OUR FOREIGNERS SAMUEL P. ORTH OUR FOREIGNERS ABRAHAM LINCOLN EDITION VOLUME 35 THE CHRONICLES OF AMERICA SERIES ALLEN JOHNSON EDITOR GERHARD R. LOMER CHARLES W. JEFFERYS ASSISTANT EDITORS ~a NY OUR FOREIGNERS A CHRONICLE OF AMERICANS IN THE MAKING BY SAMUEL P. ORTH NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS TORONTO: GLASGOW. BROOK & CO. LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1920 Copyright, 1920, by Yale University Press College Library 79^0 CONTENTS I. OPENING THE DOOR Page 1 II. THE AMERICAN STOCK " 21 III. THE NEGRO " 45 IV. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA " 66 V. THE IRISH INVASION " 103 VI. THE TEUTONIC TIDE " 144 VII. THE CALL OF THE LAND " 147 VIII. THE CITY BUILDERS " 162 IX. THE ORIENTAL " 188 X. RACIAL INFILTRATION " 208 XI. THE GUARDED DOOR " 221 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE " 235 INDEX " 241 vii ILLUSTRATIONS THE OLD AND THE NEW NATIVE AMERICAN STEEL-MILL WORKERS SLOVAKS Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Frontispiece A STUDY IN TYPES ENGLISH ITALIAN AMERICAN SLOVAK POLE Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Facing page 30 JUVENILE TYPES ENGLISH FAMILY AT ELLIS ISLAND Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. GREEK CHILD Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. MAGYAR BOY Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " " 70 x ILLUSTRATIONS CENTRAL EUROPEAN TYPES A GERMAN FAMILY AT ELLIS ISLAND LITHUANIAN BOHEMIAN GERMAN-HUNGARIAN Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Facing page 128 A RACIAL CONTRAST SLOVAK GIRLS A GIRL FROM SOUTHERN ITALY Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " " 160 FROM THE LEVANT AND THE NORTH RUSSIAN TYPES Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. A HEBREW PATRIARCH Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pitltburgh Survey. ARMENIAN REFUGEES Photograph copyright by Underwood and Underwood, New York. " 16+ THE SERB AT HOME A STREET IN BELGRADE A SERB FIGHTING MAN A SERB REFUGEE Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pitttburgh Survey. " " 170 ILLUSTRATIONS xi ITALIAN TYPES WOMEN OP NORTHERN ITALY A LEGIONARY OF TODAY Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. Facing page 180 IMMIGRANT MOTHERS AND CHILDREN HUNGARIAN Photograph copyright by Underwood and Underwood, New York. RUSSIAN POLE Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. ITALIAN Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " " 16 OUR FOREIGNERS CHAPTER I v OPENING THE DOOR LONG before men awoke to the vision of America, the Old World was the scene of many stupendous migrations. One after another, the Goths, the Huns, the Saracens, the Turks, and the Tatars, by the sheer tidal force of their numbers threatened to engulf the ancient and medieval civilization of Europe. But neither in the motives prompting them nor in the effect they produced, nor yet in the magnitude of their numbers, will such migrations bear comparison with the great exodus of European peoples which in the course of three centuries has made the United States of America. That move- ment of races first across the sea and then across the land to yet another sea, which set in with the English occupation of Virginia in 1607 and which 2 OUR FOREIGNERS has continued from that day to this an almost cease- less stream of millions of human beings seeking in the New World what was denied them in the Old has no parallel in history. It was not until the seventeenth century that the door of the wilderness of North America was opened by Englishmen; but, if we are interested in the cir- cumstances and ideas which turned Englishmen thither, we must look back into the wonderful six- teenth century and even into the fifteenth, for it was only five or six years after the great Chris- topher's discovery, that the Cabots, John and Se- bastian, raised the Cross of St. George on the North American coast. Two generations later, when the New World was pouring its treasure into the lap of Spain and when all England was pulsating with the new and noble life of the Elizabethan Age, the sea captains of the Great Queen challenged the Spanish monarch, defeated his Great Armada, and unfurled the English flag, symbol of a changing era, in every sea. The political and economic thought of the six- teenth century was conducive to imperial expan- sion. The feudal fragments of kingdoms were be- ing fused into a true nationalism. It was the day of the mercantilists, when gold and silver were OPENING THE DOOR 3 given a grotesquely exaggerated place in the na- tional economy and self-sufficiency was deemed to be the goal of every great nation. Freed from the restraint of rivals, the nation sought to produce its own raw material, control its own trade, and carry its own goods in its own ships to its own markets. This economic doctrine appealed with peculiar force to the people of England. England was very far from being self-sustaining. She was obliged to import salt, sugar, dried fruits, wines, silks, cotton, potash, naval stores, and many other necessary commodities. Even of the fish which formed a staple food on the English workman's table, two- thirds of the supply was purchased from the Dutch. Moreover, wherever English traders sought to take the products of English industry, mostly woolen goods, they were met by handicaps tariffs, Sound dues, monopolies, exclusions, retaliations, and even persecutions. So England was eager to expand under her own flag. With the fresh courage and buoyancy of youth she fitted out ships and sent forth expedi- tions. And while she shared with the rest of the Europeans the vision of India and the Orient, her "gentlemen adventurers" were not long in seeing the possibilities that lay concealed beyond the 4 OUR FOREIGNERS inviting harbors, the navigable rivers, and the for- est-covered valleys of North America. With a will- ing heart they believed their quaint chronicler, Rich- ard Hakluyt, when he declared that America could bring "as great a profit to the Realme of England as the Indes to the King of Spain," that "golde, silver, copper, leade and per ales in aboundaunce" had been found there: also "precious stones, as turquoises and emauraldes; spices and drugges; silke worms fairer than ours in Europe; white and red cotton; infinite multitude of all kind offowles; excellent vines in many places for wines; the soyle apte to beare olyvesfor oyle; all kinds offruites; all kindes of odoriferous trees and date trees, cypresses, and cedars; and in New-founde- lande aboundaunce of pines andfirr trees to make mastes and deals boards, pitch, tar, rosen; hempefor cables and cordage; and upp within the Graunde Baye excedinge quantitie of all kinde of precious furres. " Such a catalogue of resources led him to conclude that "all the commodities of our olde decayed and daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa and Asia haunted by us, may in short space and for little or nothinge, in a manner be had in that part of America which lieth between 30 and 60 degrees of northerly latitude." Even after repeated expeditions had discounted OPENING THE DOOR 5 the exuberant optimism of this description, the Englishmen's faith did not wane. While for many years there lurked in the mind of the Londoner, the hope that some of the products of the Levant might be raised in the fertile valleys of Virginia, the prac- tical English temperament none the less began promptly to appease itself with the products of the vast forests, the masts, the tar and pitch, the furs; with the fish from the coast waters, the abundant cod, herring, and mackerel; nor was it many years before tobacco, indigo, sugar, cotton, maize, and other commodities brought to the merchants of England a great American commerce. The first attempts to found colonies in the coun- try by Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ra- leigh were pitiable failures. But the settlement on the James in 1607 marked the beginning of a nation. What sort of nation? What race of peo- ple? Sir Walter Raleigh, with true English ten- acity, had said after learning of the collapse of his own colony, "I shall yet live to see it an English nation." The new nation certainly was English in its foundation, whatever may be said of its superstruc- ture. Virginia, New England, Maryland, the Caro- linas, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Georgia were begun by Englishmen; and New England, Virginia, 6 OUR FOREIGNERS and Maryland remained almost entirely English throughout the seventeenth century and well into the eighteenth. These colonies reproduced, in so far as their strange and wild surroundings permitted, the towns, the estates, and the homes of English- men of that day. They were organized and gov- erned by Englishmen under English customs and laws; and the Englishman's constitutional liberties were their boast until the colonists wrote these rights and privileges into a constitution of their own. "Foreigners" began early to straggle into the colonies. But not until the eighteenth century was well under way did they come in appreciable numbers, and even then the great bulk of these non- English newcomers were from the British Isles of Welsh, Scotch, Irish, and Scotch-Irish extraction. These colonies took root at a time when profound social and religious changes were occurring in Eng- land. Churchmen and dissenters were at war with each other; autocracy was struggling to survive the representative system; and agrarianism was con- tending with a newly created capitalism for eco- nomic supremacy. The old order was changing. In vain were attempts made to stay progress by labor laws and poor laws and corn laws. The laws rather served to fill the highways with vagrants, OPENING THE DOOR 7 vagabonds, mendicants, beggars, and worse. There was a general belief that the country was over- populated. For the restive, the discontented, the ambitious, as well as for the undesirable surplus, the new colonies across the Atlantic provided a welcome outlet. To the southern plantations were lured those to whom land-owning offered not only a means of livelihood but social distinction. As word was brought back of the prosperity of the great estates and of the limitless areas awaiting cultivation, it tempted hi substantial numbers those who were dis- satisfied with their lot: the yeoman who saw no es- cape from the limitations of his class, either for himself or for his children; the younger son who dis- dained trade but was too poor to keep up family pretensions; professional men, lawyers, and doctors, even clergymen, who were ambitious to become landed gentlemen; all these felt the irresistible call of the New World. The northern colonies were, on the other hand, settled by townfolk, by that sturdy middle class which had wedged its way socially between the aristocracy and the peasantry, which asserted it- self politically hi the Cromwellian Commonwealth and later became the industrial master of trade 8 OUR FOREIGNERS and manufacture. These hard-headed dissenters founded New England. They built towns and al- most immediately developed a profitable trade and manufacture. With a goodly sprinkling of uni- versity men among them, they soon had a college of their own. Indeed, Harvard graduated its first class as early as 1642. Supplementing these pioneers, came mechanics and artisans eager to better their condition. Of the serving class, only a few came willingly. These were the "free-willers" or "redemptioners," who sold their services usually for a term of five years to pay for their passage money. But the great mass of unskilled labor necessary to clear the forests and do the other hard work so plentiful in a pioneer land came to America under duress. Kidnaping or "spiriting" achieved the perfection of a fine art under the second Charles. Boys and girls of the poorer classes, those wretched waifs who thronged the streets of London and other towns, were hustled on board ships and virtually sold into slavery for a term of years. It is said that in 1670 alone ten thousand persons were thus kidnaped; and one kidnaper testified in 1671 that he had sent five hundred persons a* year to the colonies for twelve years and another that he had sent 840 in one year. OPENING THE DOOR 9 Transportation of the idle poor was another com- mon source for providing servants. In 1663 an act was passed by Parliament empowering Justices of the Peace to send rogues, vagrants, and "sturdy beggars" to the colonies. These men belonged to the class of the unfortunate rather than the vicious and were the product of a passing state of soci- ety, though criminals also were deported. Virginia and other colonies vigorously protested against this practice, but their protests were ignored by the Crown. When, however, it is recalled that in those years the list of capital offenses was appalling in length, that the larceny of a few shillings was pun- ishable by death, that many of the victims were deported because of religious differences and po- litical offenses, then the stigma of crime is erased. And one does not wonder that some of these trans- ported persons rose to places of distinction and honor in the colonies and that many of them be- came respected citizens. Maryland, indeed, re- cruited her schoolmasters from among their ranks. Indentured service was an institution of that time, as was slavery. The lot of the indentured servant was not ordinarily a hard one. Here and there masters were cruel and inhuman. But in a new country where hands were so few and work 10 OUR FOREIGNERS so abundant, it was wisdom to be tolerant and humane. Servants who had worked out their time usually became tenants or freeholders, often mov- ing to other colonies and later to the interior be- yond the "fall line," where they became pioneers in their turn. The most important and influential influx of non- English stock into the colonies was the copious stream of Scotch-Irish. Frontier life was not a new experience to these hardy and remarkable people. Ulster, when they migrated thither from Scotland in the early part of the seventeenth century, was a wild moorland, and the Irish were more than un- friendly neighbors. Yet these transplanted Scotch changed the fens and mires into fields and gardens; in three generations they had built flourishing towns and were doing a thriving manufacture in linens and woolens. Then England, in her mercan- tilist blindness, began to pass legislation that aimed to cut off these fabrics from English competition. Soon thousands of Ulster artisans were out of work. Nor was their religion immune from English attack, for these Ulstermen were Presbyterians. These civil, religious, and economic persecutions thereupon drove to America an ethnic strain that has had an influence upon the character of the nation far out OPENING THE DOOR 11 of proportion to its relative numbers. In the long list of leaders in American politics and enterprise and in every branch of learning, Scotch-Irish names are common. There had been some trade between Ulster and the colonies, and a few Ulstermen had settled on the eastern shore of Maryland and in Virginia be- fore the close of the seventeenth century. Between 1714 and 1720, fifty-four ships arrived in Boston with immigrants from Ireland. They were care- fully scrutinized by the Puritan exclusionists. Cot- ton Mather wrote in his diary on August 7, 1718: "But what shall be done for the great number of people that are transporting themselves thither from ye North of Ireland? " And John Winthrop, speaking of twenty ministers and their congregar tions that were expected the same year, said, "I wish their coming so over do not prove f atall in the End." They were not welcome, and had, evi- dently, no intention of burdening the towns. Most of them promptly moved on beyond the New England settlements. The great mass of Scotch-Irish, however, came to Pennsylvania, and in such large numbers that James Logan, the Secretary of the Province, wrote to the Proprietors in 1729: "It looks as if Ireland 12 OUR FOREIGNERS is to send all its inhabitants hither, for last week not less than six ships arrived, and every day two or three arrive also. " r These colonists did not re- main in the towns but, true to their traditions, pushed on to the frontier. They found their way over the mountain trails into the western part of the colony; they pushed southward along the fertile plateaus that terrace the Blue Ridge Mountains and offer a natural highway to the South; into Vir- ginia, where they possessed themselves of the beau- tiful Shenandoah Valley; into Maryland and the Carolinas; until the whole western frontier, from Georgia to New York and from Massachusetts to Maine, was the skirmish line of the Scotch-Irish taking possession of the wilderness. The rebellions of the Pretenders in Scotland in 1715 and 1745 and the subsequent break-up of the clan system produced a considerable migration to the colonies from both the Highlands and the Lowlands. These new colonists settled largely in the Carolinas and in Maryland. The political * In 1773 and 1774 over thirty thousand came. In the latter year Benjamin Franklin estimated the population of Pennsyl- vania at 850,000, of which number one-third was thought to be Scotch-Irish. John Fiske states that half a million, all told, ar- rived in the colonies before 1776, " making not less than one-sixth part of our population at the time of the Revolution. " OPENING THE DOOR 13 prisoners, of whom there were many in consequence of the rebellions, were sold into service, usually for a term of fourteen years. In Pennsylvania the Welsh founded a number of settlements in the neighborhood of Philadelphia. There were Irish servants in all the colonies and in Maryland many Irish Catholics joined their fellow Catholics from England. In 1683 a group of religious refugees from the Rhineland founded Germantown, near Philadel- phia. Soon other German communities were started in the neighboring counties. Chief among these German sectarians were the Mennonites, fre- quently called the German Quakers, so nearly did their religious peculiarities match those of the fol- lowers of Penn; the Dunkers, a Baptist sect, who seem to have come from Germany boot and bag- gage, leaving not one of then* number behind; and the Moravians, whose missionary zeal and gentle demeanor have made them beloved in many lands. The peculiar religious devotions of the sectarians still left them time to cultivate their inclination for literature and music. There were a few distin- guished scholars among them and some of the finest examples of early American books bear the imprint of their presses. 14 OUR FOREIGNERS This modest beginning of the German invasion was soon followed by more imposing additions. The repeated strategic devastations of the Rhenish Palatinate during the French and Spanish wars re- duced the peasantry to beggary, and the medieval social stratification of Germany reduced them to virtual serfdom, from which America offered emancipation. Queen Anne invited the harassed peasants of this region to come to England, whence they could be transferred to America. Over thirty thousand took advantage of the opportunity in the years 1708 and 1709. * Some of them found occupation in England and others in Ireland, but the majority migrated, some to New York, where they settled in the Mohawk Valley, others to the Carolinas, but far more to Pennsylvania, where, with an instinct born of generations of contact with the soil, they sought out the most promising areas in the limestone valleys of the eastern part of that colony, cleared the land, built their solid homes and ample barns, and clung to their language, customs, and religion so tenaciously that to this day their descendants are called "Pennsylvania Dutch." After 1717 multitudes of German peasants were 'John Fiskc: The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, vol. II. p. 351. OPENING THE DOOR 15 lured to America by unscrupulous agents called "new-landers" or "soul-stealers," who, for a com- mission paid by the shipmaster, lured the peasant to sell his belongings, scrape together or borrow what he could, and migrate. The agents and cap- tains then saw to it that few arrived in Philadelphia out of debt. As a result the immigrants were sold to "soul-drivers," who took them to the interior and indentured them to farmers, usually of their own race. These redemptioners, as they were called, served from three to five years and generally received fifty acres of land at the expiration of their service. On the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV in 1685 French Protestants fled in vast numbers to England and to Holland. Thence many of them found their way to America, but very few came hither directly from France. South Carolina, Virginia, New York, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts were favored by those noble refu- gees, who included in their numbers not only skilled artisans and successful merchants but dis- tinguished scholars and professional men in whose veins flowed some of the best blood of France. They readily identified themselves with the indus- tries and aspirations of the colonies and at once 16 OUR FOREIGNERS became leaders in the professional and business life in their communities. In Boston, in Charleston, in New York, and in other commercial centers, the names of streets, squares, and public buildings at- test their prominence in trade and politics. Few names are more illustrious than those of Paul Re- vere, Peter Faneuil, and James Bowdoin of Mas- sachusetts; John Jay, Nicholas Bayard, Stephen DeLancey of New York; Ellas Boudinot of New Jersey; Henry Laurens and Francis Marion of South Carolina. Like the Scotch-Irish, these French Prot- estants and their descendants have distinguished themselves for their capacity for leadership. The Jews came early to New York, and as far back as 1691 they had a synagogue in Manhattan. The civil disabilities then so common in Europe were not enforced against them in America, except that they could not vote for members of the legis- lature. As that body itself declared in 1737, the Jews did not possess the parliamentary franchise in England, and no special act had endowed them with this right in the colonies. The earliest repre- sentatives of this race in America came to New Amsterdam with the Dutch and were nearly all Spanish and Portuguese Jews, who had found refuge in Holland after their wholesale expulsion OPENING THE DOOR 17 from the Iberian peninsula in 1492. Rhode Island, too, and Pennsylvania had a substantial Jewish population. The Jews settled characteristically in the towns and soon became a factor in commercial enterprise. It is to be noted that they contributed liberally to the patriot cause in the Revolution. While the ships bearing these many different stocks were sailing westward, England did not gain possession of the whole Atlantic seaboard without contest. The Dutch came to Manhattan in 1623 and for fifty years held sway over the imperial valley of the Hudson. It was a brief interval, as history goes, but it was long enough to stamp upon the town of Manhattan the cosmopolitan character it has ever since maintained. Into its liberal and con- genial atmosphere were drawn Jews, Moravians, and Anabaptists; Scotch Presbyterians and Eng- lish Nonconformists ; Waldenses from Piedmont and Huguenots from France. The same spirit that made Holland the lenient host to political and religious refugees from every land in that restive age charac- terized her colony and laid the foundations of the great city of today. England had to wrest from the Dutch their ascendancy in New Netherland, where they split in twain the great English colonies of New England and of the South and controlled 18 OUR FOREIGNERS the magnificent harbor at the mouth of the Hud- son, which has since become the water gate of the nation. While the English were thus engaged in estab- lishing themselves on the coast, the French girt them hi by a strategic circle of forts and trading posts reaching from Acadia, up the St. Lawrence, around the Great Lakes, and down the valley of the Mississippi, with outposts on the Ohio and other important confluents. When, after the final struggle between France and Britain for world empire, France retired from the North American continent, she left to England all her possessions east of the Mississippi, with the exception of a few insignificant islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the West Indies; and to Spain she ceded New Orleans and her vast claims beyond the great river. Thus from the first, the lure of the New World beckoned to many races, and to every condition of men. By the time that England's dominion spread over half the northern continent, her col- onies were no longer merely English. They were the most cosmopolitan areas in the world. A few European cities had at times been cities of refuge, but New York and Philadelphia were more than mere temporary shelters to every creed. Nowhere OPENING THE DOOR 19 else could so many tongues be heard as in a stroll down Broadway to the Battery. No European commonwealths embraced in their citizenry one- half the ethnic diversity of the Carolinas or of Pennsylvania. And within the wide range of his American domains, the English King could point to one spot or another and say: "Here the Span- iards have built a chaste and beautiful mission; here the French have founded a noble city; here my stubborn Roundheads have planted a whole nest of commonwealths; here my Dutch neigh- bors thought they stole a march on me, but I fore- stalled them; this valley is filled with Germans, and that plateau is covered with Scotch-Irish, while the Swedes have taken possession of all this region." And with a proud gesture he could add, "But every- where they read then* laws in the King's English and acknowledge my sovereignty. " Against the shifting background of history these many races of diverse origin played their individual parts, each contributing its essential characteris- tics to the growing complex of a new order of society in America. So on this stage, broad as the western world, we see these men of different strains subduing a wilderness and welding its di- verse parts into a great nation, stretching out the 20 OUR FOREIGNERS eager hand of exploration for yet more land, bring- ing with arduous toil the ample gifts of sea and for- est to the townsfolk, hewing out homesteads in the savage wilderness, laboring faithfully at forge and shipyard and loom, bartering in the market place, putting the fear of God into their children and the fear of their own strong right arm into him whoso- ever sought to oppress them, be he. Red Man with his tomahawk or English King with his Stamp Act. CHAPTER II THE AMERICAN STOCK IN the history of a word we may frequently find a fragment, sometimes a large section, of univer- sal history. This is exemplified in the term American, a name which, in the phrase of George Washington, "must always exalt the pride of patriotism" and which today is proudly borne by a hundred million people. There is no ob- scurity about the origin of the name America. It was suggested for the New World in 1507 by Martin Waldseemiiller, a German geographer at the French college of Saint-Die. In that year this savant printed a tract, with a map of the world or mappemonde, recognizing the dubious claims of discovery set up by Amerigo Vespucci and naming the new continent after him. At first applied only to South America, the name was afterwards extended to mean the northern conti- nent as well; and in time the whole New World, 21 22 OUR FOREIGNERS from the Frozen Ocean to the Land of Fire, came to be called America. Inevitably the people who achieved a prepon- derating influence in the new continent came to be called Americans. Today the name Ameri- can everywhere signifies belonging to the United States, and a citizen of that country is called an American. This unquestionably is geographically anomalous, for the neighbors of the United States, both north and south, may claim an equal share in the term. Ethnically, the only real Americans are the Indian descendants of the aboriginal races. But it is futile to combat universal usage: the World War has clinched the name upon the inhabitants of the United States. The American army, the American navy, American physicians and nurses, American food and clothing these are phrases with a definite geographical and ethnic meaning which neither academic ingenuity nor race rivalry can erase from the memory of mankind. This chapter, however, is to discuss the Ameri- can stock, and it is necessary to look farther back than mere citizenship; for there are millions of American citizens of foreign birth or parentage who, though they are Americans, are clearly not of any American stock. THE AMERICAN STOCK 23 At the time of the Revolution there was a defi- nite American population, knit together by over two centuries of toil in the hard school of frontier life, inspired by common political purposes, speak- ing one language, worshiping one God in divers manners, acknowledging one sovereignty, and com- plying with the mandates of one common law. Through their common experience in subduing the wilderness and in wresting their independence from an obstinate and stupid monarch, the English colo- nies became a nation. Though they did not ful- fill Raleigh's hope and become an English nation, they were much more English than non-English, and these Revolutionary Americans may be called today, without abuse of the term, the original American stock. Though they were a blend of various races, a cosmopolitan admixture of ethnic strains, they were not more varied than the original admixture of blood now called English. We may, then, properly begin our survey of the racial elements in the United States by a brief scru- tiny of this American stock, the parent stem of the American people, the great trunk, whose roots have penetrated deep into the human experience of the past and whose branches have pushed upward and outward until they spread over a whole continent. 24 OUR FOREIGNERS The first census of the United States was taken in 1790. More than a hundred years later, in 1909, the Census Bureau published A Century of Popu- lation Growth in which an attempt was made to as- certain the nationality of those who comprised the population at the taking of the first census. In that census no questions of nativity were asked. This omission is in itself significant of the homo- geneity of the population at that time. The only available data, therefore, upon which such a calcu- lation could be made were the surnames of the heads of families preserved in the schedules. A careful analysis of the list disclosed a surprisingly large number of names ostensibly English or Brit- ish. Fashions in names have changed since then, and many that were so curious, simple, or fantas- tically compounded as to be later deemed undigni- fied have undergone change or disappeared. x 1 Among the names which have quite vanished were those per- taining to household matters, such as Hash, Butter, Waffle, Booze, Frill, Shirt, Lace; or describing human characteristics, as Booby, Dunce, Sallow. Daft, Lazy, Measley, Rude; or parts of the body and its ailments, as Hips, Bones, Chin, Glands, Gout, Corns, Physic; or representing property, as Shingle, Gutters, Pump, Milkhouse, Desk, Mug, Auction, Hose, Tallow. Nature also was drawn upon for a large number of names. The colors Black. Brown, and Gray survive, but Lavender, Tan, and Scarlet have gone out of vogue. Bogs, Hazelgrove, Woodyfield, Oysterbanks, Chestnut, Pinks, Ragbush, Winterberry, Peach, Walnut, Freeze, THE AMERICAN STOCK 25 Upon this basis the nationality of the white popu- lation was distributed among the States in accord- ance with Table A printed on pages 26-27. Three of the original States are not represented in this table: New Jersey, Delaware, and Georgia. The schedules of the First Census for those States were not preserved. The two new States of Ken- tucky and Tennessee are also missing from the list. Estimates, however, have been made for these missing States. For Delaware, the schedules of the Second Cen- sus, 1800, survived. As there was little growth and very little change in the composition of the population during this decade, the Census Bureau used the later figures as a basis for calculating the population in 1790. Of three of the missing South- ern States the report says: "The composition of the white population of Georgia, Kentucky, and of the district subsequently erected into the State of Tennessee is also unknown; but in view of the fact that Georgia was a distinctly English colony, and that Tennessee and Kentucky were settled largely Coldair, Bear, Tails, Chick, Bantam, Stork, Worm, Snake, and Maggot indicate the simple origin of many names. There were many strange combinations of Christian names and surnames: Peter Wentup, Christy Forgot, Unity Bachelor, Booze Still, Cut- lip Hoof, and Wanton Bump left little to the imagination. OUR FOREIGNERS RDINO TO NATIONALITT second, the percentage. The O S V < *i 3 ** H a a H 5 00 O O O o m i o a> ( t- oo oo o 00 >^ * 05 CM C 30 ^ o^ rH O * l- 1-4 X ao 9 * o l-H t- O -! ^ ^ o * ^i ^ o o a 1 a 3 ) O 00 00 00 3 9 z "3 a OQ H M 2 jq a B J H 89 ? fl'S 5 < filljj'i ;1 < THE AMERICAN STOCK q i- p co eo pi* a p^ oi d d co co o co co oo oo pi c oT co" of of o* ,J< Pi a coooocooooo t- I-I O) 00 t-p-i 0* * * CD i 05 00 O 00 >O co BJ * | pi rji Tfi 5 OJ 00 00 pi P o" "O CO 00 PI O) O pi s~ ^ pi O> 90 O 00 00 * _ fe o 00 PI 0> O O 01 o 2 o 00 PI o ** O a 00 pi oo oo t- pi Oft B co pi o oo 5 t* co e oo oo_ cp^ o oo o 00 0) O oT oo oof cc? oo >* 00 * 0) 0< o O pi O O) CO C6 0) - I* 0< O O * d g o pi 00 5 K pi pi OS PI O) Tfi CO * OJ OS "* 00 C CO i oc oo oo co co s 00 of *3 PI 00 CM PI ^ t- 00 CM "* 00 os^Pit-a>oo ^ o * CO O O O O CO Z 9 J M a> 00 O O CO CO CO O O CO PI O a o 3 CO O 5 O Ol *> 00 CO 0) ** co" O OO M5 PI O) o t~ Pi Pi CM pi hi H .8 3 *<8 3 ^ O A 00 H .2 E pfl C3 fc 4^ cd 00 J3 q "g CD ^ ^ | fllnSll o ^s 28 OUR FOREIGNERS TABLE B COMPUTED DISTRIBUTION OP WHITE POPULATION, 1790, ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY, IN EACH STATE FOR WHICH SCHEDULES ABE MISSING NATIONALITY NEW JERSEY DELAWARE GEORGIA AH Nationalities 169,954 100.0 46,310 100.0 52,886 100.0 English 98,620 58.0 39,966 86.3 43,948 83.1 Scotch 18,156 7.7 3,473 7.5 5,923 11.2 Irish 12,099 7.1 1,806 3.9 1,216 2.3 Dutch 21,581 12.7 463 1.0 106 0.2 French 3,565 2.1 232 0.5 159 0.3 German 15,678 9.2 185 0.4 1,481 2.8 All others* 5,255 3.1 185 0.4 53 0.1 NATIONALITY KENTUCKY TENNESSEE All Nationalities 61,133 100.0 31,913 100.0 English 50,802 83.1 26,519 83.1 Scotch 6,847 11.2 3,574 11.2 Irish 1,406 2.3 734 2.3 Dutch 122 0.2 64 0.2 French 183 0.3 96 0.3 German 1.712 2.8 894 2.8 All others* 61 0.1 32 0.1 * Including Hebrews. from Virginia and North Carolina, the application of the North Carolina proportions to the white population of these three results in what is doubt- less an approximation of the actual distribution. " THE AMERICAN STOCK 29 New Jersey presented a more complex problem. Here were Welsh and Swedes, Finns and Danes, as well as French, Dutch, Scotch, Irish, and English. A careful analysis was made of lists of freeholders, and other available sources, in the various counties. The results of these computations in the States from which nc schedules of the First Census sur- vive are given in Table B printed on page 28. The calculations for the entire country in 1790, based upon the census schedules of the States from which reports are still available and upon estimates for the others are summed up in the following manner: Number and per cent distribution of the white population, 1790: Nationality Number Per Cent All Nationalities 3,172,444 100.0 English 2,605,699 82.1 Scotch 221,562 7.0 Irish 61,534 1.9 Dutch 78,959 2.5 French 17,619 0.6 German 176,407 5.6 All others 10,664 0.3 To this method of estimating nationality, it will at once be objected that undue prominence is given 30 OUR FOREIGNERS to the derivation of the surname, an objection fully understood by those who made the estimate and one which deprives their conclusions of strict scien- tific verity. In a new country, where the popula- tion is in a constant flux and where members of a community composed of one race easily migrate to another part of the country and fall in with people of another race, it is very easy to modify the name to suit new circumstances. We know, for instance, that Isaac Isaacks of Pennsylvania was not a Jew, that the Van Buskirks of New Jersey were German, not Dutch, that D'Aubigne was early shortened into Dabny and Aulnay into Olney. So also many a Brown had been Braun, and several Blacks had once been only Schwartz. Even the universal Smith had absorbed more than one original Schmidt. These rather exceptional cases, however, probably do not vitiate the general conclusion here made as to the British and non-British element in the popu- lation of America, for the Dutch, the German, the French, and the Swedish cognomens are character- istically different from the British. But the dif- ferentiation between Irish, Welsh, Scotch, Scotch- Irish, and English names is infinitely more difficult. The Scotch-Irish particularly have challenged the conclusions reached by the Census Bureau. They THE AMERICAN STOCK 31 claim a much larger proportion of the original bulk of our population than the seven per cent included under the heading Scotch. Henry Jones Ford con- siders the conclusions as far as they pertain to the Scotch-Irish as "fallacious and untrustworthy." "Many Ulster names," he says, 1 "are also com- mon English names. . . . Names classed as Scotch or Irish were probably mostly those of Scotch-Irish families. . . . The probability is that the Eng- lish proportion should be much smaller and that the Scotch-Irish, who are not included in the Census Bureau's classification, should be much larger than the combined proportions allotted to the Scotch and the Irish." Whatever may be the actual proportions of these British elements, as revealed by a study of the patronymics of the population at the time of Amer- ican independence, the fact that the ethnic stock was overwhelmingly British stands out most prom- inently. We shall never know the exact ratios be- tween the Scotch and the English, the Welsh and the Irish blended in this hardy, self-assertive, and fecund strain. But we do know that the lan- guage, the political institutions, and the common law as practiced and established in London had a 1 The Scotch-Irish in America, pp. 219-20. 32 OUR FOREIGNERS predominating influence on the destinies of the Unit- ed States. While the colonists drifted far from the religious establishments of the mother country and found her commercial policies unendurable and her political hauteur galling, they nevertheless retained those legal and institutional forms which remain the foundation of Anglo-Saxon life. For nearly hah* a century the American stock re- mained almost entirely free from foreign admixture. It is estimated that between 1790 and 1820 only 250,000 immigrants came to America, and of these the great majority came after the War of 1812. The white population of the United States in 1820 was 7,862,166. Ten years later it had risen to 10,537,378. This astounding increase was almost wholly due to the fecundity of the native stock. The equitable balance between the sexes, the ease of acquiring a home, the vigorous pioneer environ- ment, and the informal frontier social conditions all encouraged large families. Early marriages were encouraged. Bachelors and unmarried women were rare. Girls were matrons at twenty-five and grand- mothers at forty. Three generations frequently dwelt in one homestead. Families of five persons were the rule; families of eight or ten were common, while families of fourteen or fifteen did not elicit THE AMERICAN STOCK 33 surprise. It was the father's ambition to leave a farm to every son and, if the neighborhood was too densely settled easily to permit this, there was the West always the West. This was a race of nation builders. No sooner had he made the Declaration of Independence a real- ity than the eager pathfinder turned his face towards the setting sun and, prompted by the instincts of conquest, he plunged into the wilderness. Within a few years western New York and Pennsylvania were settled; Kentucky achieved statehood in 1792 and Tennessee four years later, soon to be followed by Mississippi in 1817 and Alabama in 1819. The great Northwest Territory yielded Ohio in 1802, Indiana in 1816, Illinois in 1818, and Michigan in 1837. Beyond the Mississippi the empire of Lou- isiana doubled the original area of the Republic; Louisiana came into statehood in 1812 and Mis- souri in 1821. Texas, Oregon, and the fruits of the Mexican War extended its confines to the Western Sea. Incredibly swift as was this march of the Stars, the American pioneer was always in advance. The pathfinders were virtually all of American stock. The States admitted to the Union prior to 1840 were not only founded by them; they were almost wholly settled by them. When the influx of 34 OUR FOREIGNERS foreigners began in the thirties, they found all the trails already blazed, the trading posts established, and the first terrors of the wilderness dispelled. They found territories already metamorphosed in- to States, counties organized, cities established. Schools, churches, and colleges preceded the immi- grants who were settlers and not strictly pioneers. The entire territory ceded by the Treaty of 1783 was appropriated in large measure by the American before the advent of the European immigrant. Washington, with a ring of pride, said in 1796 that the native population of America was "fill- ing the western part of the State of New York and the country on the Ohio with their own sur- plusage. " And James Madison in 1821 wrote that New England, " which has sent out such a contin- ued swarm to other parts of the Union for a number of years, has continued at the same time, as the cen- sus shows, to increase in population although it is well known that it has received but comparatively few emigrants from any quarter." Beyond the Mississippi, Louisiana, with its Creole population, was feeling the effect of American migration. A strange restlessness, of the race rather than of the individual, possessed the American frontiers- man. He moved from one locality to another, but THE AMERICAN STOCK 35 always westward, like some new migratory species that had willingly discarded the instinct for return- ing. He never took the back trail. A traveler, writing in 1791 from the Ohio Valley, rather super- ficially observed that "the Americans are lazy and bored, often moving from place to place for the sake of change; in the thirty years that the [western] Pennsylvania neighborhood has been settled, it has changed owners two or three times. The sight of money will tempt any American to sell and off he goes to a new country. " Foreign observers of that time constantly allude to this universal and inex- plicable restiveness. It was obviously not laziness, for pioneering was a man's task; nor boredom, for the frontier was lonely and neighbors were far apart. It was an ever-present dissatisfaction that drove this perpetual conqueror onward a mysterious impulse, the urge of vague and unfulfilled desires. He went forward with a conquering ambition in his heart; he believed he was the forerunner of a great National Destiny. Crude rhymes of the day voice this feeling: So shall the nation's pioneer go joyful on his way, To wed Penobscot water to San Francisco Bay. The mighty West shall bless the East, and sea shall answer sea, 36 OUR FOREIGNERS And mountain unto mountain call, praise God, for we are free! Again a popular chorus of the pathfinder rang: Then o'er the hills in legions, boys; Fair freedom's star Points to the sunset regions, boys, Ha, Ha, Ha-ha! Many a New Englander cleared a farm in west- ern New York, Ohio, or Indiana, before settling finally in Wisconsin, Iowa, or Minnesota, whence he sent his sons on to Dakota, Montana, Oregon, and California. From Tennessee and Kentucky large numbers moved into southern Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and across the river into Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas. Abraham Lincoln's father was one of these pioneers and tried his luck in vari- ous localities in Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. Nor had the movement ceased after a century of continental exploitation. Hamlin Garland in his notable autobiography, A Son of the Middle Border, brings down to our own day the evidence of this na- tive American restiveness. His parents came of New England extraction, but settled in Wisconsin. His father, after his return from the Civil War, moved to Iowa, where he was scarcely ensconced THE AMERICAN STOCK 37 before an opportunity came to sell his place. The family then pushed out farther upon the Iowa prairie, where they "broke" a farm from the prime- val turf. Again, in his ripe age, the father found the urge revive and under this impulse he moved again, this time to Dakota, where he remained long enough to transform a section of prairie into wheat land before he took the final stage of his western journeyings to southern California. Here he was surrounded by neighbors whose migration had been not unlike his own, and to the same sunny region another relative found his way "by way of a long trail through Iowa, Dakota, Montana, Oregon, and North California. " When the last frontier had vanished, it was seen that men of this American stock had penetrated into every valley, traversed every plain, and ex- plored every mountain pass from Atlantic to Paci- fic. They organized every territory and prepared each for statehood. It was the enterprise of these sons and grandsons and great-grandsons of the Revolutionary Americans, obeying the restless im- pulse of a pioneer race, who spread a network of settlements and outposts over the entire land and prepared it for the immigrant invasion from Europe. Owing to this influx of foreigners, the American 38 OUR FOREIGNERS stock has become mingled with other strains, especi- ally those from Great Britain. The Census Bureau estimated that in 1900 there were living in the United States approximately thirty-five million white people who were descended from persons enumerated in 1790. If these thirty- five million were distributed by nationality accord- ing to the proportions estimated for 1790, the result would appear as follows: English 28,735,000 Scotch 2,450,000 Irish 665,000 Dutch 875,000 French 210,000 German 1,960,000 All others 105,000 In 1900 there were also thirty-two million descend- ants of white persons who had come to the United States after the First Census, yet of these over twenty million were either foreign born or the chil- dren of persons born abroad. If this ratio of in,- crease remained the same, the American stock would apparently maintain its own, even in the midst of twentieth century immigration. But the birth rate of the foreign stock, especially among the recent comers, is much higher than of the na- tive American stock. Conditions have so changed THE AMERICAN STOCK 39 that, according to the Census, the American peo- ple "have concluded that they are only about one-half as well able to rear children at any rate, without personal sacrifice under the con- ditions prevailing in 1900 as their predecessors proved themselves to be under the conditions which prevailed in 1790." The difficulty of ascertaining ethnic influences increases immeasurably when we pass from the physical to the mental realm. There are subtle interplays of delicate forces and reactions from en- vironment which no one can measure. Leadership nevertheless is the gift of but few races; and in the United States eminence in business, in statecraft, hi letters and learning can with singular directness be traced in a preponderating proportion to this American stock. In 1891 Henry Cabot Lodge published an essay on The Distribution of Ability in the United States, 1 based upon the 15,514 names in Appleton's Cyclo- pcedia of American Biography (1887) . He " treated as immigrants all persons who came to the United States after the adoption of the Constitution," and on this division he found 14,243 "Americans" 1 See The Century Magazine, September, 1891, and Lodge's Historical and Political Essays, 1892. 40 and 1271 follows : OUR FOREIGNERS 'immigrants," distributed racially as AMERICANS IMMIGRANTS English Scotch-Irish 10,376 1439 English German German 659 Irish Huguenot Scotch 589 436 Scotch Scotch-Irish Dutch 336 French Welsh 159 Canadian and Irish 109 British Colonial French 85 Scandinavian Scandinavian 31 Welsh Spanish Italian 7 7 Belgian Swiss Swiss 5 Dutch Greek 3 Polish Russian Polish 1 1 Hungarian Italian Greek Russian Spanish Portuguese 345 245 200 151 88 63 60 18 16 15 15 14 13 11 10 3 2 1 1 Of the total number of individuals selected, a large number were chosen by the editors as being of enough importance to entitle them to a small por- trait in the text, and fifty-eight persons who had achieved some unusual distinction were accorded THE AMERICAN STOCK 41 a full-page portrait. These, however, represented achievement rather than ability, for they included the Presidents of the United States and other political personages. Of the total number selected for the distinction of a small portrait, 1200 were "Americans " and 71 " immigrants. " Of the 1200 "Americans," 856 were of English extraction, 129 Scotch-Irish, 57 Huguenot, 45 Scotch, 39 Dutch, 37 German, 15 Welsh, 13 Irish, 6 French, and one each of Scandinavian, Spanish, and Swiss. Of the "immigrants" 15 were English, 14 German, 11 Irish, 8 Scotch-Irish, 7 Scotch, 6 Swiss, 4 French, 3 from Spanish Provinces, and 1 each from Scan- dinavia, Belgium, and Poland. All the 58 whose full-page portraits are presumed to be an index to unusual prominence were found to be "Americans" and by race extraction they were distributed as follows: English 41, Scotch-Irish 8, Scotch 4, Welsh 2, Dutch, Spanish, and Irish 1 each. Whatever may be said in objection to this index of ability (and Senator Lodge effectively answered his critics in a note appended to this study in his volume of Historical and Political Essays), it is apparent that a large preponderance of leadership in American politics, business, art, literature, and learning has been derived from the American stock. 42 OUR FOREIGNERS This is a perfectly natural result. The founders of the Republic themselves were in large degree the children of the pick of Europe. The Puritan, Cavalier, Quaker, Scotch-Irish, Huguenot, and Dutch pioneers were not ordinary folk in any sense of the term. They were, in a measure, a race of heroes. Their sons and grandsons inherited their vigor and their striving. It is not at all singular that every President of the United States and every Chief Justice of the Federal Supreme Court has come from this stock, nor that the vast majority of Cabinet members, of distinguished Senators, of Speakers of the House, and of men of note in the House of Representatives trace back to it their lin- eage in whole or in part. After the middle of the nineteenth century the immigrant vote began to make itself felt, and politicians contended for the "Irish vote" and the " German vote'* and later for the "Italian vote," the "Jewish vote," and the "Norwegian vote." Members of the immigrant races began to appear in Washington, and the new infusion of blood made itself felt in the political life of the country. But, if material were available for a compre- hensive analysis of American leadership in life and thought today, a larger number of names of THE AMERICAN STOCK 43 non-native origin would no doubt appear than was disclosed in 1891 by Senator Lodge's analysis. All the learned professions, for instance, and many lines of business are finding their numbers swelled by persons of foreign parentage. This change is to be expected. The influence of environment, es- pecially of free education and unfettered oppor- tunity, is calling forth the talents of the children of the immigrants. The number of descendants from the American stock yearly becomes relatively less; intermarriage with the children of the foreign born is increasingly frequent. Profound changes have taken place since the American pioneers pushed then* way across the Alleghanies; changes infinitely more profound have taken place even since the dawn of the twentieth century and have put to the test of Destiny the institutions which are called "American." Nevertheless in a large sense every great tradi- tion of the original American stock lives today: the tradition of free movement, of initiative and enter- prise; the tradition of individual responsibility; the primary traditions of democracy and liberty. These give a virile present meaning to the name American. A noted French journalist received this impression of a group of soldiers who in 1918 were bivouacked 44 OUR FOREIGNERS in his country: "I saw yesterday an American unit in which men of very varied origin abounded French, Polish, Czech, German, English, Cana- dian such their names and other facts revealed them. Nevertheless, all were of the same or simi- lar type, a fact due apparently to the combined in- fluences of sun, air, primary education, and environ- ment. And one was not long in discovering that the intelligence of each and all had manifestly a wider outlook than that of the man of single ra- cial lineage and of one country." And these men were Americans. CHAPTER III THE NEGRO NOT many years ago a traveler was lured into a London music hall by the sign : Spirited American Singing and Dancing. He saw on the stage a sex- tette of black-faced comedians, singing darky rag- time 'to the accompaniment of banjo and bones, dancing the clog and the cakewalk, and reciting negro stories with the familiar accent and smile, all to the evident delight of the audience. The man in the seat next to him remarked, "These Amer- icans are really lively. " Not only in England, but on the continent, the negro's melodies, his dialect, and his banjo, have always been identified with America. Even Americans do not at once think of the negro as a foreigner, so accustomed have they become to his presence, to his quaint mythology, his soft accent, and his genial and accommodating nature. He was to be found in every colony before the Re volution; he was an integral part of American 45 46 OUR FOREIGNERS economic life long before the great Irish and German immigrations, and, while in the mass he is confined to the South, he is found today in every State in the Union. The negro, however, is racially the most dis- tinctly foreign element in America. He belongs to a period of biological and racial evolution far removed from that of the white man. His habi- tat is the continent of the elephant and the lion, the mango and the palm, while that of the race into whose state he has been thrust is the continent of the horse and the cow, of wheat and the oak. There is a touch of the dramatic in every phase of the negro's contact with America : his unwilling com- ing, his forcible detention, his final submission, his emancipation, his struggle to adapt himself to free- dom, his futile competition with a superior economic order. Every step from the kidnaping, through "the voiceless woe of servitude" and the attempted redemption of his race, has been accompanied by tragedy. How else could it be when peoples of two such diverse epochs in racial evolution meet? His coming was almost contemporaneous with that of the white man. "American slavery," says Charming, 1 "began with Columbus, possibly 1 Hittory of the United States, vol. I. p. 116. THE NEGRO 47 because he was the first European who had a chance to introduce it: and negroes were brought to the New World at the suggestion of the saintly Las Casas to alleviate the lot of the unhappy and fast disappearing red man." They were first em- ployed as body servants and were used extensively in the West Indies before their common use in the colonies on the continent. In the first plantations of Virginia a few of them were found as laborers. In 1619 what was probably the first slave ship on that coast it was euphemistically called a "Dutch man-of-war" landed its human cargo in Virginia. From this time onward the numbers of African slaves steadily increased. Bancroft es- timated their number at 59,000 in 1714, 78,000 in 1727, and 263,000 in 1754. The census of 1790 re- corded 697,624 slaves in the United States. This almost incredible increase was not due alone to the fecundity of the negro. It was due, in large measure, to the unceasing slave trade. It is difficult to imagine more severe ordeals than the negroes endured in the day of the slave trade. Their captors in the jungles of Africa usually neighboring tribesmen in whom the instinct for capture, enslavement, and destruction was untamed soon learned that the aged, the inferior, the 48 OUR FOREIGNERS defective, were not wanted by the trader. These were usually slaughtered. Then followed for the less fortunate the long and agonizing march to the sea- board. Every one not robust enough to endure the arduous journey was allowed to perish by the way. On the coast, the agent of the trader or the middle- man awaited the captive. He was an expert at de- tecting those evidences of weakness and disease which had eluded the eye of the captor or the rigor of the march. "An African factor of fair repute," said a slave captain, 1 "is ever careful to select his human cargo with consummate prudence, so as not only to supply his employers with athletic laborers, but to avoid any taint of disease. " B ut the severest test of all was the hideous "middle passage" which remained to every imported slave a nightmare to the day of his death. The unhappy captives were crowded into dark, unventilated holds and were fed scantily on food which was strange to their lips; they were unable to understand the tongue of their masters and often unable to understand the dia- lects of their companions in misfortune; they were depressed with their helplessness on the limitless sea, and their childish superstitions were fed by a 1 Captain Canot: or Twenty Yeart in a Slaver, by Brantz Mayer, p. 94 ff. THE NEGRO 49 thousand new terrors and emotions. It was small wonder that, when disease began its ravages in the shipload of these kidnaped beings, "the mortality of thirty per cent was not rare. " That this was primarily a physical selection which made no allow- ance for mental aptitudes did not greatly diminish in the eyes of the master the slave's utility. The new continent needed muscle power; and so tens of thousands of able-bodied Africans were landed on American soil, alien to everything they found there. These slaves were kidnaped from many tribes. "In our negro population," says Tillinghast, "as it came from the Western Coast of Africa, there were Wolofs and Fulans, tall, well-built, and very black, hailing from Senegambia and its vicinity; there were hundreds of thousands from the Slave Coast Tshis, Ewes, and Yorubans, including Dahomians; and mingled with all these Soudanese negroes proper were occasional contributions of mixed stock, from the north and northeast, having an infusion of Moorish blood. There were other thousands from Lower Guinea, belonging to Bantu stock, not so black in color as the Soudanese, and thought by some to be slightly superior to them. "* No historian has recorded these tribal differences. 1 The Negro in Africa and America, p. 118. 4 50 OUR FOREIGNERS The new environment, so strange, so ruthless, swallowed them; and, in the welter of their toil, the black men became so intermingled that all tribal distinctions soon vanished. Here and there, how- ever, a careful observer may still find among them a man of superior mien or a woman of haughty de- meanor denoting perhaps an ancestral prince or princess who once exercised authority over some African jungle village. Slavery was soon a recognized institution in every American colony. By 1665 every colony had its slave code. In Virginia the laws became increasingly strict until the dominion of the master over his slaves was virtually absolute. In South Carolina an insurrection of slaves in 1739, which cost the lives of twenty-one whites and forty-four blacks, led to very drastic laws. Of the Northern colonies, New York seems to have been most in fear of a black peril. In 1700 there were about six thou- sand slaves in this colony, chiefly in the city, where there were also many free negroes, and on the large estates along the Hudson. Twice the white people of the city for reasons that have not been preserved, believing that slave insurrections were imminent, resorted to extreme and brutal measures. In 1712 they burned to death two negroes, hanged in chains THE NEGRO 51 a third, and condemned a fourth to be broken on the wheel. In 1741 they went so far as to burn fourteen negroes, hang eighteen, and transport seventy-one. In New England where their numbers were rel- atively small and the laws were less severe, the negroes were employed chiefly in domestic service. In Quaker Pennsylvania there were many slaves, the proprietor himself being a slave owner. Ten years after the founding of Philadelphia, the au- thorities ordered the constables to arrest all ne- groes found "gadding about" on Sunday without proper permission. They were to remain in jail until Monday, receiving in lieu of meat or drink thirty-nine lashes on the bare back. Protests against slavery were not uncommon during the colonial period; and before the Revolu- tion was accomplished several of the States had emancipated their slaves. Vermont led the way in 1777; the Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in the Northwest Territory; and by 1804 all the Northern States had provided that their blacks should be set free. The opinion prevailed that slavery was on the road to gradual extinction. In the Federal Convention of 1787 this belief was crystallized into the clause making possible the prohibition of the slave trade after the year 1808. Mutual benefit 52 OUR FOREIGNERS organizations among the negroes, both slave and free, appeared in many States, North and South. Negro congregations were organized. The num- ber of free negroes increased rapidly, and in the Northern States they acquired such civil rights as industry, thrift, and integrity commanded. Here and there colored persons of unusual gifts distin- guished themselves in various callings and were even occasionally entertained in white households. The industrial revolution in England, with its spinning jenny and power loom, indirectly influ- enced the position of the negro in America. The new machinery had an insatiable maw for cotton. It could turn such enormous quantities of raw fiber into cloth that the old rate of producing cotton was entirely inadequate. New areas had to be placed under cultivation. The South, where soil and cli- mate combined to make an ideal cotton land, came into its own. And when Eli Whitney's gin was perfected, cotton was crowned king. Statistics tell the story: the South produced about 8000 bales of cotton in 1790; 650,000 bales in 1820; 2,469,093 bales in 1850; 5,387,052 bales in 1860. ' This vast i Coman, Industrial History of the United State*, p. 238. Bogart gives the figures as 1,976,000 bales in 1840, and 4.675,000 bales in 1860. Economic History of the United States, p. 256. THE NEGRO 53 increase in production called for human muscle which apparently only the negro could supply. Once it was shown that slavery paid, its status became fixed as adamant. The South forthwith ceased weakly to apologize for it, as it had formerly done, and began to defend it, at first with some hesitation, then with boldness, and finally with vehe- ment aggressiveness. It was economically neces- sary ; it was morally right ; it was the peculiar South- ern domestic institution ; and, above all, it paid. On every basis of its defense, the cotton kingdom would brook no interf erence from any other section of the country. So there was formed a race feudality in the Republic, rooted in profits, protected by the political power of the slave lords, and enveloped in a spirit of defiance and bitterness which reacted without mercy upon its victims. Tighter and tighter were drawn the coils of restrictions around the enslaved race. The mind and the soul as well as the body were placed under domination. They might marry to breed but not to make homes. Such charity and kindness as they experienced, they received entirely from individual humane masters; society treated them merely as chattels. Attempted insurrections, such as that in South Carolina in 1822 and that in Virginia in 1831 in 54 OUR FOREIGNERS which many whites and blacks were killed, only produced harsher laws and more cruel punishments, until finally the slave became convinced that his only salvation lay in running away. The North Star was his beacon light of freedom. A few thou- sand made their way southward through the chain of swamps that skirt the Atlantic coast and min- gled with the Indians in Florida. Tens of thou- sands made their way northward along well recog- nized routes to the free States and to Canada: the Appalachian ranges with their far-spreading spurs furnished the friendliest of these highways; the Mississippi Valley with its marshlands, forests, and swamps provided less secure hiding places; and the Cumberland Mountains, well supplied with lime- stone caves, offered a third pathway. At the north- ern end of these routes the "Underground Rail- way" 1 received the fugitives. From the Cumber- lands, leading through the heart of Tennessee and Kentucky, this benevolent transfer stretched through Ohio and Indiana to Canada; from south- ern Illinois it led northward through Wisconsin; and from the Appalachian route mysterious byways led through New York and New England. 1 See The Anti-Slavery Crutade, by Jesse Macy (in The Chronicle* of America), Chapter vm. THE NEGRO 55 How many thus escaped cannot be reckoned, but it is known that the number of free negroes in the North increased so rapidly that laws discriminating against them were passed in many States. No- where did the negro enjoy all the rights that the white man had. In some States the free negroes were so restricted in settling as to be virtually pro- hibited; in others they were disfranchised; hi others they were denied the right of jury duty or of testify- ing in court. But in spite of this discrimination on the part of the law, a great sympathy for the runa- way slave spread among the people, and the fugitive carried into the heart of the North the venom of the institution of which he was the unhappy victim. Meanwhile the slave trade responded promptly to the lure of gain which the increased demand for cotton held out. The law of 1807 prohibiting the importation of slaves had, from the date of its enactment, been virtually a dead letter. Messages of Presidents, complaints of government attorneys, of collectors and agents called attention to the con- tinuous violation of the law; and its nullity was a matter of common knowledge. When the market price of a slave rose to $325 in 1840 and to $500 after 1850, the increase in profits made slave piracy a rather respectable business carried on by American 56 OUR FOREIGNERS citizens in American built ships flying the American flag and paying high returns on New York and New England capital. Owing to this steady importation there was a constant intermingling of raw stock from the jungles with the negroes who had been slaves in America for several generations. In 1860 there were 4,441,830 negroes in the United States, of whom only 488,070 were free. About thirteen per cent of the total number were mulattoes. Among the four million slaves were men and women of every gradation of experience with civilization, from those who had just disembarked from slave ships to those whose ancestry could be traced to the earliest days of the colonies. It was not, therefore, a strictly homogeneous people upon whom were suddenly and dramatically laid the bur- dens and responsibilities of the freedman. Among the emancipated blacks were not a few in whom there still throbbed vigorously the savage life they had but recently left behind and who could not yet speak intelligible English. Though there were many who were skilled in household arts and in the useful customary handicrafts, large numbers were acquainted only with the simplest toil of the open fields. There were a few free blacks who possessed property, in some instances to the value of many THE NEGRO 5T thousands of dollars, but the great bulk were whol- ly inexperienced in the responsibilities of ownership. There were some who had mastered the rudiments of learning and here and there was to be found a gifted mind, but ninety per cent of the negroes were unacquainted with letters and were strangers to even the most rudimentary learning. Their reli- gion was a picturesque blend of Christian precepts and Voodoo customs. The Freedmen's Bureau, authorized by Congress early in 1865, had as its functions to aid the negro to develop self-control and self-reliance, to help the freedman with his new wage contracts, to befriend him when he appeared in court, and to provide for him schools and hospitals. It was a simple, slen- der reed for the race to lean upon until it learned to walk. But it interfered with the orthodox opinion of that day regarding individual independence and was limited to the period of war and one year there- after. It was eyed with suspicion and was regarded with criticism by both the keepers of the laissez faire faith and the former slave owners. It estab- lished a number of schools and made a modest be- ginning in peasant proprietorship and free labor. 1 1 See The Sequel of Appomattox. by Walter L. Fleming (in The Chronicles of America), Chapter IV. 58 OUR FOREIGNERS When this temporary guide was withdrawn, pri- vate organizations to some extent took its place. The American Missionary Association continued the educational work, and volunteers shouldered other benevolences. But no power and no organ- ization could take the place of the national author- ity. If the Freedmen's Bureau could have been stripped of those evil-intentioned persons who used it for private gain, been so organized as to enlist the support of the Southern white population, and been continued until a new generation of blacks were prepared for civil life, the colossal blunders and criminal misfits of that bitter period of tran- sition might have been avoided. But political opportunism spurned comprehensive plans, and the negro suddenly found himself forced into social, political, and economic competition with the white man. The social and political struggle that followed was short-lived. There were a few desperate years under the domination of the carpetbagger and the Ku Klux Klan, a period of physical coer- cion and intimidation. Within a decade the negro vote was uncast or uncounted, and the grandfather clauses soon completed the political mastery of the former slave owner. A strict interpretation of the THE NEGRO 59 Civil Rights Act denied the application of the equality clause of the Constitution to social equal- ity, and the social as well as the political separa- tion of the two stocks was also accomplished. "Jim Crow," cars, separate accommodations in depots and theaters, separate schools, separate churches, attempted segregations in cities these are all symbolic of two separate races forcibly united by constitutional amendments. But the economic struggle continued, for the black man, even if politically emasculated and so- cially isolated, had somehow to earn a living. In then* first reaction of anger and chagrin, some of the whites here and there made attempts to reduce freedmen to their former servitude, but their efforts were effectually checked by the Fifteenth Amend- ment. An ingenious peonage, however, was cre- ated by means of the criminal law. Strict statutes were passed by States on guardianship, vagrancy, and petty crimes. It was not difficult to bring charges under these statutes, and the heavy penal- ties attached, together with the wide discretion permitted to judge and jury, made it easy to sub- ject the culprit to virtual serfdom for a term of years. He would be leased to some contractor, who would pay for his keep and would profit by his 60 OUR FOREIGNERS toil. Whatever justification there may have been for these statutes, the convict lease system soon fell into disrepute, and it has been generally abandoned. It was upon the land that the freedman natu- rally sought his economic salvation. He was ex- perienced in cotton growing. But he had neither acres nor capital. These he had to find and turn to his own uses ere he could really be economically free. So he began as a farm laborer, passed through various stages of tenantry, and finally graduated into land ownership. One finds today examples of every stage of this evolution. 1 There is first the farm laborer, receiving at the end of the year a fixed wage. He is often supplied with house and garden and usually with food and clothing. There are many variations of this labor contract. The "cropper" is barely a step advanced above the laborer, for he, too, furnishes nothing but labor, while the landlord supplies house, tools, live stock, and seed. His wage, however, is paid not in cash but in a stipulated share of the crop. From this share he must pay for the supplies received and interest thereon. This method, however, has proved to be a mutually unsatisfactory arrangement ' See The New South by Holland Thompson (in The Chronicle* of America), Chapters iv and vn. THE NEGRO 61 and is usually limited to hard pressed owners of poor land. The larger number of the negro farmers are ten- ants on shares or metayers. They work the land on their own responsibility, and this degree of inde- pendence appeals to them. They pay a stipulated portion of the crop as rent. If they possess some capital and the rental is fair, this arrangement proves satisfactory. But as very few negro metay- ers possess the needed capital, they resort to a sys- tem of crop-lienage under which a local retail mer- chant advances the necessary supplies and obtains a mortgage on the prospective crop. Many negro farmers, however, have achieved the independence of cash renters, assuming complete control of their crops and the disposition of their time. And finally, 241,000 negro farmers are landowners. x By 1910 nearly 900,000 negroes had achieved some degree of rural economic stability. The negro has not been so fortunate in his at- tempts to make a place for himself in the industrial world. The drift to the cities began soon after emancipation. During the first decade, the dis- satisfaction with the landlordism which then pre- vailed, seconded by the demand for unskilled labor 1 Negroes in the United States, Census Bulletin No. 128, p. 37. 62 OUR FOREIGNERS in the rapidly growing cities, drew the negroes from the land in such considerable numbers that the landowners were induced to make more liberal terms to keep the laborers on their farms. While there has been a large increase in the number of ne- groes engaged in agriculture, there has at the same tune been a very marked current from the smaller communities to the new industrial cities of the South and to some of the manuf acturing centers of the North. In recent years there have been whole- sale importations of negro laborers into many Northern cities and towns, sometimes as strike breakers but more frequently to supply the urgent demand for unskilled labor. Many of the smaller manufacturing towns of New York, Ohio, Penn- sylvania, Illinois, and Indiana are accumulating a negro population. Very few of these industrial negroes, however, are skilled workers. They toil rather as ordinary day laborers, porters, stevedores, teamsters, and domestics. There has been a great deal written of the decline of the negro artisan. Walter F. Wil- cox, the eminent statistician, after a careful study of the facts concludes that economically "the negro as a race is losing ground, is being confined more and more to the inferior and less remunerative THE NEGRO 63 occupations, and is not sharing proportionately to his numbers in the prosperity of the country as a whole or of the section in which he mainly lives. " It appears, therefore, that the pathway of eman- cipation has not led the negro out of the ranks of humble toil and into racial equality. In order to equip him more effectively for a place in the world, industrial schools have been established, among which the most noted is the Tuskegee Institute. Its founder, Booker T. Washington, advised his fel- low negroes to yield quietly to the political and so- cial distinctions raised against them and to perfect themselves in handicrafts and the mechanic arts, in the faith that civil rights would ultimately follow economic power and recognized industrial capacity. His teaching received the almost unanimous ap- proval of both North and South. But opinion among his own people was divided, and in 1905 the "Niagara Movement" was launched, followed five years later by the organizing of the National Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Colored People. This organization advised a more aggressive atti- tude towards race distinctions, outspokenly advo- cated race equality, demanded the negro's rights, and maintained a restless propaganda. These champions of the race possibilities of the negro 64 OUR FOREIGNERS point to the material advance made since slavery; to the 500,000 houses and the 221,000 farms owned by them; their 22,000 small retail businesses and their 40 banks; to the 40,000 churches with nearly 4,000,000 members; to the 200 colleges and second- ary schools maintained for negroes and largely sup- ported by them; to their 100 old people's homes, 30 hospitals, 300 periodicals; to the 6000 physicians, dentists, and nurses; the 30,000 teachers, the 18,000 clergymen. They point to the beacon lights of their genius: Frederick Douglass, statesman; J. C. Price, orator; Booker T. Washington, educator; W. E. B. DuBois, scholar; Paul Laurence Dunbar, poet; Charles W. Chestnutt, novelist. And they compare this record of 50 years' achievement with the preceding 245 years of slavery. This, however, is only one side of the shield. There is another side, nowhere better illustrated, perhaps, than in the neglected negro gardens of the South. Near every negro hut is a garden patch large enough to supply the family with vegetables for the entire year, but it usually is neglected. " If they have any garden at all, " says a negro critic from Tuskegee, "it is apt to be choked with weeds and other noxious growths. With every advan- tage of soil and climate and with a steady market if THE NEGRO 65 they live near any city or large town, few of the col- ored farmers get any benefit from this, one of the most profitable of all industries. " In marked con- trast to these wild and unkempt patches are the gardens of the Italians who have recently invaded portions of the South and whose garden patches are almost miraculously productive. And this inva- sion brings a real threat to the future of the negro. His happy-go-lucky ways, his easy philosophy of life, the remarkable ease with which he severs home ties and shifts from place to place, his indifference to property obligations these negative defects in his character may easily lead to his economic doom if the vigorous peasantry of Italy and other lands are brought into competition with him. CHAPTER IV UTOPIAS IN AMERICA AMERICA has long been a gigantic Utopia. To every immigrant since the founding of Jamestown this coast has gleamed upon the horizon as a Prom- ised Land. America, too, has provided convenient plots of ground, as laboratories for all sorts of va- garies, where, unhampered by restrictions and un- annoyed by inquisitive neighbors, enthusiastic dreamers could attempt to reconstruct society. Whenever an eccentric in Europe conceived a social panacea no matter how absurd, he said, " Let's go to America and try it out. " There were so many of these enterprises that then- exact number is un- known. Many of them perished in so brief a time that no friendly chronicler has even saved their names from oblivion. But others lived, some for a year, some for a decade, and few for more than a generation. They are of interest today not only because they brought a considerable number of UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 67 foreigners to America, but also because in their history may be observed many of the principles .of communism, or socialism, at work under favor- able conditions. While the theory of Marxian so- cialism differs in certain details from these com- munistic experiments, the foreign-made nostrums so brazenly proclaimed today wherever malcon- tents are gathered together is in essence nothing new in America. Communism was tried and found wanting by the Pilgrim Fathers; since then it has been tried and found wanting over and over again. Some of the communistic colonies, it will appear, waxed fat out of the resources of their lands; but, in the end, even those which were most fortunate and successful withered away, and their remnants were absorbed by the great competitive life that surrounded them. There were two general types of these communi- ties, the sectarian and the economic. Frequently they combined a peculiar religious belief with the economic practice of having everything in common. The sectarians professed to be neither proselyters nor propagandists but religious devotees, accepting communism as a physical advantage as well as a spiritual balm, and seeking in seclusion and quiet merely to save their own souls. 68 OUR FOREIGNERS The majority of the religious communists came from Germany the home, also, of Marxian so- cialism in later years where persecution was the lot of innumerable little sects which budded after the Reformation. They came usually as whole colonies, bringing both leaders and membership with them. 1 Probably the earliest to arrive in America were the Labadists, who denied the doc- trine of original sin, discarded the Sabbath, and held strict views of marriage. In 1684, under the leadership of Peter Sluyter or Schluter (an assumed name, his original name being Vorstmann), some of these Labadists settled on the Bohemia River in Delaware. They were sent out from the mother colony in West Friesland to select a site for the en- tire body, but it does not appear that any others migrated, for within fifteen years the American 1 As is usual among people who pride themselves on their pecu- liarities there were variations of opinion among these sects which led to schisms. The Mennonites contained at one time no less than eleven distinct branches, among them the Amiah, Old and New, whose ridiculous singularity of dress, in which they dis- carded all ornaments and even buttons, earned them the nick- name " Hooks and Eyes." But no matter how aloof these sects held themselves from the world, or what asceticism they prac- ticed upon themselves, or what spiritual and economic fraternity they displayed to each other, they possessed a remarkable native cunning in bargaining over a bushel of wheat or a shoal, and for a time most of their communities prospered. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 69 colony was reduced to eight men. Sluyter evi- dently had considerable business capacity, for he be- came a wealthy tobacco planter and slave trader. In 1693 Johann Jacob Zimmermann, a distin- guished mathematician and astronomer and the founder of an order of mystics called Pietists, started for America, to await the coming of the millennium, which his calculations placed in the autumn of 1694. But the fate of common mortals overtook the unfortunate leader and he died just as he was ready to sail from Rotterdam. About forty members of his brotherhood settled in the forests on the heights near Germantown, Pennsylvania, and, under the guidance of Johann Kelpius, achieved a unique influence over the German peasantry hi that vicinity. The members of the brother- hood made themselves useful as teachers and in various handicrafts. They were especially in de- mand among the superstitious for their skill in cast- ing horoscopes, using divining rods, and carving po- tent amulets. Their mysterious astronomical tow- er on the heights of the Wissahickon was the Mecca of the curious and the distressed. To the gentle Kelpius was ascribed the power of healing, but he was himself the victim of consumption. The brotherhood did not long survive his death in 1708 70 OUR FOREIGNERS or 1709. Their astrological instruments may now be seen in the collections of the Pennsylvania Philosophical Society. The first group of Dunkards (a name derived from their method of baptism, eintunken, to im- merse) settled in Pennsylvania in 1719. A few years later they were joined by Conrad Beissel (Beizel or Peysel). This man had come to Amer- ica to unite with the Pietist group in Germantown, but, as Kelpius was dead and his followers dispersed he joined the Dunkards. His desires for a monas- tic life drove him into solitary meditation tradi- tion says he took shelter in a cave where he came to the conviction that the seventh day of the week should be observed as the day of rest. This conclusion led to friction with the Dunkards; and as a result, with three men and two women, Beissel founded in 1728 on the Cocalico River, the cloister of Ephrata. From this arose the first communis- tic Eden successfully established in America and one of the few to survive to the present century. Though in 1900 the community numbered only seventeen members, in its prime while Beissel was yet alive it sheltered three hundred, owned a pros- perous paper mill, a grist mill, an oil mill, a fulling mill, a printing press, a schoolhouse, dwellings for ENGLISH FAMILY AT ELLIS ISLAND Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. GREEK CHILD Photograph by Lewis W. Him- for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. MAGYAR BOY Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. OUR FOREIGNERS or 1709. Their astrological lust rumen ts may now be seen in the collections of the Pennsylvania Philosophical Society. The first group of Dunfcc iame derived from their method of baptism, nntunken, to im- merse) mif ft 1 *^ '""'' * A few years later trWJ? WdSrfj* 1 ' (>1 rad Beissel (B-. This man had oome to Amer- ica to unite with the Pietist group in Germantown, as Kelpius was dead and his followers dispersed he joined the Dunkards. His desires for a monas- tic life drove him into solitary meditation tradi- tion says he took shelter in a cave where he came to the conviction that the seventh day of the as a result, with three men and two women, Brissri founded in 17'8on th* of Ephrata. From this arose "ea and "1R to sun - \o\ J Diough in 1900 the sever* twn members, in its pri^WwOflrBeissel was sheltered thre*- hundred, owned a pros- perous paper mill, a grist ro i H, an oil mill, a fulling mill, a printing press, a schoolhonse, dwellings for UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 71 the married members, and large dormitories for the celibates. The meeting-house was built entirely without metal, following literally the precedent of Solomon, who built his temple "so that there was neither hammer nor ax nor any tool of iron heard in the house while it was building." Wooden pegs took the place of nails, and the laths were fastened laboriously into grooves. Averse to riches, Beis- sel's people refused gifts from William Penn, King George III, and other prominent personages. The pious Beissel was a very capable leader, with a pas- sion for music and an ardor for simplicity. He instituted among the unmarried members of the community a celibate order embracing both sexes, and he reduced the communal life of both the reli- gious and secular members to a routine of piety and labor. The society was known, even in England, for the excellence of its paper, for the good work- manship of its printing press, and especially for the quality of its music, which was composed largely by Beissel. His chorals were among the first com- posed and sung in America. His school, too, was of such quality that it drew pupils from Balti- more and Philadelphia. After his death hi 1786, in his seventy-second year, his successor tried for twenty-eight years to maintain the discipline and 72 OUR FOREIGNERS distinction of the order. It was eventually deemed prudent to incorporate the society under the laws of the State and to entrust its management to aboard of trustees, and the cloistered life of the community became a memory. A community patterned after Ephrata was founded in 1800 by Peter Lehman at Snow Hill, in Franklin County, Pennsylvania. It consisted of some forty German men and women living in clois- ters but relieving the monotony of their toil and the rigor of their piety with music. As in Ephrata, there was a twofold membership, the consecrated and the secular. The entire community, however, vanished after the death of its founder. When Beissel's Ephrata was in its heyday, the Moravians, under the patronage of Count Zinzen- dorf of Saxony, established in 1741 a community on the Lehigh River in Pennsylvania, named Beth- lehem in token of their humility. The colony pro- vided living and working quarters for both the married and unmarried members. After about twenty years of experimenting, the communistic regimen was abandoned. Bethlehem, however, continued to thrive, and its schools and its music became widely known. The story of the Harmonists, one of the most sue- UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 73 cessful of all the communistic colonies is even more interesting. The founder, Johann Georg Rapp, had been a weaver and vine gardener in the little village of Iptingen in Wiirttemberg. He drew upon him- self and his followers the displeasure of the Church by teaching that religion was a personal matter be- tween the individual and his God; that the Bible, not the pronouncements of the clergy, should be the guide to the true faith, and that the ordinances of the Church were not necessarily the ordinances of God. The petty persecutions which these doc- trines brought upon him and his fellow separat- ists turned them towards liberal America. In 1803 Rapp and some of his companions crossed the sea and selected as a site for their colony five thousand acres of land in Butler County, Pennsylvania. There they built the new town of Harmony, to which came about six hundred persons, all told. On February 15, 1805 they organized the Harmony Society and signed a solemn agreement to merge all their possessions in one common lot. l Among 1 Under the communal contract, which was later upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States, members agreed to merge their properties and to renounce all claims for services; and the community, on its part, agreed to support the members and to repay without interest, to any one desiring to withdraw, the amount he had put into the common fund. 74 OUR FOREIGNERS them were a few persons of education and property, but most of them were sturdy, thrifty mechanics and peasants, who, under the skillful direction of Father Rapp, soon transformed the forest into a thriving community. After a soul stirring revival in 1807, they adopted celibacy. Those who were married did not separate but lived together in sol- emn self-restraint, "treating each other as brother and sister in Christ." 1 Their belief that the sec- ond coming of the Lord was imminent no doubt strengthened their resolution. At this time, also, the men all agreed to forego the use of tobacco no small sacrifice on the part of hard-working laborers. The region, however, was unfavorable to the growth of the grape, which was the favorite Wiirt- temberg crop. In 1814 the society accordingly sold the communal property for $100,000 and re- moved to a site on the Wabash River, in Indiana, where, under the magic of their industry, the beau- tiful village of New Harmony arose in one year, and where many of their sturdy buildings still remain a testimony to their honest craftsmanship. Un- fortunately, however, two pests appeared which they had not foreseen. Harassed by malaria and 1 Communistic Societies of the United States, by Charles Nord- hoff, p. 73. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 75 meddlesome neighbors, Father Rapp a third time sought a new Canaan. In 1825 he sold the entire site to Robert Owen, the British philanthropic so- cialist, and the Harmonists moved back to Penn- sylvania. They built their third and last home on the Ohio, about twenty miles from Pittsburgh, and called it Economy in prophetic token of the wealth which their industry and shrewdness would soon bring in. The chaste and simple beauty of this village was due to the skill and good taste of Friedrich Rei- chert Rapp, an architect and stone cutter, the adopted son of Father Rapp. The fine proportions of the plain buildings, with their vines festooned be- tween the upper and lower windows, the quaint and charming gardens, the tantalizing labyrinth where visitors lost themselves in an attempt to reach the Summer House these were all of his creation. Friedrich Rapp was also a poet, an artist, and a musician. He gathered a worthy collection of paintings and a museum of Indian relics and ob- jects of natural history. He composed many of the fine hymns which impress every visitor to Economy. He was likewise an energetic and skill- ful business man and represented the colony in its external affairs until his death in 1834. He was 76 OUR FOREIGNERS elected a member of the convention that framed the first constitution of Indiana, and later he was made a member of the legislature. Father Rapp, who possessed rare talents as an organizer, con- trolled the internal affairs of the colony. Those who left the community because unwilling to abide its discipline often pronounced their leader a nar- row autocrat. But there can be no doubt that eminent good sense and gentleness tempered his judgments. He personally led the community in industry, in prayers, and in faith, until 1847, when death removed him. A council of nine elders elected by the members was then charged with the spiritual guidance of the community, and two trus- tees were appointed to administer its business affairs. Economy was a German community where Ger- man was spoken and German customs were main- tained, although every one also spoke English. As there were but few accessions to the community and from time to time there were defections and withdrawals, the membership steadily declined 1 ; 1 The largest membership was attained in 1827, when 522 were enrolled. There were 391 in 1836; 321 in 1846; 170 in 1864; 146 in 1866; 70 in 1879; 34 in 1888; 37 in 1892; 10 in 1897; 8 in 1902, only two of whom were men; and in 1903, three women and one man. The population of Economy, however, was always much larger than the communal membership. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 77 but while the community was dwindling in mem- bership it was rapidly increasing in wealth. Oil and coal were found on some of its lands; the prod- ucts of its mills and looms, of its wine presses and distilleries, were widely and favorably known; and its outside investments, chiefly in manufactories and railroads, yielded even greater returns. These outside interests, indeed, became in time the sole support of the community for, as the membership fell away, the local industries had to be shut down. Then it was that communistic methods of doing business became inadequate and the colony ran in- to difficulties. An expert accountant in 1892 dis- closed the debts of the community to be about one and a half million dollars. But the outside indus- trial enterprises in which the community had in- vested were sound; and the vast debt was paid. The society remained solvent, with a huge surplus, though out of prosperity not of its own making. When the lands at Economy were eventually sold, about eight acres were reserved to the few survivors of the society, including the Great House of Father Rapp and its attractive garden, with the use of the church and dwellings, so that they might spend their last days in the peaceful surroundings that had brought them prosperity and happiness. 78 OUR FOREIGNERS Lead me, Father, out of harm To the quiet Zoar farm If it be Thy will. So sang another group of simple German separat- ists, of whom some three hundred came to America from Wiirttemberg in 1817, under the leadership of Joseph Bimeler (Baumeler) and built the village of Zoar in Tuscarawas County, Ohio. They ac- quired five thousand acres of land and signed ar- ticles of association in April, 1819, turning all their individual property and all their future earnings into a common fund to be managed by an elected board of directors. The community provided its members with their daily necessities and two suits of clothes a year. The members were assigned to various trades which absorbed all their time and left them very little strength for amusement or reading. Their one recreation was singing. The society was bound to celibacy until the marriage of Bimeler to his housekeeper; thereafter marriage was permitted but not encouraged. In 1832 the society was incorporated under the laws of Ohio, and until its dissolution it was man- aged as a corporation. A few Germans joined the society. No American ever requested admission. Joseph Bimeler was elected Agent General and UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 79 thereby became the chosen as well as the natural leader of the community. Like other patriarchs of that epoch who led their following into the wil- derness, he was a man of some education and many gifts. He was the spiritual mentor; but his piety, which was sincere and simple, did not rob him of the shrewdness necessary to material success. His followers were loyally devoted to him. They built for him the largest house in the community, a fine colonial manor house, where he dwelt in compara- tive luxury and reigned as their "King." When he died in 1853 he had seen the prosperity of his colony reach its zenith. It remained small. Scarce- ly more than three hundred members ever dwelt in the village which, in spite of its profusion of vines and flowers, lacked the informal quaintness and originality of Rapp's Economy. The Tuscarawas River furnished power for their flour mill, whose products were widely sought. There was also a woolen mill, a planing mill, a foundry, and a ma- chine shop. The beer made by the community was famous all the country round, and for a time its pottery and tile works turned out interesting and quaint products. But one by one these small industries succumbed to the competition of the greater world. At last even an alien brew 80 OUR FOREIGNERS supplanted the good local beer. When the railroad tapped the village, and it was incorporated (1884) and assumed an official worldliness with its mayor and councilmen, it lost its isolation, summer visi- tors flocked in, and a "calaboose" was needed for the benefit of the sojourners ! The third generation was now grown. A num- ber of dissatisfied members had left. Many of the children never joined the society but found work elsewhere. A great deal of the work had to be done by hired help. Under the leadership of the younger element it was decided in 1898 to abandon communism. Appraisers and surveyors were set to work to parcel out the property. Each of the 136 members received a cash dividend, a home in the village, and a plot of land. The average val- ue of each share, which was in the neighborhood of $1500, was not a large return for three generations of communistic experimentation. But these had been, after allj years of moderate competence and quiet contentment, and if they took their toll in the coin of hope, as their song set forth, then these simple Wiirttembergers were fully paid. The Inspirationists were a sect that made many converts in Germany, Holland, and Switzerland in the eighteenth century. They believed in direct UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 81 revelations from God through chosen "instru- ments." In 1817, a new leader appeared among them in the person of Christian Metz, a man of great personal charm, worldly shrewdness, and spiritual fervor. Allied with him was Barbara Heynemann, a simple maid without education, who learned to read the Scriptures after she was twenty- three years of age. Endowed with the peculiar gift of "translation, " she was cherished by the sect as an instrument of God for revealing His will. To this pair came an inspiration to lead their harassed followers to America. In 1842 they pur- chased the Seneca Indian Reservation near Buffalo, New York. They called their new home Ebenezer, and in 1843 they organized the Ebenezer Society, under a constitution which pledged them to com- munism. Over eight hundred peasants and ar- tisans joined the colony, and their industry soon had created a cluster of five villages with mills, workshops, schools, and dwellings. But they were continually annoyed by the Indians from whom they had purchased the site and were distracted by the rapidly growing city of Buffalo, which was only five miles away! This threat of worldliness brought a revelation that they must seek greater seclusion. A large tract 82 OUR FOREIGNERS on the Iowa River was purchased, and to this new site the population was gradually transferred. There they built Amana. Within a radius of six miles, five subsidiary villages sprang up, each one laid out like a German dorf, with its cluster of shops and mills, and the cottages scattered informally on the main road. When the railway tapped the neighborhood, the community in self-defense purchased the town that contained the railway station. So when the good Christian Metz died in 1867, at the age of seventy-two, his pious followers, thanks to his sagac- ity, were possessed of some twenty-six thousand acres of rich Iowa land and seven thriving villages, comfortably housing about 1400 of the faithful. Barbara Heynemann died in 1883, and since her death no "instrument" has been found to disclose the will of God. But many ponderous tomes of "revelations" have survived and these are faith- fully read and their naive personal directions and inhibitions are still generally obeyed. The Bible, however, remains the main guide of these people, and they follow its instructions with childish liter- alism. Until quite recently they clung to the simple dress and the austere life of their earlier years. The solidarity of the community has been maintained with rare skill. The "Great Council UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 83 of the Brethren" upon whom is laid the burden of directing all the affairs, has avoided government by mass meeting, discouraged irresponsible talk and criticism, and, as an aristocracy of elders, has shrewdly controlled the material and spiritual life of the community. The society has received many new members. There have been accessions from Zoar and Econ- omy and one or two Americans have joined. The "Great Council," in its desire to maintain the homogeneity of the group, rejects the large num- ber of applications for membership received every year. Over sixty per cent of the young people who have left the community to try the world have come back to "colony trousers" or "colony skirts," symbols of the complete submergence of the individual. Celibacy has been encouraged but never en- joined, and the young people are permitted to marry, if the Spirit gives its sanction, the Elders their consent, and if the man has reached the age of twenty-four years. The two sexes are rigidly separated in school, in church, at work, and in the communal dining rooms. Each family lives in a house, but there are communal kitchens, where f meals are served to groups of twenty or more. 84 OUR FOREIGNERS Every member receives an annual cash bonus vary- ing from $25 to $75 and a pass book to record his credits at the "store." The work is doled out among the members, who take pride in the quality rather than in the quantity of their product. All forms of amusement are forbidden; music, which flourished in other German communities, is sup- pressed; and even reading for pleasure or informa- tion was until recently under the ban. The only symbols of gayety in the villages are the flowers, and these are everywhere in lavish abun- dance, softening the austere lines of the plain and unpainted houses. No architect has been allowed to show his skill, no artist his genius, in the shap- ing of this rigorous life. But its industries flour- ish. Amana calico and Amana woolens are known in many markets. The livestock is of the finest breeds; the products of the fields and orchards are the choicest. But the modern visitor wonders how long this prosperity will be able to maintain that isolation which alone insured the communal soli- darity. Already store clothes are being worn, pho- tographs are seen on the walls, "worldly " furniture is being used, libraries, those openers of closed minds, are in every schoolhouse, and newspapers and magazines are ** allowed," UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 85 The experiences of Eric Janson and his devotees whom he led out of Sweden to Bishop Hill Colony, in Illinois, are replete with dramatic and tragic details. Janson was a rugged Swedish peasant, whose eloquence and gift of second sight made him the prophet of the Devotionalists, a sect that at- tempted to reestablish the simplicity of the primi- tive church among the Lutherans of Scandinavia. Driven from pillar to post by the relentless hatred of the Established Church, they sought refuge in America, where Janson planned a theocratic social- istic community. Its communism was based en- tirely upon religious convictions, for neither Janson nor any of his illiterate followers had heard of the politico-economic systems of French reformers. Over one thousand young and vigorous peasants followed him to America. The first contingent of four hundred arrived in 1846 and spent their first winter in untold miseries and privations, with barely sufficient food, but with enough spiritual fervor to kindle two religious services a day and three on Sunday. Attacking the vast prairies with their primitive implements, harvesting grain with the sickle and grinding it by hand when their water power gave out, sheltering themselves in tents and caves, enduring agues and fevers, hunger and cold, 86 OUR FOREIGNERS the majority still remained loyal to the leader whose eloquence fired them with a sustaining hope. Thrift, unremitting toil, the wonderful fertility of the prairie, the high price of wheat, flax, and broom corn, were bound to bring prosperity. In 1848 they built a huge brick dormitory and dining hall, a great frame church, and a number of smaller dwellings. Improved housing at once told on the general health, though in the next year a scourge of cholera, introduced by some newcomer, claimed 143 members. In the meantime John Root, an adventurer from Stockholm, who had served in the American army, arrived at the colony and soon fell in love with the cousin of Eric Janson. The prophet gave his con- sent to the marriage on condition that, if at any time Root wished to leave the colony, his wife should be permitted to remain if she desired. A written agreement acknowledged Root's consent to these conditions. He soon tired of a life for which he had not the remotest liking, and, failing to entice his wife away with him, he kidnaped her and forcibly detained her in Chicago, whence she was rescued by a valiant band of the colonists. In retaliation the irate husband organized a mob of frontiers folk to drive out the fanatics as they had a UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 87 short time before driven out Brigham Young and his Mormons. But the neighbors of the colonists, having learned their sterling worth, came to the rescue. Root then began legal proceedings against Janson. In May, 1850, while in court the rene- gade deliberately shot and killed the prophet. The community in despair awaited three days the re- turn to life of the man whom they looked upon as a representative of Christ sent to earth to rebuild the Tabernacle. Janson had been a very poor manager, how- ever, and the colony was in debt. In order quick- ly to obtain money, he had sent Jonas Olsen, the ablest and strongest of his followers, to Califor- nia to seek gold to wipe out the debt. Upon hear- ing of the tragedy, Olsen hastened back to Bish- op Hill and was soon in charge of affairs. In 1853 he obtained for the colony a charter of in- corporation which vested the entire management of the property in seven trustees. These men, under the by-laws adopted, became also the spirit- ual mentors, and the colonists, unacquainted with democratic usages in government, submitted will- ingly to the leadership of this oligarchy. A new era of great material prosperity now set in. The vil- lage was rebuilt. The great house was enlarged so 88 OUR FOREIGNERS that all the inhabitants could be accommodated in its vast communal dining room . Trees were planted along the streets. Shops and mills were erected, and a hotel became the means of introducing strangers to the community. Meanwhile Olsen was growing more and more arbitrary and, after a bitter controversy, he im- posed celibacy upon the members. This was the beginning of the end. One of the trustees, Olaf Jansen, a good-natured peasant who could not keep his accounts but who had a peasant's sagacity for a bargain, wormed his way into financial con- trol. He wanted to make the colony rich, but he led it to the verge of bankruptcy. He became a speculator and promoter. Stories of his shortcom- ings were whispered about and in 1860 the peasant colony revolted and deposed Olaf from office. He then had himself appointed receiver to wind up the corporation's affairs, and in the following year the communal property was distributed. Every mem- ber, male and female, thirty-five years of age re- ceived a full share which "consisted of 22 acres of land, one timber lot of nearly 2 acres, one town lot, and an equal part of all barns, houses, cattle, hogs, sheep or other domestic animals and all farm- ing implements and household utensils." Those UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 89 under thirty-five received according to their age. Had these shares been unencumbered, this would have represented a fair return for their labor. But Olaf had made no half-way business of his financial ambitions, and the former members who now were melting peacefully and rather contentedly into the general American life found themselves saddled with his obligations. The "colony case" became famous among Illinois lawyers and dragged through twelve years of litigation. Thus the glowing fra- ternal communism of poor Janson ended in the drab discord of an American lawsuit. In 1862 the followers of Jacob Hutter, a Men- nonite martyr who was burned at the stake in Innsbruck in the sixteenth century, founded the Old Elmspring Community on the James River in South Dakota. During the Thirty Years' War these saintly Quaker-like German folk had found refuge in Moravia, whence they had been driven into Hungary, later into Rumania, and then in- to Russia. As their objection to military serv- ice brought them into conflict with the Czar's government, they finally determined to migrate to America. In 1874 they had all reached South Dakota, where they now live in five small communities. Scarcely four hundred all told, 90 OUR FOREIGNERS they cling to their ancient ambition to keep them- selves "unspotted from the world,'* and so have evolved a self-sustaining communal life, char- acterized by great simplicity of dress, of speech, and of living. They speak German and refrain entirely from voting and from other political ac- tivity. They are farmers and practise only those handicrafts which are necessary to their own com- munal welfare. While most of these German sectarian communi- ties had only a slight economic effect upon the United States, their influence upon immigration has been extensive. In the early part of the last cen- tury, it was difficult to obtain authentic news con- cerning America in the remote hamlets of Europe. All sorts of vague and grotesque notions about this country were afloat. Every member of these com- munities, when he wrote to those left behind, be- came a living witness of the golden opportunities offered in the new land. And, unquestionably, a considerable share of the great German influx in the middle of the nineteenth century can be traced to the dissemination of knowledge by this means. Mikkelsen says of the Jansonists that their "letters home concerning the new country paved the way for that mighty tide of Swedish immigration which UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 91 in a few years began to roll in upon Illinois and the Northwest." The Shakers are the oldest and the largest com- munistic sect to find a congenial home in America. The cult originated in Manchester, England, with Ann Lee, a " Shaking Quaker,'* who never learned to read or write but depended upon revelation for doctrine and guidance. "By a direct revelation, " says the Shaker Compendium, she was "instructed to come to America. " Obedient to the vision, she sailed from Liverpool in the summer of 1774, ac- companied by six men and two women, among whom were her husband, a brother, and a niece. This little flock settled in the forests near Albany, New York. Abandoned by her husband, the prophetess went from place to place, proclaiming her peculiar doctrines. Soon she became known as "Mother Ann " and was reputed to have supernat- ural powers. At the time of her death in 1784 she had numerous followers in western New England and eastern New York. In 1787 they founded their first Shaker commu- nity at Mount Lebanon. Within a few years other societies were organized in New York, Massachu- setts, New Hampshire, Maine, and Connecticut. On the wave of the great religious revival at the 92 OUR FOREIGNERS beginning of the nineteenth century their doc- trines were carried west. The cuit achieved its highest prosperity in the decade following 1830, when it numbered eighteen societies and about six thousand members. In shrewd and capable hands, the sect soon had both an elaborate system of theology based upon the teachings of Mother Ann and also an effec- tive organization. The communal life, ordaining celibacy, based on industry, and constructed in the strictest economy, achieved material prosper- ity and evidently brought spiritual consolation to those who committed themselves to its isolation. Although originating in England, the sect is con- fined wholly to America and has from the first re- cruited its membership almost wholly from native Americans. Another of these social experiments was the Onei- da Community and its several ephemeral branches. Though it was of American origin and the members were almost wholly American, it deserves passing mention. The founder, John Humphrey Noyes, a graduate of Dartmouth and a Yale divinity student, conceived a system of communal life which should make it possible for the individual to live without sin. This perfectionism, he believed, necessitated UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 93 the abolition of private property through com- munism, the abolition of sickness through com- plete cooperation of the individual with God, and the abolition of the family through a "scientific" cooperation of the sexes. The Oneida Communi- ty was financially very prosperous. Its "stirpicul- ture," Noyes's high-sounding synonym for free love, brought it, however, into violent conflict with public opinion, and in 1879 "complex marriages" gave way to monogamous families. In the follow- ing year the communistic holding of property gave way to a joint stock company, under whose skill- ful management the prosperity of the community continues today. The American Utopias based upon an assumed economic altruism were much more numerous than those founded primarily upon religion but, as they were recruited almost wholly from Americans, they need engage our attention only briefly. There were two groups of economic communistic experi- ments, similar in their general characteristics but differing in their origin. One took its inspiration directly from Robert Owen, the distinguished phi- lanthropist and successful cotton manufacturer of Scotland; the other from Fourier, the noted French social philosopher. 94 OUR FOREIGNERS In 1825 Robert Owen purchased New Harmony, Rapp's village in Indiana and its thirty thousand appurtenant acres. When Owen came to America he was already famous. Great throngs flocked to hear this practical man utter the most visionary sentiments. At Washington, for instance, he lec- tured to an auditory that included great senators and famous representatives, members of the Su- preme Court and of the Cabinet, President Monroe and Adams, the President-elect. He displayed to his eager hearers the plans and specifications of the new human order, his glorified apartment house with all the external paraphernalia of selective human perfection drawn to scale. For a brief period New Harmony was the com- munistic capital of the world. It was discussed everywhere and became, says its chronicler, "the rendezvous of the enlightened and progressive people from all over the United States and north- ern Europe." It achieved a sort of motley cosmo- politanism. A " Boat Load of Knowledge " carried from Pittsburgh the most distinguished group of scientists that had hitherto been brought togeth- er in America. It included William Maclure, a Scotchman who came to America, at the age of thirty-three, ambitious to make a geological survey UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 95 of the country and whose learning and energy soon earned him the title of "Father of American Geology"; Thomas Say, "the Father of American Zoology"; Charles Alexander Lesueur, a distin- guished naturalist from the Jardin des Plantes of Paris; Constantine S. Rafinesque, a scientific nomad whose studies of fishes took him everywhere and whose restless spirit forbade him remaining long anywhere; Gerard Troost, a Dutch scientist who later did pioneer work in western geology; Joseph Neef, a well-known Pestalozzian educa- tor, together with two French experts in that sys- tem; and Owen's four brilliant sons. A few artists and musicians and all sorts of reformers, including Fanny Wright, an ardent and very advanced suf- fragette, joined these scientists in the new Eden. Owen had issued a universal invitation to the "in- dustrious and well disposed," but his project of- fered also the lure of a free meal ticket for the improvident and the glitter of novelty for the restless. "I am come to this country," Owen said in his opening words at New Harmony, "to introduce an entire new state of society, to change it from the ignorant, selfish system to an enlightened social system, which shall gradually unite all interests 96 CUB FOREIGNERS into one, and remove all causes for contests between individuals. " * But the germs of dissolu- tion were already present in the extreme individ- uality of the members of this new society. Here was no homogeneous horde of docile German peasants waiting to be commanded. What Father Rapp could do, Owen could not. The sifting proc- ess had begun too late. Seven different constitu- tions issued in rapid succession attempted in vain to discover a common bond of action. In less than two years Owen's money was gone, and nine hun- dred or more disillusioned persons rejoined the more individualistic world. Many of them sub- sequently achieved distinction in professional and public callings. Owen's widely advertised experi- ment was fecund, however, and produced some eleven other short-lived communistic attempts, of which the most noted were at Franklin, Haver- straw, and Coxsackie in New York, Yellow Springs and Kendal in Ohio, and Forestville and Macluria in Indiana. Fourier-ism found its principal apostle in this country in Arthur Brisbane, whose Social Destiny of Man, published in 1840, brought to America the French philosopher's naive, social regimen of 1 The New Harmony Movement, by G. B. Lock wood, p. 83. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 97 reducing the world of men to simple units called phalanxes, whose barrack-like routine should insure plenty, equality, and happiness. Horace Greeley, with characteristic, erratic eagerness, pounced upon the new gospel, and Brisbane obtained at once a wide circle of sympathetic readers through the Tribune. Thirty-four phalanxes were organ- ized in a short time, most of them with an incred- ible lack of foresight. They usually lasted until the first payment on the mortgage was due, though a few weathered the buffetings of fortune for sev- eral years. Brook Farm in Massachusetts and the Wisconsin phalanx each endured six years, and the North American phalanx at Red Bank, New Jersey, lasted thirteen years. Icaria is a romantic sequel to the Owen and Fourier colonies. It antedated Brisbane's revival of Fourierism, was encouraged by Owenism, sur- vived both, and formed a living link between the utopianism of the early nineteenth century and * the utilitarian socialism of the twentieth. Etienne Cabet was one of those interesting Frenchmen whose fertile minds and instinct for rapid ac- tion made France during the nineteenth century kaleidoscopic with social and political events. Though educated for the bar, Cabet devoted 98 OUR FOREIGNERS himself to social and political reform. As a young man he was a director in that powerful secret order, the Carbonari, and was elected to the French cham- ber of deputies, but his violent attitude toward the Government was such that in 1834 he was obliged to flee to London to escape imprisonment. Here, unmolested, he devoted himself for five years to so- cial and historical research. He returned to France in 1839 and in the following year published his Voyage en Icarie, a book that at once took its place by the side of Sir Thomas More's Utopia. Cabet pictured in his volume an ideal society where plenty should be a substitute for poverty and equal- ity a remedy for class egoism. So great was the cogency of his writing that Icaria became more than a mere vision to hundreds of thousands in those years of social ferment and democratic aspi- rations. From a hundred sources the demand arose to translate the book into action. Cabet there- upon framed a constitution and sought the means of founding a real Icaria. After consulting Robert Owen, he unfortunately fell into the clutches of some Cincinnati land speculators and chose a site for his colony in the northeastern part of Texas. When the announcement was made in his paper, Le Populaire, the responses were so numerous UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 99 that Cabet believed that "more than a million cob'perators" were eager for the experiment. In February, 1848, sixty-nine young men, all carefully selected volunteers, were sent forth from Havre as the vanguard of the contemplated exodus. But the movement was halted by the turn of great events. Twenty days after the young men sailed, the French Republic was proclaimed, and in the fervor and distraction of this immediate political victory the new and distant Utopia seemed to thousands less alluring than it had been before. The group of young volunteers, however, reached America. After heart-rending disillusionment in the swamps and forests of Louisiana and on the raw prairies of Texas, they made then* way back to New Orleans in time to meet Cabet and four hundred Icarians, who arrived early in 1849. The Gallic instinct for factional differences soon began to as- sert itself in repeated division and subdivision on the part of the idealists. One-half withdrew at New Orleans to work out their individual salvation. The remainder followed Cabet to the deserted Mor- mon town of Nauvoo, Illinois, where vacant houses offered immediate shelter and where they enjoyed an interval of prosperity. The French genius for music, for theatricals, and for literature relieved 100 OUR FOREIGNERS them from the tedium that characterized most co- operative colonies. Soon their numbers increased to five hundred by accessions which, with few exceptions, were French. But Cabet was not a practical leader. His pam- phlet published in German in 1854, entitled // / had half a million dollars, reveals the naivete of his mind. He wanted to find money, not to make it. The society soon became involved in a controversy in which Cabet's immediate following were out- numbered. The minority petulantly stopped work- ing but continued to eat. "The majority decided that those who would not work should not eat . . . and gave notice that those who absented them- selves from labor would be cut off from rations. " f As a result, Cabet, in 1856, was expelled from his own Icaria! With 170 faithful adherents he went to St. Louis, and there a few days later he died. The minority buried their leader, but their faith in communal life survived this setback. At Chelten- ham, a suburb of St. Louis, they acquired a small estate, where proximity to the city enabled the mem- bers to get work. Here they lived together six years before division disrupted them permanently. 1 /carts, A Chapter in the Hiitory of Communism, by Albert Shaw, p. 68. UTOPIAS IN AMERICA 101 At Nauvoo in the meantime there had been other secessions, and the property, in 1857, was in the hands of a receiver. The plucky and determined remnant, however, removed to Iowa, where on the prairie near Corning they planted a new Icaria. Here, by hard toil and in extreme poverty, but hi harmony and contentment, the communists lived until, in 1876, the younger members wished to adopt advanced methods in farming, in finance, and in management. The older men, with wisdom acquired through bitter experience, refused to alter their methods. The younger party won a lawsuit to annul the communal charter. The property was divided, and again there were two Icarias, the "young party" retaining the old site and the "old party" moving on and founding New Icaria, a few miles from the old. But Old Icaria was soon split: one faction removed to California, where the Icaria- Speranza community was founded; and the other remained at Old Icaria. Both came to grief in 1888. Finally in 1895 New Icaria, then reduced to a few veterans, was dissolved by a unanimous vote of the community. In 1854 Victor Considerant, the French socialist, planted a Fourieristic phalanx in Texas, under the 10S OUR FOREIGNERS liberal patronage of J. B. A. Godin, the godfather of Fourierism in France who founded at Guise the only really successful phalanx. A French com- munistic colony was also attempted at Silkville, Kansas. But both ventures lasted only a few years. Since the subsidence of these French com- munistic experiments, there have been many spo- radic attempts at founding idealistic communities in the United States. Over fifty have been tried since the Civil War. Nearly all were established under American auspices and did not lure many foreigners. CHAPTER V THE IRISH INVASION AFTER the Revolution, immigrants began to filter into America from Great Britain and continental Europe. No record was kept of their arrival, and their numbers have been estimated at from 4000 to 10,000 a year, on the average. These people came nearly all from Great Britain and were driven to migrate by financial and political conditions. In 1819 Congress passed a law requiring Collec- tors of Customs to keep a record of passengers ar- riving in their districts, together with their age, sex, occupation, and the country whence they came, and to report this information to the Secretary of State. This was the Federal Government's first ef- fort to collect facts concerning immigration. The law was defective, yet it might have yielded valu- able results had it been intelligently enforced. T * The immigration reports were perfunctory and lacking in accuracy. Passengers were frequently listed as belonging to the 103 104 OUR FOREIGNERS From all available collateral sources it appears that the official figures greatly understated the ac- tual number of arrivals. Great Britain kept an of- ficial record of those who emigrated from her ports to the United States and the numbers so listed are nearly as large as the total immigration from all sources reported by the United States officials during a time when a heavy influx is known to have been coming from Germany and Switzerland. Inaccurate as these figures are, they nevertheless are a barometer indicating the rising pressure of immigration. The first official figures show that in 1820 there arrived 8385 aliens of whom 7691 were Europeans. Of these 3614, or nearly one-half, came from Ireland. Until 1850 this proportion was maintained. Here was evidence of the first ground swell of immigration to the United States whose subsequent waves in sixty years swept to America one-half of the entire population of the Little Green Isle. Since 1820 over four and a quarter million country whence they sailed. An Irishman taking passage from Liverpool was quite as likely to be reported English as Irish. Large numbers of immigrants were counted who merely landed in New York and proceeded immediately to Canada, while many thousands who landed in Canada and moved at once across the border into northern New York and the West did not appear in the reports. THE IRISH INVASION 105 Irish immigrants have found their way hither. In 1900 there were nearly five million persons in the United States descended from Irish parentage. They comprise today ten per cent of our foreign born population. The discontent and grievances of the Irish had a vivid historical background in their own country. There were four principal causes which induced the transplanting of the race: rebellion, famine, restrictive legislation, and absentee landlordism. Every uprising of this bellicose people from the time of Cromwell onward had been followed by voluntary and involuntary exile. It is said that Cromwell's Government transported many thou- sand Irish to the West Indies. Many of these exiles subsequently found their way to the Caro- linas, Virginia, and other colonies. After the great Irish rebellion of 1798 and again after Robert Emmet's melancholy failure in the rising of 1803 many fled across the sea. The Act of Union in 1801 brought "no submissive love for England," and constant political agitations for which the Cel- tic Irish need but little stimulus have kept the pathway to America populous. The harsh penal laws of two centuries ago pre- scribing transportation and long terms of penal 106 OUR FOREIGNERS servitude were a compelling agency in driving the Irish to America. Illiberal laws against religious nonconformists, especially against the Catholics, closed the doors of political advancement in their faces, submitted them to humiliating discrimina- tions, and drove many from the island. Finally, the selfish Navigation Laws forbade both exportation of cattle to England and the sending of foodstuffs to the colonies, dealing thereby a heavy blow to Irish agriculture. These restrictions were followed by other inhibitions until almost every industry or busi- ness in which the Irish engaged was unduly limited and controlled. It should, however, not be forgotten that these restrictions bore with equal weight upon the Ulster settlers from Scotland and England, who managed somehow to endure them successfully. Absentee landlordism was oppressive both to the cotter's body and to his soul, for it not only bound him to perpetual poverty but kindled with- in him a deep sense of injustice. The historian, Justin McCarthy, says that the Irishman "re- garded the right to have a bit of land, his share, exactly as other people regard the right to live." So political and economic conditions combined to feed the discontent of a people peculiarly sensitive to wrongs and swift in their resentments. THE IRISH INVASION 107 But the most potent cause of the great Irish influx into America was famine in Ireland. The economist may well ascribe Irish failure to the potato. Here was a crop so easy of culture and of such nourishing qualities that it led to over- population and all its attendant ills. The fail- ure of this crop was indeed an "overwhelming disaster," for, according to Justin McCarthy, the Irish peasant with his wife and his family lived on the potato, and whole generations grew up, lived, married, and passed away without ever having tasted meat. When the cold and damp summer of 1845 brought the potato rot, the little, overpopulated island was facing dire want. But when the next two years brought a plant disease that destroyed the entire crop, then famine and fever claimed one quarter of the eight million in- habitants. The pitiful details of this national dis- aster touched American hearts. Fleets of relief ships were sent across from America, and many a shipload of Irish peasants was brought back. In 1845 over 44,821 came; 1847 saw this number rise to 105,536 and in the next year to 112,934. Re- bellion following the famine swelled the number of immigrants until Ireland was left a land of old people with a fast shrinking population. 108 OUR FOREIGNERS There is a prevailing notion that this influx after the great famine was the commencement of Irish migration. In reality it was only the climax. Long before this, Irishmen were found in the col- onies, chiefly as indentured servants; they were in the Continental Army as valiant soldiers ; they were in the western flux that filled the Mississippi Valley as useful pioneers. How many there were we do not know. As early as 1737, however, there were enough in Boston to celebrate St. Patrick's Day, and in 1762 they poured libations to their favorite saint in New York City, for the Mercury in an- nouncing the meeting said, "Gentlemen that please to attend will meet with the best Usage." On March 17, 1776, the English troops evacu- ated Boston and General Washington issued the following order on that date: Parole Boston Countersign St. Patrick The regiments under marching orders to march tomorrow morn- ing. By His Excellency's command. Brigadier of the Day GEN. JOHN SULLIVAN. Thus did the Patriot Army gracefully acknowledge the day and the people. THE IRISH INVASION 109 In 1784, on the first St. Patrick's Day after the evacuation of New York City by the British, there was a glorious celebration "spent in festivity and mirth." As the newspaper reporter put it, "the greatest unanimity and conviviality pervaded" a "numerous and jovial company." Branches of the Society of United Irishmen were formed in American cities soon after the founding of the order in Ireland. Many veterans of '98 found their way to America, and between 1800 and 1820 many thousand followed the course of the setting sun. Their number cannot be ascertained; but there were not a few. In 1818 Irish immigrant associations were organized by the Irish in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore to aid the new- comers in finding work. Many filtered into the United States from Canada, Newfoundland, and the West Indies. These earlier arrivals were not composed of the abjectly poor who comprised the majority of the great exodus, and especially among the political exiles there were to be found men of some means and education. America became extremely popular in Ireland after the Revolution of 1776, partly because the English were defeated, partly because of Irish democratic aspirations, but particularly because it 110 OUR FOREIGNERS was a land of generous economic and political pos- sibilities. The Irish at once claimed a kinship with the new republic, and the ocean became less of a barrier than St. George's Channel. "The States," as they were called, became a synonym of abundance. The most lavish reports of plenty were sent back by the newcomers of meat daily, of white bread, of comfortable clothing. "There is a great many ill conveniences here," writes one, "but no empty bellies." In England and Ireland and Scotland the number of poor who longed for this abundance exceeded the capacity of the boats. Many who would have willingly gone to America lacked the passage money. The Irish peasant, born and reared in extreme poverty, was peculiarly unable to scrape together enough to pay his way. The assistance which he needed, however, was forthcoming from various sources. Friends and relatives in America sent him money; in later years this practice was very common. So- cieties were organized to help those who could not help themselves. Railroad and canal companies, in great need of labor, imported workmen by the thousands and advanced then* passage money. And finally, the local authorities found shipping their paupers to another country a convenient way THE IRISH INVASION 111 of getting rid of them. England early resorted to the same method. In 1849 the Irish poor law guardians were given authority to borrow money for such " assistance," as it was called. In 1881 the Land Commission and in 1882 the Commissioner of Public Works were authorized to advance money for this purpose. In 1884 and 1885 over sixteen thousand persons were thus assisted from Galway and Mayo counties. Long before the great Irish famine of 1846-47 America appeared like a mirage, and wondering peasants in their dire distress exaggerated its opu- lence and opportunities. They braved the perils of the sea and trusted to luck in the great new world. The journey in itself was no small ad- venture. There were some sailings directly from Ireland; but most of the Irish immigrants were collected at Liverpool by agents not always scrup- ulous in their dealings. A hurried inspection at Liverpool gained them the required medical cer- tificates, and they were packed into the ships. Of the voyage one passenger who made the journey from Belfast in 1795 said: "The slaves who are carried from the coast of Africa have much more room allowed them than the immigrants who pass from Ireland to America, for the avarice of 112 OUR FOREIGNERS captains in that trade is such that they think they can never load their vessels sufficiently, and they trouble their heads in general no more about the accommodation and storage of their passengers than of any other lumber aboard." When the great immigrant invasion of America began, there were not hah* enough ships for the passengers, all were cruelly overcrowded, and many were so filthy that even American port officials refused a landing before cleansing. Under such conditions sickness was a matter of course, and of the hordes who started for the promised land thousands perished on the way. ' Hope sustained the voyagers. But what must have been the disappointment of thousands when they landed! No ardent welcome awaited them, nor even jobs for the majority. Alas for the rosy dreams of opulence! Here was a prosaic place 1 According to the Edinburgh Review of July, 1854, "Liverpool was crowded with emigrants, and ships could not be found to do the work. The poor creatures were packed in dense masses, in ill- ventilated and unseaworthy vessels, under charge of improper masters, and the natural results followed. Pestilence chased the fugitive to complete" the work of famine. Fifteen thousand out of ninsty thousand emigrants in British bottoms, in 1847, died on the passage or soon after arrival. The American vessels, owing to a stringent passenger law, were better managed, but the hospitals of New York and Boston were nevertheless crowded with patients from Irish estates." THE IRISH INVASION 113 where toil and sweat were the condition of mere existence. As the poor creatures had no means of moving on, they huddled in the ports of arrival. Almshouses were filled, beggars wandered in every street, and these peasants accustomed to the soil and the open country were congested in the cities, unhappy misfits in an entirely new economic en- vironment. Unskilled in the handicrafts, they were forced to accept the lot of the common laborer. Fortunately, the great influx came at the time of rapid turnpike, canal, and railroad expansion. Thousands found their way westward with con- tractors' gangs. The free lands, however, did not lure them. They preferred to remain in the cities. New York in 1850 sheltered 133,000 Irish. Phila- delphia, Boston, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Albany, Baltimore, and St. Louis, followed, in the order given, as favorite lodging places, and there was not one rapidly growing western city, such as Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit, and Chicago, that did not have its "Irish town" or "Shanty town" where the immigrants clung together. Their brogue and dress provoked ridicule; their poverty often threw them upon the community; the large percentage of illiteracy among them evoked little sympathy; their inclinations towards 114 OUR FOREIGNERS intemperance and improvidence were not neutral- ized by their great good nature and open-handed- ness; their religion reawoke historical bitterness; their genius for politics aroused jealousy; their pro- clivity to unite in clubs, associations, and semi-mili- tary companies made them the objects of official suspicion; and above all, their willingness to assume the offensive, to resent instantly insult or intimi- dation, brought them into frequent and violent contact with their new neighbors. "America for Americans " became the battle cry of reactionaries, who organized the American or "Know-Nothing" party and sought safety at the polls. While all foreign elements were grouped together, indiscrimi- nately, in the mind of the nativist, the Irishman unfortunately was the special object of his spleen, because he was concentrated in the cities and there- fore offered a visual and concrete example of the danger of foreign mass movements, because he was a Roman Catholic and thus awakened ancient re- ligious prejudices that had long been slumbering, and because he fought back instantly, valiantly, and vehemently. Popular suspicion against the foreigner in Amer- ica began almost as soon as immigration assumed large proportions. In 1816 conservative newspapers THE IRISH INVASION 115 called attention to the new problems that the Old World was thrusting upon the New: the pov- erty of the foreigner, his low standard of living, his illiteracy and slovenliness, his ignorance of American ways and his unwillingness to submit to them, his clannishness, the danger of his organizing and capturing the political offices and ultimately the Government. In addition to the alarmist and the prejudiced, careful and thoughtful citizens were aroused to the danger. Unfortunately, how- ever, religious antagonisms were aroused and, as is always the case, these differences awakened the profoundest prejudices and passions of the human heart. There were many towns in New England and in the West where Roman Catholicism was un- known except as a traditional enemy of free in- stitutions. It is difficult to realize in these days of tolerance the feelings aroused in such communities when Catholic churches, parochial schools, and con- vents began to appear among them; and when the devotees of this faith displayed a genius for prac- tical politics, instinctive distrust developed into lively suspicion. The specter of ecclesiastical authority reared it- self, and the question of sharing public school moneys with parochial schools and of reading the 116 OUR FOJ SIGNERS Bible in the public schools became a burning issue. Here and there occurred clashes that were more than barroom brawls. Organized gangs infested the cities. Both sides were sustained and en- couraged by partisan papers, and on several oc- casions the antagonism spent themselves in riots and destruction. In 1834 the Ursuline convent at Charlestown, near Boston, was sacked and burned. Ten years later occurred the great anti-Irish riots in Philadelphia, in which two Catholic churches and a schoolhouse were burned by a mob inflamed to hysteria by one of the leaders who held up a torn American flag and shouted, " This is the flag that was trampled on by Irish papists. " Prejudice ac- companied fear into every city and "patented citi- zens" were often subject to abuse and even perse- cution. Tammany Hall in New York City became the political fortress of the Irish. Election riots of the first magnitude were part of the routine of elections, and the "Bloody Sixth Ward Boys " were notorious for their hooliganism on election day. The suggestions of the nativists that paupers and criminals be excluded from immigration were not embodied into law. The movement soon was lost in the greater questions which slavery was thrusting into the foreground. When the fight THE IRISI INVASION 117 with nativism was over, the Irish were in posses- sion of the cities. They displayed an amazing apti- tude for political plotting and organization and for that prime essential to political success popularly known as "mixing." Policemen and aldermen, ward heelers, bosses, and mayors, were known by their brogue. The Irish demonstrated their loy- alty to the Union in the Civil War and merged readily into American life after the lurid prejudices against them faded. Unfortunately, a great deal of this prejudice was revived when the secret workings of an Irish organ- ization in Pennsylvania were unearthed. Among the anthracite coal miners a society was formed, probably about 1854, called the Molly Maguires, a name long known in Ireland. The members were all Irish, professed the Roman Catholic faith, and were active in the Ancient Order of Hibernians. The Church, the better class of Irishmen, and the Hibernians, however, were shocked by the doings of the Molly Maguires and utterly disowned them. They began their career of blackmail and bullying by sending threats and death notices embellished with crude drawings of coffins and pistols to those against whom they fancied they had a grievance, usually the mine boss or an unpopular foreman. 118 OUR FOREIGNERS If the recipient did not heed the threat, he was waylaid and beaten and his family was abused. By the time of the Civil War these bullies had terror- ized the entire anthracite region. Through their political influence they elected sheriffs and con- stables, chiefs of police and county commissioners. As they became bolder, they substituted arson and murder for threats and bullying, and they made life intolerable by their reckless brutality. It was im- possible to convict them, for the hatred against an informer, inbred in every Irishman through genera- tions of experience in Ireland, united with fear in keeping competent witnesses from the courts. Fi- nally the president of one of the large coal companies employed James McParlan, a remarkably clever Irish detective. He joined the Mollies, somehow eluded their suspicions, and slowly worked his way into their confidence. An unusually brutal and cowardly murder in 1875 proved his opportunity. When the courts finished with the Mollies, nineteen of their members had been hanged, a large number imprisoned, and the organization was completely wiped out. Meantime the Fenian movement served to keep the Irish in the public eye. This was no less than an attempt to free Ireland and disrupt the British THE IRISH INVASION 119 Empire, using the United States as a fulcrum, the Irish in America as the power, and Canada as the lever. James Stephens, who organized the Irish Republican Brotherhood, came to America in 1858 to start a similar movement. After the Civil War, which supplied a training school for whole regi- ments of Irish soldiers, a convention of Fenians was held at Philadelphia in 1865 at which an "Irish Republic" was organized, with a full complement of officers, a Congress, a President, a Secretary of the Treasury, a Secretary of War, in fact, a replica of the American Federal Government. It assumed the highly absurd and dangerous position that it actually possessed sovereignty. The luxurious mansion of a pill manufacturer in Union Square, New York, was transformed into its government house, and bonds, embellished with shamrocks and harps and a fine portrait of Wolfe Tone, were issued, payable "ninety days after the establishment of the Irish Republic. " Differences soon arose, and Stephens, who had made his escape from Rich- mond, near Dublin, where he had been in prison, hastened to America to compose the quarrel which had now assumed true Hibernian proportions. An attempt to land an armed gang on the Island of Campo Bello on the coast of New Brunswick was 120 OUR FOREIGNERS frustrated; invaders from Vermont spent a night over the Canadian border before they were driven back; and for several days Fort Erie on Niagara River was held by about 1500 Fenians. 1 General Meade was thereupon sent by the Federal au- thorities to put an end to these ridiculous breaches of neutrality. Neither Meade nor any other authority, however, could stop the flow of Fenian adjectives that now issued from a hundred indignation meetings all over the land when Canada, after due trial, proceeded to sentence the guilty culprits captured in the "Battle of Limestone Ridge, " as the tussle with Canadian regulars near Fort Erie was called. Newspapers abounded with tales of the most startling designs upon Canada and Britain. There then occurred a strong reaction to the Fenian movement, and the American people were led to wonder how much of truth there was in a statement made by Thomas D'Arcy McGee. 2 " This very Fenian organization in the United States, " he said, "what does it really 1 Oberholtzer, History of the United States since the Civil War, vol. I, p. 626 ff. Thomas D'Arcy McGee (1825-1868), one of the leaders of the "Young Ireland" party, fled for political reasons to the United States in 1848, where he established the New York Nation and the American Celt. When he changed his former attitude of opposi- tion to British rule in Ireland he was attacked by the extreme THE IRISH INVASION 121 prove but that the Irish are still an alien popula- tion, camped but not settled in America, with for- eign hopes and aspirations, unshared by the people among whom they live?" The Irishman today is an integral part of every large American community. Although the restric- tive legislation of two centuries ago has long been repealed and a new land system has brought great prosperity to his island home, the Irishman has not abated one whit in his temperamental attitude to- wards England and as a consequence some 40,000 or 50,000 of his fellow countrymen come to the United States every year. Here he has been dis- possessed of his monopoly of shovel and pick by the French Canadian in New England and by the Irish patriots in the United States and in consequence moved to Canada, where he founded the New Era and began to practice law. Subsequently, with the support of the Irish Canadians, he repre- sented Montreal in the Parliament of United Canada (1858) and was President of the Council (1862) in the John Sandfield Mac- donald Administration. When the Irish were left unrepresented in the reorganized Cabinet in the following year, McGee became an adherent of Sir John A. Macdonald, and in 1864 he was made Minister of Agriculture in the Tache- Macdonald Administration. An ardent supporter of the progressive policies of his adopted country, he was one of the Fathers of Confederation and was a member of the first Dominion Parliament in 1867. His denuncia- tions, both in Ireland (1865) and in Canada, of the policies and activities of the Fenians led to his assassination at Ottawa on April 7. 1868. 122 OUR FOREIGNERS Italian, Syrian, and Armenian in other parts of the country. He finds work in factories, for he still shuns the soil, much as he professes to love the "old sod. " A great change has come over the economic condition of the second and third generation of Irish immigrants. Their remarkable buoyancy of temperament is everywhere displayed. Bridget's daughter has left the kitchen and is a school teacher, a stenographer, a saleswoman, a milliner, or a dress- maker; her son is a clerk, a bookkeeper, a traveling salesman, or a foreman. Wherever the human touch is the essential of success, there you find the Irish. That is why in some cities one-half the teach- ers are Irish; why salesmanship lures them; why they are the most successful walking delegates, solicitors, agents, foremen, and contractors. In the higher walks of life you find them where dash, brilliance, cleverness, and emotion are demanded. The law and the priesthood utilize their eloquence, journalism their keen insight into the human side of news, and literature their imagination and humor. They possess a positive genius for organi- zation and management. The labor unions are led by them; and what would municipal politics be without them? The list of eminent names which they have contributed to these callings will increase THE IRISH INVASION 123 as their generations multiply in the favorable Ameri- can environment. But remote indeed is the day and complex must be the experience that will erase the memory of the ancient Erse proverb, which their racial temper ameat evoked: " Contention is better than loneliness." CHAPTER VI THE TEUTONIC TIDE As the Irish wave of immigration receded the Teu- tonic wave rose and brought the second great influx of foreigners to American shores. A greater ethnic contrast could scarcely be imagined than that which was now afforded by these two races, the phleg- matic, plodding German and the vibrant Irish, a contrast in American life as a whole which was soon represented in miniature on the vaudeville stage by popular burlesque representations of both types. The one was the opposite of the other in temper- ament, in habits, in personal ambitions. The Ger- man sought the land, was content to be let alone, had no desire to command others or to mix with them, but was determined to be reliable, philo- sophically took things as they came, met opposi- tion with patience, clung doggedly to a few cher- ished convictions, and sought passionately to pos- sess a home and a family, to master some minute 124 THE TEUTONIC TIDE 125 mechanical or technical detail, and to take his lei- sure and his amusements in his own customary way. The reports of the Immigration Commissioner disclose the fact that well over five and a third mil- lions of Germans migrated to America between 1823 and 1910. If to this enormous number were added those of German blood who came from Aus- tria and the German cantons of Switzerland, from Luxemburg and the German settlements of Russia, it would reach a grand total of well over seven mil- lion Germans who have sought an ampler life in America. The Census of 1910 reports "that there were 8,282,618 white persons in the United States having Germany as their country of origin, com- prising 2,501,181 who were born in Germany, 3,911,847 born in the United States both of whose parents were born in Germany, and 1,869,590 born hi the United States and having one parent born in the United States and the other in Germany." 1 1 According to the Census of 1910 the nationality of the total number of white persons of foreign stock in the United States is distributed chiefly as follows: Germany 8,282,618 or 25.7 per cent Ireland 4,504,360 or 14.0 " Canada 2,754,615 or 8.6 " Russia 2,541,649 or 7.9 " England 2,822,442 or 7.2 " Italy 2,098,360 or 6.5 " Austria 2,001,559 or 6.2 " 126 OUR FOREIGNERS The coming of the Germans may be divided into three quite distinct migrations: the early, the mid- dle, and the recent. The first period includes all who came before the radical ferment which began to agitate Europe after the Napoleonic wars. The Federal census of 1790 discloses 176,407 Germans living in America. But German writers usually maintain that there were from 225,000 to 250,000 Germans in the colonies at the time of the Declara- tion of Independence. They had been driven fron 1 the fatherland by religious persecution and eco- nomic want. Every German state contributed to their number, but the bulk of this migration came from the Palatinate, Wiirttemberg, Baden, and Al- sace, and the German cantons of Switzerland. The majority were of the peasant and artisan class who usually came over as redemptioners. Yet there were not wanting among them many persons of means and of learning. Pennsylvania was the favorite distributing point for these German hosts. Thence they pushed Furthermore, the significance of the foreign born element in the population of the United States can be gathered from the fact that, in 1910, of the 91,972,266 inhabitants of the United States, no less than 13,515,886 or 14.6 per cent were born in some other country. THE TEUTONIC TIDE 127 southward through the beautiful Shenandoah Val- ley into Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, and northward into New Jersey. Large numbers entered at Charleston and thence went to the fron- tiers of South Carolina. The Mohawk Valley in New York and the Berkshires of Massachusetts harbored many. But not all of them moved in- land. They were to be found scattered on the coast from Maine to Georgia. Boston, New York City, Baltimore, New Bern, Wilmington, Charles- ton, and Savannah, all counted Germans in their populations. However strictly these German neigh- borhoods may have maintained the customs of their native land, the people thoroughly identi- fied themselves with the patriot cause and supplied soldiers, leaders, money, and enthusiasm to the cause of the Revolutionary War. Benjamin Rush, the distinguished Philadelphia physician and publicist, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, wrote in 1789 a de- scription of the Germans of Pennsylvania which would apply generally to all German settlements at that time and to many of subsequent date. The Pennsylvania German farmer, he says, was distin- guished above everything else for his self-denying thrift, housing his horses and cattle in commodious, 128 OUR FOREIGNERS warm barns, while he and his family lived in a log hut until he was well able to afford a more comfort- able house; belling his "most profitable grain, which is wheat" and "eating that which is less profitable but more nourishing, that is, rye or In- dian corn"; breeding the best of livestock so that "a German horse is known in every part of the State" for his "extraordinary size or fat"; clear- ing his land thoroughly, not "as his English or Irish neighbors"; cultivating the most bountiful gardens and orchards; living frugally, working con- stantly, fearing God and debt, and rearing large families. * ' A German farm may be distinguished, " concludes this writer, "from the farms of other citizens by the superior size of their barns, the plain but compact form of their houses, the height of their enclosures, the extent of their orchards, the fertility of their fields, the luxuriance of their mead- ows, and a general appearance of plenty and neat- ness in everything that belongs to them. " r Rush's praise of the German mechanics is not less stinted. They were found in that day mainly as "weavers, taylors, tanners, shoe-makers, comb-makers, smiths of all kinds, butchers, paper makers, watchmakers, 1 An Account of the Manner* of the German Inhabitants of Pennsylvania. A GERMAN FAMILY AT ELLIS ISLAND LITHUANIAN BOHEMIAN GERMAN-HUNG A RI. I N Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. OUR FOREIGNERS warm barns, while he and his family lived in a log until he was well able to afford a more comfort- able house; selling his "mot profitable grain, which is wheat" and "eating that which is less profitable but more uourishiag. that is, rye or In- dian cor^K^Y^ajikeilMilKrf^lMIMlart of the State*' for his "extraordinary siie or fa^t*"; clear- ing his land thoroughly, not "a hti K^glfrh or Irish neighbors"; cultivating the most botiv gardens and orchards; living frugally, working con- stantly, fearing God and debt, and rearing large families. " A German farm may be distinguished," concludes this writer, "from the farms of other citizens by t ho superior ise of their barns, the plain but compact form of their homes, the height of their enclosures, Uto*AViK*JV\iuU>eir on-hard*, the fertility of their field*, the htxw&HM* of ' U; r mead- ows, and a general appearaiH < i ptattjr and neat- ness in everything that belong to ti*em ' ' ' Rush's praise of the German mechanic* ia not lens stinted. They were found in that day oiainiy as ' ' weavers, taylors, tanners, shoe-makers, anb- makers, smiths of all kinds, butchers, paper makers, mtfcLmakers, v.i \-,\t .,V/.-N \\-v.i v 1 An Afeouut of the Manner* tj tke German Inhabitant f of .'// J-.iwKl v.l THE TEUTONIC TIDE 129 and sugar bakers. " Their first desire was "to be- come freeholders, " and they almost invariably suc- ceeded. German merchants and bankers also pros- pered in Philadelphia, German town, Lancaster, and other Pennsylvania towns. One-third of the population of Pennsylvania, Rush says, was of German origin, and for their convenience a German edition of the laws of the State was printed. After the Revolution, a number of the Hessian hirelings who had been brought over by the British settled in America. They usually became farmers, although some of the officers taught school. They joined the German settlements, avoiding the Eng- lish-speaking communities in the United States because of the resentment shown towards them. Their number is unknown. Frederick Kapp, a German writer, estimates that, of the 29,875 sent over, 12,562 never returned but he fails to tell us how many of these remained because of Yankee bullets or bayonets. The second period of German migration began about 1820 and lasted through the Civil War. Be- fore 1830 the number of immigrants fluctuated be- tween 200 and 2000 a year; in 1832 it exceeded 10,000; in 1834 it was over 17,000; three years later it reached nearly 24,000; between 1845 and 1860 130 OUR FOREIGNERS there arrived 1,250,000, and 200,000 came during the Civil War. There were several causes, working in close con- junction, that impelled these thousands to leave Germany. Economic disturbances doubtless turned the thoughts of the hungry and harassed to the land of plenty across the sea. But a potent cause of the great migration of the thirties and forties was the universal social and political discontent which fol- lowed in the wake of the Napoleonic wars. The German people were still divided into numberless small feudalities whose petty dukes and princes clung tenaciously to their medieval prerogatives and tyrannies. The contest against Napoleon had been waged by German patriots not only to over- come a foreign foe but to break the tyrant at home. The hope for constitutional government, for a re- presentative system and a liberal legislation in the German States rose mightily after Waterloo. But the promises of princes made in days of stress were soon forgotten, and the Congress of Vienna had established the semblance of a German federation upon a unity of reactionary rulers, not upon a constitutional, representative basis. The reaction against this bitter disappointment was led by the eager German youth, who, inspired THE TEUTONIC TIDE 131 by liberal ideals, now thirsted for freedom of thought, of speech, and of action. Friedrich Lud- wig Jahn, a German patriot, organized everywhere Turnvereine, or gymnastic clubs, as a tangible form of expressing this demand. Among the students of the universities liberal patriotic clubs called Burschenschaften were organized, idealistic in their aims and impractical in their propaganda, where "every man with his bonnet on his head, a pot of beer in his hand, a pipe or seegar in his mouth, and a song upon his lips, never doubting but that he and his companions are training themselves to be the regenerators of Europe, " vowed "the liberation of Germany." Alas for the enthusiasms of youth! In 1817 the Burschenschaften held a mass reunion at the Wartburg. Their boyish antics were greatly ex- aggerated hi the conservative papers and the gov- ernments increased their vigilance. In 1819 Kotze- bue, a reactionary publicist, was assassinated by a member of the Jena Burschenschaft, and the retalia- tion of the government was prompt and thoroughly Prussian gagging of the press and of speech, dis- solution of all liberal organizations, espionage, the hounding of all suspects. There seemed to remain only flight to liberal democratic America. But the suppression of the clubs did not entirely put out the 132 OUR FOREIGNERS fires of constitutional desires. These smoldered until the storms of '48 fanned them into a fitful blaze. For a brief hour the German Democrat had the feudal lords cowed. Frederick William, the "romantic" Hohenzollern, promised a constitution to the threatening mob in Berlin; the King of Sax- ony and the Grand Duke of Bavaria fled their capi- tals; revolts occurred in Silesia, Posen, Hesse-Cas- sel, and Nassau. Then struck the first great hour of modern Prussia, as, with her heartless and disci- plined soldiery, she restored one by one the fright- ened dukes and princes to their prerogatives and repressed relentlessly and with Junker rigor every liberal concession that had crept into laws and in- stitutions. Strangled liberalism could no longer breathe in Germany, and thousands of her revolu- tionists fled to America, bringing with them almost the last vestige of German democratic leadership. In the meantime, economic conditions in Ger- many remained unsatisfactory and combined with political discontent to uproot a population and transplant it to a new land. The desire to immi- grate, stimulated by the transportation companies, spread like a fever. Whole villages sold out and, with their pastor or their physician at their head, shipped for America. A British observer who THE TEUTONIC TIDE 133 visited the Rhine country in 1846 commented on "the long files of carts that meet you every mile, carrying the whole property of these poor wretches who are about to cross the Atlantic on the faith of a lying prospectus. " But these people were nei- ther "poor wretches" nor dupes. They had coin in their pockets, and in their heads a more or less accurate knowledge of the land of their desires. At this time the German bookshops were teeming with little volumes giving, in the methodical Teutonic fashion, conservative advice to prospective immi- grants and rather accurate descriptions of Ameri- ca, with statistical information and abstracts of Am- erican laws. Many of the immigrants had further detailed information from relatives and friends al- ready prospering on western farms or in rapidly grow- ing towns. This was, therefore, far from a pauper invasion. It included every class, even broken-down members of the nobility. The majority were, nat- urally, peasants and artisans, but there were multi- tudes of small merchants and farmers. And the po- litical refugees included many men of substantial property and of notable intellectual attainments. x 1 J. 6. Hacker, a well-informed and prosperous German who took the journey by steerage in a sailing vessel in 1849, wrote an instructive description of his experiences. Of his fellow passengers 134 OUR FOREIGNERS Bremen was the favorite port of departure for these German emigrants to America. Havre, Hamburg, and Antwerp were popular, and even London. During the great rush every ship was overcrowded and none was over sanitary. Steer- age passengers were promiscuously crowded to- gether and furnished their own food; and the ship's crew, the captain, the agents who negotiated the voyage, and the sharks who awaited their arrival in America, all had a share in preying upon the in- experience of the immigrants. Arrived in America, these Germans were not content to settle, like dregs, in the cities on the seacoast. They were land lovers, and westward they started at once, usu- ally in companies, sometimes as whole communities, by way of the Erie Canal and the Great Lakes, and later by the new railway lines, into Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Wisconsin, and Iowa, where their instinct for the soil taught them to select the most fertile spots. Soon their log cabins and their ample barns and flourishing stock bespoke their success. he said: " Our company was very mixed. There were many young people: clerks, artists, musicians, architects, miners, mechanics, men of various professions, peasants, one man seventy-eight years old, another very aged Bavarian farmer, several families of Jews, etc., and a fair collection of children." THE TEUTONIC TIDE 135 The growing Western cities called to the skilled artisan, the small tradesman, and the intellectuals. Cincinnati early became a German center. In 1830 the Germans numbered five per cent of its population; in 1840, twenty-three per cent; and in 1869, thirty-four per cent. Milwaukee, "the Ger- man Athens, " as it was once called, became the dis- tributing point of German immigration and influ- ence in the Northwest. Its Gesangvereine and Turn- vereine became as famous as its lager beer and German was heard more frequently than English upon its streets. St. Louis was the center of a Ger- man influence that extended throughout the Mis- souri Valley. Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, Buffalo, and many of the minor towns in the Middle West received substantial additions from this migration. Unlike the Irish, the Germans brought with them a strange language, and this proved a strong bond in that German solidarity which maintained itself in spite of the influence of their new en- vironment. In the glow of their first enthusiasm many of the intellectuals believed they could es- tablish a German state in America. "The founda- tions of a new and free Germany in the great North American Republic shall be laid by us," wrote Follenius, the dreamer, who desired to land 136 OUR FOREIGNERS enough Germans in "one of the American terri- tories to establish an essentially German state." In 1833 the Giessener Gesellschaft, a company or- ganized in the Grand Duchy of Hesse, grew out of this suggestion and chose Arkansas as the site for its colony. But unfavorable reports turned the immigrants to Missouri, where settlements were made. These, however, never grew into a Ger- man state but merged quite contentedly into the prosperous American population. A second attempt, also from Hesse, had a tragic denouement. A number of German nobles formed a company called the Mainzer Adelsverein and in 1842 sent two of their colleagues to Texas to seek out a site. The place chosen was ill-suited for a colony, however, and the whole enterprise from be- ginning to end was characterized by princely in- competence. Thousands of immigrants, lured by the company's liberal offers and glowing prospec- tus, soon found themselves in dire want; many per- ished of disease and hunger; and the company end- ed in ignominious disaster. The surviving colo- nists in Texas, however, when they realized that they must depend upon their own efforts, succeed- ed in finding work and eventually in establishing several flourishing communities. THE TEUTONIC TIDE 137 Finally, Wisconsin and Illinois were considered as possible sites for a Germany in America. But this ambition never assumed a concrete form. Everywhere the Americans, with their energy and organizing capacity, had preceded the incoming Germans and retained the political 'sovereignty of the American state. But while they did not establish a German state, these immigrants did cling to their customs wher- ever they settled in considerable numbers. Espe- cially did they retain their original social life, their Turnvereine, their musical clubs, then* sociable beer gardens, their picnics and excursions, their churches and parochial schools. They still celebrated their Christmas and other church festivals with Ger- man cookery and Kuchen, and their weddings and christenings were enlivened but rarely de- bauched with generous libations of lager beer and wine. In the Middle West were whole regions where German was the familiar language for two generations. There were three strata to this second German migration. The earlier courses were largely peas- ants and skilled artisans, those of the decade of the Civil War were mostly of the working classes, and between these came the "Forty-eighters." Upon 138 OUR FOREIGNERS them all, however, peasant, artisan, merchant, and intellectual, their experiences in their native land had made a deep impression. They all had a back- ground of political philosophy the nucleus of which was individual liberty; they all had a violent dis- taste for the petty tyrannies and espionages which contact with their own form of government had produced; and in coming to America they all sought, besides farms and jobs, political freedom. They therefore came in humility, bore in patience the disappointments of the first rough contacts with pioneer America and its nativism, and few, if any, cherished the hope of going back to Germany. Though some of the intellectual idealists at first had indefinite enthusiasms about a Deutschtum in America, these visions soon vanished. They ex- pressed no love for the governments they had left, however strong the cords of sentiment bound them to the domestic and institutional customs of their childhood. This was to a considerable degree an idealistic migration and as such it had a lasting influence upon American life. The industry of these people and their thrift, even to paring economy, have of- ten been extolled; but other nationalities have worked as hard and as successfully and have spent THE TEUTONIC TIDE 139 as sparingly. The special contribution to America which these Germans made lay in other qualities. Their artists and musicians and actors planted the first seeds of aesthetic appreciation in the raw West where the repertoire had previously been limited to Money Musk, The Arkansas Traveler, and Old Dog Tray. The liberal tendencies of German thought mellowed the austere Puritanism of the prevalent theology. The respect which these people had for intellectual attainments potently influenced the educational system of America from the kinder- garten to the newly founded state universities. Their political convictions led them to espouse with ardor the cause of the Union in the war upon slav- ery; and their sturdy independence in partisan poli- tics was no small factor in bringing about civil service reform. They established German news- papers by the hundreds and maintained many Ger- man schools and German colleges. They freely in- dulged their love for German customs. But while their sentimentalism was German, their realism was American. They considered it an honor to become American citizens. Their leaders became American leaders. Carl Schurz was not an isolated example. He was associated with a host of able, careful, constructive Germans. 140 OUR FOREIGNERS The greatest quarrels of these German immi- grants with American ways were over the so-called "Continental Sabbath " and the right to drink beer when and where they pleased. "Only when his beer is in danger, " wrote one of the leading Forty - eighters, " does the German- American rouse himself and become a berserker. " The great numbers of these men in many cities and in some of the West- ern States enabled them to have German taught in the public schools, though it is only fair to say that the underlying motive was liberalism rather than Prussian provincialism. Frederick Kapp, a distin- guished interpreter of the spirit of these Forty- eighters, expressed their conviction when he said that those who cared to remain German should remain in Germany and that those who came to America were under solemn obligations to become Americans. The descendants of these immigrants, the second and the third and fourth generations, are now thor- oughly absorbed into every phase of American life. Their national idiosyncrasies have been modified and subdued by the gentle but relentless per- sistence of the English language and the robust vigor of American law and American political institutions. THE TEUTONIC TIDE 141 After 1870 a great change came over the German immigration. More and more industrial workers, but fewer and fewer peasants, and very rarely an intellectual or a man of substance, now appeared at Ellis Island for admission to the United States. 1 The facilities for migrating were vastly increased by the great transatlantic steamship companies. The new Germans came in hordes even outnumber- ing the migrations of the fifties. From 1870 to 1910 over three and a quarter millions arrived. The highest point of the wave, however, was reached in 1882, when 250,630 German immigrants entered the United States. Thereafter the number rapid- ly subsided; the lowest ebb, in 1898, brought only 17,111, but from that time until the Great War the number of annual arrivals fluctuated between 25,000 and 40,000. The majority of those who came in the earlier part of this period made their way to the Western lands. The Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, 1 There were three potent reasons for this migration: financial stringency, overpopulation, and the growing rigor of the military service. Over ten thousand processes a year were issued by the German Government in 1872 and 1873 for evasion of military duty. Germans who had become naturalized American citizens were arrested when they returned to the Fatherland for a visit on the charge of having evaded military service. A treaty be- tween the two countries finally adjusted this difficulty. 142 OUR FOREIGNERS and the Far West, still offered alluring opportuni- ties. But as these lands were gradually taken, the later influx turned towards the cities. Here the immigrants not only found employment in those trades and occupations which the Germans for years had virtually monopolized, but they also be- came factory workers in great numbers, and many of them went into the mining regions. It soon became apparent that the spirit of this latest migration was very different from that of the earlier ones. "I do not believe,'* writes a well- informed and patriotic Lutheran pastor in 1917, "that there is one among a thousand that has emi- grated on account of dissatisfaction with the Ger- man Government during the last forty -five years. " Humility on the part of these newcomers now grad- ually gave way to arrogance. Instead of appear- ing eager to embrace their new opportunities, they criticized everything they found in their new home. The contemptuous hauteur and provincial egotism of the modern Prussian, loathsome enough in the educated, were ridiculous in the poor immigrants. Gradually this Prussian spirit increased. In 1883 it could still be said of the three hundred German- American periodicals, daily, weekly, and monthly, that in their tone they were thoroughly American. THE TEUTONIC TIDE 143 But ten or fifteen years later changes were appar- ent. In 1895 there were some five hundred Ger- man periodicals published in America, and many of the newer ones were rabidly Germanophile. The editors and owners of the older publications were dying out, and new hands were guiding the editorial pens. Often when there was no Ameri- can-born German available, an editor was import- ed fresh from Germany. He came as a German from a new Germany that Prussianized Germany which unmasked itself in August, 1914, and which included in its dream of power the unswerving and undivided loyalty of all Germans who had migrated. The traditional American indifference and good nature became a shield for the Machi- avellian editors who now began to write not for the benefit of America but for the benefit of Ger- many. Political scandals, odious comparisons of American and German methods, and adroit criti- cisms of American ways were the daily pabulum fed to the German reader, who was left with the impression that everything in the United States was wrong, while everything in Germany was right. Before the United States entered the Great War, there was a most remarkable unanimity of expression among these German publications; 144 OUR FOREIGNERS afterwards, Congress found it necessary to enact rigorous laws against them. As a result, many of them were suppressed, and many others suspended publication. German pastors, also, were not infrequently im- ported and brought with them the virus of the new Prussianism. This they injected into their con- gregations and especially into the children who attended their catechetical instruction. German "exchange professors, " in addition to their univer- sity duties, usually made a pilgrimage of the cities where the German influence was strong. The fos- tering of the German language became no longer merely a means of culture or an appurtenance to business but was insisted upon as a necessity to keep alive the German spirit, der Deutsche Geist. German parents were warned, over and over again, that once their children lost their language they would soon lose every active interest in Kultur. The teaching of German in the colleges and uni- versities assumed, undisguised and unashamed, the character of Prussian propaganda. The new immigrants from Germany were carefully protected from the deteriorating effect of American contacts, and, unlike the preceding generations of German immigrants, they took very little part in politics. THE TEUTONIC TIDE 145 Those who arrived after 1900 refused, usually, to become naturalized. The diabolical ingenuity of the German propa- ganda was subsequently laid bare, and it is known today that nearly every German club, church, school, and newspaper from about 1895 onward was being secretly marshaled into a powerful Teutonic homogeneity of sentiment and public opinion. The Kaiser boasted of his political influence through the German vote. The German-American League, in- corporated by Congress, had its branches in many States. Millions of dollars were spent by the Im- perial German Government to corrupt the millions of German birth in America. These disclosures, when they were ultimately made, produced in the United States a sharp and profound reaction against everything Teutonic. The former indifference com- pletely vanished and hyphen-hunting became a popular pastime. The charter of the German- American League was revoked by Congress. City after city took German from its school curriculum. Teutonic names of towns and streets were erased half a dozen Berlins vanished overnight and in then* places appeared the names of French, British, and American heroes. But though the names might be erased, the 146 OUR FOREIGNERS German element remained. It had become incor- porated into the national bone and sinew, contrib- uting its thoroughness, stolidity, and solidity to the American stock. The power of liberal politi- cal institutions in America has been revealed, and thousands upon thousands of the .sons and grand- sons of German immigrants crossed the seas in 1917 and 1918 to bear aloft the starry standard up- on the fields of Flanders against the arrogance and brutality of the neo-Prussians. CHAPTER VII THE CALL OF THE LAND FOR over a century after the Revolution the great fact in American life was the unoccupied land, that vast stretch of expectant acreage lying fallow in the West. It kept the American buoyant, for it was an insurance policy against want. When his crops failed or his business grew dull, there was the West. When panic and disaster overtook him, there remained the West. When the family grew too large for the old homestead, the sons went west. And land, unlimited and virtually free, was the magnet that drew the foreign home seeker to the American shores. The first public domain after the formation of the Union extended from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi. This area was enlarged and pushed to the Rockies by the Louisiana Purchase (1803) and was again enlarged and extended to the Pacific by the acquisition of Oregon (1846) and the Mexican 147 148 OUR FOREIGNERS cession (1 848) . The total area of the United States from coast to coast then comprised 8,025,000* square miles, of which over two-thirds were at one time or another public domain. Before the close of the Civil War the Government had disposed of nearly four hundred million acres but still retained hi its possession an area three times as great as the whole of the territory which had been won from Great Britain in the Revolution. The public domain was at first looked upon as a source of revenue, and a minimum price was fixed by law at $2 an acre, though this rate was subse- quently (1820) lowered to $1.25 an acre. The West always wanted liberal land laws, but the South before the Civil War, fearing that the growth of the West would give the North superior strength, opposed any such generosity. When the North dominated Congress, the Homestead Law of 1862, providing that any person, twenty-one years of age, who was a citizen of the United States or who had declared his intention of becoming one, could ob- tain title to 160 acres of land by living upon it five years, making certain improvements, and paying the entry fee of ten dollars. 1 Oberholtzer, History of the United State* tint* the Civil War, vol. I, p. 275. THE CALL OF THE LAND 149 The Government laid out its vast estate in townships six miles square, which it subdivided into sections of 640 acres and quarter sections of 160 acres. The quarter section was regarded as the public land unit and was the largest amount permitted for individual preemption and later for a homestead. Thus was the whole world in- vited to go west. Under the new law, 1,160,000 acres were taken up in 1865. * The settler no longer had to suffer the wearisome, heart-breaking tasks that confronted the pioneer of earlier years, for the railway and steamboat had for some time taken the place of the Conestoga wagon and the fitful sailboat. But the movement by railway and by steamboat was merely a continuation on a greater scale of what had been going on ever since the Revolution. The westward movement was begun, as we have seen, not by foreigners but by American farmers and settlers from seaboard and back country, thousands of whom, before the dawn of the nineteenth cen- tury, packed their household goods and families into covered wagons and followed the sunset trail. The vanguard of this westward march was Amer- ican, but foreign immigrants soon began to mingle 1 Oberholtzer, supra cit,, p. 278. 150 OUR FOREIGNERS with the caravans. At first these newcomers who heard the far call of the West were nearly all from the British Isles. Indeed so great was the exodus of these farmers that in 1816 the British journals in alarm asked Parliament to check the "ruinous drain of the most useful part of the population of the United Kingdom." Public meetings were held in Great Britain to discuss the average man's prospect in the new country. Agents of land com- panies found eager crowds gathered to learn parti- culars. Whole neighborhoods departed for Amer- ica. In order to stop the exodus, the newspapers dwelt upon the hardship of the voyage and the ex- cesses of the Americans. But, until Australia, New Zealand, and Canada began to deflect migra- tion, the stream to the United States from England, Scotland, and Wales was constant and copious. Between 1820 and 1910 the number coming from Ireland was 4,212,169, from England 2,212,071, from Scotland 488,749, and from Wales 59,540. What proportion of this host found their way to the farms is not known. x In the earlier years, the 1 The census of 1910 discloses the fact that of the 6,361,502 farms in the United States 75 per cent were operated by native white Americans and only 10.5 per cent by foreign born whites. The foreign born were distributed as follows: Austria, 33,336; Hungary. 3827; England, 39,728; Ireland, 33,480; Scotland, SLOVAK GIRLS A GIRL FROM SOUTHER* IT A LI Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. 150 OUR FOREIGNERS i the caravans. At firs -omers who heard the far call of the West were nearly all from the British Isles. Indeed so great was the exodus of these fanners that in It British journals in alarm asked Parliam 'beck the "ruinous drain of the roost useful part of the population of the < KingdaAftTO WM& meetings were held in at Britain t^ an's prospect in the new country. Agents of land com- panies found eager crowds gathered to learn parti- culars. Whole neighborhoods departed for Amer- ica. In order to stop the exodus, the newspapers dwelt upon the hardship of the voyage and the ex- ceases of the American*. But, until Australia, New Ze*buftd, Mid Canada began to deflect migra- te ( ailed States from England, Scotland, and Wales was constant and copious. Between 1820 and 1910 the number < omittf from Ireland was 4,212,169, from England v.*H,071, from Scotland 438,749, and from Wa^* 59,540. What proportion of this host found their way to farms is not known. ' In ti r years, the [\\.-\\ Y.iVMVVVv \V.v.) 1. i* *nsus of 1910 disclose* tbe fact that of the 6,391,602 farm* n the United States 75 per eeat VT-,- operated by native white Americans and only 10.5 per cent by foreign born white*. The for*if born were distributed M follows: Austria, 8S.3S8; Hungary. 387; England, 89,798; Ireland, 33,480; Scotland, THE CALL OF THE LAND 151 majority of the English and Scotch sought the land. In western New York, in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and contiguous States there were many Scotch and English neighborhoods established before the Civil War. Since 1870, however, the incoming British have provided large numbers of skilled mechanics and miners, and the Welsh, also, have been drawn largely to the coal mines. The French Revolution drove many notables to exile in the United States, and several attempts were made at colonization. The names Gallipolis and Gallia County, Ohio, bear witness to their French origin. Gallipolis was settled in 1790 by adventurers from Havre, Bordeaux, Nantes, La Rochelle, and other French cities. The colony was promoted in France by Joel Barlow, an Ananias even among land sharks, representing the Scioto Land Company, or Companie du Scioto, one of the numerous speculative concerns that early sought to capitalize credulity and European ignorance of the West. The Company had, in fact, no title to the lands, and the wretched colonists found themselves 10,220; Wales, 4110; France, 5832; Germany, 221,800; Holland, 13,790; Italy, 10,614; Russia, 25,788; Poland, 7228; Denmark, 28,375; Norway, 59,742; Sweden, 67,453; Switzerland, 14,333; Canada, 61,878. 152 OUR FOREIGNERS stranded in a wilderness for whose conquest they were unsuited. Of the colonists McMaster says: "Some could build coaches, some could make perukes, some could carve, others could gild with such exquisite carving that their work had been thought not unworthy of the King." 1 Congress came to the relief of these unfortunate people in 1795 and granted them twenty-four thousand acres in Ohio. The town they founded never fully realized their early dreams, but, after a bitter struggle, it survived the log cabin days and was lat- er honored by a visit from Louis Philippe and from Lafayette. Very few descendants of the French colonists share in its present-day prosperity. The majority of the French who came to Amer- ica after 1820 were factory workers and profes- sional people who remained in the cities. There are great numbers of French Canadians in the factory towns of New England. There are, too, French colonies in America whose inhabitants can- not be rated as foreigners, for their ancestors were veritable pioneers. Throughout the Mississippi Valley, such French settlements as Kaskaskia, Prairie du Rocher, Cahokia, and others have left much more than a geographical designation and 1 History of the People of the United State*, vol. vii, p. 203. THE CALL OF THE LAND 153 have preserved an old world aroma of quaintness and contentment. Swiss immigrants, to the number of about 250,- 000 and over 175,000 Dutch have found homes in America. The majority of the Swiss came from the German cantons of Switzerland. They have large settlements in Ohio, Wisconsin, and Cali- fornia, where they are very successful in dairying and stock raising. The Hollanders have taken root chiefly in western Michigan, between the Kala- mazoo and Grand rivers, on the deep black bottom lands suitable for celery and market gardening. The town of Holland there, with its college and churches, is the center of Dutch influence in the United States. Six of the eleven Dutch periodicals printed in America are issued from Michigan, and the majority of newcomers (over 80,000 have ar- rived since 1900) have made their way to that State. These sturdy and industrious people from Holland and Switzerland readily adapt themselves to American life. No people have answered the call of the land in recent years as eagerly as have the Scandinavians. These modern vikings have within one generation peopled a large part of the great American North- west. In 1850 there were only eighteen thousand 154 OUR FOREIGNERS Scandinavians in the United States. The tide rose rapidly in the sixties and reached its height in the eighties, until over two million Scandinavian immi- grants have made America their home. They and their descendants form a very substantial part of the rural population. There are nearly half as many Norwegians in America as in Norway, which has emptied a larger proportion of its population into the American lap than any other country save Ire- land. About one-fourth of the world's Swedes and over one-tenth of the world's Danes dwell in America. The term Scandinavian is here used in the loose sense to embrace the peoples of the two peninsulas where dwell the Danes, the Norwegians, and the Swedes. These three branches of the same family have much in common, though for many years they objected to being thus rudely shaken together into one ethnic measure. The Swede is the aristocrat, the Norwegian the democrat, the Dane the conserv- ative. The Swede, polite, vivacious, fond of music and literature, is "the Frenchman of the North," the Norwegian is a serious viking in modern dress; the Dane remains a landsman, devoted to his fields, and he is more amenable than his northern kinsmen to the cultural influence of the South. THE CALL OF THE LAND 155 The Norwegian, true to viking traditions, led the modern exodus. In 1825 the sloop Restoration, the Mayflower of the Norse, landed a band of fifty- three Norwegian Quakers on Manhattan. These peasants settled at first in western New York. But within a few years most of them removed to Fox River, Illinois, whither were drawn most of the Norwegians who migrated before 1850. After the Civil War, the stream rapidly rose, until nearly seven hundred thousand persons of Norwegian birth have settled in America. The Swedish migration started in 1841, when Gustavus Unonius, a former student of the Uni- versity of Upsala, founded the colony of Pine Lake, near Milwaukee. His followers have been de- scribed as a strange assortment of "noblemen, ex- army officers, merchants, and adventurers, " whose experiences and talents were not of the sort that make pioneering successful. Frederika Bremer, the noted Swedish traveler, has left a description of the little cluster of log huts and the handful of peo- ple who "had taken with them the Swedish inclina- tion for hospitality and a merry life, without suffic- iently considering how long it could last. " Their experiences form a romantic prelude to the great Swedish migration, which reached its height in the 156 OUR FOREIGNERS eighties. Today the Swedes form the largest ele- ment in the Scandinavian influx, for well over one million have migrated to the United States. Nearly three hundred thousand persons of Dan- ish blood have come into the country since the Civil War. A large number migrated from Schleswig- Holstein, after the forcible annexation of that prov- ince by Prussia in 1866, preferring the freedom of America to the tyranny of Berlin. Whatever distinctions in language and customs may have characterized these Northern peoples, they had one ambition in common the desire to own tillable land. So they made of the Northwest a new Scandinavia, larger and far more prosperous than that which Gustavus Adolphus had planned in colonial days for his colony in Delaware. One can travel today three hundred miles at a stretch across the prairies of the Dakotas or the fields of Minnesota without leaving land that is owned by Scandinavians. They abound also in Wisconsin, Northern Illinois, Eastern Nebraska, and Kansas, and Northern Michigan . Latterly the lands of Ore- gon and Washington are luring them by the thou- sands, while throughout the remaining West there are scattered many prosperous farms cultivated by representatives of this hardy race. Latterly this THE CALL OF THE LAND , 157 stream of Scandinavians has thinned to about one- half its former size. In 1910, 48,000 came; in 1911, 42,000; in 1912, 27,000; in 1913, 33,000. The later immigrant is absorbed by the cities, or sails upon the Great Lakes or in the coastwise trade, or work* in lumber camps or mines. Wherever you find a Scandinavian, however, he is working close to na- ture, even though he is responding to the call of the new industry. It is the consensus of opinion among competent observers that these northern peoples have been the most useful of the recent great additions to the American race. They were particularly fitted by nature for the conquest of the great area which they have brought under subjugation, not merely because of their indomitable industry, perseverance, honesty, and aptitude for agriculture, but because they share with the Englishman and the Scotch- man the instinct for self-government. Above all, the Scandinavian has never looked upon himself as an exile. From the first he has considered himself an American. In Minnesota and Dakota, the Norse pioneer often preceded local government. "Whenever a township became populous enough to have a name as well as a number on the surveyor's map, that question was likely to be determined by 158 OUR FOREIGNERS the people on the ground, and such names as Chris- tiana, Swede Plain, Numedal, Throndhjem, and Vasa leave no doubt that Scandinavians officiated at the christening. " These people proceeded with the organizing of the local government and, "ex- cept for the peculiar names, no one would suspect that the town-makers were born elsewhere than in Massachusetts or New York. " r This, too, in spite of the fact that they continued the use of their mother tongue, for not infrequently election notices and even civic ordinances and orders were issued in Norwegian or Swedish. In 1893 there were 146 Scandinavian newspapers, and their number has since greatly increased. In politics the Norseman learned his lesson quick- ly. Governors, senators, and representatives in Congress give evidence to a racial clannish- ness that has more than once proven stronger than party allegiance. Yet with all their influence in the Northwest, they have not insisted on un- reasonable race recognition, as have the Germans in Wisconsin and other localities. Minnesota and Dakota have established classes in "the Scan- dinavian language" in their state universities, 1 K. C. Babcock, The Scandinavian Element in the United Statet. p. 143. THE CALL OF THE LAND 159 evidently leaving it to be decided as an aca- demic question which is the Scandinavian lan- guage. Without brilliance, producing few leaders, the Norseman represents the rugged common- place of American life, avoiding the catastrophes of a soaring ambition on the one hand and the pit- falls of a jaded temperamentalism on the other. Bent on self-improvement, he scrupulously patro- nizes farmers' institutes, high schools, and exten- sion courses, and listens with intelligent patience to lectures that would put an American audience to sleep. This son of the North has greatly but- tressed every worthy American institution with the stern traditional virtues of the tiller of the soil. Strength he gives, if not grace, and that at a time when all social institutions are being shaken to their foundations. Among the early homesteaders in the upper Mis- sissippi Valley there were a substantial number of Bohemians. In Nebraska they comprise nine per cent of the foreign born population, in Oklahoma seven per cent, and in Texas over six per cent. They began migrating in the turbulent forties. They were nearly all of the peasant class, neat, in- dustrious and intelligent, and they usually settled in colonies where they retained their native tongue 160 OUR FOREIGNERS and customs. They were opposed to slavery and many enlisted in the Union cause. Among the Polish immigrants who came to Amer- ica before 1870, many settled on farms in Illinois, Wisconsin, Texas, and other States. They proved much more clannish than the Bohemians and more reluctant to conform to American customs. Many farms in the Northwest are occupied by Finns, of whom there were in 1910 over two hun- dred thousand in the United States. They are a Tatar race, with a copious sprinkling of Swedish blood. Illiteracy is rare among them. They are eager patrons of night schools and libraries and have a flourishing college near Duluth. They are eager for citizenship and are independent in poli- tics. The glittering generalities of Marxian social- ism seem peculiarly alluring to them; and not a few have joined the I. W. W. Drink has been their curse, but a strong temperance movement has re- cently made rapid headway among them. They are natural woodmen and wield the axe with the skill of our own frontiersmen. Their peculiar houses, made of neatly squared logs, are features of every Finnish settlement. All of the North European races and a few from Southern and East- ern Europe have contributed to the American rural THE CALL OF THE LAND 161 population; yet the Census of 1910 disclosed the fact that of the 6,361,502 white farm operators in the United States, 75 per cent were native American and only 10.5 per cent were foreign born. CHAPTER VIII THE CITY BUILDERS "WHAT will happen to immigration when the pub- lic domain has vanished?'* was a question fre- quently asked by thoughtful American citizens. The question has been answered: the immigrant has become a job seeker in the city instead of a home seeker in the open country. The last three decades have witnessed "the portentous growth of the cities " and they are cities of a new type, cities of gigantic factories, towering skyscrapers, electric trolleys, telephones, automo- biles, and motor trucks, and of fetid tenements swarming with immigrants. The immigrants, too, are of a new type. When Henry James revisited Boston after a long absence, he was shocked at the "gross little foreigners'* who in- fested its streets, and he said it seemed as if the fine old city had been wiped with "a sponge satu- rated with the foreign mixture and passed over 162 THE CITY BUILDERS 163 almost everything I remembered and might have still recovered." 1 Until 1882 the bulk of immigration, as we have seen, came from the north of Europe, and these immigrants were kinsmen to the American and for the most part sought the country. The new immi- gration, however, which chiefly sought the cities, hailed from southern and eastern Europe. It has shown itself alien in language, custom, in ethnic affinities and political concepts, in personal stand- ards and assimilative ambitions. These immigrants arrived usually in masculine hordes, leaving women and children behind, clinging to their own kind with an apprehensive mistrust of all things American, and filled with the desire to extract from this fabulous mine as much gold as possible and then to return to their native villages. Yet a very large number of those who have gone home to Europe have re- turned to America with bride or family . As a result the larger cities of the United States are congeries of foreign quarters, whose alarming fecundity fills the streets with progeny and whose polyglot chat- ter on pay night turns even many a demure New England town into a veritable babel. 1 This lament of Henry James's is cited by E. A. Ross in The Old World in the New, p. 101. 164 OUR FOREIGNERS There are in the United States today roughly eight or ten millions of these new immigrants. A line drawn southward from Minneapolis to St. Louis and thence eastward to Washington would embrace over four-fifths of them, for most of the great American cities lie in this northeastern corner of the land. Whence come these millions? From the vast and mysterious lands of the Slavs, from Italy, from Greece, and from the Levant. The term Slav covers a welter of nationalities whose common ethnic heritage has long been con- cealed under religious, geographical, and political diversities and feuds. They may be divided into North Slavs, including Bohemians, Poles, Ruthen- ians, Slovaks, and "Russians," and South Slavs, including Bulgarians, Serbians and Montenegrins, Croatians, Slovenians, and Dalmatians. As one writer on these races says, "It is often impossible hi America to distinguish these national groups. . . . Yet the differences are there. ... In American communities they have their different churches, societies, newspapers, and a separate social life. . . . The Pole wastes no love on the Russian, nor the Ruthenian on the Pole, and a person who acts in ignorance of these facts, a missionary for instance, or a political boss, or a trade union organizer, may RUSSIAN TYPES Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. A HEBREW PATRIARCH Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. ARMENIAN REFUGEES . Photograph copyright by Underwood and Under\ New York. 164 OUR FOREIGNERS There are in the United States today roughly eight or ten millions of these new immigrants. A line drawn southward from Minneapolis to St. Louis and thence eastward to Washington would ' \'\ 1 \ V I \ f ' ^ *A embrace over four-nftns of them, for most of the great Amerffim cities nem iBSianortheastern corner of the land. Whence come these millions? From the vast and mysterious lands of the Slavs, from Italy, from Greece, and from the Levant. The term Slav covers a welter of nationalities whose common ethnic heritage has long been con- cealed under religious, geographical, and political diversities and feuds. They may be divided into North Slavs,^Mi|^nfcaiiBiM, Poles, Ruthen- ii JMW> J *^$o*^tos, Croatia us, Slovenians, and Dalmatians. As one writer on these races says, "It is often impossible in America to distinguish these national groups. . . . Yet the differences are there. ... In American communities they have their different churches, societies, newspapers, and a separate social life. . . . The Pole waftPa^tftvfeM a ft& Russian, nor the Kul^Wrf-i)ta4b^iH^UjMW^^(*iwtto li acts in ignorance of these facts, a missionary for instance, or a political boss, or a trade union organizer, may THE CITY BUILDERS 165 find himself in the position of a host who should innocently invite a Fenian from Cork County to hobnob with an Ulster Orangeman on the ground that both were Irish." 1 The Bohemians (including the Moravians) are the most venturesome and the most enlightened of the great Slav family. Many of them came to America in the seventeenth century as religious pilgrims; more came as political refugees after 1848; and since 1870, they have come in larger numbers, seeking better economic conditions. All told, they numbered over 220,000, from which it may be estimated that there are probably today half a million persons of Bohemian parentage in the United States. Chicago alone shelters over 100,000 of these people, and Cleveland 45,000. These im- migrants as a rule own the neat, box-like houses in which they live, where flower-pots and tiny gardens bespeak a lov.e of growing things, and lace curtains, carpets, and center tables testify to the influence of an American environment. The Bo- hemians are much given to clubs, lodges, and so- cieties, which usually have rooms over Bohemian saloons. The second generation is prone to free thinking and has a weakness for radical socialism. 1 Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p. 8-9. 166 OUR FOREIGNERS The Bohemians are assiduous readers, and illit- eracy is almost unknown among them. They sup- port many periodicals and several thriving pub- lishing houses. They cling to their language with a religious fervor. Their literature and the his- tory which it preserves is their pride. Yet this love of their own traditions is no barrier, apparent- ly, to forming strong attachments to American institutions. The Bohemians are active in politics, and in the cities where they congregate they see that they have their share of the public offices. There are more highly skilled workmen among them than are to be found in any other Slavic group; and the second generation of Bohemians in America has produced many brilliant professional men and successful business men. As one writer puts it: "The miracle which America works upon the Bohemians is more remarkable than any other of our national achievements. The downcast look so characteristic of them in Prague is nearly gone, the surliness and unfriendliness disappear, and the young Bohemian of the second or third genera- tion is as frank and open as his neighbor with his Anglo-Saxon heritage." 1 The bitter political and racial suppression that 1 Edward A. Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant, p. 228. THE CITY BUILDERS 167 made the Bohemian surly and defiant seem, on the other hand, to have left the Polish peasant stolid, patient, and very illiterate. Polish settlements were made in Texas and Wisconsin in the fifties and before 1880 a large number of Poles were scattered through New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Since then great numbers have come over in the new migrations until today, it is estimated, at least three million persons of Polish parent- age live in the United States. 1 The men in the earlier migrations frequently settled on the land; the recent comers hasten to the mines and the met- al working centers, where their strong though un- trained hands are in constant demand. The majority of the Poles have come to America to stay. They remain, however, very clannish and according to the Federal Industrial Commission, without the "desire to fuse socially." The recent Polish immigrant is very circumscribed in his men- tal horizon, clings tenaciously to his language, which he hears exclusively in his home and his 1 This is an estimate made by the Reverend W. X. Kruszka of Ripon, Wisconsin, as reported by E. G. Balch in Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p. 262. Of this large number, Chicago claims 350,000; New York City, 250,000; Buffalo, 80,000; Milwaukee, 75,000; Detroit, 75,000; while at least a dozen other cities have substantial Polish settlements. These numbers include the suburbs of each city. 168 OUR FOREIGNERS church, his lodge, and his saloon, and is unrespon- sive to his American environment. Not until the second and third generation is reached does the spirit of American democracy make headway against his lethal stolidity. Now that Poland has been made free as a result of the Great War, it may be that the Pole's inherited indifference will give way to national aspirations and that, in the resurrection of his historic hope of freedom, he will find an animating stimulant. The Pole, however, is more independent and progressive than the Slovak, his brother from the northeastern corner of Hungary. For many genera- tions this segment of the Slav race has been piti- fully crushed. Turks, Magyars, and Huns have taken ^delight in oppressing him. An early, spo- radic migration of Slovaks to America received a sudden impulse in 1882. About 200,000 have come since then, and perhaps twice that number of per- sons of Slovak blood now dwell in the mining and industrial centers of the United States. Many of them, however, return to their native villages. They keep aloof from things American and only too often prefer to live in squalor and ignorance. Their social life is centered in the church, the saloon, and the lodge. It is asserted that their THE CITY BUILDERS 169 numerous organizations have a membership of over 100,000, and that there were almost as many Slovak newspapers in America as in Hungary. * Little Russia, the seat of turmoil, is the home of the Ruthenians, or Ukranians. They are also found in southeastern Galicia, northern Hungary, and in the province of Bukowina. They have mi- grated from all these provinces and about 350,000, it is estimated, now reside in the United States. They, too, are birds of passage, working in the mines and steel mills for the coveted wages that shall free them from debt at home and insure their independence. Such respite as they take from their labors is spent in the saloon, in the club rooms over the saloon, or in church, where they hear no English speech and learn nothing of American ways. It is impossible to estimate the total number of Russian Slavs in the United States, as the census figures until recently included as "Russian" all nationalities that came from Russia. They form the smallest of the Slavic groups that have mi- grated to America. From 1898 to 1909 only 66,282 arrived, about half of whom settled in Pennsyl- vania and New York. It is surprising to note, 1 This is accounted for by the fact that the Hungarian Govern- ment rigorously censored Slovak publications. 170 OUR FOREIGNERS however, that every State in the Union except Utah and every island possession except the Philip- pines has received a few of these immigrants. The Director of Emigration at St. Petersburg in 1907 characterized these people as "hardy and indus- trious," and "though illiterate they are intelligent and unbigoted." * So much in brief for the North Slavs. Of the South Slavs, the Bulgarians possess racial charac- teristics which point to an intermixture in the re- mote past with some Asiatic strain, perhaps a Magyar blend. Very few Bulgarian immigrants, who come largely from Macedonia, arrived before the revolution of 1904, when many villages in Monastir were destroyed. For some years they made Granite City, near St. Louis, the center of their activities but, like the Serbians, they are now well scattered throughout the country. In Seattle, Butte, Chicago, and Indianapolis they form con- siderable colonies. Many of them return yearly to their native hills, and it is too early to deter- mine how fully they desire to adapt themselves to American ways. 1 Since the Russo-Japanese War, Siberia has absorbed great numbers of Russian immigrants. This accounts for the small number that have come to America. A STREET IN BELGRADE A SERB FIGHTING MAN A SERB REFUGEE Photographs by Lewis \V. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. 170 OUK FOREIGNERS however, that every State in the Union ih and every island possession except the Philip- pines has received a few of these immigrants. The Director of Emigration at St. Petersburg in 1907 characterized these people. aa "hardy and indus- trious," and "though illiterate they are intelligent and unbigoted." 1 V\ \ So much in brief for the North Slavs. Of the South Slavs, the Bulgarians possess racial charac- teristics which point to an intermixture in the re- mote past with some Asiatic strain, perhaps a Magyar blend. Very few Bulgarian immigrants, who come largely from Macedonia, arrived before the revolution of 1904, when many villages in Monastir wre destroyed. For some years they made Granite City, o UUM, they are now well scattered throughout the country. In Seattle, Butte, Chicago, and Indianapolis they form ceo* siderable colonies. Many of ther yearly to their native hills, and it ia too early to deter- mine how fully they desire to adapt tlMMelyps to \ TnulA -/, , y * Sim* the Russo-Japanese War. Siberia ha* abaci-bed great number* of Russian immigrant*. Tfci* account* for the email number that have come to America. laioaqr! io1 sniH . // I iu;l'I THE CITY BUILDERS 171 Montenegro, Serbia, and Bulgaria, countries that have been thrust forcibly into the world's vision by the Great War, have sent several hundred thousand of their hardy peasantry to the United States. The Montenegrins and Serbians, who comprise three-fourths of this migration, are vir- tually one in speech and descent. They are to be found in New England towns and in nearly every State from New York to Alaska, where they work in the mills and mines and in construction gangs. The response which these people make to educa- tional opportunities shows their high cultural possibilities. The Croatians and Dalmatians, who constitute the larger part of the southern Slav immigration, are a sturdy, vigorous people, and splendid speci- mens of physical manhood. The Dalmatians are a seafaring folk from the Adriatic coast, whose sailors may be found in every port of the world. The Dal- matians have possessed themselves of the oyster fisheries near New Orleans and are to be found in Mississippi making staves and in California making wine. In many cities they manage restaurants. The exceptional shrewdness of the Dalmatians is in bold contrast to their illiteracy. They get on amazingly in spite of their lack of education. Once 172 OUR FOREIGNERS they have determined to remain in this country, they take to American ways more readily than do the other southern Slavs. Croatia, too, has its men of the sea, but in America most of the immigrants of this race are to be found in the mines and coke furnaces of Penn- sylvania and West Virginia. In New York City there are some 15,000 Croatian mechanics and longshoremen. The silver and copper mines of Montana also employ a large number of these people. It is estimated that fully one-half of the Croatians return to their native hills and that they contribute yearly many millions to the home-folks. From the little province of Carniola come the Slovenians, usually known as "Griners" (from the German Krainer, the people of the Krain), a frag- ment of the Slavic race that has become much more assimilated with the Germans who govern them than any other of their kind. Their national cos- tume has all but vanished and with it the virile traditions of their forefathers. They began coming to America in the sixties, and in the seventies they founded an important colony at Joliet, Illinois. Since 1892 their numbers have increased rapidly, until today about 100,000 live in the United States. Over one-half of these immigrants are to be found THE CITY BUILDERS 173 In the steel and mining towns of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois, where the large majority of them are unskilled workmen. Among the second generation, however, are to be found a number of successful merchants. All these numerous peoples have inherited in common the impassive, patient temperament and the unhappy political fate of the Slav. Their countries are mere eddies left by the mighty cur- rents of European conquest and reconquest, back- ward lands untouched by machine industry and avoided by capital, whose only living links with the moving world are the birds of passage, the immigrants who flit between the mines and cities of America and these isolated European villages. Held together by national costume, song, dance, festival, traditions, and language, these people live in the pale glory of a heroic past. Most of those who come to America are peasants who have been crushed by land feudalism, kept in ignorance by political intolerance, and bound in superstition by a reactionary ecclesiasticism. The brutality with which they treat their women, their disregard for sanitary measures, and their love for strong drink are evidences of the survival of medievalism in the midst of modern lif e, as are their notions of 174 OUR FOREIGNERS class prerogative and their concept of the State. Buffeted by the world, their language suppressed, their nationalism reviled, poor, ignorant, unskilled, these children of the open country come to the ugliest spots of America, the slums of the cities, and the choking atmosphere of the mines. Here, crowded in their colonies, jealously shepherd- ed by their church, neglected by the community, they remain for an entire generation immune to American influences. According to estimates giv- en by Emily G. Balch, ' between four and six mil- lion persons of Slavic descent are now dwelling among us, and their fecundity is amazing. Equal- ly amazing is the indifference of the Government and of Americans generally to the menace in- volved in the increasing numbers of these invet- erate aliens to institutions that are fundamentally American. The Lithuanians and Magyars are often classed with the Slavs. They hotly resent this inclusion, however, for they are distinct racial strains of an- cient lineage. An adverse fate has left the Lithu- anian little of his old civilization except his lan- guage. Political and economic suppression has made sad havoc of what was once a proud and 1 Ow Slavic Fellow Citizens, p. 280. THE CITY BUILDERS 175 prosperous people. Most of them are now crowded into the Baltic province that bears their name, and they are reduced to the menta! and economic level of the Russian moujik. In 1868 a famine drove the first of these immigrants to America, where they were soon absorbed by the anthracite mines of Penn- sylvania. They were joined in the seventies by numbers of army deserters. The hard times of the nineties caused a rush of young men to the western El Dorado. Since then the influx has steadily continued until now over 200,000 are in America. They persistently avoid agriculture and seek the coal mine and the factory. The one craft in which they excel is tailoring, and they proudly boast of being the best dressed among all the Eastern- European immigrants. The one mercantile ambi- tion which they have nourished is to keep a saloon. Drinking is their national vice; and they measure the social success of every wedding, christening, picnic, and jollification by its salvage of empty beer kegs. Over 338,000 Magyars immigrated to the United States during the decade ending 1910. These bril- liant and masterful folk are a Mongoloid blend that swept from the steppes of Asia across east- ern Europe a thousand years ago. As the wave 176 OUR FOREIGNERS receded, the Magyars remained dominant in beau- tiful and fertile Hungary, where their aggressive nationalism still brings them into constant rivalry on the one hand with the Germans of Austria and on the other with the Slavs of Hungary. The im- migrants to America are largely recruited from the peasantry. They almost invariably seek the cities, where the Magyar neighborhoods can be easily distinguished by their scrupulously neat house- keeping, the flower beds, the little patches of well- swept grass, the clean children, and the robust and tidy women. Among them is less illiteracy than in any other group from eastern and southern Europe, excepting the Finns, who are their ethnic brothers. As a rule they own their own homes. They learn the English language quickly but unfortunately acquire with it many American vices. Drinking and carousing are responsible for then' many crimes of personal violence. They are otherwise a socia- ble, happy people, and the cafes kept by Hunga- rians are islands of social jollity in the desert of urban strife. In bold contrast to these ardent devotees of nationalism, the Jew, the man of no country and of all countries, is an American immigrant still to be considered. By force of circumstance he became THE CITY BUILDERS 177 a city dweller; he came from the European city; he remained in the American city; and all attempts to colonize Jews on the land have failed. The doors of this country have always been open to him. At the time of the Revolution several thousand Jews dwelt in American towns. By 1850 the number had increased to 50,000 and by the time of the Civil War to 150,000. The persecutions of Czar Alex- ander III in the eighties swelled the number to over 400,000, and the political reactions of the nineties added over one million. Today at least one fifth of the ten million Jews in the world live in American cities. The first to seek a new Zion in this land were the Spanish-Portuguese Jews, who came as early as 1655. They remain a select aristocracy among their race, clinging to certain ritualistic character- istics and retaining much of the pride which their long contact with the Spaniard has engendered. They are found almost exclusively in the eastern cities, as successful bankers, merchants, and pro- fessional men. There next came on the wave of the great German immigration the German Jews. They are to be found in every city, large and small, engaged in mercantile pursuits, especially in the drygoods and the clothing business. Nearly all 178 OUR FOREIGNERS of the prominent Jews in America have come from this stock the great bankers, financiers, lawyers, merchants, rabbis, scholars, and public men. It was, indeed, from their broad-minded scholars that there originated the widespread liberal Juda- ism which has become a potent ethical force in our great cities. The Austrian and Hungarian Jews followed. The Jews had always received liberal treatment in Hungary, and their mingling with the social Magyars had produced the type of the coffee- house Jew, who loved to reproduce in American cities the conviviality of Vienna and Budapest but who did not take as readily to American ways as the German Jew. Most of the Jews from Hungary remained in New York, although Chi- cago and St. Louis received a few of them. In commercial life they are traders, pawnbrokers, and peddlers, and control the artificial-flower and passementerie trade. By far the largest group are the latest comers, the Russian Jews. " Ultra orthodox," says Edward A. Steiner, "yet ultra radical; chained to the past, and yet utterly severed from it; with religion per- meating every act of life, or going to the other ex- treme and having 'none of it'; traders by instinct, THE CITY BUILDERS 179 and yet among the hardest manual laborers of our great cities. A complex mass in which great things are yearning to express themselves, a brooding mass which does not know itself and does not lightly disclose itself to the outside." 1 Nearly a million of these people are crowded into the New York ghettos. Large numbers of them engage in the garment industries and the manufacture of tobacco. They graduate also into junk-dealers, pawnbrokers, and peddlers, and are soon on their way "up town." Among them socialism thrives, and the second generation displays an unseemly haste to break with the faith of its fathers. The Jews are the intellectuals of the new immi- gration. They invest their political ideas with vague generalizations of human amelioration. They cannot forget that Karl Marx was a Jew: and one wonders how many Trotzkys and Lenines are being bred in the stagnant air of their reeking ghettos. It remains to be seen whether they will be willing to devote their undoubted mental ca- pacities to other than revolutionary vagaries or to gainful pursuits, for they have a tendency to com- mercialize everything they touch. They have 1 On the Trail of the Immigrant, p. 27. 180 OUR FOREIGNERS shown no reluctance to enter politics; they learn English with amazing rapidity, throng the public schools and colleges, and push with characteristic zeal and persistence into every open door of this liberal land. From Italy there have come to America well over three million immigrants. For two decades before 1870 they filtered in at the average rate of about one thousand a year; then the current in- creased to several thousand a year; and after 1880 it rose to a flood. * Over two-thirds of these Ital- ians live in the larger cities; one-fourth of them are crowded into New York tenements. 2 Following in order, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston, New Orleans, Cleveland, St. Louis, Baltimore, Detroit, Portland, and Omaha have their Italian quarters, all char- acterized by overcrowded boarding houses and tenements, vast hordes of children, here and there an Italian bakery and grocery, on every cor- ner a saloon, and usually a private bank with a 1 The census figures show that approximately half the Italian immigrants return to their native land. American officers in the Great War were surprised to find so many Italian soldiers who spoke English. In 1910 there remained in the United States only 1,843,000 Italians who were born in Italy, and the total number of persons of Italian stock in the United States was 2,098,000. * According to the Census of 1910 there were 544,000 Italians in New York City. WOMEN OF NORTHERN I TALI A LEGIONARY OF TO DA} Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. OUR FOREIGNERS shown no reluctance to enter politics; they learn English with amazing rapidity, throng the public schools and colleges, and push with characteristic zeal and persistence into every open door of this liberal land. From Italy there have come to America well over three ^j^,*^^^, vM decade * before 1870 they filtered in at the average rate of about one thousand a year; then the current in- creased to several thousand a year; and after 1880 it rose to a flood. I Over two-thirds of these Ital- ians live in the larger cities; one-fourth of them are crowded into New York tenements. 3 Following in order, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston, New Orleans, Clevela , Baltimore, Detroit, Portland, and Omaha have their Italian quarters, all char- acterised by overcrowded boarding houses and tenements, vast hordes of children, here and there an Italian bakery and grocery, on every cor- ner a saloon, and usually a private ! auk with a 1 The census figures show that approximately batf the Italian teuMfpmnta return to their native land. America* officers in the Great War were surprUe&Qtt flMti 'ttt KiAfcJi'OaJnk) soldiers who spoke Kuglish In 1910 there remained in the United States only 1,343, 0M Italians who were bora m Italy, and the total number of penaos of Italian stock in the I aired States was 2,098,000. * According to the Census of !*! there were 544.000 Italians in Ntw York City. ol ^nill .'(( niwxl yd i THE CITY BUILDERS 181 steamship agency and the office of the local padrone. Scores of the lesser cities also have their Italian contingent, usually in the poorest and most neg- lected part of the town, where gaudily painted door jambs and window frames and wonderfully pros- perous gardens proclaim the immigrant from sunny Italy. Not infrequently an old warehouse, store, or church is transformed into an ungainly and evil- odored barracks, housing scores of men who do their own washing and cooking. Those who do not dwell in the cities are at work in construc- tion camps for the Italian has succeeded the Irishman as the knight of the pick and shovel. The great bulk of these swarthy, singing, hopeful young fellows are peasants, unskilled of hand but willing of heart. Nearly every other one is un- able to read or write. They have not come for political or religious reasons but purely as seek- ers for wages, driven from the peasant villages by overpopulation and the hazards of a precari- ous agriculture. They have come in two distinct streams: one from northern Italy, embracing about one-fifth of the whole; the other from southern Italy. The two streams are quite distinct in quality. North- ern Italy is the home of the old masters in art and 182 OUR FOREIGNERS literature and of a new industrialism that is bringing renewed prosperity to Milan and Turin. Here the virile native stock has been strengthened with the blood of its northern neighbors. They are a ca- pable, creative, conservative, reliable race. On the other hand, the hot temper of the South has been fed by an infusion of Greek and Saracen blood. In Sicily this strain shows at its worst. There the vendetta flourishes; and the Camorra and its sinis- ter analogue, the Black Hand, but too realistically remind us that thousands of these swarthy crimi- nals have found refuge in the dark alleys of our cities. Even in America the Sicilian carries a dirk, and the "death sign" in a court room has silenced many a witness. The north Italians readily iden- tify themselves with American life. Among them are found bakers, barbers, and marble cutters, as well as wholesale fruit and olive oil merchants, artists, and musicians. But the south Italian is a restless, roving creature, who dislikes the confine- ment and restraint of the mill and factory. He is found out of doors, making roads and excava- tions, railways, skyscrapers, and houses. If he has a liking for trade he trundles a pushcart filled with fruit or chocolates; or he may turn a jolly hurdy-gurdy or grind scissors. In spite of his THE CITY BUILDERS 183 native sociability, the south Italian is very slow to take to American ways. As a rule, he comes here intending to go back when he has made enough money. He has the air of a sojourner. He is picturesque, volatile, and incapable of effec- tive team work. About 300,000 Greeks have come to America between 1908 and 1917, nearly all of them young men, escaping from a country where they had meat three times a year to a land where they may have it three times a day. "The whole Greek world," says Henry P. Fairchild, writing in 1911, "may be said to be in a fever of emigration. . . . The strong young men with one accord are "severing home ties, leaving behind wives and sweethearts, and thronging to the shores of America in search of opportunity and fortune." Every year they send back handsome sums to the expectant family. Business is an instinct with the Greek, and he has almost monopolized the ice cream, confectionery, and retail fruit business, the small florist shops and bootblack stands in scores of towns, and in every large city he is running successful restaurants. As a factory operative he is found in the cotton mills of New England, but he prefers merchandizing to any other calling. 184 OUR FOREIGNERS Years ago when New Bedford was still a whaling port a group of Portuguese sailors from the Azores settled there. This formed the nucleus of the Por- tuguese immigration which, in the last decade, included over 80,000 persons. Two-thirds of these live in New England factory towns, the remaining third, strange to say, have found their way to the other side of the continent, where they work in the gardens and fruit orchards of California. New Bedford is still the center of their activity. They are a hard-working people whose standard of living, according to official investigations "is much low- er than that of any other race," of whom scarcely one in twenty become citizens, and who evince no interest in learning or in manual skill. Finally, American cities are extending the radius of their magnetism and are drawing ambitious tradesmen and workers from the Levant. Over 100,000 have come from Arabia, Syria, Armenia, and Turkey. The Armenians and Syrians, form- ing the bulk of this influx, came as refugees from the brutalities of the Mohammedan regime. The Levantine is first and always a bargainer. His little bazaars and oriental rug shops are bits of Cairo and Constantinople, where you are privi- leged to haggle over every purchase in true oriental THE CITY BUILDERS 185 style. Even the peddlers of lace and drawn-work find it hard to accustom themselves to the oc- cidental idea of a market price. With all their cunning as traders, they respect learning, prize manual skill, possess a fine artistic sense, and are law-abiding. The Armenians especially are eager to become American citizens. Since the settle- ment of the Northwestern lands, many thousands of Scandinavians and Finns have flocked to the cities, where they are usually employed as skilled craftsmen. ' Thus the United States, in a quarter of a century, has assumed a cosmopolitanism in which the early German and Irish immigrants appear as veteran 1 The Census of 1910 gives the following distribution of the American white population by percentages: Location Native stock Notice born of Foreign or mixed parentage Foreign born Rural districts 64.1 13.3 7.5 Cities 2,500- 10,000 57.5 20.6 13.9 10,000- 25,000 50.4 24.6 17.4 25,000-100,000 45.9 26.5 20.2 " 100,000-500,000 38.9 31.8 22.1 500,000 and over 25.6 37.2 33.6 The native white element predominates in the country but is only a fraction of the population in the larger cities. 186 OUR FOREIGNERS Americans. This is not a stationary cosmopolitan- ism, like that of Constantinople, the only great city in Europe that compares with New York, Chicago, or Boston in ethnic complexity. It is a shifting mass. No two generations occupy the same quar- ters. Even the old rich move "up town'* leaving their fine houses, derelicts of a former splendor, to be divided into tenements where six or eight Italian or Polish families find ample room for themselves and a crowd of boarders. Thousands of these migratory beings throng the steerage of transatlantic ships every winter to return to their European homes. The steamship companies, whose enterprise is largely responsible for this flow of populations, reap their harvest; and many a decaying village buried in the southern hills of Europe, or swept by the winds of the great Slav plains, owes its regeneration ultimately to American dollars. They pay the price of their success, these flitting beings, links between distant lands and our own. The great maw of mine and factory devours thou- sands. Their lyric tribal songs are soon drowned by the raucous voices of the city; their ancient folk-dances, meant for a village green, not for a reeking dance-hall, lose here their native grace; THE CITY BUILDERS 187 and the quaint and picturesque costumes of the European peasant give place to American store clothes, the ugly badge of equality. The outward bound throng holds its head high, talks back at the steward, and swaggers. It has become "American." The restless fever of the great democracy is in its veins. Most of those who return home will find their way back with others of their kind to the teeming hives and the coveted fleshpots they are leaving. And again they will tax the ingenuity of labor unions, political and social organizations, schools, libraries, and churches, in the endeavor to transform medieval peasants into democratic peers. CHAPTER IX THE ORIENTAL AMERICA, midway between Europe and Asia, was destined to be the meeting-ground of Occident and Orient. It was in the exciting days of '49 that gold became the lodestone to draw to California men from the oriental lands across the Pacific. The Chinese for the moment overcame their religious aversion to leaving their native haunts and, lured by the promise of fabulous wages, made their way to the "gold hills." Of the three hundred thousand who came to America during the three decades of free entry, the large majority were peasants from the rural districts in the vicinity of Canton. They were thrifty, independent, sturdy, honest young men who sought the great adventure unaccom- panied by wife or family. Chinese tradition for- bade the respectable woman to leave her home, even with her husband; and China was so isolated from the world, so encrusted in her own traditions, 188 THE ORIENTAL 189 that out of her uncounted millions even the paltry thousands of peasants and workmen who filtered through the port of Canton into the great world were bound by ancient precedent as firmly as if they had remained at home. They invariably planned to return to the Celestial Empire and it was their supreme wish that, if they died abroad, their bodies be buried in the land of their ancestors. The Chinaman thus came to America as a work- man adventurer, not as a prospective citizen. He preserved his queue, his pajamas, his chopsticks, and his joss in the crude and often brutal surround- ings of the mining camp. He maintained that gentle, yielding, unassertive character which suc- cumbs quietly to pressure at one point, only to reappear silently and unobtrusively in another place. In the wild rough and tumble of the camp, where the outlaw and the bully found congenial refuge, the celestial did not belie his name. He was indeed of another world, and his capacity for pa- tience, his native dignity without suspicion of hau- teur, baffled the loud self-assertion of the Irish and the Anglo-Saxon. During the first years of the gold rush, the Chinaman was welcome in California because he was necessary. He could do so many things that 190 OUR FOREIGNERS the miner disdained or found no time to do. He could cook and wash, and he could serve. He was a rare gardener and a patient day laborer. He could learn a new trade quickly. In the city he became a useful domestic servant at a time when there were very few women. In all his tasks he was neat and had a genius for noiselessly minding his own business. As the number of miners increased, race preju- dice asserted itself. "California for Americans'* came to be a slogan that reflected their feelings against Mexicans, Spanish-Americans, and Chinese in the mines. Race riots, often instigated by men who had themselves but recently immigrated to America, were not infrequent. In these disor- ders the Chinese were no match for the aggressors and in consequence were forced out of many good mining claims. The labor of the cheap and faithful Chinese ap- pealed to the business instincts of the railroad con- tractors who were constructing the Pacific railways and they imported large numbers. In 1866 a line of steamships was established to run regularly be- tween Hong Kong and San Francisco. In 1869 the first transcontinental railway was completed and American laborers from the East began to flock to THE ORIENTAL 191 California, where they immediately found them- selves in competition with the Mongolian standard of living. Race rivalry soon flared up and the anti- Chinese sentiment increased as the railroads neared completion and threw more and more of the orien- tal laborers into the general labor market. Chinese were hustled out of towns. Here and there violence was done. For example, in the Los Angeles riots of October 24, 1871, fifteen Chinamen were hanged and six were shot by the mob. This prejudice, based primarily upon the China- man's willingness to work long hours for little pay and to live in quarters and upon fare which an Anglo-Saxon would find impossible, was greatly increased by his strange garb, language, and cus- toms. The Chinaman remained in every essential a foreigner. In his various societies he maintained to some degree the patriarchal government of his native village. He shunned American courts, avoided the Christian religion, rarely learned much of the English language, and displayed no desire to become naturalized. Instead of sympathy in the country of his sojourn he met discrimination, jealousy, and suspicion. For many years his testi- mony was not permitted in the courts. His contact with only the rough frontier life failed to reveal to 192 OUR FOREIGNERS him the gentle amenities of the white man's faith, and everywhere the upper hand seemed turned against him. So he kept to himself, and this isola- tion fed the rumors that were constantly poisoning public opinion. Chinatown in the public mind be- came a synonym for a nightmare of filth, gambling, opium-smoking, and prostitution. Alarm was spreading among Americans concern- ing the organizations of the Chinese in the United States. Of these, the Six Companies were the most famous. Mary Roberts Coolidge, after long and careful research, characterized these societies as "the substitute for village and patriarchal as- sociation, and although purely voluntary and be- nevolent in their purpose, they became, because of American ignorance and prejudice, the supposed instruments of tyranny over their countrymen." 1 They each had a club house, where members were registered and where lodgings and other accommo- dations were provided. The largest in 1877 had a membership of seventy-five thousand; the smallest, forty-three thousand. The Chinese also main- tained trade guilds similar in purpose to the Ameri- can trade union. Private or secret societies also flourished among them, some for good purposes, 1 Chinese Immigration, p. 402. THE ORIENTAL 193 others for illicit purposes. Of the latter the High- binders or Hatchet Men became the most notori- ous, for they facilitated the importation of Chinese prostitutes. Many of these secret societies thrived on blackmail, and the popular antagonism to the Six Companies was due to the outrages committed by these criminal associations. When the American labor unions accumulated partisan power, the Chinese became a political issue. This was the greatest evil that could befall them, for now racial persecution received official sanction and passed out of the hands of mere ruffians into the custody of , powerful political agitators. Under the lurid leadership of Dennis Kearney, the Workingman's party was organized for the purpose of influencing legislation and "rid- ding the country of Chinese cheap labor." Their goal was "Four dollars a day and roast beef"; and their battle cry, "The Chinese must go." Under the excitement of sand-lot meetings, the Chinese were driven under cover. In the riots of July, 1877, in San Francisco, twenty-five Chinese laundries were burned. "For months afterward," says Mary Roberts Coolidge, "no Chin iman was safe from personal outrage even on th'j main thoroughfares, and the perpetrators of the abuses were almost 13 194 OUR FOREIGNERS never interfered with so long as they did not molest white men's property." 1 This anti-Chinese epidemic soon spread to other Western States. Legislatures and city councils vied with each other in passing laws and ordinances to satisfy the demands of the labor vote. All manner of ingenious devices were incorporated into tax laws in an endeavor to drive the Chinese out of certain occupations and to exclude them from the State. License and occupation taxes multiplied . Xhe Chinaman was denied the privilege of citizen- ship, was excluded from the public schools, and was not allowed to give testimony in proceedings relating to white persons. Manifold ordinances were passed intended to harass and humiliate him: for instance, a San Francisco ordinance required the hair of all prisoners to be cut within three inches of the scalp. Most extreme and unreason- able discriminations against hand laundries were framed. The new California constitution of 1879 endowed the legislature and the cities with large powers in regulating the conditions under which Chinese would be tolerated. Jn 1880 a state law declared that all corporations operating under a state charter should be prohibited from employing 1 Chinese Immigration, p. 265. THE ORIENTAL 195 Chinese under penalty of forfeiting their charter. Chinese were also excluded from employment in all public works. Nearly all these laws and ordi- nances, however, were ultimately declared to be unconstitutional on account of their discriminatory character or because they were illegal regulations of commerce. The States having failed to exclude the Chinese, the only hope left was in the action of the Federal Government. The earliest treaties and trade con- ventions with China (1844 and 1858) had been silent upon the rights and privileges of Chinese re- siding or trading in the United States. In 1868, Anson Burlingame, who had served for six years as American Minister to China, but who had now entered the employ of the Chinese Imperial Gov- ernment, arrived at the head of a Chinese mission sent for the purpose of negotiating a new treaty which should insure reciprocal rights to the Chinese. The journey from San Francisco to Washington was a sort of triumphal progress and everywhere the Chinese mission was received with acclaim. The treaty drawn by Secretary Seward was ratified on July 28, 1868, and was hailed even on the Pacific coast as the beginning of more fortunate relations be- tween the two countries. The treaty acknowledged 196 OUR FOREIGNERS the "inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and emi- gration of their citizens and subjects respectively, from the one country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade or as permanent residents.'* It stated positively that "citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel and residence as may be enjoyed by the citizens of the most favored nation. And, reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel or residence." The right to naturalization was by express statement not conferred by the treaty upon the subjects of either nation dwelling in the territory of the other. But it was not in any way prohibited. The applause which greeted this international agreement had hardly subsided before the anti- Chinese agitators discovered that the treaty was in their way and they thereupon demanded its modification or abrogation. They now raised the cry that the Chinese were a threat to the morals and health of the country, that the majority of THE ORIENTAL 197 Chinese immigrants were either coolies under con- tract, criminals, diseased persons, or prostitutes. As a result, in 1879 a representative from Nevada, one of the States particularly interested, intro- duced in Congress a bill limiting to fifteen the Chinese passengers that any ship might bring to the United States on a single voyage, and requiring the captains of such vessels to register at the port of entry a list of their Chinese passengers. The Senate added an amendment requesting the Presi- dent to notify the Chinese Government that the section of the Burlingame treaty insuring recipro- cal interchange of citizens was abrogated. After a very brief debate the measure that so flagrantly defied an international treaty passed both houses. It was promptly vetoed, however, by President Hayes on the ground that it violated a treaty which a friendly nation had carefully observed. If the Pacific cities had cause of complaint, the President preferred to remedy the situation by the "proper course of diplomatic negotiations." 1 1 So intense was the feeling in the West that at this time a letter purporting to have been written by James A. Garfield, the Republican candidate, favoring unrestricted immigration, was published on the eve of the Presidential election (1880). Though the letter was shown to be a forgery, yet it was not without in- fluence. In California Garfield received only one of the six electoral votes; and in Nevada he received none. In Denver, 198 OUR FOREIGNERS The President accordingly appointed a com- mission, under the chairmanship of James B. Angell, president of the University of Michigan, to negotiate a new treaty. The commission pro- ceeded to China and completed its task in Novem- ber, 1880. The new treaty provided that, "when- ever, in the opinion of the Government of the United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of the said country or of any locality within the territory thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of the United States may regulate, limit, or sus- pend such coming or residence, but may not ab- solutely prohibit it." Other Chinese subjects who had come to the United States, "as travelers, mer- chants, or for curiosity, " and laborers already in the United States, were to "be allowed to go and come of their own free will," with all of the "rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens of the most favored na- tion." The United States furthermore undertook where only four hundred Chinese lived, race riots occurred which cost one Chinaman his life and destroyed Chinese property to the amount of $50,000. THE ORIENTAL 199 to protect the Chinese in the United States against "ill treatment" and to "devise means for their protection." Two years after the ratification of this treaty, a bill was introduced to prohibit the immigration of Chinese labor for twenty years. Both the great political parties had included the subject in their platforms in 1880. The Democrats had espoused exclusion and were committed to "No more Chinese immigration"; the Republicans had pre- ferred restriction by "just, humane, and reason- able laws." The bill passed, but President Arthur vetoed it on the ground that prohibiting immigra- tion for so long a period transcended the provisions of the treaty. A bill which was then passed short- ening the period of the restriction to ten years received the President's signature, and on August 5, 1882, America shut the door in the face of Chinese labor. The law, however, was very loosely drawn and administrative confusion arose at once. Chinese laborers leaving the United States were required to obtain a certificate from the collector of customs at the port of departure entitling them to reentry. Other Chinese merchants, travelers, or visitors who desired to come to the United States were 200 OUR FOREIGNERS required to have a certificate from their Govern- ment declaring that they were entitled to enter under the provisions of the treaty. As time went on, identification became a joke, trading in certi- ficates a regular pursuit, and smuggling Chinese across the Canadian border a profitable business. Moreover, in the light of the law, who was a "mer- chant" and who a "visitor"? In 1884 Congress attempted to remedy these defects of phraseology and administration by carefully framed definitions and stringent measures. * The Supreme Court up- held the constitutionality of exclusion as incident to American sovereignty. Meanwhile in the West the popular feeling against the Chinese refused to subside. At Rock Springs, Wyoming, twenty-eight Chinese were killed and fifteen were injured by a mob which also destroyed Chinese property amounting to $148,000. At Tacoma and Seattle, also, violence descended upon the Mongolian. In San Francisco a special grand jury which investigated the operation of the exclusion laws and a committee of the Board of Supervisors which investigated the condition of Chinatown both made reports that were violent- ly anti-Chinese. A state anti-Chinese convention Wong Wing vs. U. S., 163 U. S. 285. THE ORIENTAL 201 soon thereafter declared that the situation "had become well-nigh intolerable.'* So widespread and venomous was the agitation against Chinese that President Cleveland was impelled to send to Congress two special messages on the question, detailing the facts and requesting Congress to pay the Chinese claims for indemnity which Wyoming refused to honor. The remonstrances of the Chi- nese Government led to the drafting of a new treaty in 1888. But while China was deliberating over this treaty, Congress summarily shut off any hope for immediate agreement by passing the Scott Act prohibiting the return of any Chinese laborer after the passage of the act, stopping the issue of any more certificates of identification, and declaring void all certificates previously issued. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that this brutal political measure was passed with an eye to the Pacific electoral vote in the pending election. In the next presidential year the climax of harsh- ness was reached in the Geary law, which required, within an unreasonably short time, the registration of all Chinese in the United States. The Chinese, un- der legal advice, refused to register until the Federal Supreme Court had declared the law constitutional. Subsequently the time for registration was extended . 202 OUR FOREIGNERS The anti-Chinese fanaticism had now reached its highest point. While the Government maintained its policy of exclusion, it modified the drastic de- tails of the law. In 1894 a new treaty provided for the exclusion of laborers for ten years, except- ing registered laborers who had either parent, wife, or child in the United States, or who possessed property or debts to the amount of one thou- sand dollars. It required all resident Chinese labor- ers to register, and the Chinese Government was similarly entitled to require the registration of all American laborers resident in China. The treaty made optional the clause requiring merchants, travelers, and other classes privileged to come to the United States, to secure a certificate from their Government vis6d by the American representative at the port of departure. In 1898 General Otis extended the exclusion acts to the Philippines by military order, owing to the fact that the country was in a state of war, and Congress extended them to the Hawaiian Islands. In 1904 China refused to continue the treaty of 1894, and Congress substantially reenacted the existing laws "in so far as not inconsistent with treaty obligations." Thus the legal status quo has been maintained, and the Chinese population in THE ORIENTAL 203 America is gradually decreasing. No new laborers are permitted to come and those now here go home as old age overtakes them. But the public has come to recognize that diplomatic circumlocution cannot conceal the crude and harsh treatment which the Chinaman has received; that the earlier laws were based upon reports that greatly exaggerated the evils and were silent upon the virtues of the Orien- tal; and that a policy which had its conception in frontier fears and in race prejudice was sustained by politicians and perpetuated by demagogues. Rather suddenly the whole drama of discrimina- tion was re-opened by the arrival of a considerable number of Japanese laborers in America. In 1900, there were some twenty-four thousand in the United States and a decade later this number had increased threefold. About one-half of them lived in Califor- nia, and the rest were to be found throughout the West, especially in Washington, Colorado, and Or- egon. They were nearly all unmarried young men of the peasant class. Unlike the Chinese, they mani- fested a readiness to conform to American customs and an eagerness to learn the language and to adopt American dress. The racial gulf, however, is not bridged by a similarity in externals. The Japanese possess all the deep and subtle contrasts 204 OUR FOREIGNERS of mentality and ideality which differentiate the Orient from the Occident. A few are not averse to adopting Christianity ; many more are free- thinkers ; but the bulk remain loyal to Buddhism. They have reproduced here the compact trade guilds of Japan. The persistent aggressiveness of the Japanese, their cunning, their aptitude in taking advantage of critical circumstances in making bargains, have by contrast partially restored to popular favor the patient, reliable Chinaman. At first the Japanese were welcomed as unskilled laborers. They found employment on the rail- roads, in lumber mills and salmon canneries, in mines and on farms, and in domestic service. But they soon showed a keen propensity for owning or leasing land. The Immigration Commission found that in 1909 they owned over sixteen thousand acres in California and leased over one hundred and thirty-seven thousand. Nearly all of this land they had acquired in the preceding five years. In Colorado they controlled over twenty thousand acres, and in Idaho and Washington over seven thousand acres each. This acreage represents small holdings devoted to intensive agriculture, especially to the raising of sugar beets, vegetables, and small fruits. THE ORIENTAL 205 The hostility which began to manifest itself against the Japanese especially in California brought that State into sharp contact with the Federal Government. In 1906 the San Francisco authorities excluded the Japanese from the public schools. This act was immediately and vigorously protested by the Japanese Government. After due investigation, the matter was finally adjusted at a conference held in Washington between President Roosevelt and a delegation from Cali- fornia. This incident served to re-awaken the ghost of Mongolian domination on the Pacific coast, for it occurred during the notorious regime of Mayor Schmitz. Labor politics were rampant. Isolated instances of violence against Japanese occurred, and hoodlums, without fear of police interference, attacked a number of Japanese res- taurants. Political candidates were pledged to an anti-Japanese policy. In 1907 the two governments reached an agree- ment whereby the details of issuing passports to Japanese laborers who desired to return to the United States was virtually left in the hands of the Japanese Government, which was opposed to the emigration of its laboring population. As a con- sequence of this agreement, passports are granted 206 OUR FOREIGNERS only to laborers who had previously been residents of the United States or to parents, wives, and children of Japanese laborers resident in America. Under authority of the immigration law of 1907, the President issued an order (March 14, 1907) denying admission to "Japanese and Korean laborers, skilled or unskilled, who have received passports to go to Mexico, Canada, Hawaii and come therefrom" to the United States. 1 Anti-Japanese feeling was crystallized into the alien land bill of California in 1913. So serious was the international situation that President Wilson sent Mr. Bryan, then Secretary of State, across the continent to confer with the California legislature and to determine upon some action that would at the same time meet the needs of the State and "leave untouched the international obligations of the United States." The law subsequently passed was thought by the Californians to appease both of these demands. x But the Japanese Government made no less than five vigorous formal protests 1 The Alien Land Act of May 19, 1918, confers upon all aliens eligible to citizenship the same rights as citizens in the owning and leasing of real property; but in the case of other aliens (i.e. Asiatics) it limits leases of land for agricultural purposes to terms not exceed- ing three years and permits ownership " to the extent and for the purposes prescribed by any treaty." THE ORIENTAL 207 and filled a lengthy brief which characterized the law as unfair and intentionally discriminating and in violation of the treaty of Commerce and Navi- gation entered into in 1911. While anti- Japanese demonstrations were taking place in Washington, there was a corresponding outbreak of anti- American feeling in the streets of Tokyo. On February 2, 1914, during the debate on a new im- migration bill, an amendment was proposed in the House of Representatives, at the instigation of members from the Pacific coast, excluding all Asiatics, except such as had their entry right es- tablished by treaty. But this drastic proposal was defeated by a decisive vote. The oriental question in America is further complicated by the fact that since 1905 some five thousand East Indians have come to the United States. Of these the majority are Hindoos, the remainder being chiefly Afghans. How these people who have lived under British rule will adapt themselves to American life and institutions re- mains to be seen. CHAPTER X RACIAL INFILTRATION WITH the free land gone and the cities crowded to overflowing, the door of immigration, though guarded, nevertheless remains open and the pres- sure of the old-world peoples continues. Where can they go? They are filling in the vacant spots of the older States, the abandoned farms, stagnant half-empty villages, undrained swamps, uninviting rocky hillsides. This infiltration of foreigners pos- sessing themselves of rejected and abandoned land, which has only recently begun, shows that the peasant's instinct for the soil will reassert itself when the means are available and the way opens. It is surprising, indeed, how many are the ways that are opening for this movement. Transporta- tion companies are responsible for a number of col- onies planted bodily in cut-over timber regions of the South. The journals and the real estate agents of the different races are always alert to spy out 208 209 opportunities. Dealing in second-hand farms has become a considerable industry. The advertising columns of Chicago papers announce hundreds of farms for sale in northern Michigan and Wiscon- sin. In all the older States there are for sale thou- sands of acres of tillable land which have been left by the restless shif tings of the American population. In New England the abandoned farm has long been an institution. Throughout the East there are de- pleted and dying villages, their solidly built cot- tages hidden in the matting of trees and shrubs which neglect has woven about them. One can see paralysis creeping over them as the vines creep over their deserted thresholds and they surrender one by one the little industries that gave them life. These are the opportunities of the immigrant peasant. Wherever the new migration swarms, there the receding tide leaves a few energetic in- dividuals who have made for themselves a perma- nent home. In the wake of construction gangs and along the lines of railways and canals one dis- covers these immigrant families taking root in the soil. In the smaller cities, an immigrant day la- borer will often invest his savings in a tumble-down house and an acre of land, and almost at once he becomes the nucleus for a gathering of his kind. 14 210 OUR FOREIGNERS The market gardens that surround the large cities offer work to the children of the factory operatives, and there they swarm over beet and onion fields like huge insects with an unerring instinct for weeds. Now and then a family finds a forgotten acre, builds a shack, and starts a small independent market garden. Within a few years a whole settlement of shacks grows up around it, and soon the trucking of the neighborhood is in foreign hands. Seasonal agricultural work often carries the immigrant in- to distant canning centers, hop fields, cranberry marshes, orchards, and vineyards. Every time a migration of this sort occurs, some settlers remain on land previously thought unfit for cultivation perhaps a swamp which they drain or a sand-hill which they fertilize and nurture into surprising fertility by constant toil. This racial seepage is confined almost wholly to the Italian and the Slav. There is a vast acreage of unoccupied good land in the South, which the negro, usually satisfied with a bare living, has neither the enterprise nor the thrift to cultivate. The prejudice of the former slave owner against the foreign immigration for many years retarded the development of this land. About 1880, however, groups of Italians, attracted by the sunny climate and the opportunities for RACIAL INFILTRATION 211 making a livelihood, began to seep into Louisiana. By 1900 they numbered over seventeen thousand. When direct sailings between the Mediterranean and the Gulf of Mexico were established, their num- bers increased rapidly and New Orleans became one of the leading Italian centers in the United States. From the city they soon spread into the adjoining region. Today they grow cotton, sugar- cane, and rice in nearly all the Southern States. In the deep black loam of the Yazoo Delta they pros- per as cotton growers. They have transformed the neglected slopes of the Ozarks into apple and peach orchards. New Orleans, Dallas, Galveston, Houston, San Antonio, and other Southern cities are supplied with vegetables from the Italian truck farms. At Independence, Louisiana, a colony raises strawberries. In the black belt of Arkansas they established Sunny side in 1895, a colony which has survived many vicissitudes and has been the parent of other similar enterprises. In Texas there are a number of such colonies, of which the largest, at Bryan, numbers nearly two thousand persons. In California the Italian owns farms, orchards, vineyards, market gardens, and even ranches. Here he finds the cloudless sky and mild air of his native land. The sunny slopes invite vine culture. 212 OUR FOREIGNERS In the North and the East the alert Italian has found many opportunities to buy land. In the en- virons of nearly every city northward from Norfolk, Virginia, are to be found his truck patches. At Vineland and Hammonton, New Jersey, large col- onies have flourished for many years. In New York and Pennsylvania, many a hill farm that was too rocky for its Yankee owner, and many a back- breaking clay moraine in Ohio and Indiana has been purchased for a small cash payment and, un- der the stimulus of the family's coaxing, now yields paying crops, while the father himself also earns a daily wage in the neighboring town. Where one such Italian family is to be found, there are sure to be found at least two or three others in the neigh- borhood, for the Italians hate isolation more than hunger. Often they are clustered in colonies, as at Genoa and Cumberland in Wisconsin, where most of them are railroad workmen paying for the land out of their wages. The Slavs, too, wedge into the most surprising spaces. Their colonies and settlements are to be found in considerable numbers in every part of the Union except the far South. They are on the cut- over timber lands of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, usually engaged in dairying or raising RACIAL INFILTRATION 213 vegetables for canning. On the great prairies in Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas, the Bohemians and the Poles have learned to raise wheat and corn, and in Texas, Oklahoma, and Ar- kansas, they have shown themselves skillful in cotton raising. Wherever fruit is grown on the Pa- cific slope, there are Bohemians, Slavonians, and Dalmatians. In New England, Ohio, Illinois, In- diana, and Maryland, the Poles have become pio- neers in the neglected corners of the land. For instance in Orange County, New York, a thriving settlement from old Poland now flourishes where a quarter of a century ago there was only a mos- quito breeding swamp. The drained area pro- duces the most surprising crops of onions, lettuce, and celery. Many of these immigrants own their little farms. Others work on shares in anticipa- tion of ownership, and still others labor merely for the season, transients who spend the winter either in American factories or flit back to their native land. In Pennsylvania it is the mining towns which furnished recruits for this landward movement. In some of the counties an exchange of population has been taking place for a decade or more. The land dwelling Americans are moving into the towns and 214 OUR FOREIGNERS cities. The farms are offered for sale. Enterpris- ing Slavic real estate dealers are not slow in per- suading their fellow countrymen to invest their savings in land. The Slavonic infiltration has been most marked in New England, especially in the Connecticut Val- ley. From manufacturing centers like Chicopee, Worcester, Ware, Westfield, and Fitchburg, areas of Polish settlements radiate in every direction, alien spokes from American hubs. Here are little farming villages ready made in attractive settings whose vacant houses invite the alien peasant. A Polish family moves into a sedate colonial house; often a second family shares the place, sometimes a third or a fourth, each with a brood of children and often a boarder or two. The American fam- ilies left in the neighborhood are scandalized by this promiscuity, by the bare feet and bare heads, by the unspeakable fare, the superstition and cre- dulity, and illiteracy and disregard for sanitary measures, and by the ant-like industry from star- light to starlight. Old Hadley has become a pro- totype of what may become general if this racial infiltration is not soon checked. In 1906 the Poles numbered one-fifth of the population in that town, owned one-twentieth of the land, and produced RACIAL INFILTRATION 215 two-thirds of the babies. Dignified old streets that formerly echoed with the tread of patriots now resound to the din of Polish weddings and christenings, and the town that sheltered William Goffe, one of the judges before whom Charles I was tried, now houses Polish transients at twenty-five cents a bed weekly. The transient usually returns to Europe, but the landowner remains. His kind is increas- ing yearly. It is even probable that in a gen- eration he will be the chief landowner of the Connecticut Valley. It will take more than an association of old families, determined on keep- ing the ancient homes in their own hands, to check this transformation. The process of racial replacement is moift rapid in the smaller manufacturing towns. In the New England mills the Yankee gave way to the Irish, the Irish gave way to the French Canadian, and the French Canadian has been largely superseded by the Slav and the Italian. Every one of the older industrial towns has been encrusted in layer upon layer of foreign accretions, until it is diffi- cult to discover the American core. Everywhere are the physiognomy, the chatter, and the aroma of the modern steerage. Lawrence, Massachusetts, is 216 OUR FOREIGNERS typical of this change. In 1848 it had 5923 inhab- itants, of whom 63.3 per cent were Americans, 36 per cent were Irish, and about forty white persons belonged to other nationalities. In 1910 the same city had 85,000 inhabitants, of whom only about 14 per cent were Americans, and the rest foreigners, two-thirds of the old and one-third of the new immigration. A like transformation has taken place in the manufacturing towns of New York, New Jersey, and Delaware and in the iron and steel towns of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and the Middle West. For forty years after the establishment of the first iron furnace in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, in 1842, the mills were manned exclusively by Americans, English, Welsh, Irish, and Germans. In 1880 Slavic names began to appear on the pay rolls. Soon thereafter Italians and Syrians were brought into the town, and today sixty per cent of the popu- lation is of foreign birth, largely from southeastern Europe. The native Americans and Welsh live in two wards, and clustered around them are settle- ments of Italians, Slovaks, and Croatians. The new manufacturing towns which are de- pendent upon some single industry are almost whol- ly composed of recent immigrants. Gary, Indiana, HUNGARIAN Photograph copyright by Underwood and Underwood, New York. RUSSIAN POLE Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. ITALIAN Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. OUR FOREIGNERS typical of this change. In 1848 it had 5923 inhab- itants, of whom 63.3 per cent were Americans, 36 per cent were Irish/aWIS69Pforty white persons ttNlHff AffflWI city had 85,000 inhabitants, of whom only about 14 per cent were Americans, and the rest foreigners, two-thirds of the old and one-third of the new immigration. A like transformation has taken place in the manufacturing towns of New York, New Jersey, and Delaware and in the iron and steel towns of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and the Middle West. For forty years after the establishment of the first iron furnace in JohMfiHw^tottisylvania, in 1842, the mills weifeaKMd^fkiltynibfcJby Americans, English, Welsh, Irish, and Germans. In 1880 Slavic names began to appear on the pay rolls. Soon thereafter Italians and Syrians were brought into the town, and today sixty par ent of the popu- lation is of foreign birth, largely from southeastern Europe. The native Americans and Welsh live in two wards, and clustered around them are settle- ments of Italians, Slovaks, and Croatians. The new manufacturing towns which are de- pendent upon some single industry are almost whol- ly composed of r^en'tTfflrfugrSnW^ary, Indiana, RACIAL INFILTRATION 217 built by the United States Steel Corporation, and Whiting, Indiana, established by the Standard Oil Company for its refining industry, are examples of new American towns of exotic populations. At a glass factory built in 1890 in the village of Charleroi, Pennsylvania, over ten thousand Belgians, French, Slavs, and Italians now labor. An example of lightning-like displacement of population is af- forded by the steel and iron center at Granite City and Madison, Illinois. The two towns are prac- tically one industrial community, although they have separate municipal organizations. A steel mill was erected in 1892 upon the open prairies, and in it American, Welsh, Irish, English, German, and Polish workmen were employed. In 1900 Slovaks were brought in, and two years later there came large numbers of Magyars, followed by Croatians. In 1905 Bulgarians began to arrive, and within two years over eight thousand had assembled. Arme- nians, Servians, Greeks, Magyars, every ethnic fac- tion found in the racial welter of southeastern Eu- rope, is represented among the twenty thousand in- habitants that dwell in this new industrial town. In "Hungary Hollow" these race fragments iso- late themselves, effectively insulated against the currents of American influence. 218 OUR FOREIGNERS The mining communities reveal this relative dis- placement of races in its most disheartening form. As early as 1820 coal was taken from the anthracite veins of northeastern Pennsylvania, but until 1880 the industry was dominated by Americans and north Europeans. In 1870 out of 108,000 foreign born in this region, 105,000 or over ninety-seven per cent came from England, Wales, Scotland, Ire- land, and Germany. In 1880 a change began and continued until in 1910 less than one- third of the 267,000 foreign born were of northern European extraction. In 1870 there were only 306 Slavs and Italians in the entire region; in 1890 there were 43,000; in 1909 there were 89,000; and in 1910 the number increased to 178,000. Today these immigrants from the south of Eu- rope have virtually displaced the miner from the north. They have rooted out the decencies and comforts of the earlier operatives and have sup- planted them with the promiscuity, the filth, and the low economic standards of the medieval peas- ant. There are no more desolate and distressing places in America than the miserable mining "patches" clinging like lichens to the steep hill- sides or secluded in the valleys of Pennsylvania. In the bituminous fields conditions are no better. RACIAL INFILTRATION 219 In the town of Windber in western Pennsylvania, for example, some two thousand experienced Eng- lish and American miners were engaged in opening the veins in 1897. No sooner were the mines in operation than the south European began to drift in. Today he outnumbers and underbids the American and the north European. He lives in isolated sections, reeking with everything that keeps him a "foreigner" in the heart of Amer- ica. The coal regions of Virginia, West Virginia, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois and the ore regions of northern Michigan and Minnesota are rapidly passing under the same influence. Every mining and manufacturing community is thus an ethnic pool, whence little streams of for- eigners trickle over the land. These isolated min- ers and tillers of the soil are more immune to Amer- ican ideals than are their city dwelling brethren. They are not jostled and shaken by other races; no mental contagion of democracy reaches them. But within the towns and cities another process of replacement is going on. Its index is written large in the signs over shops and stores and clearly in the lists of professional men in the city director- ies and in the pay roll of the public school teach- ers. The unpronounceable Slavic combinations of 220 OUR FOREIGNERS consonants and polysyllabic Jewish patronymics are plentiful, while here and there an Italian name makes its appearance. The second generation is arriving. The sons and daughters are leaving the factory and the construction gang for the counter, the office, and the schoolroom. American ideals and institutions have borne and can bear a great deal of foreign infiltration. But can they withstand saturation? CHAPTER XI THE GUARDED DOOR "WHOSOEVER will may come" was the generous welcome which America extended to all the world for over a century. Many alarms, indeed, there were and several well-defined movements to save America from the foreigner. The first of these at- tempts resulted in the ill-fated Alien and Sedition laws of 1798, which extended to fourteen years the period of probation before a foreigner could be nat- uralized and which attempted to safeguard the Government against defamatory attacks. The Jeffersonians, who came into power in 1801 largely upon the issue raised by this attempt to curtail free speech, made short shrift of this unpopular law and restored the term of residence to five years. The second anti-foreign movement found expression in the Know-Nothing party, which rose in the decade preceding the Civil War. The third movement brought about a secret order called the American 291 222 OUR FOREIGNERS Protective Association, popularly known as the A. P. A., which, like the Know-Nothing hysteria, was aimed primarily at the Catholic Church. Its platform stated that "the conditions growing out of our immigration laws are such as to weaken our democratic institutions," and that "the immigrant vote, under the direction of certain ecclesiastical institutions, " controlled politics. In 1896 the or- ganization claimed two and a half million ad- herents, and the air was vibrant with ominous rumors of impending events. But nothing hap- pened. The A. P. A. disappeared suddenly and left no trace. For over a century it was almost universally be- lieved that the prosperity of the country depended largely upon a copious influx of population. This sentiment found expression in President Lincoln's message to Congress on December 8, 1863, in which he called immigration a "source of national wealth and strength " and urged Congress to estab- lish "a system for the encouragement of immigra- tion." In conformity with this suggestion, Con- gress passed a law designed to aid the importa- tion of labor under contract. But the measure was soon repealed, so that it remains the only in- stance in American history in which the Federal THE GUARDED DOOR 223 Government attempted the direct encouragement of general immigration. z It was in 1819 that the first Federal law pertain- ing to immigration was passed. It was not prompted by any desire to regulate or restrict im- migration, but aimed rather to correct the terrible abuses to which immigrants were subject on ship- board. So crowded and unwholesome were these quarters that a substantial percentage of all the im- migrants who embarked for America perished dur- ing the voyage. The law provided that ships could carry only two passengers for every five tons bur- den; it enjoined a sufficient supply of water and food for crew and passengers; and it required the captains of vessels to prepare lists of their passen- gers giving age, sex, occupation, and the country whence they came. The law, however good its intention, was loosely drawn and indifferently enforced. Terrible abuses of steerage passengers crowded into miserable quarters were constantly brought to the public notice. From time to time the law was amended, and the advent of steam navigation brought improved conditions without, however, adequate provision for Federal inspection. 1 Congress has on several occasions granted aid for specific colonies or groups of immigrants. 224 OUR FOREIGNERS Indeed such supervision and care as immigrants received was provided by the various States. Bos- ton, New York, Baltimore, and other ports of en- try, found helpless hordes left at their doors. They were the prey of loan sharks and land sharks, of fake employment agencies, and every conceivable form of swindler. Private relief was organized, but it could reach only a small portion of the needy. About three-fourths of the immigrants disem- barked at the port of New York, and upon the State of New York was imposed the obligation of looking after the thousands of strangers who landed weekly at the Battery. To cope with these con- ditions the State devised a comprehensive system and entrusted its enforcement to a Board of Com- missioners of Immigration, erected hospitals on Ward's Island for sick and needy immigrants, and in 1855 leased for a landing place Castle Garden, which at once became the popular synonym for the nation's gateway. Here the Commissioners ex- amined and registered the immigrants, placed at then* disposal physicians, money changers, trans- portation agents, and advisers, and extended to them a helping hand. The Federal Government was represented only by the customs officers who ransacked their baggage. THE GUARDED DOOR 225 In 1875 the Federal Supreme Court decided that it was unconstitutional for a State to regulate im- migration. "We are of the opinion," said the Court, "that this whole subject has been confided to Congress by the Constitution; that Congress can more appropriately and with more acceptance exercise it than any other body known to our law, state or national; that, by providing a system of laws in these matters applicable to all ports and to all vessels, a serious question which has long been a matter of contest and complaint may be effec- tively and satisfactorily settled. " x Congress dal- lied seven years with this important question, and was finally forced to act when New York threat- ened to close Castle Garden. In 1882 a Federal immigration law assessed a head tax of fifty cents on every passenger, not a citizen, coming to the United States, and provided that the States should share with the Secretary of the Treasury the obli- gation of its enforcement. This law inaugurated the policy of selective immigration, as it excluded convicts, lunatics, idiots, and persons likely to be- come a public charge. Three years later, contract laborers were also excluded. 1 Henderson et al. vs. The Mayor of New York City et al. 9* U.S., 259. IS 226 OUR FOREIGNERS The unprecedented influx of immigrants now began to arouse public discussion. Over 788,000 arrived in America during the first year the new law was in operation. In 1889 both the Senate and the House appointed standing committees on im- migration. The several investigations which were held culminated in the law of 1891, wherein the list of ineligibles was extended to include persons suf- fering from a loathsome or contagious disease, poly- gamists, and persons assisted in coming by others, unless upon special inquiry they were found not to belong to any of the excluded classes. Thus for the first time the Federal Government assumed complete control of immigration. Now also both the great political parties adopted planks in their national platforms favoring the restriction of im- migration. The Republicans favored "the enact- ment of more stringent laws and regulations for the restriction of criminal, pauper, and contract immi- gration. " The Democrats "heartily" approved "all legislative efforts to prevent the United States from being used as a dumping ground for the known criminals and professional paupers of Eu- rope," and they favored the exclusion of Chinese laborers. They favored, however, the admission of "industrious and worthy" Europeans. THE GUARDED DOOR 227 Selective immigration thus became a political issue in 1892, partly under the stimulus of labor un- ions, which feared an over-supply of labor, and partly because of the growing popular belief that many undesirable foreigners were entering the country. No adequate and just criteria for any process of selection have been discovered. In 1896 Senator Lodge introduced an immigration bill, which contained the famous literacy test, excluding all persons between fourteen and sixty years of age "who cannot both read and write the English language or some other language. " The bill was simultaneously introduced into the House of Re- presentatives by McCall of Massachusetts. The debate on this measure marks a new departure in immigration policy. A senatorial inquiry made among the States in the preceding year had dis- closed a universal preference for immigrants from northern Europe. Moreover, a number of States through their governors, had declared that further immigration was not desired immediately; and the opinion prevailed that the great influx from south- eastern Europe should be checked. Fortified by such solidarity of sentiment, Congress passed the Lodge bill with certain amendments. President Cleveland, however, returned it with a strong veto 228 OUR FOREIGNERS message on March 2, 1897. He could not concur in so radical a departure from the traditional liberal policy of the Government; and he believed the lit- eracy test so artificial that it was more rational "to admit a hundred thousand immigrants who, though unable to read and write, seek among us only a home and opportunity to work, than to ad- mit one of those unruly agitators and enemies of governmental control who can not only read and write, but delights in arousing by inflammatory speech the illiterate and peacefully inclined to dis- content and tumult. " The House passed the bill over the President's veto, but the Senate took no further action. In 1898 the Industrial Commission was empow- ered "to investigate questions pertaining to immi- gration" and presented a report which prepared the way for the immigration law of 1903, approved on the 3rd of March. This law, which was based upon a careful preliminary inquiry, may be called the first comprehensive American immigration statute. It perfected the administrative machin- ery, raised the head tax, and multiplied the vig- ilance of the Government against evasions by the excluded classes. Anarchists and prostitutes were added to the list of excluded persons. The literacy THE GUARDED DOOR 229 test was inserted by the House but was rejected by the Senate. This law, however, did not allay the demand for a more stringent restriction of immigration. A few persons believed in stopping immigration entirely for a period of years. Others would limit the num- ber of immigrants that should be permitted to en- ter every year. But it was felt throughout the country that such arbitrary checks would be mere- ly quantitative, not qualitative, and that undesir- able foreigners should be denied admission, no mat- ter what country they hailed from. A notable immigration conference which was called by the National Civic Federation in December, 1905, and which represented all manner of public bodies, re- commended the "exclusion of persons of enfeebled vitality " and proposed " a preliminary inspection of intending immigrants before they embark. ' ' Presi- dent Roosevelt laid the whole matter before Con- gress in several vigorous messages in 1906 and 1907. He pointed to the fact that In the year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the United States 1,026,000 alien immigrants. In other words, in the single year . . . there came ... a greater number of people than came here during the one hundred and sixty-nine years of our colonial life. 230 OUR FOREIGNERS ... It is clearly shown in the report of the Com- missioner General of Immigration that, while much of this enormous immigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural ... a considerable proportion of it, prob- ably a very large proportion, including most of the un- desirable class, does not come here of its own initiative but because of the activity of the agents of the great transportation companies. . . . The prime need is to keep out all immigrants who will not make good American citizens. In consonance with this spirit, the law of 1907 was passed. It increased the head tax to four dol- lars and provided rigid scrutiny over the transpor- tation companies. The excluded classes of immi- grants were minutely defined, and the powers and duties of the Commissioner General of Immigra- tion were very considerably enlarged. The act also created the Immigration Commission, consist- ing of three Senators, three members of the House, and three persons appointed by the President, for making "full inquiry, examination, and in- vestigation . . . into the subject of immigra- tion." Endowed with plenary power, this commis- sion made a comprehensive investigation of the whole question. The President was authorized to "send special commissioners to any foreign coun- try for the purpose of regulating by international THE GUARDED DOOR 231 agreement . . . the immigration of aliens to the United States." Here at last is congressional recognition of the fact that immigration is no longer merely a domes- tic question, but that it has, through modern eco- nomic conditions, become one of serious interna- tional import. No treaties have been perfected under this authority. The question, however, re- ceived serious attention in 1909 when Lieutenant Joseph Petrosino of the New York police was mur- dered in Sicily by banditti, whither he had pursued a Black Hand criminal from the East Side. In the meantime many measures for restricting immigration were suggested in Congress. Of these, the literacy test met with the most favor. Three times in recent years Congress enacted it into law, and each time it was returned with executive dis- approval: President Taft vetoed the provision in 1913, and President Wilson vetoed the acts of 1915 and 1917. In his last veto message on Jan- uary 29, 1917, President Wilson said that "the literacy test ... is not a test of character, of quality, or of personal fitness, but would operate in most cases merely as a penalty for lack of oppor- tunity in the country from which the alien seeking admission came. " 232 OUR FOREIGNERS Congress, however, promptly passed the bill over the President's objections, and so twenty years after President Cleveland's veto of the Lodge Bill, the literacy test became the standard of fitness for immigrant admission into the United States. x The law excludes all aliens over sixteen years of age who are physically capable of reading and yet who can- not read. They are required to read "not less than thirty or more than eighty words in ordinary use" in the English language or some other language or dialect. Aliens who seek admission because of re- ligious persecution, and certain relatives of citizens or of admissible aliens, are exempted. The debate upon this law disclosed the trans- formation that has come over the nation in its atti- tude towards the alien. Exclusion was the domi- nant word. Senator Reed of Missouri wished to exclude African immigrants; the Pacific coast Re- presentatives insisted upon exclusion of Asiatics, in the face of serious admonitions of the Secretary of State that such a course would cause interna- tional friction; the labor members were scornful in their denunciation of "the pauper and criminal classes" of Europe. The traditional liberal sym- pathies of the American people found but few 1 The new act took effect May 1, 1917. THE GUARDED DOOR 233 champions, so completely had the change been wrought in the thirty years since the Federal Gov- ernment assumed control of immigration. By these tokens the days of unlimited freedom hi migration are numbered. Nations are begin- ning to realize that immigration is but the obverse of emigration. Its dual character constitutes a problem requiring delicate international readjust- ments. Moreover, the countries released to a new life and those quickened to a new industrialism by the Great War will need to employ all their muscle and talents at home. It is an inspiring drama of colonization that has been enacted on this continent in a relatively short period. Its like was never witnessed before and can never be witnessed again. Thirty-three na- tionalities were represented in the significant group of American pilgrims that gathered at Mount Ver- non on July 4, 1918, to place garlands of native flowers upon the tomb of Washington and to pledge then* honor and loyalty to the nation of their adop- tion. This event is symbolic of the great fact that the United States is, after all, a nation of immi- grants, among whom the word foreigner is descrip- tive of an attitude of mind rather than of a place of birth. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE GENERAL HISTORIES EDWARD CHANNING, History of the United States, 4 vols. (1905). Vol. ii. Chapter xiv contains a fascinating account of "The Coming of the Foreigner." John Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, 2 vols. (1899). The story of "The Migration of the Sects" is charmingly told. John B. McMaster, History of the People of the Unit- ed States, 8 vols. (1883-1913). Scattered throughout the eight volumes are copious accounts of the coming of immigrants, from the year of American independ- ence to the Civil War. The great German and Irish inundations are dealt with in volumes vi and vii. J. H. Latane, America a* a World Power (1907). Chapter xvn gives a concise summary of immigration for the years 1880-1907. WORKS ON IMMIGRATION Reports of the Immigration Commission, appointed under the Congressional Act of Feb. SO, 1907. 42 vols. (1911). This is by far the most exhaustive study that has been made of the immigration question. It em- braces a wide range of details, especially upon the economic and sociological aspects of the problem. 235 236 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Census Bureau, A Century of Population Growth from the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 1790-1900 (1909). The best analysis of the population of the United States. It contains a number of chapters on the population at the time of the First Census in 1 790. John R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America (1907). Prescott F. Hall, Immigration and its Effects upon the United States (1906). Henry P. Fairchild, Immigration, a World Movement and its American Significance (1913). A good histor- ical survey of immigration as well as a suggestive discussion of its sociological and economic bearings. Jeremiah W. Jenks and W. Jett Lauck, The Immi- gration Problem (1913). A summary of the Report of the Immigration Commission. Peter Roberts, The New Immigration (1912). A discussion of the recent influx from Southeastern Europe. E. A. Ross, The Old World in the New (1914) contains some refreshing racial characteristics. Richmond Mayo-Smith, Emigration and Immi- gration (1890). This is one of the oldest American works on the subject and remains the best scientific discussion of the sociological and economic aspects of immigration. Edward A. Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant (1906). A popular and sympathetic account of the new immigration. THE NEGRO B. G. Brawley, A Short History of the American Negro (1913). BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 237 W. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro (1915). A small well- written volume, with a useful bibliography and an illuminating chapter on the negro in the United States; also, by the same author, Suppression of the African Slave Trade (1896). Carter G. Woodson, A Century of Negro Migration (1918). J. R. Spears, The American Slave Trade (1900). A. H. Stone, Studies in the American Race Prob- lem (1908). Contains several of Walter F. Wilcox's valuable statistical studies on this subject. J. A. Tillinghast, The Negro in Africa and America (1902) contains a suggestive comparison of negro life in Africa and America. SPECIAL GROUPS Kendrick C. Babcock, The Scandinavian Element in the United States (1914). The best treatise on this subject. Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens (1910). A comprehensive study of the Slav in America. J. M. Campbell, A History of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick (1892). Mary Roberts Coolidge, Chinese Immigration (1909). A sympathetic and detailed account of the Chinaman's experience in America. A. B. Faust, The German Element in the United States. 2vols. (1909). Like some other books written to prove the vast influence of certain elements of the population, this work is not modest in its claims. Henry Jones Ford, The Scotch-Irish in America (1915). 238 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Lucian J. Fosdick, The French Blood in America (1906) . Devoted principally to the Huguenot exiles and their descendants. Charles A. Hanna, The Scotch-Irish, or the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. 2 vols. (1902). Eliot Lord, John J. D. Trevor, and Samuel J. Barrows, The Italian in America (1905). T. D'Arcy McGee, History of the Irish Settlers in North America (1852). O. N. Nelson, History of the Scandinavians and Successful Scandinavians in the United States, 2 vols. (1900). J. G. Rosengarten, French Colonists and Exiles in the United States (1907). Contains an interesting bib- liography of French writings on early American condi- tions. UTOPIAS J. A. Bole, The Harmony Society (1904). Besides a concise history of the Rappists, this volume con- tains many letters and documents illustrative of their customs and business methods. W. A. Hinds, American Communities and Coopera- tive Colonies. (2d revision 1908.) A useful summary based on personal observations. G. B. Lockwood, The New Harmony Communities (1902). It contains a detailed description of Owen's experiment and interesting details of the Rappists during their sojourn in Indiana. M. A. Mikkelsen, The Bishop Hill Colony, A Religi- ous Communistic Settlement in Henry County, Illinois (1802). BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 239 Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States (1875). A description of communities visited by the author. J. H. Noyes, History of American Socialisms (1870). W. R. Perkins, History of the Amana Society or Community of True Inspiration (1891). E. O. Randall, History of the Zoar Society (2ded. 1900) . Bertha M. Shambaugh, Amana, the Community of True Inspiration (1908) gives many interesting details. Albert Shaw, Icaria, a Chapter in the History of Communism (1884). A brilliant account. INDEX A. P. A., see American Protec- tive Association Acadia, French in, 18 Adams, J. Q., and Owen, 94 Afghans in United States, 207 Africans, Reed favors exclusion of, 232; see also Negroes Alabama admitted as State (1819), 33 Albany, Shakers settle near, 91; Irish in, 113 Alien and Sedition laws (1798), 221 Amana, 82-84 America, cosmopolitan char- acter, 19-20; American stock, 21 et seq.; origin of name, 21- 22; now applied to United States, 22; Shakers confined to, 92; "America for Amer- icans," 114; see also United States American Celt, McGee estab- lishes, 120 (note) American Missionary Associa- tion, work with negroes, 58 American party, 114; see also Know-Nothing party American Protective Associa- tion, 221-22 Amish, 68 (note) Anabaptists in Manhattan, 17 Ancient Order of Hibernians, 117 Angell, J. B., on commission to negotiate treaty with China, 198 Antwerp, German emigrants embark at, 134 Arkansas, frontiersmen in, 36; chosen as site by Giessener Gesellschaft, 136; Italians in, 211; Slavs in, 213 Armenians, 184; as laborers, 122; at Granite City (111.). 217 Arthur, C. A., and Chinese ex- clusion act, 199 Asiatics, Pacific coast favors exclusion of, 232; see also Orientals Australia deflects migration to United States, 150 Babcock, K. C., The Scandi- navian Element in the United States, quoted, 158 Balch, E. G., Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, quoted, 164-65; cited, 167 (note), 174 Baltimore, Ephrata draws pu- pils from, 71; Irish immi- grant association, 109; Irish in, 113; Germans in, 127; Italians in, 180; condition of immigrants landing in, 224 Bancroft, George, estimates number of slaves, 47 Barlow, Joel, 151 Baumeler, see Bimeler Bayard, Nicholas, 16 Beissel, Conrad (or Beizel, or Peysel), 70, 71 Belgians in Charleroi (Penn.), 217 16 241 242 INDEX Berkshire*, Germans in, 127 Bethlehem, communistic col- ony, 72 Bimeler, Joseph (or Baumeler), 78-79 Bishop Hill Colony, 85-89 Black Hand, 182 "Boat Load of Knowledge," 04 Bogart, E. L., Economic His- tory of the United States, cited, 52 (note) Bohemians, in United States, 159-60, 165-66; as North Slavs, 164; on the prairies, 213; on Pacific slope, 213 Boston, immigrants from Ire- land (1714-20), 11; French in, 16; Irish in, 108, 113; Germans in, 127; Italians in, 180; condition of immigrants landing in, 224 Boudinot, Elias, 16 Bowdoin, James, 16 Bremen, German emigrants embark at, 134 Bremer, Frederika, quoted, 155 Brisbane, Arthur, Social Des- tiny of Man, 06 Brook Farm, 07 Bryan, W. J., Secretary of State, and California Alien Land Act, 206 Bryan (Tex.) Italian colony, 211 Buffalo, Inspirationists near, 81 ; Irish in, 1 13 ; Germans in, 135; Polea in, 167 (note) Bulgarians, as South Slavs, 164; in United States, 170; in Granite City (111.), 170, 217 Burlingame, Anson, 105 Burlingame treaty, 105-06, 197 Burschenschaften, 131 Butler County (Penn.), Har- monists in, 73 Butte, Bulgarians in, 170 Cabet, Etienne, 97-98, 99, 100; Voyage en Icarie, 08; Le Populaire, 98 Cabinet, President's, majority of members from American stock, 42 Cabot, John, 2 Cabot, Sebastian, 2 Cahokia, French settlement, 152 California, frontiersmen in, 36, 37; Icaria-Speranza com- munity, 101; Swiss in, 153; Dalmatians in, 171; Portu- guese in, 184; discovery of gold, 188; Chinese in, 189- 190; "California for Amer- icans," 190; constitution (1870), 104; legislation against Chinese, 194-95; vote for Garfield (1880), 197 (note); Japanese in, 203; Alien Land Act (1913), 206; Italians in, 211 Campo Hello, Island, Fenians attempt to land on, 119 Canada, fugitive slaves, 54; Irish come through, 109; Fenian raids, 120; deflects migration to United States, 150 Carbonari, Cabet and, 08 Carolinas, English settle, 5; Scotch-Irish in, 12; Scotch in, 12; Germans in, 14; cosmo- politan character of, 18; Irish in, 105; see also North Carolina, South Carolina Castle Garden, landing place for immigrants in New York, 224, 225 Catholics, in Maryland, 13; Irish, 114; prejudice against, 115-16; American Protec- tive Association against, 222 Census (1790), 24-25, 29; A Century of Population Growth (1909), 24; (1800), 25; tables, 26-28; (1900), 88- INDEX 243 Census Continued 39; slaves in United States, 47; Bulletin No. 129, Negroes in the United States, cited, 61 (note); (1910), Germans in United States. 125; foreigners in United States, 125-26 (note); for- eign born on farms, 150-51 (note), 161; Italians in New York City, 180 (note); dis- tribution of American white population, 187 Channing, Edward, History of the United States, quoted, 46-47 Charleroi (Penn.), foreigners in, 217 Charleston (S. C.) French in, 16; Germans in, 127 Charlestown (Mass.), Ursuline convent burned, 116 Cheltenham, Icarians in, 100 Chestnutt, C. W. t negro novel- ist, 64 Chicago, Irish in, 113; Ger- mans in, 135; Bohemians in, 165; Poles in, 167 (note); Bulgarians in, 170; Hunga- rian Jews in, 178; Italians in, 180; papers announce land for sale, 209 Chicopee, Poles in, 214 China, Burlingame treaty, 195- 196, 197; treaty (1880), 198- 199; treaty (1894), 202 Chinese, in United States, 188- 203; societies, 192; mission to United States (1868), 195; exclusion act, 199, 201; Scott Act, 201 ; Geary law, 201 Cincinnati, Irish in, 113; Ger- man center, 135 Cities, immigration to, 162 et seq.\ cosmopolitanism, 185; racial changes in, 219-20 Civil Rights Act, 59 Civil War, German immigrants during, 130 Cleveland, Grover, messages to Congress on Chinese agita- tion, 201; vetoes Lodge bill* 227-28 Cleveland, Irish in, 118; Ger- mans in, 185; Bohemians in, 165; Italians in, 180 Cooalico River, cloister of Ephrata on, 70 Colorado, Japanese in, 204 Coman, Industrial History of the United States, cited, 52 (note) Communistic colonies, 67 et seq.; Labadists, 68-69; Pie- tists, 69-70; Ephrata, 70- 72; Snow Hill, 72; Bethle- hem, 72; Harmonist, 72-77; Harmony, 78; New Har- mony, 74-75, 94-96; Econ- omy, 75-77; Zoar, 78-80; Inspirationists, 80-84; Eben- ezer.81; Amana, 82-84; Bish- op Hill Colony, 85-89; Old Elmspring Community, 89- 90; Shakers, 91-92; Oneida Community, 92-93; Robert Owen and, 94-96; Brook Farm, 97; Fourierism, 96- 97, 101-02; Icaria, 97-101; bibliography, 238-39 Congress, noted members from American stock, 42; author- izes Freedmen's Bureau (1865), 57; immigration law (1819), 103; laws against German newspapers, 144; German-American League incorporated by, 145; char- ter of German-American League revoked, 145; Home- stead Law (1862), 148; grants land to French, 152; Cleveland's special messages, 201; Scott Act, 201; Geary law, 201; extends Chinese exclusion to Hawaii (1898), 202; Lincoln's message, Dec. 8, 1863, 222; and regulation 244 INDEX Congress Continued of immigration, 225; Lodge bill, 227-28; Roosevelt's messages, 229 Connecticut, Shakers in, 91 Connecticut Valley, Poles in. 214-15 Considerant, Victor, 101 Constantinople, cosmopolitan- ism compared with American cities, 186 Constitution, Fifteenth Amend- ment, 59 Coolidge, M. R., Chinese Immi- gration, quoted, 192, 193-94 Cotton, effect on slavery, 62 Coxsackie (N. Y.), communis- tic attempt at, 96 Croatians, as South Slavs, 164; in United States, 171, 172; in Johustown (Penn.) 216; in Granite City (111.), 217 Cumberland (Wis.), Italian colony, 212 Cumberland Mountains, fugi- tive slaves in, 54 Dakotas, frontiersmen in, 36; Germans in, 141; Scandi- navians in, 156, 157; "Scan- dinavian language" in uni- versities, 158-59; Slavs in, 213; see also South Dakota Dallas (Tex.), Italians in, 211 Dalmatians, as South Slavs, 164; in United States, 171- 172; on Pacific slope, 213 Danes, in America, 154, 156; character, 154; see also Scan- dinavians DeLancey, Stephen, 16 Delaware, not represented in first census, 25; second cen- sus (1800), 25; Labadists in, 68-69; Scandinavian colony, 156; racial changes in manu- facturing towns, 216 Democratic party on restric- tion of immigration, 226 Denver, anti-Chinese riots, 197-98 (note) Detroit, Irish in, 113; German* in, 135; Poles in, 167 (note); Italians in, 180 Devotionalists, 85-89, 90 Douglass, Frederick, 64 DuBois, W. E. B., negro schol- ar, 64 Duluth, Finnish college near, 160 Dunbar, P. L., negro poet, 64 Dunkards, 70 Bunkers, 13 Dutch, in United States, 17- 18; number of immigrants, 153 Ebenezer Society, 81 Economy, Harmonists estab- lish, 75; Rapp as leader, 75- 76; as a communistic com- munity, 76-77; membership, 76 (note); Amana gains members from, 83 Emmet, Robert, emigration from Ireland after failure of, 105 England, reasons for expansion, 2-3; imports, 3; social and religious changes, 6-7; kid- naping, 8; emigration of poor, 9, 110, 111; criminals sent to colonies, 9; and Ul- ster, 10; French Protestants flee to, 15; Jews in, 16; in- dustrial revolution and the American negro, 52; emi- gration from, 150 English, in Virginia, 1; in New World, 2-10; serving class, 8; Nonconformists in Man- hattan, 17; and Dutch, 17- 18; and French, 18; on land, 151; in Johnstown (Penn.), 216; in Granite City (111.), 217; in coal mines of Penn- sylvania, 218 Ephrata, 70-72 INDEX 245 Erie, Fort, Fenians hold, 120 Europe, migrations, 1-2; im- migration from, 103; see also names of peoples Fan-child, H. P., quoted, 188 Faneuil, Peter, 16 Fenian movement, 118-21 Finns in America, 160, 176, 185 Fiske, John, on Scotch-Irish in colonies, 12 (note); The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, cited, 14 (note) Fitchburg, Poles in, 214 Fleming, W. L., The Sequel of Appomattox, cited, 57 (note) Florida, fugitive slaves in, 54 Follenius quoted, 135-36 Ford, H. J., The Scotch-Irish in America, quoted, 31 Forestville (Ind.), communis- tic attempt, 96 Fourierism in United States, 93, 96-97, 101-02 Franklin, Benjamin, estimates population of Pennsylvania (1774), 12 (note) Franklin (N. Y.), communistic attempt at, 96 Freedmen's Bureau, 57, 58 French, Protestants leave France, 15; forts and trading posts of , 18 ; in United States, 151-53; in Charleroi (Penn.), 217; see also Huguenots French Canadians in New Eng- land, 122, 152, 215 Frontiersmen, 34-36 Gallipolis (O.) settled by French, 151 Galveston, Italians in, 211 Garfield, J. A., and Chinese immigration, 197 (note) Garland, Hamlin, A Son of the Middle Border, 36-37 Gary (Ind.), character of town, 216-17 Genoa (Wis.), Italian colony, 212 Georgia, English settle, 5; not represented in first census, 25 German-American League, 145 Germans, in Pennsylvania, 13, 14; lured by "soul-stealers," 15; religious communists from, 68 et seq.; contrasted with Irish, 124; immigration tide, 124 elscq.; first period of migration, 126-29; second period of migration, 129-40; causes of emigration, 130; sailing conditions, 134; social life, 137, 140; laborers, 137, 141; "Forty-eighters," 137- 138 ; contribution to America, 139; newspapers, 139, 142- 144; number of immigrants (1870-1910), 141; third pe- riod of migration, 141-46; Prussian spirit among later immigrants, 142-44; propa- ganda, 143-45; "exchange professors," 144; in Great War, 146; in Johnstown (Penn.), 216; in Granite City (111.), 217; in coal mines of Pennsylvania, 218 Germantown (Penn.), founded, 13; Pietists at, 69 Giessener Gesellschaft, 136 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 5 Godin, J. B. A., 102 Granite City (111.), Bulgarians in, 170; racial changes in, 217 Great Britain, immigrants from, 103; record of emigra- tion, 104; see also England, English, Irish, Scotch, Scotch- Irish, Welsh Great Lakes, French on, 18 Great War, German news- papers in, 143-44; soldiers of German descent in, 146; Poland and, 168; effect on immigration, 233 246 INDEX Greeks in United States, 183, 217 Greeley, Horace, 97 Guise, only successful Fourier- istic colony, 109 Hacker, J. G., quoted, 133-84 (note) Hadley, Poles in, 814-15 Hakluyt, Richard, quoted, 4 Hamburg, German emigrants embark at, 134 Hammonton (N. J.), Italian colony at, 5212 Harmonists, 72-77 Harmony, town established, 73 Harmony Society, 73 Harvard College, 8 Hatchet Men, 193 Haverstraw (N. Y.), commu-, nistic attempt at, 96 Havre, German emigrants em- bark at, 134 Hayes, R. B., vetoes amend- ment to Burlingame treaty, 197; appoints commission to negotiate new treaty with China, 198 Hessians, settle in America, 129; Giessener Gesellschaft, 136 Heynemann, Barbara, leader of Inspirationists, 81, 82 Highbinders, 193 Hindoos in United States, 207 Holland, French Protestants flee to, 15; Spanish and Por- tuguese Jews find refuge in, 16-17; Inspirationists, 80 Holland (Mich.), center of Dutch influence, 153 Homestead Law (1862), 148 "Hooks and Eyes," nickname for Amish, 68 (note) Houston (Tex.), Italians in, 211 Hudson Valley, Dutch in, 17 Huguenots in Manhattan, 17; see also French Hungarians, see Jews, Magyars Hungary, Mennonitea in, 89 Hutter, Jacob, Mennonite martyr, 89 I. W. W., tee Industrial Work- er* of the World Icaria, 97-101 Icaria-Speranza community, 101 Idaho, Japanese in, 04 Illinois, admitted as State (1818), 33; frontiersmen in, 36; " Underground Railway" in, 54; negroes in, 62; Bishop Hill Colony. 85-89; Swedish immigration, 91; Icarians in, 99-100; Germans in, 134, 137; Norwegians, 155; Scan- dinavians in, 156; Poles in, 160, 167, 213; Slovenians in, 173; racial changes in coal regions of, 219 Immigration (1790-1820), 32; legislation, 201, 207, 222 et seq.; present opportunities, 208-10; Lincoln on, 222; only attempt of Federal Government to encourage, 222-23; state regulation. 224-25; bibliography. 235- 236 ; see alto names of peoples Immigration Commission, created, 230; and Japanese. 204 Independence (La.), Italians in, 211 Indiana, admitted as State (1816), 33; western migra- tion through, 86; "Under- ground Railway" in, 54; negroes in, 62; New Har- mony, 74-75, 94-96; Ger- mans in, 134; Scotch and English in, 151; Italian farm- ers in, 212; Poles in, 213; racial changes in coal regions, 219 Indianapolis, Bulgarians in, 170 INDEX 247 Indians real Americans, 22 Indians, East, in America, 207 Industrial Commission, on Pol- ish immigrants, 167; report on immigration, 228 Industrial Workers of the World, Finns in, 160 Inspirationists, 80-84 Iowa, frontiersmen in, 36; In- spirationists in, 82-84; Ica- rians in, 101; Germans in, 134, 141; Slavs in, 213 Irish, in America, 6, 103 et .sv Icarians at, 99- 100, 101 Navigation Laws, 106 Nebraska, Germans in, 141; Scandinavians in, 156; Bo- hemians in, 159; Slavs in, 213 250 INDEX Neef , Joseph, 95 Negroes, 45 et seq.; identified with America, 45; most dis- tinctly foreign element, 46; tribes represented among slaves, 49; mutual benefit or- ganizations, 51-52, 63; popu- lation (I860), 56; education, 57; religion, 57; as farmers, 59-60; advance, 64; char- acteristics shown by neg- lected gardens, 64-65; bib- liography, 236-37; tee alto Africans, Slavery, Slave trade Nevada, vote for Garfield (1880), 197 (note) New Amsterdam, Jews come to, 16 New Bedford, Portuguese in, 184 New Bern, Germans in, 127 New England, English settle, 5-6; dissenters found, 8; Scotch- Irish leave, 11; Dutch and, 17; Madison on popu- lation of, 34; slavery, 51; "Underground Railway" in, 54; capital in slave trade, 56; Montenegrins and Serbians in, 171; Portuguese in, 184; abandoned farms, 209; Poles in, 213; Slavs in, 214; racial changes in mills, 215-16 New Era founded by McGee, 121 (note) New Hampshire, Shakers in, 91 New Harmony (Ind.), Rapp's colony, 74-75; sold to Robert Owen, 75; Owen's colony, 94-96 New Jersey, English settle, 5; not represented in first cen- sus, 25; census computations for 1790, 28-29; Germans in, 127; racial changes in manu- facturing towns, 216 New Netherland, 17 New Orleans, Spain acquires. 18; Icarians in, 99; Irish in, 113; Dalmatians in, 171; Italians in, 180, 211 New York (State), Germans in, 14; French in, 15; Jews in, 16; western part settled, 33; migration through, 36; slav- ery, 50-51; "Underground Railway" in, 54; and slave trade, 56; negroes in, 62; Shakers in, 91; Scotch and English in, 151; Norwegians in, 155; Poles in, 167; Rus- sians in, 169; Italian farmers, 212; racial changes in manu- facturing towns, 216; State relief for immigrants, 224 New York City, French in, 16; cosmopolitanism, 18-19; Irish in, 108, 109, 113; Tam- many Hall, 116; Germans in, 127; Poles in, 167 (note); Croatiansin, 172; Hungarian Jews, 178; Russian Jews, 179; Italians, 180; see also Man- hattan New York Nation, McGee es- tablishes, 120 (note) New Zealand, deflects migra- tion to United States, 150 Newfoundland, Irish come through, 109 Newspapers, German, 139, 142- 144; Scandinavian, 158; Slo- vak, 169 "Niagara Movement," 63 Norsemen, tee Scandinavians North, colonies settled by townfolk, 7-8; negroes in, 55; negro laborers, 62 North Carolina, Germans in, 127 Northwest, Scandinavians in, 156; see also names of States Northwest Territory, slavery forbidden in, 51 Norwegians, number in Amer- ica, 154; character, 154; INDEX 251 Norwegians Continued lead Scandinavian migra- tion, 155; see also Scandi- navians Noyes, J. H., 92, 93 Oberholtzer, History of the United States since the Civil War, cited, 120 (note), 148 (note), 149 (note) Ohio, admitted as State (1802), 33; western migration through, 36; "Underground Railway" in, 54; negroes in, 62; Zoar colony, 78-80; Ger- mans in, 134; Scotch and English in, 151; French in, 151-52; Swiss in, 153; Sloven- ians in, 173; Italian farmers, 212; Poles in, 213; racial changes in coal regions of, 219 Ohio River, French on, 18 Oklahoma, Bohemians in, 159; Slavs in 213 Old Elmspring Community. 89 Olsen, Jonas, 87, 88 Omaha, Italians in, 180 Oneida Community, 92-93 Orange County (N. Y.), Polish settlement, 213 Ordinance of 1787, 51 Oregon, acquisition of (1846), 33, 147; Scandinavians in, 156; Japanese in, 203 Orientals, 188 et seq.\ see also Chinese, Indians, East, Jap- anese Otis, General, 202 Owen, Robert, 75, 93-96, 98 Ozark Mountains, Italians in, 211 Palatinate, peasants come to America from, 14 Penn, William, 71 Pennsylvania, English settle, 5; Scotch-Irish in, 11-12; Welsh in, 13; Germans in. 13, 14, 126-27; Dutch in, 14; Jews in, 17; cosmopolitan character, 19; western part settled, 33; slavery, 51; negroes in, 62; Dunkards in, 70; Poles in, 167; Russians in, 169; Croatians in, 172; Slovenians in, 173; Lithua- nians in, 175; Italian farm- ers, 212; landward movement of Slavs in, 213-14; racial changes, 216, 218-19 Pennsylvania Philosophical So- ciety, Pietists' astrological instruments in collection of, 70 Petrosino, Lieutenant Joseph, murdered, 231 Peysel, see Beissel Philadelphia, Welsh near, 13; cosmopolitan character, 18; negroes arrested, 51; Ephra- ta draws pupils from, 71; Irish immigrant association, 109; Irish in, 113; Italians in, 180 Philippines, Chinese exclusion, 202 Pietists, 69-70 Pine Lake (Wis.). Swedish col- ony, 155 Pittsburgh, "Boat Load of Knowledge" from, 94 Poles, in America, 160, 167-69, 213, 214-15, 217; as North Slavs, 164 Politics, foreigners in, 42; Irish in, 116, 117; Germans in, 139, 144; Bohemians in, 166; Chinese as issue, 193; selec- tive immigration as issue (1892), 226-27 Population, increase in, 32; see also Census Portland, Italians in, 180 Portuguese in United States, 184 Prairie du Rocher, French settlement, 152 252 INDEX Presbyterians, Scotch-Irish, 10 Presidents of United States from American stock, 42 Price, J. C., negro orator, 64 Quakers, Norwegian, 155 Rafinesque, C. S., 95 Railroads, Chinese laborers ou, 190 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 5 Rapp, F. 11., adopted son of Father Rapp, 75-76 Rapp, J. G., founder of Har- monists, 73; " Father Rapp," 74; at Harmony, 73-74; at New Harmony, 74-75; at Economy, 75-77 Reconstruction after Civil War, 57-59 Red Bank (N. J.), communis- tic colony at, 97 Reed, of Missouri, wishes to ex- clude African immigrants, 232 Republican party on immigra- tion restriction, 226 Restoration (sloop), 155 Revere, Paul, 16 Revolutionary War, Irish in, 108; Germans and, 127 Rhode Island, French in, 15; Jews in, 17 Rock Springs (Wyo.), anti- Chinese riot, 200 Roosevelt, Theodore, confer- ence with delegation from California, 205; on restric- tion of immigration, 229-30 Root, John, 86-87 Ross, E. A., The Old World in the New, cited, 163 (note) Rumania, Mennonites in, 89 Rush, Benjamin, Manners of the German Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, 127-29 Russia, Mennonites in, 89 Russians, as North Slavs, 164; in United States, 169-70 Ruthenians (Ukranians), as North Slavs, 164; in United States, 169 St. Lawrence River, French on, 18 St. Louis, Cabet in, 100; Irish in, 113; Germans in, 135; Hungarian Jews in, 178; Italians in, 180 St. Patrick's Day, observed in Boston (1737), 108; in New York City (1762), 108; (1776), 108; (1784), 109 San Antonio, Italians in, 211 San Francisco, anti-Chinese at- titude, 193, 194, 200; Japa- nese excluded from public schools, 205 Savannah, Germans in, 127 Say, Thomas, "Father of American Zoology," 95 Scandinavians in United States, 85, 153-59, 185 Schleswig-Holstein, Danes emi- grate from, 156 Schluter, see Sluyter Schmitz, Mayor of San Fran- cisco, 205 Schurz, Carl, 139 Scioto Land Company (Com- panieduScioto), 151-52 Scotch, in America, 6, 12-13; in Manhattan, 17; immi- grants, 110, 150; on the land, 151; in coal mines of Penn- sylvania, 218 Scotch-Irish, in America, 6, 10, 11; in Pennsylvania, 11-12, 12 (note); names, 30-31 Seattle, Bulgarians in, 170; anti-Chinese feeling, 200 Seneca Indians Reservation, I n- spirationists purchase (1841), 81 Serbians, as South Slavs, 164; in United States, 171, 217 Seward, W. H., Secretary of INDEX 253 Seward, W. H. Continued State, treaty with China (1868), 195-96 Shaker Compendium quoted, 91 Shakers, 91-92 Shaw, Albert, Icaria, A Chapter in the History of Commu- nism, quoted, 100 Siberia, Russian immigrants to, 170 (note) Sicilians, 182; see also Italians Silkville (Kan.), French com- munistic colony in, 102 Six Companies, Chinese organ- ization, 192, 193 Slavery, as recognized institu- tion, 9, 50; Channing on, 46-47; protests against, 51; influence of cotton demand on, 52-53; fugitive slaves, 54-55; condition when eman- cipated, 56-57; Germans against, 139; see also Ne- groes, Slave trade Slave trade, beginning of, 47; capture and transportation of slaves, 47-50; law pro- hibiting, 55; effect of cotton demand on, 55-56 Slavonians on Pacific slope, 213 Slavs, use of term, 164; on poor land, 210; colonies, 212- 213; in New England mills, 214, 215; in Pennsylvania, 216, 217, 218; see also Bo- hemians, Bulgarians, Croa- tians, Dalmatians, Monte- negrins, Poles, Russians, Ruthenians, Serbians, Slo- vaks, Slovenians Slovaks, as North Slavs, 164; in United States, 168-69, 216, 217; see also Slavs Slovenians, as South Slavs, 164; "Griners," 172; see also Slavs Sluyter, Peter (or Schluter), (Vorstmann), leader of Laba- dists, 68 Snow Hill (Penn.), community, 72 Society of United Irishmen, 109 South, plan tationslure English, 7; Scotch-Irish in, 12; cot- ton production, 52-53; Re- construction, 57-59; opposes liberal land laws, 148; im- migrants in cut-over timber regions, 208; opportunities for immigrants in, 210 South Carolina, French in, 15; slave laws, 50; insurrection (1822), 53; Germans in, 127 South Dakota, Old Elmspring Community, 89 Spain, England's victory over, 2; France cedes New Or- leans to, 18 Spanish-Americans in Cali- fornia, 190 Standard Oil Company builds Whiting (Ind.), 217 Steiner, E. A., On the Trail of the Immigrant, quoted, 166, 178-79 Stephens, James, 119 Sullivan, General John, order of March 17, 1776, 108 Sunnyside (Ark.), Italians es- tablish (1895), 211 Supreme Court, Chief Justices from American stock, 42; upholds communal contract, 73; upholds exclusion, 200; on state regulation of im- migration, 225 _ Swedes, in America, 85, 154, 155-56; "Frenchmen of the North," 154; see also Scan- dinavians Switzerland, Inspirationists from, 80; immigration from, 104; number of immigrants, 153 Syrians, as laborers, 122; in United States. 184; in Johns- town (Penn.). 216 254 INDEX Tacoma, anti-Chinese feeling, 200 Taft, W. H. vetoes literacy test provision (1913), 231 Tammany Hall, 116 Tennessee, not represented in First Census, 25; admitted as State (1796), 33; pioneers leave, 86 Texas, added to United States, 33; Icarians in, 99; Fourier- istic community in, 101-02; Mainzer Adelsverein in, 136; Bohemians in, 159; Poles in, 160, 167; Italian colonies, 211; Slavs in, 213 Thompson, Holland, The New South, cited, 60 (note) Tillinghast, The Negro in Afri- ca, quoted, 49 Tokyo, anti-American feeling, 207 Tone, Wolfe, portrait on Fe- nian bonds by, 119 Transportation, development of, 149 Tribune, New York, Brisbaue and, 97 Troost, Gerard, 95 Turks in United States. 184 Turnvereine, 131, 137 Tuskegee Institute, 63 Ukranians, see Ruthenians Ulster, Scotch in, 10 Ulstermen, see Scotch-Irish "Underground Railway," 64 United States, now called America, 22; population at close of Revolution, 23; American stock, 23; census (1790), 24; names changed or disappeared, 24-25 (note) ; population (1820), 32; Irish population, 105; expansion, 1-17-48; nation of immi- grants, 233; see also America United States Steel Corporation builds Gary (Ind.), 216-17 Unonius, Gustavus, 155 Utopias in America, 66 et seq.; bibliography, 238-39 Vermont, slaves emancipated, 51 Vespucci, Amerigo, claim of discovery recognized, 21 Vineland (N. J.), Italian colony at, 212 Virginia, English occupation (1607), 1; English in, 5; protests receiving criminals, 9; Scotch-Irish in, 11, 12; French in, 15; slavery, 47, 50; insurrection (1831), 53- 54; Irish in, 105; Germans in, 127; racial changes in coal regions of, 219 Vorstmann, see Sluyter Waldenses in Manhattan, 17 WaldseemUller, Martin, and name America, 21 Ward's Island, hospitals for immigrants on, 224 Ware, Poles in, 214 Washington, Booker T., 63 Washington, George, on name America, 21; on spread of native population, 34; order of March 17, 1776, 108 Washington (State), Scandi- navians in, 156; Japanese in, 203, 204 Washington (D. C.) Owen lec- tures at, 94; anti- Japanese demonstration at, 207 Welsh, in United States, 6, 150, 151, 216, 217, 218 West, Far, Germans in, 142; draws homeseekers, 147; and land laws, 148; see also names of States West Indies, French in, 18; negro slavery, 47; Irish transported to, 105; Irish come through, 109 INDEX 255 West, Middle, racial changes in, 216; see also names of States West Virginia, Croatians in, 172 ; racial changes iu, 216, 219 Westfield, Poles in, 214 Whiting (Ind.), foreigner* in, 217 Whitney, Eli, cotton gin, 52 Wilcox, W. F., quoted, 62-63 Wilmington, Germans in, 127 Wilson, Woodrow, and anti- Japanese feeling, 206; on literacy test, 231 Windber(Penn.), racial changes in, 219 Winthrop, John, on immigra- tion of Scotch-Irish, 11 Wisconsin, frontiersmen in, 36; "Underground Railway" in, 54; Fouri eristic colony in, 97; Germans in, 134, 137; Swiss in, 153; Scandinavians in, 156; Poles in, 160, 167; farms available in, 209; Slavs in, 212 Worcester, Poles in, 214 Workingmen's party, 198 Wright, Fanny, 95 Wyoming, and Chinese in- demnity claim, 201 Yazoo Delta, Italians in, 211 Yellow Springs (O.), commu- nistic attempt, 96 Young, Brigham, 87 "Young Ireland" party, 120 Zimmermann, J. ,!.. founder of Pietists, 69 Zinzendorf, Count, 72 Zoar, colony at, 78-80; Amana gains members from, 83 University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. 005 087 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL IBRARY CITY lllilltlillll A 001 449 850 5 Unn S