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ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 IN 
 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD 
 EASTER TERMS 1893-4 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES ANTHONY FKOUDE 
 
 LATE REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 NEW IMPRESSION 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
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 1902 
 
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 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 
 
 lirst Edition, 8vo, March 1895. 
 
 Reprinted, Crmcn Svo, May 1895, January 1896, 
 
 December 1896, August 1898, August 1899. 
 Cheap Edition for India, June 1899. 
 Reissued in the Silver Library, January 1901. 
 Reprinted, January 1902. 
 New Impression, with Rlustrations, July 1901, 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 
 LKOTUKE PAGE 
 
 I. THE SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION . 1 
 
 II. JOHN HAWKINS AND THE AFRICAN SLAVE 
 
 TRADE 35 
 
 III. SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP THE SECOND 68 
 
 IV. drake's voyage round the WORLD . 102 
 
 V. PARTIES IN THE STATE . . . .141 
 
 VI. THE GREAT EXPEDITION TO THE WEST 
 
 INDIES 176 
 
 VII. ATTACK ON CADIZ 207 
 
 VIII. SAILING OF THE ARMADA . . .238 
 
 IX. DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA. . . . 272 
 
\e R A R y 
 ' or THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 califoh^ 
 
 ENGLISH SEAMEN 
 
 IN 
 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 LECTURE I 
 THE SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 TEAN PAUL, the German poet, said that God 
 had given to France the empire of the land, 
 to England the empire of the sea, and to his own 
 country the empire of the air. The world has 
 changed since Jean Paul's days. The wings of 
 France have been clipped ; the German Empire 
 has become a solid thing ; but England still 
 holds her watery dominion; Britannia does still 
 rule the waves, and in this proud position she 
 has spread the English race over the globe ; she 
 
2 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 has created the great American nation ; she is 
 peopling new Englands at the Antipodes; she 
 has made her Queen Empress of India; and is 
 in fact the very considerable phenomenon in the 
 social and political world which all acknowledge 
 her to be. And all this she has achieved in the 
 course of three centuries, entirely in consequence 
 of her predominance as an ocean power. Take 
 away her merchant fleets ; take away the navy 
 that guards them : her empire will come to an 
 end ; her colonies will fall off, like leaves from a 
 withered tree ; and Britain will become once 
 more an insignificant island in the North Sea, 
 for the future students in Australian and New 
 Zealand universities to discuss the fate of in their 
 debating societies. 
 
 How the English navy came to hold so extra- 
 ordinary a position is worth reflecting on. Much 
 has been written about it, but little, as it seems 
 to me, which touches the heart of the matter. 
 We are shown the power of our country growing 
 and expanding. But how it grew, why, after a 
 sleep of so many hundred years, the genius of 
 our Scandinavian forefathers suddenly sprang 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 3 
 
 again into life — of this we are left without 
 explanation. 
 
 The beginning was undoubtedly the defeat of 
 the Spanish Armada in 1588. Down to that time 
 the sea sovereignty belonged to the Spaniards, 
 and had been fairly won by them. The conquest 
 of Granada had stimulated and elevated the 
 Spanish character. The subjects of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, of Charles V. and Philip IL, were 
 extraordinary men, and accomplished extraordinary 
 things. They stretched the limits of the known 
 world; they conquered Mexico and Peru; they 
 planted their colonies over the South American 
 continent ; they took possession of the great West 
 Indian islands, and with so firm a grasp that 
 Cuba at least will never lose the mark of the 
 hand which seized it. They built their cities as 
 if for eternity. They spread to the Indian Ocean, 
 and gave their monarch's name to the Fhilippines. 
 All this they accomplished in half a century, and, 
 as it were, they did it mth a single hand ; with 
 the other they were fighting Moors and Turks 
 and protecting the coast of the Mediterranean 
 from the corsairs of Tunis and Constantinople. 
 
4 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 They had risen on the crest of the wave, and 
 with their proud Non sufficit orhis were looking 
 for new worlds to conquer, at a time when the 
 bark of the English water-dogs had scarcely been 
 heard beyond their own fishing-grounds, and the 
 largest merchant vessel sailing from the port of 
 London was scarce bigger than a modern coasting 
 collier. And yet within the space of a single 
 ordinary life these insignificant islanders had 
 struck the sceptre from the Spaniards* grasp and 
 placed the ocean crown on the brow of their own 
 sovereign. How did it come about ? What 
 Cadmus had sown dragons' teeth in the furrows 
 of the sea for the race to spring from who manned 
 the ships of Queen Elizabeth, who carried the 
 flag of their own country round the globe, and 
 challenged and fought the Spaniards on their 
 own coasts and in their own harbours? 
 
 The English sea power was the legitimate 
 child of the Reformation. It grew, as I shall 
 show you, directly out of the new despised Pro- 
 testantism. Matthew Parker and Bishop Jewel, 
 the judicious Hooker himself, excellent men as 
 they were, would have written and preached to 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 5 
 
 small purpose without Sir Francis Drake's cannon 
 to play an accompaniment to their teaching. 
 And again, Drake's cannon would not have roared 
 so loudly and so widely without seamen already 
 trained in heart and hand to work his ships and 
 level his artillery. It was to the superior sea- 
 manship, the superior quality of English ships 
 and crews, that the Spaniards attributed their 
 defeat. Where did these ships come from ? 
 Where and how did these mariners learn their 
 trade ? Historians talk enthusiastically of the 
 national spirit of a people rising Avith a united 
 heart to repel the invader, and so on. But national 
 spirit could not extemporise a fleet or produce 
 trained officers and sailors to match the con- 
 querors of Lepanto. One slight observation I 
 must make here at starting, and certainly with 
 no invidious purpose. It has been said confidently, 
 it has been repeated, I believe, by all modern 
 writers, that the Spanish invasion suspended in 
 England the quarrels of creed, and united Pro- 
 testants and Roman Catholics in defence of their 
 Queen and country. They remind us especially 
 that Lord Howard of Effingham, who was Eliza- 
 
6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 beth's admiral, was himself a Roman Catholic. 
 But was it so ? The Earl of Arundel, the head 
 of the House of Howard, was a Roman Catholic, 
 and he was in the Tower praying for the success 
 of Medina Sidonia. Lord Howard of Effingham 
 was no more a Roman Catholic than — I hope I 
 am not taking away their character — than the 
 present Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop 
 of London. He was a Catholic, but an English 
 Catholic, as those reverend prelates are. Roman 
 Catholic he could not possibly have been, nor any- 
 one who on that great occasion was found on the 
 side of Elizabeth. A Roman Catholic is one who 
 acknowledges the Roman Bishop's authority. The 
 Pope had excommunicated Elizabeth, had pro- 
 nounced her deposed, had absolved her subjects 
 from their allegiance, and forbidden them to fight 
 for her. No Englishman who fought on that 
 great occasion for English liberty was, or could 
 have been, in communion with Rome. Loose 
 statements of this kind, lightly made, fall in 
 with the modem humour. They are caught up, 
 applauded, repeated, and pass unquestioned into 
 history. It is time to correct them a little. 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 7 
 
 1 have in my possession a detailed account of 
 the temper of parties in England, drawn up in 
 the year 1585, three years before the Armada 
 came. The writer was a distinguished Jesuit, 
 The account itself was prepared for the use of 
 the Pope and Philip, with a special view to the 
 reception which an invading force would meet 
 with, and it goes into great detail. The people 
 of the towns — London, Bristol, &c. — were, he says, 
 generally heretics. The peers, the gentry, their 
 tenants, and peasantry, who formed the immense 
 majority of the population, were almost univer- 
 sally Catholics. But this writer distinguishes 
 properly among Catholics. There were the 
 ardent impassioned Catholics, ready to be con- 
 fessors and martyrs, ready to rebel at the first 
 opportunity, who had renounced their allegiance, 
 who desired to overthrow Elizabeth and put the 
 Queen of Scots in her place. The number of 
 these, he says, was daily increasing, owing to the 
 exertions of the seminary priests ; and plots, he 
 boasts, Avere being contiaually formed by them to 
 murder the Queen. There were Catholics of 
 another sort, who were papal at heart, but went 
 
8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 with the times to save their property ; who looked 
 forward to a change in the natural order of things, 
 but would not stir of themselves till an invading 
 army actually appeared. But all alike, he insists, 
 were eager for a revolution. Let the Prince of 
 Parma come, and they would all join him ; and 
 together these two classes of Catholics made 
 three-fourths of the nation. 
 
 ' The only party,' he says (and this is really 
 noticeable), 'the only party that would fight to 
 death for the Queen, the only real friends she 
 had, were the Puritans (it is the first mention of 
 the name which I have found), the Puritans of 
 London, the Puritans of the sea towns.' These 
 he admits were dangerous, desperate, determined 
 men. The numbers of them, however, were 
 providentially small. 
 
 The date of this document is, as I said, 1585, 
 and I believe it generally accurate. The only 
 mistake is that among the Anglican Catholics 
 there were a few to whom their country was as 
 dear as their creed — a few who were begianing to 
 see that under the Act of Uniformity Catholic 
 doctrine might be taught and Catholic ritual 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 9 
 
 practised; who adhered to the old forms of 
 religion, but did not believe that obedience to the 
 Pope was a necessary part of them. One of these 
 was Lord Howard of Effingham, whom the Queen 
 placed in his high command to secure the waver- 
 ing fidelity of the peers and country gentlemen. 
 But the force, the fire, the enthusiasm came 
 (as the Jesuit saw) from the Puritans, from men 
 of the same convictions as the Calvinists of 
 Holland and Rochelle ; men who, driven from 
 the land, took to the ocean as their natural 
 home, and nursed the Reformation in an ocean 
 cradle. How the seagoing population of the 
 North of Europe took so strong a Protestant 
 impression it is the purpose of these lectures to 
 explain. 
 
 Henry VIII. on coming to the throne found 
 England without a fleet, and without a conscious 
 sense of the need of one. A few merchant hulks 
 traded with Bordeaux and Cadiz and Lisbon ; 
 hoys and fly-boats drifted slowly backwards and 
 forwards between Antwerp and the Thames. A 
 fishing fleet tolerably appointed went annually to 
 Iceland for cod. Local fishermen worked the 
 
lo ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 North Sea and the Channel from Hull to Fal- 
 mouth. The Chester people went to Kinsale for 
 herrings and mackerel : but that Avas all — the 
 nation had aspired to no more. 
 
 Columbus had offered the New World to 
 Henry YII. while the discovery was still in the 
 air. He had sent his brother to England Avith 
 maps and globes, and quotations from Plato to 
 prove its existence. Henry, like a practical 
 Englishman, treated it as a wild dream. 
 
 The dream had come from the gate of horn. 
 America was found, and the Spaniard, and not the 
 English, came into first possession of it. Still, 
 America was a large place, and John Cabot the 
 Venetian with his son Sebastian tried Henry 
 again. England might still be able to secure a 
 slice. This time Henry VII. listened. Two small 
 ships were fitted out at Bristol, crossed the 
 Atlantic, discovered Newfoundland, coasted down 
 to Florida looking for a passage to Cathay, but 
 could not find one. The elder Cabot died ; the 
 younger came home. The expedition failed, and 
 no interest had been roused. 
 
 With the accession of Henry VIII. a new era 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION ii 
 
 had opened — a new era in many senses. Printing 
 was coming into use — Erasmus and his compan- 
 ions were shaking Europe with the new learning, 
 Copernican astronomy was changing the level disk 
 of the earth into a revolving globe, and turning 
 dizzy the thoughts of mankind. Imagination was 
 on the stretch. The reality of things was assum- 
 ing proportions vaster than fancy had dreamt, 
 and unfastening established belief on a thousand 
 sides. The young Henry was welcomed by Eras- 
 mus as likely to be the glory of the age that was 
 opening. He was young, brilliant, cultivated, and 
 ambitious. To what might he not aspire under 
 the new conditions ! Henry VIII. was all that, 
 but he was cautious and looked about him. 
 Europe was full of wars in which he was likely 
 to be entangled. His father had left the treasury 
 well furnished. The young King, like a wise 
 man, turned his first attention to the broad ditch, 
 as he called the British Channel, which formed 
 the natural defence of the realm. The opening 
 of the Atlantic had revolutionised war and sea- 
 manship. Long voyages required larger vessels. 
 Henry was the first prince to see the place which 
 
12 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 gunpowder was going to hold in wars. In his first 
 years he repaired his dockyards, built new ships 
 on improved models, and imported Italians to cast 
 him new types of cannon. ' King Harry loved a 
 man,' it was said, and knew a man when he saw 
 one. He made acquaintance with sea captains at 
 Portsmouth and Southampton. In some way or 
 other he came to know one Mr. William Hawkins, 
 of Pl3nnouth, and held him in especial esteem. 
 This Mr. Hawkins, under Henry's patronage, 
 ventured down to the coast of Guinea and 
 brought home gold and ivory; crossed over to 
 Brazil ; made friends with the Brazilian natives ; 
 even brought back with him the king of those 
 countries, who was curious to see what Eng- 
 land was like, and presented him to Henry at 
 Whitehall. 
 
 Another Plymouth man, Robert Thorne, again 
 with Henry's help, went out to look for the North- 
 west passage which Cabot had failed to find. 
 Thome's ship was called the Dominus VoMsmcm, 
 a pious aspiration which, however, secured no suc- 
 cess. A London man, a Master Hore, tried next. 
 Master Hore, it is said, was given to cosmography. 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 13 
 
 was a plausible talker at scientific meetings, and 
 so on. He persuaded 'divers young lawyers' 
 (briefless barristers, I suppose) and other gentle- 
 men — altogether a hundred and twenty of them 
 — to join him. They procured two vessels at 
 Gravesend. They took the sacrament together 
 before sailing. They apparently relied on Provi- 
 dence to take care of them, for they made little 
 other preparation. They reached Newfoundland, 
 but their stores ran out, and their ships went on 
 shore. In the land of fish they did not know how 
 to use line and bait. They fed on roots and 
 bilberries, and picked fish-bones out of the ospreys' 
 nests. At last they began to eat one another — 
 careless of Master Hore, who told them they would 
 go to unquenchable fire. A French vessel came 
 in. They seized her with the food she had on 
 board and sailed home in her, leaving the French 
 crew to their fate. The poor French happily 
 found means of following them. They complained 
 of their treatment, and Henry ordered an inquiry ; 
 but finding, the report says, the great distress 
 Master Here's party had been in, was so moved 
 with pity, that he did not punish them, bu* 
 
14 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lbct. 
 
 out of his own purse made royal recompense to 
 the French. 
 
 Something better than gentlemen volunteers 
 ' was needed if naval enterprise was to come to 
 anything in England. The long vfars between 
 Francis I. and Charles V. brought the problem 
 closer. On land the fighting was between the 
 regular armies. At sea privateers were let loose 
 out of French, Flemish, and Spanish ports. Enter- 
 prising individuals took out letters of marque and 
 went cruising to take the chance of what they 
 could catch. The Channel was the chief hunting- 
 ground, as being the highway between Spain 
 and the Low Countries. The interval was short 
 between privateers and pirates. Vessels of all 
 sorts passed into the business. The Scilly Isles 
 became a pirate stronghold. The creeks and 
 estuaries in Cork and Kerry furnished hiding- 
 places where the rovers could lie with security 
 and share their plunder with the Irish chiefs. 
 The disorder grew wilder when the divorce of 
 Catherine of Aragon made Henry into the public 
 enemy of Papal Europe. English traders and 
 fishing-smacks were plundered and sunk. Their 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 15 
 
 crews went armed to defend themselves, and from 
 Thames mouth to Land's End the Channel be- 
 came the scene of desperate fights. The type of 
 vessel altered to suit the new conditions. Life 
 depended on speed of sailing. The State Papers 
 describe squadrons of French or Spaniards flying 
 about, dashing into Dartmouth, Plymouth, or 
 Falmouth, cutting out English coasters, or 
 fighting one another. 
 
 After Henry was excommunicated, and 
 Ireland rebelled, and England itself threatened 
 disturbance, the King had to look to his security. 
 He made little noise about it. But the Spanish 
 ambassador reported him as silently building ships 
 in the Thames and at Portsmouth. As invasion 
 seemed imminent, ho began with sweeping the 
 seas of the looser vermin. A few swift well-armed 
 cruisers pushed suddenly out of the Solent, 
 caught and destroyed a pirate fleet in Mount's 
 Bay, sent to the bottom some Flemish privateers 
 in the Downs, and captured the Flemish admiral 
 himself. Danger at home growing more menac- 
 ing, and the monks spreading the fire which grew 
 into the Pilgrimage of Grace, Henry suppressed 
 
i6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 the abbeys, sold the lands, and with the proceeds 
 armed the coast with fortresses. ' You threaten 
 me,' he seemed to say to them, ' that you will use 
 the wealth our fathers gave you to overthrow my 
 Government and bring in the invader. I will 
 take your wealth, and I will use it to disappoint 
 your treachery.' You may see the remnants of 
 Henry's work in the fortresses anywhere along the 
 coast from Berwick to the Land's End. 
 
 Louder thundered the Vatican. In 1539 
 Henry's time appeared to have come. France 
 and Spain made peace, and the Pope's sentence 
 was now expected to be executed by Charles or 
 Francis, or both. A crowd of vessels large and 
 small was collected in the Scheldt, for what pur- 
 pose save to transport an army into England? 
 Scotland had joined the Catholic League. Henry 
 fearlessly appealed to the English people. Catholic 
 peers and priests might conspire against him, 
 but, explain it how we will, the nation was loyal 
 to Henry and came to his side. The London 
 merchants armed their ships in the river. From 
 the seaports everywhere came armed brigantines 
 and sloops. The fishermen of the West left their 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 17 
 
 boats and nets to their wives, and the fishing was 
 
 none the worse, for the women handled oar and 
 
 sail and line and went to the whiting-grounds, 
 
 while their husbands had gone to fight for their 
 
 King. Genius kindled into discovery at the call 
 
 of the country. Mr. Fletcher of Rye (be his name 
 
 remembered) invented a boat the like of which 
 
 was never seen before, which would work to 
 
 windward, with sails trimmed fore and aft, the 
 
 greatest revolution yet made in shipbuilding. A 
 
 hundred and fifty sail collected at Sandwich to 
 
 match the armament in the Scheldt ; and Marillac, 
 
 the French ambassador, reported Avith amazement 
 
 the energy of King and people. 
 
 The Catholic Powers thought better of it. 
 
 This was not the England which Reginald Pole 
 
 had told them was longing for their appearance. 
 
 The Scheldt force dispersed. Henry read Scotland 
 
 a needed lesson. The Scots had thought to take 
 
 him at disadvantage, and sit on his back when 
 
 the Emperor attacked him. One morning when 
 
 the people at Leith woke out of their sleep, they 
 
 found an English fleet in the Roads ; and before 
 
 they had time to look about them, Leith was on 
 
 c 
 
i8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 fire and Edinburgh was taken. Charles V., if he 
 had ever seriously thought of invading Henry, 
 returned to wiser counsels, and made an alliance 
 with him instead. The Pope turned to France. 
 If the Emperor forsook him, the Most Christian 
 King would help. He promised Francis that if he 
 could win England he might keep it for himself 
 Francis resolved to try what he could do. 
 
 Five years had passed since the gathering 
 at Sandwich. It was now the summer of 1544. 
 The records say that the French collected at 
 Havre near 300 vessels, fighting ships, galleys, 
 and transports. Doubtless the numbers are far 
 exaggerated, but at any rate it was the largest 
 force ever yet got together to invade England, 
 capable, if well handled, of bringing Henry to his 
 knees. The plan was to seize and occupy the Isle 
 of Wight, destroy the English fleet, then take 
 Portsmouth and Southampton, and so advance 
 on London. 
 
 Henry's attention to his navy had not slackened. 
 He had built ship on ship. The Great Harry was 
 a thousand tons, carried 700 men, and was the 
 wonder of the day. There were a dozen othera 
 
*i.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMAT/ON 19 
 
 scarcely less imposing. The King called again on 
 the nation, and again the nation answered. In 
 England altogether there were 150,000 men in 
 arms in field or garrison. In the King's fleet at 
 Portsmouth there were 12,000 seamen, and the 
 privateers of the West crowded up eagerly as 
 before. It is strange, with the notions which 
 we have allowed ourselves to form of Henry, to 
 observe the enthusiasm with which the whole 
 country, as yet undivided by doctrinal quarrels, 
 rallied a second time to defend him. 
 
 In this Portsmouth fleet lay undeveloped the 
 genius of the future naval greatness of England. 
 A small fact connected with it is worth recording. 
 The watchword on board was, ' God save the 
 King ' ; the answer was, * Long to reign over us ' : 
 the earliest germ discoverable of the English 
 National Anthem. 
 
 The King had come himself to Portsmouth 
 to witness the expected attack. The fleet was 
 commanded by Lord Lisle, afterwards Duke of 
 Northumberland. It was the middle of July. 
 The French crossed from Havre unfought with, 
 and anchored in St. Helens Roads off Brading 
 
20 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Harbour. The English, being greatly inferior in 
 numbers, lay waiting for them inside the Spit. 
 The morning after the French came in was still 
 and sultry. The English could not move for 
 want of wind. The galleys crossed over and 
 engaged them for two or three hours with some 
 advantage. The breeze rose at noon ; a few fast 
 sloops got under way and easily drove them back. 
 But the same breeze which enabled the English 
 to move brought a serious calamity with it. The 
 Mary Bose, one of Lisle's finest vessels, had been 
 under the fire of the galleys. Her ports had 
 been lefb open, and when the wind sprang up, she 
 heeled over, filled, and went down, carrying two 
 hundred men along with her. The French saw 
 her sink, and thought their own guns had done 
 it. They hoped to follow up their success. At 
 night they sent over boats to take soundings, and 
 discover the way into the harbour. The boats 
 reported that the sandbanks made the approach 
 impossible. The French had no clear plan of 
 action. They tried a landing in the island, but 
 the force was too small, and failed. They weighed 
 an'chor and brought up again behind Selsea Bill, 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 21 
 
 where Lisle proposed to run them down in the 
 dark, taking advantage of the tide. But they 
 had an enemy to deal with worse than Lisle, on 
 board their own ships, which explained their dis- 
 tracted movements. Hot weather, putrid meat, 
 and putrid water had prostrated whole ships' 
 companies with dysentery. After a three weeks' 
 ineffectual cruise they had to hasten back to 
 Havre, break up, and disperse. The first great 
 armament which was to have recovered England 
 to the Papacy had effected nothing. Henry had 
 once more shown his strength, and was left 
 undisputed master of the narrow seas. 
 
 So matters stood for what remained of Henry's 
 reign. As far as he had gone, he had quarrelled 
 with the Pope, and had brought the Church under 
 the law. So far the country generally had gone 
 with him, and there had been no violent changes 
 in the administration of religion. When Henry 
 died the Protector abolished the old creed, and 
 created a new and perilous cleavage between 
 Protestant and Catholic, and, while England 
 needed the protection of a navy more than ever, 
 allowed the fine fleet which Henry had left to fall 
 
22 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 into decay. The spirit of enterprise grew with 
 the Reformation. Merchant companies opened 
 trade with Russia and the Levant; adventurous 
 sea captains went to Guiaea for gold. Sir Hugh 
 Willoughby followed the phantom of the North- 
 west Passage, turning eastward round the North 
 Cape to look for it, and pciishcd in the ice. 
 English commerce was beginning to grow in spite 
 of the Protector's experiments ; but a new and 
 infinitely dangerous element had been introduced 
 by the change of religion into the relations of 
 English sailors with the Catholic Powers, and 
 especially with Spain. In their zeal to keep out 
 heresy, the Spanish Government placed their 
 harbours under the control of the Holy Office. 
 Any vessel in which an heretical book was found 
 was confiscated, and her crew carried to the 
 Inquisition prisons. It had begun in Henry's 
 time. The Inquisitors attempted to treat schism 
 as heresy and arrest Englishmen in their ports. 
 But Henry spoke up stoutly to Charles V., and 
 the Holy Office had been made to hold its hand. 
 All was altered now. It was not necessary that 
 a poor sailor should have been found teaching 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 23 
 
 heresy. It was enough if he had an English 
 Bible and Prayer Book with him in his kit ; and 
 stories would come into Dartmouth or Plymouth 
 how some lad that everybody knew — Bill or Jack 
 or Tom, who had wife or father or mother among 
 them, perhaps — had been seized hold of for no 
 other crime, been flung into a dungeon, tortured, 
 starved, set to work in the galleys, or burned in 
 a fool's coat, as they called it, at an aido dafi at 
 Seville. 
 
 The object of the Inquisition was partly poli- 
 tical : it was meant to embarrass trade and make 
 the people impatient of changes which produced 
 so much inconvenience. The effect was exactly 
 the opposite. Such accounts when brought home 
 created fury. There grew up in the seagoing 
 population an enthusiasm of hatred for that holy 
 institution, and a passionate desire for revenge. 
 
 The natural remedy would have been war; 
 but the division of nations was crossed by the 
 division of creeds ; and each nation had allies in 
 the heart of every other. If England went to 
 war with Spain, Spain could encourage insurrec- 
 tion among the Catholics. If Spain or France 
 
24 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 declared war against England, England could help 
 the Huguenots or the Holland Calvinists. All 
 Governments were afraid alike of a general war 
 of religion which might shake Europe in pieces. 
 Thus individuals were left to their natural im- 
 pulses. The Holy Office burnt English or French 
 Protestants wherever it could catch them. The 
 Protestants revenged their injuries at their own 
 risk and in their own way, and thus from Edward 
 VI.*s time to the end of the century privateering 
 came to be the special occupation of adventurous 
 honourable gentlemen, who could serve God, their 
 country, and themselves in fighting Catholics. 
 Fleets of these dangerous vessels swept the 
 Channel, lying in wait at Scilly, or even at the 
 Azores — disowned in public by their own Govern- 
 ments while secretly countenanced, making war 
 on their own account on what they called the 
 enemies of God. In such a business, of course, 
 there were many mere pirates engaged who cared 
 neither for God nor man. But it was the 
 Protestants who were specially impelled into it 
 by the cruelties of the Inquisition. The Holy 
 Office began the work with the autos da fL The 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 25 
 
 privateers robbed, burnt, and scuttled Catholic 
 ships in retaliation. One fierce deed produced 
 another, till right and wrong were obscured in 
 the passion of religious hatred. Vivid pictures 
 of these wild doings survive in the English and 
 Spanish State Papers. Ireland was the rovers' 
 favourite haunt. In the universal anarchy there, 
 a little more or a little less did not signify. 
 Notorious pirate captains were to be met in Cork 
 or Kinsale, collecting stores, casting cannon, or 
 selling their prizes — men of all sorts, from 
 fanatical saints to undisguised ruffians. Here is 
 one incident out of many to show the heights to 
 which temper had risen. 
 
 *Long peace,' says someone, addressing the 
 Privy Council early in Elizabeth's time, * becomes 
 by force of the Spanish Inquisition more hurtful 
 than open war. It is the secret, determined 
 policy of Spain to destroy the English fleet, 
 pilots, masters and sailors, by means of the 
 Inquisition. The Spanish King pretends he 
 dares not offend the Holy House, while we in 
 England say we may not proclaim war against 
 Spain in revenge of a few. Not long since the 
 
26 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lecx. 
 
 Spanish Inquisition executed sixty persons of St. 
 Malo, notwithstanding entreaty to the King of 
 Spain to spare them. Whereupon the Frenchmen 
 armed their pinnaces, lay for the Spaniards, took 
 a hundred and beheaded them, sending the 
 Spanish ships to the shore with their heads, 
 . leaving in each ship but one man to render the 
 cause of the revenge. Since which time Spanish 
 Inquisitors have never meddled with those of St. 
 Malo.* 
 
 A colony of Huguenot refugees had settled 
 on the coast of Florida. The Spaniards heard of 
 it, came from St. Domingo, burnt the town, and 
 hanged every man, woman, and child, leaving an 
 inscription explaining that the poor creatures had 
 been killed, not as Frenchmen, but as heretics. 
 Domenique de Gourges, of Rochelle, heard of 
 this fine exploit of fanaticism, equipped a ship, 
 and sailed across. He caught the Spanish garrison 
 which had been left in occupation and swung 
 them on the same trees — with a second scroll 
 •saying that they were dangling there, not as 
 Spaniards, but as murderers. 
 
 The genius of adventure tempted men of 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 27 
 
 highest birth into the rovers' ranks. Sir Thomas 
 Seymour, the Protector's brother and the King's 
 uncle, was Lord High Admiral. In his time of 
 office, complaints were made by foreign merchants 
 of ships and property seized at the Thames 
 mouth. No redress could be had ; no restitution 
 made ; no pirate was even punished, and Sey- 
 mour's personal followers were seen suspiciously 
 decorated with Spanish ornaments. It appeared 
 at last that Seymour had himself bought the 
 Scilly Isles, and if he could not have his way at 
 Court, it was said that he meant to set up there 
 as a pirate chief 
 
 The persecution under Mary brought in more 
 respectable recruits than Seymour. The younger 
 generation of the western families had grown 
 with the times. If they were not theologically 
 Protestant, they detested tyranny. They detested 
 the marriage with Philip, which threatened the 
 independence of England. At home they were 
 powerless, but the sons of honourable houses — 
 Strangways, Tremaynes, Stafifords, Horseys, 
 Carews, Killegrews, and Cobhams — dashed out 
 upon the water to revenge the Smithfield mas- 
 
28 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 sacres. They found help where it could least 
 have been looked for. Henry 11. of France hated 
 heresy, but he hated Spain worse. Sooner than 
 see England absorbed in the Spanish monarchy, 
 he forgot his bigotry in his politics. He fur- 
 nished these young mutineers with ships and 
 money and letters of marque. The Huguenots 
 were their natural friends. With Rochelle 
 for an arsenal, they held the mouth of the 
 Channel, and harassed the communications be- 
 tween Cadiz and Antwerp. It was a wild busi- 
 ness : enterprise and buccaneering sanctified by 
 religion and hatred of cruelty; but it was a 
 school like no other for seamanship, and a school 
 for the building of vessels which could outsail 
 all others on the sea; a school, too, for the train- 
 ing up of hardy men, in whose blood ran detest- 
 ation of the Inquisition and the Inquisition's 
 master. Every other trade was swallowed up 
 or coloured by privateering; the merchantmen 
 went armed, ready for any work that offered; 
 the Iceland fleet went no more in search of cod ; 
 the Channel boatmen forsook nets and lines and 
 took to livelier occupations ; Mary was too busy 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 29 
 
 burning heretics to look to the police of the seas ; 
 her father's fine ships rotted in harbour; her 
 fathers coast-forts were deserted or dismantled; 
 she lost Calais ; she lost the hearts of her people 
 in forcing them into orthodoxy ; she left the seas 
 to the privateers ; and no trade flourished, save 
 what the Catholic Powers called piracy. 
 
 When Elizabeth came to the throne, the whole 
 merchant navy of England engaged in lawful 
 commerce amounted to no more than 50,000 tons. 
 You may see more now passing every day through 
 the Gull Stream. In the service of the Crown 
 there were but seven revenue cruisers in commis- 
 sion, the largest 120 tons, with eight merchant 
 brigs altered for fighting. In harbour there were 
 still a score of large ships, but they were dis- 
 mantled and rotting ; of artillery fit for sea work 
 there was none. The men were not to be had, 
 and, as Sir William Cecil said, to fit out ships 
 without men was to set armour on stakes on the 
 sea-shore. The mariners of England were other- 
 wise engaged, and in a way which did not please 
 Cecil. He was the ablest minister that Elizabeth 
 had. He saw at once that on the navy the 
 
30 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 prosperity and even the liberty of England must 
 eventually depend. If England were to remain 
 Protestant, it was not by articles of religion or 
 acts of uniformity that she could be saved without 
 a fleet at the back of them. But he was old- 
 fashioned. He believed in law and order, and he 
 has left a curious paper of reflections on the 
 situation. The ships' companies in Henry VIII.'s 
 days were recruited from the fishing-smacks, but 
 the Reformation itself had destroyed the fishing 
 trade. In old times, Cecil said, no flesh was 
 eaten on fish days. The King himself could 
 not have license. Now to eat beef or mutton on 
 fish days was the test of a true believer. The 
 English Iceland fishery used to supply Normandy 
 and Brittany as well as England. Now it had 
 passed to the French. The Chester men used to 
 fish the Irish seas. Now they had left them to 
 the Scots. The fishermen had taken to privateer- 
 ing because the fasts of the Church were neglected. 
 He saw it was so. He recorded his own opinion 
 that piracy, as he called it, was detestable^ and 
 could not last. He was to find that it could last, 
 that it was to form the special discipline of the 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 31 
 
 generation whose business would be to fight the 
 Spaniards. But he struggled hard against the 
 unwelcome conclusion. He tried to revive lawful 
 trade by a Navigation Act. He tried to restore 
 the fisheries by Act of Parliament. He introduced 
 a Bill recommending godly abstinence as a means 
 to virtue, making the eating of meat on Fridays 
 and Saturdays a misdemeanour, and adding 
 Wednesday as a half fish-day. The House of 
 Commons laughed at him as bringing back Popish 
 mummeries. To please the Protestants he inserted 
 a clause, that the statute was politicly meant for 
 the increase of fishermen and mariners, not for 
 any superstition in the choice of meats; but it 
 was no use. The Act was called in mockery 
 'Cecil's Fast,* and the recovery of the fisheries 
 had to wait till the natural inclination of human 
 stomachs for fresh whiting and salt cod should 
 revive of itself. 
 
 Events had to take their course. Seamen 
 were duly provided in other ways, and such as 
 the time required. Privateering suited Elizabeth's 
 convenience, and suited her disposition. She liked 
 daring and adventure. She liked men who would 
 
32 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 do her work without being paid for it, men whom 
 she could disown when expedient ; who would 
 understand her, and would not resent it. She 
 knew her turn was to come when Philip had 
 leisure to deal with her, if she could not secure 
 herself meanwhile. Time was wanted to restore 
 the navy. The privateers were a resource in the 
 interval. They might be called pirates while 
 there was formal peace. The name did not 
 signify. They were really the armed force of the 
 country. After the war broke out in the Nether- 
 lands, they had commissions from the Prince of 
 Orange. Such commissions would not save them 
 if taken by Spain, but it enabled them to sell 
 their prizes, and for the rest they trusted to their 
 speed and their guns. When Elizabeth was at 
 war with France about Havre, she took the most 
 noted of them into the service of the Crown. Ned 
 Horsey became Sir Edward and Governor of the 
 Isle of Wight ; Strang ways, a Red Rover in his 
 way, who had been the terror of the Spaniards, 
 was killed before Rouen ; Trema3Tie fell at Havre, 
 mourned over by Elizabeth ; and Champernowne, 
 one of the most gallant of the whole of them, 
 
I.] SEA CRADLE OF THE REFORMATION 33 
 
 was killed afterwards at Coligny's side at Mon- 
 contour. 
 
 But others took their places : the wild hawks 
 as thick as seagulls flashing over the waves, fair 
 wind or foul, laughing at pursuit, brave, reckless, 
 devoted, the crews the strangest medley : English 
 from the Devonshire and Cornish creeks. Hugue- 
 nots from Rochelle ; Irish kernes with long 
 skenes, * desperate, unruly persons with no kind 
 of mercy/ 
 
 The Holy Office meanwhile went on in cold, 
 savage resolution: the Holy Office which had 
 begun the business and was the cause of it. 
 
 A note in Cecil's hand says that in the one 
 year 1 562 twenty-six English subjects had been 
 burnt at the stake in different parts of Spain. 
 Ten times as many were starving in Spanish 
 dungeons, from which occasionally, by happy 
 accident, a cry could be heard like this which 
 follows. In 1 561 an English merchant writes 
 from the Canaries : 
 
 * I was taken by those of the Inquisition 
 twenty months past, put into a little dark house 
 two paces long, loaded with irons, without sight 
 
34 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. i. 
 
 of sun or moon all that time. When I was 
 arraigned I was charged that I should say our 
 mass was as good as theirs ; that I said I would 
 rather give money to the poor than buy Bulls of 
 Rome with it. I was charged with being a subject 
 to the Queen's grace, who, they said, was enemy 
 to the Faith, Antichrist, with other opprobrious 
 names ; and I stood to the defence of the Queen's 
 Majesty, proving the infamies most untrue. Then 
 I was put into Little Ease again, protesting very 
 innocent blood to be demanded against' the judge 
 before Christ.' 
 
 The innocent blood of these poor victims had 
 not to wait to be avenged at the Judgment Day. 
 The account was presented shortly and promptly 
 at the cannon's mouth. 
 
LECTURE II 
 
 JOHN HAWKINS AND THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE 
 
 T BEGIN this lecture with a petition addressed 
 to Queen Elizabeth. Thomas Seely, a mer- 
 chant of Bristol, hearing a Spaniard in a Spanish 
 port utter foul and slanderous charges against the 
 Queen's character, knocked him down. To knock 
 a man down for telling lies about Elizabeth might 
 be a breach of the peace, but it had not yet been 
 declared heresy. The Holy Office, however, seized 
 Seely, threw him into a dungeon, and kept him 
 starving there for three years, at the end of which 
 he contrived to make his condition known in 
 England. The Queen wrote herself to Philip to 
 protest. Philip would not interfere. Seely re- 
 mained in prison and in irons, and the result was 
 a petition from his wife, in which the tiemper 
 which was risiug can be read as in letters of fire. 
 
36 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Dorothy Seely demands that ' the friends of her 
 Majesty's subjects so imprisoned and tormented 
 in Spain may make out ships at their proper 
 charges, take such Inquisitors or other Papistical 
 subjects of the King of Spain as they can by sea 
 or land, and retain them in prison with such tor- 
 ments and diet as her Majesty's subjects be kept 
 with in Spain, and on complaint made by the 
 King to give such answer as is now made when 
 her Majesty sues for subjects imprisoned by the 
 Inquisition. Or that a Commission be granted 
 to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other 
 bishops word for word for foreign Papists as the 
 Inquisitors have in Spain for the Protestants. So 
 that all may know that her Majesty cannot and 
 will not longer endure the spoils and torments of 
 her subjects, and the Spaniards shall not think 
 this noble realm dares not seek revenge of such 
 importable wrongs.* 
 
 Elizabeth issued no such Commission as 
 Dorothy Seely asked for, but she did leave her 
 subjects to seek their revenge in their own way, 
 and they sought it sometimes too rashly. 
 
 In the summer of 1563 eight English mer- 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 37 
 
 chantmen anchored in the roads of Gibraltar. 
 England and France were then at war. A French 
 brig came in after them, and brought up near. 
 At sea, if they could take her, she would have 
 been a lawful prize. Spaniards under similar 
 circumstances had not respected the neutrality 
 of English harbours. The Englishmen were 
 perhaps in doubt what to do, when the officers 
 of the Holy Office came off to the French ship. 
 The sight of the black familiars drove the English 
 wild. Three of them made a dash at the French 
 ship, intending to sink her. The Inquisitors 
 sprang into their boat, and rowed for their lives. 
 The castle guns opened, and the harbour police 
 put out to interfere. The French ship, however, 
 would have been taken, when unluckily Alvarez 
 de Ba^an, with a Spanish squadron, came round 
 into the Straits. Resistance was impossible. The 
 eight English ships were captured and carried off 
 to Cadiz. The English flag was trailed under De 
 Baqan's stem. The crews, two hundred and forty 
 men in all, were promptly condemned to the 
 galleys. In defence they could but say that the 
 Frenchman was an enemy, and a moderate punish- 
 
38 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 ment would have sufficed for a violation of the 
 harbour rules which the Spaniards themselves so 
 little regarded. But the Inquisition was inexor- 
 able, and the men were treated with such peculiar 
 brutality that after nine months ninety only of 
 the two hundred and forty were alive. 
 
 Ferocity was answered by ferocity. Listen to 
 this ! The Cobhams of Cowling Castle were 
 Protestants by descent. Lord Cobham was famous 
 in the Lollard martyrology. Thomas Cobham, 
 one of the family, had taken to the sea like many 
 of his friends. While cruising in the Channel 
 he caught sight of a Spaniard on the way from 
 Antwerp to Cadiz with forty prisoners on board, 
 consigned, it might be supposed, to the Inquisition. 
 They were, of course. Inquisition prisoners; for 
 other offenders would have been dealt with on 
 the spot. Cobham chased her down into the Bay 
 of Biscay, took her, scuttled her, and rescued the 
 captives. But that was not enough. The captain 
 and crew he sewed up in their own mainsail and 
 flung them overboard. They were washed ashore 
 dead, wrapped in their extraordinary winding- 
 sheet. Cobham was called to account for this 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 39 
 
 exploit, but he does not seem to have been actu- 
 ally punished In a very short time he was out 
 and away again at the old work. There were 
 plenty with him. After the business at Gibraltar, 
 Philip's subjects were not safe in English harbours. 
 Jacques le Clerc, a noted privateer, called Pie de 
 Palo from his wooden leg, chased a Spaniard into 
 Falmouth, and was allowed to take her under the 
 guns of Pendennis. The Governor of the castle 
 said that he could not interfere, because Le Clerc 
 had a commission from the Prince of Cond^. It 
 was proved that in the summer of 1563 there 
 were 400 English and Huguenot rovers in and 
 about the Channel, and that they had taken 700 
 prizes between them. The Queen's own ships 
 followed suit. Captain Cotton in the Phoenix 
 captured an Antwerp merchantman in Flushing. 
 The harbour-master protested. Cotton laughed, 
 and sailed away with his prize. The Regent 
 Margaret wrote in indignation to Elizabeth. Such 
 insolence, she said, was not to be endured. She 
 would have Captain Cotton chastised as an ex- 
 ample to all others. Elizabeth measured the 
 situation more correctly than the Regent ; she 
 
40 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 preferred to show Philip that she was not afraid 
 of him. She preferred to let her subjects dis- 
 cover for themselves that the terrible Spaniard 
 before whom the world trembled was but a 
 colossus stuffed with clouts. Until Philip con- 
 sented to tie the hands of the Holy Office she did 
 not mean to prevent them from taking the law 
 into their own hands. 
 
 Now and then, if occasion required, Elizabeth 
 herself would do a little privateering on her own 
 account. In the next story that I have to tell 
 she appears as a principal, and her great minister, 
 Cecil, as an accomplice. The Duke of Alva had 
 succeeded Margaret as Regent of the Netherlands, 
 and was drowning heresy in its own blood. The 
 Prince of Orange was making a noble fight ; but 
 all went ill with him. His troops were defeated, his 
 brother Louis was killed. He was still struggling, 
 helped by Elizabeth's money. But the odds 
 were terrible, and the only hope lay in the dis- 
 content of Alva's soldiers, who had not been paid 
 their wages, and would not fight without them. 
 Philip's finances were not flourishing, but he had 
 borrowed half a million ducats from a house at 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 41 
 
 Genoa for Alva's use. The money was to be 
 delivered in bullion at Antwerp. The Channel 
 privateers heard that it was coming and were on 
 the look-out for it. The vessel in which it was 
 sent took refuge in Plymouth, but found she had 
 run into the enemy's nest. Nineteen or twenty 
 Huguenot and English cruisers lay round her 
 with commissions from Cond^ to take every 
 Catholic ship they met with. Elizabeth's special 
 friends thought and said freely that so rich a 
 prize ought to fiiU to no one but her Majesty. 
 Elizabeth thought the same, but for a more 
 honourable reason. It was of the highest con- 
 sequence that the money should not reach the 
 Duke of Alva at that moment. Even Cecil said 
 so, and sent the Prince of Orange word that it 
 would be stopped in some way. 
 
 But how could it decently be done ? Bishop 
 Jewel relieved the Queen's mind (if it was ever 
 disturbed) on the moral side of the question. The 
 bishop held that it would be meritorious in a 
 high degree to intercept a treasure which was to 
 be used in the murder of Protestant Christians. 
 But the how was the problem. To let the 
 
42 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lrct. 
 
 privateers take it openly in Pljrmouth harbour 
 would, it was felt, be a scandal. Sir Arthur 
 Champemowne, the Vice-admiral of the West, 
 saw the difficulty and offered his services. He 
 had three vessels of his own in Condi's privateer 
 fleet, under his son Henry. As vice-admiral he 
 was first in command at Plymouth. He placed 
 a guard on board the treasure ship, telling the 
 captain it would be a discredit to the Queen's 
 Government if harm befell her in English waters. 
 He then wrote to Cecil. 
 
 * If,' he said, * it shall seem good to your 
 honour that I with others shall give the attempt 
 for her Majesty's use which cannot be without 
 blood, I will not only take it in hand, but also 
 receive the blame thereof unto myself, to the end 
 so great a commodity should redound to her 
 Grace, hoping that, after bitter storms of her dis- 
 pleasure, showed at the first to colour the fact, I 
 shall find the calm of her favour in such sort as 
 I am most willing to hazard myself to serve her 
 Majesty. Great pity it were such a rich booty 
 should escape her Grace. But surely I am of that 
 mind that anything taken from that wicked nation 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 43 
 
 is both necessary and profitable to our common- 
 wealth/ 
 
 Very shocking on Sir Arthur's part to write 
 such a letter : so many good people will think. I 
 hope they will consider it equally shocking that 
 King Philip should have burned English sailors 
 at the stake because they were loyal to the laws 
 of their own country ; that he was stirring war all 
 over Europe to please the Pope, and thrusting the 
 doctrines of the Council of Trent down the throats 
 of mankind at the sword's point. Spain and 
 England might be at peace ; Romanism and Pro- 
 testantism were at deadly war, and war suspends 
 the obligations of ordinary life. Crimes the most 
 horrible were held to be virtues in defence of the 
 Catholic faith. The Catholics could not have the 
 advantage of such indulgences without the in- 
 conveniences. The Protestant cause throughout 
 Europe was one, and assailed as the Protestants 
 were with such envenomed ferocity, they could 
 not afford to be nicely scrupulous in the means 
 they used to defend themselves. 
 
 Sir Arthur Champernowne was not called on 
 to sacrifice himself in such peculiar fashion, and a 
 
44 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 better expedient was found to secure Alva's money. 
 The bullion was landed and was brought to Lon- 
 don by road on the plea that the seas were unsafe. 
 It was carried to the Tower, and when it was once 
 inside the walls it was found to remain the property 
 of the Genoese until it was delivered at Antwerp. 
 The Genoese agent in London was as willing to 
 lend it to Elizabeth as to Philip, and indeed pre- 
 ferred the security. Elizabeth calmly said that 
 she had herself occasion for money, and would 
 accept their offer. Half of it was sent to the 
 Prince of Orange ; half was spent on the Queen's 
 navy. 
 
 Alva was of course violently angry. He arrested 
 every English ship in the Low Countries. He 
 arrested every Englishman that he could catch, 
 and sequestered all English property. Elizabeth 
 retaliated in kind. The Spanish and Flemish 
 property taken in England proved to be worth 
 double what had been secured by Alva. Philip 
 could not declare war. The Netherlands insurrec- 
 tion was straining his resources, and with Elizabeth 
 for an open enemy the whole weight of England 
 would have been thrown on the side of the Prince 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 45 
 
 of Orange. Elizabeth herself should have declared 
 war, people say, instead of condescending to 
 such tricks. Perhaps so; but also perhaps not. 
 These insults, steadily maintained and unresented, 
 shook the faith of mankind, and especially of her 
 own sailors, in the invincibility of the Spanish 
 colossus. 
 
 I am now to turn to another side of the 
 subject. The stories which I have told you 
 show the temper of the time, and the atmo- 
 sphere which men were breathing, but it will 
 be instructive to look more closely at individual 
 persons, and I will take first John Hawkins 
 (afterwards Sir John), a peculiarly characteristic 
 figure. 
 V The Hawkinses of Plymouth were a solid 
 / middle-class Devonshire family, who for two 
 generations had taken a leading part in the 
 business of the toAvn. They still survive in the 
 county — Achins we used to call them before 
 school pronunciation came in, and so Philip wrote 
 the name when the famous John began to trouble 
 his dreams. I have already spoken of old William 
 Hawkins, John's father, whom Henry VIII. was 
 
46 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 SO fond of, and who brought over the Brazilian 
 King. Old William had now retired and had left 
 his place and his work to his son. John Hawkins 
 may have been about thirty at Elizabeth's acces- 
 sion. He had witnessed the wild times of Edward 
 VI. and Mary, but, though many of his friends 
 had taken to the privateering business, Hawkins 
 appears to have kept clear of it, and continued 
 steadily at trade. One of these friends, and his 
 contemporary, and in fact his near relation, was 
 Thomas Stukely, afterwards so notorious — and a 
 word may be said of Stukely's career as a contrast 
 to that of Hawkins. He was a younger son of 
 a leading county family, went to London to seek 
 his fortune, and became a hanger-on of Sir 
 Thomas Seymour. Doubtless he was connected 
 with Seymour's pirating scheme at Scilly, and 
 took to pirating as an occupation like other 
 Western gentlemen. When Elizabeth became 
 Queen, he introduced himself at Court and 
 amused her with his conceit. He meant to be 
 a king, nothing less than a king. He would go 
 to Florida, found an empire there, and write to 
 the Queen as his dearest sister. She gave him 
 
2.] HAWKINS ANJ> THE SLAVE TRADE 47 
 leave to try. He bought a vessel of 400 tons, got 
 100 tall soldiers to join him besides the crew, and 
 sailed from Pl3m[iouth in 1563. Once out of 
 harbour, he announced that the sea was to be his 
 Florida. He went back to the pirate business, 
 robbed freely, haunted Irish creeks, and set up 
 an intimacy with the Ulster hero, Shan O'Neil. 
 Shan and Stukely became bosom friends. Shan 
 wrote to Elizabeth to recommend that she should 
 make over Ireland to Stukely and himself to 
 manage, and promised, if she agreed, to make it 
 such an Ireland as had never been seen, which 
 they probably would. Elizabeth not consenting, 
 Stukely turned Papist, transferred his services to 
 the Pope and Philip, and was preparing a cam- 
 ^ign in Ireland under the Pope's direction, 
 when he was tempted to join Sebastian of 
 Portugal in the African expedition, and there 
 got himself killed 
 
 Stukely was a specimen of the foolish sort of 
 the young Devonshire men ; Hawkins was exactly 
 his opposite. He stuck to business, avoided 
 politics, traded with Spanish ports without oflfend- 
 ing the Holy Office, and formed Lntimaciea and 
 
48 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 connections with the Canary Islands especially, 
 where it was said * he grew much in love and 
 favour with the people/ 
 
 At the Canaries he naturally heard much 
 about the West Indies. He was adventurous. 
 His Canaries friends told him that negroes were 
 great merchandise in the Spanish settlements in 
 Espaiiola, and he himself was intimately acquainted 
 with the Guinea coast, and knew how easily such 
 a cargo could be obtained. 
 
 We know to what the slave trade grew. We 
 have all learnt to repent of the share which Eng- 
 land had in it, and to abhor everyone whose 
 hands were stained by contact with so accursed 
 a business. All that may be taken for granted , 
 but we must look at the matter as it would have 
 been represented at the Canaries to Hawkins 
 himself 
 
 The Carib races whom the Spaniards found in 
 Cuba and St. Domingo had withered before them 
 as if struck by a blight. Many died under the 
 lash of the Spanish overseers ; many, perhaps the 
 most, from the mysterious causes which have 
 mad-e the presence of civilisation so fotal to the 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 49 
 
 Red Indian, the Australian, and the Maori. It is 
 with men as it is with animals. The races which 
 consent to be domesticated prosper and multiply. 
 Those which cannot live without freedom pine 
 like caged eagles or disappear like the buffaloes 
 of the prairies. 
 
 Anyway, the natives perished out of the 
 islands of the Caribbean Sea with a rapidity 
 which startled the conquerors. The famous 
 Bishop Las Casas pitied and tried to save the 
 remnant that were left. The Spanish settlers 
 required labourers for the plantations. On the 
 continent of Africa were another race, savage in 
 their natural state, which would domesticate like 
 sheep and oxen, and learnt and improved in 
 the white man's company. The negro never 
 rose of himself out of barbarism ; as his fathers 
 were, so he remained from age to age ; when 
 left free, as in Liberia and in Hayti, he reverts 
 to his original barbarism ; while in subjection to 
 the white man he showed then, and he has shown 
 since, high capacities of intellect and character. 
 Such is, such was the fact. It struck Las Casas 
 that if negroes could be introduced into the West 
 
50 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Indian islands, the Indians might be left alone ; 
 the negroes themselves would have a chance to 
 rise out of their wretchedness, could be made into 
 Christians, and could be saved at worst from the 
 horrid fate which awaited many of them in their 
 own country. 
 
 The black races varied like other animals: 
 some were gentle and timid, some were ferocious 
 as wolves. The strong tyrannised over the weak, 
 made slaves of their prisoners, occasionally ate 
 them, and those they did not eat they sacrificed 
 at what they called their customs — offered them 
 up and cut their throats at the altars of their 
 idols. These customs were the most sacred tradi- 
 tions of the negro race. They were suspended 
 while the slave trade gave the prisoners a value. 
 They revived when the slave trade was abolished. 
 When Lord Wolseley a few years back entered 
 Ashantee, the altars were coated thick with the 
 blood of hundreds of miserable beings who had 
 been freshly slaughtered there. Still later similar 
 horrid scenes were reported from Dahomey. Sir 
 Richard Burton, who was an old acquaintance 
 of mine, spent two months with the King of 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 51 
 
 Dahomey, and dilated to me on the benevolence 
 and enlightenment of that excellent monarch. I 
 asked why, if the King was so benevolent, he did 
 not alter the customs. Burton looked at me with 
 consternation. ' Alter the customs ! * he said. 
 * Would you have the Archbishop of Canterbury 
 alter the Liturgy ? ' Las Casas and those who 
 thought as he did are not to be charged with 
 infamous inhumanity if they proposed to buy 
 these poor creatures from their captors, save 
 them from Mumbo Jumbo, and carry them to 
 countries where they would be valuable property, 
 and be at least as well cared for as the mules 
 and horses. 
 
 The experiment was tried and seemed to 
 succeed. The negroes who were rescued from 
 the customs and were carried to the Spanish 
 islands proved docile and useful. Portuguese and 
 Spanish factories were established on the coast 
 of Guinea. The black chiefs were glad to make 
 money out of their wretched victims, and readily 
 sold them. The transport over the Atlantic 
 became a regular branch of business. Strict 
 laws were made for the good treatment of the 
 
52 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 slaves on the plantations. The trade was carried 
 on under license from the Government, and an 
 import duty of thirty ducats per head was charged 
 on every negro that was landed. I call it an 
 experiment. The full consequences could not be 
 foreseen, and I cannot see that as an experiment 
 it merits the censures which in its later develop- 
 ments it eventually came to deserve. Las Casas, 
 who approved of it, was one of the most excellent 
 of men. Our own Bishop Butler could give no 
 decided opinion against negro slavery as it existed 
 in his time. It is absurd to say that ordinary 
 merchants and ship captains ought to have seen 
 the infamy of a practice which Las Casas advised 
 and Butler could not condemn. The Spanish and 
 Portuguese Governments claimed, as I said, the 
 control of the traffic. The Spanish settlers in 
 the West Indies objected to a restriction which 
 raised the price and shortened the supply. They 
 considered that having established themselves in 
 a new country they had a right to a voice in the 
 conditions of their occupancy. It was thus that 
 the Spaniards in the Canaries represented the 
 matter to John Hawkins. They told him that if 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 53 
 
 he liked to make the venture with a contraband 
 cargo from Guinea, their countrymen would give 
 him an enthusiastic welcome. It is evident from 
 the story that neither he nor they expected that 
 serious offence would be taken at Madrid. Haw- 
 kins at this time was entirely friendly with the 
 Spaniards. It was enough if he could be assured 
 that the colonists would be glad to deal with him. 
 I am not crediting him with the benevolent 
 purposes of Las Casas. I do not suppose Hawkins 
 thought much of saving black men's souls. He 
 saw only an opportunity of extending his business 
 among a people with whom he was already largely 
 connected. The traffic was established. It had 
 the sanction of the Church, and no objection 
 had been raised to it any^vhere on the score of 
 morality. The only question which could have 
 presented itself to Hawkins was of the right of 
 the Spanish Government to prevent foreigners 
 from getting a share of a lucrative trade against 
 the wishes of its subjects. And his friends at 
 the Canaries certainly did not lead him to expect 
 any real opposition. One regrets that a famous 
 Englishman should have been connected with the 
 
54 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 slave trade ; but we have no right to heap violent 
 censures upon him because he was no more 
 enlightened than the wisest of his contemporaries. 
 Thus, encouraged from Santa Cruz, Hawkins 
 on his return to England formed an African 
 company out of the leading citizens of London. 
 Three vessels were fitted out, Hawkins being 
 commander and part owner. The size of them 
 is remarkable: the Solomon, as the largest was 
 called, 120 tons; the Swallow, loo tons; the 
 Jonas not above 40 tons. This represents them 
 as inconceivably small. They carried between 
 them a hundred men, and ample room had to be 
 provided besides for the blacks. There may have 
 been a difference in the measurement of tonnage. 
 We ourselves have five standards: builder's 
 measurement, yacht measurement, displacement, 
 sail area, and register measurement. Registered 
 tonnage is far under the others : a yacht registered 
 120 tons would be called 200 in a shipping list. 
 However that be, the brigantines and sloops 
 used by the Elizabethans on all adventurous 
 expeditions were mere boats compared with what 
 we should use now on such occasions. The reason 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 55 
 
 was obvious. Success depended on speed and 
 sailing power. The art of building big square- 
 rigged ships which would work to windward had 
 not been yet discovered, even by Mr. Fletcher of 
 Rye. The fore-and-aft rig alone would enable a 
 vessel to tack, as it is called, and this could only 
 be used with craft of moderate tonnage. 
 
 The expedition sailed in October 1562. They 
 called at the Canaries, where they were warmly 
 entertained. They went on to Sierra Leone, 
 where they collected 300 negroes. They avoided 
 the Government factories, and picked them up as 
 they could, some by force, some by negotiation 
 with local chiefs, who were as ready to sell their 
 subjects as Sancho Panza intended to be when 
 he got his island. They crossed without misad- 
 venture to St^Domingo, where Hawkins repre- 
 sented that he was on a voyage of discovery; 
 that he had been driven out of his course and 
 wanted food and money. He said he had certain 
 slaves with him, which he asked permission to 
 sell. What he had heard at the Canaries turned 
 out to be exactly true. So for as the Governor of 
 St. Domingo knew, Spain and England were at 
 
56 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 peace. Privateers had not troubled the peace of 
 the Caribbean Sea, or dangerous heretics menaced 
 the Catholic faith there. Inquisitors might have 
 been suspicious, but the Inquisition had not yet 
 been established beyond the Atlantic, The Queen 
 of England was his sovereign's sister-in-law, and 
 the Governor saw no reason why he should con- 
 strue his general instructions too literally. The 
 planters were eager to buy, and he did not wish 
 to be unpopular. He allowed Hawkins to sell 
 two out of his three hundred negroes, leaving the 
 remaining hundred as a deposit should question 
 be raised about the duty. Evidently the only 
 doubt in the Governor's mind was whether the 
 Madrid authorities would charge foreign importers 
 on a higher scale. The question was new. No 
 stranger had as yet attempted to trade there. 
 
 Everyone was satisfied, except the negroes, 
 who were not asked their opinion. The profits 
 were enormous. A ship in the harbour was 
 about to sail for Cadiz. Hawkins invested most 
 of what he had made in a cargo of hides, for 
 which, as he understood, there was a demand in 
 Spain, and he sent them over in her in charge of 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 57 
 
 one of his partners. The Governor gave him a 
 testimonial for good conduct during his stay in 
 the port, and with this and with his three vessels 
 he returned leisurely to England, having, as he 
 imagined, been splendidly successful. 
 
 He was to be unpleasantly undeceived. A few 
 days after he had arrived at Plymouth, he met 
 the man whom he had sent to Cadiz with the 
 hides forlorn and empty-handed. The Inquisition, 
 he said, had seized the cargo and confiscated it. 
 An order had been sent to St. Domingo to forfeit 
 the reserved slaves. He himself had escaped for 
 his life, as the familiars had been after him. 
 
 Nothing shows more clearly how little thought 
 there had been in Hawkins that his voyage would 
 have given offence in Spain than the astonishment 
 with which he heard the news. He protested. 
 He wrote to Philip. Finding entreaties useless, 
 he swore vengeance ; but threats were equally 
 ineffectual. Not a hide, not a farthing could he 
 recover. The Spanish Government, terrified at 
 the intrusion of English adventurers into their 
 western paradise to endanger the gold fleets, or 
 worse to endanger the purity of the faith, issued 
 
58 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect 
 
 orders more peremptory than ever to close the 
 ports there against all foreigners. Philip person- 
 ally warned Sir Thomas Chaloner, the English 
 ambassador, that if such visits were repeated, 
 mischief would come of it. And Cecil, who 
 disliked all such semi-piratical enterprises, and 
 Chaloner, who was half a Spaniard and an old 
 companion in arms of Charles V., entreated their 
 mistress to forbid them. 
 
 Elizabeth, however, had her own views in such 
 matteiu She liked money. She liked encourag- 
 ing the adventurous disposition of her subjects, 
 who were fighting the State's battles at their 
 own risk and cost. She saw in Philip's anger a 
 confession that the West Indies was his vulner- 
 able point ; and that if she wished to frighten 
 him into letting her alone, and to keep the 
 Inquisition from burning her sailors, there was 
 the place where Philip would be more sensitive. 
 Probably, too, she thought that Hawkins had 
 done nothing for which he could be justly 
 blamed. He had traded at St. Domingo with 
 the Governor's consent, and confiscation was 
 sharp practice. 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 59 
 
 This was clearly Hawkins's own view of the 
 matter. He had injured no one. He had offended 
 no pious ears by parading his Protestantism. He 
 was not Philip's subject, and was not to be ex- 
 pected to know the instructions given by the 
 Spanish Government in the remote corners of 
 their dominions. If anyone was to be punished, 
 it was not he but the Governor. He held that 
 he had been robbed, and had a right to indemnify 
 himself at the King's expense. He would go 
 out again. He was certain of a cordial reception 
 from the planters. Between him and them there 
 was the firiendliest understanding. His quarrel 
 was with Philip, and Philip only. He meant to 
 sell a fresh cargo of negroes, and the Madrid 
 Government should go without their 30 per cent, 
 duty. 
 
 Elizabeth approved. Hawkins had opened the 
 road to the West Indies. He had shown how 
 easy slave smuggling was, and how profitable it 
 was; how it was also possible for the English 
 to establish friendly relations with the Spanish 
 settlers in the West Indies, whether Philip liked 
 it or not. Another company was formed for a 
 
6o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 second trial. Elizabeth took shares, Lord Pcm^ 
 broke took shares, and other members of the 
 Council. The Queen lent the Jesus, a large ship 
 of her own, of 700 tons. Formal instructions 
 were given that no wrong was to be done to the 
 King of Spain, but what wrong might mean was 
 left to the discretion of the commander. Where 
 the planters were all eager to purchase, means of 
 traffic would be discovered without collision with 
 the authorities. This time the expedition was to 
 be on a larger scale, and a hundred soldiers were 
 put on board to provide for contingencies. Thus 
 furnished, Hawkins started on his second voyage 
 in October 1564. The autumn was chosen, to 
 avoid the extreme tropical heats. He touched 
 as before to see his friends at the Canaries. He 
 went on to the Rio Grande, met with adventures 
 bad and good, found a chief at war with a neigh- 
 bouring tribe, helped to capture a town and take 
 prisoners, made purchases at a Portuguese factory. 
 In this way he now secured 400 human cattle, 
 perhaps for a better fate than they would have 
 met with at home, and with these he sailed off in 
 the old direction. Near the equator he fell in 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 6i 
 with calms ; he was short of water, and feared to 
 lose some of them; but, as the record of the 
 voyage puts it, ' Almighty God would not suffer 
 His elect to perish,* and sent a breeze which 
 carried him safe to Dominica. In that wettest 
 of islands he found water in plenty, and had then 
 to consider what next he would do. St. Domingo, 
 he thought, would be no longer safe for him ; so 
 he struck across to the Spanish Main to a place 
 called Burboroata, where he might hope that 
 nothing would be known about him. In this he 
 was mistaken. Philip's orders had arrived: no 
 Englishman of any creed or kind was to be 
 allowed to trade in his West India dominions. 
 The settlers, however, intended to trade. They 
 required only a display of force that they might 
 pretend that they were yielding to compulsion. 
 Hawkins told his old story. He said that he was 
 out on the service of the Queen of England. He 
 had been driven off his course by bad weather. 
 He was short of supplies and had many men 
 on board, who might do the town some mischief 
 if they were not allowed to land peaceably and 
 buy and sell what they wanted. The Governor 
 
62 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 affecting to hesitate, he threw 120 men on shore, 
 and brought his guns to bear on the castle. The 
 Governor gave way under protest. Hawkins was 
 to be permitted to sell half his negroes. He said 
 that as he had been treated so inhospitably he 
 would not pay the 30 per cent. The King of 
 Spain should have 7 J, and no more. The settlers 
 had no objection. The price would be the less, 
 and with this deduction his business was easily 
 finished off. He bought no more hides, and was 
 paid in solid silver. 
 
 From Burboroata he went on to Rio de la 
 Hacha, where the same scene was repeated. The 
 whole 400 were disposed of, this time with ease 
 and complete success. He had been rapid, and 
 had the season still before him. Having finished 
 his business, he surveyed a large part of the 
 Caribbean Sea, taking soundings, noting the 
 currents, and making charts of the coasts and 
 islands. This done, he turned homewards, follow- 
 ing the east shore of North America as far as 
 Newfoundland. There he gave his crew a chang^ 
 of diet, with fresh cod from the Banks, and after 
 eleven months' absence be sailed into Padstow, 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 63 
 
 having lost but twenty men in the whole adven- 
 ture, and bringing back 60 per cent, to the Queen 
 and the other shareholders. 
 
 Nothing succeeds like success. Hawkins's 
 praises were in everyone's mouth, and in London 
 he was the hero of the hour. Elizabeth received 
 him at the palace. The Spanish ambassador, De 
 Silva, met him there at dinner. He talked freely 
 of where he had been and of what he had done, 
 only keeping back the gentle violence which he 
 had used. He regarded this as a mere farce, 
 since there had been no one hurt on either side. 
 He boasted of having given the greatest satisfac- 
 tion to the Spaniards who had dealt with him. 
 De Silva could but bow, report to his master, and 
 ask instructions how he was to proceed. 
 
 Philip was frightfully disturbed. He saw in 
 prospect his western subjects allying themselves 
 with the English — heresy creeping in among 
 them ; his gold fleets in danger, all the possibili- 
 ties with which Elizabeth had wished to alarm 
 4iim. He read and re-read De Silva's letters, and 
 opposite the name of Achines he wrote startled 
 interjections on the margin : ' Ojo ! Ojo ! ' 
 
64 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lkct. 
 
 The political horizon was just then fctvourable 
 to Elizabeth. The Queen of Scots was a prisoner 
 in Loch Leven ; the Netherlands were in revolt ; 
 the Huguenots were looking up in France ; and 
 when Hawkins proposed a third expedition, she 
 thought that she could safely allow it. She gave 
 him the use of the Jesus again, with another 
 smaller ship of hers, the Minion. He had two of 
 his OAvn still fit for work ; and a fifth, the Judith, 
 was brought in by his young cousin, Francis 
 Drake, who was now to make his first appearance 
 on the stage. I shall tell you by-and-by who and 
 what Drake was. Enough to say now that he 
 was a relation of Hawkins, the owner of a small 
 smart sloop or brigantine, and ambitious of a 
 share in a stirring business. 
 
 The Plymouth seamen were falling into dan- 
 gerous contempt of Philip. While the expedition 
 was fitting out, a ship of the Bang's came into 
 Catwater with more prisoners from Flanders. 
 She was flying the Castilian flag, contrary to rule, 
 it was said, in English harbours. The treatment 
 of the English ensign at Gibraltar had not been 
 forgiven, and Hawkins ordered the Spanish 
 
(^ 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 65 
 captain to strike his colours. The captain re- 
 fused, and Hawkins instantly fired into him. In 
 the confusion the prisoners escaped on board the 
 Jesus and were let go. The captain sent a com- 
 plaint to London, and Cecil — who disapproved 
 of Hawkins and all his proceedings — sent down 
 an officer to inquire into what had happened. 
 Hawkins, confident in Elizabeths protection, 
 quietly answered that the Spaniard had broken 
 the laws of the port, and that it was necessary to 
 assert the Queen's authority. 
 
 ' Your mariners,' said De Silva to her, * rob our 
 subjects on the sea, trade where they are forbidden 
 to go, and fire upon our ships in your harbours. 
 Your preachers insult my master fi:om their 
 pulpits, and when we remonstrate we are answered 
 with menaces. We have borne so far with their 
 injuries, attributing them rather to temper and 
 bad manners than to deliberate purpose. But, 
 seeing that no redress can be had, and that the 
 same treatment of us continues, I must consult my 
 Sovereign's pleasure. For the last time, I require 
 your Majesty to punish this outrage at Plymouth 
 and preserve the peace between the two realms.* 
 
66 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 No remonstrance could seem more just till the 
 other side was heard. The other side was that 
 the Pope and the Catholic Powers were under- 
 taking to force the Protestants of France and 
 Flanders back under the Papacy with fire and 
 sword. It was no secret that England's turn was 
 to follow as soon as Philip's hands were fi:ee. 
 Meanwhile he had been intriguing with the 
 Queen of Scots ; he had been encouraging Ireland 
 in rebellion ; he had been persecuting English 
 merchants and seamen, starving them to death in 
 the Inquisition dungeons, or burning them at the 
 stake. The Smithfield infamies were fresh in 
 Protestant memories, and who could tell how 
 soon the horrid work would begin again at home, 
 if the Catholic Powers could have their way ? 
 
 If the King of Spain and his Holiness at 
 Rome would have allowed other nations to think 
 and make laws for themselves, pirates and priva- 
 teers would have disappeared off the ocean. The 
 West Indies would have been left undisturbed, 
 and Spanish, English, French, and Flemings 
 would have lived peacefully side by side as they 
 do now But spiritual tyraimy had not yet 
 
2.] HAWKINS AND THE SLAVE TRADE 67 
 
 learned its lesson, and the * Beggars of the Sea ' 
 were to be Philip's schoolmasters in irregular but 
 effective fashion. 
 
 Elizabeth listened politely to what De Silva 
 said, promised to examine into his complaints, 
 and allowed Hawkins to sail. 
 
 What befell him you will hear in the next 
 lecture. 
 
LECTURE III 
 
 SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP THE SECOND 
 
 1|f"Y last lecture left Hawkins preparing to 
 start on his third and, as it proved, most 
 eventful voyage. I mentioned that he was joined 
 by a young relation, of whom I must say a few 
 preliminary words. Francis Drake was a Devon- 
 shire man, like Hawkins himself and Raleigh and 
 Davis and Gilbert, and many other famous men 
 of those days. He was bom at Tavistock some- 
 where about 1540. He told Camden that he was 
 of mean extraction. He meant merely that he 
 was proud of his parents and made no idle pre- 
 tensions to noble birth. His father was a tenant 
 of the Earl of Bedford, and must have stood well 
 with him, for Francis Russell, the heir of the 
 earldom, was the boy's godfather. From him 
 Drake took his Christian name. The Drakes 
 
LECT. 3.] S//^ TORN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 69 
 
 were early converts to Protestantism. Trouble 
 rising at Tavistock on the Six Articles Bill, they 
 removed to Kent, where the father, probably 
 through Lord Bedford's influence, was appointed 
 a lay chaplain in Henry VIII/s fleet at Chatham. 
 In the next reign, when the Protestants were 
 uppermost, he was ordained and became vicar of 
 Upnor on the Medway. Young Francis took 
 early to the water, and made acquaintance with a 
 ship-master trading to the Channel ports, who 
 took him on board his ship and bred him as a 
 sailor. The boy distinguished himself, and his 
 patron when he died left Drake his vessel in his 
 Nvill. For several years Drake stuck steadily to 
 his coasting work, made money, and made a solid 
 reputation. His ambition grew with his success. 
 The seagoing English were all full of Hawkins 
 and his West Indian exploits. The Hawkinses and 
 the Drakes were near relations. Hearing that 
 there was to be another expedition, and having 
 obtained his cousin's consent, Francis Drake sold 
 his brig, bought the Judith, a handier and faster 
 vessel, and with a few stout sailors from the 
 river went down to Plymouth and joined. 
 
70 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 De Silva had sent word to Philip that 
 Hawkins was again going out, and preparations 
 had been made to receive him. Suspecting 
 nothing, Hawkins with his four consorts sailed, as 
 before, in October 1567. The start was ominous. 
 He was caught and badly knocked about by an 
 equinoctial in the Bay of Biscay. He lost his 
 boats. The Jemis strained her timbers and 
 leaked, and he so little liked the look of things 
 that he even thought of turning back and 
 giving up the expedition for the season. How- 
 ever, the weather mended. They put themselves 
 to rights at the Canaries, picked up their spirits, 
 and proceeded. The slave-catching was managed 
 successfully, though with some increased difficulty. 
 The cargo with equal success was disposed of at 
 the Spanish settlements. At one place the 
 planters came off in their boats at night to buy. 
 At Rio de la Hacha, where the most imperative 
 orders had been sent to forbid his admittance, 
 Hawkins landed a force as before and took 
 possession of the town, of course with the con- 
 nivance of the settlers. At Carthagena he was 
 similarly ordered off, and as Carthagena was 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWK-INS AND PHILIP //. 71 
 
 strongly fortified he did not venture to meddle 
 with it. But elsewhere he found ample markets 
 for his wares. He sold all his blacks. By this 
 and by other dealings he had collected what is 
 described as a vast treasure of gold, silver, and 
 jewels. The hurricane season was approaching, 
 and he made the best of his way homewards with 
 his spoils, in the fear of being overtaken by it. 
 Unluckily for him, he had lingered too long. 
 He had passed the west point of Cuba and was 
 working up the back of the island when a hurri- 
 cane came down on him. The gale lasted four 
 days. The ships* bottoms were foul and they 
 could make no way. Spars were lost and rigging 
 carried away. The Jesus^ which had not been 
 seaworthy all along, leaked worse than ever and 
 lost her rudder. Hawkins looked for some port 
 in Florida, but found the coast shallow and 
 dangerous, and was at last obliged to run for San 
 Juan de Ulloa, at the bottom of the Gulf of 
 Mexico. 
 
 San Juan de Ulloa is a few miles only from 
 Vera Cruz. It was at that time the chief port 
 of Mexico, through which all the traflSc passed 
 
72 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 between the colony and the mother-country, and 
 was thus a place of some consequence. It stands 
 on a small bay facing towards the north. Across 
 the mouth of this bay lies a narrow ridge of sand 
 and shingle, half a mile long, which acts as a 
 natural breakwater and forms the harbour. This 
 ridge, or island as it was called, was uninhabited, 
 but it had been faced on the inner front by a 
 wall. The water was deep alongside, and vessels 
 could thus lie in perfect security, secured by their 
 cables to rings let into the masonry. 
 
 The prevailing wind was from the north, 
 bringing in a heavy surf on the back of the 
 island. There was an opening at both ends, but 
 only one available for vessels of large draught. 
 In this the channel was narrow, and a battery 
 at the end of the breakwater would completely 
 command it. The town stood on the opposite 
 side of the bay. 
 
 Into a Spanish port thus constructed Hawkins 
 entered with his battered squadron on September 
 i6, 1568. He could not have felt entirely easy. 
 But he probably thought that he had no ill-Avill 
 to fear from the inhabitants generally, and that 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 73 
 
 the Spanish authorities would not be strong 
 enough to meddle mth him. His ill star had 
 brought him there at a time when Alvarez de 
 Baqan, the same officer who had destroyed the 
 English ships at Gibraltar, was daily expected 
 from Spain — sent by Philip, as it proved, specially 
 to look for him. Hawkins, when he appeared 
 outside, had been mistaken for the Spanish 
 admiral, and it was under this impression that 
 he had been allowed to enter. The error was 
 quickly discovered on both sides. 
 
 Though still ignorant that he was himself 
 De Baqan's particular object, yet De Bagan was 
 the last officer whom in his crippled condition he 
 would have cared to encounter. Several Spanish 
 merchantmen were in the port richly loaded : 
 with these of course he did not meddle, though, 
 if reinforced, they might perhaps meddle with 
 him. As his best resource he despatched a 
 courier on the instant to Mexico to inform the 
 Viceroy of his arrival, to say that he had an 
 English squadron with him ; that he had been 
 driven in by stress of weather and need of repairs ; 
 that the Queen was an ally of the King of Spain ; 
 
74 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 and that, as he understood a Spanish fleet was 
 likely soon to arrive, he begged the Viceroy to 
 make arrangements to prevent disputes. 
 
 As yet, as I said in the last lecture, there was 
 no Inquisition in Mexico. It was established 
 there three years later, for the special benefit 
 of the English. But so far there was no ill- 
 will towards the English — rather the contrary. 
 Hawkins had hurt no one, and the negro trading 
 had been eminently popular. The Viceroy might 
 perhaps have connived at Hawkins's escape, but 
 again by ill-fortune he was himself under orders 
 of recall, and his successor was coming out in this 
 particular fleet with De Bagan. 
 
 Had he been well disposed and free to act 
 it would still have been too late, for the very 
 next morning, September 17, De Bagan was off 
 the harbour mouth with thirteen heavily-armed 
 galleons and frigates. The smallest of them 
 carried probably 200 men, and the odds were now 
 tremendous. Hawkins's vessels lay ranged along 
 the inner bank or wall of the island. He instantly 
 occupied the island itself and mounted guns at 
 the point covering the way in. He then sent a 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 75 
 
 boat off to De BaQan to say that he was an 
 Englishman, that he was in possession of the 
 port, and must forbid the entrance of the Spanish 
 fleet till he was assured that there was to be no 
 violence. It was a strong measure to shut a 
 Spanish admiral out of a Spanish port in a time 
 of profound peace. Still, the way in was difficult, 
 and could not be easily forced if resolutely 
 defended. The northerly wind was rising; if it 
 blew into a gale the Spaniards would be on a lee 
 shore. Under desperate circumstances, desperate 
 things will be done. Hawkins in his subsequent 
 report thus explains his dilemma : — 
 
 'I was in two difficulties. Either I must 
 keep them out of the port, which with God's 
 grace I could easily have done, in which case 
 with a northerly wind rising they would have 
 been wrecked, and I should have been answerable ; 
 or I must risk their playing false, which on the 
 whole I preferred to do.' 
 
 The northerly gale it appears did not rise, or 
 the English commander might have preferred the 
 first alternative. Three days passed in negotia- 
 tion. De BaQan and Don Enriquez, the new 
 
76 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Viceroy, were naturally anxious to get into shelter 
 out of a dangerous position, and were equally 
 desirous not to promise any more than was abso- 
 lutely necessary. The final agreement was that 
 De Ba(^an and the fleet should enter without 
 opposition. Hawkins might stay till he had 
 repaired his damages, and buy and sell what he 
 wanted ; and further, as long as they remained 
 the English were to keep possession of the island. 
 This article, Hawkins says, was long resisted, 
 but was consented to at last. It was absolutely 
 necessary, for with the island in their hands, the 
 Spaniards had only to cut the English cables, 
 and they would have driven ashore across the 
 harbour. 
 
 The treaty so drawn was formally signed. 
 Hostages were given on both sides, and De Baqan 
 came in. The two fleets were moored as far apart 
 from each other as the size of the port would 
 allow. Courtesies were exchanged, and for two 
 days all went well. It is likely that the Viceroy 
 and the admiral did not at first know that it was 
 the very man whom they had been sent out to 
 sink or capture who was lying so close to them. 
 
3-] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 77 
 
 When they did know it they may have looked on 
 him as a pirate, with whom, as with heretics, 
 there was no need to keep faith. Anyway, the 
 rat was in the trap, and De Ba^an did not mean 
 to let him out. The Jesus lay furthest in ; the 
 Minion lay beyond her towards the entrance, 
 moored apparently to a ring on the quay, but free 
 to move ; and the Judith, further out again, 
 moored in the same way. Nothing is said of the 
 two small vessels remaining. 
 
 De BaQan made his preparations silently, 
 covered by the town. He had men in abundance 
 ready to act where he should direct. On the 
 third day, the 20th of September, at noon, the 
 Minions crew had gone to dinner, when they saw 
 a large hulk of 900 tons slowly towing up along- 
 side of them. Not liking such a neighbour, they 
 had their cable ready to slip and began to set 
 their canvas. On a sudden shots and cries were 
 heard from the town. Parties of English who 
 were on land were set upon ; many were killed ; 
 the rest were seen flinging themselves into the 
 water and swimming off to the ships. At the 
 same instant the eruns of the galleons and of the 
 
78 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 shore batteries opened fire on the Jesihs and her 
 consorts, and in the smoke and confusion 300 
 Spaniards swarmed out of the hulk and sprang on 
 the Minion's decks. The Minion's men instantly 
 cut them down or drove them overboard, hoisted 
 sail, and forced their way out of the harbour, 
 followed by the Judith. The Jesits was left alone, 
 unable to stir. She defended herself desperately. 
 In the many actions which were fought after- 
 wards between the English and the Spaniards, 
 there was never any more gallant or more severe. 
 De Baqan's own ship was sunk and the vice- 
 admiral's was set on fire. The Spanish, having 
 an enormous advantage in numbers, were able 
 to land a force on the island, seize the English 
 battery there, cut down the gunners, and turn 
 the guns close at hand on the devoted Jesus. 
 Still she fought on, defeating every attempt to 
 board, till at length De Bagan sent down fire- 
 ships on her, and then the end came. All that 
 Hawkins had made by his voyage, money, bullion, 
 the ship herself, had to be left to their fate. 
 Hawkins himself with the survivors of the crew 
 took to their boats, dashed through the enemy, 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 79 
 who vainly tried to take them, and struggled out 
 after the Minion and the Judith. It speaks ill 
 for De Baqan that with so large a force at his 
 command, and in such a position, a single English- 
 man escaped to tell the story. 
 
 Even when outside Hawkins's situation was^ 
 still critical and might well be called desperate. 
 The Judith was but fifty tons; the Minion not 
 above a hundred. They were now crowded up 
 with men. They had little water on board, and 
 there had been no time to refill their store-chests, 
 or fit themselves for sea. Happily the weather 
 was moderate. If the wind had risen, nothing 
 could have saved them. They anchored two 
 miles off to put themselves in some sort of order. 
 The Spanish fleet did not venture to molest 
 farther so desperate a foe. On Saturday the 25th 
 they set sail, scarcely knowing whither to turn. 
 To attempt an ocean voyage as they were would 
 "Be certain destruction, yet they could not trust 
 longer to De Ba^an's cowardice or forbearance. 
 There was supposed to be a shelter of some kind 
 somewhere on the east side of the Gulf of Mexico, 
 where it was hoped they might obtain provisions. 
 
8o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 They reached the place on October 8, but found 
 nothing. English sailors have never been wanting 
 in resolution. They knew that if they all remained 
 on board every one of them must starve. A 
 hundred volunteered to land and take their 
 chance. The rest on short rations might hope to 
 make their way home. The sacrifice was accepted. 
 The hundred men were put on shore. They 
 wandered for a few days in the woods, feeding 
 on roots and berries, and shot at by the Indians. 
 At length they reached a Spanish station, where 
 they were taken and sent as prisoners to Mexico. 
 There was, as I said, no Holy Office as yet in 
 Mexico. The new Viceroy, though he had been 
 in the fight at San Juan de UUoa, was not 
 implacable. They were treated at first with 
 humanity ; they were fed, clothed, taken care of, 
 and then distributed among the plantations. 
 Some were employed as overseers, some as 
 mechanics. Others, who understood any kind of 
 business, were allowed to settle in towns, make 
 money, and even marry and establish themselves. 
 Perhaps Philip heard of it, and was afraid that so 
 many heretics might introduce the plague. The 
 
30 S/R JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 81 
 
 quiet time lasted three years ; at the end of those 
 years the Inquisitors arrived, and then, as if these 
 poor men had been the special object of that 
 delightful institution, they were hunted up, thrown 
 into dungeons, examined on their faith, tortured, 
 some burnt in an auto da fi, some lashed through 
 the streets of Mexico naked on horseback and 
 returned to their prisons. Those who did not die 
 under this pious treatment were passed over to 
 the Holy Office at Seville and were condemned 
 to the galleys. 
 
 Here I leave them for the moment. We shall 
 presently hear of them again in a very singular 
 connection. The Minion and Judith meanwhile 
 pursued their melancholy way. They parted 
 company. The Judith^ being the better sailer, 
 arrived first, and reached Plymouth in December, 
 torn and tattered. Drake rode off post immedi- 
 ately to carry the bad news to London. The 
 Minion's fate was worse. She made her course 
 through the Bahama Channel, her crew djdng as 
 if struck with a pestilence, till at last there were 
 hardly men enough left to handle the sails. They 
 fell too far south for England, and at length had 
 
82 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 to put into Vigo, where their probable fate would 
 be a Spanish prison. Happily they found other 
 English vessels in the roads there. Fresh hands 
 were put on board, and fresh provisions. With 
 these supplies Hawkins reached Mount's Bay a 
 month later than the Judith, in January 1569. 
 
 Drake had told the story, and all England was 
 ringing with it. Englishmen always think their 
 own countrymen are in the right. The Spaniards, 
 already in evil odour with the seagoing popula- 
 tion, were accused of abominable treachery. The 
 splendid fight which Hawkins had made raised him 
 into a national idol, and though he had suffered 
 financially, his loss was made up in reputation 
 and authority. Every privateer in the West was 
 eager to serve under the leadership of the hero of 
 San Juan de Ulloa. He speedily found himself 
 in command of a large irregular squadron, and 
 even Cecil recognised his consequence. His chief 
 and constant anxiety was for the comrades whom 
 he had left behind, and he talked of a new ex- 
 pedition to recover them, or revenge them if they 
 had been killed ; but all things had to wait. They 
 probably found means of communicating with 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 83 
 him, and as long as there was no Inquisition in 
 Mexico, he may have learnt that there was no 
 immediate occasion for action. 
 
 Elizabeth put a brave face on her disappoint- 
 ment. She knew that she was surrounded with 
 treason, but she knew also that the boldest course 
 was the safest. She had taken Alva's money, and 
 was less than ever inclined to restore it. She 
 had the best of the bargain in the arrest of the 
 Spanish and English ships and cargoes. Alva 
 would not encourage Philip to declare war mth 
 England till the Netherlands were completely 
 reduced, and Philip, with his leaden foot {pU de 
 plmno), always preferred patience and intrigue. 
 Time and he and the Pope were three powers 
 which in the end, he thought, would prove irre- 
 sistible, and indeed it seemed, after Hawkins's 
 return, as if Philip would turn out to be right. 
 The presence of the Queen of Scots in England 
 had set in flame the Catholic nobles. The wages 
 of Alva's troops had been wrung somehow out of 
 the wretched Provinces, and his supreme ability 
 and inexorable resolution were steadily grinding 
 down the revolt. Every port in Holland and 
 
84 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Zealand was in Alva's hands. Elizabeth's throne 
 was undermined by the Ridolfi conspiracy, the 
 most dangerous which she had ever had to en- 
 counter. The only Protestant fighting power left 
 on the sea which could be entirely depended on 
 was in the privateer fleet, sailing, most of them, 
 under a commission from the Prince of Orange. 
 
 This fleet was the strangest phenomenon in 
 naval history. It was half Dutch, half English, 
 with a flavour of Huguenot, and was commanded 
 by a Flemish noble. Count de la Mark. Its head- 
 quarters were in the Downs or Dover Roads, 
 where it could watch the narrow seas, and seize 
 every Spanish ship that passed which was not 
 too strong to be meddled with. The cargoes 
 taken were openly sold in Dover market. If the 
 Spanish ambassador is to be believed in a com- 
 plaint which he addressed to Cecil, Spanish 
 gentlemen taken prisoners were set up to public 
 auction there for the ransom which they would 
 fetch, and were disposed of for one hundred pounds 
 each. If Alva sent cruisers from Antwerp to 
 bum them out, they retreated under the guns of 
 Dover Castle. Roving squadrons of them flew 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 85 
 
 down to the Spanish coasts, pillaged churches, 
 carried off church plate, and the captains drank 
 success to piracy at their banquets out of chalices. 
 The Spanish merchants at last estimated the 
 property destroyed at three million ducats, and 
 they said that if their flag could no longer protect 
 them, they must decline to make further contracts 
 for the supply of the Netherlands army. 
 
 It was life or death to Elizabeth. The Ridolfi 
 plot, an elaborate and f^r-reaching conspiracy to 
 give her crown to Mary Stuart and to make away 
 with heresy, was all but complete. The Pope 
 and Philip had approved ; Alva was to invade ; 
 the Duke of Norfolk was to head an insurrection 
 in the Eastern Counties. Never had she been 
 in greater danger. Elizabeth was herself to be 
 murdered. The intention was known, but the 
 particulars of the conspiracy had been kept so 
 secret that she had not evidence enough to take 
 measures to protect herself. The privateers at 
 Dover were a sort of protection ; they would at 
 least make Alva's crossing more difficult ; but 
 the most pressing exigency was the discovery of 
 the details of the treason. Nothing was to be 
 
86 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 gained by concession ; the only salvation was in 
 daring. 
 
 At Antwerp there was a certain Doctor Story, 
 maintained by Alva there to keep a watch on 
 English heretics. Story had been a persecutor 
 under Mary, and had defended heretic burning in 
 Elizabeth's first Parliament. He had refused the 
 oath of allegiance, had left the country, and had 
 taken to treason. Cecil wanted evidence, and this 
 man he knew could give it. A pretended informer 
 brought Story word that there was an English 
 vessel in the Scheldt which he would find worth 
 examining. Story was tempted on board. The 
 hatches were closed over him. He was delivered 
 two days after at the Tower, v^^hen his secrets 
 were squeezed out of him by the rack and he 
 was then hanged. 
 
 Something was learnt, but less still than Cecil 
 needed to take measures to protect the Queen. 
 And now once more, and in a new character, we 
 are to meet John Hawkins. Three years had 
 passed since the catastrophe at San Juan de 
 Ulloa. He had learnt to his sorrow that his 
 poor companions had fallen into the hands of the 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 87 
 
 Holy Office at last ; had been burnt, lashed, 
 starved in dungeons or worked in chains in the 
 Seville yards ; and his heart, not a very tender 
 one, bled at the thoughts of them. The finest 
 feature in the seamen of those days was their 
 devotion to one another. Hawkins determined 
 that, one way or other, these old comrades of his 
 should be rescued. Entreaties were useless ; force 
 was impossible. There might still be a chance 
 with cunning. He would risk anything, even the 
 loss of his soul, to save them. 
 
 De Silva had left England. The Spanish 
 ambassador was now Don Guerau or Gerald de 
 Espes, and to him had fallen the task of watching 
 and directing the conspiracy. Philip was to give 
 the signal, the Duke of Norfolk and other Catholic 
 peers were to rise and proclaim the Queen of 
 Scots. Success would depend on the extent of 
 the disaffection in England itself; and the am- 
 bassador's business was to welcome and encourage 
 all symptoms of discontent. Hawkins knew 
 generally what was going on, and he saw in it 
 an opportunity of approaching Philip on his weak 
 side. Having been so much in the Canaries, he 
 
88 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 probably spoke Spanish fluently. He called on 
 Don Guerau, and with audacious coolness repre- 
 sented that he and many of his friends were dis- 
 satisfied with the Queen s service. He said he 
 had found her faithless and ungrateful, and he 
 and they would gladly transfer their allegiance 
 to the King of Spain, if the King of Spain would 
 receive them. For himself, he would undertake 
 to bring over the whole privateer fleet of the 
 West, and in return he asked for nothing but the 
 release of a few poor English seamen who were 
 in prison at Seville. 
 
 Don Guerau was full of the belief that the 
 whole nation was ready to rebel. He eagerly 
 swallowed the bait which Hawkins threw to him. 
 He wrote to Alva, he wrote to Philip's secretary, 
 Cayas, expatiating on the importance of securing 
 such an addition to their party. It was true, he 
 admitted, that Hawkins had been a pirate, but 
 piracy was a common fault of the English, and 
 no wonder when the Spaniards submitted to being 
 plundered so meekly; the man who was offering 
 his services was bold, resolute, capable, and had 
 great influence with the English sailors; he 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP 11. 89 
 
 strongly advised that such a recruit should be 
 encouraged. 
 
 Alva would Dot listen. Philip, who shuddered 
 at the very name of Hawkins, was incredulous. 
 Don Guerau had to tell Sir John that the King at 
 present declined his offer, but advised him to go 
 himself to Madrid, or to send some confidential 
 friend with assurances and explanations. 
 
 Another figure now enters on the scene, a 
 George Fitzwilliam. I do not know who he was, 
 or why Hawkins chose him for his purpose. The 
 Duke of Feria was one of Philip's most trusted 
 ministers. He had married an English lady who 
 had been a maid of honour to Queen Mary. It 
 is possible that Fitzwilliam had some acquaintance 
 with her or with her family. At any rate, he 
 went to the Spanish Court ; he addressed himself 
 to the Ferias; he won their confidence, and by 
 their means was admitted to an interview with 
 Philip. He represented Hawkins as a faithful 
 Catholic who was indignant at the progress of 
 heresy in England, who was eager to assist in the 
 overthrow of Elizabeth and the elevation of the 
 Queen of Scots, and was able and willing to carry 
 
90 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 along with him the great Western privateer fleet, 
 which had become so dreadful to the Spanish 
 mind. Philip listened and was interested. It 
 was only natural, he thought, that heretics should 
 be robbers and pirates. If they could be recovered 
 to the Church, their bad habits would leave them. 
 The English navy was the most serious obstacle 
 to the intended invasion. Still, Hawkins ! The 
 Achines of his nightmares ! It could not be. 
 He asked Fitzwilliam if his friend was acquainted 
 with the Queen of Scots or the Duke of Norfolk. 
 Fitzwilliam was obliged to say that he was not. 
 The credentials of John Hawkins were his own 
 right hand. He was making the King a magnifi- 
 cent offer: nothing less than a squadron of the 
 finest ships in the world — not perhaps in the 
 best condition, he added, with cool British impu- 
 dence, owing to the Queen's parsimony, but 
 easily to be put in order again if the King would 
 pay the seamen's wages and advance some money 
 for repairs. The release of a few poor prisoners 
 was a small price to ask for such a service. 
 
 The King was still wary, watching the bait 
 like an old pike, but hesitating to seize it ; but the 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 91 
 
 duke and duchess were willing to be themselves 
 securities for Fitzwilliam's faith, and Philip 
 promised at last that if Hawkins would send him 
 a letter of recommendation from the Queen of 
 Scots herself, he would then see what could be 
 done. The Ferias were dangerously enthusiastic. 
 They talked freely to Fitzwilliam of the Queen 
 of Scots and her prospects. They trusted him 
 with letters and presents to her which Avould 
 secure his admittance to her confidence. Hawkins 
 had sent him over for the single purpose of 
 cheating Philip into releasing his comrades from 
 the Inquisition; and he had been introduced to 
 secrets of high political moment ; like Saul, the 
 son of Kish, he had gone to seek his father's asses 
 and he had found a kingdom. Fitzwilliam 
 hurried home -svith his letters and his news. 
 Things were now serious. Hawkins could act 
 no further on his own responsibility. He con- 
 sulted Cecil. Cecil consulted the Queen, and it 
 was agreed that the practice, as it was called, 
 should be carried further. It might lead to the 
 discovery of the whole secret. 
 
 Very treacherous, think some good people. 
 
92 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Well, there are times when one admires even 
 treachery — 
 
 nee lex est justior ulla 
 Quam necis artifices arte perire sua. 
 
 King Philip was confessedly preparing to en- 
 courage an English subject in treason to his 
 sovereign. Was it so wrong to hoist the 
 engineer with his own petard ? Was it wrong 
 of Hamlet to finger the packet of Rosencrantz 
 and Guildenstern and rewrite his uncle's despatch ? 
 Let us have done with cant in these matters. 
 Mary Stuart was at Sheffield Castle in charge of 
 Lord Shrewsbury, and Fitzwilliam could not see 
 her without an order from the Crown. Shrews- 
 bury, though loyal to Elizabeth, was notoriously 
 well inclined to Mary, and therefore could not be 
 taken into confidence. In writing to him Cecil 
 merely said that friends of Fitzwilliam's were in 
 prison in Spain ; that if the Queen of Scots 
 would intercede for them, Philip might be induced 
 to let them go. He might therefore allow Fitz- 
 william to have a private audience with that Queen. 
 Thus armed, Fitzwilliam went down to Sheffield. 
 He was introduced. He began with presenting 
 
3.] S//^ JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 93 
 
 Mary with the letters and remembrances from 
 the Ferias, which at once opened her heart. It 
 was impossible for her to suspect a friend of the 
 duke and duchess. She was delighted at receiv- 
 ing a visitor from the Court of Spain. She was 
 prudent enough to avoid dangerous confidences, 
 but she said she was always pleased when she 
 could do a service to Englishmen, and with all 
 her heart would intercede for the prisoners. She 
 wrote to Philip, she wrote to the duke and 
 duchess, and gave the letters to Fitzwilliam to 
 deliver. He took them to London, called on 
 Don Gerald, and told him of his success. Don 
 Gerald also wrote to his master, wrote unguardedly, 
 and also trusted Fitzwilliam with the despatch. 
 
 The various packets were taken first to Cecil, 
 and were next sho^vn to the Queen. They were 
 then returned to Fitzwilliam, who once more 
 went off with them to Madrid. If the "letters 
 produced the expected effect, Cecil calmly ob- 
 served that divers commodities would ensue. 
 English sailors would be released from the 
 Inquisition and the galleys. The enemy's inten- 
 tions would be discovered. If the King of Spain 
 
94 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 could be induced to do as Fitzwilliam had 
 suggested, and assist in the repairs of the ships 
 at Plymouth, credit would be obtained for a sum 
 of money which could be employed to his own 
 detriment. If Alva attempted the projected 
 invasion, Hawkins might take the ships as if to 
 escort him, and then do some notable exploit in 
 mid-Channel. 
 
 You will observe the downright directness of 
 Cecil, Hawkins, and the o-ther parties in the 
 matter. There is no wrapping up their intentions 
 in fine phrases, no parade of justification. They 
 went straight to their point. It was very 
 characteristic of Englishmen in those stern, 
 dangerous times. They looked facts in the face, 
 and did what fact required. All really happened 
 exactly as I have described it: the story is told 
 in letters and documents of the authenticity of 
 which there is not the smallest doubt. 
 
 We will follow Fitzwilliam. He arrived at 
 the Spanish Court at the moment when Ridolfi 
 had brought from Rome the Pope's blessing on 
 the conspiracy. The final touches were being 
 added by the Spanish Council of State. All was 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 95 
 
 hope ; all was the credulity of enthusiasm ! Mary 
 Stuart's letter satisfied Philip. The prisoners 
 were dismissed, each with ten dollars in his 
 pocket. An agreement was formally drawn and 
 signed in the Escurial in which Philip gave 
 Hawkins a pardon for his misdemeanours in the 
 West Indies, a patent for a Spanish peerage, and 
 a letter of credit for 40,000/. to put the privateers 
 in a condition to do service, and the money was 
 actually paid by Philip's London agent. Ad- 
 mitted as he now was to full confidence, Fitz- 
 william learnt all particulars of the great plot. 
 The story reads like a chapter from Monte Gristo^ 
 and yet it is literally true. , 
 
 It ends with a letter which I will read to you, 
 from Hawkins to Cecil : — 
 
 'My very good Lord, — It may please your 
 Honour to be advertised that Fitzwilliam is 
 returned from Spain, where his message was 
 acceptably received, both by the King himself, 
 the Duke of Feria, and others of the Privy 
 Council. His despatch and answer were with 
 great expedition and great countenance and 
 
96 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 favour of the King. The Articles are sent to the 
 Ambassador with orders also for the money to 
 be paid to me by him, for the enterprise to 
 proceed with all diligence. The pretence is that 
 my powers should join with the Duke of Alva's 
 powers, which he doth secretly provide in Flanders, 
 as well as with powers which will come with the 
 Duke of Medina Celi out of Spain, and to invade 
 this realm and set up the Queen of Scots. They 
 have practised with us for the burning of Her 
 Majesty's ships. Therefore there should be some 
 good care had of them, but not as it may appear 
 that anything is discovered. The King has sent 
 a ruby of good price to the Queen of Scots, with 
 letters also which in my judgment were good to 
 be delivered. The letters be of no importance, 
 but his message by word is to comfort her, and 
 say that he hath now none other care but to 
 place her in her own. It were good also that 
 Fitzwilliam may have access to the Queen of 
 Scots to render thanks for the delivery of the 
 prisoners who are now at liberty. It will be a 
 very good colour for your Lordship to confer with 
 him more largely. 
 
3.] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 97 
 
 * I have sent your Lordship the copy of my 
 pardon from the King of Spain, in the order and 
 manner I have it, with my great titles and 
 honours from the King, from which God deliver 
 me. Their practices be very mischievous, and 
 they be never idle ; but God, I hope, will confound 
 them and turn their devices on theii' own necks. 
 
 * Your Lordship s most faithfully to my power, 
 
 'John Hawkins.* 
 
 A few more words will conclude this curious 
 episode. With the clue obtained by Fitzwilliam, 
 and confessions twisted out of Story and other 
 unwilling witnesses, the Ridolfi conspiracy was 
 unravelled before it broke into act. Norfolk lost 
 his head. The inferior miscreants were hanged. 
 The Queen of Scots had a narrow escape, and the 
 Parliament accentuated the Protestant character 
 of the Church of England by embodying the 
 Thirty-nine Articles in a statute. Alva, who 
 disti-usted Ridolfi from the first and disliked 
 encouraging rebellion, refused to interest himself 
 further in Anglo-Catholic plots. Elizabeth and 
 Cecil could now breathe more freely, and read 
 
98 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Philip a lesson on the danger of plotting against 
 the lives of sovereigns. 
 
 So long as England and Spain were nominally 
 at peace, the presence of De la Mark and his 
 privateers in the Downs was at least indecent. A 
 committee of merchants at Bruges represented 
 that their losses by it amounted (as I said) to 
 three million ducats. Elizabeth, being now in 
 comparative safety, affected to listen to remon- 
 strances, and orders were sent down to De la 
 Mark that he must prepare to leave. It is likely 
 that both the Queen and he understood each 
 other, and that De la Mark quite well knew where 
 he was to go, and what he was to do. 
 
 Alva now held every fortress in the Low 
 Countries, whether inland or on the coast. The 
 people were crushed. The duke's great statue 
 stood in the square at Antwerp as a symbol of the 
 annihilation of the ancient liberties of the Pro- 
 vinces. By sea alone the Prince of Orange still 
 continued the unequal struggle ; but if he was to 
 maintain himself as a sea power anjrwhere, he 
 required a harbour of his own in his own country. 
 Dover and the Thames had served for a time as a 
 
3-] SIR JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. 99 
 base of operations, but it could not last, and with- 
 out a footing in Holland itself eventual success 
 was impossible. All the Protestant world was 
 interested in his fate, and De la Mark, with his 
 miscellaneous gathering of Dutch, English, and 
 Huguenot rovers, were ready for any desperate 
 exploit. 
 
 The order was to leave Dover immediately, 
 but it was not construed strictly. He lingered 
 in the Downs for six weeks. At length, one 
 morning at the end of March 1572, a Spanish 
 convoy known to be richly loaded appeared in the 
 Straits. De la Mark lifted anchor, darted out on 
 it, seized two of the largest hulks, rifled them, 
 flung their crews overboard, and chased the rest 
 up Channel. A day or two after he suddenly 
 showed himself off Brille, at the mouth of the 
 Meuse. A boat was sent on shore with a note to 
 the governor, demanding the instant surrender of 
 the town to the admiral of the Prince of Orange. 
 The inhabitants rose in enthusiasm ; the garrison 
 was small, and the governor was obliged to comply. 
 De la Mark took possession. A few priests and 
 monks attempted resistance, but were put down 
 
lOO ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 without difficulty, and the leaders killed. The 
 churches were cleared of their idols, and the mass 
 replaced by the Calvinistic service. Cannon and 
 stores, furnished from London, were landed, and 
 Brille was made impregnable before Alva had 
 realised what had happened to him. He is said 
 to have torn his beard for anger. Flushing fol- 
 lowed suit. In a week or two all the strongest 
 places on the coast had revolted, and the pirate 
 fleet had laid the foundation of the great Dutch 
 Republic, which at England's side was to strike 
 out of Philip's hand the sceptre of the seas, and 
 to save the Protestant religion. 
 
 We may think as we please of these Beggars 
 of the Ocean, these Norse corsairs come to life 
 again with the flavour of Genevan theology in 
 them ; but for daring, for ingenuity, for obstinate 
 determination to be spiritually free or to die for it, 
 the like of the Protestant privateers of the six- 
 teenth century has been rarely met with in this 
 world. 
 
 England rang with joy when the news came 
 that Brille was taken. Church bells pealed, and 
 bonfires blazed. Money poured across in streams. 
 
3.] S//;! JOHN HAWKINS AND PHILIP II. loi 
 
 Exiled families went back to their homes — which 
 were to be their homes once more — and the 
 Zealanders and Hollanders, entrenched among 
 their ditches, prepared for an amphibious conflict 
 with the greatest power then upon the earth. 
 
LECTUKE IV 
 
 drake's voyage round the world 
 
 T SUPPOSE some persons present have heard 
 the name of Lope de Vega, the Spanish poet 
 of Philip II.'s time. Very few of you probably 
 know more of him than his name, and yet he 
 ought to have some interest for us, as he was 
 one of the many enthusiastic young Spaniards 
 who sailed in the Great Armada. He had been 
 disappointed in some love affair. He was an 
 earnest Catholic. He wanted distraction, and it 
 IS needless to say that he found distraction 
 enough in the English Channel to put his love 
 troubles out of his mind. His adventures brought 
 before him with some vividness the character of 
 the nation with which his own country was then 
 in the death-grapple, especially the character of 
 the great English seaman to whom the Spaniards 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 103 
 
 universally attributed their defeat. Lope studied 
 the exploits of Francis Drake from his first 
 appearance to his end, and he celebrated those 
 exploits, as England herself has never yet thought 
 it worth her while to do, by making him the hero 
 of an epic poem. There are heroes and heroes. 
 Lope de Vega*s epic is called * The Dragontea.* 
 Drake himself is the dragon, the ancient serpent 
 of the Apocalypse. We English have been con- 
 tented to allow Drake a certain qualified praise. 
 We admit that he was a bold, dexterous sailor, 
 that he did his country good service at the 
 Invasion. We allow that he was a famous 
 navigator, and sailed round the world, which no 
 one else had done before him. But — there is 
 always a but — of course he was a robber and a 
 corsair, and the only excuse for him is that he 
 was no worse than most of his contemporaries. 
 To Lope de Vega he was a great deal worse. He 
 was Satan himself, the incarnation of the Genius 
 of Evil, the arch-enemy of the Church of God. 
 
 It is worth while to look more particularly 
 at the figure of a man who appeared to the 
 Spaniards in such terrible proportions. I, for my 
 
I04 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 part, believe a time will come when we shall see 
 better than we see now what the Reformation 
 was, and what we owe to it, and these sea-captains 
 of Elizabeth will then form the subject of a great 
 English national epic as grand as the ' Odyssey/ 
 
 In my own poor way meanwhile I shall try in 
 these lectures to draw you a sketch of Drake and 
 his doings as they appear to myself. To-day I 
 can but give you a part of the rich and varied 
 story, but if all goes well I hope I may be able to 
 continue it at a future time. 
 
 I have not yet done with Sir John Hawkins. 
 We shall hear of him again. He became the 
 manager of Elizabeth's dockyards. He it was 
 who turned out the ships that fought Philip's 
 fleet in the Channel in such condition that not 
 a hull leaked, not a spar was sprung, not a rope 
 parted at an unseasonable moment, and this at 
 a minimum of cost. He served himself in the 
 squadron which he had equipped. He was one 
 of the small group of admirals who met that 
 Sunday afternoon in the cabin of the ark llaleigh 
 and sent the fire-ships down to stir Medina Sidonia 
 out of his anchorage at Calais. He was a child 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 105 
 
 of the sea, and at sea he died, sinking at last into 
 his mother's arms. But of this hereafter. I 
 must speak now of his still more illustrious 
 kinsman, Francis Drake. 
 
 I told you the other day generally who Drake 
 w£is and where he came from ; how he went to 
 sea as a boy, found favour with his master, 
 became early an owner of his own ship, sticking 
 steadily to trade. You hear nothing of him in 
 connection with the Channel pirates. It was not 
 till he was five-and-twenty that he was tempted 
 by Hawkins into the negro-catching business, and 
 of this one experiment was enough. He never 
 tried it again. 
 
 The portraits of him vary very much, as 
 indeed it is natuml that they should, for most of 
 those which pass for Drake were not meant for 
 Drake at all. It is the fashion in this country, 
 and a very bad fashion, when we find a remarkable 
 portrait with no name authoritatively attached to 
 it, to christen it at random after some eminent 
 man, and there it remains to perplex or mislead. 
 
 The best likeness of Drake that I know is 
 an engraving in Sir William Stirling-Maxwell's 
 
io6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 collection of sixteenth-century notabilities, repre- 
 senting him, as a scroll says at the foot of the 
 plate, at the age of forty-three. The face is 
 round, the forehead broad and full, with the short 
 brown hair curling crisply on either side. The 
 eyebrows are highly arched, the eyes firm, clear, 
 and open. I cannot undertake for the colour, but 
 I should judge they would be dark grey, like an 
 eagle's. The nose is short and thick, the mouth 
 and chin hid by a heavy moustache on the upper 
 lip, and a close-clipped beard well spread over 
 chin and cheek. The expression is good-humoured, 
 but absolutely inflexible, not a weak line to be 
 seen. He was of middle height, powerfully built, 
 perhaps too powerfully for grace, unless the 
 quilted doublet in which the artist has dressed 
 him exaggerates his breadth. 
 
 I have seen another portrait of him, with 
 pretensions to authenticity, in which he appears 
 with a slighter figure, eyes dark, full, thoughtful, 
 and stem, a sailor's cord about his neck with a 
 whistle attached to it, and a ring into which a 
 thumb is carelessly thrust, the weight of the 
 arms resting on it, as if in a characteristic 
 
4.} DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 107 
 attitude. Evidently this is a carefully drawn 
 likeness of some remarkable seaman of the time. 
 I should like to believe it to be Drake, but I can 
 feel no certainty about it. 
 
 We left him returned home in the JitditK 
 from San Juan de Ulloa, a ruined man. He had 
 never injured the Spaniards. He had gone out 
 with his cousin merely to trade, and he had met 
 with a hearty reception from the settlers wherever 
 he had been. A Spanish admiral had treacherously 
 set upon him and his kinsman, destroyed half 
 their vessels, and robbed them of all that they 
 had. They had left a hundred of their comrades 
 behind them, for whose fate they might fear the 
 worst. Drake thenceforth considered Spanish 
 property as fair game till he had made up his 
 own losses. He waited quietly for four years till 
 he had re-established himself, and then prepared 
 to try fortune again in a more daring form. 
 
 The ill-luck at San Juan de Ulloa had risen 
 from loose tongues. There had been too much 
 talk about it. Too many parties had been con- 
 cerned. The Spanish Government had notice 
 and were prepared. Drake determined to act for 
 
io8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 himself, have no partners, and keep his own 
 secret. He found friends to trust him with 
 money without asking for explanations. The 
 Plymouth sailors were eager to take their chance 
 with him. His force was absurdly small : a sloop 
 or brigantine of a hundred tons, which he called 
 the Dragon (perhaps, like Lope de Vega, plajdng 
 on his own name), and two small pinnaces. With 
 these he left Plymouth in the fall of the summer 
 of 1572. He had ascertained that Philip's gold 
 and silver from the Peruvian mines was landed 
 at Panama, carried across the isthmus on mules' 
 backs on the line of M. de Lesseps' canal, and 
 re-shipped at Nombre de Dios, at the mouth of 
 the Chagre River. 
 
 He told no one where he was going. He was 
 no more communicative than necessary after his 
 return, and the results, rather than the particulars, 
 of his adventure are all that can be certainly 
 known. Discretion told him to keep his counsel, 
 and he kept it. 
 
 The Drake family published an account of 
 this voyage in the middle of the next century, 
 but obviously mythical, in parts demonstrably 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 109 
 
 false, and nowhere to be depended on. It can be 
 made out, however, that he did go to Nombre de 
 Dios, that he found his way into the town, and 
 saw stores of bullion there which he would have 
 liked to carry off but could not. A romantic 
 story of a fight in the to^vn I disbelieve, first 
 because his numbers were so small that to try 
 force would have been absurd, and next because 
 if there had been really anything like a battle 
 an alarm would have been raised in the neigh- 
 bourhood, and it is evident that no alarm was 
 given. In the woods were parties of runaway 
 slaves, who were called Cimarons. It was to 
 these that Drake addressed himself, and they 
 volunteered to guide him where he could surprise 
 the treasure convoy on the way from Panama. 
 His movements were silent and rapid. One in- 
 teresting incident is mentioned which is authentic. 
 The Cimarons took him through the forest to the 
 watershed from which the streams flow to both 
 oceans. Nothing could be seen through the 
 jungle of undergrowth; but Drake climbed a 
 tall tree, saw from the top of it the Pacific 
 glittering below him, and made a vow that 
 
no ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 one day he would himself sail a ship in those 
 waters. 
 
 For the present he had immediate work on 
 hand. His guides kept their word. They led 
 him to the track from Panama, and he had not 
 long to wait before the tinkling was heard of the 
 mule bells as they were coming up the pass. 
 There was no suspicion of danger, not the faintest. 
 The mule train had but its ordinary guard, who 
 fled at the first surprise. The immense booty fell 
 all into Drake's hands — gold, jewels, silver bars — 
 and got with much ease, as Prince Hal said at 
 Gadshill. The silver they buried, as too heavy 
 for transport. The gold, pearls, rubies, emeralds, 
 and diamonds they carried down straight to their 
 ship. The voyage home went prosperously. The 
 spoils were shared among the adventurers, and 
 they had no reason to complain. They were wise 
 enough to hold their tongues, and Drake was in a 
 condition to look about him and prepare for bigger 
 enterprises. 
 
 Rumours got abroad, spite of reticence. Im- 
 agination was high in flight just then ; rash 
 amateurs thought they could make their fortunes 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD in 
 
 in the same way, and tried it, to their sorrow. 
 A sort of inflation can be traced in English 
 sailors' minds as their work expanded. Even 
 Hawkins — the clear, practical Hawkins — was in- 
 fected. This was not in Drake's line. He kept 
 to prose and fact. He studied the globe. He 
 examined all the charts that he could get. He 
 became known to the Privy Council and the 
 Queen, and prepared for an enterprise which would 
 make his name and frighten Philip in earnest. 
 
 The ships which the Spaniards used on the 
 Pacific were usually built on the spot. But Ma- 
 gellan was known to have gone by the Horn, and 
 where a Portuguese could go an Englishman could 
 go. Drake proposed to try. There was a party in 
 Elizabeth's Council against these adventures, and 
 in favour of peace with Spain; but Elizabeth 
 herself was always for enterprises of pith and 
 moment. She was willing to help, and others 
 of her Council were willing too, provided their 
 names were not to appear. The responsibility 
 was to be Drake's own. Again the vessels in 
 which he was preparing to tempt fortune seem 
 preposterously small. The Pelican^ or Golden 
 
112 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Hinde, which belonged to Drake himself, was 
 called but 120 tons, at best no larger than a 
 modern racing yawl, though perhaps no racing 
 yawl ever left White's yard better found for the 
 work which she had to do. The next, the Eliza- 
 heth, of London, was said to be eighty tons; 
 a small pinnace of twelve tons, in which we 
 should hardly risk a summer cruise round the 
 Land's End, with two sloops or frigates of fifty 
 and thirty tons, made the rest. The Elizabeth 
 was commanded by Captain Winter, a Queen's 
 officer, and perhaps a son- of the old admiral. 
 
 We may credit Drake with knowing what he 
 was about. He and his comrades were carrying 
 their lives in their hands. If they were taken 
 they would be inevitably hanged. Their safety 
 depended on speed of sailing, and specially on the 
 power of working fast to windward, which the 
 heavy square-rigged ships could not do. The 
 crews all told were 160 men and boys. Drake 
 had his brother John with him. Among his 
 officers were the chaplain, Mr. Fletcher, another 
 minister of some kind who spoke Spanish, and 
 in one of the sloops a mysterious Mr. Doughty. 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 113 
 Who Mr. Doughty was, and why he was sent out, 
 is uncertain. When an expedition of consequence 
 was on hand, the Spanish party in the Cabinet 
 usually attached to it some second in command 
 whose business was to defeat the object. When 
 Drake went to Cadiz in after years to singe King 
 Philip's beard, he had a colleague sent with him 
 whom he had to lock into his cabin before he 
 could get to his work. So far as I can make out, 
 Mr. Doughty had a similar commission. On this 
 occasion secrecy was impossible. It was gener- 
 ally known that Drake was going to the Pacific 
 through Magellan Straits, to act afterwards on 
 his own judgment. The Spanish ambassador, 
 now Don Bernardino de Mendoza, in informing 
 Philip of what was intended, advised him to send 
 out orders for the instant sinking of every English 
 ship, and the execution of every English sailor, 
 that appeared on either side the isthmus in West 
 Indian waters. The orders were despatched, but 
 so impossible it seemed that an English pirate 
 could reach the Pacific, that the attention was 
 confined to the Caribbean Sea, and not a hint of 
 alarm was sent across to the other side. 
 
114 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 On November 15, 1577, the Pelican and her 
 consort sailed out of Plymouth Sound. The 
 elements frowned on their start. On the second 
 day they were caught in a winter gale. The 
 Pelican sprung her mainmast, and they put back 
 to refit and repair. But Drake defied auguries. 
 Before the middle of December all was again in 
 order. The weather mended, and with a fair 
 wind and smooth water they made a fast run 
 across the Bay of Biscay and down the coast to 
 the Cape de Verde Islands. There taking up the 
 north-east trades, they struck across the Atlantic, 
 crossed the line, and made the South American 
 continent in latitude 33° South. They passed 
 the mouth of the Plate River, finding to their 
 astonishment fresh water at the ship's side in 
 fifty-four fathoms. All seemed so far going well, 
 when one morning Mr. Doughty's sloop was 
 missing, and he along with her. Drake, it 
 seemed, had already reason to distrust Doughty, 
 and guessed the direction in which he had gone. 
 The Marigold was sent in pursuit, and he was 
 overtaken and brought back. To prevent a re- 
 petition of such a performance, Drake took the 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 115 
 
 sloop's stores out of her, burnt her, distributed 
 the crew through the other vessels, and took Mr. 
 Doughty under his own charge. On June 20 
 they reached Port St. Julian, on the coast of 
 Patagonia. They had been long on the way, and 
 the southern winter had come round, and they 
 had to delay further to make more particular 
 inquiry into Doughty *s desertion. An ominous 
 and strange spectacle met their eyes as they 
 entered the harbour. In that utterly desolate 
 spot a skeleton was hanging on a gallows, the 
 bones picked clean by the vultures. It was one 
 of Magellan's crew who had been executed there 
 for mutiny fifty years before. The same fe-te was 
 to befall the unhappy Englishman who had been 
 guilty of the same fault. Without the strictest 
 discipline it was impossible for the enterprise to 
 succeed, and Doughty had been guilty of worse 
 than disobedience. We are told briefly that his 
 conduct was found tending to contention, and 
 threatening the success of the voyage. Part he 
 was said to have confessed; part was proved 
 against him — one knows not what. A court was 
 formed out of the crew. He was tried, as near as 
 
ii6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 circumstances allowed, according to English usage. 
 He was found guilty, and was sentenced to die. 
 He made no complaint, or none of which a record 
 is preserved. He asked for the Sacrament, which 
 was of course allowed, and Drake himself com- 
 municated with him. They then kissed each 
 other, and the unlucky wretch took leave of his 
 comrades, laid his head on the block, and so 
 ended. His offence can be only guessed ; but the 
 suspicious curiosity about his fate which was 
 shown afterwards by Mendoza makes it likely 
 that he was in Spanish pay. The ambassador 
 cross-questioned Captain Winter very particularly 
 about him, and we learn one remarkable fact from 
 Mendoza's letters not mentioned by any English 
 writer, that Drake was himself the executioner, 
 choosing to bear the entire responsibility. 
 
 * This done,' writes an eye-witness, * the general 
 made divers speeches to the whole company, per- 
 suading us to unity, obedience, and regard of our 
 voyage, and for the better confirmation thereof 
 willed every man the Sunday following to prepare 
 himself to receive the Communion as Christian 
 brothers and friends ought to do, which was done 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 117 
 
 in very reverend sort ; and so with good content- 
 ment every man went about his business/ 
 
 You must take this last incident into your 
 conception of Drake's character, think of it how 
 you please. 
 
 It was now midmnter, the stormiest season of 
 the year, and they remained for six weeks in Port 
 St. Julian. They burnt the twelve-ton pinnace, 
 as too small for the work they had now before 
 them, and there remained only the Pelican, the 
 Elizabeth, and the Marigold. In cold wild weather 
 they weighed at last, and on August 20 made the 
 opening of Magellan's Straits. The passage is 
 seventy miles long, tortuous and dangerous. 
 They had no charts. The ships' boats led, taking 
 soundings as they advanced. Icy mountains 
 overhung them on either side; heavy snow fell 
 below. They brought up occasionally at an 
 island to rest the men, and let them kill a few 
 seals and penguins to give them fresh food. 
 Everything they saw was new, -svild, and wonderful. 
 
 Having to feel their way, they were three 
 weeks in getting through. They had counted on 
 reaching the Pacific that the worst of their work 
 
ii8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 was over, and that they could run north at once 
 into warmer and calmer latitudes. The peaceful 
 ocean, when they entered it, proved the stormiest 
 they had ever sailed on. A fierce westerly gale 
 drove them 600 miles to the south-east outside 
 the Horn. It had been supposed, hitherto, that 
 Tierra del Fuego was solid land to the South 
 Pole, and that the Straits were the only com- 
 munication between the Atlantic and the Pacific. 
 They now learnt the true shape and character of 
 the Western Continent. In the latitude of Cape 
 Horn a westerly gale blows for ever round the 
 globe; the waves the highest anjrwhere known. 
 The Marigold went down in the tremendous 
 encounter. Captain Winter, in the Elizaheth^ 
 made his way back into Magellan's Straits 
 There he lay for three weeks, lighting fires 
 nightly to show Drake where he was, but no 
 Drake appeared. They had agreed, if separated, 
 to meet on the coast in the latitude of Valparaiso ; 
 but Winter was chicken-hearted, or else traitorous 
 like Doughty, and sore, we are told, ' against the 
 mariners' will,' when the three weeks were out, 
 he sailed away for England, where he reported 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 119 
 
 that all the ships were lost but the Pelican, and 
 that the Pelican was probably lost too. 
 
 Drake had believed better of Winter, and had 
 not expected to be so deserted. He had himself 
 taken refuge among the islands which form the 
 Cape, waiting for the spring and milder weather. 
 He used the time in making surveys, and observ- 
 ing the habits of the native Patagonians, whom 
 he found a tough race, going naked amidst ice 
 and snow. The days lengthened, and the sea 
 smoothed at last. He then sailed for Valparaiso, 
 hoping to meet Winter there, as he had arranged. 
 At Valparaiso there was no Winter, but there was 
 in the port instead a great galleon just come in 
 from Peru. The galleon's crew took him for a 
 Spaniard, hoisted their colours, and beat their 
 drums. The Pelican shot alongside. The English 
 sailors in high spirits leapt on board. A Plymouth 
 lad who could speak Spanish knocked down the 
 first man he met with an * Abajo, perro 1 ' * Down, 
 you dog, down!' No life was taken; Drake 
 never hurt man if he could help it. The crew 
 crossed themselves, jumped overboard, and swam 
 ashore. The prize was examined. Four hundred 
 
I20 ^ ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 pounds' weight of gold was found in her, besides 
 other plunder. 
 
 The galleon being disposed of, Drake and his 
 men pulled ashore to look at the town. The 
 people had all fled. In the church they found 
 a chalice, two cruets, and an altar-cloth, which 
 were made over to the chaplain to improve his 
 Communion furniture. A few pipes of wine and 
 a Greek pilot who knew the way to Lima com- 
 pleted the booty. 
 
 ' Shocking piracy,' you will perhaps say. But 
 what Drake was doing would have been all right 
 and good service had war been declared, and the 
 essence of things does not alter mth the form. 
 In essence there was war, deadly war, between 
 Philip and Elizabeth. Even later, when the 
 Armada sailed, there had been no formal declara- 
 tion. The reality is the important part of the 
 matter. It was but stroke for stroke, and the 
 English arm proved the stronger. 
 
 Still hoping to find Winter in advance of him, 
 
 ^ Drake went on next to Tarapaca, where silver 
 
 from the Andes mines was shipped for Panama. 
 
 At Tarapaca there was the same unconsciousness 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 121 
 
 of danger. The silver bars lay piled on the quay, 
 the muleteers who had brought them were sleep- 
 ing peacefully in the sunshine at their side. The 
 muleteers were left to their slumbers. The bars 
 were lifted into the English boats. A train of 
 mules or llamas came in at the moment with a 
 second load as rich as the first. This, too, went 
 into the Pelican's hold. The bullion taken at 
 Tarapaca was worth near half a million ducats. 
 
 Still there were no news of Winter. Drake 
 began to realise that he was now entirely alone, 
 and had only himself and his own crew to depend 
 on. There was nothing to do but to go through 
 with it, danger adding to the interest. Arica was 
 the next point visited. Half a hundred blocks of 
 silver were picked up at Arica. After Arica came 
 Lima, the chief depot of all, where the gi'andest 
 haul was looked for. At Lima, alas ! they were 
 just too late. Twelve great hulks lay anchored 
 there. The sails were unbent, the men were 
 ashore. They contained nothing but some chests 
 of reals and a few bales of silk and linen. But a 
 thirteenth, called by the gods Ow Lady of the 
 Conception^ called by men Cacafuego, a name 
 
122 EITGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 incapable of translation, had sailed a few days 
 before for the isthmus, with the whole produce of 
 the Lima mines for the season. Her ballast was 
 silver, her cargo gold and emeralds and rubies. 
 
 Drake deliberately cut the cables of the ships 
 in the roads, that they might drive ashore and be 
 unable to follow him. The Pelican spread her 
 wings, every feather of them, and sped away in 
 pursuit. He would know the Cacafuego, so he 
 learnt at Lima, by the peculiar cut of her sails. 
 The first man who caught sight of her was 
 promised a gold chain for his reward. A sail 
 was seen on the second day. It was not the 
 chase, but it was worth stopping for. Eighty 
 pounds* weight of gold was found, and a great 
 gold crucifix, set with emeralds said to be as large 
 as pigeon's eggs. They took the kernel. They 
 left the shell. Still on and on. We learn from 
 the Spanish accounts that the Viceroy of Lima, 
 as soon as he recovered from his astonishment, 
 despatched ships in pursuit. They came up with 
 the last plundered vessel, heard terrible tales of 
 the rovers' strength, and went back for a larger 
 force. The Pelican meanwhile went along upon 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 123 
 her course for 800 miles. At length, when in 
 the latitude of Quito and close under the shore, 
 the Cacafiiego's peculiar sails were sighted, and the 
 gold chain was claimed. There she was, freighted 
 with the fruit of Aladdin's garden, going lazily 
 along a few miles ahead. Care was needed in 
 approaching her. If she guessed the Pelican's 
 character, she would run in upon the land and 
 they would lose her. It was afternoon. The sun 
 was still above the horizon, and Drake meant to 
 wait till night, when the breeze would be off the 
 shore, as in the tropics it always is. 
 
 The Pelican sailed two ffeet to the Gacafuego's 
 one. Drake filled his empty wine-skins with 
 water and trailed them astern to stop his way. 
 The chase supposed that she was followed by 
 some heavy-loaded trader, and, wishing for com- 
 pany on a lonely voyage, she slackened sail and 
 waited for him to come up. At length the sun 
 went down into the ocean, the rosy light faded 
 from off the snows of the Andes ; and when both 
 ships had become invisible from the shore, the 
 skins were hauled in, the night wind rose, and 
 the water began to ripple under the Pelican's 
 
124 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 J 
 bows. The Cacafuego was swiftly overtaken, and 
 
 when within a cable's length a voice hailed her 
 to put her head into the wind. The Spanish 
 commander, not understanding so strange an 
 order, held on his course. A broadside brought 
 down his mainyard, and a flight of arrows rattled 
 on his deck. He was himself wounded. In a few 
 minutes he was a prisoner, and Our Lady of the 
 Conception and her precious freight were in the 
 corsairs power. The wreck was cut away; the 
 ship was cleared ; a prize crew was put on board. 
 Both vessels turned their heads to the sea. At 
 daybreak no land was to be seen, and the examin- 
 ation of the prize began. The full value was 
 never acknowledged. The invoice, if there was 
 one, was destroyed. The accurate figures were 
 known only to Drake and Queen Elizabeth. A 
 published schedule acknowledged to twenty tons 
 of silver bullion, thirteen chests of silver coins, 
 and a hundredweight of gold, but there were gold 
 nuggets besides in indefinite quantity, and *a 
 great store' of pearls, emeralds, and diamonds. 
 The Spanish Government proved a loss of a 
 million and a half of ducats, excluding what 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 125 
 belonged to private persons. The total capture 
 was immeasurably greater. 
 
 Drake, we are told, was greatly satisfied. He 
 thought it prudent to stay in the neighbourhood 
 no longer than necessary. He went north with 
 all sail set, taking his prize along with him. The 
 master, San Juan de Anton, was removed on 
 board the Pelican to have his wound attended to. 
 He remained as Drake's guest for a week, and 
 sent in a report of what he observed to the 
 Spanish Government. One at least of Drake's 
 party spoke excellent Spanish. This person took 
 San Juan over the ship. She showed signs, San 
 Juan said, of rough service, but was still in fine 
 condition, with ample arms, spare rope, mattocks, 
 carpenters' tools of all descriptions. There were 
 eighty-five men on board all told, fifty of them 
 men-of-war, the rest young fellows, ship-boys and 
 the like. Drake himself was treated with great 
 reverence ; a sentinel stood always at his cabin 
 door. He dined alone with music. 
 
 No mystery was made of the Pelicaris ex- 
 ploits. The chaplain showed San Juan the 
 crucifix set with emeralds, and asked him if he 
 
126 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 could seriously believe that to be God. San Juan 
 asked Drake how he meant to go home. Drake 
 showed him a globe with three courses traced on 
 it. There was the way that he had come, there 
 was the way by China and the Cape of Good 
 Hope, and there was a third way which he did 
 not explain. San Juan asked if Spain and England 
 were at war. Drake said he had a commission 
 from the Queen. His captures were for her, not 
 for himself. He added afterwards that the Viceroy 
 of Mexico had robbed him and his kinsman, and 
 he was making good his losses. 
 
 Then, touching the point of the sore, he said, 
 ' I know the Viceroy will send for thee to inforai 
 himself of my proceedings. Tell him he shall 
 do well to put no more Englishmen to death, 
 and to spare those he has in his hands, for if he 
 do execute them I will hang 2,000 Spaniards and 
 send him their heads.* 
 
 After a week s detention San Juan and his 
 
 men were restored to the empty Cacafuego, and 
 
 allowed to go. On their way back they fell in 
 
 ^ with the two cruisers sent in pursuit from Lima, 
 
 reinforced by a third from Panama. They were 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 127 
 
 now fully armed ; they went in chase, and accord- 
 ing to their own account came up with the Pelican, ^ 
 But, like Lope de Vega, they seemed to have 
 been terrified at Drake as a sort of devil. They 
 confessed that they dared not attack him, and 
 again went back for more assistance. The Viceroy 
 abused them as cowards, arrested the officers, 
 despatched others again with peremptory orders 
 to seize Drake, even if he was the devil, but by 
 that time their questionable visitor had flown. 
 They found nothing, perhaps to their relief. 
 
 A despatch went instantly across the Atlantic 
 to Philip. One squadron was sent off from Cadiz 
 to watch the Straits of Magellan, and another to 
 patrol the Caribbean Sea. It was thought that 
 Drake's third way was no seaway at all, that he 
 meant to leave the Felican at Darien, carry his 
 plunder over the mountains, and build a ship at 
 Honduras to take him home. His real idea was 
 that he might hit off the passage to the north of 
 which Frobisher and Davis thought they had 
 found the eastern entrance. He stood on towards . 
 California, picking up an occasional straggler in 
 the Chiua trade, with silk, porcelain, gold, and 
 
128 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 emeralds. Fresh water was a necessity. He put 
 in at Guatulco for it, and his proceedings were 
 humorously prompt. The alcaldes at Guatulco 
 were in session trying a batch of negroes. An 
 English boat's crew appeared in court, tied the 
 alcaldes hand and foot, and carried them off to 
 the Pelicariy there to remain as hostages till the 
 water-casks were filled. 
 
 North again he fell in with a galleon carrying 
 out a new Governor to the Philippines. The 
 Governor was relieved of his boxes and his jewels, 
 and then, says one of the party, 'Our General, 
 thinking himself in respect of his private injuries 
 received from the Spaniards, as also their con- 
 tempt and indignities offered to our country and 
 Prince, sufficiently satisfied and revenged, and 
 supposing her Majesty would rest contented with 
 this service, began to consider the best way home.' 
 The first necessity was a complete overhaul of the 
 ship. Before the days of copper sheathing weeds 
 grew thick under water. Barnacles formed in 
 clusters, stopping the speed, and sea- worms bored 
 through the planking. Twenty thousand miles L^ 
 lay between the Pelican and Plymouth Sound, 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 129 
 
 and Drake was not a man to run idle chances. 
 Still holding his north course till he had left the 
 furthest Spanish settlement far to the south, he 
 put into Canoas Bay in California, laid the Pelican 
 ashore, set up forge and workshop, and repaired 
 and re-rigged her with a month's labour from 
 stem to stern. With every rope new set up and 
 new canvas on every yard, he started again on 
 April 16, 1579, and continued up the coast to 
 Oregon. The air grew cold though it was 
 summer. The men felt it from having been so 
 long in the tropics, and dropped out of health. 
 - There was still no sign of a passage. If passage 
 there was, Drake perceived that it must be of 
 enormous length. Magellan's Straits, he guessed, 
 would be watched for him, so he decided on the 
 route by the Cape of Good Hope. In the Philip- 
 pine ship he had found a chart of the Indian 
 Archipelago. With the help of this and his own 
 skill he hoped to find his way. He went down 
 again to San Francisco, landed there, found the 
 soil teeming with gold, made acquaintance with 
 an Indian king who hated the Spaniards and 
 wished to become an English subject. But Drake 
 
130 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 had no leisure to annex new territories. Avoiding 
 the course from Mexico to the Philippines, he 
 made a direct course to the Moluccas, and brought 
 up again at the Island of Celebes. Here the 
 Pelican was a second time docked and scraped. 
 The crew had a month's rest among the fireflies 
 and vampires of the tropical forest. Leaving 
 Celebes, they entered on the most perilous part 
 of the whole voyage. They wound their way 
 among coral reefs and low islands scarcely visible 
 above the water-line. In their chart the only 
 outlet marked into the Indian Ocean was by the 
 Straits of Malacca. But Drake guessed rightly 
 that there must be some nearer opening, and felt 
 his way looking for it along the coast of Java. 
 Spite of all his care, he was once on the edge 
 of destruction. One evening as night was closing 
 in a grating sound was heard under the Pelican's 
 keel. In another moment she was hard and 
 fast on a reef. The breeze was light and the 
 water smooth, or the world would have heard no 
 more of Francis Drake. She lay immovable 
 till daybreak. At dawn the position was seen 
 not to be entirely desperate. Drake himself 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 131 
 showed all the qualities of a great commander. 
 Camion were thrown over and cargo that was not 
 needed. In the afternoon, the wind changing, the 
 lightened vessel lifted off the rocks and was saved. 
 The hull was uninjured, thanks to the Califomian 
 repairs. All on board had behaved well with the 
 one exception of Mr. Fletcher, the chaplain. Mr. 
 Fletcher, instead of working like a man, had 
 whined about Divine retribution for the execu- 
 tion of Doughty. 
 
 For the moment Drake passed it over. A few 
 days after, they passed out through the Straits of 
 Sunda, where they met the great ocean swell, 
 Homer's \kkya Kvfxa OaXdo-arjs, and they knew then 
 that all was well. 
 
 There was now time to call Mr. Fletcher to 
 account. It was no business of the chaplain to 
 discourage and dispirit men in a moment of 
 danger, and a court was formed to sit upon him. 
 An English captain on his own deck represents 
 the sovereign, and is head of Church as well as 
 State. Mr. Fletcher was brought to the forecastle, 
 where Drake, sitting on a sea-chest with a pair 
 of pantoufles in his hand, excommunicated him. 
 
132 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 pronounced him cut ofif from the Church of God, 
 given over to the devil for the chastising of his 
 flesh, and left him chained by the leg to a ring- 
 bolt to repent of his cowardice. 
 
 In the general good-humour punishment could 
 not be of long duration. The next day the poor 
 chaplain had his absolution, and returned to his 
 berth and his duty. The Pelican met with no 
 more adventures. Sweeping in fine clear weather ^ 
 round the Cape of Good Hope, she touched once 
 for water at Sierra Leone, and finally sailed in 
 triumph into Plymouth Harbour, where she had 
 been lon^, given up for lost, having traced the first 
 furrow round the globe. Winter had come home 
 eighteen months before, but could report nothing. 
 The news of the doings on the American coast 
 had reached England through Madrid. The 
 Spanish ambassador had been furious. It was 
 known that Spanish squadrons had been sent in 
 search. Complications would arise if Drake 
 brought his plunder home, and timid politicians 
 hoped that he was at the bottom of the sea. But 
 here he was, actually arrived with a monarch's 
 ransom in his hold. 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 133 
 
 English sympathy with an extraordinary ex- 
 ploit is always irresistible. Shouts of applause 
 rang through the country, and Elizabeth, every 
 bit of her an Englishwoman, felt with her subjects. 
 She sent for Drake to London, made him tell his 
 story over and over again, and was never weary of 
 listening to him. As to injury to Spain, Philip 
 had lighted a fresh insurrection in Ireland, which 
 had cost her dearly in lives and money. For 
 Philip to demand compensation of England on 
 the score of justice was a thing to make the gods 
 laugh. 
 
 So thought the Queen. So unfortunately did 
 not think some members of her Council, Lord 
 Burghley among them. Mendoza was determined 
 that Drake should be punished and the spoils dis- 
 gorged, or else that he would force Elizabeth upon 
 the world as the confessed protectress of piracy. 
 Burghley thought that, as things stood, some 
 satisfaction (or the form of it) would have to be 
 made. 
 
 Elizabeth hated paying back as heartily as 
 Falstaflf, nor had she the least intention of throw- 
 ing to the wolves a gallant Englishman, with 
 
134 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 whose achievements the world was ringing. She 
 was obliged to allow the treasure to be registered 
 by a responsible official, and an account rendered 
 to Mendoza ; but for all that she meant to keep 
 her own share of the spoils. She meant, too, that 
 Drake and his brave crew should not go unre- 
 warded. Drake himself should have ten thousand 
 pounds at least. 
 
 Her action was eminently characteristic of 
 her. On the score of real justice there was 
 no doubt at all how matters stood between her- 
 self and Philip, who had tried to dethrone and 
 kill her. 
 
 The Pelican lay still at Plymouth with the 
 bullion and jewels untouched. She directed that 
 it should be landed and scheduled. She trusted 
 the business to Edmund Tremayne, of Sydenham, 
 a neighbouring magistrate, on whom she could 
 depend. She told him not to be too inquisitive, 
 and she allowed Drake to go back and arrange 
 the cargo before the examination was made. Let 
 me now read you a letter from Tremayne himself 
 to Sir Francis Walsingham : — 
 
 ' To give you some understanding how I have 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 135 
 
 proceeded with Mr. Drake: I have at no time 
 entered into the account to know more of the 
 value of the treasure than he made me acquainted 
 with ; and to say truth I persuaded him to impart 
 to me no more than need, for so I saw him com- 
 manded in her Majesty's behalf that he should 
 reveal the certainty to no man living. I have 
 only taken notice of so much as he lias revealed, 
 and the same I have seen to be weighed, regis- 
 tered, and packed. And to observe her Majesty's 
 commands for the ten thousand pounds, we agreed 
 he should take it out of the portion that was 
 landed secretly, and to remove the same out of 
 the place before my son Henry and I should 
 come to the weighing and registering of what was 
 left; and so it was done, and no creature living 
 by me made privy to it but himself; and myself 
 no privier to it than as you may perceive by this. 
 *I see nothing to charge Mr. Drake further 
 than he is inclined to charge himself, and withal 
 I must say he is inclined to advance the value to 
 bedeKvered to her Majesty, and seeking in general 
 to recompense all men that have been in the 
 case dealers with him. As I dare take an oath, 
 
136 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 he will rather diminish his own portion than leave 
 any of them unsatisfied. And for his mariners 
 and followers I have seen here as eye-witness, 
 and have heard with my ears, such certain signs 
 of goodwill as I cannot yet see that any of them 
 will leave his company. The whole course of his 
 voyage hath showed him to be of great valour ; 
 but my hap has been to see some particulars, 
 and namely in this discharge of his company, as 
 doth assure me that he is a man of great govern- 
 ment, and that by the rules of God and his book, 
 so as proceeding on such foundation his doings 
 cannot but prosper.* 
 
 The result of it all was that deductions were 
 made from the capture equivalent to the property 
 which Drake and Hawkins held themselves to 
 have been treacherously plundered of at San Juan 
 de Ulloa, with perhaps other liberal allowances for 
 the cost of recovery. An account on part of what 
 remained was then given to Mendoza. It was not 
 returned to him or to Philip, but was laid up in 
 the Tower till the final settlement of Philip's and 
 the Queen's claims on each other — the cost, for 
 one thing, of the rebellion in Ireland. Commis- 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 137 
 
 sioners met and argiied and sat on ineffectually 
 till the Armada came and the discussion ended, 
 and the talk of restitution was over. Meanwhile, 
 opinion varied about Drake's own doings as it has 
 varied since. Elizabeth listened spellbound to his 
 adventures, sent for him to London again, and 
 walked with him publicly about the parks and 
 gardens. She gave him a second ten thousand 
 pounds. The Pelican was sent round to Dept- 
 ford; a royal banquet was held on board, Eliza- 
 beth attended and Drake was knighted. Mendoza 
 clamoured for the treasure in the Tower to be 
 given up to him ; Walsingham wished to give it 
 to the Prince of Orange ; Leicester and his party 
 in the Council, who had helped to fit Drake out, 
 thought it ought to be divided among themselves, 
 and unless Mendoza lies they offered to share it 
 with him if he would agree to a private arrange- 
 ment. Mendoza says he answered that he would 
 give twice as much to chastise such a bandit as 
 Drake. Elizabeth thought it should be kept as 
 a captured pawn in the game, and so in fact it 
 remained after the deductions which we have 
 seen had been made. 
 
138 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Drake was lavish of his presents. He pre- 
 sented the Queen with a diamond cross and a 
 coronet set with splendid emeralds. He gave 
 Bromley, the Lord Chancellor, 800 dollars' worth 
 of silver plate, and as much more to other members 
 of the Council. The Queen wore her coronet on 
 New Year's Day ; the Chancellor was content to 
 deconite his sideboard at the cost of the Catholic 
 King. Burghley and Sussex declined the splendid 
 temptation ; they said they could accept no such 
 precious gifts from a man whose fortune had been 
 made by plunder. 
 
 Burghley lived to see better into Drake's 
 value. Meanwhile, what now are we, looking 
 back over our history, to say of these things — the 
 Channel privateering ; the seizure of Alva's army 
 money ; the sharp practice of Hawkins with the 
 Queen of Scots and King Philip ; or this amazing 
 performance of Sir Francis Drake in a vessel no 
 larger than a second-rate yacht of a modem noble 
 lord? 
 
 Resolution, daring, professional skill, all his- 
 torians allow to these men; but, like Burghley, 
 they regard what they did as piracy, not much 
 
4.] DRAKE'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 139 
 
 better, if at all better, than the later exploits of 
 Morgan and Kidd. So cried the Catholics who 
 wished Elizabeth's ruin ; so cried Lope de Vega 
 and King Philip. In milder language the modem 
 philosopher repeats the unfavourable verdict, re- 
 joices that he lives in an age when such doings are 
 impossible, and apologises faintly for the excesses 
 of an imperfect age. May I remind the philosopher 
 that we live in an age when other things have 
 also happily become impossible, and that if he and 
 his friends were liable when they went abroad for 
 their summer tours to be snapped by the familiars 
 of the Inquisition, whipped, burnt alive, or sent to 
 the galleys, he would perhaps think more leniently 
 of any measures by which that respectable insti- 
 tution and its masters might be induced to treat 
 philosophers with greater consideration ? 
 
 Again, remember Dr. Johnson's warning. 
 Beware of cant. In that intensely serious century 
 men were more occupied with the realities than 
 the forms of things. By encouraging rebellion in 
 England and Ireland, by burning so many scores 
 of poor English seamen and merchants in fools' 
 coats at Seville, the King of Spain had given 
 
I40 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 4. 
 
 Elizabeth a hundred occasions for declaring war 
 against him. Situated as she was, with so many 
 disaffected Catholic subjects, she could not hegin 
 a war on such a quarrel. She had to use such 
 resources as she had, and of these resources the 
 best was a splendid race of men who were not 
 afraid to do for her at their own risk what com- 
 missioned officers would and might have justly 
 done had formal war been declared, men who 
 defeated the national enemy with materials con- 
 quered from himself, who were devoted enough 
 to dispense with the personal security which the 
 sovereign's commission would have extended to 
 prisoners of war, and face the certainty of being 
 hanged if they were taken. Yes; no doubt by 
 the letter of the law of nations Drake and Hawkins 
 were corsairs of the same stuff as Ulysses, as the 
 rovers of Norway. But the common-sense of 
 Europe saw through the form to the substance 
 which lay below it, and the instinct of their 
 countrymen gave them a place among the fight- 
 ing heroes of England, from which I do not think 
 they will be deposed by the eventual verdict of 
 history. 
 
LECTURE V 
 
 PARTIES IN THE STATE 
 
 AN December 21, 1585, a remarkable scene took 
 place in the English House of Commons. 
 The Prince of Orange, after many attempts had 
 failed, had been successfully disposed of in the 
 Low Countries. A fresh conspiracy had just been 
 discovered for a Catholic insurrection in England, 
 supported by a foreign invasion; the object of 
 which was to dethrone Elizabeth and to give her 
 crown to Mary Stuart. The Duke of Alva, at the 
 time of the Ridolfi plot, had pointed out as a 
 desirable preliminary, if the invasion was to suc- 
 ceed, the assassination of the Queen of England 
 The succession being undecided, he had calculated 
 that the confusion would paralyse resistance, and 
 the notorious favour with which Mary Stuart's 
 pretensions were regarded by a powerful English 
 
142 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 party would ensure her an easy victory were 
 Elizabeth once removed. But this was an indis- 
 pensable condition. It had become clear at last 
 that so long as Elizabeth was alive Philip would 
 not willingly sanction the landing of a Spanish 
 army on English shores. Thus, among the more 
 ardent Catholics, especially the refugees at the 
 Seminary at Rheims, a crown in heaven was held 
 out to any spiritual knight-errant who would 
 remove the obstacle. The enterprise itself was 
 not a difficult one. Elizabeth was aware of her 
 danger, but she was personally fearless. She 
 refused to distrust the Catholics. Her household 
 was full of them. She admitted anyone to her 
 presence who desired a private interview. Dr. 
 Parry, a member of Parliament, primed by en- 
 couragements from the Cardinal of Como and the 
 Vatican, had undertaken to risk his life to win 
 the glorious prize. He introduced himself into 
 the palace, properly provided with arms. He 
 professed to have information of importance to 
 give. The Queen received him repeatedly. Once 
 he was alone with her in the palace garden, 
 and was on the point of killing her, when he was 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 143 
 
 awed, as he said, by the likeness to her father. 
 Parry was discovered and hanged, but Elizabeth 
 refused to take warning. When there were so 
 many aspirants for the honour of removing Jezebel, 
 and Jezebel was so easy of approach, it was felt 
 that one would at last succeed; and the loyal 
 part of the nation, led by Lord Burghley, formed 
 themselves into an association to protect a life 
 so vital to them and apparently so indifferent to 
 herself. 
 
 The subscribers bound themselves to pursue 
 to the death all manner of persons who should 
 attempt or consent to anything to the harm of 
 her Majesty's person; never to allow or submit 
 to any pretended successor by whom or for whom 
 such detestable act should be attempted or com- 
 mitted ; but to pursue such persons to death and 
 act the utmost revenge upon them. 
 
 The bond in its first form was a visible creation 
 of despair. It implied a condition of things in 
 which order would have ceased to exist. The 
 lawyers, who, it is curious to observe, were 
 generally in Mary Stuart's interest, vehemently 
 objected; yet so passionate was public feeling 
 
144 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 that it was signed throughout the kingdom, and 
 Parliament was called to pass an Act which would 
 secure the same object. Mary Stuart, at any 
 rate, was not to benefit by the crimes either of 
 herself or her admirers. It was provided that if 
 the realm was invaded, or a rebellion instigated 
 by or for any one pretending a title to the crown 
 after the Queen's death, such pretender should be 
 disqualified for ever. In the event of the Queen's 
 assassination the government was to devolve on a 
 Committee of Peers and Privy Councillors, who 
 were to examine the particulars of the murder 
 and execute the perpetrators and their accomplices ; 
 while, with a significant allusion, all Jesuits and 
 seminary priests were required to leave the country 
 instantly, under pain of death. 
 
 The House of Commons was heaving with 
 emotion when the Act was sent up to the Peers. 
 To give expression to their burning feelings Sir 
 Christopher Hatton proposed that before they 
 separated they should join him in a prayer for the 
 Queen s preservation. The 400 members all rose, 
 and knelt on the floor of the House, repeating 
 Hatton's words after him, sentence by sentence. 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 145 
 
 Jesuits and seminary priests ! Attempts have 
 been made to justify the conspiracies against 
 Elizabeth from what is called the persecution of 
 the innocent enthusiasts who came from Rheims 
 to preach the Catholic faith to the English people. 
 Popular writers and speakers dwell on the exe- 
 cutions of Campian and his friends as worse 
 than the Smithfield burnings, and amidst general 
 admiration and approval these martyred saints 
 have been lately canonised. Their mission, it is 
 said, was purely religious. Was it so ? The chief 
 article in the religion which they came to teach 
 was the duty of obedience to the Pope, who had 
 excommunicated the Queen, had absolved her 
 subjects from their allegiance, and, by a relaxation 
 of the Bull, had permitted them to pretend to 
 loyalty ad illudi tempus, till a Catholic army of 
 deliverance should arrive. A Pope had sent a 
 legate to Ireland, and was at that moment stirring 
 up a bloody insurrection there. 
 
 But what these seminary priests were, and 
 what their object was, will best appear from an 
 account of the condition of England, drawn up 
 for the use of the Pope and Philip, by Father 
 
146 ENGLISH SEAMEN [leci\ 
 
 Parsons, who was himself at the head of the 
 mission. The date of it is 1585, almost simul- 
 taneous with the scene in Parliament which I 
 have just been describing. The English refugees, 
 from Cardinal Pole downwards, were the most 
 active and passionate preachers of a Catholic 
 crusade against England. They failed, but they 
 have revenged themselves in history. Pole, 
 Sanders, Allen, and Parsons have coloured all 
 that we suppose ourselves to know of Henry VIII. 
 and Elizabeth. What I am about to read to you 
 does not differ essentially from what we have 
 already heard from these persons ; but it is new, 
 and, being intended for practical guidance, is 
 complete in its way. It comes from the Spanish 
 archives, and is not therefore open to suspicion. 
 Parsons, as you know, was a Fellow of Balliol 
 before his conversion; Allen was a Fellow of Oriel, 
 and Sanders of New College. An Oxford Church 
 of England education is an excellent thing, and 
 beautiful characters have been formed in the 
 Catholic universities abroad ; but as the elements 
 of dynamite are innocent in themselves, yet when 
 fused together produce effects no one Would have 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 147 
 
 dreamt of, so Oxford and Rome, when they have 
 run together, have always generated a somewhat 
 furious compound. 
 
 Parsons describes his statement as a ' brief note 
 on the present condition of England,' from which 
 may be inferred the ease and opportuneness of 
 the holy enterprise. ' England/ he says, ' contains 
 fifty-two counties, of which forty are well inclined 
 to the Catholic faith. Heretics in these are few, 
 and are hated by all ranks. The remaining twelve 
 are infected more or less, but even in these the 
 Catholics are in the majority. Divide England 
 into three parts ; two-thirds at least are Catholic 
 at heart, though many conceal their convictions 
 in fear of the Queen. English Catholics are of 
 two sorts — one which makes an open profession 
 regardless of consequences, the other believing at 
 the bottom, but unwilling to risk life or fortune, 
 and so submitting outwardly to the heretic laws, 
 but as eager as the Catholic confessors for 
 redemption from slavery. 
 
 ' The Queen and her party,' he goes on, ' more 
 fear these secret Catholics than those who wear 
 their colours openly. The latter they can fine, 
 
148 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 disarm, and make ionocuous. The others, being 
 outwardly compliant, cannot be touched, nor can 
 any precaution be taken against their rising when 
 the day of divine vengeance shall arrive. 
 
 ' The counties specially Catholic are the most 
 warlike, and contain harbours and other con- 
 veniences for the landing of an invading army. 
 The north towards the Scotch border has been 
 trained in constant fighting. The Scotch nobles 
 on the other side are Catholic and will lend their 
 help. So will all Wales. 
 
 * The inhabitants of the midland and southern 
 provinces, where the taint is deepest, are indolent 
 and cowardly, and do not know what war means. 
 The towns are more corrupt than the country 
 districts. But the strength of England does not 
 lie, as on the Continent, in towns and cities. The 
 town population are merchants and craftsmen, 
 rarely or never nobles or magnates. 
 
 * The nobility, who have the real power, reside 
 with their retinues in castles scattered over the 
 land. The wealthy yeomen are strong and honest, 
 all attached to the ancient faith, and may be 
 counted on when an attempt is made for the 
 
5.] PARTIES W run STATE 149 
 
 restoration of it. The knights and gentry are 
 generally well affected also, and will be well to 
 the front. Many of their sons are being now 
 educated in our seminaries. Some are in exile, 
 but all, whether at home or abroad, will be active 
 on our side. 
 
 * Of the great peers, marquises, earls, viscounts, 
 and barons, part are with us, part against us. 
 But the latter sort are new creations, whom the 
 Queen has promoted either for heresy or as her 
 personal lovers, and therefore universally abhorred. 
 
 * The premier peer of the old stock is the Earl 
 of Arundel, son and heir of the late Duke of 
 Norfolk, whom she has imprisoned because he 
 tried to escape out of the realm. This earl is 
 entirely Catholic, as well as his brothers and 
 kinsmen; and they have powerful vassals who 
 are eager to revenge the injury of their lord. 
 The Earl of Northumberland and his brothers 
 are Catholics. They too have family wrongs to 
 repay their father having been this year murdered 
 in the Tower, and they have placed themselves at 
 my disposal. The Earl of Worcester and his heir 
 hate heresy, and are devoted to us with all their 
 
ISO ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 dependents. The Earls of Cumberland and 
 Southampton and Viscount Montague are faithful, 
 and have a large following. Besides these we 
 have many of the barons — Dacre, Morley, Vaux, 
 Windsor, Wharton, Lovelace, Stourton, and others 
 besides. The Earl of Westmoreland, with Lord 
 Paget and Sir Francis Englefield, who reside 
 abroad, have been incredibly earnest in promoting 
 our enterprise. With such support, it is im- 
 possible that we can fail These lords and 
 gentlemen, when they see efficient help coming 
 to them, will certainly rise, and for the following 
 reasons : — 
 
 * 1. Because some of the principals among them 
 have given me their promise. 
 
 *2. Because, on hearing that Pope Pius intended 
 to excommunicate and depose the Queen sixteen 
 years ago, many Catholics did rise. They only 
 failed because no support was sent them, and the 
 Pope's sentence had not at that time been actually 
 published. Now, when the Pope has spoken and 
 help is certain, there is not a doubt how they will 
 act. 
 
 ' 3. Because the Catholics are now much more 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 151 
 
 numerous, and have received daily instruction in 
 their religion from our priests. There is now no 
 orthodox Catholic in the whole realm who supposes 
 that he is any longer bound in conscience to obey 
 the Queen. Books for the occasion have been 
 written and published by us, in which we prove 
 that it is not only lawful for Catholics, but their 
 positive duty, to fight against the Queen and 
 heresy when the Pope bids them; and these 
 books are so greedily read among them that when 
 the time comes they are certain to take arms. 
 
 '4. The Catholics in these late years have 
 shown their real feeling in the martyrdoms of 
 priests and la3rmen, and in attempts made by 
 several of them against the person and State of 
 the Queen. Various Catholics have tried to kill 
 her at the risk of their own lives, and are still 
 trying. 
 
 * 5. We have three hundred priests dispersed 
 among the houses of the nobles and honest 
 gentry. Every day we add to their number; 
 and these priests will direct the consciences and 
 actions of the Catholics at the great crisis. 
 
 ' 6. They have been so harried and so worried 
 
152 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 that they hate the heretics worse than they hate 
 the Turks. 
 
 * Should any of them fear the introduction of 
 a Spanish army as dangerous to their national 
 liberties, there is an easy way to satisfy their 
 scruples. Let it be openly declared that the 
 enterprise is undertaken in the name of the Pope, 
 and there will be no more hesitation. We have 
 ourselves prepared a book for their instruction, to 
 be issued at the right moment. If his Holiness 
 desires to see it we will have it translated into 
 Latin for his use. 
 
 * Before the enterprise is undertaken the 
 sentence of excommunication and deposition ought 
 to be reissued, with special clauses. 
 
 * It must be published in all adjoining Catholic 
 countries ; all Catholic kings and princes must be 
 admonished to forbid every description of inter- 
 course with the pretended Queen and her heretic 
 subjects, and themselves especially to make or 
 observe no treaties with her, to send no embassies 
 to her and admit none ; to render no help to her 
 of any sort or kind. 
 
 ' Besides those who will be our friends for re- 
 
v^ 
 
 5.] PAI^TI^^S'^i^ilj^S STATE 133 
 
 ligion s sake we shall have others with us — neutrals 
 or heretics of milder sort, or atheists, with whom 
 England now abounds, who will join us in the 
 interest of the Queen of Scots. Among them are 
 the Marquis of Winchester, the Earls of Shrews- 
 bury, Derby, Oxford, Rutland, and several other 
 peers. The Queen of Scots herself ^vill be of 
 infinite assistance to us in securing these. She 
 knows who are her secret friends. She has been 
 able so far, and we trust will always be able, to 
 communicate with them. She will see that they 
 are ready at the right time. She has often written 
 to me to say that she hopes that she will be able 
 to escape when the time comes. In her last letter 
 she urges me to be vehement with his Holiness 
 in pushing on the enterprise, and bids him have no 
 concern for her own safety. She believes that she 
 can care for herself. If not, she says she will lose 
 her life willingly in a cause so sacred. 
 
 * The enemies that we shall have to deal with 
 are the more determined heretics whom we call 
 Puritans, and certain creatures of the Queen, the 
 Earls of Leicester and Huntingdon, and a few 
 others. They will have an advantage in the money 
 
154 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 in the Treasury, the public arms and stores, and 
 the army and navy, but none of them have ever 
 seen a camp. The leaders have been nuzzled in 
 love-making and Court pleasures, and they will all 
 fly at the first shock of war. They have not a man 
 who can command in the field. In the whole 
 realm there are but two fortresses which could 
 stand a three days* siege. The people are ener- 
 vated by long peace, and, except a few who have 
 served with the heretics in Flanders, cannot bear 
 their arms. Of those few some are dead and 
 some have deserted to the Prince of Parma, a 
 clear proof of the real disposition to revolt. There 
 is abundance of food and cattle in the country, all 
 of which will be at our service and cannot be 
 kept fi:om us. Everywhere there are safe and 
 roomy harbours, almost all undefended. An in- 
 vading force can be landed with ease, and there 
 will be no lack of local pilots. Fifteen thousand 
 trained soldiers will be sufficient, aided by the 
 Catholic English, though, of course, the larger 
 the force, particularly if it includes cavalry, the 
 quicker the work will be done and the less 
 the expense. Practically there will be nothing 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 155 
 
 to overcome save an unwarlike and undisciplined 
 mob. 
 
 ' Sixteen times England has been invaded. 
 Twice only the native race have repelled the 
 attacking force. They have been defeated on 
 every other occasion, and with a cause so holy and 
 just as ours we need not fear to fail. The ex- 
 penses shall be repaid to his Holiness and the 
 Catholic King out of the property of the heretics 
 and the Protestant clergy. There will be ample 
 in these resources to compensate all who give us 
 their hand. But the work must be done promptly. 
 Delay will be infinitely dangerous. If we put off, 
 as we have done hitherto, the Catholics will be 
 tired out and reduced in numbers and strength. 
 The nobles and priests now in exile, and able to 
 be of such service, will break down in poverty. 
 The Queen of Scots may be executed or die a 
 natural death, or something may happen to the 
 Catholic King or his Holiness. The Queen of 
 England may herself die, a heretic Government 
 may be reconstructed under a heretic successor, 
 the young Scotch king or some other, and our case 
 will then be desperate ; whereas if we can prevent 
 
156 ENGLISH SEAMEN [LECt. 
 
 this and save the Queen of Scots there will be 
 good hope of converting her son and reducing the 
 whole island to the obedience of the faith. Now 
 is the moment. The French Government cannot 
 interfere. The Duke of Guise will help us for the 
 sake of the faith and for his kinswoman. The 
 Turks are quiet. The Church was never stronger 
 or more united. Part of Italy is under the Catholic 
 King; the rest is in league with his Holiness. 
 The revolt in the Low Countries is all but crushed. 
 The sea provinces are on the point of surrender- 
 ing. If they give up the contest their harbours 
 will be at our service for the invasion. If not, 
 the way to conquer them is to conquer England. 
 
 *I need not urge how much it imports his 
 Holiness to undertake this glorious work. He, 
 supremely wise as he is, knows that from this 
 Jezebel and her supporters come all the perils 
 which disturb the Christian world. He knows 
 that heretical depravity and all other miseries 
 can only end when this woman is chastised. Re- 
 verence for his Holiness and love for my afflicted 
 country force me to speak. I submit to his most 
 holy judgment myself and my advice.' 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 157 
 
 The most ardent Catholic apologist will hardly 
 maintain, in the face of this document, that the 
 English Jesuits and seminary priests were the 
 innocent missionaries of religion which the modem 
 enemies of Elizabeth's Government describe them. 
 Father Parsons, the \vriter of it, was himself the 
 leader and director of the Jesuit invasion, and 
 cannot be supposed to have misrepresented the 
 purpose for which they had been sent over. The 
 point of special interest is the account which he 
 gives of the state of parties and general feeling in 
 the English people. Was there that wide disposi- 
 tion to welcome an invading army in so large a 
 majority of the nation ? The question is supposed 
 to have been triumphantly answered three years 
 later, when it is asserted that the difference of 
 creed was forgotten, and Catholics and Protestants 
 fought side by side for the liberties of England. 
 But, in the first place, the circumstances were 
 changed. The Queen of Scots no longer lived, 
 and the success of the Armada implied a foreign 
 sovereign. But, next, the experiment was not 
 tried. The battle was fought at sea, by a fleet \ 
 four-fifths of which was composed of Protestant 
 
158 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 adventurers, fitted out and manned by those zeal- 
 ous Puritans whose fidelity to the Queen Parsons 
 himself admitted. Lord Howard may have been 
 an Anglo- Catholic ; Roman Catholic he never 
 was ; but he and his brother were the only loyalists 
 in the House of Howard. Arundel and the rest 
 of his kindred were all that Parsons claimed for 
 them. How the country levies would have be- 
 haved had Parma landed is still uncertain. It is 
 likely that if the Spanish army had gained a first 
 success, there might have been some who would 
 have behaved as Sir William Stanley did. It is 
 observable that Parsons mentions Leicester and 
 Huntingdon as the only powerful peers on whom 
 the Queen could rely, and Leicester, otherwise the 
 unfittest man in her dominions, she chose to 
 command her land army. 
 
 The Duke of Alva and his master Philip, both 
 of them distrusted political priests. Political 
 priests, they said, did not understand the facts 
 of things. Theological enthusiasm made them 
 credulous of what they wished. But Father 
 Parsons's estimate is confirmed in all its parts by 
 the letters of Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador 
 
so PARTIES IN THE STATE 159 
 
 in London. Mendoza was himself a soldier, and 
 his first duty was to learn the real truth. It may 
 be taken as certain that, with the Queen of Scots 
 still alive to succeed to the throne, at the time of 
 the scene in the House of Commons, mth which 
 I began this lecture, the great majority of the 
 country party disliked the Reformers, and were 
 looking forward to the accession of a Cathohc 
 sovereign, and as a consequence to a religious 
 revolution. 
 
 It explains the difficulty of Elizabeth's posi- 
 tion and the inconsistency of her political action. 
 Burghley, Walsingham, Mildmay, Knolles, the 
 elder Bacon, were believing Protestants, and 
 would have had her put herself openly at the 
 head of a Protestant European league. They 
 believed that right and justice were on their side, 
 that their side was God's cause, as they called it, 
 and that God would care for it. Elizabeth had 
 no such complete conviction. She disliked dog- 
 matism, Protestant as well as Catholic. She 
 ridiculed Mr. Cecil and his brothers in Christ. 
 She thought, like Erasmus, that the articles of 
 faith, for which men were so eager to kill one 
 
i6o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 another, were subjects which they knew very 
 little about, and that every man might think 
 what he would on such matters without injury to 
 the commonwealth. To become ' head of the 
 name ' would involve open war with the Catholic 
 powers. War meant war taxes, which more than 
 half her subjects would resent or resist. Religion 
 as she understood it was a development of law — 
 the law of moral conduct. You could not have 
 two laws in one country, and you could not have 
 two religions ; but the outward form mattered 
 comparatively little. The people she ruled over 
 were divided about these forms. They were 
 mainly fools, and if she let them each have 
 chapels and churches of their own, molehills would 
 become mountains, and the congregations would 
 go from arguing into fighting. With Parliament 
 to help her, therefore, she established a Liturgy, 
 in which those who wished to find the Mass could 
 hear the Mass, while those who wanted predestin- 
 ation and justification by faith could find it in the 
 Articles. Both could meet under a common roof, 
 and use a common service, if they would only be 
 reasonable. If they would not be reasonable, the 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE i6i 
 
 Catholics might have their own ritual in their 
 own houses, and would not be interfered with. 
 
 This system continued for the first eleven 
 years of Elizabeth's reign. No Catholic, she 
 could proudly say, had ever during that time been 
 molested for his belief There was a small fine 
 for non-attendance at church, but even this was 
 rarely levied, and by the confession of the Jesuits 
 the Queen's policy was succeeding too well. 
 Sensible men began to see that the differences of 
 religion were not things to quarrel over. Faith 
 was growing languid. The elder generation, who 
 had lived through the Edward and Mary revolu- 
 tions, were satisfied to be left undisturbed; a new 
 generation was growing up, with new ideas ; and 
 so the Church of Rome bestirred itself Elizabeth 
 was excommunicated. The cycle began of intrigue 
 and conspiracy, assassination plots, and Jesuit 
 invasions. Punishments had to follow, and in 
 spite of herself Elizabeth was driven into what 
 the Catholics could call religious persecution. Re- 
 ligious it was not, for the seminary priests were 
 missionaries of treason. But religious it was 
 made to appear. The English gentleman who 
 
i62 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 wished to remain loyal, without forfeiting his 
 faith, was taught to see that a sovereign under 
 the Papal curse had no longer a claim on his 
 allegiance. If he disobeyed the Pope, he had 
 ceased to be a member of the Church of Christ. 
 The Papal party grew in coherence, while, opposed 
 to them as their purpose came in view, the 
 Protestants, who at first had been inclined to 
 Lutheranism, adopted the deeper and sterner 
 creed of Calvin and Geneva. The memories of 
 the Marian cruelties revived again. They saw 
 themselves threatened with a return to stake and 
 fagot. They closed their ranks and resolved to 
 die rather than submit again to Antichrist. They 
 might be inferior in numbers. A plebiscite in 
 England at that moment would have sent Burgh- 
 ley and Walsingham to the scaffold. But the 
 Lord could save by few as well as by many. Judah 
 had but two tribes out of the twelve, but the 
 words of the men of Judah were fiercer than the 
 words of Israel 
 
 One great mistake had been made by Parsons. 
 He could not estimate what he could not under- 
 stand. He admitted that the inhabitants of the 
 
5-] PARTIES IN THE STATE 163 
 
 towns were mainly heretic — London, Bristol, 
 Plymouth, and the rest — but he despised them as 
 merchants, craftsmen, mean persons who had no 
 heart to fight in them. Nothing is more remark- 
 able in the history of the sixteenth century than 
 the effect of Calvinism in levelling distinctions of 
 rank and in steeling and ennobling the character 
 of common men. In Scotland, in the Low 
 Countries, in France, there was the same pheno- 
 menon. Li Scotland, the Kirk was the creation 
 of the preachers and the people, and peasants and 
 workmen dared to stand in the field against belted 
 knights and barons, who had trampled on their 
 fathers for centuries. The artisans of the Low 
 Countries had for twenty years defied the whole 
 power of Spain. The Huguenots were not a fifth 
 part of the French nation, yet defeat could never 
 dishearten them. Again and again they forced 
 Crown and nobles to make terms with them. 
 It was the same in England. The allegiance 
 to their feudal leaders dissolved into a higher 
 obligation to the King of kings, whose elect they 
 believed themselves to be. Election to them was 
 not a theological phantasm, but an enlistment in 
 
i64 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 the army of God. A little flock they might be, 
 but they were a dangerous people to deal with, 
 most of all in the towns on the sea. The sea was 
 the element of the Reformers. The Popes had 
 no jurisdiction over the winds and waves. 'Rochelle 
 was the citadel of the Huguenots. The English 
 merchants and mariners had wrongs of their own, 
 perpetually renewed, which fed the bitterness of 
 their indignation. Touch where they would .-a 
 Spanish ports, the inquisitor's hand was on their 
 ships' crews, and the crews, unless they denied 
 their faith, were handed over to the stake or the 
 galleys. The Calvinists are accused of intolerance. 
 I fancy that even in these humane and enlightened 
 days we should not be very tolerant if the King 
 of Dahomey were to bum every European visitor 
 to his dominions who would not worship Mumbo 
 Jumbo. The Duke of Alva was not very merciful 
 to heretics, but he tried to bridle the zeal of the 
 Holy Office in burning the English seamen. 
 Even Philip himself remonstrated. It was to no 
 purpose. The Holy Office said they would tliink 
 about it, but concluded to go on. I am not 
 the least surprised if the English seamen were 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 165 
 
 intolerant. I should be very much surprised if 
 they had not been. The Queen could not protect 
 them. They had to protect themselves as they 
 could, and make Spanish vessels, when they could 
 catch them, pay for the iniquities of their rulers. 
 
 With such a temper rising on both sides, 
 Elizabeth's policy had but a poor chance. She 
 still hoped that the better sense of mankind 
 would keep the doctrinal enthusiasts in order. 
 Elizabeth wished her subjects would be content 
 to live together in unity of spirit, if not in unity 
 of theory, in the bond of peace, not hatred, in 
 righteousness of life, not in orthodoxy preached 
 by stake and gibbet. She was content to wait 
 and to persevere. She refused to declare war. 
 War would tear the world in pieces. She knew 
 her danger. She knew that she was in constant 
 peril of assassination. She knew that if the 
 Protestants were crushed in Scotland, in France, 
 and in the Low Countries, her own turn would 
 follow. To protect insurgents avowedly would be 
 to justify insurrection against herself But what 
 she would not do openly she would do secretly. 
 What she would not do herself she let her subjects 
 
i66 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 do. Thousands of English volunteers fought in 
 Flanders for the States, and in France for the 
 Huguenots. When the English Treasury was 
 shut to the entreaties of Coligny or William of 
 Orange the London citizens untied their purse- 
 strings. Her friends in Scotland fared ill. They 
 were encouraged by promises which were not 
 observed, because to observe them might bring 
 on war. They committed themselves for her 
 sake. They fell one after another — Murray, 
 Morton, Gowrie — into bloody graves. Others 
 took their places and struggled on. The Scotch 
 Reformation was saved. Scotland was not allowed 
 to open its arms to an invading army to strike 
 England across the Border. But this was held 
 to be their sufficient recompense. They cared for 
 their cause as well as for the English Queen, and 
 they had their reward. If they saved her they 
 saved their own country. She too did not lie on 
 a bed of roses. To prevent open war she was 
 exposing her own life to the assassin. At any 
 moment a pistol-shot or a stab with a dagger 
 might add Elizabeth to the list of victims. She 
 knew it, yet she went on upon her own policy. 
 
50 PARTIES IN THE STATE 167 
 
 and faced in her person her own share of the risk. 
 One thing only she did. If she would not defend 
 her friends and her subjects as Queen of England, 
 she left them fr-ee to defend themselves. She 
 allowed traitors to be hanged when they were 
 caught at their work. She allowed the merchants 
 to fit out their privateer fleets, to defend at their 
 own cost the shores of England, and to teach the 
 Spaniards to fear their vengeance. 
 
 But how long was all this to last ? How long 
 were loyal citizens to feel that they were living 
 over a loaded mine ? — throughout their own 
 country, throughout the Continent, at Rome and 
 at Madrid, at Brussels and at Paris, a legion of 
 conspirators were driving their shafts under the 
 English commonwealth. The Queen might be 
 indifferent to her own danger, but on the Queen's 
 life hung the peace of the whole realm. A stroke 
 of a poniard, a touch of a trigger, and swords 
 would be flying from their scabbards in every 
 county ; England would become, like France, one 
 wild scene of anarchy and civil war. No suc- 
 cessor had been named. The Queen refused to 
 hear a successor declared. Mary Stuart's hand 
 
i68 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 had been in every plot since she crossed the 
 Border. Twice the House of Commons had 
 petitioned for her execution. Elizabeth would 
 neither touch her life nor allow her hopes of the 
 crown to be taken from her. The Bond of Asso- 
 ciation was but a remedy of despair, and the Act 
 of Parliament would have passed for little in the 
 tempest which would immediately rise. The 
 agony reached a height when the fatal news came 
 from the Netherlands that there at last assassin- 
 ation had done its work. The Prince of Orange, 
 after many failures, had been finished, and a libel 
 was found in the Palace at Westminster exhorting 
 the ladies of the household to provide a Judith 
 among themselves to rid the world of the English 
 Holofemes. 
 
 One part of Elizabeth's subjects, at any rate, 
 were not disposed to sit down in patience under 
 the eternal nightmare. From Spain was to come 
 the army of deliverance for which the Jesuits 
 were so passionately longing. To the Spaniards 
 the Pope was looking for the execution of the 
 Bull of Deposition. Father Parsons had left out 
 of his estimate the Protestant adventurers of 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 169 
 
 London and Plymouth, who, besides their creed 
 and their patriotism, had their private wrongs to 
 revenge. Philip might talk of peace, and perhaps 
 in weariness might at times seriously wish for it ; 
 but between the Englishmen whose life was on 
 the ocean and the Spanish Inquisition, which 
 had burned so many of them, there was no peace 
 possible. To them, Spain was the natural enemy. 
 Among the daring spirits who had sailed with 
 Drake round the globe, who had waylaid the 
 Spanish gold ships, and startled the world with 
 their exploits, the joy of whose lives had been to 
 fight Spaniards wherever they could meet with 
 them, there was but one wish — for an honest 
 open war. The great galleons were to them no 
 objects of terror. The Spanish naval power 
 seemed to them a * Colossus stuffed with clouts.' 
 They were Protestants all of them, but their 
 theology was rather practical than speculative. 
 If Italians and Spaniards chose to believe in 
 the Mass, it was not any affair of theirs. Their 
 quarrel was with the insolent pretence of Catho- 
 lics to force their creed on others with sword and 
 cannon. The spirit which was working in them 
 
I70 ENX^LISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 was the genius of freedom. On their own element 
 they felt that they could be the spiritual tyrants* 
 masters. But as things were going, rebellion was 
 likely to break out at home; their homesteads 
 might be burning, their country overrun with the 
 Prince of Parma's army, the Inquisition at their 
 own doors, and a Catholic sovereign bringing 
 back the fagots of Smithfield. 
 
 The Reformation at its origin was no intro- 
 duction of novel heresies. It was a revolt of the 
 laity of Europe against the profligacy and avarice 
 of the clergy. The popes and cardinals pretended 
 to be the representatives of Heaven. When 
 called to account for abuse of their powers, they 
 had behaved precisely as mere corrupt human 
 kings and aristocracies behave. They had in- 
 trigued ; they had excommunicated ; they had 
 set nation against nation, sovereigns against their 
 subjects ; they had encouraged assassination ; they 
 had made themselves infamous by horrid mas- 
 sacres, and had taught one half of foolish Christen- 
 dom to hate the other. The hearts of the poor 
 English seamen whose comrades had been burnt 
 at Seville to make a Spanish holiday, thrilled 
 
50 PARTIES IN THE STATE 171 
 
 with a sacred determination to end such scenes. 
 The purpose that was in them broke into a wild 
 war-music, as the wind harp swells and screams 
 under the breath of the storm. I found in the 
 Record Office an unsigned letter of some inspired 
 old sea-dog, written in a bold round hand and ad- 
 dressed to Elizabeth. The ships' companies which 
 in summer served in Philip's men-of-war went in 
 winter in thousands to catch cod on the Banks of 
 Newfoundland. ' Give me five vessels,' the writer 
 said, ' and I will go out and sink them all, and the 
 galleons shall rot in Cadiz Harbour for want of 
 hands to sail them. But decide, Madam, and decide 
 quickly. Time flies, and will not return. The wings 
 of man's life are phcmed with the feathers of death.' 
 The Queen did not decide. The five ships 
 were not sent, and the poor Castilian sailors 
 caught their cod in peace. But in spite of 
 herself Elizabeth was driven forward by the 
 tendencies of things. The death of the Prince of 
 Orange left the States without a Government. 
 The Prince of Parma was pressing them hard. 
 Without a leader they were lost. They offered 
 themselves to Elizabeth, to be incorporated in the 
 
172 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 English Empire. They said that if she refused they 
 must either submit to Spain or become provinces 
 of France. The Netherlands, whether Spanish 
 or French, would be equally dangerous to Eng- 
 land. The Netherlands once brought back under 
 the Pope, England's turn would come next ; while 
 to accept the proposal meant instant and des- 
 perate war, both with France and Spain too — for 
 France would never allow England again to gain 
 a foot on the Continent. Elizabeth knew not what 
 to do. She would and she would not. She did 
 not accept ; she did not refuse. It was neither No 
 nor Yes, Philip, who was as fond of indirect ways 
 as herself, proposed to quicken her irresolution. 
 
 The harvest had failed in Galicia, and the 
 population were starving. England grew more 
 com than she wanted, and, under a special 
 promise that the crews should not be molested, a 
 fleet of corn-traders had gone with cargoes of 
 grain to Coruiia, Bilbao, and Santander. The 
 King of Spain, on hearing that Elizabeth was 
 treating with the States, issued a sudden order 
 to seize the vessels, confiscate the cargoes, and 
 imprison the men. The order was executed. 
 
50 PARTIES IN THE STATE 173 
 
 One English ship only was lucky enough to 
 escape by the adroitness of her commander. The 
 Primrose, of London, lay in Bilbao Roads with a 
 captain and fifteen hands. The mayor, on re- 
 ceiving the order, came on board to look over the 
 ship. He then went on shore for a sufficient 
 force to carry out the seizure. After he was gone 
 the captain heard of the fate which was intended 
 for him. The mayor returned with two boatloads 
 of soldiers, stepped up the ladder, touched the 
 captain on the shoulder, and told him he was 
 a prisoner. The Englishmen snatched pike and 
 cutlass, pistol and battleaxe, killed seven or eight 
 of the Spanish boarders, threw the rest overboard, 
 and flung stones on them as they scrambled into 
 their boats. The mayor, who had fallen into the 
 sea, caught a rope and was hauled up when the 
 fight was over. The cable was cut, the sails 
 hoisted, and in a few minutes the Primrose was 
 under way for England, with the mayor of Bilbao 
 below the hatches. No second vessel got away. 
 If PhiHp had meant to frighten Elizabeth he 
 could not have taken a worse means of doing it, 
 for he had exasperated that particular part of the 
 
174 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 English population which was least afraid of him. 
 He had broken faith besides, and had seized some 
 hundreds of merchants and sailors who had gone 
 merely to relieve Spanish distress. Elizabeth, as 
 usual, would not act herself She sent no ships 
 from her own navy to demand reparation; but 
 she gave the adventurers a free hand. The 
 London and Plymouth citizens determined to 
 read Spain a lesson which should make an im- 
 pression. They had the worst fears for the fate 
 of the prisoners ; but if they could not save, they 
 could avenge them. Sir Francis Drake, who 
 wished for nothing better than to be at work 
 again, volunteered his services, and a fieet was 
 collected at Plymouth of twenty-five sail, every 
 one of them fitted out by private enterprise. No 
 finer armament, certainly no better-equipped 
 armament, ever left the English shores. The 
 expenses were, of course, enormous. Of seamen 
 and soldiers there were between two and three 
 thousand. Drake's name was worth an army. 
 The cost was to be recovered out of the ex- 
 pedition somehow; the Spaniards were to be 
 made to pay for it; but how or when was 
 
5.] PARTIES IN THE STATE 175 
 
 left to Drake's judgment. This time there 
 was no second in command sent by the 
 friends of Spain to hang upon his arm. By 
 universal consent he had the absolute command. 
 His instructions were merely to inquire at 
 Spanish ports into the meaning of the arrest. 
 Beyond that he was left to go where he pleased 
 and do what he pleased on his own responsibility. 
 The Queen said frankly that if it proved con- 
 venient she intended to disown him. Drake had 
 no objection to being diso^\Tied, so he could teach 
 the Spaniards to be more careful how they 
 handled Englishmen. What came of it will be 
 the subject of the next lecture. Father Parsons 
 said the Protestant traders of England had gro^vn 
 effeminate and dared not fight. In the ashes of 
 their own smoking cities the Spaniards had to 
 learn that Father Parsons had misread his 
 countrymen. If Drake had been given to heroics 
 he might have left Virgil's lines inscribed above 
 the broken arms of Castile at St. Domingo : 
 
 En ego victa situ quam veri effeta senectus 
 Anna inter regum falsa formidine ludit : 
 Respice ad hsec. 
 
LECTURE VI 
 
 THE GREAT EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 
 
 rvUEEN ELIZABETH and her brother-in-law 
 of Spain were reluctant champions of oppos- 
 ing principles. In themselves they had no wish 
 to quarrel, but each was driven forward by fate 
 and circumstance — Philip by the genius of the 
 Catholic religion, Elizabeth by the enthusiasts 
 for freedom and by the advice of statesmen who 
 saw no safety for her except in daring. Both 
 wished for peace, and refused to see that peace 
 was impossible; but both were compelled to 
 jdeld to their subjects' eagerness. Philip had to 
 threaten England with invasion ; Elizabeth had 
 to show Philip that England had a long arm, 
 which Spanish wisdom would do well to fear. It 
 was a singular position. Philip had outraged 
 orthodoxy and dared the anger of Rome by 
 
LKCT. 6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 177 
 maintaining an ambassador at Elizabeth's Court 
 after her excommunication. He had laboured for 
 a reconciliation with a sincerity which his secret 
 letters make it impossible to doubt. He had 
 condescended even to sue for it, in spite of Drake 
 and the voyage of the Pelicmi ; yet he had 
 helped the Pope to set Ireland in a flame. He 
 had encouraged Elizabeth's Catholic subjects in 
 conspiracy after conspiracy. He had approved of 
 attempts to dispose of her as he had disposed of 
 the Prince of Orange. Elizabeth had retaliated, 
 though with half a heart, by letting her soldiers 
 volunteer into the service of the revolted Nether- 
 lands, by permitting English privateers to plunder 
 the Spanish colonies, seize the gold ships, and 
 revenge their own wrongs. Each, perhaps, had 
 wished to show the other what an open war would 
 cost them both, and each drew back when war 
 appeared inevitable. 
 
 Events went their way. Holland and Zeeland, 
 driven to extremity, had petitioned for incorpora- 
 tion with England ; as a counter-stroke and a 
 warning, Philip had arrested the English com 
 ships and imprisoned the owners and the crews. 
 
178 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Her own fleet was nothing. The safety of the 
 English shores depended on the spirit of the 
 adventurers, and she could not afford to check 
 the anger with which the news was received. To 
 accept the offer of the States was war, and war 
 she would not have. Herself, she would not act 
 at all ; but in her usual way she might let her 
 subjects act for themselves, and plead, as Philip 
 pleaded in excuse for the Inquisition, that she 
 could not restrain them. And thus it was that 
 in September 1585, Sir Francis Drake found 
 himself with a fleet of twenty-five privateers and 
 2,500 men who had volunteered to serve with 
 him under his own command. He had no distinct 
 commission. The expedition had been fitted out 
 as a private undertaking. Neither officers nor 
 crews had been engaged for the service of the 
 Crown. They received no wages. In the eye of 
 the law they were pirates. They were going on 
 their own account to read the King of Spain a 
 necessary lesson and pay their expenses at the 
 King of Spain's cost. Young Protestant England 
 had taken fire. The name of Drake set every 
 Protestant heart burning, and hundreds of gallant 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 179 
 
 gentlemen had pressed in to join. A grandson 
 of Burghley had come, and Edward Winter the 
 Admiral's son, and Francis Ejiolles the Queen's 
 cousin, and Martin Frobisher, and Christopher 
 Carlile. Philip Sidney had wished to make one 
 also in the glory ; but Philip Sidney was needed 
 elsewhere. The Queen s consent had been won 
 from her at a bold interval in her shifting moods. 
 The hot fit might pass away, and Burghley sent 
 Drake a hint to be off before her humour changed. 
 No word was said. On the morning of the 14th 
 of September the signal flag was flying from 
 Drake's maintop to up anchor and away. Drake, 
 as he admitted after, ' was not the most assured 
 of her Majesty's perseverance to let them go 
 forward.' Past Ushant he would be beyond reach 
 of recall. With light winds and calms they 
 drifted across the Bay. They fell in with a few 
 Frenchmen homeward-bound from the Banks, and 
 let them pass uninjured. A large Spanish ship 
 which they met next day, loaded with excellent 
 fresh salt fi^h, was counted lawftil prize. The fish 
 waa new and good, and was distributed through 
 the fleet. Standing leisurely on, they cleared 
 
i8o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Finisterre and came up with the Isles of Bayona, 
 at the mouth of Vigo Harbour. They dropped 
 anchor there, and ' it was a great matter and a 
 royal sight to see them/ The Spanish Governor, 
 Don Pedro Bemadero, sent off with some as- 
 tonishment to know who and what they were. 
 Drake answered with a question whether England 
 and Spain were at war, and if not why the 
 English merchants had been arrested. Don Pedro 
 could but say that he knew of no war, and for 
 the merchants an order had come for their release. 
 For reply Drake landed part of his force on the 
 islands, and Don Pedro, not knowing what to 
 make of such visitors, found it best to propitiate 
 them with cartloads of wine and fruit. The 
 weather, which had been hitherto fine, showed 
 signs of change. The wind rose, and the sea 
 with it. The anchorage was exposed, and Drake 
 sent Christopher Carlile, with one of his ships 
 and a few pinnaces, up the harbour to look out 
 for better shelter. Their appearance created a 
 panic in the town. The alarmed inhabitants 
 took to their boats, carrying off their property 
 and their Church plate. Carlile, who had a 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES i8i 
 Calvinistic objection to idolatry, took the liberty 
 of detaining part of these treasures. From one 
 boat he took a massive silver cross belonging to 
 the High Church at Vigo ; from another an image 
 of Our Lady, which the sailors relieved of her 
 clothes and were said, when she was stripped, 
 to have treated with some indignity. Carlile's 
 report being satisfactory, the whole fleet was 
 brought the next day up the harbour and moored 
 above the town. The news had by this time 
 spread into the country. The Governor of Galicia 
 came down with all the force which he could 
 collect in a hurry. Perhaps he was in time to 
 save Vigo itself Perhaps Drake, having other 
 aims in view, did not care to be detained over a 
 smaller object. The Governor, at any rate, saw 
 that the English were too strong for him to 
 meddle with. The best that he could look for 
 was to persuade them to go away on the easiest 
 terms. Drake and he met in boats for a parley. 
 Drake wanted water and fresh provisions. Drake 
 was to be allowed to furnish himself undisturbed. 
 He had secured what he most wanted. He had 
 shown the King of Spain that he was not in- 
 
i82 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 vulnerable in his own home dominion, and he 
 sailed away unmolested. Madrid was in con- 
 sternation. That the English could dare insult 
 the first prince in Europe on the sacred soil of 
 the Peninsula itself seemed like a dream. The 
 Council of State sat for three days considering 
 the meaning of it. Drake's name was already 
 familiar in Spanish ears. It was not conceivable 
 that he had come only to inquire after the 
 arrested ships and seamen. But what could the 
 English Queen be about ? Did she not know 
 that she existed only by the forbearance of 
 Philip ? Did she know the King of Spain's 
 force ? Did not she and her people quake ? 
 Little England, it was said by some of these 
 councillors, was to be swallowed at a mouthfiil 
 by the King of half the world. The old Admiral 
 Santa Cruz was less confident about the swallow- 
 ing. He observed that England had many teeth, 
 and that instead of boasting of Spanish greatness 
 it would be better to provide against what she 
 might do with them. Till now the corsairs had 
 appeared only in twos and threes. With such 
 a fleet behind him Drake might go where he 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 183 
 
 pleased. He might be going to the South Seas 
 again. He might take Madeira if he liked, or 
 the Canary Islands. Santa Cruz himself thought 
 he would make for the West Indies and Panama, 
 and advised the sending out there instantly every 
 available ship that they had. 
 
 The gold fleet was Drake's real object. He 
 had information that it would be on its way to 
 Spain by the Cape de Verde Islands, and he had 
 learnt the time when it was to be expected. From 
 Vigo he sailed for the Canaries, looked in at 
 Palma, with * intention to have taken our pleasure 
 there,' but found the landing dangerous and the 
 town itself not worth the risk. He ran on to the 
 Cape de Verde Islands. He had measured his 
 time too narrowly. The gold fleet had arrived 
 and had gone. He had missed it by twelve hours, 
 * the reason,' as he said with a sigh, ' best known 
 to God.* The chance of prize-money was lost, 
 but the political purpose of the expedition could 
 still be completed. The Cape de Verde Islands 
 could not sail away, and a beginning could be 
 made with Sant lago. Sant lago was a thriving, 
 well-populated town, and down in Drake's book 
 
i84 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 as specially needing notice, some Plymouth sailors 
 haing been recently murdered there. Christopher 
 Carlile, always handy and trustworthy, was put 
 on shore with a thousand men to attack the place 
 on the undefended side. The Spanish commander, 
 the bishop, and most of the people fled, as at 
 Vigo, into the mountains with their plate and 
 money. Carlile entered without opposition, and 
 flew St. George's Cross from the castle as a signal 
 to the fleet. Drake came in, landed the rest of 
 his force, and took possession. It happened to be 
 the 17th of November — the anniversary of the 
 Queen's accession — and ships and batteries, dressed 
 out with English flags, celebrated the occasion 
 with salvoes of cannon. Houses and magazines 
 were then searched and plundered. Wine was 
 found in large quantities, rich merchandise for 
 the Indian trade, and other valuables. Of gold 
 and silver nothing — it had all been removed. 
 Drake waited for a fortnight, hoping that the 
 Spaniards would treat for the ransom of the city. 
 When they made no sign, he marched twelve 
 miles inland to a village where the Governor and 
 the bishop were said to have taken refuge. But 
 
5.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 185 
 
 the village was found deserted. The Spaniards 
 had gone to the mountains, where it was useless 
 to follow them, and were too proud to bargain 
 with a pirate chief Sant lago was a beautifully 
 built city, and Drake would perhaps have spared 
 it ; but a ship-boy who had strayed was found 
 murdered and barbarously mutilated. The order 
 .was given to bum. Houses, magazines, churches, 
 public buildings were turned to ashes, and the 
 work being finished Drake went on, as Santa 
 Cruz expected, for the Spanish West Indies. The 
 Spaniards were magnificent in all that they did 
 and touched. They built their cities in their new 
 possessions on the most splendid models of the 
 Old World. St. Domingo and Carthagena had 
 their castles and cathedrals, palaces, squares, and 
 streets, grand and solid as those at Cadiz and 
 Seville, and raised as enduring monuments of the 
 power and greatness of the Castilian monarchs. 
 To these Drake meant to pay a visit. Beyond them 
 was the Isthmus, where he had made his first 
 fame and fortune, with Panama behind, the depot 
 of the Indian treasure. So far all had gone well 
 with him. He had taken what he wanted out of 
 
186 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Vigo; he had destroyed Sant lago and had not 
 lost a man. Unfortunately he had now a worse 
 enemy to deal with than Spanish galleons or 
 Spanish garrisons. He was in the heat of the 
 tropics. Yellow fever broke out and spread 
 through the fleet. Of those who caught the 
 infection few recovered, or recovered only to be 
 the wrecks of themselves. It was swiffc in its 
 work. In a few days more than two hundred had 
 died. But the north-east trade blew merrily. 
 The fleet sped on before it. In eighteen days 
 they were in the roads at Dominica, the island of 
 brooks and rivers and fimit. Limes and lemons 
 and oranges were not as yet. But there were 
 leaves and roots of the natural growth, known to 
 the Caribs as antidotes to the fever, and the 
 Caribs, when they learnt that the English were 
 the Spaniards' enemies, brought them this precious 
 remedy and taught them the use of it. The ships 
 were washed and ventilated, and the water casks 
 refilled. The infection seemed to have gone as 
 suddenly as it appeared, and again all was well 
 
 Christmas was kept at St. Kitts, which was 
 then uninhabited. A. council of war was held to 
 
6.} EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 187 
 
 consider what should be done next. St. Domingo 
 lay nearest to them. It was the finest of all the 
 Spanish colonial cities. It was the capital of the 
 West Indian Government, the great centre of 
 West Indian commerce. In the cathedral, before 
 the high altar, lay Columbus and his brother 
 Diego. In natural wealth no island in the world 
 outrivals Espinola, where the city stood. A vast 
 population had collected there, far away from 
 harm, protected, as they supposed, by the majesty 
 of the mother country, the native inhabitants 
 almost exterminated, themselves undreaming that 
 any enemy could approach them from the ocean, 
 and therefore negligent of defence and enjoying 
 themselves in easy security. 
 
 Drake was to give them a new experience and 
 a lesson for the future. On their way across from 
 St. Kitts the adventurers overhauled a small 
 vessel bound to the same port as they were. From 
 the crew of this vessel they learnt that the 
 harbour at St. Domingo was formed, like so many 
 others in the West Indies, by a long sandspit, 
 acting as a natural breakwater. The entrance 
 was a narrow inlet at the extremity of the spit, 
 
i88 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 and batteries had been mounted there to cover it. 
 To land on the outer side of the sandbank was 
 made impossible by the surf. There was one 
 sheltered point only where boats could go on 
 shore, but this was ten miles distant from the 
 town. 
 
 Ten miles was but a morning's march. Drake 
 went in himself in a pinnace, surveyed the 
 landing-place, and satisfied himself of its safety. 
 The plan of attack at Sant lago was to be exactly 
 repeated. On New Year's Eve Christopher Carlile 
 was again landed with half the force in the fleet. 
 Drake remained with the rest, and prepared to 
 force the entrance of the harbour if Carlile suc- 
 ceeded. Their coming had been seen from the 
 city. The alarm had been given, and the women 
 and children, the money in the treasury, the con- 
 secrated plate, movable property of all kinds, were 
 sent ofif inland as a precaution. Of regular troops 
 there seem to have been none, but in so populous 
 a city there was no difficulty in collecting a re- 
 spectable force to defend it. The hidalgos formed a 
 body of cavalry. The people generally were unused 
 to arms, but they were Spaniards and brave men, 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 189 
 
 and did not mean to leave their homes without a 
 fight for it. Carlile lay still for the night. He 
 marched at eight in the morning on New Year's 
 Day, advanced leisurely, and at noon found him- 
 self in front of the wall. So far he had met no 
 resistance, but a considerable body of hoi*se — 
 gentlemen and their servants chiefly — charged 
 down on him out of the bush and out of the town. 
 He formed into a square to receive them. They 
 came on gallantly, but were received with pike 
 and shot, and after a few attempts gave up and 
 retired. Two gates were" in front of Carlile, with 
 a road to each leading through a jungle. At each 
 gate were cannon, and the jungle was lined with 
 musketeers. He divided his men and attacked 
 both together. One party he led in person. The 
 cannon opened on him, and an Englishman next 
 to him was killed. He dashed on, leaving the 
 Spaniards no time to reload, carried the gate at 
 a rush, and cut his way through the streets to 
 the great square. The second division had been 
 equally successful, and St. Domingo was theirs 
 except the castle, which was still untaken. Carlile's 
 numbers were too small to occupy a large city. 
 
190 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 He threw up barricades and fortified himself in 
 the square for the night. Drake brought the 
 fleet in at daybreak, and landed guns, when the 
 castle surrendered. A messenger — a negro boy — 
 was sent to the Governor to learn the terms which 
 he was prepared to offer to save the city from 
 pillage. The Spanish officers were smarting with 
 the disgrace. One of them struck the lad through 
 the body with a lance. He ran back bleeding to 
 the English lines and died at Drake's feet. Sir 
 Francis was a dangerous man to provoke. Such 
 doings had to be promptly stopped. In the part 
 of the town which he occupied was a monastery 
 with a number of friars in it. The religious orders, 
 he well knew, were the chief instigators of the 
 policy which was maddening the world. He sent 
 two of these friars with the provost-marshal to 
 the spot where the boy had been struck, promptly 
 hanged them, and then despatched another to 
 tell the Governor that he would hang two more 
 every day at the same place till the officer was 
 punished. The Spaniards had long learnt to caL 
 Drake the Draque, the serpent, the devil. Thej 
 feared that tHe devil might be a man of his word. 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 191 
 
 The offender was surrendered. It was not enough. 
 Drake insisted that they should do justice on him 
 themselves. The Governor found it prudent to 
 comply, and the too hasty officer was executed. 
 
 The next point was the ransom of the city. 
 The Spaniards still hesitating, 200 men were 
 told off each morning to burn, while the rest 
 searched the private houses, and palaces, and 
 magazines. Government House was the grandest 
 building in the New World. It was approached 
 by broad flights of marble stairs. Great doors 
 opened on a spacious gallery leading into a great 
 hall, and above the portico hung the arms of 
 Spain — a globe representing the world, a horse 
 leaping upon it, and in the horse's mouth a scroll 
 with the haughty motto, *Non sufficit orbis.' 
 Palace and scutcheon were levelled into dust by 
 axe and gunpowder, and each day for a month 
 the destruction went on, Drake's demands steadily 
 growing and the unhappy Governor vainly pleading 
 impossibility. 
 
 Vandalism, atrocity unheard of among civilised 
 nations, dishonour to the Protestant cause, Drake 
 deserving to swing at his own yardarm ; so indig- 
 
192 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 nant Liberalism shrieked, and has not ceased 
 shrieking. Let it be remembered that for fifteen 
 years the Spaniards had been burning English 
 seamen whenever they could catch them, plotting 
 to kill the Queen and reduce England itself into 
 vassaldom to the Pope. The English nation, the 
 loyal part of it, were replying to the wild pre- 
 tension by the hands of their own admiral. If 
 Philip chose to countenance assassins, if the Holy 
 Office chose to burn English sailors as heretics, 
 those heretics had a right to make Spain under- 
 stand that such a game was dangerous, that, as 
 Santa Cruz had said, they had teeth and could 
 use them. 
 
 It was found in the end that the Governor's 
 plea of impossibility was more real than was at 
 first believed. The gold and silver had been 
 really carried off. All else that was valuable 
 had been burnt or taken by the English. The 
 destruction of a city so solidly built was tedious 
 and difficult. Nearly half of it was blown up. 
 The cathedral was spared, perhaps as the resting- 
 place of Columbus. Drake had other work before 
 him. After staying a month in undisturbed 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 193 
 
 occupation he agreed to accept 25,000 ducats as 
 a ransom for what was left and sailed away. 
 
 It was now February. The hot season was 
 coming on, when the climate would be dangerous. 
 There was still much to do and the time wa^ 
 running short. Panama had to be left for another 
 opportunity. Drake's object was to deal blows 
 which would shake the faith of Europe in the 
 Spanish power. Carthagena stood next to St. 
 Domingo among the Spanish West Indian for- 
 tresses. The situation was strong. In 1740 
 Carthagena was able to beat off Vernon and a 
 great English fleet. But Drake's crews were in 
 high health and spirits, and he determined to see 
 what he could do with it. Surprise was no longer 
 to be hoped for. The alarm had spread over the 
 Caribbean Sea. But in their present humour 
 they were ready to go anjrwhere and dare anything, 
 and to Carthagena they went. 
 
 Drake's name carried terror before it. Every 
 non-combatant — old men, women and children — 
 had been cleared out before he arrived, but the 
 rest prepared for a smart defence. The harbour 
 at Carthagena was formed, as at St. Domingo 
 
194 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 and Port Royal, by a sandspit. The spit was 
 long, narrow, in places not fifty yards wide, and 
 covered with prickly bush, and along this, as 
 before, it was necessary to advance to reach the 
 city. A trench had been cut across at the neck, 
 and a stiff barricade built and armed with heavy 
 guns; behind this were several hundred mus- 
 keteers, while the bush was full of Indians with 
 poisoned arrows. Pointed stakesv— poisoned also 
 — had been driven into the ground along the 
 approaches, on which to step was death. Two 
 large galleys, full of men, patrolled inside the 
 bank on the harbour edge, and with these pre- 
 parations the inhabitants hoped to keep the 
 p dreadful Drake from reaching them. Carlile, as 
 before, was to do the land fighting. He was set 
 on shore three miles down the spit. The tide is 
 slight in those seas, but he waited till it was out, 
 and advanced along the outer shore at low- water 
 mark. He was thus covered by the bank firom 
 the harbour galleys, and their shots passed over 
 him. Two squadrons of horse came out, but could 
 do nothing to him on the broken ground. The 
 English pushed on to the wall, scarcely losing a 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 195 
 
 man. They charged, scaled the parapets, and 
 drove the Spanish infantry back at point of pike. 
 Carlile killed their commander mth his own hand. 
 The rest fled after a short struggle, and Drake 
 was master of Carthagena. Here for six weeks 
 he remained. The Spaniards withdrew out of 
 the city, and there were again parleys over the 
 ransom money. Courtesies were exchanged among 
 the officers. Drake entertained the Governor and 
 his suite. The Governor returned the hospitality 
 and received Drake and the English captains. 
 Drake demanded 100,000 ducats. The Spaniards 
 offered 30,000, and protested that they could pay 
 no more. The dispute might have lasted longer, 
 but it was cut short by the re-appearance of the 
 yellow fever in the fleet, this time in a deadlier 
 form. The Spanish offer was accepted, and Car- 
 thagena was left to its o^vners. It was time to 
 be off, for the heat was telling, and the men 
 began to drop with appalling rapidity. Nombre 
 de Dios and Panama were near and under their 
 lee, and Drake threw longing eyes on what, if 
 all else had been well, might have proved an easy 
 capture. But on a review of their strength, it 
 
196 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 was found that there were but 700 fit for duty 
 who could be spared for the service, and a council 
 of war decided that a march across the Isthmus 
 with so small a force was too dangerous to be 
 ventured. Enough had been done for glory, 
 enough for the political impression to be made in 
 Europe. The King of Spain had been dared in 
 his own dominions. Three fine Spanish cities 
 had been captured by storm and held to ransom. 
 In other aspects the success had fallen short of 
 expectation. This time they had taken no 
 Cacafuego with a year's produce of the mines in 
 her hold. The plate and coin had been carried 
 off, and the spoils had been in a form not easily 
 turned to value. The expedition had been fitted 
 out by private persons to pay its own cost. The 
 result in money was but 60,000/. Forty thousand 
 had to be set aside for expenses. There remained 
 but 20,000/. to be shared among the ships' com- 
 panies. Men and officers had entered, high and 
 low, without wages, on the chance of what they 
 might get. The officers and owners gave a 
 significant demonstration of the splendid spirit 
 in which they had gone about their work. They 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 197 
 
 decided to relinquish their own claims on the 
 ransom paid for Carthagena, and bestow the same 
 on the common seamen, * wishing it were so much 
 again as would be a sufficient reward for their 
 painful endeavour.' 
 
 Thus all were well satisfied, conscious all that 
 they had done their duty to their Queen and 
 country. The adventurers' fleet turned home- 
 wards at the beginning of April. What men 
 could do they had achieved. They could not 
 fight against the pestilence of the tropics. For 
 many days the yellow fever did its deadly work 
 among them, and only slowly abated. They were 
 delayed by calms and unfavourable winds. Their 
 water ran short. They had to land again at 
 Cape Antonio, the western point of Cuba, and 
 sink wells to supply themselves. Drake himself, 
 it was observed, worked with spade and bucket, 
 like the meanest person in the whole company, 
 always foremost where toil was to be endured or 
 honour won, the wisest in the devising of enter- 
 prises, the calmest in danger, the first to set an 
 example of energy in difficulties, and, above all, 
 the firmest in maintaining order and discipline. 
 
198 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 The fever slackened as they reached the cooler 
 latitudes. They worked their way up the Bahama 
 Channel, going north to avoid the trades. The 
 French Protestants had been attempting to 
 colonise in Florida. The Spaniards had built a 
 fortress on the coast, to observe their settlements 
 and, as occasion offered, cut Huguenot throats. 
 As he passed by Drake paid this fortress a visit 
 and wiped it out. Farther north again he was 
 in time to save the remnant of an English settle- 
 ment, rashly planted there by another brilliant 
 servant of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Of all the famous Elizabethans Sir Walter 
 Raleigh is the most romantically interesting. His 
 splendid and varied gifbs, his chequered fortunes, 
 and his cruel end, will embalm his memory in 
 English history. But Raleigh's great accomplish- 
 ments promised more than they performed. His 
 hand was in everything, but of work successfully 
 completed he had less to show than others far 
 his inferiors, to whom fortune had offered fewer 
 opportunities. He was engaged in a hundred 
 schemes at once, and in every one of them there 
 was always some taint of self, some personal 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 199 
 
 ambition or private object to be gained. His 
 life is a record of undertakings begun in enthu- 
 siasm, maintained imperfectly, and failures in the 
 end. Among his other adventures he had sent 
 a colony to Virginia. He had imagined, or had 
 been led by others to believe, that there was an 
 Indian Court there brilliant as Montezuma's, an 
 enlightened nation crying to be admitted within 
 the charmed circle of Gloriana's subjects. His 
 princes and princesses proved things of air, 
 or mere Indian savages; and of Raleigh there 
 remains nothing in Virginia save the name of the 
 city which is called after him. The starving 
 survivors of his settlement on the Roanoke River 
 were taken on board by Drake's returning 
 squadron and carried home to England, where 
 they all arrived safely, to the glory of God, as 
 our pious ancestors said and meant in uncon- 
 ventional sincerity, on the 28th of July, 1586. 
 The expedition, as I have said, barely paid its 
 cost. In the shape of wages the officers received 
 nothing, and the crews but a few pounds a man , 
 but there was, perhaps, not one of them who was 
 not better pleased with the honour which he had 
 
20O ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 brought back than if he had come home loaded 
 with doubloons. 
 
 Startled Catholic Europe meanwhile rubbed 
 its eyes and began to see that the * enterprise of 
 England,' as the intended invasion was called, 
 might not be the easy thing which the seminary 
 priests described it. The seminary priests had 
 said that so far as England was Protestant at all 
 it was Protestant only by the accident of its 
 Government, that the immense majority of the 
 people were Catholic at heart and were thirsting 
 for a return to the fold, that on the first appear- 
 ance of a Spanish army of deliverance the whole 
 edifice which Elizabeth had raised would crumble 
 to the ground. I suppose it is true that if the 
 world had then been advanced to its present 
 point of progress, if there had been then recog- 
 nised a Divine right to rule in the numerical 
 majority, even without a Spanish army the 
 seminary priests would have had their way. 
 Elizabeth's Parliaments were controlled by the 
 municipalities of the towns, and the towns were 
 Protestant. A Parliament chosen by universal 
 suffrage and electoral districts would have sent 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 201 
 
 Cecil and Walsingham into private life or to the 
 scaffold, replaced the Mass in the churches, and 
 reduced the Queen, if she had been left on the 
 throne, into the humble servant of the Pope and 
 Philip. It would not perhaps have lasted, but 
 that, so far as I can judge, would have been the 
 immediate result, and instead of a Reformation 
 we should have had the light come in the shape 
 of lightning. But I have often asked my Radical 
 friends what is to be done if out of every hundred 
 enlightened voters two-thirds will give their 
 votes one way, but are afraid to fight, and the 
 remaining third will not only vote but will fight 
 too if the poll goes against them ? Which has 
 then the right to rule ? I can tell them which 
 will rule. The brave and resolute minority will 
 rule. Plato says that if one man was stronger 
 than all the rest of mankind he would rule all 
 the rest of mankind. It must be so, because 
 there is no appeal. The majority must be 
 prepared to assert their Divine right with their 
 right hands, or it will go the way that other 
 Divine rights have gone before. I will not believe 
 the world to have been so ill-constructed that 
 
202 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 there are rights which cannot be enforced. It 
 appears to me that the true right to rule in any 
 nation lies with those who are best and bravest, 
 whether their numbers are large or small; and 
 three centuries ago the best and bravest part a' 
 this English nation had determined, though they 
 were but a third of it, that Pope and Spaniard 
 should be no masters of theirs. Imagination goes 
 for much in such excited times. To the imagin- 
 ation of Europe in the sixteenth century the 
 power of Spain appeared irresistible if she chose 
 to exert it. Heretic Dutchmen might rebel in 
 a remote province, English pirates might take 
 liberties with Spanish traders,, but the Prince 
 of Parma was making the Dutchmen feel their 
 master at last. The pirates were but so many 
 wasps, with venom in their stings, but powerless 
 to affect the general tendencies of things. Except 
 to the shrewder eyes of such men as Santa Cruz 
 the strength of the English at sea had been left 
 out of count in the calculations of the resources 
 of Elizabeth's Government. Suddenly a fleet of 
 these same pirates, sent out, unassisted by their 
 sovereign, by the private impulse of a few indi- 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 203 
 
 viduals, had insulted the sacred soil of Spain 
 herself, sailed into Yigo, pillaged the churches, 
 taken anything that they required, and had gone 
 away unmolested. They had attacked, stormed, 
 burnt, or held to ransom three of Spain's proudest 
 colonial cities, and had come home unfought with. 
 The Catholic conspirators had to recognise that 
 they had a worse enemy to deal with than Puritan 
 controversialists or spoilt Court favourites. The 
 Protestant English mariners stood between them 
 and their prey, and had to be encountered on an 
 element which did not bow to popes or princes, 
 before Mary Stuart was to wear Elizabeth's crown 
 or Cardinal Allen be enthroned at Canterbury. 
 It was a revelation to all parties. Elizabeth 
 herself had not expected — perhaps had not wished 
 — so signal a success. War was now looked on 
 as inevitable. The Spanish admirals represented 
 that the national honour required revenge for an 
 injury so open and so insolent. The Pope, who 
 had been long goading the lethargic Philip into 
 action, believed that now at last he would be 
 compelled to move; and even Philip himself, 
 enduring as he was, had been roused to perceive 
 
204 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 that intrigues and conspiracies would serve his 
 turn no longer. He must put out his strength 
 in earnest, or his own Spaniards might turn upon 
 him as unworthy of the crown of Isabella. Very 
 reluctantly he allowed the truth to be brought 
 home to him. He had never liked the thought 
 of invading England. If he conquered it, he 
 would not be allowed to keep it. Mary Stuart 
 would have to be made queen, and Mary Stuart 
 was part French, and might be wholly French. 
 The burden of the work would be thrown entirely 
 on his shoulders, and his own reward was to be 
 the Church's blessing and the approval of his 
 own conscience — nothing else, so far as he could 
 see. The Pope would recover his annates, his 
 Peter's pence, and his indulgence market. 
 
 If the thing was to be done, the Pope, it was 
 clear, ought to pay part of the cost, and this was 
 what the Pope did not intend to do if he could 
 help it. The Pope was flattering himself that 
 Drake's performance would compel Spain to go 
 to war with England whether he assisted or did 
 not. In this matter Philip attempted to un- 
 deceive his Holiness. He instructed Olivarez, his 
 
6.] EXPEDITION TO THE WEST INDIES 205 
 
 ambassador at Rome, to tell the Pope that nothing 
 had been yet done to him by the English which 
 he could not overlook, and unless the Pope would 
 come down with a handsome contribution peace 
 he would make. The Pope stormed and raged; 
 he said he doubted whether Philip was a true son 
 of the Church at all ; he flung plates and dishes 
 at the servants' heads at dinner. He said that if 
 he gave Philip money Philip would put it in his 
 pocket and laugh at him. Not one maravedi 
 would he give till a Spanish army was actually 
 landed on English shores, and from this resolution 
 he was not to be moved. 
 
 To Philip it was painfully certain that if he 
 invaded and conquered England the English 
 Catholics would insist that he must make Mary 
 Stuart queen. He did not like Mary Stuart. He 
 disapproved of her character. He distrusted her 
 promises. Spite of Jesuits and seminary priests, 
 he believed that she was still a Frenchwoman at 
 heart, and a bad woman besides. Yet something 
 he must do for the outraged honour of Castile. 
 He concluded, in his slow way, that he would 
 collect a fleet, the largest and best-appointed that 
 
206 EISTGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 6. 
 
 had ever floated on the sea. He would send or 
 lead it in person to the English Channel. He 
 would command the situation with an over- 
 whelming force, and then would choose some 
 course which would be more convenient to himself 
 than to his Holiness at Rome. On the whole he 
 was inclined to let Elizabeth continue queen, and 
 forget and forgive if she would put away her 
 Walsinghams and her Drakes, and would promise 
 to be good for the future. If she remained 
 obstinate his great fleet would cover the passage 
 of the Prince of Parma's army, and he would then 
 dictate his own terms in London. 
 
LECTURE VII 
 
 ATTACK ON CADIZ 
 
 T RECOLLECT being told when a boy, on 
 sending in a bad translation of Horace, that I 
 ought to remember that Horace was a man of 
 intelligence and did not write nonsense. The 
 same caution should be borne in mind by students 
 of history. They see certain things done by kings 
 and statesmen which they beKeve they can inter- 
 pret by assuming such persons to have been 
 knaves or idiots. Once an explanation given from 
 the baser side of human nature, they assume that 
 it is necessarily the right one, and they make 
 their Horace into a fool without a misgiving that 
 the folly may lie elsewhere. Remarkable men 
 and women have usually had some rational motive 
 for their conduct, which may be discovered, if we 
 .ook for it with our eyes open. 
 
2o8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Nobody has suffered more from bad translators 
 than Elizabeth. The circumstances of Queen 
 Elizabeth's birth, the traditions of her father, the 
 interests of England, and the sentiments of the 
 party who had sustained her claim to the succession, 
 obliged her on coming to the throne to renew the 
 separation from the Papacy. The Church of Eng- 
 land was re-estabUshed on an Anglo-Catholic 
 basis, which the rival factions might interpret 
 each in their o^vn way. To allow more than one 
 form of public worship would have led in the 
 heated temper of men's minds to quarrels and 
 civil wars. But conscience might be left free 
 under outward conformity, and those whom the 
 Liturgy did not suit might use their own 
 ritual in their private houses. Elizabeth and her 
 wise advisers beHeved that if her subjects could 
 be kept from fighting and killing one another, 
 and were not exasperated by outward displays of 
 difference, they would learn that righteousness of 
 life was more important than orthodoxy, and to 
 estimate at their real value the rival dogmas of 
 theology. Had time permitted the experiment 
 to have a fair trial, it would perhaps have sue- 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 209 
 
 ceeded, but, unhappily for the Queen and for 
 England, the fire of controversy was still too hot 
 under the ashes. Protestants and Catholics had 
 been taught to look on one another as enemies of 
 God, and were still reluctant to take each other's 
 hands at the bidding of an Act of Parliament. The 
 more moderate of the Catholic laity saw no differ- 
 ence so great between the English service and the 
 Mass as to force them to desert the churches 
 where their fathers had worshipped for centuries. 
 They petitioned the Council of Trent for permis- 
 sion to use the English Prayer Book ; and had the 
 Council consented, religious dissension wjould have 
 dissolved at last into an innocent difference of 
 opinion. But the Council and the Pope had 
 determined that there should be no compromise 
 with heresy, and the request was refused, though 
 it was backed by Philip's ambassador in London. 
 The action of the Papacy obliged the Queen to 
 leave the Administration in the hands of Protes- 
 tants, on whose loyalty she could rely. As the 
 struggle with the Reformation spread and deep- 
 ened she was compelled to assist indirectly the 
 
 Protestant party in France and Scotland. But 
 
 p 
 
2IO ENGLISH SEAMEN [i.ect. 
 
 she still adhered to her own principle ; she refused 
 to put herself at the head of a Protestant League. 
 She took no step without keeping open a line of 
 retreat on a contrary policy. She had Catholics 
 in her Privy Council who were pensioners of 
 Spain. She filled her household with Catholics, 
 and many a time drove Burghley distracted by 
 listening to them at critical moments. Her con- 
 stant effort was to disarm the antagonism of the 
 adherents of the old belief, by admitting them 
 to her confidence, and showing them that one part 
 of her subjects was as dear to her as another. 
 
 For ten years she went on struggling. For 
 ten years she was proudly able to say that during 
 all that time no Catholic had suffered for his 
 belief either in purse or person. The advanced 
 section of the Catholic clergy was in despair. 
 They saw the consciences of their flocks be- 
 numbed and their faith growing lukewarm. They 
 stirred up the rebellion of the North. They per- 
 suaded Pius V. to force them to a sense of their 
 duties by declaring Elizabeth excommunicated. 
 They sent their missionaries through the English 
 counties to recover sheep that were straying, 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 211 
 
 and teach the sin of submission to a sovereign 
 whom the Pope had deposed. Then had followed 
 the Ridolfi plot, deliberately encouraged by the 
 Pope and Spain, which had compelled the 
 Government to tighten the reins. One conspiracy 
 had followed another. Any means were held 
 legitimate to rid the world of an enemy of God. 
 The Queen's character was murdered by the foulest 
 slanders, and a hundred daggers were sharpened 
 to murder her person. The King of Spain had 
 not advised the excommunication, because he 
 knew that he would be expected to execute it, and 
 he had other things to do. When called on to 
 act, he and Alva said that if the English Catholics 
 wanted Spanish help they must do something for 
 themselves. To do the priests justice, they were 
 brave enough. What they did, and how far they 
 had succeeded in making the country disaffected, 
 Father Parsons has told you in the paper which 
 I read to you in a former lecture. Elizabeth 
 refused to take care of herself. She would show 
 no distrust. She would not dismiss the Catholic 
 ladies and gentlemen fi'om the household. She 
 would allow no penal laws to be enforced 
 
212 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 against Catholics as such. Repeated conspiracies 
 to assassinate her were detected and exposed, 
 but she would take no warning. She would 
 have no bodyguard. The utmost that she would 
 do was to allow the Jesuits and seminary priests, 
 who, by Parsons's own acknowledgment, were 
 sowing rebellion, to be banished the realm, and 
 if they persisted in remaining afterwards, to 
 be treated as traitors. When executions are 
 treated as martyrdoms, candidates will never be 
 wanting for the crown of glory, and the flame 
 only burnt the hotter. Tyburn and the quartering 
 knife was a horrid business, and Elizabeth sick- 
 ened over it. She hated the severity which she 
 was compelled to exercise. Her name was defiled 
 with the grossest calumnies. She knew that she 
 might be murdered any day. For herself she was 
 proudly indifferent; but her death would and 
 must be followed by a furious civil war. She 
 told the Privy Council one day after some stormy 
 scene, that she would come back afterwards and 
 amuse herself with seeing the Queen of Scots 
 making their heads fly. 
 
 Phihp was weary of it too. He had enough to 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 213 
 
 do in ruling his own dominions without quarrelling 
 for ever with his sister-in-law. He had seen that 
 she had subjects, few or many, who, if he struck, 
 would strike back again. English money and 
 English volunteers were keeping alive the war 
 in the Netherlands. English privateers had 
 plundered his gold ships, destroyed his commerce, 
 and burnt his West Indian cities — all this in the 
 interests of the Pope, who gave him fine words in 
 plenty, but who, when called on for money to help 
 in the English conquest, only flung about his 
 dinner-plates. The Duke of Alva, w^hile he was 
 alive, and the Prince of Parma, who commanded 
 in the Netherlands in Alva's place, advised peace 
 if peace could be had on reasonable terms. If 
 Elizabeth would consent to withdraw her help 
 from the Netherlands, and would allow the English 
 Catholics the tacit toleration with which her reign 
 had begun, they were of opinion, and Philip was 
 of opinion too, that it would be better to forgive 
 Drake and St. Domingo, abandon Mary Stuart 
 and the seminary priests, and meddle no more 
 ^vlth English internal politics. 
 
 Tired with a condition which was neither war 
 
214 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 nor peace, tired with hanging traitors and the 
 endless problem of her sister of Scotland, Elizabeth 
 saw no reason for refusing offers which would leave 
 her in peace for the rest of her own life. Philip, 
 it was said, would restore the Mass in the churches 
 in Holland. She might stipulate for such liberty 
 of conscience to the Holland Protestants as she 
 was herself willing to allow the English Catholics. 
 She saw no reason why she should insist on a 
 liberty of public worship which she had herself 
 forbidden at home. She did not see why the 
 ' Hollanders should be so precise about hearing 
 Mass. She said she would rather hear a thousand 
 Masses herself than have on her conscience the 
 crimes committed for the Mass or against it. She 
 would not have her realm in perpetual torment 
 for Mr. Cecil's brothers in Christ. 
 
 This was Elizabeth's personal feeling. It 
 could n'ot be openly avowed. The States might 
 then surrender to Philip in despair, and obtain 
 better securities for their political liberties than 
 she was ready to ask for them. They might then 
 join the Spaniards and become her mortal enemies. 
 But she had a high opinion of her own statecraft. 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 215 
 
 Her Catholic friends assured her that, once at 
 peace with Philip, she would be safe from all the 
 world. At this moment accident revealed suddenly 
 another chasm which was opening unsuspected 
 at her feet. 
 
 Both Philip and she were really wishing for 
 peace. A treaty of peace between the Catholic 
 King and an excommunicated princess would end 
 the dream of a Catholic revolution in England. 
 If the English peers and gentry gaw the censures 
 of the Church set aside so lightly by the most 
 orthodox prince in Europe, Parsons and his 
 friends would preach in vain to them the obliga- 
 tion of rebellion. If this deadly negotiation 
 was to be broken off, a blow must be struck, 
 and struck at once. There was not a moment 
 to be lost. 
 
 The enchanted prisoner at Tutbury was the 
 sleeping and waking dream of Catholic chivalry. 
 The brave knight who would slay the dragon, 
 deliver Mary Stuart, and place her on the 
 usurpers throne, would outdo Orlando or St. 
 George, and be sung of for ever as the noblest 
 hero who had ever wielded brand or spear. Many 
 
2i6ir> ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 a young British heart had thrilled with hope that 
 for him the enterprise was reserved. One of these 
 was a certain Anthony Babington, a gentleman 
 of some fortune in Derbyshire. A seminary priest 
 named Ballard, excited, like the rest, by the need 
 of action, and anxious to prevent the peace, fell 
 in with this Babington, and thought he had 
 found the man for his work. Elizabeth dead 
 and Mary Stuart free, there would be no more 
 talk of peace. A plot was easily formed. Half 
 a dozen gentlemen, five of them belonging to or 
 connected with Elizabeth's own household, were 
 to shoot or stab her and escape in the confusion ; 
 Babington was to make a dash on Mary Stuartls 
 prison-house and carry her off to some safe place ; 
 while Ballard undertook to raise the Catholic 
 peers and have her proclaimed queen. Elizabeth 
 once removed, it was supposed that they would 
 not hesitate. Parma would bring over the 
 Spanish army from Dunkirk. The Protestants 
 would be paralysed. All would be begun and 
 ended in a few weeks or even days. The Catholic 
 religion would be re-established and the hated 
 heresy would be trampled out for ever. Mary 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 217 
 
 Stuart had been oonsulted and had enthusiastic- 
 ally agreed. 
 
 This interesting lady had been lately profuse 
 in her protestations of a desire for reconciliation 
 with her dearest sister. Elizabeth had almost 
 believed her sincere. Sick of the endless trouble 
 with Mary Stuart and her pretensions and schem- 
 ings, she had intended that the Scotch queen 
 should be included in the treaty with Philip, 
 with an implied recognition of her right to suc- 
 ceed to the English throne after Elizabeth's death. 
 It had been necessary, however, to ascertain in 
 some way whether her protestations were sincere. 
 A secret watch had been kept over her corre- 
 spondence, and Babington's letters and her own 
 answers had fallen into Walsingham's hands. 
 There it all was in her o\vn cipher, the key to 
 which had been betrayed by the carelessness of a 
 confederate. The six gentlemen who were to 
 have rewarded Elizabeth's confidence by killing 
 her were easily recognised. They were seized, 
 with Babington and Ballard, when they imagined 
 themselves on the eve of their triumph. Babing- 
 ton flinched and confessed, and they were all 
 
2i8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 hanged. Mary Stuart herself had outworn com- 
 passion. Twice already on the discovery of her 
 earlier plots the House of Commons had petitioned 
 for her execution. For this last piece of treachery 
 she was tried at Fotheringay before a commission 
 of Peers and Privy Councillors. She denied her 
 letters, but her complicity was proved beyond a 
 doubt. Parliament was called, and a third time 
 insisted that the long drama should now be ended 
 and loyal England be allowed to breathe in peace. 
 Elizabeth signed the warrant. France, Spain, 
 any other power in the world would have long 
 since made an end of a competitor so desperate 
 and so incurable. Tom by many feelings — 
 natural pity, dread of the world's opinion — 
 Elizabeth paused before ordering the warrant to 
 be executed. If nothing had been at stake but 
 her own life, she would have left the lady to weave 
 fresh plots and at last, perhaps, to succeed. If 
 the nation's safety required an end to be made 
 with her, she felt it hard that the duty should be 
 thrown on herself Where were all those eager 
 champions who had signed the Association Bond, 
 who had talked so loudly ? Could none of them 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 219 
 
 be found to recollect their oaths and take the law 
 into their own hands ? 
 
 Her Council, Burghley, and the rest, knowing 
 her disposition and feeling that it was life or 
 death to English liberty, took the responsibility 
 on themselves. They sent the warrant down to 
 Fotheringay at their own risk, leaving their 
 mistress to deny, if she pleased, that she had 
 meant it to be executed ; and the wild career of 
 Mary Stuart ended on the scaffold. 
 
 They knew what they were immediately 
 doing. They knew that if treason had a mean- 
 ing Mary Stuart had brought her fate upon her- 
 self They did not, perhaps, realise the full 
 effects that were to follow, or that with Mary 
 Stuart had vanished the last serious danger of 
 a Catholic insurrection in England ; or perhaps 
 they did realise it, and this was what decided 
 them to act. 
 
 I cannot dwell on this here. As long as there 
 was a Catholic princess of English blood to suc- 
 ceed to the throne, the allegiance of the Catholics 
 to Elizabeth had been easily shaken. If she was 
 spared now, every one of them would look on her 
 
220 ENGLISH SEAMEI^ tLECT. 
 
 as their future sovereign. To overthrow Elizabeth 
 might mean the loss of national independence. 
 The Queen of Scots gone, they were paralysed 
 by divided counsels, and love of country proved 
 stronger than their creed. 
 
 What concerns us specially at present is the 
 effect on the King of Spain. The reluctance of 
 Philip to undertake the English enterprise (the 
 * empresa,' as it was generally called) had arisen 
 from a fear that when it was accomplished he 
 would lose the fruit of his labours. He could 
 never assure himself that if he placed Mary 
 Stuart on the throne she would not become 
 eventually French. He now learnt that she 
 had bequeathed to himself her claims on the 
 English succession. He had once been titular 
 King of England. He had pretensions of his 
 own, as in the descent from Edward III. The 
 Jesuits, the Catholic enthusiasts throughout 
 Europe, assured him that if he would now take 
 up the cause in earnest, he might make England 
 a province of Spain. There were still difficulties. 
 He might hope that the English Catholic laity 
 would accept him, but he could not be sure of it. 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 221 
 
 He could not be sure that he would have the 
 support of the Pope. He continued, as the 
 Conde de Feria said scornfully of him, ' meando 
 en vado,' a phrase which I cannot translate ; it 
 meant hesitating when he ought to act. But he 
 saw, or thought he saw, that he could now take a 
 stronger attitude towards Elizabeth as a claimant 
 to her throne. If the treaty of peace was to go 
 forward, he could raise his terms. He could in- 
 sist on the restoration of the Catholic religion in 
 England. The States of the Low Countries had 
 made over five of their strongest towns to Eliza- 
 beth as the price of her assistance. He could 
 insist on her restoring them, not to the States, 
 but to himself. Could she be brought to consent 
 to such an act of perfidy, Parma and he both 
 felt that the power would then be gone from 
 her, as effectually as Samson's when his locks 
 were clipped by the harlot, and they could leave 
 her then, if it suited them, on a throne which 
 would have become a pillory — for the finger of 
 scorn to point at. 
 
 With such a view before him it was more than 
 ever necessary for Philip to hurry forward the 
 
222 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 preparations which he had already com- 
 menced. The more formidable he could make 
 himself, the better able he would be to frighten 
 Elizabeth into submission. 
 
 Every dockyard in Spain was set to work, 
 building galleons and collecting stores. Santa 
 Cruz would command. Philip was himself more 
 resolved than ever to accompany the expedition 
 in person and dictate from the English Channel 
 the conditions of the pacification of Europe. 
 
 Secrecy was no longer attempted — indeed, 
 was no longer possible. All Latin Christendom 
 was palpitating with expectation. At Lisbon, at 
 Cadiz, at Barcelona, at Naples, the shipwrights 
 were busy night and day. The sea was covered 
 with vessels freighted with arms and provisions 
 streaming to the mouth of the Tagus. Catholic 
 volunteers from all nations flocked into the 
 Peninsula, to take a share in the mighty move- 
 ment which was to decide the fate of the world, 
 and bishops, priests, and monks were set praying 
 through the whole Latin Communion that 
 Heaven would protect its own cause. 
 
 Meantime the negotiations for peace con- 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 223 
 
 tinued, and Elizabeth, strange to say, persisted 
 in listening. She would not see what was plain 
 to all the world besides. The execution of the 
 Queen of Scots lay on her spirit and threw her 
 back into the obstinate humour which had made 
 Walsingham so often despair of her safety. For 
 two months after that scene at Fotheringay she 
 had refused to see Burghley, and would consult 
 no one but Sir James Crofts and her Spanish- 
 tempered ladies. She knew that Spain now 
 intended that she should betray the towns in the 
 Low Countries, yet she was blind to the infamy 
 which it would bring upon her. She left her 
 troops there without their wages to shiver into 
 mutiny. She named commissioners, with Sir 
 James Crofts at their head, to go to Ostend and 
 treat with Parma, and if she had not resolved on 
 an act of treachery she at least played with the 
 temptation, and persuaded herself that if she 
 chose to make over the towns to Philip, she would 
 be only restoring them to their lawful owner. 
 
 Burghley and Walsingham, you can see from 
 their letters, believed now that Elizabeth had 
 ruined herself at last. Happily her moods were 
 
224 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 variable as the weather. She was forced to see 
 the condition to which she had reduced her 
 affairs in the Low Countries by the appearance of 
 a number of starving wretches who had deserted 
 from the garrisons there and had come across to 
 clamour for their pay at her own palace gates. 
 If she had no troops in the field but a mutinous 
 and starving rabble, she might get no terms at 
 all. It might be well to show Philip that on one 
 element at least she could still be dangerous. 
 She had lost nothing by the bold actions of 
 Drake and the privateers. With half a heart she 
 allowed Drake to fit them out again, take the 
 Buonaventura, a ship of her own, to carry his flag, 
 and go down to the coast of Spain and see what 
 was going on. He was not to do too much. She 
 sent a vice-admiral with him, in the Lion, to be 
 a check on over-audacity. Drake knew how to 
 deal with embarrassing vice-admirals. His own 
 adventurers would sail, if he ordered, to the 
 Mountains of the Moon, and be quite certain that 
 it was the right place to go to. Once under way 
 and on the blue water he would go his own 
 course and run his own risks. Cadiz Harbour 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CAL>IZ 225 
 
 was thronged with transports, provision ships, 
 powder vessels — a hundred sail of them — many of 
 a thousand tons and over, loading with stores for 
 the Armada. There were thirty sail of adven- 
 turers, the smartest ships afloat on the ocean, 
 and sailed by the smartest seamen that ever 
 handled rope or tiller. Something might be done 
 at Cadiz if he did not say too much about it. 
 The leave had been given to him to go, but he 
 knew by experience, and Burghley again warned 
 him, that it might, and probably would, be re- 
 voked if he waited too long. The moment was 
 his own, and he used it. He was but just in 
 time. Before his sails were under the horizon a 
 courier galloped into Plymouth with orders that 
 under no condition was he to enter port or haven 
 of the King of Spain, or injure Spanish subjects. 
 What else was he going out for? He had 
 guessed how it would be. Comedy or earnest he 
 could not tell. If earnest, some such order would 
 be sent after him, and he had not an instant to 
 lose. 
 
 He sailed on the morning of the 1 2th of April. 
 Ofif Ushant he fell in with a north-west gale, and 
 
226 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 he flew on, spreading every stitch of canvas which 
 his spars would bear. In five days he was at Cape 
 St. Vincent. On the i8th he had the white 
 houses of Cadiz right in front of him, and could 
 see for himself the forests of masts from the 
 ships and transports with which the harbour was 
 choked. Here was a chance for a piece of 
 service if there was courage for the venture. 
 He signalled for his officers to come on board 
 the Buonaventura. There before their eyes was, 
 if not the Armada itself, the materials which 
 were to fit the Armada for the seas. Did they 
 dare to go in with him and destroy them ? There 
 were batteries at the harbour mouth, but Drake's 
 mariners had faced Spanish batteries at St. 
 Domingo and Carthagena and had not foimd them 
 very formidable. Go in ? Of course they would. 
 Where Drake would lead the corsairs of Plymouth 
 were never afraid to follow. The vice-admiral 
 pleaded danger to her Majesty's ships. It was 
 not the business of an English fleet to be particu- 
 lar about danger. Straight in they went with a 
 fair wind and a flood tide, ran past the batteries 
 and under a storm of shot, to which they did not 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 227 
 
 trouble themselves to wait to reply. The poor 
 vice-admiral followed reluctantly in the lAon. A 
 single shot hit the Lion, and he edged away out 
 of range, anchored, and drifted to sea again with 
 the ebb. But Drake and all the rest dashed on, 
 sank the guardship — a large galleon — and sent 
 flying a fleet of galleys which ventured too near 
 them and were never seen again. 
 
 Further resistance there was none — absolutely 
 none. The crews of the store ships escaped in 
 their boats to land. The governor of Cadiz, the 
 same Duke of Medina Sidonia who the next year 
 was to gain a disastrous immortality, fled ' like a 
 tall gentleman ' to raise troops and prevent Drake 
 from landing, Drake had no intention of landing. 
 At his extreme leisure he took possession of the 
 Spanish shipping, searched every vessel, and 
 carried off ever3rthing that he could use. He de- 
 tained as prisoners the few men that he found on 
 board, and then, after doing his work deliberately 
 and completely, he set the hulls on fire, cut the 
 cables, and left them to drive on the rising tide 
 under the walls of the town — a confused mass of 
 blazing ruin. On the 12th of April he had sailed 
 
228 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 from Plymouth ; on the 1 9th he entered Cadiz 
 Harbour ; on the 1st of May he passed out again 
 without the loss of a boat or a man. He said in 
 jest that he had singed the King of Spain's beard 
 for him. In sober prose he had done the King 
 of Spain an amount of damage which a million 
 ducats and a year's labour would imperfectly 
 replace. The daring rapidity of the enterprise 
 astonished Spain, and astonished Europe more 
 than the storm of the West Indian towns. The 
 English had long teeth, as Santa Cruz had told 
 Philip's council, and the teeth would need drawing 
 before Mass would be heard again at Westminster. 
 The Spaniards were a gallant race, and a dashing 
 exploit, though at their own expense, could be 
 admired by the countrymen of Cervantes. * So 
 praised,* we read, 'was Drake for his valour 
 among them, that they said that if he was not a 
 Lutheran there would not be the like of him in 
 the world.* A Court lady was invited by the King 
 to join a party on a lake near Madrid. The lady 
 replied that she dared not trust herself on the 
 water with his Majesty lest Sir Francis Drake 
 should have her. 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 229 
 
 Drake might well be praised. But Drake 
 would have been the first to divide the honour 
 with the comrades who were his arm and hand. 
 Great admirals and generals do not win their 
 battles single-handed like the heroes of romance. 
 Orders avail only when there are men to execute 
 them. Not a captain, not an officer who served 
 under Drake, ever flinched or blundered. Never 
 was such a school for seamen as that twenty 
 years' privateering war between the servants of 
 the Pope and the West-country Protestant 
 adventurers. Those too must be remembered 
 who built and rigged the ships in which they 
 sailed and fought their battles. We may depend 
 upon it that there was no dishonesty in con- 
 tractors, no scamping of the work in the yards 
 where the Plymouth rovers were fitted out for 
 sea. Their hearts were in it ; they were soldiers 
 of a common cause. 
 
 Three weeks had sufficed for Cadiz. No order 
 for recall had yet arrived. Drake had other plans 
 before him, and the men were in high spirits and 
 ready for anything. A fleet of Spanish men-of- 
 war was expected round from thv. Mediterranean. 
 
230 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 He proposed to stay for a week or two in the 
 neighbourhood of the Straits, in the hope of 
 falling in with them. He wanted fresh water, 
 too, and had to find it somewhere. 
 
 Before leaving Cadiz Roads he had to decide 
 what to do with his prisoners. Many English 
 were known to be in the hands of the Holy Office 
 working in irons as galley slaves. He sent in a 
 pinnace to propose an exchange, and had to wait 
 some days for an answer. At length, after a 
 reference to Lisbon, the Spanish authorities 
 replied that they had no English prisoners. If 
 this was true those they had must have died 
 of barbarous usage ; and after a consultation with 
 his officers Sir Francis sent in word that for the 
 future such prisoners as they might take would 
 be sold to the Moors, and the money applied to 
 the redemption of English captives in other parts 
 of the world. 
 
 Water was the next point. There were springs 
 at Faro, with a Spanish force stationed there to 
 guard them. Force or no force, water was to be 
 had. The boats were sent on shore. The boats' 
 crews stormed the forts and filled the casks. The 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 231 
 
 vice-admiral again lifted up his voice. The 
 Queen had ordered that there was to be no 
 landing on Spanish soil. At Cadiz the order had 
 been observed. There had been no need to land. 
 Here at Faro there had been direct defiance of 
 her Majesty's command. He became so loud in 
 his clamours that Drake found it necessary to 
 lock him up in his own cabin, and at length to 
 send him home with his ship to complain. For 
 himself, as the expected fleet from the Straits did 
 not appear, and as he had shaken oft" his trouble- 
 some second in command, he proceeded leisurely 
 up the coast, intending to look in at Lisbon and 
 see for himself how things were going on there. 
 All along as he went he fell in with tradei*s 
 loaded with supplies for the use of the Armada. 
 All these he destroyed as he advanced, and at 
 length found himself under the purple hills of 
 Cintra and looking up into the Tagus. There 
 lay gathered together the strength of the fighting 
 naval force of Spain — fifty great galleons, already 
 arrived, the largest war-ships which then floated 
 on the ocean. Santa Cruz, the best officer in the 
 Spanish navy, was himself in the to\yn and in 
 
23^ ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 command. To venture a repetition of the Cadiz 
 exploit in the face of such odds seemed too 
 desperate even for Drake, but it was one of those 
 occasions when the genius of a great commander 
 sees more than ordinary eyes. He calculated, 
 and, as was proved afterwards, calculated rightly, 
 that the galleons would be half manned, or 
 not manned at all, and crowded with landsmen 
 bringing on board the stores. Their sides as 
 they lay would be choked with hulks and lighters. 
 They would be unable to get their anchors up, 
 set their canvas, or stir from their moorings. 
 Daring as Drake Avas known to be, no one would 
 expect him to go with so small a force into the 
 enemy's stronghold, and there would be no pre- 
 parations to meet him. He could count upon the 
 tides. The winds at that season of the year were 
 fresh and steady, and could be counted on also to 
 take him in or out ; there was sea room in the 
 river for such vessels as the adventurers' to man- 
 oeuvre and to retreat if overmatched. Rash as 
 such an enterprise might seem to an unprofessional 
 eye, Drake certainly thought of it, perhaps had 
 meant to try it in some form or other and so make 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 233 
 
 an end of the Spanish invasion of England. He 
 could not venture without asking first for his 
 mistress's permission. He knew her nature. He 
 knew that his services at Cadiz would outweigh 
 his disregard of her orders, and that so far he had 
 nothing to fear; but he knew also that she was 
 still hankering after peace, and that without her 
 leave he must do nothing to make peace im- 
 possible. There is a letter from him to the 
 Queen, written when he was lying off Lisbon, 
 very characteristic of the time and the man. 
 
 Nelson or Lord St. Vincent did not talk much 
 of expecting supernatural assistance. If they 
 had we should suspect them of using language 
 conventionally which they would have done better 
 to leave alone. Sir Francis Drake, like his other 
 great contemporaries, believed that he was engaged 
 in a holy cause, and was not afraid or ashamed to 
 say so. His object was to protest against a recall 
 in the flow of victory. The Spaniards, he said, 
 were but mortal men. They were enemies of 
 the Truth, upholders of Dagon's image, which 
 had fallen in other days before the Ark, and 
 would fall again if boldly defied. So long as he 
 
234 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 had ships that would float, and there was food on 
 board them for the men to eat, he entreated her 
 to let him stay and strike whenever a chance was 
 offered him. The continuing to the end yielded 
 the true glory. When men were serving religion 
 and their country, a merciful God, it was likely, 
 would give them victory, and Satan and his angels 
 should not prevail. 
 
 All in good time. Another year and Drake 
 would have the chance he wanted. For the 
 moment Satan had prevailed — Satan in the shape 
 of Elizabeth's Catholic advisers. Her answer 
 came. It was warm and generous. She did not, 
 could not, blame him for what he had done so 
 far, but she desired him to provoke the Ejng of 
 Spain no further. The negotiations for peace 
 had opened, and must not be interfered with. 
 
 This prohibition from the Queen prevented, 
 perhaps, what would have been the most remark- 
 able exploit in English naval history. As matters 
 stood it would have been perfectly possible for 
 Drake to have gone into the Tagus, and if he 
 could not have burnt the galleons he could cer- 
 tainly have come away unhurt. He had guessed 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 235 
 
 their condition with entire correctness. The 
 ships were there, but the ships' companies were 
 not on board them. Santa Cruz himself admitted 
 that if Drake had gone in he could have himself 
 done nothing ' por falta de gente ' (for want of 
 men). And Drake undoubtedly would have gone, 
 and would have done something with which all 
 the world would have rung, but for the positive 
 command of his mistress. He lingered in the 
 roads at Cintra, hoping that Santa Cruz would 
 come out and meet him. All Spain was clamour- 
 ing at Santa Cruz's inaction. Philip wrote to 
 stir the old admiral to energy. He must not 
 allow himself to be defied by a squadron of in- 
 solentr rovers. He must chase them off the coast 
 or destroy them. Santa Cruz needed no stirring. 
 Santa Cruz, the hero of a hundred fights, was 
 chafing at his own impotence ; but he was obliged 
 to tell his master that if he wished to have 
 service out of his galleons he must provide 
 crews to handle them, and they must rot at 
 their anchors till he did. He told him, more- 
 over, that it was time for him to exert himself 
 in earnest. If he waited much longer, England 
 
2^6 ElSTGLfSH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 would have groAvn too strong for him to deal 
 with. 
 
 In strict obedience Drake ought now to have 
 gone home, but the campaign had brought so far 
 more glory than prize-money. His comrades re- 
 quired some consolation for their disappointment 
 at Lisbon. The theory of these armaments of 
 the adventurers was that the cost should be paid 
 somehow by the enemy, and he could be assured 
 that if he brought back a prize or two in which 
 she could claim a share the Queen would not call 
 him to a very strict account. Homeward-bound 
 galleons or merchantmen were to be met with 
 occasionally at the Azores. On leaving Lisbon 
 Drake headed away to St. Michael's, and his 
 lucky star was still in the ascendant. 
 
 As if sent on purpose for him, the ^an Philip, 
 \', a magnificent caraque from the Indies, fell 
 ^ ' straight into his hands, ' so richly loaded,' it was 
 said, 'that every man in the fleet counted his 
 fortune made.' There was no need to wait for 
 more. It was but two months since Drake had 
 sailed from Plymouth. He could now go home 
 after a cruise of which the history of his own or 
 
7.] ATTACK ON CADIZ 237 
 
 any other country had never presented the like. 
 He had struck the King of Spain in his own 
 stronghold. He had disabled the intended 
 Armada for one season at least. He had picked 
 up a prize by the way and as if by accident, 
 worth half a million, to pay his expenses, so that 
 he had cost nothing to his mistress, and had 
 brought back a handsome present for her. I 
 doubt if such a naval estimate was ever presented 
 to an English House of Commons. Above all 
 he had taught the self-confident Spaniard to be 
 afraid of him, and he carried back his poor com- 
 rades in such a glow of triumph that they would 
 have fought Satan and all his angels mth Drake 
 at their head. 
 
 Our West-country annals still tell how the 
 country people streamed down in their best 
 clothes to see the great San Philip towed into 
 Dartmouth Harbour. English Protestantism was 
 no bad cable for the nation to ride by in those 
 stormy times, and deserves to be honourably 
 remembered in a School of History at an English 
 University. 
 
LECTURE VIII 
 
 SAILING OF THE ARMADA 
 
 T)EACE or war between Spain and England, 
 that was now the question, with a prospect 
 of securing the English succession for himself or 
 one of his daughters. With the whole Spanish 
 nation smarting under the indignity of the burn- 
 ing of the ships at Cadiz, Philip's warlike ardour 
 had warmed into something like fire. He had 
 resolved at any rate, if he was to forgive his 
 sister-in-law at all, to insist on more than toler- 
 ation for the Catholics in England. He did not 
 contemplate as even possible that the English 
 privateers, however bold or dexterous, could resist 
 such an armament as he was preparing to lead 
 to the Channel. The Royal Navy, he knew very 
 well, did not exceed twenty-five ships of all sorts 
 and sizes. The adventurers might be equal to 
 
LECT. 8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 239 
 
 sudden daring actions, but would and must be 
 crushed by such a fleet as was being fitted out 
 at Lisbon. He therefore, for himself, meant to 
 demand that the Catholic religion should be 
 restored to its complete and exclusive superiority, 
 and certain towns in England were to be made 
 over to be garrisoned by Spanish troops as securi- 
 ties for Elizabeth's good behaviour. As often 
 happens with irresolute men, when they have 
 once been forced to a decision they are as too 
 hasty as before they were too slow. After Drake 
 had retired from Lisbon the King of Spain sent 
 orders to the Prince of Parma not to wait for the 
 arrival of the Armada, but to cross the Channel 
 immediately with the Flanders army, and bring 
 Elizabeth to her knees. Parma had more sense 
 than his master. He represented that he could 
 not cross mthout a fleet to cover his passage. 
 His transport barges would only float in smooth 
 water, and whether the water was smooth or 
 rough they could be sent to the bottom by half 
 a dozen English cruisers fi'om the Thames. Sup- 
 posing him to have landed, either in Thanet or 
 other spot, he reminded Philip that he could not 
 
240 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 have at most more than 25,000 men with him. 
 The English militia were in training. The Jesuits 
 said they were disaffected, but the Jesuits might 
 be making a mistake. He might have to fight 
 more than one battle. He would have to leave 
 detachments as he advanced to London, to cover 
 his communications, and a reverse would be fatal. 
 He would obey if his Majesty persisted, but he 
 recommended Philip to continue to amuse the 
 English with the treaty till the Armada was 
 ready, and, in evident consciousness that the 
 enterprise would be harder than Philip imagined, 
 he even gave it as his own opinion still (notwith- 
 standing Cadiz), that if Elizabeth would surrender 
 the cautionary towns in Flanders to Spain, and 
 would grant the English Catholics a fair degree 
 of liberty, it would be Philip's interest to make 
 peace at once without stipulating for further 
 terms. He could make a new war if he wished 
 at a future time, when circumstances might be 
 more convenient and the Netherlands revolt 
 subdued. 
 
 To such conditions as these it seemed that 
 Elizabeth was inclining to consent. The towns 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 241 
 
 had been trusted to her keeping by the Nether- 
 landers. To give them up to the enemy to make 
 better conditions for herself would be an infamy 
 so great as to have disgraced Elizabeth for ever ; 
 yet she would not see it. She said the towns 
 belonged to Philip and she would only be restor- 
 ing his own to him. Burghley bade her, if she 
 wanted peace, send back Drake to the Azores 
 and frighten Philip for his gold ships. She was 
 in one of her ungovernable moods. Instead of 
 sending out Drake again she ordered her owti 
 fleet to be dismantled and laid up at Chatham, 
 and she condescended to apologise to Parma for 
 the burning of the transports at Cadiz as done 
 against her orders. 
 
 This was in December 1587, only five months 
 before the Armada sailed from Lisbon. Never 
 had she brought herself and her country so near 
 niin. The entii*e safety of England rested at 
 that moment on the adventurers, and on the 
 adventurers alone. 
 
 Meanwhile, with enormous effort the destruc- 
 tion at Cadiz had been repaired. The great fleet 
 was pushed on, and in February Santa Cruz 
 
242 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 reported himself almost ready. Santa Cruz and 
 PhiKp, however, were not in agreement as to 
 what should be done. Santa Cruz was a fighting 
 admiral, Philip was not a fighting king. He 
 changed his mind as often as Elizabeth. Hot 
 fits varied with cold. His last news from England 
 led him to hope that fighting would not be 
 wanted. The Commissioners were sitting at 
 : Ostend. On one side there were the formal 
 negotiations, in which the surrender of the towns 
 1 was not yet treated as an open question. Had 
 the States been aware that Elizabeth was even 
 in thought entertaining it, they would have made 
 terms instantly on their own account and left 
 her alone in the cold. Besides this, there was a 
 second negotiation underneath, carried on by 
 private agents, in which the surrender was to 
 be the special condition. These complicated 
 \ \ schemings Parma purposely prortracted, to keep 
 Elizabeth in false security. She had not deliber- 
 ately intended to give up the towns. At the last 
 moment she would have probably refused, unless 
 the States themselves consented to it as part of 
 a general settlement. But she was playing with 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 243 
 
 the idea. The States, she thought, were too 
 obstinate. Peace would be good for them, and 
 she said she might do them good if she pleased, 
 whether they liked it or not. 
 
 Parma was content that she should amuse 
 herself with words and neglect her defences by 
 sea and land. By the end of February Santa 
 Cruz was ready. A northerly wind blows strong 
 down the coast of Portugal in the spring months, 
 and he meant to be off before it set in, before the 
 end of March at latest. Unfortunately for Spain, 
 Santa Cruz fell ill at the last moment — ill, it was 
 said, with anxiety. Santa Cruz knew well enough 
 what Philip would not know — that the expedition 
 would be no holiday parade. He had reason 
 enough to be anxious if Philip was to accompany 
 him and tie his hands and embarrass him. Any- 
 way, Santa Cruz died after a few days' illness. 
 The sailing had to be suspended till a new com- 
 mander could be decided on, and in the choice 
 which Philip made he gave a curious proof of 
 what he intended the expedition to do. He did 
 not really expect or wish for any serious fighting. 
 He wanted to be sovereign of England again, 
 
244 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 with the assent of the English Catholics. He 
 did not mean, if he could help it, to irritate the 
 national pride by force and conquest. While 
 Santa Cruz lived, Spanish public opinion would 
 not allow him to be passed over. Santa Cruz 
 must command, and Philip had resolved to go 
 with him, to prevent too violent proceedings. 
 Santa Cruz dead, he could find someone who 
 would do what he was told, and his own presence 
 would no longer be necessary. 
 
 The Duke of Medina Sidonia, named El 
 Bueno, or the Good, was a grandee of highest 
 rank. He was enormously rich, fond of hunting 
 and shooting, a tolerable rider, for the rest a 
 harmless creature getting on to forty, conscious 
 of his defects, but not aware that so great a 
 prince had any need to mend them; without 
 vanity, without ambition, and most happy when 
 lounging in his orange gardens at San Lucan. 
 Of active service he had seen none. He was 
 Captain-General of Andalusia, and had run away 
 from Cadiz when Drake came into the harbour ; 
 but that was all. To his astonishment and to 
 his dismay he learnt that it was on him that the 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 245 
 
 choice had fallen to be the Lord High ^Admiral 
 of Spain and commander of the so much talked 
 of expedition to England. He protested his 
 unfitness. He said that he was no seaman ; that 
 he knew nothing of fighting by sea or land ; that 
 if he ventured out in a boat he was always sick ; 
 that he had never seen the English Channel ; and 
 that, as to politics, he neither knew anything nor 
 cared anything about them. In short, he had not 
 one qualification which such a post required. 
 
 Philip liked his modesty ; but in fact the 
 Duke's defects were his recommendations. He 
 would obey his instructions, would not fight unless 
 it was necessary, and would go into no rash 
 adventures. All that Philip wanted him to do 
 was to find the Prince of Parma, and act as Parma 
 should bid him. As to seamanship, he would 
 have the best officers in the navy under him ; 
 and for a second in command he should have Don 
 Diego de Valdez, a cautious, silent, sullen old 
 sailor, a man after Philip's own heart. 
 
 Doubting, hesitating, the Duke repaired to 
 Lisbon. There he Avas put in better heart by a 
 nun, who said Our Lady had sent her to promise 
 
246 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 him success. Every part of the service was new 
 to him. He was a fussy, anxious little man ; set 
 himself to inquire into ever3rthing, to meddle with 
 things which he could not understand and had 
 better have left alone. He ought to have left 
 details to the responsible heads of departments. 
 He fancied that in a week or two he could look 
 himself into everything. There were 130 ships, 
 8,000 seamen, 19,000 Spanish infantry, with 
 gentlemen volunteers, officers, priests, surgeons, 
 galley slaves — at least 3,000 more — provisioned 
 for six months. Then there were the ships' stores, 
 arms small and great, powder, spars, cordage, 
 canvas, and such other million necessities as ships 
 on service need. The whole of this the poor 
 Duke took on himself to examine into, and, as he 
 could not understand what he saw, and knew not 
 what to look at, nothing was examined into at all. 
 Everyone's mind was, in fact, so much absorbed 
 by the spiritual side of the thing that they could 
 not attend to vulgar commonplaces. Don Quixote, 
 when he set out on his expedition, and forgot 
 money and a change of linen, was not in a state 
 of wilder exaltation than Catholic Europe at the 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 247 
 
 sailing of the Armada. Every noble family in 
 Spain had sent one or other of its sons to fight 
 for Christ and Our Lady. 
 
 For three years the stream of prayer had been 
 ascending from church, cathedral, or oratory. 
 The King had emptied his treasury. The hidalgo 
 and the tradesman had offered their contributions. 
 The crusade against the Crescent itself had not 
 kindled a more intense or more sacred enthusiasm. 
 All pains were taken to make the expedition 
 spiritually worthy of its purpose. No impure 
 thing, specially no impure woman, was to approach 
 the yards or ships. Swearing, quarrelling, gamb- 
 ling, were prohibited under terrible penalties. The 
 galleons were named after the apostles and saints 
 to whose charge they were committed, and every 
 seaman and soldier confessed and communicated 
 on going on board. The shipboys at sunrise 
 were to sing their Buenos Dias at the foot of the 
 mainmast, and their Ave Maria as the sun sank 
 into the ocean. On the Imperial banner were 
 embroidered the figures of Christ and His Mother, 
 and as a motto the haughty * Plus Ultra ' of 
 Charles Y. was replaced with the more pious 
 
248 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 aspiration, ' Exsurge, Deus, et vindica causam 
 tuam/ 
 
 Nothing could be better if the more vulgar 
 necessities had been looked to equally well. Un- 
 luckily, Medina Sidonia had taken the inspection 
 of these on himself, and Medina Sidonia was un- 
 able to correct the information which any rascal 
 chose to give him. 
 
 At length, at the end of April, he reported 
 himself satisfied. The banner was blessed in the 
 cathedral, men and stores all on board, and the 
 Invincible Armada prepared to go upon its way. 
 No wonder Philip was confident. A hundred and 
 thirty galleons, from 1,300 to 700 tons, 30,000 
 fighting men, besides slaves and servants, made 
 up a force which the world might well think 
 invincible. The guns were the weakest part. 
 There were twice as many as the English ; but 
 they were for the most part nine and six pounders, 
 and with but fifty rounds to each. The Spaniards 
 had done their sea fighting hitherto at close range, 
 grappling and trusting to musketry. Tliey were 
 to receive a lesson about this before the summer 
 was over. But Philip himself meanwhile expected 
 
r or THE 
 
 8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 249 
 
 evidently that he would meet with no opposition. 
 Of priests he had provided 180; of surgeons and 
 surgeons' assistants eighty-five only for the whole 
 fleet. 
 
 In the middle of May he sent down his last 
 orders. The Duke was not to seek a battle. If 
 he fell in with Drake he was to take no notice of 
 him, but thank God, as Dogberry said to the 
 watchman, that he was rid of a knave. He was 
 to go straight to the North Foreland, there anchor 
 and communicate with Parma. The experienced 
 admirals who had learnt their trade under Santa 
 Cruz — Martinez de Becalde, Pedro de Valdez, 
 Miguel de Oquendo — strongly urged the securing 
 Plymouth or the Isle of Wight on their way up 
 Channel. This had evidently been Santa Cruz's 
 o\vn design, and the only rational one to have 
 followed. Philip did not see it. He did not 
 believe it would prove necessary; but as to this 
 and as to fighting he left them, as he knew he 
 must do, a certain discretion. 
 
 The Duke then, flying the sacred banner on 
 the ^an Martin, dropped do^vn the Tagus on the 
 14th of May, followed by the whole fleet. The 
 
250 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 ^n Martin had been double-timbered with oak, 
 to keep the shot out. He liked his business no 
 better. In vain he repeated to himself that it 
 was God's cause. God would see they came to 
 no harm. He was no sooner in the open sea than 
 he found no cause, however holy, saved men from 
 the consequences of their own blunders. They 
 were late out, and met the north trade wind, as 
 Santa Cruz had foretold. 
 
 They drifted to leeward day by day till they 
 had dropped down to Cape St. Vincent. Infinite 
 pains had been taken with the spiritual state of 
 everyone on board. The carelessness or roguery 
 of contractors and purveyors had not been thought 
 of. The water had been taken in three months 
 before. It was found foul and stinking. The 
 salt beef, the salt pork, and fish were putrid, the 
 bread full of maggots and cockroaches. Cask was 
 opened after cask. It was the same story every- 
 where. They had to be all thrown overboard. 
 In the whole fleet there was not a sound morsel 
 of food but biscuit and dried fruit. The men 
 went down in hundreds with dysentery. The 
 Duke bewailed his fate as innocently as Sancho 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 251 
 
 Panza. He hoped God would help. He had 
 wished no harm to anybody. He had left his 
 home and his family to please the King, and he 
 trusted the King would remember it. He wrote 
 piteously for fresh stores, if the King would not 
 have them all perish. The admirals said they 
 could go no further without fresh water. All was 
 dismay and confusion. The wind at last fell 
 round south, and they made Finisterre. It then 
 came on to blow, and they were scattered. The 
 Duke with half the fleet crawled into Corunna, 
 the crews scarce able to man the yards and trying 
 to desert in shoals. 
 
 The missing ships dropped in one by one, but 
 a week passed and a third of them were still 
 absent. Another despairing letter went off from 
 the Duke to his master. He said that he con- 
 cluded from their misfortunes that God disapproved 
 of the expedition, and that it had better be 
 abandoned. Diego Florez was of the same 
 opinion. The stores were worthless, he said. 
 The men were sick and out of heart. Nothing 
 could be done that season. 
 
 It was not by flinching at the first sight of 
 
252 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 difficulty that the Spaniards had become masters 
 of half the world. The old comrades of Santa 
 Cruz saw nothing in what had befallen them 
 beyond a common accident of sea life. To 
 abandon at the first check an enterprise under- 
 taken with so much pretence, they said, would be 
 cowardly and dishonourable. Ships were not lost 
 because they were out of sight. Fresh meat and 
 bread could be taken on board from Corunna. 
 They could set up a shore hospital for the sick. 
 The sickness was not dangerous. There had been 
 no deaths. A little energy and all would be well 
 again. Pedro de Valdez despatched a courier to 
 Philip to entreat him not to listen to the Duke's 
 croakings. Philip returned a speedy answer 
 telling the Duke not to be frightened at shadows. 
 There was nothing, in fact, really to be alarmed 
 at. Fresh water took away the dysentery. Fresh 
 food was brouglit in from the country. Galician 
 seamen filled the gaps made by the deserters. 
 The sliips were laid on shore and scraped and 
 tallowed. Tents were pitched on an island in 
 the harbour, with altars and priests, and every- 
 one confessed again and received the Sacrament. 
 
8.] SAILING OF 'THE ARMADA 253 
 
 • This/ wrote the Duke, * is great riches and a 
 precious jewel, and all now are well content and 
 cheerful/ The scattered flock had reassembled. 
 Damages were all repaired, and the only harm 
 had been loss of time. Once more, on the 23rd 
 of July, the Armada in full numbers was under 
 way for England and streaming across the Bay 
 of Biscay with a fair wind for the mouth of the 
 Channel. 
 
 Leaving the Duke for the moment, we must 
 now glance at the preparations made in England 
 to receive him. It might almost be said that 
 there were none at all. The winter months had 
 been wild and changeable, but not so wild and 
 not so fluctuating as the mind of England's 
 mistress. In December her fleet had been paid 
 off at Chatham. The danger of leaving the 
 country without any regular defence was pressed 
 on her so vehemently that she consented to allow 
 part of the ships to be recommissioned. The 
 Revenge was given to Drake. He and Howard, 
 the Lord Admiral, were to have gone with a 
 mixed squadron from the Royal Navy and the 
 adventurers down to the Spanish coast. In every 
 
254 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 loyal subject there had long been but one opinion, 
 that a good open war was the only road to an 
 honourable peace. The open war, they now 
 trusted, was come at last. But the hope was 
 raised only to be disappointed. With the news 
 of Santa Cruz's death came a report which 
 Elizabeth greedily believed, that the Armada 
 was dissolving and was not coming at all. Sir 
 James Crofts sang the usual song that Drake and 
 Howard wanted war, because war was their trade. 
 She recalled her orders. She said that she was 
 assured of peace in six weeks, and that beyond 
 that time the services of the fleet would not be 
 required. Half the men engaged were to be 
 dismissed at once to save their pay. Drake and 
 Lord Henry Seymour might cruise with four 
 or five of the Queen's ships between Plymouth 
 and the Solent. Lord Howard was to remain in 
 the Thames with the rest. I know not whether 
 swearing was interdicted in the English navy as 
 well as in the Spanish, but I will answer for it 
 that Howard did not spare his language when 
 this missive reached him. * Never,' he said, ' since 
 England was England was such a stratagem 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 255 
 
 made to deceive us as this treaty. We have not 
 hands left to carry the ships back to Chatham. 
 We are like bears tied to a stake ; the Spaniards 
 may come to worry us like dogs, and we cannot 
 hurt them.' 
 
 It was well for England that she had other 
 defenders than the wildly managed navy of the 
 Queen. Historians tell us how the gentlemen of 
 the coast came out in their own vessels to meet 
 the invaders. Come they did, but who were they ? 
 Ships that could fight the Spanish galleons were 
 not made in a day or a week. They were built 
 already. They were manned by loyal subjects, 
 the business of whose lives had been to meet the 
 enemies of their land and faith on the wide ocean 
 — not by those who had been watchiug with 
 divided hearts for a Catholic revolution. 
 
 March went by, and sure intelligence came 
 that the Armada was not dissolving. Agaia 
 Drake prayed the Queen to let him take the 
 Revenge and the Western adventurers down to 
 Lisbon ; but the commissioners wrote full of hope 
 from Ostend, and Elizabeth was afraid ' the King 
 of Spain might take it ill.' She found fault with 
 
2S6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Drake's expenses. She charged him with wasting 
 her ammunition in target practice. She had it 
 doled out to him in driblets, and allowed no more 
 than would serve for a day and a half s service. 
 She kept a sharp hand on the victualling houses. 
 April went, and her four finest ships — the 
 Triumph^ the Victory^ the Elizaheth Jonas, and 
 the Bear — were still with sails unbent, * keeping 
 Chatham church.' She said they would not be 
 wanted and it would be waste of money to refit 
 them. Again she was forced to yield at last, and 
 the four ships were got to sea in time, the 
 workmen in the yards making up for the delay ; 
 but she had few enough when her whole fleet 
 was out upon the Channel, and but for the 
 privateers there would have been an ill reckoning 
 when the trial came. The Armada was coming 
 now. There was no longer a doubt of it. Lord 
 Henry Seymour was left with five Queen's ships 
 and thirty London adventurers to watch Parma 
 and the Narrow Seas. Howard, carrying his own 
 flag in the Arh Raleigh, joined Drake at Plymouth 
 with seventeen others. 
 
 Still the numbing hand of his mistress pursued 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 257 
 
 him. Food supplies had been issued to the 
 middle of June, and no more was to be allowed. 
 The weather was desperate — wildest summer ever 
 known. The south-west gales brought the 
 Atlantic rollers into the Sound. Drake lay 
 inside, perhaps behind the island which bears his 
 name. Howard rode out the gales under Mount 
 Edgecumbe, the days going by and the provisions 
 wasting. The rations were cut down to make 
 the stores last longer. Owing to the many 
 changes the crews had been hastily raised. They 
 were ill-clothed, ill-provided every way, but they 
 complained of nothing, caught fish to mend their 
 mess dinners, and prayed only for the speedy 
 coming of the enemy. Even Howard's heart 
 failed him now. English sailors would do what 
 could be done by man, but they could not fight 
 with famine. * Awake, Madam,' he wrote to the 
 Queen, * awake, for the love of Christ, and see the 
 villainous treasons round about you.' He goaded 
 her into ordering supplies for one more month, 
 but this was to be positively the last. The 
 victuallers inquired if they should make further 
 preparations. She answered peremptorily, ' No ' ; 
 
258 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 and again the weeks ran on. The contractors, it 
 seemed, h<ad caught her spirit, for the beer which 
 had been furnished for the fleet turned sour, and 
 those who drank it sickened. The officers, on 
 their own responsibility, ordered wine and arrow- 
 root for the sick out of Plymouth, to be called 
 to a sharp account when all was over. Again the 
 rations were reduced. Four weeks' allowance 
 was stretched to serve for six, and still the 
 Spaniards did not come. So England's forlorn 
 hope was treated at the crisis of her destiny. 
 The preparations on land were scarcely better. 
 The militia had been called out. A hundred 
 thousand men had given their names, and the 
 stations had been arranged where they were to 
 assemble if the enemy attempted a landing. But 
 there were no reserves, no magazines of arms, no 
 stores or tents, no requisites for an army save the 
 men themselves and what local resources could 
 furnish. For a general the Queen had chosen 
 the Earl of Leicester, who might have the merit 
 of fidelity to herself, but otherwise was the 
 worst fitted that she could have found in her 
 whole dominions ; and the Prince of Parma was 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 259 
 
 coming, if he came at all, at the head of the 
 best-provided and best-disciplined troops in 
 Europe. The hope of England at that moment 
 was in her patient suffering sailors at Plymouth. 
 Each .morning they looked out passionately for 
 the Spanish sails. Time was a worse enemy than 
 the galleons. The six weeks would be soon gone, 
 and the Queen's ships must then leave the seas 
 if the crews were not to starve. Drake had 
 certain news that the Armada had sailed. Where 
 was it ? Once he dashed out as far as Ushant, 
 but turned back, lest it should pass him in the 
 night and find Plymouth undefended ; and smaller 
 grew the messes and leaner and paler the seamen's 
 faces. Still not a man murmured or gave in. 
 They had no leisure to be sick. 
 
 The last week of July had now come. There 
 were half-rations for one week more, and powder 
 for two days' fighting. That was all. On so light 
 a thread such mighty issues were now depending. 
 On Friday, the 23rd, the Armada had started for 
 the second time, the numbers undiminished; 
 religious fervour burning again, and heart and 
 hope high as ever. Saturday, Sunday, and 
 
26o ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Monday they sailed on with a smooth sea and 
 soft south winds, and on Monday night the Duke 
 found himself at the Channel mouth with all his 
 flock about him. Tuesday morning the wind 
 shifted to the north, then backed to the west, and 
 blew hard. The sea got up, broke into the stem 
 galleries of the galleons, and sent the galleys 
 looking for shelter in French harbours. The fleet 
 hove to for a couple of days, till the weather 
 mended. On Friday afternoon they sighted the 
 Lizard and formed into fighting order ; the Duke 
 in the centre, Alonzo de Leyra leading in a vessel 
 of his own called the B>ata Goronada, Don Martin 
 de Recalde covering the rear. The entire line 
 stretched to about seven miles. 
 
 The sacred banner was run up to the masthead 
 of the San Martin. Each ship saluted with all 
 her guns, and every man — officer, noble, seaman, 
 or slave — knelt on the decks at a given signal to 
 commend themselves to Mary and her Son. We 
 shall miss the meaning of this high epic story if 
 we do not realise that both sides had the most 
 profound conviction that they were fighting the 
 battle of the Almighty. Two principles, freedom 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 261 
 
 and authority, were contending for the guidance 
 of mankind. In the evening the Duke sent off 
 two fast fly-boats to Parma to announce his 
 arrival in the Channel, with another reporting 
 progress to Philip, and saying that till he heard 
 from the Prince he meant to stop at the Isle of 
 Wight. It is commonly said that his officers 
 advised him to go in and take Plymouth. There 
 is no evidence for this. The island would have 
 been a far more useful position for them. 
 
 At dark that Friday night the beacons were \ 
 seen blazing all up the coast and inland on the 
 tops of the hills. They crept on slowly through 
 Saturday, with reduced canvas, feeling their Avay 
 — not a sail to be seen. At midnight a pinnace 
 brought in a fishing-boat, from which they learnt 
 that on the sight of the signal fires the English 
 had come out that morning from Plymouth. 
 Presently, when the moon rose, they saw sails 
 passing between them and the land. With day- 
 break the whole scene became visible, and the 
 curtain lifted on the first act of the drama. The 
 Armada was between Rame Head and the Eddy- 
 stone, or a little to the west of it. Plymouth Sound 
 
262 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 was right open to their left. The breeze, which 
 had dropped in the night, was freshening from the 
 south-west, and right ahead of them, outside the 
 Mew Stone, were eleven ships manoeuvring to 
 recover the wind. Towards the land were some 
 forty others, of various sizes, and this formed, as 
 far as they could see, the whole English force. In 
 numbers the Spaniards were nearly three to one. 
 In the size of the ships there was no comparison. 
 With these advantages the Duke decided to 
 engage, and a signal was made to hold the wind 
 l^and keep the enemy apart. The eleven ships 
 ahead were Howard's squadron ; those inside were 
 Drake and the adventurers. With some surprise 
 the Spanish officers saw Howard reach easily to 
 windward out of range and join Drake. The 
 whole English fleet then passed out close-hauled 
 in line behind them and swept along their rear, 
 using guns more powerful than theirs and pouring 
 in broadsides from safe distance with deadly effect. 
 Recalde, with Alonzo de Leyva and Oquendo, who 
 came to his help, tried desperately to close ; but 
 they could make nothing of it. They were out- 
 sailed and out-cannoned. The English fired five 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 263 
 
 shots to one of theirs, and the effect was the more 
 destructive because, as with Rodney's action at 
 Dominica, the galleons were crowded with troops, 
 and shot and splinters told terribly among them. 
 
 The experience was new and not agreeable. 
 Recalde's division was badly cut up, and a Spaniard 
 present observes that certain officers showed cow- 
 ardice — a hit at the Duke, who had kept out of 
 fire. The action lasted till four in the afternoon. 
 The wind was then freshening fast and the sea 
 rising. Both fleets had by this time passed the 
 Sound, and the Duke, seeing that nothing could 
 be done, signalled to bear away up Channel, the 
 English following two miles astern. Recalde's 
 own ship had been an especial sufferer. She was 
 observed to be leaking badly, to drop behind, and 
 to be in danger of capture. Pedro de Valdez wore 
 round to help him in the Gapitana, of the Anda- 
 lusian squadron, fouled the Santa Gatalina, in 
 turning, broke his bowsprit and foretopmast, and 
 became unmanageable. The Andalusian Capi- 
 tana was one of the finest ships in the Spanish 
 fleet, and Don Pedro one of the ablest and most 
 popular commanders. She had $00 men on 
 
264 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 board, a large sum of money, and, among other 
 treasures, a box of jewel-hilted swords, which 
 Philip was sending over to the English Catholic 
 peers. But it was growing dark. Sea and sky 
 looked ugly. The Duke was flurried, and signalled 
 to go on and leave Don Pedro to his fate. Alonzo 
 de Leyva and Oquendo rushed on board the Ban 
 Martin to protest. It was no use. Diego Florez 
 said he could not risk the safety of the fleet for a 
 single officer. The deserted Gajpitana made a 
 brave defence, but could not save herself, and 
 fell, with the jewelled swords, 50,000 ducats, 
 and a welcome supply of powder, into Drake's 
 hands. 
 
 Off the Start there was a fresh disaster. Every- 
 one was in ill-humour. A quarrel broke out be- 
 tween the soldiers and seamen in Oquendo's 
 galleon. He was himself still absent. Some 
 wretch or other flung a torch into the powder 
 magazine and jumped overboard. The deck was 
 blown off, and 200 men along with it. 
 
 Two such accidents following an unsuccessful 
 engagement did not tend to reconcile the 
 Spaniards to the Duke's command. Pedro de 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 265 
 
 Valdez was universally loved and honoured, 
 and his desertion in the face of an enemy so 
 inferior in numbers was regarded as scandalous 
 poltroonery. Monday morning broke heavily. 
 The wind was gone, but there was still a consider- 
 able swell. The English were hull down behind. 
 The day was spent in repairing damages and nail- 
 ing lead over the shot-holes. Recalde was moved 
 to the front, to be out of harm's way, and De 
 Leyva took his post in the rear. 
 
 At sunset they were outside Portland. The 
 English had come up within a league ; but it was 
 now dead calm, and they drifted apart in the tide. 
 The Duke thought of nothing, but at midnight 
 the Spanish officers stirred him out of his sleep to 
 urge him to set his great galleasses to work ; now 
 was their chance. The dawn brought a chance 
 still better, for it brought an east wind, and the 
 Spaniards had now the weather-gage. Could they 
 once close and grapple with the English ships, 
 their superior numbers would then assure them a 
 victory, and Howard, being to leeward and inshore, 
 would have to pass through the middle of the 
 Spanish line to recover his advantage. However, 
 
266 ENGLISH SEAMEN ' [lect. 
 
 it was the same story. The Spaniards could not 
 use an opportunity when they had one. New- 
 modelled for superiority of sailing, the Enghsh 
 ships had the same advantage over the galleons as 
 the steam cruisers would have over the old three- 
 deckers. While the breeze held they went where 
 they pleased. The Spaniards were out-sailed, out- 
 matched, crushed by guns of longer range than 
 theirs. Their own shot flew high over the low 
 English hulls, while every ball found its way 
 through their own towering sides. This time the 
 Ban Martin was in the thick of it. Her double 
 timbers were ripped and torn ; the holy standard 
 was cut in two ; the water poured through the 
 shot-holes. The men lost their nerve. In such 
 ships as had no gentlemen on board notable signs 
 were observed of flinching. 
 
 At the end of that day's fighting the English 
 powder gave out. Two days' service had been the 
 limit of the Queen's allowance. Howard had 
 pressed for a more liberal supply at the last 
 moment;, and had received the characteristic 
 answer that he must state precisely how much he 
 wanted before more could be sent. The lighting 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 267 
 
 of the beacons had quickened the official pulse a 
 little. A small addition had been despatched to 
 Weymouth or Poole, and no more could be done 
 till it arrived. The Duke, meanwhile, was left to 
 smooth his ruffled plumes and drift on upon his 
 way. But by this time England was awake. 
 Fresh privateers, with powder, meat, bread, fi^it, 
 anything that they could bring, were pouring out 
 from the Dorsetshire harbours. Sir George Carey 
 had come from the Needles in time to share the 
 honours of the last battle, * round shot,' as he said, 
 'flying thick as musket balls in a skirmish on 
 land.' 
 
 The Duke had observed uneasily from the 
 Ban Martin's deck that his pursuers were growing 
 numerous. He had made up his mind definitely 
 to go for the Isle of Wight, shelter his fleet in the 
 Solent, land 10,000 men in the island, and stand 
 on his defence till he heard from Parma. He 
 must fight another battle ; but, cut up as he had 
 been, he had as yet lost but two ships, and those 
 by accident. He might fairly hope to force his 
 way in with help from above, for which he had 
 special reason to look in the next engagement 
 
268 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Wednesday was a breathless calm. The English 
 were taking in their supplies. The Armada lay 
 still, repairing damages. Thursday would be St. 
 Dominic's Day. St. Dominic belonged to the 
 Duke's own family, and was his patron saint. St. 
 Dominic he felt sure, would now stand by his 
 kinsman. 
 
 The morning broke with a light air. The 
 English would be less able to move, and with the 
 help of the galleasses he might hope to come to 
 close quarters at last. Howard seemed inclined 
 to give him his wish. With just wind enough to 
 move the Lord Admiral led in the Ark Baleigli 
 straight down on the Spanish centre. The Arh 
 outsailed her consorts and found herself alone 
 with the galleons all round her. At that moment 
 the wind dropped. The Spanish boarding- 
 parties were at their posts. The tops were 
 manned with musketeers, the grappling irons 
 all prepared to fling into the Ark's rigging. In 
 imagination the English admiral was their own. 
 But each day's experience was to teach them a 
 new lesson. Eleven boats dropped from the Ark*s 
 sides and took her in tow. The breeze rose again 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 269 
 
 as she began to move. Her sails filled, and 
 she slipped away tlirough the water, leaving 
 the Spaniards as if they were at anchor, staring 
 in helpless amazement. The wind brought up 
 Drake and the rest, and then began again the 
 terrible cannonade from which the Armada had 
 already suffered so frightfully. It seemed that 
 morning as if the English were using guns of 
 even heavier metal than on either of the preceding 
 days. The armament had not been changed. 
 The growth was in their own frightened imagin- 
 ation. The Duke had other causes for uneasiness. 
 His own magazines were also giving out under 
 the unexpected demands upon them. One battle 
 was the utmost which he had looked for. He 
 had fought three, and the end was no nearer than 
 before. With resolution he might still have 
 made his way into St. Helen's roads, for the 
 English were evidently afraid to close with him. 
 But when St. Dominic, too, failed him he lost his 
 head. He lost his heart, and losing heart he 
 lost all. In the Solent he would have been com- 
 paratively safe, and he could easily have taken 
 the Isle of Wight ; but his one thought now was 
 
270 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 to find safety under Parma's gaberdine and make 
 for Calais or Dunkirk. He supposed Parma to 
 have already embarked, on hearing of his coming, 
 with a second armed fleet, and in condition for 
 immediate action. He sent on another pinnace, 
 pressing for help, pressing for ammunition, and 
 fly-boats to protect the galleons ; and Parma was 
 himself looking to be supplied from the Armada, 
 with no second fleet at all, only a flotilla of river 
 barges which would need a week's work to be 
 prepared for the crossing. 
 
 Philip had provided a splendid fleet, a splendid 
 army, and the finest sailors in the world except 
 the English. He had failed to realise that the 
 grandest preparations are useless with a fool to 
 command. The poor Duke was less to blame 
 than his master. An office had been thrust upon 
 him for which he knew that he had not a single 
 qualification. His one anxiety was to find Parma, 
 lay the weight on Parma's shoulders, and so have 
 done with it. 
 
 On Friday he was left alone to make his way 
 up Channel towards the French shore. The 
 English still followed, but he counted that in 
 
8.] SAILING OF THE ARMADA 271 
 
 Calais roads he would be in French waters, where 
 they would not dare to meddle with him. They 
 would then, he thought, go home and annoy him 
 no further. As he dropped anchor in the dusk 
 outside Calais on Saturday evening he saw, to his 
 disgust, that the endemoniada gente — the infernal 
 devils— as he called them, had brought up at the 
 same moment with himself, half a league astern of 
 him. His one trust was in the Prince of Parma, 
 and Parma at any rate was now within touch. 
 
LECTURE IX 
 
 DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 
 
 TN the gallery at Madrid there is a picture, 
 painted by Titian, representing the Genius 
 of Spain coming to the delivery of the afflicted 
 Bride of Christ. Titian was dead, but the temper 
 of the age survived, and in the study of that great 
 picture you will see the spirit in which the 
 Spanish nation had set out for the conquest of 
 England. The scene is the seashore. The Church 
 a naked Andromeda, with dishevelled hair, 
 fastened to the trunk of an ancient disbranched 
 tree. The cross lies at her feet, the cup over- 
 turned, the serpents of heresy biting at her from 
 behind with uplifted crests. Coming on before a 
 leading breeze is the sea monster, the Moslem 
 fleet, eager for their prey; while in front is 
 Perseus, the Genius of Spain, banner in hand, 
 
LECT. 9-] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 273 
 
 with the legions of the faithful laying not raiment 
 before him, but shield and helmet, the apparel of 
 war for the Lady of Nations to clothe herself 
 with strength and smite her foes. 
 
 In the Armada the crusading enthusiasm had 
 reached its point and focus. England was the 
 stake to which the Virgin, the daughter of Sion, 
 was bound in captivity. Perseus had come at 
 last in the person of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, 
 and with him all that was best and brightest in 
 the countrymen of Cervantes, to break her bonds 
 and replace her on her throne. They had sailed 
 into the Channel in pious hope, with the blessed 
 banner waving over their heads. 
 
 To be the executor of the decrees of Providence 
 is a lofty ambition, but men in a state of high 
 emotion overlook the precautions which are not to 
 be dispensed with even on the sublimest of errands. 
 Don Quixote, when he set out to redress the 
 wrongs of humanity, forgot that a change of linen 
 might be necessary, and that he must take money 
 with him to pay his hotel bills. Philip II., in 
 sending the Armada to England, and confident in 
 supernatural protection, imagined an unresisted 
 
 T 
 
274 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 triumphal procession. He forgot that contractors 
 might be rascals, that water four months in the 
 casks in a hot climate turned putrid, and that 
 putrid water would poison his ships' companies, 
 though his crews were companies of angels. He 
 forgot that the servants of the evil one might fight 
 for their mistress after all, and that he must send 
 adequate supplies of powder, and, worst forgetful- 
 ness of all, that a great naval expedition required a 
 leader who understood his business. Perseus, in the 
 shape of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, after a week 
 of disastrous battles, found himself at the end of 
 it in an exposed roadstead, where he ought never 
 to have been, nine-tenths of his provisions thrown 
 overboard as unfit for food, his ammunition ex- 
 hausted by the unforeseen demands upon it, the 
 seamen and soldiers harassed and dispirited, 
 officers the whole week without sleep, and the 
 enemy, who had hunted him from Plymouth to 
 Calais, anchored within half a league of him. 
 
 Still, after all his misadventures, he had brought 
 the fleet, if not to tjhe North Foreland, yet within 
 a few miles of it, and to outward appearance not 
 materially injured. Two of the galleons had been 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 275 
 
 taken ; a third, the Banta Ana, had strayed ; and 
 his galleys had left him, being found too weak for 
 the Channel sea ; but the great armament had 
 reached its destination substantially uninjured so 
 far as English eyes could see. Hundreds of men 
 had been killed and hundreds more wounded, and 
 the spirit of the rest had been shaken. But the 
 loss of life could only be conjectured on board the 
 English fleet. The English admiral could only 
 see that the Duke was now in touch with Parma. 
 Parma, they knew, had an army at Dunkirk with 
 him, which was to cross to England. He had 
 been collecting men, barges, and transports all the 
 wmter and spring, and the backward state of 
 Parma's preparations could not be anticipated, 
 still less relied upon. The Calais anchorage was 
 unsafe ; but at that season of the year, especially 
 after a wet summer, the weather usually settled ; 
 and to attack the Spaniards in a French port might 
 be dangerous for many reasons. It was uncertain 
 after the day of the Barricades whether the Duke 
 of Guise or Henry of Valois was master of France, 
 and a violation of the neutrality laws might easily 
 at that moment bring Guise and France into the 
 
276 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 field on the Spaniards' side. It was, no doubt, 
 with some such expectation that the Duke and 
 his advisers had chosen Calais as the point at 
 which to bring up. It was now Saturday, the 7th 
 of August. The Governor of the town came off in 
 the evening to the 8an Martin. He expressed 
 surprise to see the Spanish fleet in so exposed a 
 position, but he was profuse in his offers of service. 
 Anything which the Duke required should be pro- 
 vided, especially every facility for communicating 
 with Dunkirk and Parma. The Duke thanked 
 him, said that he supposed Parma to be already 
 embarked with his troops, ready for the passage, 
 and that his own stay in the roads would be but 
 brief. On Monday morning at latest he expected 
 that the attempt to cross would be made. The 
 Governor took his leave, and the Duke, relieved 
 from his anxieties, was left to a peaceful night. 
 He was disturbed on the Sunday morning by an 
 express fi:om Parma informing him that, so far 
 from being embarked, the army could not be 
 ready for a fortnight. The barges were not in 
 condition for sea. The troops were in camp. The 
 arms and stores were on the quays at Dunkirk. 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 277 
 
 As for the fly-boats and ammunition which the 
 Duke had asked for, he had none to spare. He 
 had himself looked to be supplied from the 
 Armada. He promised to use his best expedition, 
 but the Duke, meanwhile, must see to the safety 
 of the fleet. 
 
 Unwelcome news to a harassed landsman thrust 
 into the position of an admiral and eager to be 
 rid of his responsibilities. If by evil fortune the 
 north-wester should come down upon him, with 
 the shoals and sandbanks close under his lee, he 
 would be in a bad way. Nor was the view behind 
 him calculated for comfort. There lay the enemy 
 almost within gunshot, who, though scarcely more 
 than half his numbers, had hunted him like a pack 
 of bloodhounds, and, worse than all, in double 
 strength; for the Thames squadron — three 
 Queens ships and thirty London adventurers — 
 imder Lord H. Seymour and Sir John Hawkins, 
 had crossed in the night. There they were be- 
 tween him and Cape Grisnez, and the reinforce- 
 ment meant plainly enough that mischief was in 
 the wind. 
 
 After a week so trying the Spanish crews 
 
278 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 would have been glad of a Sunday's rest if they 
 could have had it ; but the rough handling which 
 they had gone through had thrown everything 
 into disorder. The sick and wounded had to 
 be cared for, torn rigging looked to, splintered 
 timbers mended, decks scoured, and guns and 
 arms cleaned up and put to rights. And so it was 
 that no rest could be allowed ; so much had to be 
 done, and so busy was everyone, that the usual 
 rations were not served out and the Sunday was 
 kept as a fast. In the afternoon the stewards 
 went ashore for fresh meat and vegetables. They 
 came back with their boats loaded, and the prospect 
 seemed a little less gloomy. Suddenly, as the 
 Duke and a group of officers were watching the 
 English fleet from the ^an Martin's poop deck, a 
 small smart pinnace, carrying a gun in her bow, 
 shot out from Howard's lines, bore down on the 
 San Martin, sailed round her, sending in a shot 
 or two as she passed, and went off unhurt. 
 The Spanish officers could not help admiring 
 such airy impertinence. Hugo de Mon^ada sent 
 a ball after the pinnace, which went through 
 her mainsail, but did no damage, and the 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 279 
 
 pinnace again disappeared behind the English 
 ships. 
 
 So a Spanish officer describes the scene. The 
 English story says nothing of the pinnace; but 
 she doubtless came and went as the Spaniard 
 says, and for sufficient purpose. The English, 
 too, were in straits, though the Duke did not 
 dream of it. You will remember that the last 
 supplies which the Queen had allowed to the fleet 
 had been issued in the middle of June. They 
 were to serve for a month, and the contractors 
 were forbidden to prepare more. The Queen had 
 clung to her hope that her differences with Philip 
 were to be settled by the Commission at Ostend ; 
 and she feared that if Drake and Howard were 
 too well furnished they would venture some fresh 
 rash stroke on the coast of Spain, which might 
 mar the negotiations. Their month's provisions 
 had been stretched to serve for six weeks, and. 
 when the Armada appeared but two full days' 
 rations remained. On these they had fought 
 their way up Channel. Something had been 
 brought out by private exertion on the Dorset- 
 shire coast, and Seymour had, perhaps, brought a 
 
28o , ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 little more. But they were still in extremity. 
 The contractors had warned the Government that 
 they could provide nothing without notice, and 
 notice had not been given. The adventurers 
 were in better state, having been equipped by 
 private owners. But the Queen's ships in a day 
 or two more must either go home or their crews 
 would be starving. They had been on reduced 
 rations for near two months. Worse than that, 
 they were still poisoned by the sour beer. The 
 Queen had changed her mind so often, now 
 ordering the fleet to prepare for sea, tlien re- 
 calling her instructions and paying off the men, 
 that those whom Howard had with him had been 
 enlisted in haste, had come on board as they were, 
 and their clothes were hanging in rags on them. 
 The fighting and the sight of the flying Spaniards 
 were meat and drink, and clothing too, and had 
 made them careless of all else. There was no 
 fear of mutiny; but there was a limit to the 
 toughest endurance. If the Armada was left 
 undisturbed a long struggle might be still before 
 them. The enemy would recover from its flurry, 
 and Parma would come out from Dunkirk. To 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 281 
 
 attack them directly in French waters might lead 
 to perilous complications, while delay meant 
 famine. The Spanish fleet had to be started 
 from the roads in some way. Done it must be, 
 and done immediately. 
 
 Then, on that same Sunday afternoon a 
 memorable council of war was held in the ArUs 
 main cabin. Howard, Drake, Seymour, Hawkins, 
 Martin Frobisher, and two or three others met to 
 consult, knowing that on them at that moment 
 the liberties of England were depending. Their 
 resolution was taken promptly. There was no 
 time for talk. After nightfall a strong flood tide 
 would be setting up along shore to the Spanish 
 anchorage. They would try what could be done 
 with fire-ships, and the excursion of the pinnace, 
 which was taken for bravado, was probably for a 
 survey of the Armada's exact position. Mean- 
 time eight useless vessels were coated with pitch 
 — hulls, spars, and rigging. Pitch was poured on 
 the decks and over the sides, and parties were 
 told off to steer them to their destination and 
 then fire and leave them. 
 
 The hours stole on, and twilight passed into 
 
282 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 dark. The night was without a moon. The 
 Duke paced his deck late with uneasy sense of 
 danger. He observed lights moving up and 
 down the English lines, and imagining that the 
 endemoniada gente — the infernal devils — might be 
 up to mischief, ordered a sharp look-out. A faint 
 westerly air was curling the water, and towards 
 midnight the watchers on board the galleons 
 made out dimly several ships which seemed to 
 be drifting down upon them. Their experience 
 since the action off Plymouth had been so strange 
 and unlocked for that anything unintelligible 
 which the English did was alarming. 
 
 The phantom forms drew nearer, and were 
 almost among them when they broke into a blaze 
 from water-line to truck, and the two fleets were 
 seen by the lurid light of the conflagration ; the 
 anchorage, the walls and windows of Calais, and 
 the sea shining red far as eye could reach, as 
 if the ocean itself was burning. Among the 
 dangers which they might have to encounter, 
 English fireworks had been especially dreaded 
 by the Spaniards. Fire-ships — a fit device of 
 heretics — had worked havoc among the Spanish 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 283 
 
 troops, when the bridge was blown up, at 
 Antwerp. They imagined that similar infernal 
 machines were approaching the Armada. A 
 capable commander would have sent a few 
 launches to grapple the burning hulks, which 
 of course were now deserted, and tow them 
 out of harm's way. Spanish sailors were not 
 cowards, and would not have flinched from duty 
 because it might be dangerous; but the Duke 
 and Diego Florez lost their heads again. A 
 signal gun from the &an Martin ordered the 
 whole fleet to slip their cables and stand out 
 to sea. 
 
 Orders given in panic are doubly unwise, for 
 they spread the terror in which they originate. 
 The danger from the fire-ships was chiefly from 
 the effect on the imagination, for they appear to 
 have drifted by and done no real injury. And it 
 speaks well for the seamanship and courage of 
 the Spaniards that they were able, crowded 
 together as they were, at midnight and in sudden 
 alarm to set their canvas and clear out without 
 running into one another. They buoyed their 
 cables, expecting to return for them at daylight, 
 
284 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 and with only a single accident, to be mentioned 
 directly, they executed successfully a really 
 difficult manoeuvre. 
 
 The Duke was delighted with himself. The 
 fire-ships burnt harmlessly out. He had baffled 
 the inventions of the endemoniada gente. He 
 brought up a league outside the harbour, and 
 supposed that the whole Armada had done the 
 same. Unluckily for himself, he found it at day- 
 light divided into two bodies. The San Martin 
 with forty of the best appointed of the galleons 
 were riding together at their anchors. The rest, 
 two-thirds of the whole, having no second anchors 
 ready, and inexperienced in Channel tides and 
 currents, had been lying to. The west wind was 
 blowing up. Without seeing where they were 
 going they had drifted to leeward, and were two 
 leagues off, towards Gravelines, dangerously near 
 the shore. The Duke was too ignorant to realise 
 the full peril of his situation. He signalled to 
 them to return and rejoin him. As the wind and 
 tide stood it was impossible. He proposed to 
 follow them. The pilots told him that if he did 
 the whole fleet might be lost on the banks. 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 285 
 
 Towards the land the look of things was not 
 more encouraging. 
 
 One accident only had happened the night 
 before. The Gapitana galleass, with Don Hugo 
 de MonQada and eight hundred men on board, 
 had fouled her helm in a cable in getting under 
 way and had become unmanageable. The galley 
 slaves disobeyed orders, or else Don Hugo was as 
 incompetent as his commander-in-chief. The 
 galleass had gone on the sands, and as the tide 
 ebbed had fallen over on her side. Howard, 
 seeing her condition, had followed her in the 
 Ark with four or five other of the Queen's ships, 
 and was furiously attacking her with his boats, 
 careless of neutrality laws. Howard's theory was, 
 as he said, to pluck the feathers one by one from 
 the Spaniard's wing, and here was a feather worth 
 picking up. The galleass was the most splendid 
 vessel of her kind afloat, Don Hugo one of the 
 greatest of Spanish grandees. 
 
 Howard was making a double mistake. He 
 hook the galleass at last, after three hours' 
 fighting. Don Hugo was killed by a musket 
 ball. The vessel was plundered, and Howard's 
 
286 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 men took possession, meaning to carry her away 
 when the tide rose. The French authorities 
 ordered him off, threatening to fire upon him ; 
 and after wasting the forenoon, he was obliged 
 at last to leave her where she lay. Worse than 
 this, he had lost three precious hours, and had 
 lost along with them, in the opinion of the 
 Prince of Parma, the honours of the great day. 
 Drake and Hawkins knew better than to 
 waste time plucking single feathers. The fire- 
 ships had been more effective than they could 
 have dared to hope. The enemy was broken up. 
 The Duke was shorn of half his strength, and 
 the Lord had delivered him into their hand. He 
 had got under way, still signalling wildly, and 
 uncertain in which direction to turn. His un- 
 certainties were ended for him by seeing Drake 
 bearing down upon him with the whole English 
 fleet, save those which were loitering about the 
 galleass. The English had now the advantage of 
 numbers. The superiority of their guns he knew 
 already, and their greater speed allowed him no 
 hope to escape a battle. Forty ships alone were 
 left to him to defend the banner of the crusade 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 287 
 
 and the honour of Castile ; but those forty were 
 the laigest and the most powerfully armed and 
 manned that he had, and on board them were 
 Oquendo, De Leyva, Recalde, and Bretandona, 
 the best officers in the Spanish navy next to the 
 lost Don Pedro. 
 
 It was now or never for England. The scene 
 of the action which was to decide the future of 
 Europe was between Calais and Dunkirk, a few 
 miles off shore, and within sight of Parma's 
 camp. There was no more manoeuvring for the 
 weather-gage, no more fighting at long range. 
 Drake dashed straight upon his prey as the falcon 
 stoops upon its quarry. A chance had fallen to 
 him which might never return ; not for the vain 
 distinction of carrying prizes into English ports, 
 not for the ray of honour which would fall on him 
 if he could carry off the sacred banner itself and 
 hang it in the Abbey at Westminster, but a 
 chance so to handle the Armada that it should 
 never be seen again in English waters, and deal 
 such a blow on Philip that the Spanish Empire 
 should reel with it. The EngUsh ships had the 
 same superiority over the galleons which steamers 
 
288 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 have now over sailing vessels. They had twice 
 the speed; they could lie two points nearer to 
 the wind. Sweeping round them at cable's 
 length, crowding them in one upon the other, yet 
 never once giving them a chance to grapple, they 
 hurled in their cataracts of round shot. Short as 
 was the powder supply, there was no sparing it 
 that morning. The hours went on, and still the 
 battle raged, if battle it could be called where 
 the blows were all dealt on one side and the 
 suffering was all on the other. Never on sea or 
 land did the Spaniards show themselves worthier 
 of their great name than on that day. But from 
 the first they could do nothing. It was said 
 afterwards in Spain that the Duke showed the 
 white feather, that he charged his pilot to keep 
 him out of harm's way, that he shut himself up 
 in his cabin, buried in woolpacks, and so on. 
 The Duke had faults enough, but poltroonery was 
 not one of them. He, who till he entered the 
 English Channel had never been in action on sea 
 or land, found himself, as he said, in the midst 
 of the most furious engagement recorded in the 
 history of the world. As to being out of harm's 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 289 
 
 way, the standard at his masthead drew the 
 hottest of the fire upon him. The S>an Martin's 
 timbers were of oak and a foot thick, but the 
 shot, he said, went through them enough to 
 shatter a rock. Her deck was a slaughterhouse ; 
 half his company were killed or wounded, and 
 no more would have been heard or seen of the 
 San Martin or her commander had not Oquendo 
 and De Leyva pushed in to the rescue and 
 enabled him to creep away under their cover. 
 He himself saw nothing more of the action after 
 this. The smoke, he said, was so thick that he 
 could make out nothing, even from his masthead. 
 But all round it was but a repetition of the same 
 scene. The Spanish shot flew high, as before, 
 above the low English hulls, and they were 
 themselves helpless butts to the English guns. 
 And it is noticeable and supremely creditable to 
 them that not a single galleon struck her colours. 
 One of them, after a long duel Avith an English- 
 man, was on the point of sinking. An English 
 officer, admiring the courage which the Spaniards 
 had shown, ran out upon his bowsprit, told them 
 that they had done all which became men, and 
 
290 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 urged them to surrender and save their lives. 
 For answer they cursed the English as cowards 
 and chickens because they refused to close. The 
 officer was shot. His fall brought a last broadside 
 on them, which finished the work. They went 
 down, and the water closed over them. Rather 
 death to the soldiers of the Cross than surrender 
 to a heretic. 
 
 The deadly hail rained on. In some ships 
 blood was seen streaming out of the scupper- 
 holes. Yet there was no yielding; all ranks 
 showed equal heroism. The priests went up and 
 down in the midst of the carnage, holding the 
 crucifix before the eyes of the dying. At midday 
 Howard came up to claim a second share in a 
 victory which was no longer doubtful. Towards 
 the afternoon the Spanish fire slackened. Their 
 powder was gone, and they could make no return 
 to the cannonade which was still overwhelming 
 them. They admitted freely afterwards that if 
 the attack had been continued but two hours 
 more they must all have struck or gone ashore. 
 But the English magazines were empty also ; the 
 last cartridge was shot away, and the battle 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 291 
 
 ended from mere inability to keep it up. It 
 had been fought on both sides with peculiar 
 determination. In the English there was the 
 accumulated resentment of thirty years of menace 
 to their country and their creed, with the enemy 
 in tangible shape at last to be caught and 
 grappled with ; in the Spanish, the sense that if 
 their cause had not brought them the help they 
 looked for from above, the honour and faith of 
 Castile should not sufifer in their hands. 
 
 It was over. The English drew off, regretting 
 that their thrifty mistress had limited their means 
 of fighting for her, and so obliged them to leave 
 their work half done. When the cannon ceased 
 the wind rose, the smoke rolled away, and in the 
 level light of the sunset they could see the results 
 of the action. 
 
 A galldon in Recalde's squadron was sinking 
 with all hands. The ^an Philip and the San 
 Matteo were drifting dismasted towards the Dutch 
 coast, where they were afterwards wrecked. Those 
 which were left with canvas still showing were 
 crawling slowly after their comrades who had not 
 been engaged, the spars and rigging so cut up 
 
292 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 that they could scarce bear their sails. The loss 
 of life could only be conjectured, but it had been 
 obviously terrible. The nor'-wester was blowing 
 up and was pressing the wounded ships upon the 
 shoals, from which, if it held, it seemed impossible 
 in their crippled state they would be able to 
 work off. 
 
 In this condition Drake left them for the 
 night, not to rest, but from any quarter to collect, 
 if he could, more food and powder. The snake 
 had been scotched, but not killed. More than 
 half the great fleet were far away, untouched by 
 shot, perhaps able to fight a second battle if they 
 recovered heart. To follow, to drive them on the 
 banks if the wind held, or into the North Sea, 
 anywhere so that he left them no chance of join- 
 ing hands with Parma again, and to use the time 
 before they had rallied from his blows, that was 
 the present necessity. His own poor fellows were 
 famished and in rags; but neither he nor they 
 had leisure to think of themselves. There was 
 but one thought in the whole of them, to be again 
 in chase of the flying foe. Howard was resolute 
 as Drake. All that was possible was swiftly done. 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 293 
 
 Seymour and the Thames squadron were to stay 
 in the Straits and watch Parma. From every 
 attainable source food and powder were collected 
 for the rest — far short in both ways of what ought 
 to have been, but, as Drake said, ' we were resolved 
 to put on a brag and go on as if we needed 
 nothing/ Before dawn the admiral and he were 
 again off on the chase. 
 
 The brag was unneeded. What man could 
 do had been done, and the rest was left to the 
 elements. Never again could Spanish seamen be 
 brought to face the English guns with Medina 
 Sidonia to lead them. They had a fool at their 
 head. The Invisible Powers in whom they had 
 been taught to trust had deserted them. Their 
 confidence was gone and their spirit broken. 
 Drearily the morning broke on the Duke and his 
 consorts the day after the battle. The Armada 
 had collected in the night. The nor'-wester had 
 freshened to a gale, and they were labouring 
 heavily along, making fatal leeway towards the 
 shoals. 
 
 It was St. Lawrence's Day, Philip's patron 
 saint, whose shoulder-bone he had lately added to 
 
294 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 the treasures of the Escurial ; but St. Lawrence 
 was as heedless as St. Dominic. The San Martin 
 had but six fathoms under her. Those nearer to 
 the land signalled five, and right before them 
 they could see the brown foam of the breakers 
 curling over the sands, while on their weather- 
 beam, a mile distant and clinging to them like 
 the shadow of death, were the English ships 
 which had pursued them from Plymouth like 
 the dogs of the Furies. The Spanish sailors and 
 soldiers had been without food since the evening 
 when they anchored at Calais. All Sunday they 
 had been at work, no rest allowed them to eat. 
 On the Sunday night they had been stirred out 
 of their sleep by the fire-ships. Monday they 
 had been fighting, and Monday night committing 
 their dead to the sea. Now they seemed advanc- 
 ing directly upon inevitable destruction. As the 
 wind stood there was still room for them to wear 
 and thus escape the banks, but they would then 
 have to face the enemy, who seemed only refrain- 
 ing j&rom attacking them because while they 
 continued on their present course the winds and 
 waves would finish the work without help from 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 295 
 
 man. Recalde, De Leyva, Oquendo, and other 
 officers were sent for to the S)an Martin to consult. 
 Oquendo came last. *Ah, Senor Oquendo/ said 
 the Duke as the heroic Biscayan stepped on board, 
 * que haremos ? * (what shall we do ?) * Let your 
 Excellency bid load the guns again/ was Oquen- 
 do's gallant answer. It could not be. De Leyra 
 himself said that the men would not fight the 
 English again. Florez advised surrender. The 
 Duke wavered. It was said that a boat was 
 actually lowered to go off to Howard and make 
 terms, and that Oquendo swore that if the boat 
 left the 8an Martin on such an errand he would 
 fling Florez into the sea. Oquendo's advice would 
 have, perhaps, been the safest if the Duke could 
 have taken it. There were still seventy ships 
 in the Armada little hurt. The English were 
 'bragging/ as Drake said, and in no condition 
 themselves for another serious engagement. But 
 the temper of the entire fleet made a courageous 
 course impossible. There was but one Oquendo. 
 Discipline was gone. The soldiers in their des- 
 peration had taken the command out of the hands 
 of the seamen. Officers and men alike abandoned 
 
^96 English seamMn [lect. 
 
 hope, and, with no human prospect of salvation 
 left to them, they flung themselves on their knees 
 upon the decks and prayed the Almighty to have 
 pity on them. But two weeks were gone since 
 they had knelt on those same decks on the first 
 sight of the English shore to thank Him for having 
 brought them so far on an enterprise so glorious. 
 Two weeks ; and what weeks ! Wrecked, torn 
 by cannon shot, ten thousand of them dead or 
 dying — for this was the estimated loss by battle 
 — the survivors could now but pray to be delivered 
 from a miserable death by the elements. In 
 cyclones the wind often changes suddenly back 
 from north-west to west, from west to south. At 
 that moment, as if in answer to their petition, one 
 of these sudden shifts of wind saved them from 
 the immediate peril. The gale backed round to 
 S.S.W., and ceased to press them on the shoals. 
 They could ease their sheets, draw off into open 
 water, and steer a course up the middle of the 
 North Sea. 
 
 So only that they went north, Drake was con- 
 tent to leave them unmolested. Once away into 
 the high latitudes they might go where they 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 297 
 
 would. Neither Howard nor he, in the low state 
 of their own magazines, desired any unnecessary 
 fighting. If the Armada turned back they must 
 close with it. If it held its present course they 
 must follow it till they could be assured it would 
 communicate no more for that summer with the 
 Prince of Parma. Drake thought they would 
 perhaps make for the Baltic or some port in 
 Norway. They would meet no hospitable recep- 
 tion from either Swedes or Danes, but they would 
 probably try. One only imminent danger re- 
 mained to be provided against. If they turned 
 into the Forth, it was still possible for the 
 Spaniards to redeem their defeat, and even yet 
 shake Elizabeth's throne. Among the many 
 plans which had been formed for the invasion 
 of England, a landing in Scotland had long 
 been the favourite. Guise had always preferred 
 Scotland when it was intended that Guise should 
 be the leader. Santa Cruz had been in close 
 correspondence with Guise on this very subject, 
 and many officers in the Armada must have 
 been acquainted with Santa Cruz's views. The 
 Scotch Catholic nobles were still savage at Mary 
 
298 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Stuart's execution, and had the Armada anchored 
 in Leith Roads with twenty thousand men, half 
 a million ducats, and a Santa Cruz at its head, 
 it might have kindled a blaze at that moment 
 from John o' Groat's Land to the Border. 
 
 But no such purpose occurred to the Duke 
 of Medina Sidonia. He probably knew nothing 
 at all of Scotland or its parties. Among the 
 many deficiencies which he had pleaded to Philip 
 as unfitting him for the command, he had said 
 that Santa Cruz had acquaintances among the 
 English and Scotch peers. He had himself none. 
 The small information which he had of anything 
 did not go beyond his orange gardens and his 
 tunny fishing. His chief merit was that he was 
 conscious of his incapacity; and, detesting a 
 service into which he had been fooled by a 
 hysterical nun, his only anxiety was to carry 
 home the still considerable fleet which had been 
 trusted to him without further loss. Beyond 
 Scotland and the Scotch Isles there was the .open 
 ocean, and in the open ocean there were no sand- 
 banks and no English guns. Thus, with all sail 
 set he went on before the wind. Drake and 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 299 
 
 Howard attended him till they had seen him 
 past the Forth, and knew then that there was 
 no more to fear. It was time to see to the wants 
 of their own poor fellows, who had endured so 
 patiently and fought so magnificently. On the 
 1 3th of August they saw the last of the Armada, 
 turned back, and made their way to the Thames. 
 
 But the story has yet to be told of the final 
 fate of the great 'enterprise of England' (the 
 'empresa de Inglaterra '), the object of so many 
 prayers, on which the hopes of the Catholic world 
 had been so long and passionately fixed. It had 
 been ostentatiously a religious crusade. The pre- 
 parations had been attended with peculiar solem- 
 nities. In the eyes of the faithful it was to be 
 the execution of Divine justice on a wicked 
 princess and a wicked people. In the eyes of 
 millions whose convictions were less decided it 
 was an appeal to God's judgment to decide 
 between the Reformation and the Pope. There 
 was an appropriateness, therefore, if due to 
 accident, that other causes besides the action of 
 man should have combined in its overthrow. 
 
 The Spaniards were experienced sailors; a 
 
300 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 voyage round the Orkneys and round Ireland to 
 Spain might be tedious, but at that season of the 
 year need not have seemed either dangerous or 
 difficult. On inquiry, however, it was found that 
 the condition of the fleet was seriously alarming. 
 The provisions placed on board at Lisbon had 
 been found unfit for food, and almost all had 
 been thrown into the sea. The fresh stores 
 taken in at Corunna had been consumed, and it 
 was found that at the present rate there would 
 be nothing left in a fortnight. Worse than all, 
 the water-casks refilled there had been carelessly 
 stowed. They had been shot through in the fight- 
 ing and were empty; while of clothing or other 
 comforts for the cold regions which they were 
 entering no thought had been taken. The mules 
 and horses were flung overboard, and Scotch 
 smacks, which had followed the retreatmg fleet, 
 reported that they had sailed for miles through 
 floating carcases. 
 
 The rations were reduced for each man to a 
 daily half-pound of biscuit, a pint of water, and 
 a pint of wine. Thus, sick and hungry, the 
 wounded left to the care of a medical officer, who 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 301 
 
 went from ship to ship, the subjects of so many 
 prayers were left to encounter the climate of the 
 North Atlantic. The Duke blamed all but him- 
 self; he hanged one poor captain for neglect of 
 orders, and would have hanged another had he 
 dared ; but his authority was gone. They passed 
 the Orkneys in a single body. They then parted, 
 
 \ it was said in a fog ; but each commander had to 
 look out for himself and his men. In many ships 
 water must be had somewhere, or they would die. 
 The ^an Martin, with sixty consorts, went north 
 to the sixtieth parallel. From that height the 
 pilots promised to take them down clear of the 
 coast. The wind still clung to the west, each 
 day blowing harder than the last. When they 
 braced round to it their wounded spars gave 
 way. Their rigging parted. With the greatest 
 difficulty they made at last sufficient offing, and 
 rolled down somehow out of sight of land, dipping 
 their yards in the enormous seas. Of the rest, 
 one or two went down among the Western Isles 
 
 j and became wrecks there, their crews, or part of 
 them, making their way through Scotland to 
 Flanders. Others went north to Shetland or the 
 
302 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 Faroe Islands. Between thirty and forty were 
 tempted in upon the Irish coasts. There were 
 Irishmen in the fleet, who must have told them 
 that they would find the water there for which 
 they were perishing, safe harbours, and a Mendly 
 Catholic people ; and they found either harbours 
 which they could not reach or sea-washed sands 
 and reefs. They were all wrecked at various 
 places between Donegal and the Blaskets. Some- 
 thing like eight thousand half-drowned wretches 
 struggled on shore alive. Many were gentlemen, 
 richly dressed, with velvet coats, gold chains, and 
 rings. The common sailors and soldiers had been 
 paid their wages before they started, and each 
 had a bag of ducats lashed to his waist when he 
 landed through the surf. The wild Irish of 
 the coast, tempted by the booty, knocked un- 
 known numbers of them on the head with their 
 battle-axes, or stripped them naked and left them 
 to die of the cold. On one long sand strip in Sligo 
 an English officer counted eleven hundred bodies, 
 and he heard that there were as many more a 
 few miles distant. 
 
 The better-educated of the Ulster chiefs, the 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 303 
 
 O'Rourke and O'Donnell, hurried down to stop 
 the butchery and spare Ireland the shame of 
 murdering helpless Catholic friends. Many — how 
 many cannot be said — found protection in 
 their castles. But even so it seemed as if some 
 inexorable fate pursued all who had sailed 
 in that doomed expedition. Alonzo de Leyva, 
 with half a hundred young Spanish nobles of high 
 rank who were under his special charge, made his 
 way in a galleass into Eallibeg. He was himself 
 disabled in landing. O'Donnell received and 
 took care of him and his companions. After 
 remaining in O'DonnelFs castle for a month he 
 recovered. The weather appeared to mend. The 
 galleass was patched up, and De Leyva ventured 
 an attempt to make his way in her to Scotland. 
 He had passed the worst danger, and Scotland 
 was almost in sight ; but fate would have its 
 victims. The galleass struck a rock off Dunluce 
 and went to pieces, and Don Alonzo and the 
 princely youths who had sailed with him were 
 washed ashore all dead, to find an unmarked 
 grave in Antrim. 
 
 Most pitiful of all was the fate of those who 
 
304 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 fell into the hands of the English garrisons in 
 Galway and Mayo. Galleons had found their 
 way into Galway Bay — one of them had reached 
 Galway itself — the crews half dead with famine 
 and offering a cask of wine for a cask of water. 
 The Galway townsmen were human, and tried to 
 feed and care for them. Most were too far gone 
 to be revived, and died of exhaustion. Some might 
 have recovered, but recovered they would be a 
 danger to the State. The English in the West 
 of Ireland were but a handful in the midst of a 
 sullen, half-conquered population. The ashes of 
 the Desmond rebellion were still smoking, and Dr. 
 Sanders and his Legatine Commission were fresh 
 in immediate memory. The defeat of the Armada 
 in the Channel could only have been vaguely 
 heard of All that English officers could have 
 accurately known must have been that an enor- 
 mous expedition had been sent to England by 
 Philip to restore the Pope ; and Spaniards, they 
 found, were landing in thousands in the midst of 
 them with arms and money; distressed for the 
 moment, but sure, if allowed time to get their 
 strength again, to set Connaught in a blaze. 
 
9-] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 305 
 
 They had no fortresses to hold so many 
 prisoners, no means of feeding them, no men to 
 spare to escort them to Dublin. They were 
 responsible to the Queen's Government for the 
 safety of the country. The Spaniards had not 
 come on zAj errand of mercy to her or hers. 
 The stem order went out to kill them all 
 wherever they might be found, and two thousand 
 or more were shot, hanged, or put to the sword. 
 Dreadful ! Yes, but war itself is dreadful and 
 has its own necessities. 
 
 The sixty ships which had followed the Ban 
 Martin succeeded at last in getting round Cape 
 Clear, but in a condition scarcely less miserable 
 than that of their companions who had perished 
 in Ireland. Half their companies died — died of 
 untended wounds, hunger, thirst, and famine fever. 
 The survivors were moving skeletons, more 
 shadows and ghosts than living men, with scarce 
 strength left them to draw a rope or handle a 
 tiller. In some ships there was no water for 
 fourteen days. The weather in the lower lati- 
 tudes lost part of its violence, or not one of them 
 would have seen Spain again. As it was they 
 
3o6 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lect. 
 
 drifted on outside Scilly and into the Bay of 
 Biscay, and in the second week in September 
 they dropped in one by one. Recalde, with 
 better success than the rest, made Corunna. 
 The Duke, not knowing where he was, found 
 himself in sight of Corunna also. The crew of the 
 San Martin were prostrate, and could not work 
 her in. They signalled for help, but none came, 
 and they dropped away to leeward to Bilbao. 
 Oquendo had fallen off still farther to Santander, 
 and the rest of the sixty arrived in the following 
 days at one or other of the Biscay ports. On 
 board them, of the thirty thousand who had left 
 those shores but two months before in high hope 
 and passionate enthusiasm, nine thousand only 
 came back alive — if alive they could be called. 
 It is touching to read in a letter from Bilbao of 
 their joy at warm Spanish sun, the sight of the 
 grapes on the white walls, and the taste of fresh 
 home bread and water again. But it came too 
 late to save them, and those whose bodies might 
 have rallied died of broken hearts and disap- 
 pointed dreams. Santa Cruz's old companions 
 could not survive the ruin of the Spanish navy. 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 307 
 
 Recalde died two days after he landed at Bilbao. 
 Santander was Oquendo's home. He had a wife 
 and children there, but he refused to see them, 
 turned his face to the wall, and died too. The 
 common seamen and soldiers were too weak to 
 help themselves. They had to be left on board 
 the poisoned ships till hospitals could be prepared 
 to take them in. The authorities of Church and 
 State did all that men could do ; but the case 
 was past help, and before September was out all 
 but a few hundred needed no further care. 
 
 Philip, it must be said for him, spared nothing 
 to relieve the misery. The widows and orphans 
 were pensioned by the State. The stroke which 
 had fallen was received with a dignified sub- 
 mission to the inscrutable purposes of Heaven. 
 Diego Florez escaped with a brief punishment at 
 Burgos. None else were punished for faults 
 which lay chiefly in the King's own presumption 
 in imagining himself the instrument of Providence. 
 
 The Duke thought himself more sinned 
 against than sinning. He did not die, like 
 Ilecalde or Oquendo, seeing no occasion for it. 
 He flung down his command and retired to his 
 
3o8 ENGLISH SEAMEN [lkct. 
 
 palace at San Lucan ; and so far was Philip from 
 resenting the loss of the Armada on its com- 
 mander, that he continued him in his governorship 
 of Cadiz, where Essex found him seven years later, 
 and where he ran from Essex as he had run from 
 Drake. 
 
 The Spaniards made no attempt to conceal 
 the greatness of their defeat. Unwilling to allow 
 that the Upper Powers had been against them, 
 they set it frankly down to the superior fighting 
 powers of the English. 
 
 The English themselves, the Prince of Parma 
 said, were modest in their victory. They thought 
 little of their own gallantry. To them the defeat 
 and destruction of the Spanish fleet was a declara- 
 tion of the Almighty in the cause of thefr country 
 and the Protestant faith. Both sides had ap- 
 pealed to Heaven, and Heaven had spoken. 
 
 It was the turn of the tide. The wave of the 
 reconquest of the Netherlands ebbed from that 
 moment Parma took no more towns from the 
 Hollanders. The Catholic peers and gontlemen 
 of England, who had held aloof from the Estab- 
 lished Church, waiting od illud tem'pnz for a 
 
9.] DEFEAT OF THE ARMADA 309 
 
 religious revolution, accepted the verdict of Provi- 
 dence. They discovered that in Anglicanism they 
 could keep the faith of their fathers, yet remain 
 in communion with their Protestant fellow- 
 countrymen, use the same liturgy, and pray in 
 the same temples. For the first time since 
 Elizabeth's father broke the bonds of Rome the 
 English became a united nation, joined in loyal 
 enthusiasm for the Queen, and were satisfied that 
 thenceforward no Italian priest should tithe or 
 toll in her dominions. 
 
 But all that, and all that went with it, the 
 passing from Spain to England of the sceptre of 
 the seas, must be left to other lectures, or other 
 lecturers who have more years before them than 
 I. My own theme has been the poor Protestant 
 adventurers who fought through that perilous 
 week in the English Channel and saved their 
 country and their country's liberty. 
 
 Richard Clay Sr ISo/is, Limited, London Sc Bungay. 
 
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