'\^i':*1'>?:k- ^'iUy^hh' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES ^ >•. . V # ^ > > THE POLITICAL MANUAL COMPRISING NUMEEOUS IMPOETANT DOCUMENTS CONNECTED "WITH THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA, COMPILED FROM OFFICIAL KECOKDS, WITH BIOGKArniCAL SKETCHES AND COMMENTS. • •"•>*.• BTK" J. m:. HItVTT, INDIANAPOLIS, IND.: ASHER & ADAMS, Publishei-s, 18 64. Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1864, by ASHER & ADAMS, In the Clerk's office of the District Court for the District of Indiana. » » • 3 3 V' rOEMATION OF THE ORIGINAL UNION. On Monday, the 5th of September, 1774, there were assem- bled at Carpenter's Ilall, in the city of Phihidelphia, a number of men who had been chosen and appointed by the several _ colonies in North America to hold a Congress for the purpose ) of discussing certain grievances imputed against the mother- ^1 country. This Congress resolved on the next day that each colony should have one vote only. On Tuesday, the 2d July, •^ 1776, the Congress resolved, "That these United Colonies are, C*>\f\ and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States," etc., etc.; and on Thursday, the 4th July, the whole Dechiration of Independence having been agreed upon, it was publicly read to the people. Shortly after, on the 9th September, it was resolved that the words " United Colonies" should be no longer used, and that the "Unitkd States of America" should thencefor- ward be the style and title of the Union. On Saturday, the 15th November, 1777, "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual \ Union of the United States of America" were agreed to by the ^ state delegates, subject to the ratification of the state legisla- ^ tures severally. Eight of the states ratified these articles on T" the 9th July, 1778 ; one on the 21st July ; one on the 24th July ; 1 one on the 26th November of the same year; one on the 22d ^ February, 1779; and the last one on the 1st March, 1781. Here *J was a bond of union between thirteen independent states, whose ^ delegates in Congress legislated for the general welfare, and executed certain powers, so far as they were permitted Ijy the articles aforesaid. The following are the names of the Presi- dents of the Continental Congress from 1774 to 1788: ^o*- Peyton Randolph, Virginia 5th Sept., 1774 Henry Middleton, South Carolina 22d Oct., 1774 Peyton Randolph, Virginia lOth May, 1775 John Hancock, Massachusetts 24th May, 177C Henry Laurens, South Carolina IstNov., 1777 John Jay, New York 10th Dec, 1778 Samuel Huntingdon, Connecticut 28th Sep., 1770 Thomas McKean, Delaware lOthJuly, 1782 John Hanson, Maryland 5thNov., 1781 Ellas Boudinot, New Jersey 4th " 1782 Thomas Mifflin, Pennsylvania, 3d " 1783 (5) 6 POPULATION UNITED STATES. Rich.ird Henry Lee, Virginia 30th Nov., 1784 Natlaaniel Gorliam, Massachusetts 6th Jan., 1786 Arthur St. Clair, Pennsylvania 2d Feb., 1787 Cyrus Griffin, Virginia 22d Jan., 1788 The seat of government was established as follows : at riaila- delphia, Pa., commencing September 5, 1774, and May 10, 1775; at Baltimore, Md., December 20, 1776 ; at Philadelphia, Pa., March 4, 1777; at Lancaster, Pa., September 27, 1777; at York, Pa., September 30, 1777; at Philadelphia, Pa., July 2, 1778; atPrinceton, N. J., June 30, 1783; at Annapolis, Md., November 26, 1783; at Trenton, N. J, November 1, 1784; and at New York City, N. Y, Jan. 11, 1785. On the 4th March, 1789, the present Constitution, which had been adopted by a convention and ratified by the requisite number of states, went into operation. POPDLATION OF THE UNITED STATES AT DECENNIAL PERIODS. Census "White Persons. Colored Persons. Total Years. Free. yiave. Total. Population. 1790... 1800... 1810... 1820... 1830... 1840... 1850... 1860... 8,172,464 4,304,489 5,802,004 7,801,937 10,537,378 14,195,695 19,553,068 26.964,930 59,466 108,395 186,446 238,150 319,599 386,303 434,495 487,970 097,897 893.041 1,191^364 1,538,088 2,009,043 2,487,455 3,204,313 3,953,760 757,363 1,001,436 1,377,810 1,776,194 2,328,642 2,873,758 3,638,808 4,441,730 3,929,827 6,305,925 7,239,814 9,638,131 12,866,020 17,069,453 23,191,876 81,443,322 DECLAllATION OF INDEPENDENCE. IN CONGRESS, TUESDAY, JULY 4, 1776. Agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into their further con- sideration the Declaration ; and after some time the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Harrison reported that the com- mittee had agreed to a declaration, which they desired him to report. (The committee consisted of Jefferson, Franklin, John Adams, ISherman, and K. R. Livingston.) The Declaration being read, was agreed to, as follows : A DECLARATION U\' THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IX CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are cre- ated equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of govern- ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new govern- ment, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- tate that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing tiio (") 8 DECI-AUATIOX OF IXDErEXDEXCET. forms to which they ^re accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sutlerance of these colonies, and snch is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great liritain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all havin'^, in direct o])jcct, the establishment of, an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facta be submitted to a candid world : He has refus-ed hi.s assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for tlie public good. He has forl>idden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature; a right inesti- mable to them, and formidalde to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for oppo- sing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time iiftt-r such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; wliereby tlie legislative powers, in- capable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of for- eigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their emigration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. DECtARATlO'N OF INDEPENDENCE. 9 He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislature. He has afl'ected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment, foP any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; For imposing taxes on us without our consent; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury- For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended effences. For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbor- ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our govera- ments ; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mer- cenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally un- worthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose 10 UECLAUATION OF INnKl'ENDli.NCK. character m thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unlit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British breth- ren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their loiiislature to extend an unwarrnutable jurisdic- tion over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emii^ration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpa- t'ons, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold' the rest of mankind, enemies in war — in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, ap- pealing to the Supreme Judge of the World fur the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Frhb AND Independent States; that they arc absolved from all alle- giance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Dritain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as FEEE AND INDEPEN- DENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mu- tually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The foregoing Declaration was, by order of Congress, en grossed, and signed by the following members : JOHN HANCOCK. New Hampshire. Massachusetts Baj/. JosiAii Baktlett, Samuel Ao^vits, William Whipple, John Adajis, Matthew Thornton. Robert Treat Payne, Elbridge Gerry. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 11 Rhode Island. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Conneciicut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolsott. iVew York. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. I\^ew Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clakk. Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. Delaware. CiESAR Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. # Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jun., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. North Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jun., Thomas Lynch, Jun,, Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OE AMERICA. We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our pos- terity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. AKTICLE I. Section 1. All the legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Kepresentatives. Sec. 2. The House of Kepi-esentatives shall bo composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifica- tions requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- tained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, ac- cording to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent ternx of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New (12) THE CONSTITUTION 13 Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Bhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Car- olina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such vacancies. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Seo. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resigna- tion, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice President of the United State shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a Presi- dent pro tempore^ in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirma- tion. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and en- joy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. Seo. 4. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by 14 . THE CONSTITUTION'. law make or alter such regulations, except as the places of choos- ing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and Buch meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. 5. Each llouse shall be the judge of the elections, re- turns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. Each llouse may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, pun- ish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concur- rence of two-thirds, expel a member. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Sec. G. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privi- liged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the author- ity of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments Avhereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Seo. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or con- cur with amendments as on other bills. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- tives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States : If he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider THE COXSTITUTIOV, 15 it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, toj^ether with the objec- tions, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be recon- sidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Hou-ses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons vojjing for and against the bilf shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. H' any bill shall not be returned by the President Avithin ten days (fc?undays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote to vrhich the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (ex- cept on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him; or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sec. 8. The Congress shall have Power — To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay ti^ie debts and provide for the common defence and general wel- fare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ; To borrow money on the credit of the United States; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States ; To establish post offices and post roads; To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by secur- ing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries; To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and ofl'ences against the law of nations; To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water; To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years; 16 THE COKSTITfTION. To provide and maintain a navy; To make rules for the government and regulation cf the land and naval forces ; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in tho service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training he militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ton miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erec- tion of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings; and To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for car- rying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof Skc. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- f ended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the pub- ic safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present. THB OONSTITDTION. 17 cmoliunent, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. Hkc. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque or reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab- solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Section 1. The Executive Power shall be vested in a Presi- dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same terra, be elected as follows: Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be en- titled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or per- son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of one at least shall not be an inhabi- tant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one 18 THE CONSTITUTION. of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote. A quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who liave equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice President.*] The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day ehall be the same throughout the United States. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, stall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and du- ties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice Presi- dent, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disa- bility be removed, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall net receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : "I do solemly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Seo. 2. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the Beveral States, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal ^This clauBS has been superceded and annuled by the 12th amendment. THE CONSTITt TU)N. 19 oflScer in each of the Executive DepartinentH, upon Mny subject relating to the duties of their respective otficcs ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-tiiirds of the Senate present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and witli the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other pulilic ]\Iinisters and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appoint- ments are not herein otherwise provided for, and -which shall be established bylaw; but the Congress may by law vest the ap- pointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of De- partments. The President shall have power to fill "up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting com- missions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. Skc. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and I'xpedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the oflicers of the United States. Sec. 4. The President, Vice President, and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeach- ment for, and conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. Skction 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The .fudges, both of the Supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good behayior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a comjftnsation, which shall not be diminished 'luring their continuance in office. Sec. 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Consuls ; to all cases of admirality and maritime 20 TITB CONSTITUTION'. jurisdiction; to controversies to wliicli the United States sl)all be a party; to controversies between two or more States; be- tween a State and citizens of another State; between citizens of diB'erent States; between citizens of the same State claiming hinds under j^rants of diflerent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. In all cases aflectino; Ambassador.s, other public Ministers and Consuls, and tiiose in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all tlie other cases before mentioned, the Supremo Court shall have appellate juris- diction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of Impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not commiti- ted within any State, the trial shall bo at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Sec. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies, giv- ingthemaid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of trea- son unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open Court. The Congress shall have power to declare tiie punishaAent of treason, but, no Attainder of Treason, shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the eftect thereof. Sec. 2. Tlie citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall ilec from justice, and be found in another State, .shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he iled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the law^s thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to vi'hom such service or labor may be due. Sec. .'). New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within THK CONSTITUTION. 21 the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all need- ful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other prop- erty belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Consti- tution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or any particular State. Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of Government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the Leg- islature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature can not be convened,) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both House shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to the Constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the sev- eral States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three- fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hun- dred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States, under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and Eepresentatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial oflicers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Con- stitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a quali- fication to any office or public trust under the United States. 22 TllK CONSTITUTIOK. ARTICLE vn. Tlie ratification of the Conventions of nine .States shall be Buflii'ient fur the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifyin^i; the same. Do.NF. in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the tvrelfth. In Witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. ^ GEO. WASHINGTON, Fres't and Deputy from Virginia. New Hampshire. Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts. KuFus King. Connecticut. KoGER Sherman. Netc York. JouN Langdon, Nathaniel Gorham, Wm. Saml. Johnson, Alexander Hamilton. WiL. Livingston, Wm. Paterson, a. Franklin, RoBT. Morris, Tho. Fitzsimons, James Wilson, Geo. Head, John ])ickin.son, Jaco. Bkooji, James M'Henrt, Danl. Carroll, John Blair, Wm. Blount, Hu. Williamson. J. Kutledge, Charles Pinckney, William Few, Attest : New Jersey. David BREARLEr, Jona. Dayton. Fennsylvania. Thomas Mifflin, Geo. Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Gouv. Morris. Delaware. Gunning Bedford, Jun'b, Richard Bassett. Maryland. Dan. of St. Thos. Jenifer. Virginia. James Madison, Jr. North Carolina. Rich'd Dobbs Spaight. South Carolina. Charles Cotesworth Pincknby, Pierce Butler. Georgia. Abr. Baldwin. WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. TUB CONSTITUTION. 23 ARTICLES, In addition to, and amendment of, tho Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to tho fifth article of tho original Constitution. ARTICLE 1 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the riglitof the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. ARTICLE IL A well-regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE III. Ivo soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon prob- able cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infomous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or pub- lic danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be com- pelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have com- 24 THI4 0ON3TITUT10N. pulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, andtohavt^ the assistance of counsel for his defence. ARTICLE VII. In suits at common Jaw, where the value in controversey shaH exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre served, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-exam ined in any Court of the United States, than according to th< rules of the common law. AUTICLB VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines in* posed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. AKTICLK IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shal no* be construed to deny or disparage others retained by tho people. ABTIOLB X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Consti- tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. ARTICLE XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be con- strued to extend to any suit, in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of an- other State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. ARTICLE XII. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of tho same State with them- selves; they shall name in their ballot the person voted for as President, and in distinct bal]ot.s the person voted for as Vice- President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and all persons voted for as Vice Presi- dent, and of the number of votes for each, w!iich lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of gov- ernment of the United States, directed to the President ofthe Senate: — The President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Kepresentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; The person having tho greatest number of votes for President, shall be the I'resident, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on THE CONSTITUTI0X. 25 the list of those voted for as President, the House of Repre- sentatives shall choose iminediatelj by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representa- tives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quo- rum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineli- gible to the office of President, shall be eligible to that of Vice- President of the United States. The Constitution was adopted on the 17th of September, 1787, by the Convention appointed in pursuance of the Resolution of the Congress of the Confederation, of the 21st February, 1787, and ratified by the Conventions of the several States, as follows: By Convention of Delaware Tth December, 1787 " " Pennsylvania 12tb December, 1787 " " New Jersey 18th December, 1787 " " Georgia....' 2d January, 1788 " " Connecticut 9th January, 1788 " " Massachusetts 6th February, 1788 " " Marvland 28th April, 1788 '■ '■' South Carolina I'Sd May, 1788 New Hampshire 21st June, 1788 Virginia 26th June, 1" a II . I! (1 II New York 26th July, 1788 " « North Carolina 2lst November, 1789 " " Rhode Island 29th May, 1790 The first ten of the Amendments were proposed on the 25th September, 1789, and ratified by the constitutional number of States on the 15th December, 1791; the eleventh, on the 8th January, 1798 ; and the twelfth, on the 25th September, 1804. WASHINGTOFS ADDRESSES. There were not many occasions during his public career that Washington was called upon to exercise his abilities as a writer or an orator; but when such o^tjasion did occur, he always ac- quitted himself with a degree of perspicuity and modesty which may be said to have been characteristic of himself alone. The addresses which follow mark, as it were, four distinct epochs in the history of this unexampled man: — the first, when he ac- cepted the command of the armies by which our national inde- pendence was achieved; the second, when he surrendered his commission, after having driven the foes of freedom from his beloved country; the third, when he assumed the responsible duties of president, ia which office his high qualities for civil government were as conspicuous as had been his military tal- ents in the field; and fourth, when he resigned his great trust, and took leave of the people in his imperishable "P'arewell Address," an inestimable legacy, which can not be too frequently conned by every American who values his birthright. Washington's election as commander-in-chief. On the loth of June, 1775, "Washington was unanimously elected by Congress to " command all the Continental forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty," and when he appeared in his place the next day, the President of that body acquainted him with his election, in a well-timed address, " and requested that he should accept of that employ- ment;" to which Washington replied as follows: "Mk. President: Though 1 am truly sensible of the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust: How- ever, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their appro- bation. "But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to (26) Washington's addeesses. 27 my reputation, 1 beg it may be remembered, by every gentle- man in the room, that I, this day, dechire, with the utmost sin- cerity, I do not think myself equal to the command 1 am hon- ored with. "As to pay, sir, 1 beg leave to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, 1 do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all 1 desire." WASHINGTON S RESIGNATION OF HIS COMMISSION, The War of the Revolution having terminated auspiciously, Washington took leave of his officers and army at New York, and repaired to Annapolis, ^Md., where Congress was then in session. On the 20th of December, 1783, he transmitted a letter to that body, apprising them of his arrival, with the intention of resigning his commission, and desiring to know whether it would be most agreeable to receive it in writing or at an audi- ence. It was immediately resolved that a public entertainment be given him on the 22d, and that he be admitted to an audience on the 23d, at 12 o'clock. Accordingly he attended at that time, and, being seated, the President informed him that Congress were prepared to receive his communications. Whereupon he arose, and spoke as follows : "Mr. President: The great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of pre- senting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. "Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sover- eignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, 1 resign with satisfac- tion the appointment I accepted with diffidence: a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task; which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patron- age of Heaven. "The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance 1 have received from my coun trymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest. " While 1 repeat my obligations to the army in general, 1 28 Washington's auukkssks. should do injustice to my own reelinsx.s not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished mrrits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential oiiiet^rs to com- pose my family should have been more fortunate. Pei'mic me, sir, to recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress. "1 consider it an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "Having now finished the work assigned mc, J retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I ha\ e so long acted, 1 here oli'er my commission, and take my leave of all the employ- ments of public life." Washington's inaugural address. In accordance with previous arrangements, (jcueral Wash- ington met Congress in New York on the oOth of April, 1789, for the purpose of being inaugurated as the first President of the United States. The oath of office having been administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York, in presence of the Senate and House of Keprosentatives, the President delivered the following Inaugural Address: '■'■ Felloic- Citizens of Ihe Senate, and of the Houae of Representatives : "Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of whicii the notifica- tion was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, 1 was summoned })y my country, whose voice I can never hear but with venera- tion and love, from a retreat which 1 had chosen with the fond- est predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immuta- ble decision, as the asylum of my declining years; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frc- (juent interruptions in my health, to the gradual waste commit- ted on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and diffi- culty of the trust to wliicli the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondency one, who, inheriting Washington's addresses. 29 inferior endowments i^rom nature, and unpi-acticed in the duties of civil iidministration, oui^lit to be peculiarly conscious of his own deliciencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is, that if, in .executing this task, 1 have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an afiectionate sensibility to this tran- scendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclina- tion for the weighty and untried cares before me-, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its conse- quences be judged by my country, with some share of the par- tiality in Avhich they originated. "Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedi- ence to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first ofiicial act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe — who presides in the councils of nations — and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes; and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with suc- cess the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than cither. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency ; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and volun- tary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced them- selves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, 1 trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free govern- ment can m.ore auspiciously commence. " By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President *to recommend to your consid- ;;0 WASHINGTON S ADOKESSKS. eration such measures as he shall judge uecessary and expedi- eut." The circumstances under which 1 now meet you will ac- quit me fi-oia not entering into th;it subject, lartiier tiian to rc- ler to the sreat constitutional charter under -which you are as- sembled; and which, in dehning your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given, it will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the i'cclings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications 1 behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on anothci-, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of free government be exempliiied by all the attributes which can win the aiiections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. 1 dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction vvhich an ardent love for my country can inspire: since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness — between duty and advantage — between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we_ ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has or- dained; and since the preservation uf the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of tne republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. "Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Con- stitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture, by the nature of objections AThich have been urged against the sys- tem, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, 1 shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for, I assure myself, that whilst you carefully avoid every alter- ation which might endanger the benefits of an united and effect- ive government, or which ought to await the future lessons of WASHINGTON S ADDRESSES. 31 experience, a reverence for the chiiracteristic rights of free- men, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently in- fluence your deliberations on the question, liow far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. "To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the Uouse of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief a^ possible, When I was first honored with a call into the service of m}- country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that 1 should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed ; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, as inapplica- ble to myself, any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department; and must accordingly pray that the pe- cuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expendi- tures as the public good may be thought to require. "Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, 1 shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting once moi;^ to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble sup- plication, that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding, with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of government for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness, so his Divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate con- sultations, and the wise measures, on which the success of this government must depend. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. Friends and Fellow- Citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive Government of the United iStates being not far dis- tant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that 1 should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken withont a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your_ future interest j no deficiency of grateful respect fur your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suCTrages have twice called nie, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. 1 constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which 1 had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last elec- tion, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and criti- cal posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unani- mous advice of persons entitled to my conlidcnce, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice tliat the state of your concerns, external as well aa internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incom- patible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am per- auaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, (32) WASniXGTON S FAUinVlUJ- AUDKESS. ■>■> in the present circumstances of our country, you will not dis- approve my determination to retire. The impressions ■with which 1 undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, 1 ^Yill only say, that 1 have with good intentions contrib- uted towards the organization and administration of the Gov- ernment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualilications, experience, in my own eyes — perhaps still more iu the eyes of others — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, more and more, that the shade of retire- ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if an}' circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, 1 have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patri- otism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to ter- minate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of grati- tude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities] have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness une- qual to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it ahvaj-s be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive examplcHn our annals that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; an.idst appearances sometimes dultious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which, not unfre- quently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criti- cism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its be- neficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be per- petual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; thac. in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so- careful a pres- ervation and so prudent a use of this blessing as- will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. ITere, perhaps, 1 ought to stop; but a solicitude for your wel- 3 34 Washington's faricwkli- adlkess. fare, which c.in not end but with my life. iinJ the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to 3'our frequent review, some sentiments which aro the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permcnancy of our felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal iMOtive to bias his counsel; nor can 1 forget, as an encourage- ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments or a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to for- tify or conBrm the attachment. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. it is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence — the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prospcrty, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is ea?y to foresee that, from dili'erent causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction jt' tiiis truth; as this is the point in your political fortress agtiinst which the batteries of internal ami external enemies will be most constantly and actively (tliough often covertly and insidiously) directed — it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the im- mense value of your National Union to your collective and indi- vidual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoval attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation witfi jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country lias a right to concentrate your affections. The name of Amei-- lean, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must al- ways exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appella- tion derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of diiTercncc, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess Washington's fakkwkll address. 35 are the wurk of joint counsels and joint efforts — of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest; here every por- tion of our country finds the most commanding motives for care- fully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of mar- itime and commercial enterprise, and prescious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own chan- nels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nour- ish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication, by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East sujjplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own pro- ductions, to the weight, influence, and tlie future maritime strength of die Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indis- soluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsi- cally precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immedi- ate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionately greater security from external dangei', a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars be- tween themselves, which so frequently afilict neighboring coun- tries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and 36 •WASniNGTON'S FARE'W'ELL ADDRESS. which are to be regarded as particularly liostilo to republican liberty; in this sense it is that your union ought to be consid- ered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. ^Ye are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, aOectiug all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demon- strated its impracticability, there will always be reason to dis- trust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and iSouthern — Atlantic and West- ern; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other dis- tricts. You can not shield yourself too much against the jeal- ousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresen- tations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen in the negotiation of the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their in- terests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties — that with Great Britian, and that with Spain — which secure to them every thing they could desire in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not bo their wisdom to rely for the preser- vation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 8uch there arc, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Governn ont Washington's fauewell address. 37 for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however .•strict be- tween the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must in- evitably'experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this mo- mentous truth, j'ou have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious man- agement of your common concerns. This Government, the off- spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting secu- rity with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect its authority, compliance with its laws, acqui- escence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of eur political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of Government: but the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole peo- ple, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government, pre-sup- poses the duty of every individual to obey the established Gov- ernment. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular de- liberation and action of the eonstituted authorities, are destruc- tive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary foiice, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minor- ity of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mir- ror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digest- ed by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations and associations of the above descrip- tion may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be ena- l)led to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for them- selves the reins of Government; destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your Government, and the per- manency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authorit}^, but also that you resist with care the ^U^ ^iS7 38 WASHINGTox's FAHEWELL ADDKESS. Spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to unvlcrmine what can not bo directly over- thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, re- member that time and habit arc at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, ex- poses to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothe- sis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. Jt is indeed, little else tlian a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the iTiws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. — I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo- graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more compre- hensive view, and warn j'ou, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful cQects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseperable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists und.^r different sliapes, in all Governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharp- ened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. Tlio disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposi- tion to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to Washington's fakkwei.i, aldiucss. 39 make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract tiie public counsels, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill- founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosities of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insur- rection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in Governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Govern- ments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutory purpose. And there being con- stant danger of excess, the efibrt ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its ad- ministration to confine themselves within their respective con- stitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufBcicnt to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and dis- tributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of public weal, against invasions Ijy the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by wiiioh free Governments are destroyed. The prece- dent must ahva^'s greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield. 40 wasuixgton's farewell address. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political pros- perity, roli.L'iun and morality, are indispensalile supports. In vain would that man claim the tributa of patriotism, wlio .should labor to subvert these i^reat pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. 'I'lie mere pol- itician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply Ije asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense .d' religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments i' investigation in the courts of justice ? And let us with cau- tion indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. AVhatever may be conceded to the iiilluence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular (jlovernment. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. AVho, tliat is a sincere friend to it, can look with indiflerencc upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institu- tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a (Government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method to preserve it is to use it as spar- ingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to pre- pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, Ijut by vigorous exer- tions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned; not ungenerously throwning upon posterity the burden which avc ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that puidic opinion should co-operate. To facil- itate to thcjn the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment (d' debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrass- ment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction cd' the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiscencc in the measures for •wasiiixgton's farewell address. 41 obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies ma}' at that time dictate. Observe good faiih and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does rot equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a tree, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted jus- tice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adhe- rence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which enobles hu- man Mature. Alas! is it to be rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular na- tions, and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and sr-micable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation Avhich indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or its afiection; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur Hence fre- quent collisions, obstinate, envemoned and bhiody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calcations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propen- sity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sin- ister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes per- haps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a partici- pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doublj' to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnec- essarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the 42 Washington's fakkwei.i, address. piirtiis from whom equal privile,i!;es are withheld; and it ,i;ivea to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them- selves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium; sometimes even with popularity; gildinsj; with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal lor public good the base or foolish compliances of amliition, corruption or inl'atuatijn. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. " How many opportunities do they aflbrd to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the p-ublic councils! iSuch an attachment of a small or weak, to- wards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satelite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Ivepiihlican (Jovernment. IJut that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of Uio very influ- ence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive pirtiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for an- other, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. JJeal patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the f.ivorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its t lols and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation, ll'ence she must be engaged in fre- quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially_ foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or tiie ordinary coml)inations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an cflicient (iovernment, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality wo may at any WA.SlIlNIJTLiX S l'"AKE\VKi,r, ADUKESS. 43 time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when bellig- erent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of such a peculiar situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, en- tangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi- tion, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, 1 mean, as wo are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as ca- pable af patronising infidelity to existing engagements. 1 hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. - Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, arc recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting thenatural course of things; diffusing and diversi- fying, bygentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing notlnng; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to nation. _ It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. in ofiering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, 1 dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting expression 1 could wish; that they will con 44 Washington's farewell address. trol the usuri.l ciirrent vl' tlic passions, or prevent our nation from riinniiiLC tlio cay. Passing up this Bay they named its Capes — Henry and Charles, in honor of the King's two sons. Tliey were commanded by Capt. Christopher New- port, an o.xpericnceil and distinguished navigator. Passing up .lames Piver, tliey arrived ai; a Peninsula, upon which they landed and established Jamestown. After promulgating a code of laws which had been formed by the London compan\-, Capt. Newport sailed for England, leaving the colony under the care of Capt. John Smith, whose subse- quent relations to the settlement became so important,, and without whose efforts the enterprise would doubtless iiave proved a failure. The colonists seem to have been ver}- poorly adapted to the labor required at their hands. Too many of them were (jcnllenieu, and came, it appears, only to enrich themselves by gathering gold, Avhich, thny had heard, was very abundant. Through a series of diOiculties, which it is rarely the lot of man to encounter, this colony progressed; the settlers awhile quarreling among themselves, and awhile contending against savages and famine, lor bare existence, until the period of the Revolution, in which it was one of the first colonies to take active part, furnishing to the young IJepublic many of its most (4G) ISISTORY OF STATKS 47 efficient military cliicf'tains and statesmen. It ratified the Constitution June 26th, 1788. After the Revolution it3 course was for many years one of great prosperity. But, unfortun- ately, the year 18G1 found the majority of its statesmen arrayed against the (Jlovcrnment, on the side of secession, and on the 15th of April, 1861, she seceded from the Union. On the 17th of .June, 1861, all the counties lying between the Alle^iiheny Mountains and tiie Ohio river, were, by a convention held at Wheeling, declared independent of the old State government, and were organized into a new State, called West Virginia, which remains loyal. The Capital of the old State was selected as the seat of government of the so-called Confederate States of America. M.VSSACllUSETTS. jMassachusetts was settled in the year 1620, by the Puritans. These people, having been severely persecuted in England, had previously taken refuge in Holland; but for various reasons, they determined, after remaining in Holland a season, to emi- grate to the New World. Unfortunately, they started at a very unpropitious season of the year, arriving at New England in tiie winter. The severity of the climate, their scarcity of food at times, operated seriously against their comfort and progress. it is said that they were frequently threatened with starvation. At one time the entire company had but one pint of Indian corn, which being divided equally among them, allowed to each person eight grains. I>ut, unlike the early settlers of Virginia, they were all working men, and good economists. From the time of the landing at Plymouth up to 1691, this, first, settle- ment was known as the Plymouth Colony. Meantime, another settlement had been formed, styled the ^Massachusetts Colony. Both were for some years under the control of a London com- pany. In 1691, Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies were united, and thenceforward their history is one. The people of Mas.5achusetts were, during the early part of their colonial ex- istence, sorely vexed, at times, by the Indians, especially by the Pequods. They, unfortunately, had imbibed, during their own persecutions, too much of the spirit of conscription, and, although themselves refugees from religious bigotry, sullied much of their history prior to the Kevolution by punishing what they called heresy in the Quakers and Baptists. During 1774 — 1775, Massachusetts took a very prominent part in favor of Colonial rights, and was the first State to manifest the spirit of resentment toward Great Britain. Its history during the War for Independence is one of glory. It adopted the Consti- tution June 6th, 17SS. 48 ins'roi:Y vi- statics. •M-;\V IIAMI'SHIIIE. This State ^vas a part of Massachusetts up to the year IGSO. It was, however, settled in 1024, the first settlement being lurmed at Dover by the English. In IGSO it wa.s erected into a separate colony, and its first legislative assembly met this year. John Mason w:\.- its first Governor. It suffered severely i'romlndian wars, ani its profrress, during the first years of its existence, was slow In 1742 it contained only six hundred persons liable to'taxatiiai. Its first Constitution was formed in I6S3. It suf- fered from the eflects of an insurrection in 16SG, although prior and sub^'e(lucnt to this afi'air, it seem'j to have been one of the most peaceful and quiet of the colonies. It is distinguished for its excellent pastures, towering hills and fine cattle. The White Mountains are the highest in New England. It took a prom- inent and active part'in the Revolution. It ratified the Consti- tution June 21st, 1788, since which time it has been highly prosperous. Its present population is 32G,073. Its course during the Rebellion has been highly commendable. MAKYLAND. In 1632, Sir George Calvert (Lord Baltimore) visited America, explored a tract of country lying on the Chesapeake 15ay, be- longing to what was then called .^uth Virginia, and returned to England to procure a grant for it. But before the patent was made out, he died, and it was given to his son, Cecil._ The prov- ince was named, by King Charles I., in the patent, in honor of his Queen, Henrietta Maria. A part of the province appears to have been included in ttie grant made some time afterward to AWn. Penn, and to have caused much contention between the successors of Penn and Baltimore. In March, 1G34, Leonard Calvert, the brother of Cecil, arrived qt the mouth of the Potomac river, bringing Avith him two hun- dred emigrants, most of whom were Roman Catholic Ccntlemen. Leaving the vessel, he ascended in a pinnace as far as Piska- taqua, an Indian village nearly opposite Mount Vernon. The Indian Sachem gave him full liberty to settle there if he chose; but not deeming it safe, he began a settlenicnt lower down on a branch of the Potomac, at the Indian town of Yoacomoco. The settlement was called St. I\Iarys. Maryland made a very fortunate beginning. The colonists arrived in time to make a crop for that year. Their neighbors in Virginia supplied them with cattle and protected themia great part from the Indians, while their own kind and consist- ent course materially promoted their happy relations with the sayag^os. HISTORY OP STATES. 49 The charter which had been granted them was very liberal, ceding to them the full power of legislation, without any inter- ference on the part of the Crown. In 1635 they made laws for their government, which were somewhat modified in 1639. In 1650 they had an upper and lower legislative assembly, as had their Virginia neighbors. Ten or twelve years after its settlement, Maryland was dis- turbed by an insurrection, headed by one Clayborne; but this difficulty was soon settled. It played a conspicuous part in the Revolution, and adopted the Constitution April 28th, 1788. Its progress has been fair, its present population being 687,049. Its geographical position and the mixed political character of its people caused it to assume a rather dubious attitude at the commencement of the Rebellion of 1861. Some of its best statesmen, however, were among the most uncompromising friends of the Union. NEW YORK. Captain Henry Hudson, the famous voyager, discovered what is now New York, together with a considerable extent of terri- tory contiguous to it, in the year 1609. Although an English- man by nativity, Hudson was at this time employed by the Dutch, (Hollanders) who, consequently, claimed the territory. Meantime the English set up a claim to it, as being a part of North Virginia. They also claimed it on account of Hudson being an Englishman. The Dutch, however, determined to hold it, and in 1610 opened a trade with the natives of Man- hattan Island, on the spot where the City of New York now stands. They erected a fort on or near the site of Albany, named the country in general, New Netherlands, and the station at Manhattan, New Amsterdam. The Dutch retained the counti-y until the year 1664. It seems that up to this time they claimed not only the pres- ent territory of New York, but also that of Connecticut and New Jersey. The liberal governments of the surrounding colo- nies stood in great contrast with the despotic one imposed by the Dutch Government upon their American colonists. And when, in 1664, an English squadron despatched by James, Duke of York, with instructions to take possession of the province of New Netherlands, appeared before New Amsterdam, the inhab- itants were willing to capitulate without resistance. Peter Sty- vesant, their Governor, and an able executive, made vain efforts to rouse them to defence and was forced to surrender. The English Government was now acknowledged over the whole of New Netherlands, the Capital receiving the name of Nevf York, as well as the province. From this time forward to the 4 50 HISTORY OF STATES. Revolutionary War, New York remained in the hands of tlie Enj^lisi), and was under the control of a very arbitrary succes- sion of Governors. The progress of the colony was steady, in numbers, wealth and civilization. It took an active part in the Revolution, and adopted the Constitution .July 26th, 1788. A-fter this it outstripped every other State in the Union in every thing pertaining to wealth and greatness, save education, in which matter no State can compare with ^lassachusetts. At the commencement of the great Rebellion, this noble State showed herself truly worthy to be ranked as the Empire State. She has furnished the Government more money than any other State. Her population is 3,880,735. CONNECTICUT. In the year 1633, the Puritans of Massachusetts, having heard very flattering reports of the valley of Connecticut, resolved to make an effort to settle it. Accordingly, a company of them sailed for the Connecticut river, taking with them the frame of a house. Meantime the Dutch, claiming the territory as theirs, 'built a fort on tlie river where Ilartford now stands, to prevent the emigrants from passing up. The Yankees, however, with that steady perseverance which has always marked their course, proceeded on their way, paj'ing no attention to the Dutch fort, whose only demonstration was an unexecuted threat to fire on the emigrants if they passed it. Landing where Farmington river enters the Connecticut, they founded the town of Wimi- sor. Other settlements were subsequently formed at "Wester- field, Ilartford, and Watertown. The first general Court was held at Ilartford, in the year 1636. The province suffered se- verely from the depredations of the Pequod Indians, with which tribe a great and decisive battle was ultimately fought on the river M3'stic, in the year 1036.* During this year the towns of Windsor, Ilartford, and Wethersfield, met in convention and formed a Government, electing John Haynes the first Governor of the colony. Its course from this period forward was one of great pros- perity. It stood in the front rank during the war for Independ- ence, and in no case was ever known to flinch fi*om duty. It ratified the Constitution June 9th, 1788. Its present population is 400,147. At the commencement of the Rebellion in 1861, its voice was for the Union and the Government of the Fathers. Its aid in behalf of freedom has been earnest and eflBicient. *.This battle resulted in the destruction of the rcquod tribe. aiSTOEY OF STATES. 51 IHODE ISLAND. la June, 1636, Roger Williams, an earnest, enthusiastic advo- cate of religious liberty in the broadest sense, having been ban- ished by the Puritans of Massachusetts from that colony, went to what is now known as Rhode Island, purchased the present site of Providence of the Narigansett Indians, and founded a colony, of which he was at once pastor, teacher and father. He donated land to any whom he thought worthy, and Providence Plantation, as it was long called, became an asylum for persecu- ted Christians of all denominations, especially the Baptists. The first settlement in Rhode Island, proper, was formed by William Codington in the year 1636. Up to 1640, the citizens of Rhode Island made their own laws in general convention. But, in 1644, Roger Williams, with the aid of Gov. Vane, of Massachu- setts, procured a charter for two settlements, under the name of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. The Constitution iramed under this charter was a good one, and lasted until the year 1818. For many years the legislative assembly of this colony met twice a year. Rhode Island is distinguished as the smallest State in the Union. It did noble service in the war for Independence, but did not, for some reason, adopt the Constitution till the 29th of May, 1790. It has been a highly prosperous State; is distin- guished for its good schools and large manufactories. At the breaking out of the rebellion in 1861, it stepped nobly forward in defence of the Government, sending its own Governor to Washington at the head of a regiment of volunteers. Its population is 174,620. NEW JERSEY, At first, formed a part of the Dutch province of New Nether- lands. But soon after the latter came into the hands of the English, the territory of New Jersey was transferred to Lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret, by the Duke of York. The first permanent settlement was formed at Elizabethtown, in 1664, by emigrants from Long Island. Phillip Carteret arrived in the colony in 1665, and became its first Governor. The pro- vince had very little trouble with the Indians. Many emigrants from New England and New York soon arrived, and for a series of years the colony advanced in prosperity. It enjoyed the blessings flowing from a liberal form of government. In the year 1685, the Duke of York became the King of Eng- land, under tne title of James II., and disregarding his former^ pledges, assumed, in 1688, the government of New Jersey,' placing it under the control of Sir Edmond Andros, whom he 52 UISTOKY OF STATES. had already made Governor of New York and New England. This state of things was terminated by the revolution in Eng- land, but left New Jersey for years in a very precarious condi- tion. In 1702, its proprietors having resigned their claims, it became a royal province, and was united to New York. In 1738, it became again a separate province, and so continued un- til the Revolution, in which it took a very active part in favor of liberty. It ratified the Constitution December 18th, 1787. Thence forward its career has been a highly prosperous one. Its strength has been put forth to aid in crushing the great re- bellion. Population 672,075. DELAWARE. Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, formed a plan of estab- lishing colonies in America as early as the year 1026 But as he died on the field of Leutzen, durintr the Sermau war in 1633, without carrying his scheme into effect, tiis minister took it up, and employed Peter Minuets, first Governor of New Nether- lands, to carry it '.nw effect. In 1G38, a small Swedish colony arrived un'Jer the direction of ISlinueta, and settled on Christian Creek, near the present town of Wilmington. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Dutch Government of New Nether- lands, who claimed the territory, the Swedes continued to extend their settlements from this time until they pre-empted all the territory from Capo llenlopen to the falls of^the Delaware. At this time the colony was called New Sweden. In 1651, Gov. Styvesant, to chock the aggressive movements of the Swedes, built a fort near the present site of New Castle, of which the Swedes afterwards obtained possession by strategem. Enraged at this movement, the Government of Holland ordered Styvesant to reduce the Swedes to submission, which he speedily accom- plished with six hundred men, in 1655. The province was soon after annexed to New Netherlands. Delaware was, after it fell into the hands of the English, included in the grant made to William Penn, in 1692. It remained attached to Pennsylvania until 1691, when it was allowed a separate government. It was reunited to Pennsylvania in 1692. In 1703, it was again sepa- rated, having its own Legislature, though the same Governor presided over both colonies. The ancient forms of the govern- ment were preserved through the Jievolutionary struggle. It ratified the Constitution December 7th, 1787. Its position, at the commencement of the rebellion of 1861, was somewhat dubious. It, being a northerly slave State, was somewhat divided in regard to where its interests lay. It, how- ever, finally came out somewhat decidedly for the Union, al. HISTORY OF STATES. 53 though its entire strength has not been exerted against the re- bellion. Its population is 112,216. THE CAROLINAS. In the year 1563, the coast of Carolina was explored, and named after Charles IX. of Franco, The first attempt to settle it was made by the celebrated and accomplished ISir Walter Raleigh, in 1585, twenty two years before the settlement of Jamestown, and thirty-five years before the Puritans landed at Plymouth. This effort failed on account of the incapacity of the Governor appointed by Raleigh, and the ill-behavior of the colonists towards the natives. The first successful attempt was made sometime between 1640 and 1650, under the direction of Gov. Berkley. The settlement was made in Albemarle county, by a few Virginia planters. In 1663, a large tract of land, lying between the 30th and the 36th degress of north latitude, having the Atlantic Ocean for its east- ern boundary, was conveyed by Charles II., to Lord Clarendon and associates, under whose auspices a settlement was made near the mouth of Cape Fear River, in the year 1665, by emi- grants from Barbadoes. Sir James Yeomans was appointed Governor. A settlement was made at Port Royal, South Carolina, in 1670; and in 1671, a few persons located at what was then called Old Charleston, which place was abandoned in 1680, and the foundation of the present city of Charleston laid, several miles nearer the sea. All the various settlements here mentioned went under the general name of Carolina until 1571, when a division was made, and the northern and southern portions were called by their distinctive names, North and South Carolina. These States were the scenes of many Revolutionary tragedies. South Caro- lina, in particular, although the home of Sumpter, and Marion, and Rutledge, was replete with tories, (royalists) who spared no efibrt to annoy the infant republic, and play into the hands of the British Government, South Carolina ratified the Constitu- tion May 23d, 1778, but threatened to break the compact in 1832, and was only prevented by the stern will of President Jackson. After this the State did nothing worthy of note, until December 20th, 1860, when it seceded from the Union, taking the lead in )he great rebellion. Present population 703,708. North Carolina ratified the Constitution Nov. 21st, 1789, and seceded from the Union May 2l8t, 1861. Population 992,622. PENNSYLVANIA. The Old Keystone State, and one of the mxist wealthy and 64 niSTOKY OF STATES. prosperous in the Union, •was settled by the Quakers, under the direction of Win. Penn, at Philadelphia, in the year 1682. The founder of this colony showed himself a philosopher, a philan- thropist, a thorough political economist, at the very commence- ment of his labors, lie put the province under the government of a Council of Three and a House of Delegates, chosen by the freemen, who, according to his arrangement, were all those who acknowledged the existence of one (lod. He pursued such a course with the natives as won their confidence and esteem. No Qnaker was ever murdered by an Indian; and to this day the "sons of AV'm. Penn" are everywhere respected by the savage. The treaty Penn made with the Indians was never vio- lated. In framing tlie colonial government, he provided for the largest religious liberty, allowing every one to worship accord- ing to the dictates of his own conscience. Up to 1684 Dela- ware, as before mentioned, was included in Penn's grant. But about this time he procured a new charter, more strictly defin- ing the rights and limits of Pennsylvania, and Delaware was detached. For seventy years prosperity smiled upon this col- ony, during much of which time Penn was, according to the historian, its governor, magistrate, preacher and teacher. It was troubled with no Indian wars till 1754, when Penn's exam- ple and teachings began to be forgotten. The population, owing to a considerable influx from Sweden, Germany, and some other countries, began, at a later date, to assume a more varied aspect; and when the colonics rebelled against the mother country, Pennsylvania contained sufficient "fighting" material to lend valuable assistance to the cause of liberty. Sheadopted the Constitution December 12th, 1787, since which time her increase in wealth, and advancement in general im- provement has been almost without a parallel. Her vast coal fields and rich iron mines constitute a source of eternal wealth. Upon the breaking out of the rebellion of 1861, her position in favor of the Union was well defined. Her population is 2,906,115. OEOEGIA. General James Oglethorpe, and a company of twenty-one others, received, in the year 1732, from George II., of England, a grant for all the land between the Savannah and the Altama- ha rivers. In January, 173.S, a company of one hundred and fourteen men, women and children, arri/cd at Charleston, S. C, destined for Georgia. They were kindly treated by the Charles- tonians, and were greatly assisted liy thom in their labor of forming a colony, 'i'lie first laws made for the province by the twenty-two grantees, prohibited the importation of rum, trade inSTOKY OK STATES. 55 with the Indians, and the use of negroes. They also provided that lands should go back to the original owners in ease the pur- chaser had no male heirs. Although the first, second and third of these provisions "were undoubtedly wholesome, the fourth was highly objectionable, and tended very much to retard the pro- gress of the colony. In the year 1740, General Oglethorpe, as commander in chief of the forces in Georgia, at the head of two thousand men, invaded Florida with the intention of forcibly annexing it to Georgia; but he was soon repelled from the ter- ritory, and returned home bootless. The Spanish, in turn, with two sail of vessels and three thousand men, invaded Georgia in 1742, and were likewise forced to return home thwarted. The progress of thii colony was for many years very slow; the peo- ple manifesting that indolence and indiffei-ence which is stilJ too prominent a characteristic of Georgians. It was mainly on the side of freedom during the revolution. It ratified the Constitution January 9th, 1788. Since the rev- olution, the State has manifested but little life as compared with its sisters, and its secession from the Union, May 19th, 1861, was followed by speedy ruin. VERMONT The territory of which this State is composed began to be settled in the year 1731, but was for some years considered as a part of New Hampshire. It was also claimed at one time by New York, and a contest arose between that State and New Hampshire, which was adjusted by the King of England in a manner by no means satisfactory to the settlers. The result was a quarrel between Vermont and the Crown, in which the (ireen Mountain Boys, led by Col. Ethan Allen, resisted the of- ficers of justice, as well as the New York militia, who were called out to sustain them. The province appears not to have had even a territorial government until 1777, at which time a convention of delegates met at Westminster, and declared them- selves an independent State, under the name of New Connecti- cut. Previous to this time, however, they had rendered mate- rial aid to the revolution. It May, 1755, Col. Allen, at the head of two hundred and seventy men, reduced Eort Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and thus became complete master of Lake Champlain. During the whole period of the revolution the State did good service in the cause of liberty, although it remained independent. Some time subsequent to its declaration of in- dependence its name was changed to Vermont. As it was not one of the original States, it did not ratify the Constitution, but, upon application, was admitted to the Union during the second session of Congress, in the year 1791. It has been a highly 56 HISTORY OF STATES. prosperous State, and added much to the luster of the Union in its palinly days of peaec. It fully sustained its revolutionary reputation at the commencement of the rebellion of 1861. Its rep population is 315,098. KENTUCKY, Was settled in the year 1775 by Daniel Boone and a number of associates from North Cai-olina. Tiic trials and adventures (if these hardy pioneers, and especially those of I5oonc, con- stitute one of the most romantic leaves in the history of the West. For over two years, previous to 1775, IJoone was busily employed in surveying Kentucky, building roads, and forts. One of the latter he erected at Boonsborough, to which place he removed his family in 1775. Boone said that his wife and daughter were tlie first white women who ever stood on the banks of the Kentucky river. For a number of years after Boone's settlement, he and his associatiates experienced many difficulties with the natives, Boone's daughter being at one time captured by the Indians, though shortly afterwards rescued by her father. But, notwithstanding the difficuities with the savages, the young territory grew rapidly in population and wealtb, and on June 1st, 1792, was admitted to the Union. Hav- ing a fertile soil, and ailbrding excellent pasturage, she has far outstripped most of her slave-holding sisters in general improve- ment. Her position for some time after the commencement of the rebellion, was by no means promotive of her prospcrty. Owing to her attempt to observe strict neutrality, she became the scene of many guei-rilla outrages, and has suffered, perhaps, more than any otlier State during tlie struggle. iler population is 1,115,084. TENNESSEE, Was, for some time, a part of North Carolina. It was made a territorial government in the year 1790, and was admitted into the Union in 179G. The fir.st permanent white inhabitants of Tennessee w^ent there in the year 1775, and built Fort Lou- den, now in Blount county. They were, in 1760, attacked by the savages, and two hundred persons were massacred. But, in 1767, the natives were reduced to submission by Col. Grant, and a treaty was made Avith them which encouraged emigra- tion. Settlements were formed on Holeton river in 1765, which although frequently attaked by the Indians, made very fair pro- gress. Col. John Sevier, witii the Tennessee militia and a few Virginia soldiers, gained a decisive victory over the savages, and HISTORY OP STATES. ^7 from this time forward, thouf!;h more or less harrasscd by the Indians, the progress of the State, in popuhxtion and improve- ment, was rapid. North Carolina gave up the territory iu 1789, and in 1790 Congress recognized it as a separate province. It has great estentof territory and, up to 1861, was considered as among the greatest of the agricultural States. At this time, liowever, it was seduced by the voice of the siren, secession, and on the li4th of June, 1861, formally seceded from the Union. It should be stated, however, in justice to the State, that the east- ern portion of it was generally loyal, and was only dragged out of the Union by force. Tennessee is now, (1864) occupied by the armies of the United States and is under a provisional gov- ernment. OHIO. Ohio was admitted into the Union on the 29th of November, 1802; the State containing, at the time, 72,000 inhabitants, 12,000 more than was required in order to its admission. It was settled in the spring of 1788, one year after it, with a vast additional extent of North-Western territory, had been ceded, by Virginia, to the United States. The year 1788 was a famous year from emigration. It wit- nessed the passage of no less than 20,000 persons down the Ohio river. The company which settled Ohio consisted of forty persons, under Gen. Kufus Putnam. They built a stockade fort at Marietta of sufficient strength to resist the attacks of the natives, cleared several acres of ground, and planted a crop. They were joined by twenty additional families iu the autumn. Both these companies were New England people. For a number of years they were not troubled by the savages, nor did any of their number trouble the Indians, except in one or two instances. The earliest settlers of Cincinnati arrived there, about twenty in number, in 1790. Until the year 1795 the attempts made to settle most parts of Ohio were attended with great difficulties, on account of Indian wars. Marietta, however, formed an exception to this rule. After the great vic- tory which Gen. Wayne achieved over the savages during Wash- ington's administration, the population increased rapidly. Un- embarrassed by any centralizing or aristocratic institutions, possessed of the finest natural resources, and vitalized by an en- terprising population, Ohio, after its admission into the Union, made anadvanci'inent of which any State might well be proUd. In population it is the third State in the Union, numbering 2,390,502. At the breaking out of the rebellion Ohio took its position st-aunthly for the Union, and has done much during the war for 58 UlSTOEY OF STATES. the restoration of the authority of the Government over the seceded States. LOUISIANA Was ceded by Spain to France in the year 1802, ;md was bought by the United States, of the latter power, in 1 S03, at a cost of SJ 5,000,000. Gov. Chiy borne took possession of it tlie same y(!ar. It was settled by the French, at Iberville, in 1699, and WIS admitted into the Union April 8th, 181"J. It is an impor- tant State, in that it holds the keys of entrance to tlie inouth of t)ie Mississippi. In the year IStJO, nearly ono-half its popula- tion was slave. It seceded from the Union on the 2iJth of Janu- ary, 1801. Its most important towns are now (1804) occupied by the Federal forces. Its population in ISOO was 708,002. It has been a very forward State in the great rebellion. INDI.VXA. About the year 1090, a French settlement, the I'irst in Indiana, was made at Vinccnnos, that place lieing witliiii the territory claimed, at that time, by the French, upon priority of discovery by La Salle. Indiana was I<)ii c V3 O il "o ■-5 o o a o 00 u. . 1.* -^ ess O a o a . o ^ 0J>5 o ■a — 3 « «^ 3 o -5r» o a 2 u o ^ •SO s § m O ■-s o "3 1 •52 HC2 a . .el — es il sa o 5 New Hampshire Massachusetts 5 10 7 C 10 3 6 10 7 5 Ti .... 10 10 7 5 1 8 6 New Jersey' .•••.•••• 5 ";V 10 Pennsylvania Delaw.ire 2 3 6 JIaryland Vii-ftlnia Soutli Carolina .... 10 5 .... 1 1 1 3 .... 7 G 5 2 1 1 1 1 Whole No. Electors.. Majority 35 CU G9 34 2 9 4 6 3 2 1 1 The first Congress under the Constitution was convened at the "Federal llall," situated at the head of Ilroad, frontin<:r on Wall street, (where tlie Custom House now stands,) in the city of New York, on the first Wednesday, heing March 4, 1789 — Senators and Kepresentatives having been elected from the eleven States which had ratified the Constitution; liut, owing to the absence of a quo- rum, the House was not organized till the 1st of April, and, for a like reason, the Senate was not organized till the 6th ; when the latter body "proceeded by ballot to the choice of a President, for the sole purpose of opening and counting the [electoral] votes for I'resident of the United States." John Langtlon, of New Hampsliire, was chosen President 2'>^o tern, of the Senate, and Samuel Alyne Otis, of Jlassachusctts, Secretary; after which, proper measures were taken to notify the successful individuals of tlieir election. (ieorge Washington took the oath of office, as President, and entered upon his duties April 30, 1789. (For his Inaugaral Ad- dress, see p. 28. Jdlin Adams, Vice-President, entered upon his duties in the Senate April 21, 1789, and took the oath of office June 3, 1789. (92) ELECTORAL VOTES. 93 Election for the Second Term, covunencim/ 3Iarch 4, 1793, and terminating March 3, 1797. 02 i.a o o 6 16 9 3 12 7 15 3 8 21 4 12 8 4 132 STATES. O o Kew Hampshire Massachusetts Rhode IslaiKl Connecticut Vermont ■ New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia Kentucky ■ North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Whole No. of Electors Ma.ioritv 67 •a .a <'i 132 77 50 a o a . — .a S ® o:^; B o 5.M ° i <>5 George Washington, re-elected President, took the oath of of- fice for a second term, and entered upon his duties March 4, 1793. John Adams, re-elected Vice President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate December 2, 1793. After the expiration of his second Presidential term, Washington retired to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon, fondly indulging the hope that the remainder of his days would be peacefully en- joyed in his much cherished home; but these pleasing anticipa- tions were not allowed to remain long undisturbed. In 1798 the conduct of the French Directory and its emissaries led to frequent difficulties with this country, which were calculated to provoke a war ; and the opinion was universally entertained that he who had formerly so well acquitted himselfj must be again called to the command of our armies. Accordingly, early in July, the rank and title of Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of all tli^ armies raised, or to be raised, in the United States," was con- ferred upon him; and the Secretary of War, Mr. McIIenry, im- mediately waited upon him to tender the commission. In a letter to President Adams, accepting this " new proof of public confidence," he makes a reservation that he shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require his presence, and adds : " I take the liberty also to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any inimedia;e charge upon the public, and that I cannot rc<-eive any euiolunK'nts annexed to the appointment, before entering into a s-ituation to incur expeivte." 94 Ei-KCTORAI. Vi; Election for the Third Term, comynencing March 4, 1707, and terminating March 3, 1801. =1 o _ . c o o STATES. — ^ o (.1 o a (3 O c a ^ ^ e: o u . n o <;?5 ^.1 c IS o s — c Cm o -5 o a o o ^ OX o n S - a 3 O S .5 c s o o a 4l 6 IG i 9 4 1-2 7 15 3 New Hampshire Miissachusetts.. Ehoclc Island.. Connecticut ... Vermout Kew York New Jersey.... rennsylvania. . Delaware Maryland Virginia 6 IG 9 4 12 7 1 3 7 1 G 1 4 13 .... .... .... 2 'i4" "4" 20 4 11 8 4 3 4 4 12 7 2 3 4 1 "i" 8 5 ■ ■*' .... .... 13 11 21 12 3 1 4 G !!!!.... .... 1 |.... North Carolina. South Carolina. 1 3 1 .... , .. 1 8 4 ....|.... 3 3 !!!!i"" No. of Electors. Majority.. ,..70 ■ 2 130 71 I G8 59 30 15 11 5 7 2 3 1 1 1 2 Jolin Adam?, elected President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1797. Thomas Jefferson, elected Vice President, took the otith of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate, ^larch 4, 1797. The administration of Mr. Adams encountered tlie most vir- ulent opposition, both domestic and foreign. France, still in the confusion following her revolution, made improper demands on our country, which not being complied with, she commenced seizing American property on the high seas. Our people, taking different sides, Avere about equally divided — some approving and others deprecating the course pursued by France. Letters of marque and reprisal were issued by our government, and a navy was raised with surprising promptitude. This had the desired effect, peace being thereby secured; and the aggressor was taught that the Americans were friends in peace, but were not fearful of war when it could not be honorably averted. The Indians on our western frontiers also caused much trou- ble; but at length, being severely chastised by General Wayne, they sued for peace, which was granted in 1795. In 1800 the seat of government was removed from Philadel- phia to Washington City, which had been designated by Wash- ington, under a law of Congress, as the most centnil situation. ELKCTOKAL VOTES. 95 Election for the Fourth Term, commcncincf March 4, 1801, and terminating March 3, 1805. Sd .a o o G IG 4 9 4 12 7 15 3 10 21 4 12 3 8 4 138 New Ilampshire. Massachusetts... Rhode Island..., Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. ... Dela'.vo.ro Maryland. Virginia Kentucky North Carolina. Tennessee South Carolina.. Georgia No. of Electors. Majority STATES. a o to u sS ■ H '^ H n 2 '3) c.tl a o . El o 12 5 21 4 8 3 8 4 12 5 21 4 73 73 a o ■= 2 ^ o C 00 6 16 4 9 4 C5 .So On G IG 3 9 4 64 !zi 1^ The electoral vote for Thos. Jefferson and Aaron Burr being equal, no choice wos made h\ the people, and on the 11th of February, 1601, the House of Representatives proceeded to the choice of President in the manner prescribed by the Constitu- tion. On the first ballot eight States voted for Thos. Jefferson, six for Aaron Burr, and the votes of two States were divided. The ballotinir continued till the 17th of February, when the thirty-fifth ballot, as had all previously, resulted the same as the first. xVfter the thirty-sixth ballot, the Speaker declared that the votes of ten States had been given for Thos. Jefierson, the votes of four States for Aaron Burr, and the votes of two States in blank; and that, consequently, Thomas Jefferson had been elected for the term of four years. Thomas Jefferson, thus elected President, took the oath of oflSce, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1801. In his inaugural address, Mr. Jefferson used the following memorable -exprcs- Bion: " Wo have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans : we are all ft deraliats. If there be any among ns who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand, undisturbed, as monuments of the safety with which eeror of opinion may bb TOLEEAT3D, WHERE RE.^SON T3 LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.'" Aaron Bui)', elected Vice-President, took tie oath of office, and entered upon his dutiej ij tho Seuate, ilarch 4, ISiJl. 9G ELECTORAL VOTES. Election for the Fifth Term, connnencivg March 4, ISO;'), terminating March 3, 1609. and £2 2 C! o " d 7 19 4 9 C 19 8 20 3 11 •24 U 10 6 6 8 3 170 STATES. i'rzsid't.Iv. pres't. J3 c ^.6 New Ilampshirc. Massachusetts. . . Ilhode Island. .. Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey. .... Pennsylvania. . .. Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina.. South Oarolina. . Georgia Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Whole No. of Electors 162 14 Majority 89 5 'Si"? ° Eh?* Oo 7 19 4 ti 1!) 8 2U 24 14 10 5 8 3 -7 10 4 "e' 19 8 20 ' 9 24 14 10 G 5 8 3 162 p o 14 Thomas Jefferson, elected President, took the oath of office for a second term, and entered upon his duties IVIarch 4, ISOo. George Clinton, elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate. March 4, 1805. Among the most important acts of ^Ir. Jefferson's administra- tion was the purchase of Louisiana from France for $1.'), 000,- 000, which territory was surrendered to our Government in De- cember, 1803. In November, 1808, the celebrated "Orders in Council" were issued by the Pritish Government, which prohibited all trade with France and her allies; and, as a retaliatory measure, in December following Bonaparte issued his "Milan Dkckke," interdicting all trade with England and her colonies — thus sub- jecting almost every American vessel on the ocean to capture. In requital for these tyrannous proceedings, and tl)at England and France might both feel their injustice, Congress decreed an embargo; but as this failed to obtain from either power an ac- knowledgment of our rights, and was also ruinous to our com- merce with other nations, it was repealed in ^larch, 1809. BLEOTORAL VOTES. 97 Election for the Sixth Term, commencing March 4, 1809, and terminating March 3, 1813. a o n O £ 6 STATES. PB O a o xa ■3 a! . m a ESIDENT. VICE-mXffrDEHT • O C3 o ■*-* a. . o ? 0>5 o '-'J3 Cm a a . ".:: .^ go 1 . ■0 a m a 4? a a OJ (5 a t tS SI »>< •is 7 New Hampshire. •• 7 19 4 9 .... .... .... .... 7 19 4 9 T» ' 4 Rhode Island .... .... .... .... <1 Connecticut .... U 13 8 20 6 n New York 6 • • • • 3 2 "3' 13 8 20 3 3 .... 8 New Jersey .... "0 Pennsylvania 3 Delaware 3 11 Maryland 9 24 11 10 6 7 5 3 .... 9 24 11 10 6 7 5 .... .... • • • ■ 24 Virginia 14 North Carolina .... .... .... 3 10 So;ith Carolina 6 iii^oi'pia T Kviitucky .... 5 rfiuiessee Ohio 3 3 Whole JCo. of Electors 47 .... 175 122 6 113 3 3 9 47 Majority 88 James Madison took the oath of office, as President, and en- tered upon his duties March 4, 1809. George Clinton, elected Vice President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1809. Our national position, especially in regard to England and France, was certainly a very perplexing one when Mr. Madison came to the Presidency. We were not only threatened by ene- mies abroad, but were harassed by a savage foe on our western frontier, probably urged on by British influence, and led by the famous chief Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet. These last were finally subdued in 1811; but our European foes were more troublesome. After all peaceful means had failed to check the aggressions of England, and when at length "patience had ceased to be a virtue," war was declared against that country, June 19, 1812. The events of that war it is not within our province to record; and it is sufficient to say, that they greatly elevated the American character in the estimation of both friends and enemies. X 98 ELEOTOUAL VOTES. Election for the Seventh Term, commencing March 4, 1813, and terminating March 3, 1817. 003 s-s O o d 22 4 9 8 29 18 25 14 11 25 15 11 8 12 8 7 .3 217 STATES. New Hampshire. Massachusetts... Rhode Island. ... Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania. . .. Delaware Maryland A'irginia North Cartdina. South Carolina. . Kentucky. Tennessee. Ohio Louisiana. 5 M Whole No. of Electors Majority 109 6 25 15 n 8 12 8 7 3 128 " o !ID'T. V. PBl "-.-. a 3 a ■^ 05 c.a r^ i; 5^ r^ 03 - c3 ^;^ Q o 1 8 22 2 4 • . • . 9 • . . • • • • ■ 8 29 • •• • 8 ■ >• • • ■ ■ ■ 25 4 5 G > . • * 25 • •• • 15 • • • • 11 • ■• ■ 8 • ■ • ■ 12 8 • • • • 7 .... 3 89 131 ^ a IS. 7 20 4 9 29 8 86 Jiimes Madison, elected President for a second term. [There is no notice on the Journals of Congress of his having taken the oath.] Elbridge Gerry, elected Vice-President, attended in the Senate on the 24th of VLny, 1813, and exhibited a certificate of his hav- ing taken the oath of office prescribed by law, which was read. The war into which the country had been forced was brought to a close by the treaty of Ghent, which was signed December 24, 1814; but this treaty had scarcely been ratified, when it be- came necessary to commence another war for the protection of American commerce and seamen against Algerine piracies. In May, 1815, a squadron under Commodore Decatur sailed for the Mediterranean, where the naval force of Algiers was cruising for American vessels. After capturing two of the enemy's best frigates in that sea, Decatur proceeded to the Bay of Algiers, and there dictated a treaty which secured the United States from any further molestation from that quarter. Similar treaties were also concluded with t!ie other Barbary powers. ELECTORAL VOTES. 99 Election for the Eighth Term, commencing March 4, 1817, and terminating March 3, 1821. o a « a> i- *^ o ci o(/i c! O d 5_ 8 22 "4 9 8 20 15 11 8 12 8 « 3 3 217 STATES. New Hampshire. Massachusetts... Rhode Island... Connecticut Vermont Xcw York New Jersey Pennsylvania. .. Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina. South Carolina. . Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana Indiana Whole No. of Electors. Majority o a o a o peesid't. bo la s a 8 29 8 25 .109 8 25 16 11 8 12 8 8 3 3 183 22 34 VICE-PKESIDENT. a H ^ 8 29 8 25 25 15 11 8 12 8 8 3 3 183 St o c P4b 1-5 O 22 .5 00 m 2 a 1-5 »< S'a 22 M' James Monroe took the oath of office, as President, and en- tered upon liis duties March 4, 1817. Daniel D. Tompkins, elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1817. The Seminole and a few of the Creek Indians commenced depredations on the frontiers of Georgia and Alabama towards the close of 1817, for which they were severely chastised by a force under General Jackson, and gladly sued for peace. In February, 1819, a treaty was nagotiated at "Washington, by which Spain ceded to the United States East and West Florida and the adjacent IsLands. In the same year the southern por- tion of Missouri Territory was set off under the name of Ar- kansas, for which a territorial government was formed ; and Alabama was constituted a State, and admitted into the Union, Early in 1820 the province of Maine, which had been con- nected with Massachusetts since 1652, was separated from it, and was admitted into the Union as an independent State. i'OO ELECTORAE VOTBSi Election for the Ninth Term, commencing March 4, 1S21, an4 terminating March 3, 1825. a 2 o twCG STATES. presi&'t. VICE PHESIDENT. o oT o u a o . ^> 7 15 4 9 8 29 8 24 4 11 25 15 11 8 12 7 8 3 3 2 3 3 9 3 231 DO is ^ to 3 at ^<^ ►^ o 1 m a 13 o. '^A ^% .2 S 7 7 4 9 8 29 2^ a o 11 P5 o "s C W o .... O 1.2 > 3S 1 Am O VI a ■a -2" _■ "3 » c: C.2 8 15 4 9 8 29 9 25 4 MiLfisa.chu8Ctt3* ••••••........ "Vermont New York. •••••••••• 4 11 IHaryland 10 25 15 U 8 12 7 a 1 25 15 11 8 12 Kentucky, 8 .... 8 Ohio 3 TjOuisifiiia. ....... ...................... 1 3 3 1 3 2 3 3 9 3 218 3 .... .... .... 3 3 Alabn.mfi. 9 Maine • ..■•••..••■• T No. of Electors 8 1 •X^ft 1 4 Majority 118 James Jronroe was re-elected President, but there is no notice on the Journals of Congress that he again took the oath of office. Daniel D. Tompkins was re-elected Vice President, but there is no record of his having taken the oath of office. Public attention was much occupied in 1824-5 by a visit from the venerable General Lafayette, who, after the lapse of nearly half a century from the period of his military career, was again welcomed with every token of respect that could be devised for honoring the "Nation's Guest." lie landed in New York in August, 1824, and after remaining there a short time, set out on a tour through all the States. Upwards of a year was taken uj> in accomplishing this gratifying object; and in September, 1825,. he sailed from Washington in the frigate Brand v wine for h» native home. EI^ECTORAL VOTES. lec Election for th-e Tenth Teiyn, connmencing March 4, 1825, and terminating March 3, 1829. & STATES. PRESIDENT. TI'CE PRESIDENT. 5 i o . 2. ^ We o c o QO O ^i ? ffi a g 1= <% a o '3 m 8 15 4 8 7 26 .... 3 ■a a f 2 . = f |2 a a □ 3 := ..a c •3 a «2 is ^ a CD .a CS . > n = = 5 J? !»> 3 ^ ..J a a 13 8 15 4 8 7 36 8 28 3 11 24 15 11 9 14 11 16 5 5 3 S 5 9 3 7 15 3 1 .... "s' '.'.'.'. "5' "2' 1 24 "9" "4 !!!! .... 7 29 8 28 1 10 'ih' 11 1 8 28 7 "Dplawarp ... 7 — 15 11 .... 9 14 'id' "3* 7 11 "5' 5 3 3 5 9 7 11 .... ■ ■ • ■ Ohio 16 3 5 3 2 5 2 "i" "9' Tndiann, llississippi Illinois .... 3 .... Whole No. of Electors... Majority 131 * ■ > • * * 201 99 81 •11 1 37 182 30 24 13 9 2 Neither candidate for the Presidency having received a ma- jority of the electoral votes, it devolved upon the House of Kep- resentatives to choose a President from the three highest on the list of those voted for, which three Avere Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William H. Crawford. Twenty-four tellers (one member from each State) were appointed, who, after exam- ining the ballots, announced that the votes of thirteen States had been given for John Quincy Adams; the votes of seven States for Andrew Jackson ; and the votes of four States for William H. Crawford. The Speaker then declared that John Quincy Adams, having received a majority of the votes of all the States, was duly elected President of the United States fur four years, commencing on the 4th of March, 1825; on which day Mr. Adams took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties. John C. Calhoun, having been elected Vice President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1825. 102 ELECTORAL TOTES. Election Jur the Elecaith Term, commencing March 4, 1S29, n?id' terminating March 3, 18o3. 2S el 8 15 4 8 7 3G 8 28 3 11 24 16 11 9 14 11 16 5 3 6 3 5 3 2C1 STATES. Maine New Hampshire. Massachusetts... Rhode Island.... Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania.. . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina.. SoDth Carolina.. Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana Mississippi Indiana Illinois Alabama Missouri Whole No. of Eelcctors. Majority .i:!l PRESID'T. VICE VRESLD't 20 2S 178 ^ e c = S ~ 83 171 83 -2 2 So 3 > O Andrew Jackson took the oath of office, as President, and en- tered upon his duties March 4, 1829. John C. Calhoun took the oath of office, as Vice President, and presided in the Senate March 4, 182'J. A series of unfortunate political and social occurrences soon led to a rupture of that cordiality which had formerly existed between these two distinguished individuals, the consequences of which were peculiarly disastrous to the political aspirations of Mr. Calhoun, who was never afterwards regarded with much favor beyond the immediate limits of his own State. Note.— It was during tliis administration that the doctrine of State's rights was 80 strongly tirgid by Calhoun, and to this period may be dated tho origin cf the great rebellion of ISOl. ELECTORAL VOTES. 10$ Election for the Twelfth Term, commencing March 4, 1833, and terminating March Z, 1837. STATES. PRESIDENT. VICE PRESIDENT. o « 4-1 *J s-s ^ 1) ■Or- O V4 o -•c ^ Urn " O a t a c 10 7 li. a -- •-5 Z u z ^ 3 II a 10 7 14 4 8 7 42 8 30 3 10 23 15 11 11 15 10 7 N(!W HaniDshire. • 14 4 8 Rhode Island *•>••• 4 8 Connecticut... •.. •.■••• ■ ■ ■ ■ Vermont • • • a 42 8 30 '42" g .... .... Pennsylvania >* Delaware 3 5 .. '"" ■J 5 30 Blarvlaiid.. , , 3 2.-$ 15 ..:: "v 23 15 Xorfh Ofirolina South Carolina 11 11 11 15 15 21 5 Tennessee 15 21 5 4 9 5 7 4 219 15 21 5 4 9 5 7 4 Ohio 4 TVIississinni • •••••■ 9 .... .... 5 7 4 Missouri Whole No. of Electors Maioritv.- 145 49 7 * 288 11 180 1 49 30 11 7 Andrew Jackson, re-elected President, took the oath of office, and continued his duties, March 4, 1833. Martin Van Buren, having been elected Vice President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, jNIarch 4, 1833. Early in June, 1833, the President left Washington on a tour through the Northern States, and was everywhere received with an enthusiasm that evinced the cordial approval of his adminis- tration by the people. One of his first measures, on returning to the seat of government, was the removal of the public moneys from the United States Bank, for which act he encountered the most virulent hostility of a small majority of the Senate, who passed resolutions censuring his course. But this injustice has not been perpetuated; for on the 10th of January, 1837, these partisan resolutions were expunged from the records by order of a handsome majority. 104 El.ECTOKAL VOTES. Election for the ThirUaith Term, commendng March i, 1837, and terminating March 3, 1841. s o ■T.\TB8. Maine ,.., , New Hampshire PRESIDENT. VICE PEE8IDK.NT. o * >>* .= ? St o m k. 3 H > w It - M 1 . ■ ►*• c ■■ c ii — XI 10 lu 7 10!.... 7 I-... 1 ii 7 ■•■•■ •••■ U Ma.^sacliusettH 14' '.'.'.'. ....p... 4 miotic Island • '•iiniL'cticiit ■1 8 4 8 "••| 8 "*■'"* 7 Vermont " .... 1 7 *?. New York it 42 .... 8 New Jersey 8 3' 10 ..?. .... i'.-iinsvlv;ini:i D.'lawaro ;;o .... .... :iO 10 Maryland .... 10 •« Virginia 2:{ lo .... .... 23 i."-) Niirili Carolina 15 .... • • • • 11 South Carolin.a — 11 11 n G.-orgia 11 ir. Kentuckj' 15 • • • • ir. Tennesgm' 15 • • • • 15 Zl Ohio 21 * " * * A Louisiana Mississippi Indiana 5 4 5 4 '5' 7 4 3 3 • • • ■ 4 '» 'J ... .... U Illinois 5 7 4 3 3 7 Alabama 4 Missouri .... :( Arkansas 8 Michigan .... ... — Whole No. of Electors 2;»1 170 73 2.3 11 11 147* 77 47 23 Majority H8 _-.i:t^ -Martin Van Buren, elected President, took the oath of office, a-nd entered upon his duties, I\Iaroh 4, 1837. Richard M. Johnson, elected Vice President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1S37. Urged by the unprecedented financial embarrassments which were experienced in every branch of industry, and especially l)y the mercantile class, Mr. Van Buren's first measure was to convene a special meeting of Congress early in September, '37, which continued in session forty days, but accomplished very little. A bill authorizing the issue of $10,000,000 in treasury notes was passed; l)ut the Independent Treasury bill (the great financial measure of the administration) was then rejected, al- though afterwards (in 1S40) adopted. IS40) adopted. •Elected by the Senate, SH.KOTORAL TOTES. ro5 Election for the Fouvieenth Term, covimencwg March 4, 1841, and terminating March 3; 1845. PEESID'T. TICJK PKXSIDENT. O d •M *^ o-uo 5-2 o o K 10 7 14 4 8 7 42 « 30 3 10 ■23 15 11 11 15 15 21 5 4 g 5 7 4 3 3 234 STATES. e~' Slaine New Ilampshirc. Mass.ichusetts. . . Ehode Island. . . Connecticut Termont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania.. Delaware Maryland >irginia North Carolina South Carolina. Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana. . Mississippi. Indiana.. .. Illinois...., Alabama. .. Missouri. . . Arkansas. . Michigan. . -s o Zf^ 10 15 No. of Electors. Majority.. .148 234 a . O ^ "^ - GO 234 22 1-5 o -5 O 11 43 11 William H. Ilurrisorr, elected President, took the onth of of fice, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1841. John Tyler, elected Vice President, took the oath of ofSec, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1841. Soon aft^r his inauguration, President Harrison issued a pro- clamation, convening Congress for an extra session on the 31st of May, to consider "sundry weighty and important matters, chiefly growing out of the state of the revenue and finances of the country." But he did not live to submit his remedial plans — dying, after a very brief illness, on the 4th of April, exactly one month after coming into office. He was the first President who had died during liis official term, and a messenger was im- mediately dispatched with a letter, signed by all the members of the Cabinet, conveying tlio melancholy intelligence to the 106 ELECTOUAI, VOTES. Vice rresident, then at Williamsburfr, Va. V>j extraordinary means }ic reached Wasliin;4ton at live o'clock on the morning of the 0th, and at twelve o'clock the Heads of Departments waited upon him, to pay their official and personal respects. After signifying his deep feeling of the public calamity sus- tained by the death of I'resident Harrison, and expressing his profound sensibility of the heavy responsibilities so suddenly devolved upon himself, he made known his wishes that the sev- eral Heads of Departments would continue to lill the places which they then respectively occupied, and his confidence that they would aflbrd all the aid in their power to enable him to carry on the administration of the government successfully. Mr. Tyler afterwards took and subscribed the following oath of office : "I do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully ixeciito thn office of President of the United States, and will, to tlio best of Biy ability, preserve, protect, and de- fend the Constitution of the United States. JOHJf TYLER. "Aphil e, ISU." Pursuant to the proclamation of President Harrison, Congress met on the 31st of May, and continued in session until the 13th of September. On the 27th of July a bill for the establishment of "The Fiscal Bank of the United »States," passed the Senate by a vote of 26 to 23, and was concurred in by the House of Representatives on the Cth of August — 128 to 91. J'resident Tyler, however, returned the bill on the 16th, with his objec- tions, and it was lost for lack of a constitutional majority. But the friends of a national bank were not to be deterred from their purpose by a single repulse: another bill (about the same in substance) was immediately hurried through botli Houses, un- der the title of "The Fiscal Corporation of the United States," but this shared the fate of its predecessor. A Senate bill for the establishment of a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States, was concurred in by the House on the 18th of August, and became a law; but, meet- ing with very general condemnation, it was soon after repealed. A bill was also passed at this extra session for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the seve- ral States, in proportion to population. In 1842 an important treaty, adjusting the north-eastern boun- dary of the United States, was negotiated at Washington be- tween ^Ir. Webster, on the part of this country, and Lord Ash- burton, on the part of (Jrcat Britain. During the last year of Mr. Tyler's administration much excite- ment prevailed on the proposed annexation of Texas to the Union, which was strongly resisted at the North, on the ground that the South and southern institutions would thereby gain increased power in the national councils. A treaty of annexation, signed by the President, was rejected by the Senate, but measures were taken by which Texas was admitted the year following. 5LECT0KAL VOTKS. 107 Election fur the jpifteenth Term, commencing March 4, 1845, and terminating March 3, 184y. S o a P 3 9 6 12 4 G 6 30 7 2(j 3 8 17 11 9 10 12 13 23 6 6 12 9 9 7 3 5 275 STATES. Maine New Hampshire. Massachusetts . . Rhode Island.. . . Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania . . . Delaware Maryland... Virginia » North Carolina . South Carolina.. Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana. . Mississippi. Indiana. . .. Illinois . ., Alabama.. Missouri.. Arkansas.. Michigan . Whole No. of Electors. Majority PRES T. '--I. 7 17 \?A 6 6 12 9 9 7 3 170 105 170 313 26 17" 'J 10 '^'A 12 4 G "7' 3' 8 "ii" 12 13 22 105 James K. Polk took the oath of office, as rresident, and en- tered upon his duties March 4, 1845. George M. Dallas took the oath of office, as Vice President, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1845. The most important incidents of Mr. Polk s administration were the admission of Texas and the consequent war with Mex- ico, the latter of which resulted in extending our territorial boundaries to the Pacific Ocean, embracing regions of incalcu- lable value. 1^8 ^nfECVORAL VOTBS. Elediion Jor the Sixteenth Term, coinmencing March 4, 1841), and terminating March 3, 1851. p STATES. J« V. pres't 3 . ■ «^ p 5 a > I*- 9 6 12 ( C 30 7 3 8 17 H 9 10 12 13 23 G 6 12 U 9 7 3 5 3 4 4 4 200 Maine New HiimpBliii'c ]\laiisac)iusett8 KUodc Island Connecticut Vermont Now York.H. New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia lU Kentucky 12 Tennessee 13 11 Ohio I Louisiana C Mississippi ' Indiana L ... Illinois '.... Alabama ^Alissuuri Arkansas '. ... Micliigan Florida Texas Iowa Wisconsin. 11 10 12 13 17 23 "e" 12 9 8 7 3 6 > • • • 4 4 4 Zachary Ta3'lor took the oath of office, as President, and entered upon his duties March 4, 1849. He did not, however, ionirenjoy his honors — death suddenly closinti; his ciirthly career, .Inly 9,1850. Millard Fillmore took the oath of olEce, as \'ice President, and entered upon his duties March 4, 1849. Congress heinp; in session at the time President Taylor died, the Vice Pre.sident sent araes- eage to both houses on the lOth of July, in wliich he feelingly an- nounced tiic melancholy event. On the same day he took the reqtii- Bite oath, and entered on the execution of the ollicc of President ^ViHie p. Mangum, of N. C, President ^^ro tern of the Senate, acted as Vice President, ex q^cio,during tho remainder of the term. ElEOTOKAL VOTKS> 10.9 Eleciion for the Serenieenih Term, commencing March 4, 1853, and terminating March 3, 1857. a o S5 4-»QQ o 'A ~% 5 13 4 6 5 35 7 27 3 8 15 10 8 10 12 12 ■23 G 7 13 11 9 9 4 G 3 4 4 5 4 290 STATES. Maine New Ilaiiipshiie. Massachusetts . . llhode Island.. . , Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania . . . Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina . South Carolina.. Georgia Kentucky. ...... Tennessee.- Ohio Louisiana Mississippi ludiana Illinois Alabama Missouri Arkansas Michigan Florida Texas Iowa Wisconsin California p. cffi 8 5 Whole No. of Electors Majority I'i^O pkes't. so n ^i MS « s l~ — T. PfiES'T 13 54. 42 254 42 s s ;u 12 12 Franklin Pierce took the oath of office, as Pre&ident, and entered upon his duties March 4, 1853. The oath of office was administered to William R King by a commission while he was on a visit to Cuba for the benefii of his health; but he died soon after his return homCj and Jesse D. Bright, of Indiana, then President of the Senate, acted as Vice President, ex officio, during the remainder of the term. John P. Hale, of N. II., and George W. Julian, of lud., were nominated by the "Free Democracy" for President and Vice President, but they dad aot receive a single electoral vote.. 110 KLKCTOKAL VOTfS. Election for ihc Eighteenth I'erm, commencing March 4, 1857, and terminating March 3, J8G1. STATES. rBESIDEST. vice-pbks't. a Cm o 3 IP a- c i§ o a 2 1.; -■ o •^;^. 8 5 13 4 35 a ^^ u 'u i? • •• • 3 . u -2 ^ r^ -' 8 5 13 4 G 5 35 1 £g ■< s 5 i.i 4 C Xpw TTatTir)*^liire. •*•• -•• •• Massju-Jiusctts TMickIp f-il'iml ••••. .... • ■•■ •••• 7 27 3 8 15 10 8 10 12 12 23 G 7 New Jfi'sey 7 27 3 .... 7 27 3 15 10 8 10 12 12 "23" 5 15 10 8 10 12 12 "e" 7 13 11 9 9 4 "ii" 4 "4" .... '23" G "4' 5 OIj io Tjoui.-iiana G 7 13 11 9 9 4 11 19 9 4 3 4 4 6 4 Texas 3 4 Wisconsin--' 'T 230 174 114 8 174 114 s Majority 149 James Uuclianan took the oath of office, as President, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1857. John C. 15reckenridgc took the oath of office, as Vice-Presi- dent, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1857. -•■■Wlicn tlicElectiisal votes wore being conntod, in .Joint Convention of the Senate and House of Kei)i-csentatives, objections were maile to iiicliuliiig tlie votes of Wis- consin, because tlie electors (lid not meet until the day after that prescribed by law. The President of the Convention stated that he merely announced that .lames Bu- chanan had been elected President of the United States, without any reference to the contested votes, aij-■«! It So 8 6 13 4 8 5 13 4 6 5 35 4 27 8 5 13 4 6 5 35 4 27 Khode Island c 5 35 7 27 Ponnsvlvaniti.. ■ ..•.•....•>•> "3' 8 '15' '12' 12 3 3 8 8 15 Vircrjjiia • ••••• 15 10 10 8 10 10 8 10 g South Caroliiiii. . ... ............... 10 Geortria. ••••• •■■•■ 12 ICf^iitiickv. •. 12 12 1-7 Tennessee ••■■■ ........ 0-{ Ohio 23 23 6 Louisitiua. •.... ,, G 7 7 7 n 13 11 13 11 11 Illinois in 9 9 4 4 " 4 f> Michigan G 6 3 Florida 3 4 3 4 4 Texas, , , 4 4 5 4 4 3 4 5 4 4 3 ,5 Wisconsin 4 Califoi'uia 4 Minnesota 3 Oregon 39 315 Whole No. of Electors ' Jtfajonty 157 180 72 39 12 180 72 12 Abraham Lincoln took the oath of ofiSce as President, and entered upon his duties, March 4th, 1861. Hannibal Hamlin took the oath of office aa Vice-President, and attended in the Senate as its President, on the 4th of March, 1861. The acces- sion of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency was made the pretext for the great rebellion of 1861. GENERAL REMARKS. The propriety of holding our national elections so often aa once every four years has been questioned by some of the ablest minds in the country; tlic frequent occurrence of those exciting political campaigns which precede the choice of the President being regarded as threatening to the peace and Avell being of the nation. The circumstances of the past ten years would seem to indicate that the plan has not been a good one. It may be doubted, however, whether those bitter partizan jealousies v/hich culminated, in 1861, in the great evil of rebellion, re- sulted so much from mere party contention as from the sec- tional character of the two parties most conspicuous in the con- test. And it may be said with a considerable degree of safety that 80 long as parties arc promiscuously distributed over the country no serious evils need be appprehendcd from the fre- quency of presidential campaigns. The people of the United tStates were always remarkable for the readiness with which they returned to a state of perfect equanimity immediately after the most exciting political contests until the year 1860; and this political flexibility is no doubt attributable to that thorough training in the great school of liberty wliich, not only the present generation of Americans, but tiicir ancestors enjoyed. (112) GKORGK '.VASU I N (in )N. 113 GEORGE VfASmXGTON, THE FIRST PKESIDEXT OF THE UNITED STATES, The most exemplary character, perhaps, that ever adorned any era in history, and who received in his life-time the noble appel- lations of "the Founder of a Republic," and "'the Father of lii> Country," was born in the county of Westmoreland, Vir/iiniii, wn the 22d of February, 1732. His early instruction was domestic and scanty, but full of good discipline and sound principles; and as his father died when he was only ten years old, he had no subsequent opportunities for acquiring a thorough literary or scientific education. However aa his mind was naturally mathematical and philosophical, he prepared himself to be use- 8 / 114 GKOKGE WASHINGTON. ful to his fellow-citizens an a civil engineer; and as tho country was wild, and much of it then unsurveyod, he occasionally found agreeable and profitable einploynient in surveying different parts of his native State. He also directed much of his attention to the science of arms, in the use of which every young man was instructed, in order to repel the incursions of the Indiana, wlio were often led on by skillful Frenchmen. At the age of nine- teen he was appointed one of the Adjutant flenerals of Virginia, which gave him the rank of major, and soon after he was ad- viinced to a colonelcy, and sent by Gov. Dinwiddie to the Oh)crod 8e«l mid military skill, wliic li enabled him to suggest the nio.st proper means for n»- ;ional defence, if the country were urged to cxtreniitieG, soon fixed all eyes upon him, as one well (nialifieuren the post of Secretary of State, which was accepted. At the expiration of two years he resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and was immediately ap- pointed minister to England ; but wlien hia nomination waa submitted to the Senate, (June 25, 1831,) it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice President, (Mr. Callioun) and of course he w.as recalled. As his friends attributed his rejection entirely to personal and political rancor, it only served to raise Mr. Van Buren in the estimation of iiis political adherents; and the re- sult was, that in May following he was nominated with great unanimity for the Vice-Presidency by the Democratic Conven- tion at Paltimore. His triumphant election was regarded not merely as a high compliment to himself, but as a wholesome rebuke to his opponents. in 183G he was put in nomination for the chief magistracy, to which he was elected by a large majority over Gen. Harrison ; but at the next Presidential election llie tables were turned, and ho only received sixty votes out of two hundred and ninety-four. Alter his defeat, )ie rctiirued to Kiiidcrbook, where ho remained some time, and theu visitfd Kuropi-, willi one of his sons, whoao restoration to hcjilth wu3 the principal object of liiij journey. Not long after his return, bo consented to bo- cume once more u condidute for the Presidency, and iu 1848 received the uowiu»- UoD of the Free-Soil party ; but did not secure a single electoral vote. WILLIAM HKXHY HAUKISON. 129 WILLIAM HENRT HARRISON, TFS NINTH PPESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Was born ip Charles City county, Va., February 9, 1773, and was educated for the medical profession at Hampden Sydney College. He jiraduated at a time when our north-western fron- 9 ISO Wir-UAM HENRY HAKIMSOJf. tier was Buffcrini;; much from the neij^hboring Imliuns; aid he lieving that lie could he of jireater service in repelling the savage invadt-rs than in pursiuiiij: his studies, he accepted an ensign's commission from I'resident WashinLtmi, and joined the army. He waa promoted to a lieutenaucj- in 1792, and his skill and bravery were hiiihly commended by (General Wayne, under whose command he was engaged in several actions. After the bloody battle of Miami Jiapids, lie wa3 rcwaniod with the rank of captain, and immediately placed i;i command of Fort Washington, in 1797 he resigned his coraiiiission, fur the pur- pose of accepting the office of Secretary of tl.e North-West Terri- tory, from wiiiih he was elected a delegate to Congress in 1799. Wlien a territorial government was formed lor Indiana, he was appointed the lirst Governor, and continued in that office till 1813. To his civil and military duties he added those of commissioner and superintendent of Indian affairs; and, in the course of his administration, he .conclu ied thirLecn important treaties with the diU'erent tribes. On the 7l:ii of November, 1811, he gained the celebrated battle of 'i'ipp canoe, the news of which was received througliout the countw Avith a burst of enthusiasm. During the war of 1812 he was njade commander of the north-western army of the United Stutes, and he bore a conspicuous part in tlie leailing events in the campaign of 1S12, '13 — the defence of Fort Meigs, and the victory of the Thames, in 1814, he was appointed, in conjunction Avith his companions in arms, (iovernor ^iielby and (Jeneral (.'ass, to treat witli the Indians in the north-west, at Clreenville; and, in the following year, he was placed at the head of a commission to treat with various other important tribes. In 181G, he was elected a member of Congress from Ohio; and, in 1828, he v^'as sent minister plenipotentiary to the repub- lic of Colombia. On his return, he took up liis residence at North Bend, on the Ohio, where he lived upon his Airm, in com- parative retirement, till 1836, when he lM?came a candidate for the Presidency; and although defeated on the tirst trial, four years afterwards he was elected by a large majority, and inau gurated in 1841. But he did not long survive this crowning honor, as he died on the 4tli of April, just one month after en tering upon his duties. His funeral obsequies were performed on the 7th, and an immense concourse assembled to pay their testimony of respect. Funeral services and processions also took place in most, of the princijial cities throughout the country. As General Harrison Avas the lirst President who died while in office, his successor, Mr. Tyler, recommended that the 14th of May he observed as a day of fasting and prayer, and accordingly it was so observed. JOn\ TYLEK. ISl JOHN TYLER, THE SUCCESSOR OF GEN. HARRISON, AS PRESIDENT, Was born at Williamsburg, Virginia, March 29, 1790, and at the age of twelve years entered William and Mary's College, where he graduated with distinguished merit five years after- wards. Few have commenced life at so early a period as Mr, I'yler — he having been admitted to the bar when only nineteen, and elected to the Virginia Legislature before attaining his twenty-second year. In 1816 he was sent to Congress; in 1825, elected Governor of Virginia, and in 1827 became United States Senator; in which capacity he firmly supported the administra- tion of General Jackson — voting against the tariff bill of 1828, and against re-chartering the United States Bank. Notwith- standing this last vote, the friends of the bank, presuming upon his well-known conservatism, at the special session of Congress called by his predecessor, introduced a bill for the establishmeBt 132 JOHN TYLER. of the "Fiscal i>ank of the United ytatcB," which passed both houses by small majorities, and which Mr. Tyler felt bound to veto. I5ut this did not dishearten the friends of the measure who modified and rechristened their financial plan, which, under the name of " Fiscal Corporation of the United States," again passed both houses of Congress, and was again vetoed by the President. Of course, a large portion of the party that elected him were greatly dissatisfied with his course, and their denun- ciation of his alleged faithlessness were " loud and deep." To add to the embarrassments which were accumulating around him, all the members of his Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, resigned their places; but even this implied rebuke did not shake his integrity of purpose. An equally efficient phalanx of talent was called to his aid, and he had the satisfac- tion of seeing that his views were endorsed by a large number of leading statesmen. It has often been asserted that Mr. T. had pledged himself to sustain the financial schemes of the bank and its friends; but this has always boon denied, and cir- cumstances certainly warrant the conclusion that the assertion is unfounded. So gross and bitter were the assaults made upon him, that he felt called upon to defend himself from their vio- lence; and, after declaring his determination to do his duty, regardless of party ties, he said: "I appeal from the vitupera- tion of the present day to the pen of impartial history, in confi- dence that neither my motives nor my acts will bear the inter- pretation which, for sinister motives, has been placed upon them." On the expiration of his official term, he retired to bis estate at Williamsburg. JAMES KNOX POLK. 133 JAMES KNOX POLK, THE TENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Was born at Mecklenberg, N. C, November 2, 1795, and there received the rudiments of his early education. In 1806 his father removed to Nashville, Tennessee, taking; his family with him, and here it was that Mr. Polk pursued those preliminary studies which were requisite to qualify him for the legal profes- eion. After due preparation, he entered the office of Hon. Felix Grundy, under whose able instruction he made such rapid pro- gress, that he was admitted to practice in 1820. His duties at the bar did not prevent him from taking part in the political affairs of the day; and in this sphere his comprehensive views and zealous devotion to democracy soon secured him a widely- extended popularity, which resulted in his election to the Leg- islature of Tennessee in 1823. In 1825, while yet in his thir- tieth year,^he was chosen a member of Congress, in which body 134 .TAMES KKOX POLK. be remained fourteen years — being honored with the Speaker- ehip for several sessions. So well satisfied were his constituents with his congressional course, that he was elected (Governor by a large iniijority, but some questionsof local policy subsequently defeated his re-election. In 1844 he was unexpectedly nominated for the office of Pres- ident of the United States by the Democratic Convention at Baltimore; and, having received sixty-five electoral votes more tlinn his rival candidate, Mr. Clay, he was inaugurated on the •4 th of March, 1845. Soon after Mr. Polk assumed the reins of government, the country became involved in a war with Mexico, which was little more than a series of victories wherever the American banner was displayed, and which resulted in important territorial acqui- sitions. The ostensible ground for this war, on tite part of Mexico, was the admission of Texas into the Union, which was one of the first acts of Mr. Polk's administration. The Mexi- cans, however, paid dearly for asserting their frivolous claim to Texas as a revolted province, and the prompt and energetic course pursued by Mr. Polk was sanctioned and sustained by a l-arge majority of the people. But notwithstanding the advantageous issue of the war, the aoquisition of Texas, and the satisfactory settlement of several Tcscd questions of long standing, Mr. Polk was not nominated for a second term — various extraneous matters leading to the •election of another candidate. Perhaps it was fortunate for the country and for himself that he Avas permitted to retire to the more- congenial enjoyment of private life; for his health had become very much impaired, and he did not lung survive after reaching his home in Nashville. He died June 15, 1849. ZACHART TAYLOR. 135 ZACHARY TAYLOR,^ THE ELEVENTH PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES, Was born in Orange county, Virginia, November 24, 1790, and, after receiving an indifferent education, passed a considerable portion of his boyhood amid the stirring scenes which were 136 ZACIlAItr T.VYI.OK. being enacted at tli;it time (in onr western Lunlpr. In 180S lie was appointed a lieutenant in the United States infantry, and subsequently was promoted to a captaincy for his efficient ser- vices against the Indians. Soon after the declaration of war in 1812 he was placed in command of Kort Harrison, which he so gallantly defended with a handful of men against the attack of a large body of savages, as to win the brevet rank of major. So familiar did he become with the Indian character, and with the mode of warfare of that wily foe, that his services at the West and South were deemed in(ii^penRable in the subjugation and removal of several hostile tribes. While effecting these de- sirable objects, he was occasionally rewarded for his toils and sacrifices by gradual promotion, and in IS-IU attained the rank of brigadier general. At the commencement of the troubles with Mexico, in 1845, he was ordered to occupy a position ou the American side of the Kio Grande, but not to cross that river unless attacked by the Mexicans, lie was not, however, allow- ed to remain long in repose: the enemy, by attacking Fort Brown, which he had built on the Kio Grande, opposite Mata- moras, soon afforded him an opportunity to display his skill and valor, and gloriously did he improve it. The brilliant battles of Palo Alto and Resaca do la Paliua, where he contended suc- cessfully against fearful odds, were precursors to a series of victories which have few parallels in military annals. The attack on Matamoras, the storming of Monterey, the sanguinary contest at Buena Vista, and the numerous skirmishes in which he was engajred, excited universal admiration; and on his re- turn home, after so signally aiding to ''conquer a peace" with Mexico, he was everywhere receivetl with the most gratifying demonsti'ations of respect and affection. In 1848 General Tay- lor received the nomination of the Whig party for the office of President of the United States, and, being elected, was inagu- rated the year following. Uut the cares and responsil)ilitie8 of this position were greater than his constitution could endure, hardened as it had been both in Indian and civilized warfare. After the lapse of little more than a year from the time he en- tered upon his new career, he sunk under its complicated trials, and his noble spirit sought refuge in a more congenial sphere, July 9, 1860. MILLARD FILLMORE. 13T MILLARD FILLMORE, THE SUCCESSOK OF GEN. TAYLOR, AS PRESIDENT, Was born at Summer Hill, Cayuga county, New York, January 7, ISOO, and did not enjoy the advantages of any other edut-H- tion than what he derived from the then inefficient common schools of the county. At an early age he was sent into the wilds of Livingston county to learn a trade, and here he soon attracted the attention of a friend, who placed him in a lawyer's office — thus opening a new, and what Avas destined to be a most honorable and distiniiuis career. Tp 1827 he was admitted 138 MILI.AKU I'lM.MORK. as an attorney, and two years afterwards as counselor in the Supreme Court. Soon attracting attention, he established him- eeU" lit Jiiifl'alo, where his talenta and business habits secured him an extended practice. IIJH first entrance into public life was in January, 1829, when he took his seat as a member of the Assembly from Erie county At this time he distinguished himafelf for his untiring opposition to imprisonment for debt, and to this are the people indebted in a great degree for the expunging of this rolic of barbarism from the statute book. Having gained a high reputation for legisla- tive capacity, in 1833 he was elected a member of the National House of Representatives; and on the assenibling of tiie Twen- ty-Seventh Congress, to which he was re-ole<'ted by a larger majority than was ever given to any pcrnon in Iijk (iistrict, bo was placed in the arduous position of Chairman of the Commit- tee of Ways and Means. The measures which he brought for- ward and sustained with matchless ability, speedily relieved the tiovcrnment from its existing pecuniary embarrassments. In 1847 he was elected Comptroller of the State of New York by a larger majority than had ever been given to any State ofiicft for many years. In 1848 he was selected as a candidate for Vice T'residont, (ieneral Taylor heading the ticket. On his flection to that high ofSce. he resigned his position as Comp- ti-olier, and entered upon his duties as President of the United States Senate. The courtesy, ability, and dignity exhibited by him, while presiding over the deliborationa of that body, received j^eneral commendation. Upon tiie sudden death of Ccn. Taylor, he ])ccame President, and promptly selected a cabinet, distin- guished for its ability, patriotism, and devotion to the Unioi' . and possessing in an eminent degree the confidence of tl a country. After serving out the constitutional term, Mr. Fillmore returno to Buffalo, and again resumed those pursuitn which had prepare'?! the way to the elevated position from which he had just retired. He was welcomed home Ity troops of frirnds, with whom he still continues to enjoy an unabated })0pulartty. It should be borne in mind by every aspiring young man, that Mr. Fillmore is entirely indebted to his own exertions foi his success in life. From a very humble origin, he attained the highest otiice in the world, climbing the rugged steep of fame step by step, with indefatigable industry and untiring persever- ance, until he at length gained the summit, where he is loD^ likely to enjoy his well-earned position. FRANK !.!■?{ J'lERCE. 139 FRAXKIJN PIERCE, THK TWELFTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Was born at Hillsborough, N. II., November 23, 1804, and early received the advantage of a liberal education. After going through a regular collegiate course at Bowdoin college, which he entered at the age of sixteen, he became ft law student 140 FRANKLI.V PIEUCB. in the ofiBce of Jadf!;e Woodbury, at Portsmouth, whence hp was transferred to the law school at Northampton, where he remained two years, and then finished his studies with Judge Parker at Amherst. Although his rise at the bar was not rapid, by degrees he attained the highest rank as a lawyer and advocate. In 1829 he was elected to represent his native town in the State Legislature, where he served four years, during tlie two last of which he held the speakership, and discharged the duties of the office with universal satisfaction. From 1833 to 1837 he represented his State in Congress, and was then elected to the United States Senate, having barely reached the requisite age to qualify him for a seat iu ihat body. In 1834 he married Miss Jane Means, daughter of the llev. Dr. Appleton, formerly President of Bowdoin college — soon after which, he removed to Concord, where he still holds a residence. He was re-elected at the expiration of his Senatorial term, but resigned his seat the year following, for the purpose of devoting himself exclusively to his legal business, which had become so extensive as to require all his attention. In 1846 he declined the office of Attorney-General, tendered him by President Polk; but when the war with Mexico broke out, he was active in raising the New England regiment of volunteers; and afterwai-ds accepted the commission of Briga- dier General, with wliieh he at once repaired to the field of op- erations, where he distinguished himself in several hard-fought battles. At Cerro-Gordo and Chapultapec he displayed an ardor in his country's cause which extorted praise from his most inveterate political opponents ; and on his return home he was everywhere received with gratifying evidences that his services were held in grateful remembrance by the people. At the Democratic Convention held in Baltimore in 18'j2, after trying in vain to concentrate their votes on a more prominent candidate, that body unexpectedly nominated General Pierce for the office of President of the United States, to which he was elected by an unprecedented majority over his rival. General gcott — receiving 254 votes out of 296. He was duly inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1853, and his administration was more remarkable for its futile attempts to reconcile conflicting inter ests, than for the achievement of any particular measure of great public utility. However, it will better become his future than his present biographer to "speak of him as he is ; noi aught extenuate, nor aught set down in malice." JAWES BfeCHAKAX, 141 JAMES BUCHANAN, THIRTKENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. For the high position he so long maintained in the polit- ical affairs of this country, Mi-. Buchanan is not alone indebted to his early and thorough education, but his entire devotion to whatever he undertook, and his perseverance in eurmounting 142 JAMKS BUCUANAK. obstacles which would have intimidated less determined minds, had a large share in promoting his fidvancemcnt. He is of Irish parentage, and was born at Stony Batter, Krauklin county, Pa., April 23, 1791. At the age of seven years he removed with his father's family to Mcrcersburg, and there received an education that fitted him for entering l)ickin8on college in 1805, where he graduated two years afterwards with the highest hon- ors. He then studied law with James Hopliins, of Lancaster, and in 1812 was admitted to the bar, at which he attained a high rank and commanded un extensive practice. In 1814 he commenced political life sus a member of the Penn- sylvania fc'tate Legislature, and in 1820 was sent as a represent- ative to Congress, where he remained for ten years — at the ex piration of which, ho declined a re nomination. In 1831 he was appointed minister to Russia by President .fackson, of whom he was always the consistent friend and sup- porter, and he negotiated a commercial treaty which proved of great advantage to American commerce. In December, 1834, having been elected to the United States Senate, ho took his seat in tliat body, and continued one of its most efficient members until 1845, when he accepted the office of Secretary of State under Mr. Polk. lie held tiiis responsible place until the expiration of Mr. Polk's term of service, when he returned home to repose awhile. Put lie did not by any means become an idle spectator in passing events: his letters and speeches show that ho was no less vigilant as a private v^itizen, than as a counselor in the Cabinet, or a representa- tive and senator in Congress. On the accession of Mr. Pierce to the Presidency, in 1853, Mr. Bi«hanan was appointed minister to England, with which country questions were then pending that required great pru- dence and discrimination for their satisfrctory adjustment. In his intercourse with the British diplomatists he was not only discreet, but displayed sound sense, courtly forbearance, a just assertion of our rights, and the true dignity of the American character. So entirely unexceptionable was his whole course while abroad, that on his return to this country, in April, 185G — he landed in New York on the sixty-fifth anniversary of his birth-day — he was received with an enthusiasm, seldom accorded to political men. In June, 1856, Mr. Buchanan was nominated by the Demo- cratic Convention at Cincinnati as a candidate for the Presi- dency; and although there were powerful political elements arrayed against him in the succeeding campaign, he was tri- umphantly elected to that responsible and honorable office. His administration was attended with unusual difficulties — difficulties which it would seem he was not fully able to meet. J^ilBS BUCHANAN. 148 The troubles in Kansas, arieing from the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the opposition made to his views touching the admission of Kansas with tlie Lecompton Constitution, by the Douglas wing of the Democratic party, were matters ol sore vexation to him, and tended greatly to unpopularize the iatter part of his public life. But these were considerations of small moment as compared to the embarrassment which the (Jovera- ment sufl'ered in consequence of the treacherous intrigues of some of the members of his Cabinet, liis Setro:a'.y of Wa<- and Secretary of the Treasury, afterwards so conspicuuus in ti:c great Kebellion, were particularly instrumental in crippling tiic pecuniar}' and military resources of the country, and turning them to the benefit of the South. When treason began to as- sume a threatening attitude Buchanan declared against the right of secession, but at the same time denied the right of coercion by the Government. This, perhaps, is the most inconsistent, inexplicable position ever taken by any of the Nation's chief rulers. On the 4lh of March, 1861, Mr. Buchanan retired from the Presidency, leaving to his successor the highly perplexing task of setting to rights the machinery of a government crip- pled and weakened in all its parts, and fully ripe for the most gigantic civil war known to history. it was, at one time, presumed by many that Air. Buchanan was not only encouraging the rebellion by his weak, indecisive policy towards armed traitors, and by winking at the thieving proceedings of some of his Cabinet officers, but that he w.ik himself leagued with the leaders of the secession movement;. and secretly acted in unison with them. While it is true that the unhindered appropriation of millions of treasure to the furtherance of rebellious schemes, and the large deposit of choice arms made in Southern arsenals, would indicate an affiliation of the President with the chief rebels ui the South, yet there has never been adduced any direct proof of such affiliation; and nothing said or done by Jlr. Buchanan since his retirement shows active sympathy with the rebellion There is, however, evidence on every hand of weakness — ay element of character he never manifested prior to his Executive career — of thatnegative disposition which will, under circumstaii- ees such as surroundea him during the latter part of his admin- istration, wholly unfit a man for the performance of his dutie.-. The subject of the present sketch would, doubtless, have been A very good Executive at a period when the country Avas uodi>- turbed by sectional agitation; at a time when there were no conflicting local interests to stir up and embitter South against North. But the exigencies of the period during which he sat at the helm of state demanded a man who could take hold with a strong hand ; a man of Jacksonian character, who, with the 144 JAMES nrcilANAN. loftiest political intcprity and must iltvoteil loviiUy, combined a Napoleonic will; a man who, foreseeing the certain results of the pursuit of a conciliatory course with rebellion, would have i;iven it a decisive blow in its vc>ry inl'arit-y. But it seems that Mr. Muchanan proposed to JomI with seces- eionists as an over-fond, weak-minded mother deal^ with a spoiled child — scoldina; and coaxini; alternately, satisfied to exhibit her authority by the former, and conlidctit that she can reform her fondlinj;; by the latter. Perhaps lie may be partially excused by some in consideration of the delit of firatitudc he lelc ho owed ;o the iSouthern States, for the valuable services ihey had ren- dered him in liis election. l>ut a truly great executive never allows his feelinjrs to interfere with tiio performance of duty. The life of the nation was in jeopardy; that j:rand superstruc- ture, the American Government, wliose foundation stones had been cemented by the sacred blood of the lievolutionary sires, whose columns had been n-ared by the wisest, purest statesmen the world ever saw, and al'out whose lolty dome the brightest seraphs of Heaven chanted their sweetest lays — that great tem- ple around which clustered the hopes of the liberty loving world, was threatened with destruction, and there can hardly be any excuse for him who, having the [)ower to save, refused to adopt such decisive measures as were essential to salvation. It is true that the Southern people had acted a very important part in the election of Mr. Buchanan, ))ut it is very far from being true that a majority of these people were in favor of 60- cession. The great Democratic party was not a party of traitors, either South or North. The masses of the people of the South- ern States were by no means desirous of severing their connec- tion with the (jovcrnment of the United States, as was amply "testified in the overwhelming I'nion majorities given in North Carolina, Tennessee, and otiier Southern States, even after South Carolina had sloughed off, and all the preliminary steps had been taken by the leading secessionists Icnvard the formation of a Southern Confederacy. And tlicre is no doubt that had Mr. I)U(dianan taken hold of the rebellion, while it was in the larva, with that determination to crush it wliich the groat Jackson ex- hibittni when South ("arolina proposed her scheme of nullifica- tion, it had never seen its winged existence. Huchanan's administration, in one respect, maj' possibly yet be productive of good, in that it may serve to impress the people ■with the importance of selecting a man for the chief magistracy who Joves the xight and dares to do it. ABRAHAM LIXCOLN. 145 ABRAHAM LINCOLX, FOURTEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES Was born in Hardin county, Kentucky, February 12th, 1809. The record of his boyhood and youth, so far as we have been able to trace it, is not distinguished by anything more remarka- ble than the usual experience of children of pioneers in a new country. In 1816 he removed with his parents to what is now Spencer county, Indiana. Here he enjoyad the advantages of a 10 146 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. little schooling — less than a year, however, in all. Whatever else he afterward learned from books was without tlie aid of the schoolmaster — the result of his ov/n energy and indomitable per- severence. In 1832 he served in the Blackhawk war, and on his return from that service, was nominated for the Illinois Legislature from the connty of !Macon. In 1834 he was elected to the Leg- islature, and re-elected in 1836, 1838, and 1840. While in the Legislature he placed himself on record against slavery, and it is but just to say that the principles which actuated him then are the moving principles of the great party he to-day represents, as the Executive of the* Nation. For many years IMr. Lincoln was a prominent leader of the Whig party in Illinois, and was on the electoral ticket in several Presidential campaigns. In 1844 he canvassed the entire State for Henry Clay, of whom he was a sincere and enthusiastic friend, and exerted himself powerfully for the favorite of his party. In 1846 he Avas elected to Congress, and took his seat on the first ^londay in December, 1847, the only Whig representa- tive from his [State. In November, 1800, he was elected President of tiie United States by the party known as Republicans. On the 11th of February, 1801, he left his home in Spring- field, Illinois, and proceeded to Washington, passing en ro^ite the cities of Toledo, Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Steu- benville, Pittsburg, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany, Poughkeepsie, New York, Trenton, Philadelphia, llarrisburg, and Baltimore, at all of which places, except the last, he was received with great cordiality, and addressed the people. At Baltimore a plot had been formed to assassinate him; and in this affair it seems that some of the most prominent citizens of that place were implicated. But Mr. Lincoln, by prompt, shrewd management, reached Washington uninjured, and on the 4th of March, ISGl, was duly inaugurated; and proceeded upon the duties of his office, notwithstanding the threats of Baltimoreans that he never should be installed. In his inaugural address, in view of the threaten- ing attitude assumed by some of the Southern States, in con- sequence of the accession of a Republican administration, after declaring that there never had been any just cause for the ap- prehension that such an administration would encroach upon the constitutional rights of any State, he said that he had "no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it existed; that he, as well as every member of Congre.S3, was sworn trf- support the whole Constitution, one of the provisions of which is, that "no person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or reg- V ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 147 ulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ser- vice or labor may be due; " that he took his oath to support the Constitution without any mental reservation; that while he did not then choose to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, he did suggest that it would be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be uncon- stitutional ; that he held that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of the States is perpet- ual; that no State could, upon its own mere motion, get out of Jhe Union; that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, and that he should, as the Constitution ex- pressly enjoined upon him, take care that the laws of the Union should be executed in all the States; that while he should per- form this duty perfectly, so far as practicable, unless restrained by his rightful masters, the American people, he trusted the declaration so to do would not be regarded as a menace, but only as the express purpose of the Union to maintain itself The inaugural address, while considered as clear and explicit by many, was regarded as very obscure and unsatisfactory by others, (the people of the South,) and on the 13th of April, 1861, Messrs. Preston, Stuart and Kandolph, appointed hj the Virginia Convention, were formally received by the President, and presented resolutions requesting that, inasmuch as "great uncertainty prevailed in the public mind as to the policy" to be pursued by the Federal Executive, he should communicate to the Convention the course he intended to take in regard to the " Confederate States." To this request, the President replied that, while he was sorry that dangerous uncertainty should exist respecting his mode of procedure with the seceded States, he could give no clearer exposition of his policy than was given in his inaugural address, a careful consideration of which he recommended to the Virginia Convention. Two days after this, Fort Sumpter having been reduced by the Confederate Government, and other demonstrations^ of a revolutionary character having been made, the President issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers, for three months, to suppress the rebellion, and summoned Congress to assemble in extraordinary session. The call was heartily responded to, and in a few days a vastly greater number than had been re- quested, offered themselves to their country. Meantime Wash- ington was placed in a state of defence. Shortly after the'com- mencementof hostilities a blockade of all the Southern porta 148 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was declared. This was directly followed by a blockade of Virginia and North Carolina. On the 3d of May, IS61, tho President issued a call for 42,034 additional volunteers, for the term of three years. Congress having assembled, he addressed a message to that body, asking that at least 400. OUU men and $400,000,000 be placed at his control, that the work of crushing the rebellion might be expedited. Congress readily complied, granting more men and money than had been asked. On the I6th of August, ISGl, the President issued a proclama- tion prohibiting all commercial intercourse between the loyal and seceded States. In the latter part of August, he modified a proclamation issued by Gen. Fremont, which declared martial law in the State of Missouri, ordering the confiscation of th§ property of disloyal persons, and declaring their slaves free. The two latter of these measures Mr. Lincoln declared void. For this act he was blamed by many of his own party at tho time. Passing some other acts of less importance, v/e next notice the message addressed to Congress on the Gth of ]\Iarch, 1862, by the President, recommending that the Government co-opcrato with any State desiring a gradual emancipition of the slaves, by affording it such pecuniary aid as would enable it to "compen- sate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system." This message was hailed by the radi- cal anti-slavery party of the country as the initiatory step to- ward a final and total abolition of slavery; by conservative Union men, with indifference, and by the secessionists as a hos- tile encroachment upon State rights. On the 11th of March, 1862, Mr. Lincoln assumed command of the Army and Navy of the United States, ordering a general movement of both, and confining General McClellan to the com- mand of the Department of tho Potomac. April 16th, 1862, he approved and signed an act of Congress, abolishing the institution of slavery in the District of Columbia, which act "recognized and practically applied" the principles of compensation and colonization. During the month of May, the President issued two procla- mations, the one declaring tho ports of Port Poyal, Beaufort, and New Orleans open for trade, the other repudiating an order issued by Gen. Hunter, emancipating all the slaves in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina. This act also produced some dis- satisfaction. During the years 1862-1863, Mr. Lincoln was actively employed in calling out and furnishing troops, and making important changes in the organization of the army. It was also during this period that he issued his general cmanci- tion proclamations, the first on the 22d day of September, 1862, declaring that all slaves held in any State, or part of a State, ABKAHAil LINCOLN. 149 found in actual rebellion against the authority of the United States on the 1st day of January, 1863, should then and forever thereafter be free; the second, on the 1st of January, 1863, de- claring that, in accordance with the first proclamation, slavery is abolished in all the States and counties then in armed re- bellion against the Government. These measures, while they greatly unpopularized the Presi- dent with certain parties in the Northern and Southern Border States, were regared as the exponents of the true policy by the radicals. His suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, in cer- tain cases, September 15th, 1863, also produced considerable stir in political circles. At the Republican Convention which met at Baltimore in Jan- uary, 1864, Mr. Lincoln was re-nominated for the Presidency of the United States. We have occupied more space in this than in any of the fore- going biographical sketches for the reason that the circumstances surrounding Mr. Lincoln's administration are, to the people, of more importance than those of any preceding administration, and not from any desire to render peculiarly conspicuous the subject of the present sketch. THE president's DEDICATORY ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG. On the 19th of November, 1863, the President participated in the solemn and imposing ceremonies incident to the consecra- tion of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. Arriving in the town on the previous evening, he was the recipient of a delight- ful serenade, which he acknowledged in a brief speech. On the nest day he delivered the following beautiful dedicatory address, which may be regarded as a fair specimen of his eloquence: " Four-ecore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedi- cated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it as a last resting-place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. " But in a larger sense we can not dedicate, we can not conse- crate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to 150 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the unflnishcd work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remain- ing before us — that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to tlie cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion, — that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain, that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." JOHN CHARLES FUEMOXT. 151 JOHN CHARLEri FREMONT, THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. Several biographies of this accomplished mathematician and indomitable explorer have been issued since he was nominated for the Presidency by the "National People's Convention" at Philadelphia. From these we learn that he is the son of a French gentleman of the same name, who, not long after his arrival in this country, married Mrs. Ann Beverly Whiting, of Gloucester county, Va. The "first fruit" of this union was the 152 JOHN CHAKLES FREMONT. eubject of this sketch, wlio was born at Savannah, (Ja., .lanuary •21, 1813. Five years after tliis event, when Mr. Freiiiont was makinjrarranjxcments to return to France with his family, he huddonly died, Icavini^ his widow, with two sons and a daughter, but ill provided for in a pecuniary view. " Howcd down, but nut discouraged," she gathered her scanty resources together, and settled in Charleston, S. C, where, at the age ()f tlnrteen, ("liarles was taken into the office of John W. Mitchell, Esq., who, actuated by benevolent motives, afterwards had him quali- lied for tl;e legal profession; but his tastes did not lie in that channel: a thorough knowledge of mathematics seemed to be the all-absorbing oi)ject of his ambition, and his devoted appli- cation to this science was unquestionably the means of his sac- cess in after-life. He entered the naval service in 1833 as a professor of mathe- matics; but not long afterwards was transferred to the corps of topographical engineers, with the rank of second lieutenant. In conjunction with the'late Captain AVilliams, he was engajjed in several important national surveys, which led to his being afterwards associated with Mr. Nicholet, of St. Louis, in the exploration and survey of the vast region north of the Missouri and west of the Mississippi. After returning to Washington city, and while engaged in preparing his report and maps of this last survey, he became acquainted with Miss Jessie Benton, daughter of the distin- gui.-^hed Senator, to whom he was married in 1841. ' In Mav, 1842, he set out on the first of his three great ex- ploring expeditions, the developments of which have been of incalculable importance, not only to this country, but to the whole civilized world. This resulted in a thorough exploration of the famous South Pass across the Kocky Mountains, on the hiirhcst peak of which the American flag was planted for the first time; the second, in 1843, furnished accurate information reirarding the Great Salt Lake, the great interior basin of Utah, the mountain range of th« Sierra Nevada, and the golden re- gions of California; and the third, in 1845, among other advan- tages, secured the possession of the last named territory, of which Col. Fremont became, in 1846, the first governor and military commander, and in which Avas subsequently elected the first United States Senator after its admission as a State. In 1848, a court-martial having found him technically guilty of some frivolous charges preferred by Gen. Kearney, he per- sisted in relinquishing his military position, notwithstanding President Polk ofiered him a new commission of the same grade. ]5ut this did not dampen his spirit of adventure: relying upon his own means and the aid of friends, he has since been as JOHN CI!Ai;i.i:S FKIOKiNT. 153 zealously en,:::agcd as ever in bringini;; to li.irht the hidden re- sources of our comparatively inaccessible regions. At the commencement of tiie great Rebellion, Fremont stood out boldly for the Union, and his high qualifications as a com- mander, and his thorough knowledge of the West, secured to him the command of the Western Department of the land and naval forces of the United States. This office was assigned him July 9, 1861. Inspired by that ardor and propelled by that energy which have ever marked his career, he proceeded at once to the organization of his department, and projected a campaign, which, if he had been allowed to carry forward, would doubtless have reflected additional lustre upon his al- ready brilliant reputation. But, unfortunately for him, perhaps for the country, he was, upon charges of mismanagement which were never well sustained, removed from his command, Nov. 2, 1861. On the 31st of May, 1864, he was again nominated for the Presidency by a convention of Radical Republicans opposed to the administration of Mr. Lincoln. This nomination he ac- cepted with the understanding that if the Republican conven- tion at Baltimore should repudiate Mr. Lincoln, he should with- draw from the canvass. Whether Fremont's motive in taking ihis step was patriotic, or whether it was personal, we, of course, have no accurate means of determining; but certain we are that his acceptance of the Cleveland nomination was regarded by many of his old political friends as a very unfortunate affair. The platform of principles upon which he was nominated is given on another page of this work. The following passage from Frcmont'v letter of acceptance, after his nomination for the Presidency in 1856, is a good ex- ample of his style in composition: New York, July 8, 1856. Gentlemen: — You call me to a high responsibility by placing me in the van of a great movement of the people of the United States, who, without regard to past differences, are united in a common effort to bring back the action of the Federal Govern- ment to the principles of Washington and Jefferson. Compre- hending the magnitude of the trust which they have declared themselves willing to place in my hands, and deeply sensible of the honor which their unreserved confidence, in this threatening position of the public afRiirs implies, I feel that I can not better respond than by a sincere declaration that, in the event of my election to the Presidency, I should enter upon the execution of its duties with a single determination to promote the good of the whole country, and to direct solely to this end all the powers of the Government, irrespective of party issues and regardless 154 JOHN' CHAi'M.KS KI;i:.\IO.VT. of sectional strifes. The declaration cf principles embodied in the resolves of your Convention expresses the sentiments in which I have been educated, and which have been ripened into convictions by personal observation and experience. With this declaration and avowal, 1 think it necessary to revert to only two of the subjects embraced in those resolutions, and to these onlv, because events have surrounded them with grave and crit- ical circumstances, and given to them especial importance. MAJOR GEXERAL GEORGE D. M CLELLAN'. 155 MAJOR GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, "Was born in the city of Philadelphia, December 3, 1826. His father, Dr. George McCIellan, for many years one of the pro- fessors of Jefferson Medical College, was a distinguished physi- cian and surgeon. The son was, for a short season, a student at the University of Pennsylvania. At the age of sixteen he left this institution and entered West Point. In 1846 he graduated at the latter place, second in his class, and entered the army as Brevet Second Lieutenant of Engin- eers. He was immediately afterwards ordered to Mexico as Lieutenant of Sappers, Miners, and Pontooniers. During tho 156 MAJOE GENERAL GEORGE B. Jl'CLEI.I.AX. Mexican war ho distin;:;uished himself on several occasions as a pallant and efficient ufficer, and was, in May, 1848, made l>revet Captain. After peace was made with Mexico he Avas ordered to AVest I'oint, where he assumed the supervision of field labors and Ijccame instructor of the bayonet exercise. AVhilo thus em- ployed ho translated a ''Manual of Bayonet Exercise" from the French. In 1851 he was sent to superintend the construc- tion of Fort Delaware, and in the year following accompanied ("apt. R. B. ^larcy (now his father-in-law) on an expedition to fxplorc the Ivcd river. He was appointed to accompany Gen. Persifer F. Smith, as Senior Engineer, to Texas, to survey the rivers and harbors of that State, in September of the same year. In the spring following he was placed in charge of the survey of a northern route for a railroad to the Pacitic, and was subse- quently detailed for the examination of the western part of the proposed line. This duty was performed in a superior manner, for which a high compliment was bestowed upon him by the Secretary of Wax*. Soon after this he was detailed to visit the principal railway lines in the United States, and to thoroughly investigate the railroad sj'stem of the country, with a view of obtaining such information as would be of service in the suc- cessful operation of the Pacific railroad. A full report of his proceedings was published in November, 1854. The next public service required of him was the performance of a secret mission to the West Indies, which resulted in the collection of a vast amount of information valuable to the gov- ernment. In July, 1853, he was promoted to a First Lieutenancy in the army, and in !March, 1855, was commissioned as Captain in the I''ir»t Cavalry. One year later he was sent, with Iklajors Danla- (ield and Mordecai, to gather military information in the Crimea. The report of his investigations in this great field of strife, published by order of Congress, is regarded by military men as replete with valuable instruction. On the 10th of January, 1857, he resigned his commission, and removing to Chicago, filled for three years the responsible posi- tion of Vice President and Engineer of the Illinois Central rail- road. At the end of this time he resigned and was made Gen- eral Superintendent of the Ohio and Mississippi railroad, and two months later became President of the eastern division of the same road, having his residence at Cincinnati, and receiving a salary of $10,000 per annum, which position and income he enjoyed until the breaking out of the rebellion. At this time he ollcred his services to the country and soon MAJOR GENERAL GKOEGK B. Sl'ci.EI.I.AX. 157 after received a commission as Major General from the Governor of Ohio. In May, 1861, he was placed in command of the Department of the Ohio— a department formed of the States of Oliio, Indi- ana and Illinois — with headquarters at Cincinnati. Four days later he was commissioned as INIajor General in the regular army. Shortly afier this he took the field in Western Virginia, and conducted a very successful campaign, during which the battles of Phillipi and Rich Mountain were fought. At the termination of this campaign he was ordered to turn his command over to General Kosecrans and report to Wasl;- ington, upon doing which, he was appointed commander of the Army of the Potomac. This command he retained with vary- ing success until the 7th of November, 1862, when he was su- perceded by Gen. Burnside. During the several campaigns he conducted while in command of this department he won two of the most brilliant victories of the war — those of Malvern Hill and Antietam, and was uni- versally beloved by the soldiers. The modesty with which he re- ceived the order to retire, and the utter disregard of all personal claims he manifested in taking leave of his army contrast widely with the spirit exhibited by others under similar circumstantes, as his farewell address to his army, which wo here present, will amply testify : " IIeadquarters, Army of tue Potomac, ] "Camp near Rectortown, Nov. 7, 1862. J ^^ Officers and Soldiers of the Army of the Potomac: "An order of the President devolves upon Major General Burnside the command of this army. In parting with you, I can not express the love and gratitude I bear you. As an army you have grown up under my care. In you 1 have never found doubt or coldness. The battles you have fought under my com- mand will proiibly live in our nation's history. The glory you have achieved, our mutual perils and fatigues, the graves of our comrades fallen in battle and by disease, the brolsen forms of those whom wounds and sickness have disabled — the strongest associations which can exist among men — unite us still by an indissoluble tie. We shall ever be comrades in supporting the constitution of our country and the nationality of its peonle. "GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, " Major General U. S. A." On the Sunday evening previous to his departure, the officers assembled at his tent for the purpose of bidding adieu to their gallant leader, and from the eyes of many of their number dropped scalding tears of sorrow and regret. The following io8 MAJOR GENERAL GEORGE B. Sl'cLELI.Af*. day he reviewed tlie army of heroes who had followed him through many months and many scenes, and as he rodo along their lines, pronouncing the last farewell, wild and unrestrained huzzas rent the air; and they rushed from tlie ranks and in every conceivable manner gave evidence of their devotion and confi- dence, and of their annoyance and regret at the separation. On the tenth he took the railroad cars at Warrenton, and upon reaching ^\'arrentoD Junction was again received with the most gratifying manifestations. In answer to the unanimous request for a parting speech, General McClellan said: "1 wish you to stand by General IJurnside as you have stood by me, and all will be well. Good-bye." At other stations on the road he was also greeted with enthu- siastic cheering. Reaching Washington, he quietly went to the Philadelphia depot, and then pushing through the city of his nativity without tarrying, much to the disappointment of hosts of admirers, he proceeded to Trenton. , LIECTENANT-GEKERAL ULYSSES 6. GKAXT. 159 JO- ^ GRANT LIEUTENANT-GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT, Was born at Mount Pleasant, Clermont county, Ohio. It seems that the only marked traits of character he exhibited in early boyhood were energy, industry, ■will. His educational advan- tages, at this period, were those of the common, country school — no more. In the year 1839, at the age of seventeen, he entered the United States Military Academy at West Point, from which he graduated on the 30th day of January, 1843. During his stay at this Institution he manifested that untiring industry, close application and unconquerable will which distinguished his lioyhood, and which have constituted so conspicuous an element of his military character. It appears, however, that he was never regarded as a genius; and the grade he sustained on the day of graduation — that of 21 in a class of about 42 — would not indhcate extraordinary advancement in the studies assigned h im. But it was remarked by those who conducted him through his Academic course, as it has been by those who have observed his military career, that he never lost an inch of the ground gained at each successive step in his progress. At his gradua- tion it is said he possessed a "practical knowledge of the use of the rifled musket, the field piece, mortar, siege, and sea-coast IfiO LIEUTENAXT-GEKEKAL ULYSSES S. GKAXT. guns, small sword and ba3'onet, as well as the construction ot licld works, and the fabrication of all inuiiitioiis and materiel war. At the close of his Academic course, he entered the United States regular army as a Brevet Second- Lieutenant of infantry. At this time, the L'nitcd States being at {)eaco with all nations, (Irant Avas attached as a Sii[icrnumerary Lieutenant to the fourth infantry, then stationed on the frontier in Missouri and Missouri Territorj', and engaged in keeping down the Indian tribes that at that time were very troublesome to the early set- tlers of that region. Here (Jrant had not been many months when he was ordered, with his regiment, to join the army of General Taylor, in Texas. Soon alter this, Corpus Christi, an important port on the Texan shore, was taken possession of by the American army as a base of operations against the Mexi- cans, between whom and the United States disputes respecting certain imaginary boundary lines were fast ripening into a war ; and it was here that (irant received his commission as full Second Lieutenant of Infantry. This commission dated from the 30th day of September, 1845. On the 8th day of May, 184G, he participated in the battle of I'alo Alto, and although not noticed in the official reports, was spoken of by his com- rades as having displayed great gallantry. lie was likewise engaged in the subseiiuent brilliant operations of (Jeneral Tay- lor along the banks of the Rio (irande. On the 23d of Septem- ber, 1846, he took part, with great credit to himself, in the splendid aflair at IVIonterey. Jt is a noteworthy fact lltat, al- though (irant's conduct in every one of these engagements was higlily meritorious, he remained in the back ground, claiming no honors or promotions, but quietly biding his time. After the formal declaration of war by the United States, against Mexico, he was transferred to the command of (Jcneral Scott, and subsequently (March 20, 1847,) participated in the siege of Vera Cruz. Immediately after this affair, he was ap- pointed the (Quartermaster of his regiment, which oOicc he re- tained throughout t!ie Mexican campaign. He was, however, honored with the appointment, on the field, of First Lieutenant, to divtc from the 8th of September, 1847, for gallant and distin- guished voluntary services rendered on that day in the I'amous battle of Molino del Kay. Congress afterwards wislied to con- lirm the appointment as a mere brevet, but Grant refused to accept it under such circumstances. On the 13th of September, 1847, he was made Brevet Captain of the regular army for gallant conduct in the battle of Che- pultepcG, which battle occurred on the preceding day. On the 16th of November, 1847, he was commissioned a First Lieuten- MEUTEXAXT-GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT: TCI ant in the fourth regiment of regular infantry, still retaining his brevet rank of Captain. At the close of the Mexican war, Grant, upon the distribution of his regiment in companies and sections among the various Northern frontier defences, along the borders of the States of Michigan and New York, took command of his company in one of these defences. His regiment having been afterwards con- solidated and ordered to the Department of the Tacific, Grant, with his own and some other companies, was sent into Oregon to Fort Dallas. He received his full promotion to Captain o infantry, in August, 1853, and was, shortly afterwards, attached to the Department of the West; but, not regarding military so favorable to progress as civil life, he resigned his connection with the United States army on the 31st day of July, 1854, after which he resided near the city of St. Louis, Missouri, until the year 1859. Here he resided on a small farm, occupying him- self in winter by hauling wood to the Carondelet market, and during the summer in the collection of debts, for which latter business, it is said, he had little capacity. In the year 1859, he embarked in the leather trade with hia father, the firm opening business in the city of Galena, Illinois. Grant continued in the leather business, driving a prosperous trade, up to the breaking out of the Kebellion in 1861, when ha- offered his services to his country, upon the first call for volun- teers, and was appointed by Governor Yates as Commander-in- Chief of the Illinois forces and mustering officer of Illinois volunteers. Desiring active service in the field, he resigned his appointment as. mustering officer, and aoccpted the Colonelcy of. the 21st regiment of Illinois volunteers, with a commission dating from June 15, 1861. In August, 1861, Colonel Grant was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General of volunteers, his commission dating from May 17, 1861. Shortly after this he was appointed commandant of the post at Cairo — which post included the Missouri shore of the Missis- sippi river, from Cape Girardeau to New Madrid, and the oppo- site shore, to the point of land on which Cairo stands. This position Grant filled with great ability, checkmating, by his adroit maneuvering, the efforts of the rebels to occupy, perma- nently, southern Kentucky, and conducting those successful expeditions against Forts Henry and Donelson, which opened, the way to the occupation of Western Tennessee. On the 16th of February, 1862, the day after the surrender of Fort Donelson, he was appointed Major General of volunteers, and was placed in command of an expedition up the Tennessee river against the rebels in and about Corinth, under command of Johnston and Beauregard. This expedition terminated in the great battle of Shiloh or Pittsburg Landing — Avhich battle, 11 162 MEUTEKANT-GENERAL ULTSSKS S. GRANT. occupying two da3'9, (April 6th and 7th, 18G2,) was one of tlie •bloudicst of the war, and resulted in the dei'cut of the rebels and their retreat upon Corinth. For the immense slaughter which attended this battle, (Gen- eral (irant was very severely censured by the people, generally, thnHiL'hout the Western States. Soon after this, (icneral Ilalleek having assumed command of the army before Corinth, and that place having fallen into the hands of the United States forces by evacuation, an important change took place in the army, which resulted in the assignment of General (Jnint to the District of West 'J'ennessee, and the promotion of General Ualleck to the office of (>cneral-in-Chief. The former soon after formed the plan of opening the Missis- sippi river to its mouth. Memphis having been given up to our troops, tiie chief ol)stacle in the way of the prosecution of tho design were Vicksburg and Fort Hudson. After a series of expeditions and battles, land and naval, in which the courage and fortitude of the Union troops were no less prominently exhibited tlian tho superior euL'ineering pow- ers and unyielding stubliornness of (iieneral (Jrant, Vicksburg was reduced by siege, and was occupied by Grant on the 4th of July, ] 863; and directly after this (July S, 1863) followed the surrender of Fort Hudson to General N. P. Banks. On the Kith of October, 1863, the Departments of the Ohio, of the Cumberland, and of the Tennessee were foniied into the Military Division of the Mississippi, under the command of (iJeneral Grant. The (ieneral, however, was not long in this position until, the grade of Lieutenant General having been revived, he was promoted to that office — which office gave him control of the entire forces of the United States. This appoint- ment was made in February, 1864, and was immediately fol- lowed by the most active, thorough preparations for a movement upon Richmond by the Army of the Potomac under the per- sonal command of General Grant, and an expedition against Atlanta under command of General Sherman. The battles of the "Wilderness, of Spott.sylvania Court House, and the siege of Petersburg have been thus far the chief results of Grant's movements. What may be the ultimate fruits it is nol tho province of the biographer to anticipate. A.NDBEW JOHNSON. 163 ANDREW JOHNSON, Was bom at Haleigh, North Carolina, December 29th, 1808, and is now fifty-five years old. He lost his father when only four years old. At the age of ten he was apprenticed to a tailor in Kaleigh, and served with him an apprenticeship of seven years. His mother was poor, and had been unable to give him any educational advantages, but young Andy, whose unconquerable spirit was not to be restrained by any disadvantages, became stimulated with a desire for knowledge. He acquired the alpha* bet with no other instructions than those obtained from the journeymen with whom he worked. He learned to read from an old volume of speeches, loaned him by a friend, and thence- forward, after ten hours' work with his goose, needle and scis- sors, applied himself with vigor to study for three or four houra each evening. In 1824, having completed his apprenticeship, he went to Laurens Court House, South Carolina, where he worked as journeyman for two years. In 1826 he set out for? the West, taking his mother, whom already, at his early age and with hia scanty wages, he was supporting. He made his home at Greenville, Tennessee, where he remained and commenced 164 ANDREW JOnX-SON. business, and where he became a thriving and popular man. "With the indefatigable thirst for knowledge which had charac- terized his early career, he still pursued his studies, and in the evenings which followed a day of labor, with his wife as instruc- tress, pushed on in the road to knowledge. He entered early into political life, being elected to the first office which he ever held — that of Alderman of the village of Greenville — in 1828. He was re-elected to the same office in 1829. In 1830 he was elected Mayor, and retained that posi- tion for three years. In 1S35 ho was sent to the Legislature, where ho chiefly distinguished himself by taking strong grounds against a scheme of internal improvements, which he argued ■was extravagant and useless. The measure was popular, how- ever, and he was defeated in 1837. In 1838 he was a candidate again, and was this time successful. In 1840 he served as Pres- idential Elector for the State at large on the Democratic ticket, and during the campaign rendered efficient service to the party as a stump speaker. In 1841 he was elected to the State Sen- ate, and in 1843, at the age of thirty-five, he was elected to Con- gress, where he held his seat; being four times re-elected, until 1853. During this time he was thoroughly identified with the old Democratic party, and supported all the party measures. In 1853 he was elected Governor, after a very exciting contest, over Gustavus A. Henry. He was re-elected in 1855 over Meredith P. Gentry, the Whig candidate. At the expiration of his Gub- ernatorial term, in 1857, he was chosen United States Senator by a Democratic majority in the Legislature of Tennessee. In that body he commanded the respect of all his compeers, as an able, eloquent, and patriotic statesman. At the breaking out of the rebellion. Senator Andrew Johnson still proclaimed his allegiance to the United States, and continued to hold his seat in the Senate, though his course subjected him to much unpopu- larity and even danger. "When,'in the spring of 1862, our army had penetrated Ten- nessee to Nashville, and the northern and central portions of the States were wrested from rebel control, the President desired the services of a wise and sagacious man, of unques- tionable loyalty, to act as Military Governor of that State, and he did not have long to look — Andrew Johnson was at once recognised as the man for tiic place, and being commissioned a Brigadier General, he repaired to Nashville, where he has for two years discharged the delicate and responsible duty of his charge with a degree of wisdom and efficiency, which has chal- lenged general admiration. Under his administration, the rebel- lion has steadily been losing its hold in Tennessee, and loyalty aa constantly cultivated and developed. He was nominated for the Vice Presidency by the Union Con* vention, at Baltimore, June 8, 1864. PROPOSE D CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. At the commencement of the Congressional session of 1860, the portentious clouds of civil war, gathering and blackening in the Southern horizon of our national sky, filled the hearts of the stoutest patriots with the most gloomy apprehensions, and cast a melancholy shadow over every Union-loving soul through- out the country, somewhat akin to that which hovers over an affectionate son or daughter, upon the approaching dissolution of a cherished, devoted mother. The following compromise, offered by Senator Crittenden, December 19, 1860, is one of the many measures proposed in Congress for adjusting the difficul- ties of that period: Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives, That the following articles be proposed and submitted as an amendment to the Constitution, which shall be valid as a part of the Constitution, when ratified by the conventions of three- fourths of the people of the States : \st. In all the territory now or hereafter acquired, north of 36° 30', slavery, or involuntary servitude, except for the punish- ment of crime, is prohibited; while in all the territory south of that, slavery is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as property by all the departments of the territorial government during its continuence. All the territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, when it contains a population necessary for a member of Congress, with a republican form of government, shall be admitted into the Union on an equality with the original States, with or with- out slavery, as the Constitution of the State shall prescribe. 2nd. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the State permitting it. 3rd Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia while it exists in Virginia and Maryland, or either; nor shall Congress at any time prohibit the officers of Government, or Members of Congress, whose duties require them to live in the District of Columbia, bringing slaves there and using them as such. Aih. Congress shall have^ no power to hinder the transporta- (165) 166 PROPOSED CRITTKNDK.V C03IPR0jri3E. tion of slaves from one State to anotlier, whether by land, navi- gable river, or sea. 5th. Congress shall have the power by law, to pay any owner the full value of any fnpitive slave, in all cases where the mar- shal is prevented from discharf^ing his duty by force or rescue, made after arrest, in nil such cases the owner shall have the power to sue the county in which the rescue or violence was made; and the county shall have the right to sue the individuals who committed the wrong, in the saiii^; manner as the owner tould sue. Cti. No future amendment or amendments shall effect the preceding article, and Congress shall never have power to inter- fere with slavery within the States where it is permitted. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, ? prochimation was issued by the President of the United States containing among other things the following, to-wit: That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforth and forever free, and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- dom of such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore- said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in wiiich the people therein respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States, and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith repre- sented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto, tit elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States. Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in- chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on tliis first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day of the first above-mentioned order, and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respect- ively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following to-wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the par ishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. (167) 168 EMAXCIPATION PKOCI.AMATION. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terro Bonne, La fourclie, 8t. Mary, St Martin and Orleans, includini,' tlic city of New Orleans. Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Geuri;ia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virjrinia, except the forty-eight coijnties desi^^nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizahi^tli City, York, Prin- cess Ann, and Norfolk, including: the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, 1 «lo order and decdare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and hc-nccforward shall be free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities tliereof, will recognize and niaintain the freedom of said pcrsuna. And 1 hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessarj' self-defence, and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faitlifuUy for reasonable wages. And 1 furtlier declare and make known that such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other piaces, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, 1 invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty Cod. In witness Avhereof 1 have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this first day of .Fanuary, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight [l. s.] hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. By the President: Abraham Lincoln. William II. Seward, Secretary of State. LETTER FROM THE PRESIOKNT EXPL.^IXIXG THE EMANCIPATION I'KOCLA.MATION. The following letter, written in August, 1863, in answer to an invitation to attend a metting of unconditional Union men held in Illinois, gives at length the President's views at that time on his Emancipation proclamation: " Executive IMaxsion. Washington, August 2(jth, 1863. "My De.\r Sir: Your letter inviting nie to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capitol EMANdPATION' I'ROCLAMATJOX. 169 of Illinois on the third day of September, has been received. U. would be very agreeable to me to thus meet my old friends at my own home; iJ'ut I can not just now be absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to l)e of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union, and 1 am sure my old political friends will thank me for tender- ing, as 1 do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men wiiom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: — You desire peace, and you blame me that you do not have it. But how can we attain it? There are biiD three conceivable ways: — First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. If you are, you should say so, plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not believe that any compromise embracing the mainte- nance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief The strength of the rebellion is its military — its army. The army dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of any terms made by any man or meti within that range in opposition to that army is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a com- promise, if one were made with them. To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep General Lee's army out of Penn- sylvania? General Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of ex- istence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of General Lee's army are not agreed, can at all effect that army. [n an effort at such compromise we would waste time which tho enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people, first liber- ated from the domination of that army by the success of our army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from the rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace comprotnise, has ever come to my know- ledge or belief All charges and intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any Buch proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not lie rejected and kept secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the no KMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. United States constitution; and that, as such, I am rospon.siUlc to tliotn. But, to 1)0 plain. You are dissatisfied witii mo about the noirrn. (^hiite likely there is a diflerence of ojiinion between jou and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposal any measure wliioii is not consis- tent with even your view, provided you are (.'r the Union. 1 su<:gested compensated emancipation, to whicli you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy nci^roes But 1 have not ivskcd you to be taxed to buy ncgrooa, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation, to save the Union exclusively by other means. "You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think dilferently. 1 think that the constitution invests the com- mander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that the slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war, property both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taki I'Z it helps us or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they can not use it; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized beligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. JJut the proclamation, as law, is vrelid or is not valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it can not be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think that* its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice, that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the is.>ue of the proclama- tion as before. 1 know as fully as one can know the opinion of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most important victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops to be the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of these important successes could not have been achieved when it wan but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the command- ers holding these views are some wlio have never had any affinity with what is called abolitionism or with 'republican party p(ditii;s.' — Hut who hold them purely as military opinions. EMANCIPATIOJf PROCLAMATIOS. 171 1 submit their opinions as being entitled to some weiglit against the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You say that jou will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem to be willing to fight for you — but no matter. Fight yon, then, exclusively to save the Union. 1 issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare that you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think difierently? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do any thing for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the prom- ise being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North-west for it. Not yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let none be blamed who bore an honorable part in it; and, while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely or better done than at Antietam, Slurfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's webfleet be forgotten. At all the waters' margins they have been present: — not only on the deep sea, the broad bay and the rapid river, but also up the nar- row, muddy bayou; and wherever the ground was a little damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great republic — for the principles by which it lives and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace does not appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay: and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have proved that among freeman there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind 172 KMANCU'ATIO.V riiOCLAMATION. on to this urciit coiisuininiUion : while I fear tliat there will be some white men iinal/Jo to forj^et that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. ytill let us not be over sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just Cod, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln." PEOCLAMATION OP ANMEW JACKSON. The President of the United States to the nullifiers of South Carolina : Whereas, A convention assembled in the State of South Car- olina have passed an ordinance, by which they declare, " that the several acts and parts of acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be laws for the imposing of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United States, and more especially," two acts for the same purposes passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th of July, 1832, "are unau- thorized by the Constitution of the United States, and violate the true meaning and intent thereof, and are null and void, and no law," nor binding on the citizens of that State or its officers: and by the said ordinance, it is further declared to be unlawful for any of the constituted authorities of the State or of the United States to enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said acts with the same State, and that it is the duty of the Legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full effect to the said ordinance : And whereas, By the said ordinance, it is further ordained that in no case of law or equity decided in the courts of said State, wherein shall be drawn in question the validity of the said ordinance, or of the acts of the Legislature that may be passed to give it effect, or of the said laws of the United States, no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of the record be permitted or allowed for that purpose; and that any person attempting to take such appeal shall be punished as for a contempt of court: And, finally, the said ordinance declares that the people of South Carolina will maintain the said ordinance at every hazard ; and that they will consider the passage of any act, by Congress, abolishing or closing the ports of the said State, or otherwise obstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels to and from the said ports, or any other act of the Federal Government to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harrass her commerce, or to enforce the said act otherwise than through the civil tri- bunals of the country, as inconsistant with the longer contin- (173) 174 PROCLAMATION OF ANDUEW JACKSON, uance of South Carolina in the Union, and that the people of the Baid i^tate will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further oLli.uation to maintain or preserve their political connec- tion with the people of the other States, and will forthwith pro- ceed to oregun, a change in public opinion had commenced. The nearly ap- proaching payment of tlie pul)lio debt, and the consequent necessity of a diminution of duties, had already produced a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some articles of gene- ral consumption in your State. 'i"hc importance of this change was underrated, and you are authoritatively told that no further alleviation of your burthens were to be expected at the very time when the condition of the country imperiously demanded such a modification of tiie duties as should reduce theuf to a just and equitable .scale. But, as if apprehensive of the eilect ot this change in allaying your discontents, you were precipi- tated into the fearful state in which you now "find yourselves. 1 have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry you on to the position you have now assumed, and for ward to the consequences it will produce. Something more is necci-sary. Contemplate tlie condition of that country of which you still form an important part. Consider its Government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection 60 many different States, — giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of American citizens, protecting their commerce, securing their literature and their arts; fecilitating their inter- communication; defending their frontiers, and making their names respected in the remotest parts of the earth. Consider the extent of its territory; its increasing and happy population; its advance in arts, wliich render life agreeable; and the sciences, which elevate the mind! See education spreading the lights of relij;ion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide cxtrtit of our Territories and States! He hold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support! Ivook on this picture of happiness and honor, and say: "ire, too, are citizens of America! Carolina is one of these proud States, — her arms have de- fended, — her best blood has cemented this" happy Union!" And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, "this happy Union we will dissolve; this picture of peace and pros- perity we will deface; this free intercourse we will interrupt; rEOCLAJMTION OF AXDRKW JACKSON. " 189 these fertile fields wc will deluge with blood; the protection of that glorious flag we renounce; the very nftn[ie of Americans we discard." And for Avhat, mistaken men, — for what do you throw, away these inestimable blessings? for what would you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the Union? For the dream of separate independence, — a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign power. If your leaders could succeed in establish- ing a separation, what would be your situation? Are yon united at home, — are you free from the apprehension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our neighboring, republics, every day suffering some new revolution, or contend- ing with some new insurrection, — do they excite your envy ? But the dictates of a high duty obliges me solemnly to announce that you can not succeed. The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject, — my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you, — they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion; but be not deceived by names; disunion, by armed force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you arc, oa the heads of the insti- gators of the act be the dreadful consequences, — on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment; on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the con- flict you force upon the government of your country. It can not acceed to the mad project of disunion, of which you would be the first victims, — its Ftrst Magistrate can not, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty; the consequences must be fearful to you, distressing to your fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. Its ene- mies have beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could not conceal, — it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord with the triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Snm- ters, the Kutledges, and of the thousand other names, wliicb adorn the pages of your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to support which so many of them fought, and Ijled, and died. I adjure you, as you honor their memory — as you love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives — as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of jour State, the disorganizing edict of its convention 190 PROCLAMATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. — bid its members to rc-assemble, and promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity and honor. Tell them that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all. Declare that you will never take the field unless the star spangled banner of your country shall float over you ; that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country. Its destroyers you can not be. You may disturb its peace — you may interrupt the course of its prosperity — you may cloud its reputation for stability; but its tranquility will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national char- acter will be transferred, and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder. Fellow-citizens of the United States ! The threat of unhal- lowed disunion — the names of those once respected, by whom it is uttered — the array of military force to support it — denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs, on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political existence, and perhaps that of all free governments, may depend. The conjuncture demanded a free, a full, and explicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my principles of action; and as the claim was asserted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in relation to the origin and form of our gov- ernment, and the construction I give to the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest confi- dence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opinion of my duties, which has been expressed, I rely, with equal confi- dence, on your undivided support in my determination to exe- cute the laws — to preserve the Union by all constitutional means — to arrest, if possible, by moderate but firm measures, the ne- cessity of a recourse to force; and, if it be the will of Heaven, that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man for the shed- ding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that it be not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States. Fellow citizens ! the momentous case is before you. On your undivided support of your Government depends the decision of the great question it involves, whether your sacred Union will be preserved, and the blessings it secures to us as one people, shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and that the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to PROCLAMATION OV ANDREW JACKSON. 191 their (iefcnce, will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children. May the Great Kulor of Nations grant that the signal bless- ings with which He has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party or personal ambition, be disregarded and lost; and may His wise providence bring those who have produced this crisis to see their folly, before they feel the misery of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reason- ably aspire. In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my hand. Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty- two, and of the independence of the United States the fifty- seventh. By the President : ANDREW JACKSON. Edwd. Livingston, Secretary of State. PLATFOKMS OV 1860-1864. PLATFORM OF THK RRECKIXRIDOE PAKTY OF ISCO. Eesolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party At Cincinnati be afTirmcd, Nvith the following explanatory reso- lutions : 1. That the government of a territory organized by an act of C\)ngre3s is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the territory, without their rights, either in person or property, being destroyed by congressional or ter- ritorial legislation. '2. That it is the dvAy of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the rights of persons and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an equality with the peofde of other States, and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, M'hether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. 4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to our.solvcs and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the fwithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. G. That the Democracy of the L^nited States recognize it as an imperative duty of the government to protect th-e naturalized citizen in all iiis rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native born citizens. Whi-:ke.a.s, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the PaciQc and Atlantic coasts; therefore, be it resolved, (192) PLATFORMS OF lSGO-1864. 193 7. That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge them- selves to use every means in their power to secure the paseage of some bill, to the extent of the Constitutional authority by Congress, for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. PLATFORM OP THE DOUGLAS PARTY OF 1860. _ Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union in Conven- tion assembled, hereby declare our affirmation of the resolutions unanimiously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856 believing that Democratic principles are unchangable in their nature when applied to the same subject matter, and we recom- mend as our only further resolutions the following: That inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Demo- cratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Ter- ritorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Con- gress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery in the territories; Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decis- ion of the Supreme Court of the United States over the institu- tion of slavery in the territories. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, at home or abroad, and whether nativjc or foreign born. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is a speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States, and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional enactment as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practical period. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the ac- quisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be hon- orable to ourselves and just to Spain. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive to the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cincinnati Plat- form, that during the existence of Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Fed- eral Constitution on the power- of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be decided by the Supreme Court of the Uni- ted States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced 13 194 PLATroKMs OF lSiJ0-18G4. with proniptncfs and fidelit}- by every bi-:int;:i of the General Governuiont. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF ISGO. Fesolved, That wc, the delegated representatives of the Ee- publican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following resolutions: 1. Tliat the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organi- zation and perpetuation of the Kepublican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever, demand its peaceful and con- stitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, that "all men arc created equal; that tliey are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are those of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that Governments are instituted among men to secure the enjoyment of these rights, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed" — are essential to the preservation of our republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 3. That to the union of the State^this nation owes its unpre- cedented increase in population, its surprising developments of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its hap- piness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhor- rence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Kepublican mem- ber of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of dis- union as often made by the Democratic members of Congress, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate, of the rights of the States, and especially of each State, to order and control its own do- mestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or PLATFORMS OP 1860-1864. 195 Territory, no matter under what pretext, as one of the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic Administration has far ex- ceeded our worst apprehensions in the measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Consti- tution upon the protesting people of Kansas, construing the relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest ; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless ex- travagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government. That a return to right economy and accounta- bility is indispensible to arrest the plunder of the public treas- ury by favored partisans, while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruption at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, if) a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the ex- plicit provisions of that instrument itself, with cotemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial^ precedents, that it is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the nominal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, or a Territorial Legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to ' slavery in any Territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave Trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final sup- pression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes by their Federal Governors of fhe acta of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibit- ing slavery in these Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principles of non-intervention and 196 PLAxroRMS OF 1860-1864. Popular Sovereignty, embodied in tho Kansaa-Nebraaka bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. . ,. , , . , 11. That Kansas should, of right, bo immediately admitted aa a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Kepresentatives. 12. That while providing revenue for tho support of the Gen- eral Government, by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as to encourage the devel- opment of the industrial interests of the whole country, and we commend that policy of National Exchange which secures to the working men liberal wages, agriculture remunerative prices, to merchants and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros- perity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy, which regards the settlers aa paupers or suppliants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House. 14. That the National liepublican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State Legislation, by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired, and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor im- provements of a national character, is required for the accommo- dation and security of an existing commerce, or authorized by the Constitution and justified by tho obligation of the Govern- ment to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 16. That a railroad to the racific ocean is imperatively de- manded by the interests of the whole country; and that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and that preliminary thereto, a daily over- land mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing in other questions, who substantially agree with us, in their affirmance and support. PLATFORM OP THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY OF 1860. The Union, the Constitution and the Laws. PLATFORMS OF 1860-1864. 197 UNION PLATFORM, ADOPTED AT BALTIMORE JUNB 8, 1864. Besolved, That ifc is the highest duty of every American citi- zen to maintain against all its enemies, the integrity of the Union, and the paramount authority of the Constitution and layrs of the United States, and that, laying all political opinions aside, we pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated by a com- mon sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling, by force of arms, the rebellion now raging against its authority, and bring- ing to the punishment due to their crimes, the rebels and traitors arrayed against it. Resolved^ That we approve the determination of the Govern- ment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility, &c., and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reli- ance upon the self-sacrifices, the patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to their country and its free institutions. Resolved, That slavery was the cause and now constitutes the strength of the rebellion, and that as it must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles of Republican Govern- ments, justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the Kepublic, and that we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations, by which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed a death blow at this gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore, of such an amend- ment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits of the jurisdiction of the United States. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are daie to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defence of their country, and in vindication of the honor of the flag; that the nation owes them some perma- nent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of their country, and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the political wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and unswerving fidelity to the Consti- tution and the principles of American liberty, with whieh 198 PLATFORMS Of 1 860-1 86-J. Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of un- paralellcd difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that wc approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the nation, and as within the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; especially the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment, as Union soldiers, of men berctoforo held in slavery, and that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all other Constitutional measures, essential to the salvation of the country, into full and complete effect Jiesolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare, that harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who cordially endorse the principle proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the Government. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its armies, without distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of war, and any violation of these laws and of the usages of civilized nations in the time of war, by the rebels now in. arms, should be made the subject of full and prompt redress. Resolved, That the foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the wealth and development of resources and increase of power to this nation, the asylum of the op- pressed of all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the railroad to the Pacific. Resolved, That the national faith is pledged forthe redemption of the public debt and must be kept inviolate; and that for this purpose we recommend economy and rigid responsibilities in the public expenditures, and a vigctfous and just system of tax- ation; that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the use of the national currency. Resolvsd, That we approve the position taken by the Govern- ment, that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the attempt of European power to overthrow by force, or to supplant by fraud, the institutions of any Repub- lican government on the Western Continent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and inde- pendence of this our country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments sustained by a foreign military force in near proximiry to the United States. PLATFORMS OF 1860-1864. 199 FREMONT PLATFORM, ADOPTED AT CLEVELAND, MAY 31, 1864. 1. That the Federal Union must be preserved. 2. That the Constitution and laws of the United iStates must be observed and obeyed. 3. That the rebellion must be suppressed by the force of arms, and without compromise. 4. That the rights of Free Speech, Free Press, and the Habeas Corpus must be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed. 5. That the rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment. 6. That the right for asylum, except for crime, and subject to law, is a recognized principle — a principle of American lib- erty; that any violation of it must not be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked. 7. That the National policy known as the Monroe doctrine has become a recognized principle, and that the establishment of an anti-republican government on this continent by a foreign power can not be tolerated. 8. That the gratitude and support of the nation is due to the faithful soldiers, and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy, for their heroic achievements and valor in defense of our imperiled country and of civil liberty. y. That the one term policy for the Presidency adopted by the people is strengthened by the existing crisis, and shall be maintained by constitutional amendments. 10. That the constitution shall be so amended that the Presi- dent and Vice President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people. 11. That the reconstruction of the rebellious States belongs to the people through their representatives in Congress, and not to the Executive. 12. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers is a measure of justice; that integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the measures of the government, and that now the want of this is criminal. SPEECH OF A. II. STEPIIETsS, OF GEORGIA, IN OrPOSITION TO SECESSION, DELIVEREKED NOV. 14, 1800. Felloav-Citizens : I appear before you to-nifrht, at the request of members of the Legislature and others, to speak of matters of the deepest interest that can possibly concern us all, of an earthly cliaracter. There is nothing — no question or subject connected with this life — that concerns a free people so inti- mately as that of the government under which we live. We are now, indeed, surrounded by evils. Never, since I entered upon the public stage, has the country Ijeen so environed with diflB- culties and dangers, that threatened the public peace and the very existence of society, as now. I do not now appear before you at ray own instance. It is not to gratify any desire of my own that 1 am here. Had I consulted my own ease and pleasure I should not be before you; but, believing that it is tiie duty of every good citizen to give his counsels and views whenever the country is in danger, as to the best policj' to be pursued, I am here. For these reasons, and those only, do 1 bespeak a calm, patient, and attentive hearing. My object is not to stir up strife, but to allay it; not to appeal to your passions, but to your reason. Good governments can never be built up or sustained by the impulse of passion. I wish to address myself to your good sense, to your good judg- ment, and if, after hearing, you diwigree, let us agree to disa- gree, and part as we met, friends. We all have the same object, the same interest. That people should disagree in republican governments, upon questions of public policy, is natural. That men siiould disagree upon all matters connected with human investigation, whether relating to science or human conduct, rs natural. Hence, in free governments, parties will arise. But a free people should express their different opinions with liberal- ity and charity, with no acrimony toward those of their fellows, when honestly and sincerely given. These are my feelings to- night. Let us, therefore, reason together. It is not my purpose to say aught to wound the feelings of any individual who may be (200) OF GEORGIA. 201 present; and if, in the ardency with which I shall express my opinions, 1 shall say any thin^ which may be deemed too strong, let it be set down to the zeal with which I advocate my own convictions. There is with me no intention to irritate or offend. The first question that presents itself is, shall the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and earnestly, that 1 do not think that they ought, in my judgment, the election of • no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elect- ed, puts us in the wrong. We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a man to the Presidency, and that too in accordance with the prescribed forms of the Consti- tution, make a point of resistance to the Government without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves — withdraw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and especially to the peo- ple of Georgia, that we were untrue to our national engage- ments. Let the fault and the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck, with the Constitution of the United States waving over our heads. Let ' the fanatics of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsibility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts ; but let not the South — let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we wished ; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made up hereafter against us. But it is said Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that'if he carries them out it will be de- structive of our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil. If he violates the Constitution, then will come our time to act Do not let us break it because, forsooth he may. If he does, that is the time for us to strike. I think it would be injudicious and unwise to do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lin- coln will do anything to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by the constitutional checks which arc thrown around him, which at this time render 202 SI'KECH Ol- A. II. STKrilENS, OF GKOKGIA. him powcrlcsa to do :uiy <^rcat mischief. This 8ho\YS the wis- dom of our system. The President of the United .States is no cmperoi-, no dictator — he is clotlied with no absolute power. ^Ile can do nothino; unless lie is backed by power in ("undress. The House of Keprescntatives is largely in the majority against liira. In the Senate ho will also be powerless. There will be a ma- jority of four against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by tiie unfortunate dissensions of thj National Demo- cratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln can not appoint an officer Avithout the consent of the Senate — he can not form a cabinet without the same consent, lie will Ije in the condition of George HI. (t!io cml)odiment of Toryism), Avho had to ask the Whigs to appoint his ministers, and was compelled to re- ceive a cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lin- coln will be compelled to ask of the tjenate to choose for him a cabinet, if the Democracy of that body ehoose to put him on such terms. lie will be compelled to do this or let the Govern- ment stop, if the National Democratic men — for that is their name at the North — the conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution? Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union when his hands are tied, when he can do nothing against us? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But, I ask, who appoints to office? Not the President alone ; the Senate has to concur. No man can be appointed Avithout the consent of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold office that was given to him by a Democratic Senate? [Mr. Toombs interrupted and said if the Senate was Democratic it was for Mr. Breckinridge.] Well, then, continued Mr. S., I apprehend no man could be justly considered untrue to the interests of (ieorgia, or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to hold an office which a Breckinridge Sen- ate had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be Presi- dent. I trust, my countrymen, you will be still and silent. 1 am addressing your good sense, i am giving you my views in a calm and dispassionate manner, and if any of you differ with me, you can, on any other occasion, give your views as 1 am doing now, and let ro.ason and true patriotism decide between us. In my judgment, 1 say, under such circumstances, there would be no possible disgrace for a Southern man to hold office. No man will be suflered to be appointed, 1 have no doubt, who is not true to tiic Constitution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, as I can not permit myself to doubt that they will bo. SPEECH OF A. n. STEPHEN'S, OF GEORGIA. 203 My honorable friend who addressed you last night (Mr. Toombs), and to whom I listened with the profoundest attention, asks if we would submit to Black Kepubliean rule? I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, 1 never would submit to any Black Republican aggression upon our constitutional rights. J will never consent myself, as much as I admire this Union for the glories of the past, or the blessings of the present — as much as it has done for the people of all these States — as much as the hopes of the world hang upon it, I would never submit to ag- gression upon my rights to maintain it longer; and if they can not be maintained in the Union, standing on the Georgia plat- form, where I have stood from the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting every tie which binds the States together. 1 will have equality for Georgia and for the citizens of Georgia in this Union, or I will look for new safeguards elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now is, can they be secured in the Union? That is what I am counseling with you to-night about. Can they be secured ? In my judgment tbey may be, but they may not be; but let us do all we can. so thaj; in the future, if the worst come, it may never be said we were negligent in doing our duty to the last. My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this Union has been a curse up to this time. True men, men of integrity, entertain different views from me on this subject. I do not question their right to do so: I would not impugn their motives in so doing. Nor will I undertake to say that this Government of our fathers is perfect. There is nothing perfect in this world, of a human origin. Nothing connected with human nature, from man himself to any of his works. You may select the wisest and best men for your judges, and yet how many defects are there in the administration of justice? You may select the wisest and best men for your legislators, and yet how many defects are apparent in your laws? And it is so in our gov- ernment. But that this government of our fathers, with all its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good governments than any other on the face of the earth is my settled conviction. Con- trast it now with any on the fiice of the earth. [England, said Mr. Toombs.] — England, my friend says. Well, tliat is tlie next best, I grant; but I think we have improved upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice hand on the government of England, and then ours was made. Ours sprang from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most of the good and leaving out many of its errors, and from the whole constructing and building up this model Republic — the best which the his- tory of the world gives an account of. 204 SPliECII OF A. n. STEPUEXS, OF GKORGIA, Compare, my friends, this Government with that of Spain, Mexico, the South American KcpuljlicH, Germany, Ireland— are there any sons of that down-trodden nation hero to-nipjht? — Prussia, or if you travel further east, to Turkey or China. Where will you go, following the sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a government that hetter protects the liberties of the people, and secures to them the blessings we enjoy? I think that one of the evils that beset us is a surfeit of liberty, an exu- berance of the priceless blessings for which we are ungrateful. We listened to my honorable friend who addressed you last night, (Mr. Toombs,) as he recounted the evils of this Govern raent. The first was the fishing bounties, paid mostly to the sailors of New England. Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents. Well, these fishing bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I believe. No one of them during the whole forty-eight years ever set his Administration against the principle or policy of them. It is not for me to say whether it was a wise policy in the beginning; it probably was not, and I have nothing to say in its defense. But the reason given for it was to encourage our young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. We had at the time but a small navy. It was tliought best to encourage a class of our people to become acquainted with seafaring life, to become sailors — to man our naval ships. It requires practice to walk the deck of a ship, to pull the ropes, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to climb the mast; and it was thought, by offering this bounty, a nursery might be formed in which young men would become perfected in these arts, and it applied to one section of the country as well as to any other. The result of this was that in the war of 1812 our sailors, many of whom came from this nursery, were equal to any that England brought against us. At any rate, no small part of the glories of that war were gained by the veteran tars of America, and the object of these bounties was to foster that branch of tlie national defense. INIy opinion is, that whatevor may have boen tlie reason at first, this bounty ought to be (liscontinued — the reason for it, at first, no longer exists. A bill for this object did pass the Senate the last Congress I was inj to which my honorable friend contributed greatly, but it was not reached in the House of Representatives. 1 trust that he will yet see that he may with honor continue his connection with the Gov- ernment, and that his eloquence, unrivaled in the Senate, may hereafter, as heretofore, be displayed in having this bounty, so obnoxious to him, repealed and wiped off the statute book. The next evil which my friend complained of was the Tariff. Well, let us look at that for a moment. About the time I coia- SPEECH OF A. 11. STEPUEXS, OF GEOKGIA. 205 menced noticing public matters, this question was a<];itating the country almost as fearfully as the slave question now is. In 1S32, when I was in college, South Carolina was ready to nul- lify or secede from the Union on this account. And what have we seen? The Tariff no longer distracts the public counsels. Reason has triumphed! The present Tariff was voted for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. The lion and lamb lay down together — every man in the Senate and House from Mas- sachusetts and South Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself. And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend, that every man in the North that works in iron and brass and wood has his muscle strengthened by the protection of the Government, that stimulant was given by his vote, and I believe every other Southern man. So we ought not to complain of that. Mr. Toombs — The Tariff assessed the duties. Mr. Stephens — Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that ia the rate they are now at. If reason and argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may not like changes be effected there by the same means — reason and argument, and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question? And who can say that by 1875 or 1890 Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the country, and threaten its peace and existence. I believe in the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate triumph when properly wielded. Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the Navigation Laws. This policy was also com- menced under the Administration of one of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well, and has been continued through aU of them since. The gentleman's views of the policy of these laws and my own do not disagree. We occupied the same ground in relation to them in Congress. It is not my purpose to defend them now. But it is proper to state some matters con- nected with their origin. One of the objects was to build up a commercial American marine by giving American bottoms the exclusive carrying trade between our own ports. This is a great arm of national power. This object was accomplished. We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise, but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the nations of the world. England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seaa. What Amer- ican is not proud of the result? Whether those laws should be continued is another question. But one thing is certain: no 206 SPEECH OF A. H. STKniENS, OF GEOUOIA. President, Nortlicni or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. And my friend's efforts to get them repealed were met with but little favor, North or South. These, then, were the three main grievances or ground of com- plaint against the general system of our (iovernmont and its workings — I mean the administration of tlio Federal Ciovern- raent. As to tlie acts of the Federal States I shall speak pres- ently; but these three were the main ones used against the common head. Xow, suppose it be admitted that all these are evils in the system ; do they overbalance and outweigh the ad- vantages wliich this same government affords in a thousand ways? JJave we not at the South, as well aa the North, grown great, pros- perous, and happy under its operations? Has any part of the world ever shown such rapid progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the General Gov- ernment, notwithstanding all its defects? Mr. Toomb.s — In spite of it. Mr. Stephens — ^ly honoraljle friend sajs wc have, in spite of the General Government; without it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as well, or perhaps better, than we have done in spite of it. That may be and it may not be; but the great fact that we have grown great and powerful under the (jovcrnment as it exists — there is no conjecture or speculation about that; it stands out bold, high, and prominent, like your Stone T^Iountain, to which the gentleman alluded in illustrating home facts in his record — this great fact of our unrivaled pros- perity in the Union is admitted; whether all this is in spite of the (iovcrnraent — whether we of the South would have been better off without the Government — is, to say the least, problem- atical. On the one side we can only put the fact against specu- lation and conjecture on the other. IJut even as a question of speculation 1 differ with my distinguished friend. AVhat vi'o would have lost in border wars without the Union, or what wo have gained simply by the peace it has secured, no estimate can be made of Our foreign trade, which is the found- ation of all our prosperity, has the protection of the navy, which drove the pirates from tlie waters near our coast, where they had been buccaneering for centuries before, and might have been still had it not been for the American Navy under the command of such spirits as Commodore Porter. Noav that the coast is clear, that our commerce Hows freely onward, we can not well estimate how it would have been under other circum stances. The influence of the (Jovernment on us is like that of the atmosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom thought of or appreciated. SPEECH OF A. H. STEl'HEXS, Of CEOKGIA. 207 We seldom think of the single element of oxy PAY OF OFFICERS OP THE UNITED STATES, Assistant Surgeons of ten years' service 1G5 50 per month Assistant Snrizeons of five years' service 129 50 '' " Assistant Surireons of loss than five years' service 112 83 " " Adjutant, Regimental Qui'.rti'rmaster, and Regimental Commissary, in addition to pay of Lieutenant, cacli 10 00 " ** OFFICERS OF ARTILLERY AND INFANTRY. Colonel $194 00 per month Lieutenant Colonel 170 00 " «' Major 151 00 " " Captain 118 50 " " First Lieutenant 108 50 " " Second Lieutenant 103 50 " " Brevet h^econd Lieutenant 103 50 " " Adjutant, in addition to pay, etc., of Lieut... 10 00 " " Regimental Quartermaster, in addition to pay, etc., of Lieutenant 10 00 " '* PAY OF NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS, PRIVATES, ETC. CAVALRY. Sergeant-Major $21 00 per month Quartermaster Sergeant 21 00 " " Chief Bugler 21 00 " " First Sergeant 20 00 " " Sergeant.. 17 00 " " Saddler Sergeant 21 00 " " Commissary Sergeant 21 00 " " Hospital Steward 30 00 " " Corporal 14 00 " " Bugler, or Trumpeter 13 00 " " Ferrier and Blacksmith 15 00 " " Private 13 00 " " Veterinary Surgeon 75 00 " " African under-cooks 10 00 " " ORDNANCE. Sergeant $34 00 per month Corporal 20 00 " " Wagoner 14 00 " *• Saddler 14 00 " " Private— first class 17 00 " " IVivate — second class 16 00 " ** PAY OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 223 ARTILLERY AXD INFANTRY. Sergeant-Major $21 00 per month Quartermaster Sergjeant 21 00 " " Commissary iSerj^eant 21 00 " " First Sergeant........ 20 00 " " Sergeant.'. 17 00 " " Hospital Steward 30 00 " " Corporal 14 00 " " Artificer, Artillery 15 00 " " Private 13 00 " " Principal IMusician 21 00 " " Musician 12 00 " " African under-cooks 10 00 " " SAPPERS AND MINERS, AND PONTOONIERS. Sergeant $34 00 per month Corporal 20 00 " ■" Private— first class 17 00 " " Private — second class 16 00 " " Musician 12 00 " " African under-cooks 10 00 " " BRIGADE BANDS. Leader $45L. 00 per month Four of the Band 34 00 " " Eight of the Band 17 00 " " Four of the Band 20 00 " " MISCELLANEOUS. Medical Cadets $30 00 " " Hospital Steward— first class 22 00 '' " Matron 6 00 " » Female nurses 40 cents per day. PAY OF THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. BEAR ADMIRALS — ACTIVE LIST. When at sea , $5,000 per annum When on shore duty 4,000 " " On leave, or waiting orders 3,000 " " On Retired List 2,000 " " 224 PAY OF OFFICERS OF 'IHI-: IMTISU STATES. COMMODOF.F.S ACTIVE LIST. When at sea $4,000 per annum When on shore duty 2,800 " " On leave, or waiting orders 2,100 " " On Retired List 1,600 " " COMMANDEK.S ACTIVE LIST. Wlien at sea $2,800 per annum When on shore duty 2,240 " On leave, or waiting orders 1,680 " " On Ketired List 1,400 " LIEDTINANT COMMANDER.S — ACTIVE LIST. When at sea $2,343 per annum When on shore duty 1,875 " " On leave, or waiting orders .'.. 1,500 " " On Ketired List 1,300 " " LIEUTENANTS — ACTIVE LIST. When at sea $1,875 per annum When on shore duty 1,500 " On leave, or waiting orders 1,200 " " On Retired List 1,000 " MASTERS ACTIVE LIST. When at sea $1,500 per annum When on shore duty 1,200 " " On leave, or waiting orders 960 " " On Ketired List 800 " " ENSIGNS — ACTIVE LIST. When at sea $1,200 per annum When on shore duty 960 " " On leave, or waiting orders 768 " " On Retired List....'.' 500 " " Midshipmen 500 " " Fleet Surgeons. 3,300 " " SURGEONS. For second five years after date of commis- ■ion $2,400 per annum PAY OF OFFICKRS OF THE TTNITED STATES. 225 RETIRED SURGEONS. Surgeons ranking with commanders $1,100 per annum, Surgeons ranking with lieutenants 1,000 "^ " RETIRED PASSED AND ASSISTANT SURGEONS. Passed $850 per annum Assistant 650 " " PASSED ASSISTANT SURGEONS. On duty at sea. ..$1,500 per annum On Other duty 1,400 " " On leave, or waiting orders 1,100 " " ASSISTANT SURGEONS. On duty at sea ,.., ..$1,250 per annum On Other duty 1,050 " » On leave, or waiting orders 800 " " PAYMASTERS. On duty at sea — for fourth five years after date of commission $2,900 per annum PAYMASTERS RETIRED. Ranking with Captains $1,300 per annum Ranking with Commanders 1,100 " " Ranking with Lieutenants 1,000 " " ASSISTANT PAYMASTERS. On duty at sea — after five years from date of commission $1,500 per annum On leave, or waiting orders 800 " " CHAPLAINS, To be paid as Lieatenauts. PROFESSORS OF MATHEMATICS. On duty $1,800 per annum On leave, or waiting orde-rs..^ 960 " '* BOATSWAINS, GUNNERS, CARPENTERS, AND SAILMAKEKSv On duty at sea — for fisrst three years' sea ser- vice from date o.f appointment $1,000 per annum 15 226 PAY OF OFFICKPS OF THE UNITED STATES. For twelve years' service and upwards 1,450 per annum On leave, or wuitini: orders — for twelve years' eea service "and upwards li( 1,000 '• " CniKF ENGINEERS On duty — for first five years after date of commission ..••. ?1,S00 per annum After fifteen years from date of commission... 2,C00 On leave, or waiting orders, after fifteen years from date of commission 1,500 FIRST ASSISTANT ENGINEERS. On duty ^I/^OO V^f annum On leave, or waiting orders '^00 SECOND ASSIST.VNT ENGINEER!?. On duty 81,000 per annum On leave, or waiting orders 750 NAVY AGENT. Commission not to exceed $3,000 per annum Navy Agent at San Francisco 4,000 " " Temporary Navy Agents Naval Storekeepers Officers of the Navy on Foreign .Stations $1,500 per annum Engineer-in-Chief 3,000 " Naval Constructors 2,600 " " '* •' when nut on duty 1.800 " '| Secretaries to commanders of squadrons 1,500 " " Clerks to commanders of squadrons and com- manders of vessels •. — 500 " " At Navy Yards— IJoston and New York 1,200 " " At Navy Yard— Washington 1,200 " " At Navy Yards — Portsmouth, N. II., and Philadelphia 1,200 " " At Navy Yard— :M are Island 1,500 " " YEOMEN. In Bhips-of-theline $45 00 per month In frigates 40 00 " " In sloops 30 00 " " In smaller vessels.. 24 00 '' " PAY OF OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 227 il <1 u (( l( l( (( (1 s< ARMORERS. [n ships-of-the-line $30 00 per month In frigates 25 00 " " In sloops 20 00 " " JIATES. Master's (Acting) $40 00 per month Boatswains 25 00 " " Gunners 25 00 Carpenters 25 00 " Sailmakers 20 00 " Armorers 20 00 Masters-at-Arms 25 00 Ship's Corporals •. 20 00 Coxwains 24 00 Quartermasters 24 00 Quarter Gunners 20 00 CAPTAINS. Of forecastle 124 00 per month Of tops 20 00 Of afterguard 20 00 Of hold 20 00 Coopers... 20 00 Painters 20 00 STEWARDS. Ship's $30 00 per month Officers' 20 00 " " Surgeons', where ship's complement is 400 aSdover ^ : 40 00 " Surgeons', where ship's complement is 200 and under 400 33 00 " " Surgeons', where ship's complement is under 200 , 25 00 " " Paymaster's, where ship's complement is 240 and over 33 00 " Assistant Paymaster's, where complement is 100 and over 33 00 " " Assistant Paymaster's, where complement is under 100..... 30 00 " " 1( i( (1 (( (1 i( (1 II a II 228 PAT OF OmCEES OF THE ITNrTED STATES. NURSES. Where complement ia less than 200, one nurse.$14 00 per month Where complement is over 200, two nurses, each 14 00 " C00K8. Ship's - $24 00 per month Officer's ^^.~ „« 20 00 '• MUSICIANS. Masters of the Band..^-......,.^ ^ $20 00 per month First class ^ 15 00 " " Second class 12 00 " " Seamen $18 00 per month Ordinary Seamen 14 00 " " Landsmen 12 00 " Boys 8-9 00 " FIEEMEN. First class $30 00 per month Second class ^ ~ «- 25 00 " " Coal Heavers.. « - ...« 18 00 " MAEIXB CORPS. Colonel Commandant,. $3,180 00 per annum Paymaster, with rank of Major 2,154 00 " " Adjutant and Inspector, with rank of Major 2,154 00 Quartermaster, with rank of Major 2,154 00 Assistant Quartermaster, with rank of Captain.... 1,752 00 Colonel « 2,529 00 Lieutenant Colonel 2,239 50 Major ^ 2,010 00 Note. — By a late act of Congress, the monthly pay of private soldiers has been increased three dollars, that of non-commissioned officers being proportionately adisanced. And a tax of five per cent, wua imposed on the salaries of commissioned officers, thus, indirectly reducing their p:iy. 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 (1 (1 (( u 11 SCHEDULE OF STAMP DUTIES. stamp Duties. Achwwhdr/ment'o{ deeds.,.. ->..,., exempt Affidavit 5 cts. " in suits or legal proceedings exempt. Agreement or Appraisement, (for caoh sheet, or piece of paper on which the same is written) 5 cts. Assignment or transfer of mortgage, lease, or policy of insurance, the same duty as the original instrument. " of patent right 5 cts. Bank CAcc^s, drafts or orders, &c., at sight or on demand 2 cts. Bills of Exchange, (Foreign,) drawn in, but payable out of, the United States, each bill of three or more, must be stamped. For every bill of each set, where the sum made payable does not exceed one hun- dred dollars, or the equivalent thereof in aey fereiga currency in which such bills may be expressed, according to the stand- ard of value fixed by the United States... 2 cts. For every additional hundred dollars, or fractional part thereof in excess of one hundred dollars 2 cts. (Foreign^) drawn in, but made payable out of, the United States, (if drawn singly or in duplicate,) pay the same duty as In- land Bills of Exchange. [The acceptor or acceptors of any Bill of Exchange, or order for the payment of any sum of money drawn, or purporting to be drawn, in any foreign country, but payable in the United States, must, be- fore paying or accepting the same, place thereon a stamp indicating the duty.] Bills of Exchange, (Inland,) draft or order, payable oth- erwise than at sight or on demand, and any promissory note, whether payable on demand lOr at a time designated, (except (229) 230 SCHEDULE OF STAMP DUTIES. Stamp Puties. ))nnk notos issued for circulation, and chocks made and intended to be, and •which shall be, forthwith presented for {)ayment,) for a sura not exceeding one lundrod dollars 5 cts. For every additional $100, or fractional part thereof. 5 cts. [The warrant of attorney to confess judg- ment on a note or l)ond is exempt from stamp duty, if the note or bond is prop- erly stamped.] Jiills of Lading, of vessels for ports of the United States or JJritish North America exempt. " or receipt for goods, to any foreign port.... 10 cts. Bill of Bale of any vessel, or part thereof, when the consideration does not exceed live hun- dred dollars 50 eta. " exceeding $500, and not exceeding $1,000. $1 00 " exceeding $1,000, for each $500, or frac- tional part thereof. 50 cts. " of personal property, (other than ship or vessel) 5 cts. Bond, personal, for the payment of money. (See Morl- rjage.) «' official $100 " for indemnifying any person for the pay- ment of any sum of money, where the money ultimately recoverable thereupon is $1,000 or less 50 cts. " Where the money recoverable exceeds $1,000, for every additional $1,000, or fractional part thereof. 50 cts. Bonds. — County, city, and town bonds, railroad and other corporation bonds, and scrip, are subject to stamp duty. (See Mortgage.) " of any description, other than such as are required in legal proceedings, and such as are not otherwise charged in this Schedule 25 cts. Certificates of deposit in bank, sum not exceeding one hundred dollars 2 cts. " of deposit in bank, sum exceeding one hundred dollars 5 cts. " of stock in an incorporated company 25 cts. '.' general 5 cts. " of record upon the instrument recorded... exempt. SCHEDULE OF STAMP DUTIES. 231 Stamp Duties. Certificates of record upon the book exempt. " of weight or measurement of animals, coal, wood, or other articles, except weighers' and measurers' returns exempt. " of a qualification of a Justice of the Peace, Commissioner of Deeds, or Notary Pub- lic 5 cts. " of search of records 5 cts, " that certain papers are on file 5 cts. " that certain papers can not be found 5 eta. " of redemption of land sold for taxes 5 cts. " of birth, marriage and death 5 eta. " of qualification of school teachers 5 eta. " of profits of an incorporated company for a sum not less than $10 and not exceed- ing$50 10 Ota. " exceeding $50, and not exceeding $1,000... 25 cts. " exceeding $1,000, for every additional $1,000, or fractional part thereof 25 cts, " of damage, or otherwise, and all other cer- tificates or documents issued by any port warden, marine surveyor, or other person acting as such 25 cts. Certified Transcripts of judgments, satisfaction of judg- ments, and all papers recorded or on file. 5 eta. [N. B. — As a general rule, every certificate which has, or may have, a legal value in any court of law or equity, will require a stamp duty of 5 cts.] Charter parti/, or letter, memorandum, or other writing between the captain, owner, or agent of any ship, vessel, or steamer, and any other person, relating to the charter of the same, if the registered tonnage of said ship, vessel, or steamer does not exceed one hundred and fifty tons $1 00 *' exceeding one hundred and fifty tons, and not exceeding three hundred tons 3 00 " exceeding three hundred tons, and not ex- ceeding six hundred tons 5 00 " exceeding six hundred tons... 10 00 Check, draft, or order for the payment of any sum of money exceeding $10, drawn upon any person other than a bank, banker, or trust company, at sight or on demand.... 2 cta. Contract, {^qq Agreement.) u u 232 SCllEDt'LE OF STAXIP DUTIES. Stamp Duties. Contract, broker's 10 cts. Conveyance, deed, instrument, or writin>r, whereby lands, tenements, or other realty sold, shall be conveyed, the actual value of which does not exceed $500 50 cts. " exceedinr^ $500, and not exceeding $1,000. $1 00 " fur every additional $500, or fractional part thereof in excess of $1,000 50 cts. Endorsement of any negotiable instrument exempt Entry of any goods, wares, or merchandise at any cus- tom house, either for consumption or warehousing, not exceeding one hundred dollars in value 25 cts. " exceeding one hundred dollars, and not ex- ceeding five hundred dollars in value 50 cts. exceeding five hundred dollars in value.,.. $1 00 for the withdrawal of any goods or mer- chandise from bonded warehouse 50 cts. Gangers returns, if for quantity not exceeding 500 gallons, gross 10 cts. " exceeding 500 gallons 25 cts. Insurance, (Marine, Inland, and Fire,) where the con- sideration paid for the insurance, in cash, premium notes, or both, does not exceed $10 10 cts. " (Marine, Inland, and Fire,) exceeding $10, and not exceeding $50 25 cts. " <^I<'^rine, Inland, and Fire,) exceeding $50, 50 cts. Insurance, (Life,) when the amount insured does not ex- ceed '$1,000 25 cts. " V0C.^TE."] Having examined "The Heavenly Token," now being circulated in this commu- nity, I have no hesitancy in recommending the work to our people. E. THOMSON, Late President of iJ.e Ohio Wesletjan Universi/y. [fKOM THE NEW YOKS CUUONICLE.] In coming to the pages of this good book, after noticing so many of quite a differ- ent character, we feel our soul refreshed like a man who reaches a green, beautiful rivulet — irrigated oasis in a land where no water is, a land which is as tho shadow of death. It is much in tlia strain of Doddridge's lUse and Progress of Ileligion in the Soul," or Baxter's " Saint's Rest," and like the latter book " was composed during a long perriod of recovery from a chronic disease, wlii'Ch brought the author to the gates of death, and well nigh terminated his life." It offers Christianity to the reader, not in any controversial aspect, not in any acute, ip.etaphysical or phi- losophical form, not as gratifying curiosity by new revelations in reference to de- parted spirits or their altode, not in any of tho phases of it in which so many aro solely absorbed, but Christianity as embraced by one who has been slaiu by the law and mado alive by Christ, as the balm of a wounded heart, as salvation for the lost, as life for the dead. And as the matter of this work is purely evangelical, so its stylo is eminently simple, direct, ajipropriiite. It is made to bear with great force directly upon the conscience, and Iieuce is lidrlalory, pungent, and powerful, stirring up the spiritual alfectious from (lieir deepest fountains. We could wish that whatever books are given on tho holidays, this one may accompany them as the crowning gift of all. THE HEAVENLY TOKEN will be sent by mail to any part of the United States, on rccei2)t of the price. ($1.50.) 500 AGENTS WANTED IMMEDIATELY to en<'a"e in the sale of the above work. One of our Agents has sold 500 copies in two months. For terms address, 240 ADVERTISnJfE'XT. The Soldier of Indiana in Ihe Wa[ for llie Onion, AND BARBOUR & HOWLAND'S MANUAL FOR ADMINISTRATORS, EXECUTORS AND GUARDIANS, Etc., Etc», Eto-. They have the only Large Stock of LAW AND MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS In this State. They Wholesale and Retail SCHOOL BOOKS AND STATIONERY, ON THE BEST OF TERMS. Order of MERRILL & CO., GliNNS' BLOCK, INDIANAPOLIS^ This book is DUE on the last date stamped below C - 5 1356 i> iO' JAN 2 419^2 Form L-9-15;y(-7,'32 L^ 2255 T864" H52 Hlatt - The politicaa manual, AA 000 556 287 ^^^C TVEPwSITT of TALIFORNJA LjS AJSGELEb t T * i^ >[>4 I ■■: :■■'''■- . I; I I ' ( » t \