the beginning of a new university, as they did in Bologna and Salerno, the teachers depend on the scholars, and the latter form the corporation and appoint the rector and masters. But both these types of universities agree in this that they constitute corporate bodies possessing full autonomy. Originally, this autonomy was exercised in the con- ferring of the teacher's dignity (magtster, doctor), while the chancellor enjoyed the exclusive privilege to confer the right to teach. The individual teacher was at first authorized to confer the bachelor's degree, but since 1250 this was reserved to the university as such, and this regulation marked the introduction of the regular university degrees. 1 The privilege of being amen- able only to the university court was, along with other privi- leges, a guarantee of the independence of the teaching corpora- tions. The studies of the northern universities were originally the same as had been pursued in the monastic and cathedral schools, i. e. y theology and the liberal arts; the latter were taught also in the Italian law and medical schools. The system of the faculties (prdines] owes its origin to the separation of the theo- logical studies from the arts course and to the later addition of medicine and Roman law. The maxim: universitatem esse fundatam in artibus, originally expressed this historical develop- ment, but later connoted that a liberal education is the basis of professional studies. The idea, too, that the university was the home of all the sciences came into being at a comparatively late time. Originally, the term universitas signified the union of the teachers and, in part, also of the students. Studium generate, another common term for university, implied that the diplomas of the universities were recognized the world over. But it is well known how these two terms subsequently changed their meaning, just as with the ancients eWwcXio? eventually stood, not for the representatives of education (its original meaning), but for its content. 2 1 Huber, I.e., pp. 26 ff. 2 Supra, Introduction, I, 9, footnote; ch. IX, 7. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 2\l 8. The aim of the ecclesiastical schools was the moral and intellectual education of the pupil, and they were much assisted in their twofold object by having as nucleus the boarding school, which constituted the "inner school." The universities, how- ever, having largely originated in the "outer schools," and being intended primarily to impart knowledge, lacked the helpful in- ,fluences of institutional life and found it difficult to provide a proper substitute. The need of such a substitute was felt the more keenly, as the view prevailed in the Middle Ages that discipline is inseparable from instruction, and that education is unthinkable without sound discipline. This view was borne out by the conditions existing among the university students, many of whom were, indeed, of mature age and mind, yet a large percentage of them gave evident proof that they stood sorely in need of discipline. Furthermore, the heads of religious orders felt that when sending young religious to the university they were obliged to provide for them safeguards similar to those afforded by the cloister, and hence they frequently transferred the "inner school" to the university city. Students' inns, col- leges, halls, dormitories took, to a certain extent, the place of the "inner school," for in these institutions the students re- ceived board and lodging, their morals and application were controlled by special officers (provisores}, and provision was made for preparatory or supplementary instruction. The affili- ation of these institutions with the universities offered little difficulty, as the universities themselves tended towards the college type of school. Paulsen describes them as "collegiate foundations, with a more elastic organization than that of the regular abbey schools, and concerned rather with instruction than with the inculcating of religious practices." The colleges developed in the different universities along entirely different lines. The colleges came to be the most important feature of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and there retarded the development of the university faculties. Some of the col- leges of the University of Paris, e. g. y the Sorbonne (founded in 1255), were important centres of independent teaching, and in the middle of the 15th century the students of the various col- leges were in the majority, though the regular courses of the University were still considered the most important. At the German universities, the students' halls never attained any such position, but were important in so far as at places (for 1 Paulsen, Geschichte des gelehrte n Unterrichts, 1885, p. 15, 212 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. example, in Cologne), they developed into preparatory schools, which became known in the I5th century as "gymnasia." As the facultas artium dealt with the liberal arts, which were the foundation of higher education, there was no need of special preparatory schools, and in this regard the medieval university fulfilled the function of both the modern university and college. But local conditions occasionally brought about the establishment of preparatory schools, either by branching off from the parent school several less advanced schools, or by affiliating with the university divers smaller schools. Thus the English Bishop Wykeham of Winchester founded not only a college at Oxford, New College (1386), but also opened a pre- paratory school for it in his cathedral city, Winchester College, whose capacity was limited to 70 students, in imitation of the number of Christ's disciples. King Henry VI. followed his example by founding, in 1441, for the same number of students King's College in Cambridge and a preparatory school, Eton College. The University of Paris controlled in the ijth century many Latin schools in and outside the city, and in the beginning of the 1 5th century the University of Prague was the centre of the whole secular school system of Bohemia. 2 The universities of the Middle Ages show some defects. Their organization after the manner of the guilds impeded the free movements of the teachers; the teaching was confined to dry dictation and commenting on texts; and to us their dis- putations appear vacuous and unfruitful. But they are, never- theless, landmarks in the history of education. They were the first autonomous corporations of teachers; they were social or- ganisms, equipped with rights, self-perpetuating by co-opta- 1 Wiese, Das hohere Schulwesen in Preussen, Berlin, 1864, I, p. 338. The term "gymnasium," generally spelled "gignasium" or "gingnasium," was used in the Middle Ages in its primary sense (palestra) for monastery, and only occasionally for an educational institution. Ducange (s. v. Gymnasium) is authority for the statement made about an Abbot of Monte Cassino: "Hoc sacrum gymnasium regere promeruit; " and the term "gymnasium monasteria/e" is illustrated by "stadium vitce prcesentis agonizando percurrere;" the famous monastic school of Bee is described as "gymnasium Lanfranci;" two men who were kin of soul are described thus: " Acsi essent in uno gingnasio educati." The circle of philosophers whom Pope Urban IV. befriended, are called a "philosophic gymnasjum. " (Joiirdain, Geschichte der aristotelischen Schrijten, tr. by "Stahr, 1831, p. 55.) Occasionally, the school director is called " gignasi- archa," and the pupil} "gignasista." But for a particular kind of school, the designation was as little used in the Middle Ages as in the Renaissance; cf. infra, ch. XXIII. 2 Tomek, Geschichte der Prager Universitat, 1849, p. 41 ; cf. ibidem, pp. 187 ff. THE CONTENT OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 213 tion, and devoted exclusively to the conservation and trans- mission of knowledge. They grew into real conservatories of higher learning, which they embraced in its entirety. Their union of the various faculties is the embodiment of the unity of science; and their grading of the different departments of knowledge embodied the truth that the science of divine things is superior to that of human matters, that philosophy, based on theology, is the connecting link between the various sciences, and that consequently the course of study should proceed from the general sciences to the special, and a general education precede professional training. Even if the freedom of teaching was somewhat restricted, there was no check whatsoever upon the freedom of learning, and the pursuit of knowledge was much facilitated, by the uniformity of the universities, in organ- ization, in didactic apparatus, and in the language used in the lecture halls. With such conditions obtaining quite generally, a French student would find little difficulty when taking up his studies at an English or Italian University. CHAPTER XIX. The Content of Medieval Education. i. In keeping with the derived character of their culture, the peoples of the Middle Ages turned for the content of their education, first, to the ennobling elements that had come to them from outside sources, from Christianity and classical an- tiquity, and only secondly to what could be drawn from their own national traditions. Theology was the contribution of Chris- tianity, and represented the highest knowledge; it was the end-all of higher studies and the centre about which all educa- tion revolved. Classical antiquity had contributed what was rightly considered a complete and perfect course of general education, the seven liberal arts, 1 and the latter, were recognized, throughout the Middle Ages, as the standard system. A deep meaning was attached to the very number seven, as symbolizing the seven pillars of wisdom or the seven steps in the soul's ap- proach to God. The seven arts were also compared to the seven planets, the seven virtues, etc. The minds of the age were 1 For the following cf. Willmann's article, Liberal Arts in The Catholic En- cyclopedia. 214 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. busy with the meaning of the individual arts and with their mutual relations. Their praises were sung in verse and prose; puns were made on them; and their content was expressed in mnemonic verses. 1 Though retaining the classical name, artes liberates, the age failed to recognize that the term implied a reference to the free man, and, following the fanciful method of Cassiodorus, liberates was derived from liber, the book; and thus the artes were conceived as the sciences contained in, and taught through, books. Another designation for the liberal arts, sa- pientia Hybernica, or methodus Hybernica, clearly shows the leading role played in the school system of the early Middle Ages by the Irish monks. Grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric are called trivium, artes triviales, artes sermocinales, artes rationales, logica. Dialectic is studied in the schools after grammar and is considered to be second also in importance. The mathematical sciences, arith- metic, geometry, music, and astronomy, are called quadrivium? The latter were also called artes quadriviales, reales, or physica, mathematica. Cassiodorus is responsible for the order in which they are generally enumerated. 3 The writings of Marcianus Capella, Cassiodorus, and Boethius were used as textbooks be- sides many compendiums of either all seven arts or of only one, or several, of them. In form, the schoolbooks were either 1 For instance, in Alcuin, De arte gramm., in.; Epist. 78; Carmen de Pontif. et Sanct. Eccl. Ebor., 1431 sq.; see also Rhabanus Maurus, De inst. cleric., c. 18 sq.; William of Conches, De elem. philos., in the Opp. Bedce, Basil., 1563, II, p. 313; Hugh of St. Victor, Erud. did., Ill, 3. For a poetical description of the arts by Walter of Speyer, see Fez. Thes. Anecd., II, 3, p. 27. Minnesingers and Meistersingers also treated the subject, as Henry d'Andely (see infra), Muscatbliit, Michael Behaim. Cf. Liliencron, Ueber den Inhalt der allgemeinen Bildung zur Zeit der Scholastik, Munich, 1876, p. 35. The liberal arts were often represented in pictures; Alcuin describes such a pictorial representation. Of the mnemonic verses, the following were most popular: Lingua, tropus, ratio, numerus, tenor, angulus, astra; and the barbaric distich: Gram loquitur, Dia vera docet, Rhe verba colorat, Mus canit, Ar numeral, Geo ponderat, As colit astra. Tzetzes, a Byzantine savant, enumerates the arts in political verses (XtX5es, II, 525 sq.): '0 KikXos Kal a Trdvrwv rCjv frrjTopiKrjs , at>TTJs v reffffdpw rt rt\vlav rlav vir dptfyiotfffTjj, fwvffiKijs Kal TTjs yfd)(w.Tplas Kal rijs oi'/pa^o/id^oi'os avrijs 2 Boethius used this expression, which originated from a mistaken notion of the meaning of trivium. 3 Marcianus Capella, following Varro, enumerates the arts in the following order: i. grammar, 2. dialectic, 3. rhetoric, 4. geometry, 5. arithmetic, 6. as- tronomy, 7. music. However, Cassiodorus enumerates them in this order: i. grammar, 2. rhetoric, 3. dialectic, 4. arithmetic, 5. music, 6. geometry, 7. astronomy. THE CONTENT OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 215 catechetical, or metrical, or contained only a digest, or at times only a tabular statement of the subject-matter of the respective science. 1 Though the system of the seven liberal arts was held in high esteem, and though the several arts were regarded as parts' of one organic whole, yet they were never regarded as of equal value, and the successive development of the single arts oc- casioned different evaluations of them. The Quadrivium was never so popular as the Trivium, and was generally considered as the domain of the specialist, especially after its subject- matter, which had been originally drawn only from older en- cyclopedias and grammarians (supra, ch. XII, 4), was increased by the materials taken from the writings of Euclid, which had been made accessible by the Arabians. 2 There was some specu- lation about the mysteries of space and number, 3 and also some appreciation of , the aprioristic character of mathematics, 4 but this branch never became a vital element in medieval educa- tion. Only the applied sciences, music and astronomy, had a 1 For the literature of the textbooks in grammar and rhetoric, see Eck- stein's article, Lateinische Sprache in Schmid, Enzyklopadie, ist ed., XI, pp. 507 ff. For interesting details on medieval grammar teaching, see Ch. Durot, Notices et extraits de divers manuscrits latins pour servir a fhistoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyenage, 1868 (vol. XXII of the Not. et ext. des man. de la biblioth. imperials. Cf. Prant\,GeschichtederLogik, II (textbooks in dialectic); Cantor, Vorlesungen iiberGeschichte der Mathematik, I, Leipzig, 1880, pp. 703 ff. (textbooks in mathematics); see Lipowsky, Das Schulwesen Bayerns, 1836, for compendiums with tabular statements. The last famous schoolbook of the Middle Ages to include all the materials of the artes (it treats other matters besides) is the Margaritha philosophica of the Carthusian Gregory Reisch of the 1 5th century. It contains 12 books: i. De rudimentis grammaticis; 2. De principiis logicis; 3. De partibus orationis, de memoria, de condendis epis to/is; 4. Arithmetical 5. De principiis musicce, i.e., musicee speculativce et practice; 6. De elementis geometric, again, speculativce et practices; 7. De principiis astro- nomies; 8. De principiis rerum naturalium; 9. De origine rerum naturalium; 10. De anima; n. De potentiis animee; 12. Principia philosophies moralis. The form of the dialogue is employed, and the Strassburg edition of 1512 is illus- trated. The Appendix contains: Grcecarum litterarum institutiones, Hebraica- rum litterarum rudimenta, musicee figuratcs institutiones, architectures rudimenta, compositio quadrantum, astrolabii, torqueti, polymetri y with many illustrations. 1 * Euclid was first translated from the Arabic by Alexander of Bath, the author of the translation known as The Text of Campanus; cf. Sprenger, Mu- hamed, Berlin, 1861, I, p. in. 3 Cf. the description, in the Eruditio didascalica, VI, 3, of the busy studies of Hugh of St. Victor, who studied these problems deep into the winter nights. 4 For instance, in,Rhabanus, De inst. <73 2 - 2 Eckstein, Analekten zur Geschichtt der Pddagogik, Halle, 1 861 . 3 Dilthey, F.inleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften, 1884, p. 452. 4 Thus Bernard of Chartres called his work Megakosmus and Mikrokosmus; William of Conches, Peri didaxeon; John of Salisbury, Po/icraticus, or Meta- logicus. 5 The passages are quoted by A. Schult7, Das hofische Leben im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1879, I, pp. 120 ff. 6 Jourdain, 1. c., pp. 51 ff. THE CONTENT OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 229 that a later period studied this philology to the neglect of Greek thought. Hebrew had even in the Patristic period been studied only by such as were extraordinarily industrious, and in the Middle Ages its study was rarer still. Lanfranc taught Hebrew in his school at Bee, and the subject is mentioned among the studies of the University of Paris, yet it appears that there was no unbroken line of teachers of Hebrew at the University. In 1312 the Council of Vienne had decreed that chairs of Hebrew be established in Paris, Oxford, Salamanca, and Bologna- Germany was not considered the home of higher learning but this decree was never fully carried out. 1 Besides the diffi- culty of the subject itself, there was the strong antipathy against the Jews, who, indispensable as teachers of Hebrew, were the victims of a general race hatred. Moreover, the Vulgate of St. Jerome was deemed far and away superior to the original Hebrew text. Cardinal Ximenes, who was responsible for the Complutensian Polyglot, was of the opinion that the Vulgate stands midway between the original Hebrew and the Septuagint, like the Cross of Christ between the crosses of the robbers. 8. The Arabian language, being the key to a rich scientific literature, was widely studied in the Middle Ages, and, being the living tongue of a civilized people, it exercised an abiding influence on the languages of modern Europe. The learning and culture of the Mohammedans had developed phenomenally, and in mathematics and history the followers of the Prophet had soon outstripped the Christian schools. In the 7th century the Arabians had been the pupils of the Eastern Christians, but after the loth century they were the teachers of the Western Christians. Mohammedan culture is, despite its opposition to Christian culture, still somewhat analogous to it: it was born of a religious principle; it assimilated pre-existing elements of culture; it drew into its circle different nations, and bound them together for the purpose of intercommunicating their influences. Mohammedan science is based on the deposit of faith, and a traditional saying has it that "the scholars are the heirs of the Prophet. " Theology and the closely allied study of law developed from the study of the Koran. Among the non- Arabic peoples the study of law led to the study of language, and the latter, having been begun by the Arameans and Per- sians, was continued and more fully developed 'by the Arabians. J L, Geiger, Johann Reuchlin y Leipzig, 1871, p. loj. 23O MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. Because of the instruction in the Koran the need for schools of reading and writing was felt early, and the elements of these branches were taught in theMekteb, which were conducted either in connection with the mosques whose personnel was employed for teaching, or as private schools, opened near markets, wells, or burial places, etc. The new religion supplied much of the educational content; other elements grew from the contact with Greek education. Of the liberal arts, the Arabians cultivated logic and mathematics most; of rhetoric they took as much as seemed to improve their own art of language, while the polite literature of the Greeks exerted but little influence on them; but the study of the natural sciences and of medicine they pursued with remarkable success. Arabian philosophy early evinced a tendency towards polymathy, and many encyclopedias were written by Arabian philosophers, the principal ones being Alkendi's Book of Science and of Its Division, of the 9th century, and Ibn Sina's (Avicenna) Well-Ordered Pearls ', of the nth century. 1 Originally, the mosques were the seats of higher learning. Under the same roof the congregation worshipped, the scholar explained the law, another interpreted a poet, and a third recited his own verses. 2 Since the nth century the State and liberal individuals founded higher schools (the madrasas)^ which spread from India as far west as Spain. Their organiza- tion was varied and allowed the greatest freedom in studies to both teachers and taught, the State interfering only when the orthodoxy of the religious instruction was endangered. Travel- ling teachers and pupils made possible the intellectual intercourse between schools far distant from one another. 3 The interest in 1 The titles of the Moslem encyclopedias .are varied enough: The Supplies of the Sciences; The Spring of the Sciences; The Marrow of the S.; The Advance Guard of the S.; The Divine Tree; The Jewels of Knowledge; and the like. In their arrangement the encyclopedias differ much; in several we find a scheme of fourteen sciences, for instance, in Sojuthi (1^05): i. fundamental doctrines of faith; 2. exegesis; 3. science of tradition; 4. fundamentals of law; 5. science of inheritance; 6. syntax; 7. grammar; 8. art of writing; 9. of the arrange- ment of thoughts; 10. figures of speech; u. expression of thought; 12. anato- my; 13. therapeutics; 14. mysticism. Cf. Hammer, Emyklopddie der ffissen- sehaft des Orients, 1804; id. in the Denkschriften der Kaiser/. Akademie der Wisscnschaften, 1856, pp. 205 ff. 2 Haneberg, Das Schul- und Lehrwesen der Mohammedaner im Mittelaltttr, Munich, 1850, p. 10. 3 Ibid., p. 22. The Moslem fondness for educational travel has been well expressed by Riickert in the following lines, which are modeled after Abu Seid: "On travels I started, from home I departed, through many lands darted, deep learning my quest; and fleet steeds bestriding, through rivers now riding, THE CONTENT OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 23! knowledge was not confined to the learned. A due distinction was made between the savant (aalim, plur. u/ema), who special- ized in one subject, and the educated man (edib y plur. udebd}^ who occupied himself with several sciences without specializing in any subject. He who was "content with the science of religion and with the rudiments of secular knowledge," 1 was classed with those who had only a common education. The Christian peoples of the West first learned mathematics and medicine from the Moslem and only through their trans- lations did they become acquainted with the Greek sources: Ptolemy, Euclid, Galen 1 , and Hippocrates. The many technical terms, particularly in chemistry and astronomy, that were bor- rowed from the Arabians, or formed after Arabic words, and of which many are still in general use, evidence the deep influence of Arabian learning. 2 Philosophy is indebted to the Arabians, not only for their commentaries on Aristotle, but also for certain works of this philosopher, especially for his treatises on meta- physics and physics. These new accessions were certainly re- sponsible for much of the progress made in Scholastic philoso- phy yes, the fondness o'f the Schoolmen for disputations may perhaps be traced to Semitic influences. The Arabic encyclo- now oceans dividing, observing with zest; I took no account of desert or mount, but to drink at the fount, 'stead at streamlets to rest." "Since childhood's amulets I first unbound, and round my head the manly turban wound, I longed for education; I sought it with firm determination, 'mong every people and every nation, that it might be to me adornment before the crowd, against the noon-day sun a shading cloud. So desirous was I to roam upon its pasture and to don its flowing vesture, that I asked of high and low, and asked of friend and foe, where its sweet traces I might find, where 'twould dispense its blessings kind, in drops or streams, to my mind." 1 Hammer, Dcnkschriflen, 1. c., p. 215. 2 Ptolemy's work on astronomy was known in the Middle Ages under the title of Almagest, from MT^T'? (sc. ^x"*?) and the Arabic article. Arithmetic was called Algorismus^ derived from the name of Alchwarismi, an Arabian mathematician of the gth century, whose book Al-jebr w 1 ' almuqabaUih, i. ?., reduction and comparison (by equations), hus given algebra its name. Cf. Cantor, Vorlesungen iiber die Gsschichte der Mathematik, 1, p. 611. Algebra was also called "rule of coss," or simply "coss," from the Italian term for algebra: regola della cosa (rule of the thing, the unknown quantity being called the cosa, or the thing). The name of alchemy reveals its Egyptian origin (chemi, Ham) and its having passed through Arabian hands. Our astronomy still employs the terms: zenith, nadir, azimut; and traces of Arabic words can be seen in many names of stars. In chemistry we have: alkali, alcohol, etc.; and commerce and navigation reveal a similar indebtedness: magazine, arsenal, admiral, calibre, besides many names of articles of trade. Neither was super, stition denied its share; witness elixir, talisman, amulet, etc. 232 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. pedias were drawn upon by later encyclopedists; Avicenna's Pearls was translated in the i6th century and published under the title, Liber de divisione scientiarum. A strange fate thus made Moslem education serve as the bond between the education of Greece and that of Western Christianity. A further function ; of Moslem education was to stimulate Christian science. But the germs for producing last- ing and far-reaching creations were lacking in Mohammedanism 1 . Certain writers have extravagantly lauded Mohammedanism for allowing the various sciences to develop freely, whereas with the Christian religion the teachings of science may never con- flict with theology. Nay, to judge from sayings ascribed to Mohammed, science ranked superior to faith: "The ink flowing from the scholars' pens is more precious than the blood of mar- tyrs shed in the service of God;" and again: "One hour's re- flection is better than the piety of sixty years." But this esteem of learning is hardly the fruit of an enlightened policy of toleration; it is the result rather of the meagre content of Mohammedan faith which, being unable to furnish sufficient material to the awakening mind, was forced to accept whatever was offered by the profane sciences. The theology and phi- losophy of the Koran, being based on a syncretism, were not apt to be deepened by the influences of ancient philosophy, and there was never any intimate relationship between the theo- logical system of the Koran and the work of the thinkers and scholars; but pantheistic and sensualistic systems flourished alongside of the dei&m of the dominant religion. Such con- ditions, it is true, assured rapid progress and unrestricted lib- erty. Yet the principles of Christianity are possessed of greater power and a greater content, and hence their application to the sciences must eventually, even if after a longer time and more labor, result in correspondingly greater gains. 9. The studies comprised in, and connected with, the system of the seven liberal arts were not the only educational elements available in the Middle Ages. The system of chivalrous edu- cation demonstrated that the national and modern elements were important enough to serve as the materials for a new form of mental culture. The Church, entrusted with the education of the new peoples, had to force into the background their national traditions so long as these abetted the errors of pagan- 1 Erdmann, 1. c., I, 181. 2 Hammer, 1. c., p. 215 and p. 211, THE CONTENT OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 233 ism; but this danger past, the Church tolerated and even con- served the traditions. It was the priests who carried out the order of Charlemagne to collect the songs about the ancient heroes, and it was a bishop who had a copy made of the tales of the Nibelungs. In the monastic schools national tales and legends were occasionally assigned as themes of Latin compo- sitions; and in the same schools the gospel was put into a popu- lar form. In the legends Christian and national elements were blended. The tales of classical antiquity were introduced through the schools into the folklore of the nation. The East contrib- uted the tales of wonder, fables, and moral stories from India. Here we have the source of that wealth of stories, tales, fables, legends, etc., that passed from mouth to mouth, from one coun- try to another, from one generation to the next, and which represented a most valuable asset of society and rich mental food for those classes that did not enjoy the benefits of a higher education. From this source the chivalrous poetry of the age drew what was kindred to its ideals; to it -the Meistersinger and the didactic poets of the later Middle Ages went for their ma- terials; and much of it was still in circulation in the form of popular books in the i6th and iyth centuries. But precious little has been transmitted to our own d^ay, and most of this had to be unearthed by scientific research; yet even this little constitutes what is best in our modern readers and books for the young. The great value of this epic and didactic literature for the Middle Ages was realized only in the i6th century, when it was seen that the store was becoming exhausted. "O how many are the fine tales and sayings," says Luther in his Ad- dress to the City Council, "that we are now in need of, and which, once current in all Germany, are now lost, because no one pre- served them when written, or noted down what was not yet written." These "fine tales and sayings" were an intellectual treasure of the Middle Ages, though they are easily undervalued because they were not directly connected with the schools of the time. A later age has undertaken to replace them by creat- ing, with the aid of schools and scholars, a popular literature. But this attempt, though praiseworthy, lacks the originality, the freshness, and fullness of medieval folklore. 234 MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. CHAPTER XX. The Ethos of Medieval Education. i. Religion occupies the central place in the soul-life of the Middle Ages, and also determines the spirit and tendency of medieval education. Studies, science, knowledge, intellectual development, are not valued for their own sake, but as means for attaining Christian perfection. "All human activity must, to be deemed wise, aim to restore the primitive purity and perfection of our nature, or to alleviate some of the sufferings of our present life. . . . The right teaching will restore what we have lost, and hence the pursuit of wisdom is apt to be the sweetest solace of life; he who finds wisdom, shall be called happy; and he that possesses wisdom, is blessed." The work of learning is long and serious, and the precious years of early youth must therefore be spent in acquiring knowledge: "The days of man are few and short, but eternity is at stake; we are destined for great things, but surrounded by untold dangers; we are far from the goal, and our progress is slow: why should we not, then, start out in the morning of life on the road to paradise?" The aim of our studies should be pure and sub- lime, and free from base motives: "Some study merely to know, which is contemptible curiosity; others study to become famous for their knowledge: they are vain and conceited, and to them may be applied the words of the satirist, 'Thy knowledge is nothing to thee if others do not know that thou knowest it.' Others study to obtain by their knowledge wealth and high places, and this is miserly covetousness. But there are some who study to edify their neighbor, and this is Christian charity; while they who study for their own edification, are truly wise. Only the last two classes of students do not abuse learning, for their studies tend to righteousness." The conditions favorable to peace of soul also make for success in studies: /. e. y humility, spirit of research, quiet life, silent examination, poverty, living abroad. 4 1 Hugo a Sto. Victore, Erud. did., I, 2. * Vine. Bell., De erud.fil. re*., cap. 24. 3 Bern. Claravall. quoted in Vincent., I, i, cap. 13; cf. Hugo, I, i, III, 15 and J. J. Becher, Melhodus didactica, Munich, 1668, preface. 4 Bernard of Chartres says: Mens humilis, studium qucerendi, vita quieta, scrutinium taciturn, paupcrtas, terra flliena: hac rfserare svlcnt mullis ofacura THE ETHOS OF MEDIEVAL EDUCATION. 235 The right education and its application in later life are con- ceived as divine service. "Those pupils undoubtedly," says Caesarius of Heisterbach, "that lead a pure life and are happy in the pursuit of knowledge, bear witness to the Faith, and their heavenly reward will be exceeding great, if they turn to good account, in the service either of their fellowmen or, better still, of their God, whatever they learned in the schools. " The ethico-religious purpose of learning forbids the student to at- tempt what is beyond his powers, or to waste his energies on a variety of subjects. "There are men," says Hugh of St. Victor, "who would read and know everything, but of the number of books there is no end; therefore, be thou wise, and do not pre- sume to cover what is infinite, for where there is no end there is no rest and hence neither peace; and where there is no true peace there God can not dwell, for God dwells in a house of peace." "The great number of things and the shortness of. human life," to quote St. Bernard, "will not allow us to en- compass all; he who would command too large a field of knowl- edge, will go astray, he will make no progress, and will know nothing thoroughly; for the mind, when attending to many different subjects, can not fathom the details of any individual matter." 2 These dangers, however, of a shiftless browsing among the sciences did not blind these men to the obvious advantages of general knowledge. Hugh of St. Victor says of his own studies: "I can assure you that I have not slighted anything pertaining to erudition (quod ad eruditionem pertineref], but have often studied many subjects which appeared in the eyes of others ridiculous and useless." And he lays down the rule, "Study all, and thou shalt later see that nothing is superfluous; knowledge, if narrowly confined, is not attractive (coarctata scientia jucunda non esi)."* The religious attitude of the Middle Ages was one of deep reverence for the content of Faith, and with the then importance of religion it is not surprising that a kindred reverence was shown to all learning and its representatives. "The pupil must believe his teacher in all that pertains to the sciences, but must follow especially them who are the pioneers in a science, or who have treated it with the greatest knowledge or eloquence, /. 403- 246 THE RENAISSANCE. foe, who takes the citadel whence his glory shall be visible to all the earth to the end of time, and whose fame shall be cele- brated by so many thousands of men as are grains of sand on the shore of the sea. Hence we call upon all whom the Muses have endowed with their gifts to bestir themselves and to strive for what has fired the souls of the bravest of men." The teachers were the readier to arouse the emulation of their pupils, because they had abandoned the severity of the medieval schools as a remnant of a barbaric age, and thus the system of school offices and prizes came into being, which, while appearing in its extreme form in Trotzendorf's school at Goldberg (Silesia), was in vogue, though in a modified form, in the Jesuit schools also. 2 An educational ideal that attached so much importance to the skill of the virtuoso naturally encouraged the tendencies always associated with virtuosity. The consummate skill and the artistic finish served only too often as a mere adornment of the individual personality. The period was vain of its charms and graces, and there was little concentration; men flitted from one subject to another, without ever deciding on a special occu- pation or attaining to a mastery of any science. Many enter- tained a sceptical view of human things, were Epicureans and naturalists in philosophy, and worshipped a subjectivity that was opposed to the moral and the historical order. The age, however, was not frivolous, and the religious controversies of the time as well as the efforts towards harmonizing ecclesiastical and public conditions checked the growth of the evil tendencies. However, these tendencies served subsequently as links in the chain that connected the Renaissance with the Enlightenment: the Encomium morice of Erasmus prepared the way for Voltaire, and Montaigne's Essays popularized the ideas that later proved the foundation of Rousseau's pedagogy. 4. With the Renaissance devoted to the study of the ancient classics and intent on re-instating ancient ideals, it is not sur- prising that many elements were introduced that were by their nature antagonistic to Christian educational principles. Yet in spite of this obvious danger, the period remained on the whole, like the Middle Ages, faithful in its final aims to the Christian 1 Joach. Fortii, De ratione studii liber in H. Grotii et aliorum dissertationes de studiis instituendis (Amstel., 1645), p. 252. The book was re -edited by Comenius, and it is remarkable that this truly pious man took no offence at its pagan spirit. 2 Cf. R. Schwickerath, S.J., Jesuit Education, St. Louis, 1903, pp. 511 ff. GENERAL VIEW OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 247 ideals. 1 The example of the Fathers of the Church, who had succeeded in reconciling the spirit of antiquity with the Christian doctrines, was a favorite argument to show that devotion to the Church was not incompatible with the appreciation of the classics. St. Basil's Address to the Young Men on the Right Use of Greek Literature was frequently re-edited, translated, and quoted, and St. Augustine appeared as a convincing proof that apparently contradictory elements can combine to produce one harmonious whole. The process of assimilation was much as- sisted by the attention of the period being taken up, in the main, with the form and the technique of the pagan writers; and while the mastery of the language remained the sole aim, little harm would seem to come from the pagan content of the classics. Still, the cult of the classics was not without danger, for the mind was never so entirely taken up with the style as not to be affected by the pagan spirit of the works that were read and studied and imitated; and this pagan atmosphere is known to have given rise to many a soul-struggle and to much heartburning. There were some men, particularly among the early Humanists, whose world-view was that of the ancient pagans. Others were at war with themselves; their heart was Christian, but their head was hopelessly pagan. Others, again, tried to compromise between the hostile forces. In the lives of many, Christianity was relegated almost out of sight, and their thoughts and guiding principles were of ancient Greece and Rome. Yet others were actuated by the motive of making the new interests assist them in their striving for Christian per- fection. The more gifted of the Italian Humanists were mostly semi-pagans; but Guarino, Vittorino, Pico, Traversari, were one in spirit with the conservative older German Humanists, Agri- cola, Hegius, Wimpheling, and Tritemius. In the spirit of this latter class the Spaniard Luis Vives describes, in his work De disciplinis (i53i), 2 the ethos of education thus: "Education is based on diverse matters, on native talent, power of judgment, memory, and study. Now, the first three of these are assuredly 1 Boccaccio was the first to engage in a systematic defence of "poetry" against the attacks of Scholastic theologians. In books XIV. and XV. of his Genealogia deorum, written about 1370, he maintains that the ancient poets had also been theologi, though not sacri. 2 On the educational side Lange has traced the permeating influence of Vives as of startling significance in later pedagogy. See Schmid, Enzyklopddie des gesamten Erziehungs-und Unterrichtswescns,\o\. IX, pp. 843-851 ; cf. McCor- mick, History of Education, pp. 195-204, and Watson, Fives' "On Education," New York, 1913. 248 THE RENAISSANCE. the free gifts of God's bounty; and the scholar may thus boast, perhaps, only of his amount of study, which is the last, and indeed also the least, factor in his success, and even it depends, in a large measure, on the Lord, for it is only when God grants us bodily health that we can study well. ... It is, therefore, meet that we beg Him, who is the Giver of all, to assist us in order that we may study chiefly for our own advancement, lest He make us an instrument for the benefit of others while we ourselves become castaways . . . like the candle which gives light to others while consuming itself. Let -us pray before all our studies, as St. Thomas Aquinas and other holy men have done; and let us pray that our mental work be wholesome, harmful to none, and full of blessings to all." 5. The religious conflict of the i6th century brought the crisis in the assimilation of the Humanistic elements with the teachings of Christianity. 2 In the first stages of the conflict the interest in education was reduced to a minimum, all scholars being busy with theological problems. It was only when men turned from the religious struggle to the organizing of a new order that the Humanistic movement again commanded atten- tion, but all its forces seemed now to be separated by a great divide, which had sprung up, as it were, over night: the two religious parties directed the stream to their respective domains and controlled it in accordance with their own principles. The Protestantism of the i6th century and neological Humanism have many important points in common: they were one in op- posing the Middle Ages and Scholasticism. Both declared it their intention to go back, skipping the intervening centuries, to the olden days, and hence Humanism revived the learning of classical antiquity, while Protestantism revived what it in- terpreted as the teachings and practices of primitive Christian- ity. Both stressed the Humanists in aesthetics and the Protes- tants in theology the subjective and personal consciousness of the individual in opposition to what had been handed down by tradition and was received and treasured in the collective con- sciousness. Luther realized how much the revival of the clas- sical studies aided him in establishing his new principle of the Bible's being the sole rule of Faith, and he publicly avowed that "None knew why the Lord brought about this new study of 1 Joh. Lud. Vives, De disciplinis libri XII, Neap., 1764, p. 385. 2 Cf. Baudrillart, The Catholic Church, the Renaissance and Protestantism, transl. by Gibbs, New York, 1908. GENERAL VIEW OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 249 languages, until it is now seen that this was done for the sake of the Gospel, of which the Lord desired that it be thereafter revealed." Accordingly he favored the new learning, addressing his followers thus: "As dearly as you love the Gospel, so much care ought you to devote to the study of languages." It is impossible to establish a closer union between philology and theology than is implied by another saying of Luther, "Nihil aliud esse theologiam, nisi grammaticam in Spiritus sancti verbis occupatam." Guided by these principles, the many schoolmen who followed Melanchthon's leadership undertook to assimilate Humanistic and Christian ideas. Sturmius' "wise and eloquent piety" may well describe the educational aim of these edu- cators. Comenius' aim in education was somewhat similar; but he emphasized the positive content of education, when saying that the teacher should strive to prepare his pupils for eternity by teaching them the service of the Lord, pure morals, and an erudition based on a knowledge of things and the power of expression. 6. Catholic educators interpreted the activity of the Human- ists to be primarily only the continuation of the educational work of the Middle Ages, with this difference, that there was an increase in matter and an improvement in form. Conse- quently, they set about to adjust the new. learning to the theo- logy of the Church and the philosophy of the Scholastics. The principle of authority formulated by Valla as pro lege ac- cipere^ quidquid magnis 'auctoribus placuit^ and which was at the bottom of the cult of the classics could not fail to be ac- ceptable to the Church: the authority of Aristotle in philosophy and that of Cicero in style and composition was now paralleled with the authority enjoyed by St. Thomas Aquinas in theology. The aesthetical culture afforded by the study of classical anti- quity gave little cause for apprehension, especially since the statuary and paintings of the Renaissance evidenced, that the technique perfected through the familiarity with ancient models might admirably serve the needs of religion and the Church. The knowledge, too, of antiquity was considered of as great a value as ever for the interpretation of theological sources (Scrip- ture, Fathers, Church history), but of particular value for fur- nishing the weapons to defeat the enemy on his own ground; and these were plainly reasons enough to encourage the new interest in history. It was also recognized that the language i Laur. V T alla, Elegantia 1 , II, pricf. 250 THE RENAISSANCE. studies would provide wholesome discipline for the pupils and at the same time promote a greater uniformity of the curricula. 1 Yet, notwithstanding all these advantages, voices were heard occasionally, among Catholics as well as Protestants, charging the ancient classics with being a source of pagan sentiments, and the accusations of the Fathers against Grseco-Roman liter- ature were reiterated. The learned Jesuit Possevini demanded that only Christian authors be read in the schools, 2 and Come- nius advocated at least in his Great Didactic a Latin course without the ancient classics. 3 But the prevailing view had it that the ancient classics were indispensable for training the mind and developing the language consciousness, and the Hu- manists contended that the teaching content of the Christian religion possessed vitality and strength enough to oppose effec- tively whatever the pagan writings contained of foreign and heterogeneous elements. CHAPTER XXII. The Content of Renaissance Education. i. Philology, a new and modern science, was the most im- portant and the most comprehensive of the Renaissance studies. It had originated in Italy in the I4th century, less as a science than as an organon to meet a universal need; and in its original form it was intended to further the study of antiquity as well as to assist in reviving the art of language. The formal and sesthetical character which it acquired during the Italian period, could be developed only after its scientific basis had been firmly established. French scholars infused the scientific spirit into polite literature, and the endeavor to provide the thesaurus eruditionis, which was needed for a complete understanding of antiquity, complemented the narrow cult of form. But the age lacked the philosophical training, the prerequisite for a correct 1 We have here considered the subject from the didactic viewpoint only; considered from the pedagogical point of view, further differences would have to be noted between Catholic and Protestant education, as may be seen from Willmann's article on katholische Pddagogik in Rein's Enzykl. Handb. der Pd- dagogik. 2 Gaume, Paganism in Education, transl. by Hill, London, 1852, pp. 77-79. 3 Did. Magna, cap. 25. THE CONTENT OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 25! interpretation of antiquity, and Renaissance philology eventu- ally tended, in keeping with the general trend of the lyth cen- tury, toward encyclopedic knowledge. As a school subject, however, philology retained in general its formal character; eloquence was considered the chief subject to be taught in the schools, while the acquiring of erudition was reserved for maturer years. Erasmus avowed and his educational views were held in high repute that the acquiring of a knowledge of words and formal training must precede the acquiring of a knowledge of things, though the latter is in itself of greater importance. He warns his readers against hurrying "with unwashed feet" to the study of things. 1 The school regulations are either silent on the subject of studying the con- tent and the antiquities, or they mention these things only incidentally; as in the Ratio studiorum of the Jesuits, where the term eruditio implies merely the occasional introduction of an- tiquarian matters and that for the sake of affording relaxation or of stimulating to greater interest, but this may never be done at the expense of the study of style. 2 The didacticians of the iyth century were the first to demand that continuous attention be given to the content as well as to the form. How- ever, even the Orbis -pictus is primarily only a Latin language book, with illustrations of things to facilitate the memorizing of the words, and it was neither calculated nor adapted to pre- pare for such a reading of the classics as aimed chiefly to get at the thought content of the text. The latter method of reading the classics did not appeal to that age, and this was owing as well to the general striving for the perfection of form as to the prevailing interest in encyclopedic knowledge. Latin was regarded as far and away the most important study, and most educational works of the period, the writings of the didacticians included, treat only of the teaching of Latin. Of the authors, Cicero was read most. He was considered the 1 Erasmus, De ratione studii tract., in.; "Principle duplex omnino videtur cognitio: rerum ac verborum; verborum prior, rerum potior. Sed nonnulli, dum dvl-n-Tois (ut ajunf) iroa-tv ad res discendas festinant, sermonis curam neglegunt et male affectato compendia, in maxima incidunt dispendia. " 2 In the Ratio atque institutio stud. S.J. the professor of Humanities is advised, "Eruditio modice usurpetur, ut ingenia excilet interdum ac recreet, non ut lingua; observationem impediat;" and the professor of Rhetoric is told to treat the following matters " Eruditio ex historia et moribus gentium, ex auctoritate scriptorum et ex omni doctrina, sed parcius ad captum discipulorum accersenda." Cf. Schwickerath, 1. c., pp. 447 ff. and 485 ff. 252 THE RENAISSANCE. model of letter-writers his letters, as selected by Sturmius, were the elementary Latin reader as well as of orators and philosophical writers. It was a favorite practice to read of the historians the orations only, as Trotzendorf is known to have done in the case of Livy. Of the poets, Vergil, Ovid, and Hor- ace were read most. The plays of Plautus and Terence were read in Protestant schools on account of their conversational Latin, and the fact that the immoral content of these plays did not prevent their being given into the hands of the young, is another proof of the scant attention given to the content of the classics. 1 Special importance was attached to the memorizing of gnomic sayings and quotations that were witty or otherwise noteworthy. Collections of such sayings, called Adagio,^ Flori- tegia, Spicilegia, etc., were in use in the schools, and the pupils were encouraged to make their own "commonplace books" by making extracts from their reading. 2 These quotations (those in the textbooks as well as those collected by the pupils) served the double purpose of being used as arguments or ornaments in compositions and of getting the young to think. The text- books and teaching methods of the medieval schools were out of favor with the Renaissance; the Doctrinale of Alexander was labeled as barbaric, and the attempts of Despauterius (Jan van Pauteran, died 1526) to compose more artistic verses for the teaching of grammar and rhetoric met with little encourage- ment. Didactic aids were discarded in grammar, and this sub- ject was presented in an abstract form, and its material was enlarged considerably. In 1614 Lubinus complained that the pupils were compelled to memorize no less than 180 technical terms and more than 70 rules of syntax with an equal number of exceptions, some of which were so obscure as to be unintel- ligible to even the mature student. 3 These and similar abuses led to the opposite extreme of demanding that Latin be taught in the manner of the mother-tongue. Montaigne favored this method, and Ratke tried it out prattically when adopting some 1 A Wiirttemberg school ordinance provides that the Praceptores, when meeting dangerous passages, "call the attention of their pupils to' the fact, that the writers were pagans and knew nothing of God and His Gospel, resembling herein some degenerate modern Christians who are likewise ignorant of the same holy law; they are to quote an example and n text from Scripture to show how the Lord has visited these sins with His just punishment; they are in general to be on their guard, lest they scandalize the tender consciences of the young. " Vormbaum, Evangelisehe Schuiordnungen, I, p. 83. 2 Cyclopedia of Education, s. v. Commonplace Books. 3 Raumer, Geschichte der Pddagogik, III, p. 83. THE CONTENT OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 253 of the practices of the early Rabbinical schools (see supra, ch. vii, 3). The mean between these two extremes we see in the language books of Comenius, and his Vestibulum^ edition of I648, 1 is in methodical arrangement the best textbook of the period. 2. Theoretically, Greek was evaluated as highly as Latin. Erasmus declares that all that is worth knowing has been written in these two languages, and that it is easier, because of their kinship, to teach them conjointly than separately; yet he does not ignore the peculiar difficulties of Greek, its magni labyrinthi et vastissimi recessus. Quintilian's demand to begin with Greek is frequently discussed, and Vittorino da Feltre (died 1446) probably taught Greek before Latin. Robert Etienne (died 1559) followed the same course in the education of his son Henry (died 1598), and Tanneguy Lefebre (died 1672) also gave the preference to Greek in the education of his son as well as his daughter, the celebrated Madame Dacier; 2 Lefebre followed Scaliger's example 3 in basing the study of Greek on Homer. The "Father of the Poets" found enthusiastic admirers in this period. Claude Belurger, who introduced Greek into the Col- lege de Navarre in Paris, took his Homer along to church, had statues made of the Homeric heroes, and finally undertook a journey to Troy; but the hardships of travel were his death, and thus his extensive commentary on Homer was lost. 4 When Martin Crusius lectured on Homer at Tubingen, the lecture-hall proved too small for the students eager to hear him; hence a wall was removed to provide more room, and the hall was ever after known as the auditorium Homericum.* Many programs of study (for instance, the Ratio studiorum of the Jesuits) state that Greek should be begun simultaneously with Latin, and give long lists of Greek authors, pagan and Christian, to be read; but these ideals were not generally realized. In the Protestant schools the New Testament and a few moral writ- ings as, Xenophon's Memorabilia^ Kebes'.Pinax, or the treatise on education ascribed to Plutarch were read, while ysop, Phokylides, and passages from St. John Chrysostom, etc., were 1 Opp. did., Ill, pp. 134-214-. 2 Morhof, Polyhistor litterarius y II, 9, 47. Lefebre 's views on the course of study are embodied in his Methode pour commencer les humanites Grecques et Latines (1672). 3 J. Bernays, J. J. Stali^er, Berlin, 1855, p. 35. 4 Morhof, "1. c., VII, 2, 2. 5 J. M. Gesner, Isago^e in crud. univ. y ed. Nicl., 1773, I, 154. 254 THE RENAISSANCE. read in the Catholic schools. Greek was allowed at best only half the number of the Latin class periods. Especially in the i yth century Greek seems to have been taught only for honor's sake, and the opinion was quite general that it was of value only to the specialist in theology or medicine and, therefore, on a par with Hebrew and Arabic; 1 nay, Descartes declared the study of Greek to be of as little value as the study of the "Jar- gon of Bretony. " The taste of the period regarded the JEneid, the tragedies of Seneca, and the poems of Horace as the classics of poetry. Homer was regarded as childish and vulgar, and Sophocles and Pindar were considered stilted and obscure. The Latin nations, the leaders in the Renaissance, were conscious of their kinship with the spirit of ancient Rome, and consequently remained impervious to the deeper meaning of Greek literature. It was left to the Renaissance of i8th century German literature to establish a direct intercommunion with the soul of the Greeks. The interest in Biblical research brought it about that He- brew was considered an element of higher learning. In Germany, Reuchlin was the foremost teacher of Greek as well as of He- brew, and the latter subject was generally taught in the higher Protestant schools. Michael Neander, rector of Ilefeld, who has deserved well of German education, grows eloquent in speaking of the educational value of Hebrew: "The Hebrcea Lingua is of use not only to the Theologis but to all Studiosis, who should be desirous to be for their lifelong day familiar with this language, for it is the alma mater omnium linguarum omnibus cetatibus omnium gentium. All other languages have come from the Hebrew, and it imparts of its wealth to them all, but itself lays no other tongue under contribution. . . . The Lingua Hebraica should, therefore, be a thing of joy. It should be studied by every one having the opportunity, propter collationem cum aliis 'linguis and propter utilem explicationem multarum rerum in omni vita and also propter Grammaticam Latinam^ in which at times there is a question de declinatione nominum Hebraorum." 1 Comenius, Didact. ma^na, 22, i. Arabic was still considered important in the study of medicine, as may be seen from the fact that Avicenna's canon continued to enjoy so great an authority as to appear in more than a dozen Latin editions during the I5th and i6th centuries (Spreneer, Mohammed, Berlin, 1861, I, IV). 2 Oeurres, ed. Cousin, XI, p. 341 (from Schmid's Enzykl. II, 1st ed., p. 911). 3 Michaelis Neandri, Bedencken, wie ein Knabe zti leiten und zu unterweisen, etc. (1582), published in Vormbaum, Evang. SchuJordnungcn,Giiters\oh, 1860, I, PP- 747-7 6 5- THE CONTENT OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 255 3. Although the system of the seven liberal arts was of classical origin, and though it had been highly esteemed by the Romans also, yet the Renaissance, while extolling it in academic orations and essays, failed to adopt it in the schools. One reason was the aversion of the refined taste of the Renaissance to the form in which it had been handed down by late Latin writers, not to speak of the barbarous Latin of the medieval commentaries. A second reason was the great divergency of opinions in evaluating the different arts and sciences belonging to the system. Grammar and rhetoric were no longer regarded as merely propaedeutic studies, but were deemed of prime im- portance and declared to be the real organon of education. Medieval dialectic was made the butt of the Humanists' at- tacks; but in a modified form it was universally taught under the name of ars disserendi, because needed for rhetoric. The interest of the age being centred in the expression of thought, it was to be expected that logic should be connected with rhet- oric, and it was conceived as the art of giving intellectual strength to what was said or written. Thus all three arts of the Tri- vium are frequently correlated with language: grammar teaches the sermo emendatus\ dialectic, the sermo probabilis\ and rhet- oric, the sermo ornatus. 1 Melanchthon defined dialectic as the ars et via docendi^ i. ., as the art of presentation, and thus dialectic embraced what was later treated in the science of didactics. The rules of logic were now drawn, not only from Aristotle, but also from the orators and the rhetoricians. Vives and Nizolius "do not hesitate to acknowledge that they are more indebted to Cicero than to Plato and Aristotle, because the latter separated philosophy from rhetoric." 2 Peter Ramus (died 1572) even asserted that the study of the methods em- ployed by Cicero and other orators to persuade their hearers, was a better means to arrive at a knowledge of logic than the study of Aristotle's Organon. Ramus' reform of logic, which was at first fiercely opposed, is based on the idea that rhetoric and logic are only parts of a more general and more compre- hensive science; and, though Ramus failed to draw all con- clusions from this first principle, his movement represents one of the most noteworthy features of the Renaissance, and has 1 These are the terms employed by Jacob Micyllus (Molzer), rector in Frankfort on the Main; cf. Helfenstein, Die Entwicklung des Schulwesens in bezug auf Frankfurt, 1858, p. 90. 2 Erdmann, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophic, Berlin, 1 869, I, p. 500. 256 THE RENAISSANCE. determined, to some extent, the teaching of logic down to our own day. 1 While the disciplines of the Trivium were thus granted a new lease on life, the mathematical sciences of the Quadrivium were neglected. We should expect the exact opposite of the age of Copernicus and Galilei, but the mathematical sciences were at that time breaking with the past, and their consequently unsettled condition rendered them unattractive to the masses who are eager for definite results, but are not interested in the researches of the laboratory or the observatory. The scholars of the period gave most attention to philology and encyclopedic knowledge;' and the few men who were interested in the physical sciences, could not understand the importance of mathematics. Comenius tried to incorporate mathematics with technical in- struction, 3 but in his Janua and the Orbis pictus we find little enough of mathematical material. The few schools that did teach the Quadrivium adhered to the Ptolomaic system, and Comenius himself does not even mention the system of Coper- nicus. 4 Philosophy also lost its popular character. No poet of the Renaissance would have ventured to imitate Dante who, after the Scholastics had popularized philosophical topics, could treat, in his Divine Comedy, the most abstruse questions of meta- physics and ethics without becoming obscure to his readers. 1 Ibid., p. 501. Ramus is responsible for the distinction between natural and scientific logic and for the practice of treating the concept before the judg- ment. His shortsighted opposition to Aristotle at his master's examination, in 1536, he defended the thesis: "All that Aristotle has said is false" pre- vented him from reaping the full fruit of his first principles. 2 Galilei complains in a letter to Kepler as follows: "What will you say of the first teachers of the Padua gymnasium, who one and all declined my offer to show them the planets, the moon, and my telescope? This class of people looks upon philosophy as contained within the .boards of a book, like the Aeneid or the Odyssey^ and are firmly convinced that truth is to be found neither in the world nor in nature, but only in the collating of texts. How you would have laughed at the first teacher of the Pisa gymnasium, who at- tempted, in the presence of the Archduke, to disprove with his syllogisms the existence of the new planets; he tried with his syllogisms as the magic formulas to tear down the new planets from the heavens." (Quoted from Zollner's WissenschaftL Abhandl.^ II, p. 941). 3 Did. magna, 30, 8. 4 The Janua (Amsterdam edition of 1662) 31 ft., treats the sun and moon as planets, speaks of the epicycles of Mercury, etc., of the eighth sphere of the fixed stars, etc., and all this was possible 119 years after the De orbium cale- stium revolutionibus lilri VI. had appeared! THE CONTENT OF RENAISSANCE EDUCATION. 257 Only select circles were engaged in restoring the ancient phi- losophies, and the attempts, few as they were, to strike out into new paths did not meet with general favor. The schools con- tinued to teach Aristotelian-Scholastic logic. Melanchthon had done well in simplifying the methods of teaching this subject, and the textbooks used in the Catholic schools likewise became less unwieldy in form. The terminology of present-day logic dates back to the Renaissance, and many of the philosophical terms coined in that period are still part of the common vocabu- lary of the cultured. 4. More importance was attached to empirico-historical knowledge, "for this was recognized as a necesasry adjunct to eloquence. Works purporting to comprise all that was worth knowing were produced in great number. The term "cyclo- pedia," or "encyclopedia," first came into use in the i6th century, but there was no dearth of other terms to express the same kind of work: polymathy, polyhistory., panepistemony, pansophy, pankosmy, anatomy of heads and sciences, theatre of life (of wisdom, of the world), etc. these are some of the high-sounding titles promising the reader a world of wisdom and knowledge. However, in many cases the grandiloquent title heralded forth the beggarly contents of a meagre com- pendium; for instance, Laurenberg's Pansophia, sive Pcedia phi- losophica (Rostock, 1633).' It was less frequent that a modest title was chosen for the storehouse of valuable knowledge: the Commentarii urbani of Raphael of Volaterra is an encyclopedia that begins with local geography and history, then enlarges its scope to introduce extensive biographies, to deal with popular philosophy and divers other sciences, and finally concludes with an analysis of Aristotelian philosophy. 1 These works differ from the similar compilations made in the Middle Ages chiefly in that most of the Renaissance encyclopedias exclude theology, but treat classical antiquities. There were isolated attempts to systematize the whole of human knowledge; witness the Thea- trum humance vitte of Theodor Zwinger (1586), which follows a psychologico-ethical plan, and whose three stout folio volumes must have cost the author labor like that expended on the compilations of Vincent of Beauvais. Vives' De disciplinis and Bacon's Instauratio magna are examples of the few attempts 1 Cf. Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, transl. by Middlemore, London, 1898, part III, where the work is discussed as showing how deeply the ancient learning had affected all departments of knowledge. 17 258 THE RENAISSANCE. % made to establish methods of study instead of merely collecting materials. Vives followed the traditional system of the sciences, but Bacon based his division of the sciences on a psychological principle: history he derives from memory; poetry, from the imagination; theology and philosophy, from the intellect. The period was particularly fond of tabulating the various materials. John Thomas Freigius elaborated Ramus' presentation of the seven liberal arts into Tabulas perpetuas ceu crr/ow/xaTa relatas (Bale, 1576), and Comenius recommends the map as a model for synoptic compilations or anthologies. 1 In connection- with the latter view, it may be noted that geography in general, which had grown into a very comprehensive science and whose maps were an excellent aid to clear and general views, exerted some influence on all the attempts at compilation: the fact that the terrestrial globe had become better known, suggests to Bacon that more attention should be given also to the globus intellectualis? Amid the wealth of new knowledge, the need was naturally felt of improved methods of study and instruction. The Re- naissance revived the ancient mnemotechnics and the medieval Ars magna of Raymond Lully (Raymundus Lullus, born 1234, died 1315), whose aim was to employ the association of ideas for the purpose of rinding thoughts. A kindred tendency gave birth to the rational art of teaching, to didactics, rhadiomethy, Qbstetricia animorum^ and so forth. 8 Comenius especially shows the intimate relation between pansophy and these new sciences, while Morhof shows their connection with polymathy. 4 Frei- 1 Did. magna., 31, 8. 2 Novum Organon, 84. 3 Cf. supra, Introd., II, 2; the "didacticia'ns" are classed with the Lullians, for instance, in Garr.oni's Piazza universale (in the German Frankfort edition of 16^9, pp. 208 ff., where a list of representatives of this school is given). 4 The Polyhistor of the learned Daniel George Morhof is a work that has not been appreciated as it deserves (ist ed., Lubeck, 1688; 4th ed., 1747). It is superior to other encyclopedias in that it does not only present the materials of knowledge, but also treats the course of study and all the apparatus belong- ing thereto. The latter subjects are treated in the first part (4th ed.), the Polyhistor litterarius, on which the author spent most labor. The first book of this part (Polyhistor bibliothecarius) treats of libraries, books, learned socie- ties, cultured conversation, biographies of scholars, letter-writing, etc. The second book (P. msthodicus} discusses the differences in talents, schools, aids to study and memory, etc., methods, particularly of classical schools, the general course of study, university studies, education of princes, etc. The third book (P . irapaos, or of the self-satisfied wise man. 1 The same tendency may be ob- served in other philosophical systems at the time of their de- cline. The Nil admirari of the Epicureans (Horace, Ep., 1,6, i) is the maxim of the ancient Voltairien^ who scorns the prejudices of the wonder-loving rabble as well as all "philosophical mar- velling," the OavfjLaa-fjLos (tXdcro" and Gesner's rule: "Verborum disciplina a rerum cognitione nunquam sepa- randa^' are expressive of the realism of the Humanists, which held the day against the realism of the Philanthropinists. The Philanthropinists tried to exclude the classics from the schools, for nothing was to be taught but what was of the present and, therefore, directly useful. Their efforts, however, were thwarted, because the new German classicism introduced an idealistic conception of education and thus defeated all their plans. The creations of the German classicists demonstrated that the an- cient classics were not a heap of learned rubbish, but still a very vital element and one that offered such educational and cultural opportunities as the age stood sorely in need of. Lessing reinstated Aristotle's Poetics, and Herder showed how the clas- sical studies ennoble man's heart and feelings. Schiller appealed to the enemies of the classical studies with this argument: "You call the languages of Greece and Rome dead languages, but all that lives in your mother-tongue has come from Greek and Latin." The poetry of Schiller and Goethe, which dealt so expensively with antique subjects, popularized the ideas and the mythology of the ancients and rendered them more familiar to the masses than they had been even in the Renaissance period. By being introduced into the schools, this poetry was a telling factor in favor of the classical studies. German literature- much more than English literature or the literature of any of the Latin peoples is a- sealed book to any one unacquainted with the ancient classics. Thus the German higher schools suf- fered no harm from the attacks of the Philanthropinists. On the contrary, they gained by adding Greek, which had been the chief inspiration of the German neo-classicists. But with the encyclopedic tendencies of the period many modern subjects had also to be added to the course of study, and the ancient classics never regained the absolute sway that they had exer- cised in the old Latin schools. The studies of the Protestant gymnasium, as organized under the influence of the educational 292 THE ENLIGHTENMENT. reforms of the i8th century, represent a compromise between the curricula of Melanchthon and Basedow. 1 3. The encyclopedic tendency of the i8th century was origi- nally closely allied with that of the preceding period. Johann Matthias Gesner, the celebrated Gottingen professor and trainer of teachers, tried seriously in his Latin lectures to preserve the traditions of the latter Renaissance and to meet, besides, the new demands of his own time. He confessed that the chief defect of the old schools was the neglect of the mother-tongue, and this he would remedy by adding the study of modern languages, especially of the mother-tongue, to the classical studies. He also demanded that geography and history be studied beside literature. Geography he describes as "histories omnis diverso respectu prima pars, atrium, fundus, lux;" and history, he says, can teach practical wisdom most effectively by entering into de- tails. He also insisted that mathematics be studied, for "he who slights mathematics, deprives himself of one eye. " Gesner was in favor of beginning the course with Greek and Homer's poems, but saw a practical difficulty in the "rationes scho- larum, quibus quodammodo ratio ecclesice innititur."'* A some- what similar union of old and new elements is presented in Pierre Bayle's widely-read Dictionnaire historique et critique (1696). Bayle is reminiscent of the old school in that he "passes his life within the walls and the shadows of libraries, in the company of learned journals and correspondence," and "regards the 1 K. L. v. Roth quoted by Lubker in Schmid, Enzyklopadie, s. v. Gelehrien- schu/wesen, II, p. 682. 2 Gesner's Primes lineee isagoges in eruditicnem universalem, ed. by Niclas, 1774 and 1786, 2 vols., contain in the "proormium" a "brevis recensus di- cendorum," a resume of the older encyclopedias, and "prsecepta discendi generalia. " The first part treats "de linguis sen philologia": the mother- tongue, Latin, Greek, modern languages (79 sq.); of poetry (222 sq.); of music and painting (277 sq.); of oratory (418 sq.). The second part deals with history; geography is treated in 418 sq.; chronology (450 sq.); universal history (481 sq.)> the ia) and would introduce the athletic games and the police surveillance of the ancients. Filangieri's plan is largely based on Spartan models. 2 These two writers exerted a deep influence on the reforms of Tanucci. In Portugal, Pombal was most violent in reforming educational conditions. In 17^9 he expelled the Jesuits from their 24 colleges and 17 residences. Their place was to be filled by 27 schools of philosophy, 21 chairs of rhetoric, history, and literature, 8 Greek schools, and 250 elementary Latin schools. A bureau of education, under the presidency of the Rector of Coimbra University, was to control all schools; and a special tax, "subsidio litterario," was levied to defray the expenses of the schools. 3 In Spain, Aranda and Campomanes worked in the same spirit, though with somewhat less violence; for they did not disturb the universities, nor the teaching orders of the Church, except the Jesuits with whom the revolutionary spirit of the age could never be at peace. Poland and Russia accepted the French educational ideas unconditionally, and the leaders of the Enlightenment hoped to realize their dreams in these two countries. J. J. Rousseau outlined plans for reforming the gov- ernment as well as the schools of Poland: the young are to be taught patriotism and the proper use of liberty; foreigners as well as priests are to be excluded from the teaching profession; the teaching office is to be made a stepping-stone to higher things, and not a life work, because the "homme publique" has no vocation for life except to be a "citoyen"; every school should have a ground for public drills; certain educational in- stitutions are to be faithful reproductions, on a small scale, of 1 Hahn, Das Unterrlchtswesen in Frankreich, Breslau, 1848, I, p/iji. 2 Genovesi, Lez. di commercio, 1765 (new ed., Milan, 1824), part I, ch. 6, i and 9; Filangieri, Scienza della legislazione, Naples, 1780-1785, book IV. 3 Le Roy in Schmid's Enzyklopadie, VI, p. 123. THE SCHOOL REFORM OF THE 1 8TH CENTURY. 307 the organization of the State. 1 These pedagogical views of Rousseau are diametrically opposed to the educational principles laid down in Emi!e, but Rousseau's rhetoric did not fight shy of such considerations. Diderot sketched a plan for the reorgani- zation of the schools of Russia, and, though he paid little heed to the peculiar needs of that country, he was very mod- erate in his views: the German schools and universities are to be imitated in Russia, but the faculty of philosophy is to be first in rank, and most attention should be given to the natural and the technical sciences. 2 French adventurers have not de- served well of Russia for foisting upon the country the edu- cational theories of the Enlightenment. For a short time these theories attracted the eyes of all Europe, but eventually proved a hollow show. A real beginning was made only after 1780, when Russia followed the example of the Austrian school reform, imported Felbinger's teaching devices from Vienna, and opened training schools for teachers in several large cities. 3 1752-1755, Vol. VIII. THE SCHOOL REFORM OF THE iSl'H CENTURY. 311 . and I conceived the education and training of the young to be the most sacred function of this moral power." In Austria, the educational reform was confronted with more difficulties than in Prussia, and this for various reasons: the territory of Austria was three times as large as that of Prussia; its population was made up of alien races, some of them of a low stage of civilization; lastly, because of the suppression of the Jesuits, the higher schools had also to be reorganized. The success of the reform hung in the balance between the doc- trinairism of a Pergen, who considered as most important the secularization of all education, and the conservatives, whom Maria Theresa favored. The reforms inaugurated by the Em- press were moderate, practical, and not hostile to the traditions of the past. She once remarked, "The school system is and must ever remain a po/tticutn," and this principle of the state school governed her whole educational policy. Some of her re- form measures for instance, the "drilling" of the teachers and the standardizing of instruction according to the normal method savour of the military. But the organizing of the school system was entrusted to the clergy, and Maria Theresa was fortunate in securing the services of capable men, interested and versed in matters educational. The memorial of Count Firmian, Prince-Bishop of Passau, which was entitled Of the Usefulness Accruing to the State and to Religion from Good Schoo!s(iy6c)}, occasioned the first measures of reform; the General School Ordinances (1774) of Abbot Felbiger outlined the methods of the reform; Dean Kindermann was active in co-ordinating in- dustrial training with the elementary school, and thus enlarged the scope of the new institutions. After the Jesuits were sup- pressed, the Piarists took over their colleges, and thereby pre- served the continuity of higher learning. In this way the new school system gained sufficient strength to survive the experi- mentations of Joseph II. This ruler was guided by the best of intentions and really improved the elementary schools, yet on the whole he abandoned the wise course pursued by his mother. 7. All the German princes promoted the educational reform in their respective countries, and the rivalry between the dif- ferent governments spurred them on to the greatest possible efforts. Most of the Protestant states followed in their reform measures the example of the Philanthropinists, although they 1 Eilers' Wanderungen, II, p. 177. 312 THE ENLIGHTENMENT. did not accede to their extreme demands. The Catholic countries followed the lead of the Austrian reform. Among the organizers of the various school systems, we find not only professional educators, but also eminent scholars as Gesner in Hannover and Ernesti in the electorate of Saxony; writers of the first rank as Herder, who founded the normal school in Weimar; and cultured churchmen as Franz von Fiirstenberg, the father of the Miinster school system. The greatest minds of the age were occupied with the problems of education. Not only news- papers and magazines, but savants, poets, and philosophers all joined in the educational discussion; all were eager to introduce the new educational motives and materials into the schools and thereby make them a vital force for the future. The elementary school reaped the first fruits of these efforts. The elementary school system if understood "as the elemen- tary instruction which the State regards as necessary, and which it furnishes in public institutions of the State (the State being here conceived in the broadest sense)," is a creation of the 1 8th century; and may be said to have originated in Germany, inasmuch as it was here that it first developed along natural and uniform lines. The elementary school system is based upon the state control of schools, and implies that the individual communities must build and support the school. The vocational training of teachers and the fixing of their duties and rights are further prerequisites of an elementary school system. These features were common to the school systems of the different countries, but local needs called for many variations. Compul- sory school attendance (/'. ., laws compelling the parents who cannot provide for the home instruction of their children to send them to school until certain elements of knowledge have been acquired) was not introduced everywhere, but remained confined to Prussia and several smaller Protestant states. The Catholic governments only encouraged the parents to send their children to school, but did not compel them to do so. The State began to take cognizance also of private schools, and made them comply with certain government regulations. In Austria the government prescribed the teaching methods as well as the textbooks, but not all governments issued such formal regula- tions. The same diversity obtained with regard to the subject- 1 Stein, ytrwaltungslehrc, V, p. 73; for more definite distinctions see infra, Ch. XXX. THE SCHOOL REFORM OF THE I 8TH CENTURY. 313 matter of teaching, some countries allowing more scope than others to industrial training and the natural sciences. After elementary instruction the training for the trades and the mechanical arts profited most. The origins of almost all training schools for the mechanical arts can be traced back to the 1 8th century: commercial and business schools, schools of agriculture, forestry, engineering, architecture, technology, etc., were established during the period of the Enlightenment. 1 .The Realschule^ as founded by John Julius Hecker in Berlin in 1747, was a Latin school with elective courses in commercial and technical sciences. Hecker's successors, Silberschlag and Andrew Hecker, organized three distinct courses: first, a pcedagogium for higher learning; second, a school of art with courses in com- merce, architecture, engineering, the fine arts, military science, etc.; third, a German, or industrial, school. It was only in the 1 9th century that the Realschule united into one organic whole the rudiments of general cultural studies and the elements of industrial training. The Realschule developed not only from those schools which taught from the beginning only modern subjects, but also from those Latin schools that gradually added modern subjects in order to meet the needs of the lower classes. To this latter class belong the Burgers chulen* (municipal schools) of northern Germany, the Hauptschulen (high schools) of Aus- tria, the girls' schools and female academies, and all delatin- ized town schools, which now began to occupy the middle field between the elementary school and the gymnasia and universities. The state reform of education was, on the whole, not favor- able to the institutions of higher learning. The Enlightenment could not appreciate the autonomy enjoyed by the universities in matters educational. The Revolution robbed France, the land of universities, of its seats of higher learning, and gave in exchange a paltry substitute the state faculties of the Napole- onic system. The Austrian universities were deprived of their 1 The first commercial school of Hamburg was opened in 1767; the com- mercial school of Vienna, founded in 1770, was later changed into a Realschule; the Georgicon of Count Festetics in Kessthely is the oldest school of agricul- ture; the agricultural school of Schwarzenberg in Krumau and Timer's agri- cultural school in Oderbruch were opened in 1799. A school of mining was opened in Schemnitz in 1760; the Berlin school of engineering was opened in 1799; the oldest of the technological schools is the Ecole polytechnique in Paris, founded by Monwe in 1794. 2 Monroe, Cyclopedia of Education, s. v. Realschule. 3 Monroe, Cyclopedia of Education, s. v. Burger schule. 314 THE ENLIGHTENMENT. autonomy both in teaching and in the administration of their finances. Joseph II. went so far as to turn some of the Austrian universities into lyceums, and obliged the teachers to confine their lectures to the matter contained in the prescribed text- books. In these radical measures he followed his avowed prin- ciple, "the essential studies of the universities are intended for the training of state officials, and not for the training only of scholars. " Frederick II. did no more than issue the order that "the heads of the students are not to be crammed with mean- ingless and useless subtleties, but are to be enlightened and prepared, especially by the study of philosophy, to acquire and apply truly useful knowledge. " The founding of new state universities affected the older universities, and Gottingen par- ticularly was regarded as the model in reorganizing the older institutions in the interest of a state centralization of the schools. Several new departments were added to the universities: the fiscal sciences were introduced into the faculty of law; labora- tory methods were introduced into the school of medicine; semi-popular lectures on aesthetics, pedagogy, ethics, encyclo- pedias, etc., became a feature of the school of philosophy, which was further augmented by the introduction of the historical sciences. IX. MODERN EDUCATION. CHAPTER XXVIII. The Character of Modern Education. i. The tendencies of I9th century education and its organi- zation might well seem to be inspired by the ideals of. the En- lightenment. However, the term Enlightenment is no longer a catchword; the criticisms of the Romanticists and of the repre- sentatives of the Historical School have broken its charm, and it is now generally associated with a cold, unsympathetic, and soulless movement. Nevertheless, the shibboleths of to-day, "knowledge is power," "to know is to be free," still voice the sentiments and the tendencies of the Enlightenment: to make the individual free, to make him his own master, to cast off the trammels of tradition and thereby obtain human perfection and happiness. It is to-day preached from the house-tops that the progress in every field of human endeavor together with the development and liberation of the mind should be the goal of man, and this gospel does not differ essentially from that of the Enlightenment. The tendencies are the same. The men of the 2Oth century believe, as did the men of the i8th, that an age of unparalleled happiness and perfection is dawning upon the hu- man race, and that we shall attain ultimate perfection, not by following the past in appraising things and actions according to their bearing on eternity, but rather by believing that happiness will come to us through the application of our individual powers of mind and body. The schools of to-day are still pursuing the aim of the encyclopedists of the Enlightenment: to adjust the various branches of the course of study to the practical needs of the present; and the modern curriculum is, in consequence, overcrowded. The realism, too, of the Enlightenment, which applied the standards of immediate usefulness to all studies, is still abroad and very active in the world of to-day. Our age is striving to carry out on a large scale the design which was first conceived by the Enlightenment: to spread useful and diversified knowledge among the masses. Our age has thrown open the 315 3l6 MODERN EDUCATION. schools, elementary and secondary, to all comers, and has sup- plied the millions with such educational instruments as were formerly available to the savant only. This has been made possible by the wonderful inventions and discoveries that anni- hilate space and that facilitate the reproduction of books and works of art. The press in its various forms periodicals, maga- zines, newspapers spreads knowledge and useful information. Much as the State had accomplished in the i8th century in organizing the schools, it dwindles into insignificance when 'com- pared with the educational activities of the modern State. The theories of the economists of the Enlightenment have likewise expanded into the broader conception of the economists of the early I9th century, who fostered the theory of the omnipotent State. The pedagogy of the Enlightenment is still exerting much influence upon the pedagogy and didactics of to-day. Pestalozzi's system is patterned all too closely after the intel- lectualism and the worship of method so characteristis uf the Enlightenment. Dinter and Diesterweg championed a modified Philanthropinism and converted many schoolmen to it. The individualistic conception of Locke and Rousseau enters even into philosophical pedagogy. English educational thought is fol- lowing a sensualistic cr materialistic utilitarianism, and looks kindly on Trapp's suggestion to make pedagogy a department of medicine. 2. Notwithstanding these points of contact, there are many points of divergence between the educational system of the i8th century and that of the ipth. In the very first years of the 1 9th century the views and tendencies of men changed to what was diametrically opposed to the ideals of the Enlightenment. This change was connected with the agitation of mind produced by the horrors of the French Revolution and the subsequent phenomenal growth of Napoleon's power. The French Revolu- tion had destroyed the historical foundations of society, and Napoleon's successes had unbalanced the political status of Europe and was threatening to crush the national spirit of the subjugated peoples. The fear was general lest the destruction of all existing institutions and of all that had till then been held most sacred was impending, and in their despair men seized upon everything that promised help in the mad struggle for existence. The best men of the time demanded less enlighten- ment of the intellect and more strengthening of the will. They were not bent on throwing off the "shackles" of tradition. Instead, they were anxious to hold fast to all of the past that THE CHARACTER OF MODERN EDUCATION. 317 gave any hope of proving an anchor in the tempest; they turned to the great deeds of their forbears to fill their souls with the spirit of high courage. They recognized that the vaunted indi- vidualizing of the Enlightenment tended ultimately to tear away the individual from the mainstays of his strength, viz., the inspiration of the past and the cheering and invigorating influ- ence of his fellowmen. The individualizing tendency appeared in its true light as the selfishness, the social egoism and moral atomism that had destroyed all order and which were responsible for the moral horrors lately perpetrated in Europe. The Cos- mopolitanism of the Enlightenment was likewise condemned as being fraught with the same dangers, for, on the one hand, it would eliminate all national differences and substitute an ab- straction in their stead, and, on the' other hand, it would substi- tute for the historical religions a colorless and undenominational religion of natural humanity. The early I9th century realized that the national spirit is a priceless inheritance and that the Church is the foundation stone for the reconstruction of society. Thus the Enlightenment appeared as robbing the race of its most valued treasures, as undermining the foundations of order, and as destroying the true boons of life. Hence the leaders of the new age went beyond the Enlightenment and finally arrived at that period which had been most maligned by the Enlighten- ment, the Middle Ages, in which era Christian idealism and the Germanic spirit had achieved their greatest triumphs. The new age was a renaissance of historical, national, and Christian elements, occurring at a time when the inner life was intensified by the pressure from without. Like all violent move- ments making for a change in ideals, this renaissance had its dark sides. Many of its principles and ideas were obscure and not clearly defined; much was done without due deliberation; there was also some unfairness to certain parties; and the evil effects may be seen in the aberrations of the Romanticists, in the Teutomania, and in the politics of the Restoration. Still, the results were, on the whole, favorable, and education gained in depth, clearness, and consolidation. The renaissance of the igth century did away with the vague Cosmopolitanism of the Enlightenment, counterbalanced the one-sided systems of poli- tics, and prepared the way for the historical conception of education. It would be incorrect to describe the i8th century as simply cosmopolitan and the ipth century as the century of national tendencies, because the former nationalized many elements of 3l8 . MODERN EDUCATION. education by popularizing them, and the I9th century promoted the intercommunication between different nations and opened up world-perspectives. But the ideal of the i8th .century was cosmopolitan. That century considered it a duty to foster Euro- pean patriotism, to raise men to a height where they would lose sight of the fragments of humanity (as the national distinctions were then regarded), and where they would be conscious of only the one common race of man. The I9th century, however, encouraged certain national instincts, which restrict the assimi- lation of different peoples, and which prompt the intensive cultivation of national characteristics. It must be conceded that these national tendencies produced some undesirable re- sults. The consciousness of a general humanity, a commendable feature of the Enlightenment, has not been cultivated suffi- ciently; the countries whose population is made up of alien races note with alarm the growing national consciousness among their unassimilated inhabitants; a kind of hero worship has been encouraged, in which success is the sole criterion, and which pardons even the most serious moral crimes in view of the lib- erties allowed to genius. Yet the reintroduction of national elements into life and education has meant real progress. It is well that Rousseau's suggestion to expunge the words citizen and fatherland from the lexicon has never been acted upon, and that they still hold a prominent place in our dictionaries. It is an obvious gain that the view holding all peculiarities to be an evil and all ties an obstacle to man's liberty, is gradually giving way, though as yet only in the domain of nationality, to the appreciation of the importance of social and ethical relations. To have a solid foundation, humanity must assimilate those elements of general humanity that are embodied in the various nationalities, and to which the individual is indebted for the very first gifts received from the race. The plastic forces of nation- ality are not to co-operate merely unconsciously and secretly with the intellectual development, but should introduce it, ac- company it, and complete it. Higher learning, freighted as it is with goods from many lands, may never grow oblivious of the home-port whence it first sailed and whither it is to return. National education is not to aim solely at educating "intelligent and useful men," but also at impressing the members of all classes with the consciousness of their solidarity as parts of one national organism; and it is only the consciousness of this soli- darity which will ensure to each individual member his proper share of the treasures handed down from the past and which THE CHARACTER OF MODERN EDUCATION. 319 are now the common property of the whole nation. This herit- age is of the soul, the heart, and the memory, and is, therefore, a heritage of ideals, a priceless asset to any and every nation. These ideals are most real in their influence upon the new gen- eration; and particularly in our own day, when the corroding influences of materialism are at work, is a national idealism a most important factor for the well-being of a nation. 3. As the 1 9th century rejected the false Cosmopolitanism of the 1 8th century, so the present-day world is gradually aban- doning the position taken by the Enlightenment in political science when it conceded to the State an almost unlimited power, so that the latter was regarded as the only agency for directing the collective activities of the race and as the macro- cosm of man. This doctrine dates from the political theories of the ancients, was accepted by the medieval students of Roman law and by the economists of the Renaissance, and found prac- tical expression in the police-governed State. It still influences the conception of the modern State, yet it has been losing ground ever since the historical and organic method of study has been applied to its basic principles. No statesman of deeper views to-day regards a nation from the viewpoint solely of its numer- ical strength, nor considers its trades and industries merely as filling the State's coffers, nor looks upon the Church as a govern- ment institution that furnishes the opportunities for public worship. Though the development of the public school system may still be following the lines drawn by political economy when it was conceived as the science of the police system, yet we have gotten beyond the State pedagogy, which was the foundation of the false views. It is true that the State must control the educational apparatus, and that the educative pro- cess requires certain legal forms authorized by the State; but apparatus and form are not the thing itself. The main educa- tional forces exist independently of, and prior to, any State interference, and the State must base all its regulations on the forces at work among the people. The State cannot produce a national civilization and culture; it is at best only the adminis- trator of the educational and cultural materials belonging to the people. But little of this material is at all accessible to the State, for most of it is bound up with institutions and manners and customs that are beyond the control of the State. There is evident need of a science treating of the transmission of the educational and cultural treasures, /. I 59ff->i79 l8l > 190, 204, 217, 219 ff., 228, 231, 2 35. 2 55> 2 9 I > 2 99, 33 1 - Arithmetic, 100, 103, 126, 131, 152, 179. Assimilation of the young, 8 ff. Assyrian education, 103 ff. Astronomy, 91, 99 ff., 100, 103, 113, 119, 120, 124, 126, 131, 152, 179, 188,215. Athenian education, 135. Augustine, St., 6, 154, 174, 175, 180, 187 ff., 190, 193, 216, 236, 247. Austria, 308 ff., 344 ff. B Babylon, 103 ff., 146. Bacon, Francis, 222, 257 ff., 262, 266 > 2 93. 3- Bahnsen, 63. Bahrdt, 332. Bain, 29. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, 222. Basedow, 290, 294 ff, 307, 332. Basil, St., 183 ff., 192, 247. Bavaria, 344. Bayle, Pierre, 292 ff. Becher, J. J., 65, 261. Bede, The Venerable, 198, 237. Belgium, 342. Bell, Andrew, 96. Benedict, St., 193 ff. Benedictine schools, 194, 198 ff, 227, 270. Beneke, 29. Bernard of Chartres, 237. Bernard, St., 221, 222, 234 ff. Bhartfihari, 96. Bible, 175, 183, 185, 1 88, 190, 272 ff. quoted, 104, 107 ff, 146, 171, 176, 179,189. Bishops' schools, 193, 197, 201 ff. Boccaccio, 247. Boeckh, 325 ff, 329. Boethius, 190, 214, 217. Bonaventure, St., 200, 219. Brethren of the Common Life, 201. Brick Library, 103 ff. ALPHABETICAL INDEX Brunette Latini, 226. Buffon, 300. Bundahish, 1 06. Burckhardt, 35. Caesar, 147, 149, 153, 167, 217. Caesarius of Heisterbach, 235.] Calendar, 47, 100, 179, 216. Campe, 308. Canisius, 272. Canonical (classical) books, 90, 98, 103, 105, 107, 112 ff., 121, 147. Capella, 154, 189,214, 236. Carlyle, 48. Cassian, 192. Cassiodorus", 154, 190, 193, 214, 217. Catechism, 272. Catechumenate, 192 ff. Cathedral schools, 202, 267, 274. Catholic schools, 269 ft. Cato Censorius, 152, 155, 159. Celsus, 153 ff. Chaldean education, 103 ff. Chalotais, La, 303. Charlemagne, 227. Charondas, 142. Chess, game of, 94. China, in ff. Chivalric education, 197, 204 ff, 232,238 ff. Christian Doctrine, 190. Christian education, 39 ff., 170 ff., 191 ff. aims of, 1 70 ff. content of, 177 ff. Christian school system, 191 ff. Christianity combines individual and social views, 39 ff. introduces higher aims, 170 ff., 2 39-. Chrysippus, 141. Chrysostom, St. John, 172, 185, 253. Church, 2, 39 ff., 177 ff, 191 ff., 195, 197 ff. Church and society, 317. Cicero, 150, 155, 157, 160 ff., 186 ff., 217,236,243,251 ff., 255. City schools, 207 ff. Civilization, 77 ff., 82. Classics, ancient, 240 ff., 289 ff., 326 ff. Clearchos, 141. Clement of Alexandria, 173, 182. College, 211, 271, 340 ff, see also Gymnasium. College, Jesuit, 342. Comenius, 23, 24, 41, 65, 86, 250, 253, ?5 6 > 2 5 8 ff -> 2 94- Commercial schools, 310. Compendiums, 153 ff. Compensation, law of, 31;. Comte, 37 ff. Condorcet, 304. Confucius, 112 ff. Continuation schools, 338. Copernicus, 256. Correlation, 336. Cosmopolitanism, 244, 285, 317. Councils and Synods on education, 191, 202, 229. Course of study, .wStudy, course of. Cramer, 44. Creuzer, Friedrich, 119, 156. Crusius, Martin, 253. Cynics, 143. D'Alembert, 290, 293. Daniel 5 Prophet, 104. Dante, 133, 221, 226, 256, 263, 277. Dead, Book of the, 98. Deism, 284, 288. Delitzsch, Fr., 105. Democritus, 136 ff., 138, 141. Demonax, 136. Demosthenes, 191. Denmark, 273. Despauterius, 252. Development, individual and racial, parallelized, 54 ff. Dialectic, 127 ff, 135, 154, 178, 188, 214,217,255. Didactica, 23 ff., 56 ff, 167. Didactics, 281. Didaktik, see Education, 5cience of. Diderot, 289 ff., 293. Diesterweg, 316. Dinter, 316. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Diodorus, 104. . Diogenes, 136. Dionysius Longinus, 146. Dionysius Thrax, 130, 148. Discipline, 10 ff., 95, 102, 113, 135, '39.. '73. I95 a 37- Disputation, medieval, 218. Dominicans, 200. Donatus, 1 56. Dorotheus, 183. Dositheus, 166. Douris, School of, 123. Drawing, 124. Duns Scotus, 227. Dupanloup, 332. E Ebers, G., 101. Eclecticism, 155, 190, 296, 321 ff. Edda, 85, 204. Education, general and vocational, 322 ff. history of, 141. ideals of, 83. intellectual, 17 ff. its relation to culture, 79. joy of, 137. moral, 13 ff, 116, 139. sociological aspect of, 22 ff. system of, 1 7 ff., 30, 72, 239. term and concept, 6 ff., 14 ff, 17,78. types of, 80, 88. variations of, 80 ff. Education, science of, difficulties of, 64. division of, 72 ff. history of, 57 ff, 140 ff. methods of, 62 ff., 69 ff. much-needed, 66. scope of, 23 ff, 56 ff, 72 ff. Egypt, 47, 89, 97 ff, 103, 118, 145, 1 80, 192, 195. Elementary school, 272 ff., 312, 337 ff- Eloquence, 154, 158 ff, 160, 244, 251. Emi/e, 307. Encyclopedias, 114, 130, 131, 153, 190, 201, 222 ff., 230, 257 ff., 2 9 2 ff-, 337- Encyclopedic, 293 ff. England, 278 ff, 286, 301, 337 ff., 348 ff. Enlightenment, the age of, 282 ff. character of, 282 ff., 315 ff. content of education of, 287 ff. educational views of, 24 ff, 27 ff. schools in, 300 ff. Epicureans, 283. Epicurus, 143, 187, 244, 246, 251, 263, 289. Eratosthenes, 132. Ernesti, 65, 291. Eruditio, 251. Ethics, 128. its relation to the science of edu- cation, 63. Ethnology, its relation to the science of education, 33 ff. Etienne, Robert, 253. Euclid, 131, 136, 215, 219, 231, 336. Eusebius, 189, 220. Evolution, 320. Examinations, system of, 102, 115, 168,349. Ezardi, Esra, no. Fables, 47, 93, I22 > 2 33- Family, 5. Fathers of the Church on education, 181 ff. Felbiger, 311. Female academies, 347. Fichte, 52, 296. Filangieri, 306. France, 277 ff., 286, 302 ff, 345 ff, 349- Francis of Assisi, St., 200. Franciscans, 200, 270. Francke, A. H., 1 10, 309. Frederick II., 209. Freigius, 258 ff. French Revolution, 303 ff, 316 ff. G Galen, 231. Galilei, 256. Gellius, 155. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Genetic method, 320. Genovesi, 306. Geography, 68, 72, 103, 124, 131, 264, 292, 334. Geometry, 100, 113, 126, 131, 179. Germany, 280 ff., 307, 348. Gesner, 65, 291 ff. Goethe, 69, 280, 291, 299, 323. Gorgias, 128. Grammar, 91 ff., 103 ff., no, 121, 128, 130, 148 ff., 164, 191, 202, 214, 227, 252, 255, 263. Grammar schools, in England, 342. in Greece, 144. in Rome, 169. Greek, 148, 177, 227, 228, 243, 253 #, 3 2 7- Greek education, content of, 118 ff. ethos of, 7, 32, i3 4 ff. Greelc school system, 141 ff. Greek science of education, 10, 140, 141. Gregory of Nazianzus, St., 1 84 ff. Gregory the Great, St., 193 ff. Grimm, Jacob, 50, 67, 81. Grossetete, Robert, 228. Gruppe, Otto, 119. Guild schools, 198, 206 ff. Gutsmuths, 334. Gymnasium, 212, 270 ff, 340 ff., see also College. Gymnasium, Greek, 142 ff. Herrad of Landsberg, 223. Hesiod, 120, 191. High school, 340 ff., see also Real- schule. Hindu-Arabic notation, 94, 100, 113, 216. Hippias of Elis, 1*28. Hippocrates, 131, 231, 235. History, 98 ff, 103, 107, 119, 129, 1 80, 1 88, 220, 249, 292, 320, 333. its relation to education, 40 ff., 44 ff- Hobbes, 3. Holland, 342. Home education, 350 ff. Homer, 85, 120, 122, 138, 151, 183, 186,191,253,289. Horace, 151, 166, 190, 217, 252, 283. Hugh of St. Victor, 224, 225, 234 ff. Humanism, 35, 241 ff., 274 ff. Humanitas, 77, 161 ff. Humboldt, W. v., 8. Ibn Sina (Avicenna), 230. India, 47, 89, 90 ff. Individualism, 27 ff, 245, 285 ff, 350. Innocent III., 202, 228. Instruction, i 5. Intellectualism, 286. Isidore of Seville, 190, 223. Isocrates, 129, 136, 141. Italy, 209 ff., 265, 275 ff., 306. Hamitic influences in Greek educa- tion, 1 1 8. Hebrew, 227 ff., 254. Hebrew education, 106 ff. Hecker, J. J., 310. Hegel, 329. Helwig, Cristopher, 23. Heraclitus, 125, 135, 138. Herbart, 28 ff, 32, 42 ff, 52, 54 ff., 57 ff., 67, 69, 329 ff., 336, 350. Herder, 280, 291, 299. Heredity, intellectual, 9 ff, 140. Hermetic Books, 98. Hermogenes, 130. Janssen, 221. Jerome, St., 186, 220, 229. Jesuits, 246, 251, 253, 266, 269 ff, 271, 3 06 , 3 11 - John Damascene, St., 141, 191. John of Salisbury, 237. Joseph II. ,31 1, 314. Joshua ben Gamla, no. Jung, Joachim, 23. Jurisprudence, 128. Juvenal, 161, 21 7. Kallias, 121. Kant, 50, 290, 296, 329 ff., 334. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Kapp, 44 . Kebes' Pinax, 253. Kehrbach, 44. Kindermann, 31 1. Koran, 229, 232. Lactantius, 186. Lanfranc, 229. Language, art of, 116, 120 fF., 156, 179, 243 fF., 328, see also Rhet- oric. Latin, 148, 177, 203, 227, 251 ff., 327. Latin schools in England, 279 fF. Lazarus, 33. Lefebre, 253. Leibniz, 52, 266, 329. Lepsius, 98. Lessing, 291. Letter writing, 263 fF. Liberal arts, 129 fF., 182, 189, 194, 203, 213 fF., 230, 255. Liberal and illiberal arts, 157 fF., 171 fF. Liberal education, in Greece, 121 fF., 135 fF. in Rome, 157 fF. Libraries, 101, 103, 113, 145, 146. Liebig, 221 . Life, social and organic, 4 fF. Lilienfeld, 38. Linos, 1 20. Literacy, 96, 99. Literature, 92, 101 fF., 150 fF., 182 fF., 219,227. Living body, St. Paul on the sym- bolism of the, 2. Livius Andronicus, 1 50. Livy, 190, 252. Locke, 27, 296, 301, 307, 316, 350. Logic, 94, 128, 130,255,257. Lucan, 217. Lucilius, 149. Lully, Raymond, 258. Luther, 233, 248 fF., 272. Lyceum of Aristotle, 143. M Many-sidedness, 138, 174, 176, 321 fF. Maps, 100, 258. Maria Theresa, 311. Mathematics, 124, 126 fF., 129, i52fF., 1 88, 335 fF. Maurists, 270. Mechanistic conception of educa- tion, 324. Medes, 103 fF. Medici, Cosimo de', 265. Medieval education, content of, 213 fF. defects of, 239. ethos of, 234 fF. Medieval school system, 196 fF. Melanchthon, 249, 257, 268, 273, 292. Memory helps, 105, 107, 121, 125, 132, 238. Middle Ages, see Medieval education. Mill, John Stuart, 29, 63. Minucius, Felix, 186. Mirabeau, 303 fF. Mischna, 1 1 o. Mnemonic verses, 238. Modern education, i character of, 315 fF. content of, 324 fF. Modern languages, 263, 328, 345. Modern school system, 337 fF. Mohammedan education, 229 fF. Mohl, 25, 57. Mommsen, 165.. Monastic schools, 192 fF., 197, 273 fF. Monitorial system of instruction, 96. Montaigne, 246, 252, 289. Montesquieu, 298. Moral statistics, 35 fF. Moralism, 285. Morhof, 258 fF. Miiller, Max, 91 fF. Murmelius, 41. Musaeus, 1 19. Museums, ancient, 14; fF. Music, 93, 99, 101, 108 fF., 113, 121 fF., 126, 132, 136, 152, 174, 179,215. N Maimonrdes, 1 10. Manu, Code of, 96. Niigelsbach, 67. Napoleon, 306, 316. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. National element of education, 6, 204,263,295,317. Nationalism, 317 ff. Natural sciences, 101, 131, 188, 221 ff., 230, 256, 299 ff., 335 ff. Nature peoples, 8 ff., 84. Neander, Michael, 254, 268. Neo-Platonists, 134, 140, 155. Neo-Pythagoreans, 155. Newman, J. H., 188. Newspapers, 114, 329, 337. Nibelungs, 233. Nicholas of Damascus, 133. Niebuhr, 221. Nineveh, 103 ff., 146. Notation, system of, see Hindu- Arabic notation. Oratorians, 279. Organism, social, i ff., 39 ff. Oriental education, 88 ff, 90 ff, 118 ff. Origen, 1 82 ff. Orpheus, 1 1 9. Oettingen, Alexander von, 35, 37. Ovid, 127, 1 60, 252, 285. Pachomius, St., 192. Paideia, 34 ff., 135 ff., 162, 238. Palace schools, 203 ff. Palmer, 67, 332. Pamphilos of Sicyon, 124. Panini, 92. Papyrus, 145. Parish schools, 202 ff., 274. Patrick, St., 192. Paul, St., 2, 146, 178. Paulsen, 269. Pedagogy, 21 ff., 24 ff., 30 ff., 40 ff. its relation to the science of edu- cation, 56 ff., 61 ff. Peking Academy, 1 1 5. Perdonnet, 36. Pergamum, 146. Perrault, 265. Persian education, 103 ff. Personality, 79, 108, 137, 240 ff. Pestalozzi, 42, 67 ff, 316, 328, 334, 336, 338 ff- Petrarch, 187, 245, 282. Petronius, i 58 ff. Philanthropinism, 67 ff, 290, 307 ff. Philology, 132, 179, 190, 259 ff, 325. comparative, 328. Philosophy, 124 ff, 127, 129, 133, 155, 165, 179 ff, 224, 231, 256 ff, 288, 296 ff., 329 ff. Philosophy .schools, ancient, 124, i33 '43 ff - '55- Physical culture, 85, 99, 101, 123, ' 1 88. Piarists, 270, 311. Pietism, 288 ff., 309 ff. Pindar, 138. Pius II. (Aeneas Silvius), 262, 276. Plagiarisms, medieval, 236. Plato, 2 ff, 17, 22, 27, 32, 40 ff., 52, 89, TOO, 122, 125 ff, 135, 139 ff, 143, 172, 181, 183, 1 86, 204, 2i 9 ff, 228,239,255,306. Platonists, 179, 181, 189. Plautus, 151, 161, 1 86, 252. Pliny the Elder, 154. Pliny the Younger, 154, 160. Plutarch, i, 141, 191. Poelitz, 25. Poetry, 132, 151, see also Literature. Poland, 305 ff. Political economy, 128. Pombal, 306. Porphyrius, 217. Possevini, 250, 270. Prayer, 107 ff., 248. Press, see Newspapers. Priests and education, 80, 88 ff., 9 4 ff.,97, 99, 101 ff, 105, ngff., 124,140,179,233,270. Priscian, 235. Prophets, Schools of the, 108. Protagoras, 128. Protestant schools, 268. Protestantism, 248 ff. Prussia, 309 ff, 340, 342 ff. Psychology, relation of education to, 28, 33 ff, 63. Ptolemy, 231. Pythagoras and his philosophy, 124 ff, 127, 140, 143 ff, 150, 179, 181 ff, 336. Pythagoras, theorem of, 131. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 7 Quadrivium, 214 ff., 256. Quintilian, 148, 150 ff., 153, 160, 167, 243, H5 2 53- R Raikes, Robert, 301. Ramus, Peter, 255 ff. Raphael, 276 ff. Rationalism, 284. Ratke, 23, 41, 57, 110, 252, 266. Raumer, Karl von, 44, 261. Reading and writing, 85 ff., 96, 99, 121,142,144,165,191. Realgymnasium, 343. Realism, 261 ff. Realschule, 310, 313, 346 ff. Recitations, 123, 151, 163 ff. Reconstruction, social, 4 ff. Refinement, moral, 78. Reformation, 268 ff. Reformers, educational, 40 ff. Religion, 80, 134, 139 ff, 147, 170 ff.,. 195, 234 ff., 247 ff, 284 ff, 331 ff. Religious instruction, see Theology. Rhabanus Maurus, 216, 223, 237. Rhetoric, 93, 130, 144, i^ff, i6 4 ff, 178, 188, 191, 199, 214, 217 ff, 2 43> 2 55- Renaissance, term and meaning of, 241 ff. educational institutions of the, 265 ff. Renaissance education, character of, 240 ff. content of, 250 ff. in the different countries, 274 ff. Reuchlin, no, 241;, 254. Richelieu, 266. Ritter, Karl, 68, 72, 329, 334. Rococo, 242. Rolland, 302. Rollin, 291, 302. Roman education, content of, 147 ff. ethos of, 157 ff. Roman pedagogy, 1 53. Roman school system, 162 ff. Romanticists, 317. Roth, 67. Roth, Edward, 119, 126. Rousseau, 27 ff., 4 i, 52, 290, 298, 306 ff, 316, 318, 334. Russia, 305 ff. S Sacchini, 270. Sallust, 190, 217. Salons, 302. Salzmann, 308. Sardinia, 306. Savigny, 50. Scalig'er, 253. Schaffle, 38. Schelling, 329. Schiller, 291. Schleiermacher, 59 ff. Schmid, K. A., 44. Scholasticism, 217 ff, 231, 248. School and life, 322 ff. School feasts, 238. Schwarz, 43 ff. Science, 20 ff., 81, 124, 154, 178 ff., 183 ff. Science of education, see Education, science of. Self-activity, 137, 237 ff. Seminary, 270, 339. Semitic influences in Greek educa- tion, ii 8. Seneca, 2, 155, 158, 165, 190, 217. Sensualism, 286. Sertorius, 166. Shakespeare, 279. Smith, Adam, 301. Social atomism, 285. Society, I ff. Sociology, auxiliary to the science of education, 21. Socrates, 20, 129, 138 ff, 144, 282 ff. Socratic method, 129. Song schools, 192. Sophists, 128 ff, 1-55 ff, 165, 176, 282 ff. Sorbonne, 211. Spain, 306. Spartan education, 135. Spencer, 29. Speusippus, 127. Spurius Carvilius, 162. State and Church, 338. ALPHABETICAL INDEX. State and education, 25, 115, 142, 144, i5 8 l6 3. l66 ff-, 2?3, 3ioff, 316, 3i 9 ff, 349. Stein, Lorenz von, 25 ff., 57. Steinthal, 35. Stobaeus, 141. Stoics, 128, 133, 139,283. Strabo, 131, 146. Study, course of, 125 ff., 336. Sturm, John, 244, 268, 271. Suetonius, 164. Sulpicius Severus, 220. Summer schools, 338. Sweden, 273. Switzerland, 342. Tacitus, 1 60. Talmud, no. Tarsus, 146. Teacher, 95, 105, 116, 191, 208, 235. remuneration of, 136. training of, 192 ff., 269, 312, 339. Teaching, 10 ff., 138. Temple schools, 195. Terence, 151, 217, 252. Thales, 124. Thaulow, 44. Theatines, 270. Theatre, 123, 151. Theodore of Tarsus, 227. Theology, 88, 90, 96, 102, 105, 109, 119, 126, 134, 139, 147, 156, 175 ff., 179, 194, 202, 288 ff., 301 ff. Theophrastus, 141 ff. Thomas Aouinas, St., 200, 219, 228, 236 ff.,' 248 ff. Tradition, 8 ff., 1 1 ff., 16. Trapp, 28, 290, 316. Traveling, art of, 264. Trendelenburg, 49, 308, 331. Trivium, 214 ff., 25*;. Trotzendorf, no, 252, 268. Uniformity of schools, 343 ff, 350. United States, 342. Universite, 305, 346. Universities, 167, 169, 198, 208 ff., 266 ff., 313 ff., 348 ff., 350. Utilitarianism, 100, 136, 152, 285, 309 ff., 313, 321. Utrenheim, Cristopher von, 52. V Valla, 244, 289. Varro, 153 ff, 180. Veda, go ff. Verbalism, 261 ff. Vergil, 151, 190, 217, 243, 252. Vernacular, 263, 265, 272. Vincent of Beauvais, 201, 225, 257. Vittorino da Feltre, 253, 267, 275. Vives, Luis, 187, 247, 255, 257 ff., 263, 266. Vocation, origin of term, 172. Vocational edvcation, 136, 142, 144, 1 57 ff, 1 72, 206, 313, 335, 347 ff. Volt?ire, .146, 297. W Wackernagel, Philip, 67. Waitz, Theodore, 29, 33. W 7 illiams, David, 301. Wirckelmann, 280, 299. Wolf, F. A., 67, 325 ff. Women, edvcation of, 245, 347. Wuttke, Heinrich, 86. X Xenophanes, 125, 13^. Xenophon, 253. Ximenes, Cardinal, 229. Zeno, 141. Zoroaster, 105. 17 THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. Series 9482 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY A 000 904 399 3