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 The Pentland Rising and 
 Rullion Green
 
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 The Pentland Rising 
 Rullion Green 
 
 By 
 
 Charles Sanford Terry, M.A. 
 
 Burnett- Fletcher Professor of History in the 
 University of Aberdeen 
 
 Glasgow 
 James MacLehose and Sons 
 
 Publishers to the University 
 I905
 
 Glasgow: printed at the university press 
 by robert maclehose and co. ltd.
 
 TZ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The following pages detail the history of a 
 little-known episode in the history of post- 
 Restoration Scotland. The Pentland Rising 
 and Rullion Green, it is true, are familiar 
 facts. They inspired an early essay of R. 
 L. Stevenson. But no satisfactory attempt 
 has so far been made to give them that 
 coherence and detail which they deserve. 
 Modern historians have sufficiently dis- 
 played the causes which invited the rising. 
 They have also sufficiently indicated the 
 results which flowed from it. For that 
 
 6 
 
 atHihlHU LOCAL
 
 PREFACE 
 
 reason I have purposely refrained from a tres- 
 pass upon familiar ground. But of the rising 
 itself, and of the battle that brought it to 
 a close, no attempt has hitherto been made 
 to construct a detailed and exhaustive account 
 from the materials that are available. To 
 do so is the object of the present monograph. 
 
 C. S. T. 
 
 King's College, 
 Old Aberdeen, 9 February, 1905.
 
 MAPS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Routes of the Insurgents and the 
 
 Royal Forces, 13-28 November 
 1666, - - - - - 17 
 
 2. Map to illustrate the Battle of 
 
 Rullion Green, - - - 65
 
 The Pentland Rising and 
 Rullion Green 
 
 OIX years and more had passed since 
 
 Charles the Second had come back to 
 
 his own. Episcopacy had been restored. 
 
 Conventicleism, in consequence, had begun. 1 
 
 1 Refusing to accept the ministrations of the licensed 
 curates, the nonconformists " were constrained to 
 wander for lack of bread, sometimes to the churches 
 where the old forlorn presbyterian ministers continued 
 their ministry, sometimes to share of the family exer- 
 cises of the younger ministers, who were outted, but 
 sojourned among them; and sometimes the multitude 
 that came to partake of the family exercises increased 
 so, that the minister was constrained to preach with- 
 out, and at length to goe to the open fields, which 
 was the cause and original of field meetings in Scotland, 
 which made so great a noise. The first who begune
 
 THE PENTLAND RISING 
 
 The familiar Whig-hunting duty of Claver- 
 house at a later time already was in opera- 
 tion, and as their attitude during " the 
 Troubles " predicted, the shires of the 
 South- West were those which in 1666, as 
 in 1679, called for military observation and 
 control. Stagnant trade added to prevail- 
 ing discontent ; for the Anglo-Dutch War 
 and the rupture of Cromwell's enlightened 
 fiscal union hit Scotland hard. Trouble had 
 already been anticipated by the authorities. 
 An Act of the Estates on 23 September, 
 1663, had sanctioned the raising of a force 
 of twenty thousand militia infantry and 
 two thousand horse. 1 That generous number 
 had not been realised, but the Government 
 
 to preach in the fields were Mr. John Welsh and 
 Mr. Gabriel Semple " (James Kirkton, The Secret and 
 True History of the Church of Scotland, from the Restora- 
 tion to the year 1678, ed. C. K. Sharpe, Edin. 181 7, 
 p. 163). 
 
 1 Acts Parlt. Scot. vol. vii. p. 480.
 
 NOT PREMEDITATED 
 
 had at its disposal a force under Thomas 
 Dalziel of Binns competent to coerce any 
 appearance of active revolt and to police 
 the disaffected area. 1 
 
 The rising of 1666 had its origin in 
 an event of sudden, unpremeditated char- 
 acter.' 2 In Kirkcudbrightshire the energy 
 
 1 For the forces available in November, 1666, see 
 below, p. 76. 
 
 2 Rothes, writing to Lauderdale 17 December, 1666, 
 describes the rising as the work of " damd ffulls uho 
 hes antisipat ther taym of raysing." Dalziel, writing 
 to Lauderdale 27 December, 1666, expresses the 
 opinion : " It simis this laist [rebellion] if it had not 
 bein mistymd had bein muth moir terible" (The 
 Lauderdale Papers, Camden Society, ed. Osmund Airy, 
 1884-85, vol. i. pp. 263, 266). The editor (ibid. 
 p. 245) quotes Alexander Burnet's opinion, expressed 
 to Archbishop Sharp on 27 November, 1666: "Many 
 things in this rising look like design, but I shall sus- 
 pect no man." Burnet suspected the insurgents to 
 be acting in correspondence with England and Ireland. 
 The presence of Irish ministers with the insurgent 
 force supports Burnet's suspicion in some degree. 
 Andrew Gray, who commanded that force at first, 
 
 3
 
 SIR JAMES TURNER 
 
 of Sir James Turner had already driven the 
 irreconcileables to the hills and mosses for 
 safety. Of their number was Maclellan of 
 Barscobe. His property lay within the 
 parish of Balmaclellan, in the north-east of 
 the county, where at a later time the wife 
 of " Old Mortality " kept her school. On 
 Tuesday, 13 November, 1666, 1 Barscobe 
 
 seems to have presented a commission or recom- 
 mendation from some one in authority. On the other 
 hand, whatever projects of armed resistance were 
 already contemplated, the balance of evidence is wholly 
 in support of the view that " the scuffle at Dairy," 
 as Blackader called it, was not the preconcerted signal 
 for revolt, but a chance event which hurried its per- 
 petrators into an unauthorised and unplanned cam- 
 paign. 
 
 1 Andrew Crichton's Memoirs of the Rev. John Blackader 
 (Edin. 1823, p. 136) gives the date as 12 November. 
 Kirkton (p. 229) gives the date as Tuesday, 13 
 November. Kirkton, who calls the Pentland Rising 
 "ane unsuccessfull attempt made by some of these 
 poor tempted people in the west countrey," describes 
 his narrative as " received from the most understanding 
 upon the party." 
 
 4
 
 AND BARSCOBE 
 
 and three companions, sorely pinched by 
 hunger, and frozen by the cold rain in 
 their upland shelter, ventured to descend 
 from the hills towards Dairy. On their 
 way- they were passed by three or four 
 soldiers, quartered by Turner in Dairy, 
 driving before them " a company of poor 
 neighbour men " to thresh the corn of an 
 old man, who had fled to escape the fines 
 to which he was liable for non-attendance 
 at church. Barscobe and his companions 
 watched the sad procession with indignation, 
 but "passed it in silence" 1 ; for Dairy was 
 denuded of its garrison, and food and 
 shelter were inviting. To Dairy they pro- 
 ceeded, and a friendly ale-house gave them 
 hospitality. It was " early in the forenoon," 
 their breakfast was still unfinished, when a 
 village tumult broke in upon them. The 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 229. Blackader does not mention this 
 incident. 
 
 5
 
 RESCUE OF A PRISONER 
 
 soldiers had returned. The defaulter whose 
 corn they had set out to thresh a few 
 hours before was in their hands. In fact, 
 they had secured him in his own house, 
 and, it was declared, " were threatening to 
 strip him naked, and set him on a hot 
 gridiron, because he could not pay his 
 church fines." 1 
 
 Barscobe and his fellows left their 
 unfinished breakfast, and hurried to the 
 rescue. They found the prisoner bound. 
 " Why do you bind the old man ? " 
 they demanded. " How dare you chal- 
 lenge ? " was the retort. A scuffle ensued. 
 The soldiers drew their swords. One of 
 Barscobe's company fired his pistol, " loaden 
 with tobacco stopple." A soldier fell 
 
 1 Blackader, p. 136. Kirkton (p. 229) states that 
 
 the soldiers, having arrested the absconding defaulter, 
 
 "were about to bind him, and set him bare upon a 
 
 het iron gird-iron, there to torment him in his own 
 
 house." 
 
 6
 
 AT DALRY 
 
 wounded, and his fellows surrendered to 
 superior numbers. 1 
 
 So far the Dairy incident ranks with 
 those at Enterkin and Inchbelly at a later 
 time as the more or less casual rescue of a 
 prisoner. But having gone so far, Barscobe 
 felt it imperative to go further. The 
 rumour of his exploit " soon reached 
 Balmaclellan, where a party with a minister 
 were at prayer." This small body, " fear- 
 
 1 Blackader, p. 136. According to Kirkton (p. 229) 
 two of Barscobe's party were " almost killed behind 
 their backs and unawares." The wounded soldier was 
 Corporal George Deanes, of Sir Alexander Thomson's 
 company. He petitioned the Privy Council on the 
 ground that he was " barbarouslie shot in the bodie 
 with a great many pieces of tobacco pipes, ten whereof 
 afterward were by the surgeon's care taken out " {ibid. 
 p. 230). The wounded corporal was carried on 
 horseback to Turner at Dumfries. He arrived there 
 about six o'clock on the night of 14. November, and 
 declared that he had been shot for his refusal to sign 
 the Covenant (Sir James Turner, Memoirs of his own 
 Life and Times, Edin. 1829, p. 148). 
 
 7
 
 TURNER TAKES 
 
 ing to be involved" in Barscobe's exploit, 
 took the curious step of repeating his pro- 
 cedure. Within a few hours of the Dairy 
 fracas sixteen of the soldiery quartered 
 about Balmaclellan were made prisoners. 1 
 Turner himself was not far distant at 
 Dumfries. That he would make " terrible 
 reprisals," Barscobe and his fellows knew 
 well. They resolved to surprise him before 
 he had time to act, and therefore " sent 
 private advertisement through the country, 
 that all who were ready should come in 
 companies to Irongray kirk, on Wednesday 
 night [14 November], that they might 
 enter Dumfries by daybreak." 2 
 
 At Dumfries Turner was in no position 
 
 1 Blackader, p. 137. From Kirkton's account (p. 
 231) it appears as if the Balmaclellan episode was the 
 work of Barscobe and his party ; that it took place on 
 the 14th, and that one of the soldiers who resisted 
 was killed. 
 
 2 Blackader, p. 137.
 
 PROMPT MEASURES 
 
 to cope with a revolt of even the slenderest 
 proportions. Three months before, half of 
 the infantry under his command had been 
 drafted to Leith for the Dutch war. In 
 October his cavalry had been withdrawn. 
 He had barely seventy men at his disposal, 
 all of whom, save twelve or thirteen at 
 Dumfries, were policing the surrounding 
 district. Barscobe had already reduced his 
 force by nearly one-third. Nor was Turner's 
 health satisfactory. Since March he had 
 "let blood seven times." 1 He took prompt 
 measures, however. 
 
 News of the proceedings at Dairy and 
 Balmaclellan reached Turner on the night 
 of the 14th. Corporal Deanes, unhappily 
 loaded with " tobacco stopple," was the 
 bearer of it. Turner sent an instant 
 summons to his men quartered in the 
 neighbourhood to come in to Dumfries 
 
 1 Turner, p. 145. 
 9
 
 WHIGS LEAVE IRONGRAY 
 
 by nine o'clock next morning (15 Novem- 
 ber) " to ressave pouder, match and ball," 
 and thence to march to Dairy. 1 In the 
 event he went thither, but in other circum- 
 stances. 
 
 Meanwhile throughout Wednesday, the 
 14th, the Whigs had drawn cautiously and 
 by unfrequented routes to the rendezvous 
 at Irongray, within striking distance of 
 Dumfries. The call to arms was sudden ; 
 the late-comers were not a few. Night 
 had passed into daylight (15 November) be- 
 fore they mustered, in number under three 
 hundred — fifty horse, " provided with cloaks 
 girded over their shoulder for fighting," 
 and about two hundred foot. 2 About nine 
 
 1 Turner, p. 1 49. 
 
 2 Blackader, p. 138. Kirkton (p. 231) gives the 
 
 Whigs fifty horse and "some few" foot. Turner (p. 
 
 145) says he was surprised by "a hundreth and fiftie 
 
 or therby." The strength of the infantry is perhaps 
 
 exaggerated by Blackader. 
 
 10
 
 FOR DUMFRIES 
 
 in the morning 1 the Whigs approached the 
 bridge which carries the roadway from 
 Galloway into Dumfries. It was unguarded; 
 not even a sentinel watched their approach. 
 Leaving the infantry at the bridge-end, the 
 fifty horsemen rode into the town. A 
 small party of four, Robert Neilson of 
 Corsock among them, hurried forward to 
 Turner's lodgings. 2 Turner had risen 
 about six. But, as he reported to Rothes, 
 "when I was allmost cloathd, I found my- 
 selfe so indisposd that I was forcd to goe 
 
 1 According to Blackader (p. 138), "it was ten 
 o'clock before they got to Dumfries." According to 
 "a Manuscript Journal of that short Campaign, written 
 by a very intelligent and inquisitive Person, who was 
 present with them all the time," Turner was surprised 
 between eight and nine o'clock (Andrew Symson, 
 Tripattiarchikon, Edin. 1705). Turner (p. 149) also 
 gives the hour as between eight and nine. 
 
 2 Blackader, p. 138. Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 31), 
 
 quoting one who was " present with the country 
 
 army," states that Turner was apprehended " in his 
 
 chamber in Bailie Finnie's." 
 
 11
 
 SIR JAMES TURNER 
 
 to bed againe." The clatter of horsemen 
 in the street below roused him. Clothed 
 only in his nightgown he appeared at the 
 window and demanded the business of his 
 visitors. They required his surrender. On 
 his own statement Turner offered a bold 
 front : " Severall of them, especiallie Neil- 
 son of Corsock, told me that, if I pleasd, 
 I sould have faire quarter. My ansuere 
 was, I needed no quarter, nor could I be 
 prisoner, being there was no war declared. 
 Bot I was ansuerd, that prisoner I must 
 be, or dy ; and therfor they wished me 
 quicklie to come doune staires." * On the 
 other side Turner is represented as in 
 hopeless panic, shouting from the window, 
 " Quarters, gentlemen ; for Christ's sake, 
 quarters, there shall be no resistance." 
 Neilson of Corsock, " a meek and generous 
 gentleman," soothed his fears (as Turner 
 
 1 Turner, p. 149. 
 12
 
 MADE PRISONER 
 
 himself admits) : " If you come down to 
 us, and make no resistance, on the word 
 of a gentleman you shall have quarters." 1 
 On the strength of Corsock's assurance, 
 Turner, scantily clothed in his " night- 
 gown, night-cap, drawers and socks," 2 ven- 
 tured to descend, and made his surrender, 3 
 " which I choosd rather to doe," he 
 afterwards explained to Rothes, " notwith- 
 standing the opposition of my servants, 
 then be murtherd in my chamber." 4 In 
 fact the crowd that awaited him barely 
 reflected Corsock's considerate attitude. 
 During the colloquy with Turner the 
 
 1 Blackader, p. 138. 2 Ibid. p. 139. 
 
 3 From Blackader's account (p. 139) it appears that 
 Turner was brought down by a party sent to his 
 room for that purpose. Turner suggests (p. 149) that 
 he delivered himself without compulsion, though 
 " some of them [the Whigs] had allreadie enterd the 
 house." 
 
 4 Turner, p. 149. 
 
 13
 
 SUCCESS OF RAID 
 
 " commander " of the Whig force, " Cap- 
 tain " Andrew Gray, 1 had arrived, and, 
 according to Blackader, " presented a pistol 
 or carbine," and would have shot Turner 
 in his scanty and incongruous attire had 
 not Corsock expostulated : " You shall as 
 soon kill me, for I have given him quar- 
 ters." 2 Turner's effects were not held 
 equally sacred. His room was ransacked. 
 His papers and money were impounded. 3 
 
 1 According to Kirkton (p. 232), Gray was " ane 
 Edinburgh merchant." Turner (p. 149) describes him 
 as the man " who commanded the whole partie." 
 
 2 Blackader, p. 139. Turner, who is probably more 
 reliable on this point, does not accuse Gray of par- 
 ticular vindictiveness. According to his account (p. 
 149), "I went to the streets in my goune, where 
 many pistolls and suords were presented to my head 
 and breast, till Captaine Gray, (who commanded the 
 whole partie,) made me get on horsebacke." 
 
 s According to Blackader (p. 139), Turner had 
 already sent to Glasgow " the money he had exacted 
 in oppression." In his statement to the Privy Council 
 in 1668, Turner declared (p. 223): "When I was 
 surprisd at Dumfreis, the rebells tooke from me, of 
 
 14
 
 
 ON DUMFRIES 
 
 The sudden raid on Dumfries had amply- 
 repaid the daring, indeed the rashness, of 
 it. With no very clear idea of what was 
 to be the outcome of the event, Gray and 
 his party deemed it politic to mark the 
 fact that their seizure of one of the Govern- 
 ment's officials was not to be construed as 
 an act of political revolt. With Turner in 
 their midst, scantily clad in his night-gear, 
 and mounted on "a little beast bare-backed, 
 with a halter on the beast's head," 1 his 
 
 readie money in the chamber where I lay, and the 
 chamber above it where my clothes were, (which were 
 all likewise lost,) about sixe thousand and sixe or 
 seven hundreth mearks Scots." The "very intelligent 
 and inquisitive Person," quoted by Symson (Tri- 
 patriarchikori), admits that with Turner was taken " a 
 Coffer of his, wherein were baggs of Money, Cloaths, 
 and Papers." Turner (p. 150) expressly accuses Gray 
 of seizing the " coffer." 
 
 1 According to Turner (p. 1 50), " the Captaine 
 [Gray] mounted me on his oune horse, and there 
 was good reason for it, for he mounted himselfe on 
 a farre better one of mine." 
 
 15
 
 GLENCAIRN AND 
 
 captors proceeded to the Town-Cross, 
 " where, to shew their loyalty, they drank 
 the king's health." 1 Thence they passed 
 through the town, out at the Nether-port, 
 to the riverside "over against" the kirk of 
 Troqueer. 2 Turner anticipated short shrift. 
 His captors were certainly irresolute. But 
 1 ' after a little consultation," and with con- 
 sideration for a lightly-clad invalid, they 
 returned to Dumfries. 3 The unfortunate 
 man was suffered to clothe himself in a 
 garb more in keeping with a rigorous 
 
 1 Blackader, p. 139. "And there, forsooth, [they] 
 drink the king's good health, a labour they might 
 well have spared, for they hade cruel thanks " (Kirk- 
 ton, p. 232). Robert Law (Memorialls, ed. C. K. 
 Sharpe, Edin. 18 19, p. 16) explains: "They de- 
 clared for the King and the Covenant, and only 
 their quarrell was at the bishops newly sett up in 
 the land." 
 
 2 It may be remarked that Blackader had been 
 minister of Troqueer between 165 2- 1662. 
 
 3 Blackader, p. 139. 
 
 16
 
 Routes of the Insurgents and the R03 
 
 G«vm Watsnn, Li r^io D'aiqc*. 
 
 ROUTE OF THE INSURGENTS 
 
 DALZIEL'S ROUTE MARE
 
 Forces, 13th- 28th November, 1666. 
 
 KED.
 
 CLACHAN OF DALRY 
 
 season. 1 Arms were seized and were dis- 
 tributed to the infantry, who sorely needed 
 them. In the afternoon the whole force 
 marched to the kirk of Glencairn. 2 At the 
 manse Turner obtained brief rest and hos- 
 pitality. 3 
 
 The halt at Glencairn was short. An 
 alarm of pursuit was raised, and the in- 
 surgent force resumed the march. " Most 
 part of that night [15 November] was spent 
 in rideing," Turner recalled. A strong 
 guard was in charge of him, one of whom 
 " entertaind [him] the whole night with 
 discourses of death." Next morning (16 
 November) the Old Clachan of Dairy was 
 reached. Turner, with permission, dined 
 with Hugh Henderson, late minister of 
 
 1 Turner, p. 150. According to Law {Memorialls, 
 p. 1 7), " It was remarkable, that from the day of 
 the insurrection to the day of their breaking, there 
 was not a fair day, but storm and rain." 
 
 2 Blackader, p. 140. 3 Turner, p. 151. 
 
 B 17
 
 FLIGHT OF 
 
 Dumfries, and that night lodged with 
 " Captain " Gray under the roof of Chalmers 
 of Waterside, who offered " much curtesie 
 and civilitie." 1 Towards midnight, upon a 
 renewed alarm of pursuit, Turner was again 
 placed on horseback, and the whole force 
 moved forward through the night. " Very 
 dark it was, it raind pitifullie, the wind was 
 loud, and the way exceeding bad." 2 A 
 weary march of eight miles or so brought 
 Turner and his captors to Carsphairn, where 
 Turner was lodged in a " countrey house," 
 and " spent the rest of the night till day 
 in that poore house, as well as I could." 
 Gray was still his companion, but " rested 
 bot little." Gray, in fact, had no mind for 
 further adventure, curiously elevated as he 
 
 1 Turner, pp. 152-53. In Symson's Tripatriarchikon 
 the house is described as being " on the other side 
 of the River of Kenn, not far from the Old Clachan." 
 
 2 The foulness of the weather is elsewhere confirmed. 
 
 See Kirkton, p. 232. 
 
 18
 
 "CAPTAIN" GRAY 
 
 had been to the command of the haphazard 
 adventure. He had already, on the 16th, 
 sent off to safe destination the money and 
 baggage seized at Dumfries. Early on the 
 17th he decamped, " and was never seene 
 since by any of his oune partie." * 
 
 1 Turner, p. 154. Turner's inference was that 
 Gray, " thinking he had sped well enough, resolvd 
 to retire himselfe before the fire grew hoter." One 
 who was with the insurgents (Kirkton, p. 232) con- 
 firms Turner. Gray, he states, left Turner early on 
 the morning of the 17th in charge of sixteen men, 
 and "was never seen by any of his own party after 
 that." The same authority, quoted in Symson's Tri- 
 patriarchikon, states that Gray was unknown to those 
 whom he commanded, and that he had brought an 
 order — from whom is not stated — enjoining the in- 
 surgents to obey his authority. Gray appears to have 
 conversed with Colonel Wallace a few days after he 
 had left the insurgents. Later he was with other 
 exiles at Newcastle {Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch 
 and George Brysson, ed. Thomas M'Crie, Edin. 1825, 
 pp. 49, 391). Turner remarks (p. 153) : "I had often 
 enquird what this Captaine Gray was, and by what 
 authoritie he did command these gentlemen he had 
 never seene before ; bot I was ansuerd by them all, 
 
 19
 
 INSTRUCTIONS TO 
 
 Gray's flight added further ground of 
 indecision to an enterprise which was still 
 without settled plans. At Carsphairn the 
 insurgents remained throughout the 17th, 
 and Turner found better quarters at Knock- 
 gray, whose proprietor, a Gordon, was then 
 in prison at Kirkcudbright. His son enter- 
 tained Turner " very kindlie," mindful of 
 past " favours done to his father." 1 Mean- 
 while the authorities had received news of 
 
 that they knew no more of him, bot that he called 
 himselfe Captaine Gray, and that he had brought ane 
 order with him to them all to obey him. I tooke 
 much pains to learne from whom that order came, 
 whether from one man, as a Generall, or from more 
 men, as a councell, a committee, or junto; bot could 
 never yet, by any means I could use, come to the 
 knouledge of it." Wallace {Veitch and Brysson, p. 391) 
 had the statement from Gray himself, that " he had 
 left them to look to his own safety, being in a very 
 insecure condition then, having been the chief actor 
 in the [Dumfries] business." Wallace believed, how- 
 ever, that Gray had " taken the pett." 
 
 1 Turner, p. I 54.
 
 GENERAL DALZIEL 
 
 the sudden rising. On the 16th, Stephen 
 Irvine, Bailie of Dumfries, personally re- 
 ported to the Privy Council the proceedings 
 at Dumfries on the previous day. 1 Rothes, 
 the High Commissioner, was already on 
 his way to Court. On the 17th the Council 
 sent him an account of what had happened, 
 and of the measures which they deemed 
 necessary. In their opinion it was advisable 
 " that the heritors of the several countries, 
 especially of the southern and western shires, 
 and such other as his majesty's council shall 
 think fit, be presently required to sign the 
 declaration concerning the covenant, and that 
 such as shall delay or refuse, be secured 
 and looked upon as enemies to his majesty's 
 authority and government." 2 On the same 
 day Dalziel was instructed to proceed to 
 Glasgow, and to march thence " to the 
 place at which he shall hear the insurrection 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 19. 2 Ibid. 
 
 21
 
 FROM CARSPHAIRN 
 
 is come to any head." 1 A week elapsed 
 before Dalziel was able to fulfil his in- 
 structions. 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 19. Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) des- 
 cribes Dalziel as " a man naturally rude and fierce, who 
 had this heightened by his breeding and service in Mus- 
 covy, where he had seen little but the utmost tyranny 
 and slavery." According to Kirkton (p. 225), Dalziel 
 " lived so and died so strangely, it was commonly be- 
 lieved he was in covenant with the Devil." Captain 
 John Creichton's vivid picture {Works of 'Swift, ed. Scott, 
 vol. x. p. 157) of Dalziel may be quoted : "He was 
 bred up very hardy from his youth, both in diet and 
 clothing. He never wore boots, nor above one coat, 
 which was close to his body, with close sleeves, like 
 those we call jockey coats. He never wore a peruke ; 
 nor did he shave his beard since the murder of king 
 Charles the First. In my time his head was bald, 
 which he covered only with a beaver hat s the brim 
 of which was not above three inches broad. His 
 beard was white and bushy, and yet reached down 
 almost to his girdle. He usually went to London 
 once or twice in a year, and then only to kiss the 
 king's hand, who had a great esteem for his worth 
 and valour. His unusual dress and figure, when he 
 was in London, never failed to draw after him a great 
 
 crowd of boys, and other young people, who constantly 
 
 22
 
 TO DALMELLINGTON 
 
 From Carsphairn on 1 8 November the 
 insurgents marched to Dalmellington. Their 
 proceedings had roused elsewhere hopes of 
 a stubborn demonstration against the de- 
 tested Bishops. John Welch, " outed " 
 minister of Irongray, now as in 1679 was. 
 quick to welcome an appeal to arms. At 
 Dalmellington he met the insurgents, having 
 come thither from Edinburgh. 1 Turner 
 received a visit from him at the village inn, 
 where he was quartered. " I calld for a 
 cup of ale," writes Turner, " purposlie that 
 I might heare him say grace. In it, he 
 prayd for the King, the restoration of the 
 
 attended at his lodgings, and followed him with huzzas, 
 as he went to court, or returned from it. As he was 
 a man of humour, he would always thank them for 
 their civilities, when he left them at the door, to go 
 in to the king ; and would let them know exactly at 
 what hour he intended to come out again, and return 
 to his lodgings." 
 
 1 Turner, pp. 155-56. See below, p. 26.
 
 JAMES WALLACE 
 
 Covenant, and downfall of Prelacie. He 
 prayd likewise for me, and honord me 
 with the title of Gods servant who was 
 then in bonds. He prayd for my conver- 
 sion, and that repentance and remission of 
 sinnes might be granted to me. After this 
 the conference broke up, at which were 
 present as many as the roome could well 
 hold." » 
 
 On the 19th the insurgents advanced to 
 Tarbolton, where their foot quartered in 
 the kirk and kirkyard. Volunteers from 
 Ayrshire and Clydesdale swelled their num- 
 ber somewhat. Hope mounted high, and 
 some urged an advance upon Glasgow. 
 But they " betooke themselves to their second 
 thoughts " on the news that Dalziel was 
 already at Glasgow, and that his forces 
 would join him there next day. Towards 
 midday on the 20th the insurgents, aban- 
 
 1 Turner, p. 157. 
 24
 
 JOINS THE WHIGS 
 
 doning their northern route, marched south- 
 westward to Ayr. Turner estimated their 
 strength at over seven hundred. 1 On the 2 ist 
 they rendezvoused near the Bridge of 
 Doon. 2 Here they received a valuable 
 recruit, James Wallace, whose advent gave 
 promise of competent military guidance. 
 He had served in the Parliamentary army 
 with the rank of colonel in the English 
 Civil War. He had been in action at 
 Kilsyth and at Dunbar, and on both occa- 
 sions had been made prisoner. 3 
 
 x lbid. pp. 158, 159, 
 
 2 Turner (p. 162) calls the place Afton Bridge. 
 " From Aire," he writes, " the rebels marched tuo 
 miles, and passed the water at Afton Bridge, and then 
 drew up in a field." That the insurgents rendezvoused 
 near Bridge of Doon is stated by Kirkton (p. 235), 
 and also by Wallace, who joined them there {Veitch 
 and Brysson, p. 395). 
 
 3 Diet. Nat. Biog. vol. lix. p. 98. Wallace had come 
 from Edinburgh upon the news " that the people in 
 Galloway were in armes." When the news reached 
 Edinburgh, Kirkton writes (p. 234), "some of them 
 
 25
 
 COYLTON 
 
 Wallace's arrival was followed by an 
 attempt to organise his motley force. 
 Officers of horse and foot were appointed, 
 and after an interval of two or three hours, 
 the insurgents recrossed the Bridge of 
 Doon. Striking eastward, they quartered 
 that night in the parish of Coylton, 1 having 
 appointed the next rendezvous at Ochil- 
 tree. 2 On the 22nd the whole force as- 
 being together, after prayer the question was stated, 
 What they judged their duty in the present juncture ? 
 And after several discourses, because it was late, they 
 adjourn the meeting to Mr. Alexander Robison's 
 chamber, at seven in the next morning ; where being 
 conveened, and having prayed, the question was re- 
 sumed. All there present agreed it was their duty to 
 assist their poor brethren so cruelly opprest ; only 
 Ferguson of Katloch seemed unclear to appear at that 
 time. However, the rest engadged presently ; and 
 among them was Collonel James Wallace and Mr. John 
 Welsh, beside Mr. Robison, who was also a preacher." 
 
 1 Turner, p. 162. He calls the place " Colton." 
 
 2 Kirkton, p. 235; Veitch and Brysson, p. 395. 
 
 Wallace writes : " The party marched off towards 
 
 26
 
 AND OCHILTREE 
 
 sembled, and having heard a sermon from 
 Gabriel Semple, advanced to Ochiltree. 
 The infantry alone entered the village. 
 Part of the horse was left to guard the 
 bridge at Barskimming, " the only passage 
 of the water [Ayr] at the time." The rest 
 were stationed to the east of the town. 
 Wallace and his officers quartered them- 
 selves upon Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree, 
 and obtained, Wallace complains, " very 
 cold welcome ; but I hope whatever in- 
 civilities we had from the lady, she had 
 none from us." 1 
 
 Ochiltree ; but because it was far in the day, we were 
 necessitated to quarter between Gadgirth and Ochil- 
 tree." 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 395. Lady Cochrane was 
 Margaret, daughter of Sir William Strickland of Boyn- 
 ton, Yorkshire. Sir John was the second son of the 
 first Earl of Dundonald, and at a later time was im- 
 plicated in the Rye House Plot and in Argyll's rising. 
 Claverhouse married his niece. See my John Graham 
 
 of Claverhouse, p. 154. 
 
 27
 
 REPORTED APPROACH 
 
 At Ochiltree on the 22nd the insurgents 
 obtained further reinforcement. John Welch 
 had undertaken to beat for recruits in 
 Galloway. He had left the insurgents at 
 Dalmellington for the purpose. At Ochil- 
 tree he brought up his " army," for so 
 11 some of the rebells wold needs have it 
 called." " I saw them afarre of," Turner 
 adds, " and reckond them to be neere one 
 hundreth ill armed foot, and some fifteene 
 or sixteene horse." 1 The day did not pass 
 without alarms. The outpost at Bar- 
 skimming sent word that Dalziel's ad- 
 vanced party was already at Mauchline. 
 Wallace strengthened the guard at the 
 bridge, and despatched one John Ross to 
 reconnoitre towards Mauchline to observe 
 the enemy's movements. 2 Dalziel, in fact, 
 
 1 Turner, p. 163. Turner lodged at Ochiltree on 
 the 22nd "at the principall alehouse of the toune, 
 where I was indifferentlie well used." 
 
 2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 396. 
 
 28
 
 OF GENERAL DALZIEL 
 
 did not advance from Glasgow until the 
 23rd. 1 But his appearance was immi- 
 nent, and Wallace's interest was to avoid 
 an immediate engagement. To linger at 
 Ochiltree entailed the danger of attack 
 "before they were in ease." 2 Clydesdale 
 offered hopes of reinforcement. Even dis- 
 tant Edinburgh was held sympathetic and 
 promising. "That night" (22 November), 
 therefore, writes Wallace, " after prayer 
 to God for direction what to do next, it 
 was concluded that we should march east- 
 ward. For there was no staying where we 
 were, and there was no expectation of any 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 245. John Ross, on 
 the 23rd, ventured beyond Mauchline towards Kil- 
 marnock, because " there was a strong report the Duke's 
 troop was come to Kilmarnock " (Feitck and Brysson, 
 p. 397). Ross and most of his party were made 
 prisoners. Ross was executed at Edinburgh on 7 
 December, 1666 {ibid. p. 398). 
 
 2 Kirkton, p. 236. 
 
 29
 
 DALZIEL AT 
 
 farther help from the south and south-west 
 hand." 1 
 
 Dalziel's main body reached Kilmarnock 
 on the 23 rd. On the same day Wallace 
 and his force marched from Ochiltree to- 
 wards Cumnock. Ere they reached the 
 place news of Dalziel's advance was con- 
 firmed, and, with it, John Ross's capture. 
 Through the darkness of the afternoon and 
 the early hours of "a most violent, rainy 
 night," Wallace pushed on to Muirkirk. 
 " What accommodation in that condition we 
 could have there," he comments, " is known 
 to any who knows that place. The poor 
 foot were forced all night, as wet as if they 
 had been drenched in water, to lie in the 
 kirk, without victuals or much fire." 2 Mur- 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 397. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 398. Kirkton and Turner both witness 
 to the very unpleasant character of the march. 
 According to the former (p. 236), " in a most tem- 
 pestuous rainy evening, they sett foreward towards 
 
 30
 
 KILMARNOCK 
 
 murs arose, and some urged " that they 
 should follow that business no further, but 
 dismiss the people in the fairest manner 
 they could." Hardier counsels prevailed. 1 
 
 Moorkirk of Kyle, through a miserable deep moore, 
 so that they came not to their quarters till two houres 
 within night," and " their foot were forced, wet as 
 they were, to lodge in the church, without any meat 
 and very little fire to drie them." From Turner (p. 
 164) it appears that the march from Ochiltree was 
 begun at about eleven in the morning. He continues : 
 " Once I thought the rebells intended for Sanquor, to 
 pay there some of their relligieous vowes ; one wherof 
 was, to ruine my Lord Drumlanrigs castles and lands, 
 because he was active against them. . . . Bot the saints 
 were wise in their anger, and delayd their revenge 
 till a more fit opportunitie. . . . The way to that 
 church [Muirkirk] was exceeding bad, a very hie wind, 
 with a grieveous raine in our faces. The night fell 
 darke before we could reach the place where the foot 
 were quartered, with no meate or drinke, and with 
 very litle fire. I doe confesse, I never sawe lustier 
 fellows then these foote were, or better marchers." 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 236. Andrew M'Cormick, Robert 
 Lockhart, and Alexander Robison are particularly 
 mentioned as urging the abandonment of the design. 
 
 31
 
 COUNCIL SUMMONED 
 
 The morning of the 24th broke "rainie 
 and boisterous." At nine Wallace mustered 
 his force for another stiff march, over roads 
 " rough and mountanous," to Douglas. 1 
 In the course of it " Captain " Andrew 
 Arnot brought up some forty horse from 
 Cunningham. 2 Douglas was reached at night- 
 fall. The whole force was ordered into the 
 town, " after they had suppered themselves 
 and their horses." The infantry found their 
 accustomed bivouack in the kirk. Upon a 
 rumour that Dalziel would attempt to sur- 
 prise them, the more cautious and faint- 
 hearted again raised their voices. A council 
 was summoned to confirm or quell their 
 croaking. " We met all together," writes 
 
 1 Turner, p. 165. 
 
 2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 400. Arnot had been sent 
 off from Ayr on the 21st to encourage "some friends 
 in Cunninghame," who dared not stir without support 
 (ibid. p. 395)- Arnot is described by Kirkton (p. 235) 
 as " a brother of the Laird of Lochrigge." 
 
 32
 
 AT DOUGLAS 
 
 Wallace, " and after most serious incalling 
 of the name of God . . . without one con- 
 trary voice all resolved on this, that the 
 coming forth to own that people in Gallo- 
 way, 1 they were clear, was of the Lord. . . . 
 So there was no more of that." Other 
 proposals claimed the meeting. Some urged 
 that the Covenant should be solemnly re- 
 newed the next day, " being the Lord's day, 
 at some kirk by the way towards Lanark." 
 The ceremony was voted " not safe nor 
 convenient." Dalziel, in fact, heading east- 
 ward from Kilmarnock, had reached Strath- 
 aven, and threatened engagement imminently. 
 Turner was the subject of a second pro- 
 posal. For ten days he had been a prisoner. 
 The insurgent force had been joined by 
 many a man who, no doubt, would readily 
 have recorded his conviction that the execu- 
 tion of their persecutor was " of the Lord." 
 
 1 i.e Barscobe and his companions. 
 C 33
 
 LESMAHAGOW 
 
 His death was urged by some in the council. 
 It was alleged that "there was no quarters 
 given him," that in fact Corsock's under- 
 taking was non-official. More honourable 
 opinion prevailed, and "because of some 
 words by the gentleman that took him, and 
 because of his being now, after so long a 
 time, spared ; for these reasons, this motion 
 of pistoling him was slighted — alas ! it 
 is to be feared too much," Wallace con- 
 cludes. 1 
 
 On the 25th the march was resumed to- 
 wards Lesmahagow. Further reinforcements 
 from Galloway had been eagerly anticipated. 
 They came up about Lesmahagow. Gordon 
 of Knockbreck's two sons and a few others 
 was the sum of them. So small a number 
 was a disappointment.' 2 A two-hours' halt 
 
 x Veltch and Brysscn, pp. 401-403. 
 
 *IHd. p. 403. "These," writes Wallace, "were 
 the hundred men we had heard were coming from 
 Galloway, for we saw no other." 
 
 34
 
 AND LANARK 
 
 near Lesmahagow 1 gave opportunity to com- 
 plete the " modelling " of the army. There 
 was great want of officers, not half the 
 number required, of whom " not above four 
 or five that ever had been soldiers before." 
 Turner estimated their total force at four 
 hundred and forty horse and upwards of five 
 hundred foot. The horse were the better 
 armed, some with swords or pistols, some 
 with both. The foot were armed indiffer- 
 ently with muskets, pikes, scythes, pitchforks, 
 swords, and some with " staves, great and 
 long." 3 Lanark was the terminus of the 
 day's march. The horse crossed the Clyde 
 by the ford. The foot were laboriously 
 transported across the river in the single 
 ferry-boat available. 4 
 
 1 Turner, p. 166. ^Veitch and Brysson, p. 404. 
 
 3 Turner, p. 167. Turner's figures are exclusive of 
 a party of horse which had been sent on to prepare 
 quarters at Lanark, and of " some other small parties." 
 
 4 Ibid. 
 
 3S
 
 COVENANT RENEWED 
 
 At Lanark, so soon as the guards were 
 set and the force quartered, intimation was 
 given " that to-morrow morning (God will- 
 ing) we intended to renew the covenant ; 
 and desiring that every one of them would 
 seriously mind that work that night, and 
 come hither again about day-light for that 
 end, we dismissed them to their quarters 
 and several posts. That night the officers 
 and ministers met, and after incalling on 
 the Lord, hearing there were some arms 
 and ammunition to be found in the town, 
 we caused make search, but found few or 
 none." 1 At daylight on the 26th the force 
 assembled to renew the Covenant. Dalziel 
 was reported within two miles of Lanark, 
 and some urged the postponement of the 
 ceremony. " But the devil prevailed not 
 herein," Wallace comments, " though gladly 
 would he that that had not been done." A 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 404. 
 36
 
 AT LANARK 
 
 party of ten or twelve horse was sent out 
 towards the point where Dalziel's appearance 
 was expected. A guard was placed at the 
 ferry, and the day's ceremonial was allowed 
 to proceed. " The foot were drawn up 
 about the tolbooth stairs, where Mr. Guthrie 
 did stand : the horse at the head of the 
 town, where Mr. Brysson 1 and Mr. [John] 
 Crookshanks were actors. It was done with 
 as much joy and cheerfulness as may be 
 supposed in such a condition." 2 
 
 At Lanark the Whig force reached its 
 greatest extent. Some forty or fifty volun- 
 teers came in, but Wallace's total strength 
 did not exceed eleven hundred men. 3 The 
 
 x i.e. Gabriel Semple. See Veitch and Bresson, p. 399. 
 
 % Veitch and Brysson, p. 405. Turner remarks: 
 " Neither I nor any of my guards were invited to 
 that morning exercise." 
 
 3 Turner's estimate is reliable and consistent. At 
 Lanark, he remarks (p. 170), "the rebells were in their 
 greatest strength, which I avow never to have exceeded 
 eleven hundreth horse and foot, (if ever they were so 
 
 37
 
 WALLACE MARCHES 
 
 number was lamentably weak ; but alluring 
 and false hope of reinforcement beckoned 
 invitingly from Edinburgh. " Immediately 
 after that we had drawn up the whole body" 
 at Lanark, writes Wallace, 1 " it was resolved 
 (because of our friends hereabout that were 
 to come to us that day, and because of 
 many more expected from West Calder, 
 Shotts, Bathgate, and other parts farther 
 off), that we should march towards Bath- 
 gate." 2 Arnot was sent to reinforce the 
 
 many)." Kirkton certainly overestimates their strength 
 in the following passage (p. 238) : "Here [at Lanark] 
 this rolling snow-ball was at the biggest, having 
 received all the supply they could expect in the west. 
 Their number when here was judged to be near 3000 
 men, one and other, but neither armed nor ordered; 
 yet many thought that if they would fight, they hade 
 best have foughten there, because their defeat and 
 scattering among their friends hade been more safe 
 than among their enemies." 
 
 1 Ve'itch and Brysson, p. 406. 
 
 2 Kirkton comments (p. 240) : " Because some un- 
 happy ignorants hade informed them that West-Lothian 
 
 38
 
 TOWARDS BATHGATE 
 
 party at the ford, " and after a while's stay, 
 to break the [ferry-]boat and come away, 
 he and the other party that watched in the 
 time of renewing the covenant." 1 With 
 the main body Wallace pushed on towards 
 Bathgate. About a mile and a half had 
 been traversed, and the column had " enterd 
 in a morass," when a message from the 
 rear brought intelligence that Dalziel's ad- 
 vanced party was on the western side of 
 the ford at Lanark. 2 
 
 would rise and joyn them, and Edinburgh would be- 
 friend them," the resolution was taken to continue the 
 adventure. There would appear to have been some 
 sort of managing directorate of the persecuted Whigs 
 at Edinburgh. Blackader was residing there {Memoirs, 
 p. 135). Had the rising assumed serious proportions, 
 its well-wishers would probably have declared them- 
 selves. Blackader had made preparations to do so, but 
 abandoned them when he learnt the weakness of 
 Wallace's force {ibid. p. 141). 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 406. Turner (p. 172) gives 
 the name of the commander of the first party sent to 
 the ford as " Mondrogat." 
 
 2 Turner, p. 172. 
 
 39
 
 DALZIEL COMES UP 
 
 From about Strathaven, on the 25th, Dal- 
 ziel had sent an express to Edinburgh to 
 report " that the rebells had shunned to 
 fight, and that he was following them with 
 his forces, bot thought that he could not 
 ingage them bot by advancing with his 
 horses." 1 Wallace's foot clearly merited 
 Turner's praise. It was an advanced party 
 of horse that proclaimed Dalziel's advent to 
 the insurgents so soon after their evacuation 
 of Lanark. Lauderdale's brother, Charles 
 Maitland of Hatton, was with them, and 
 reported the event to his brother 2 : "Upon 
 the hill above the Hoorns 3 off Clyd within 
 
 1 Privy Council to Lauderdale, 27 November, 1666 
 {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 246). The express left 
 Dalziel "from Evandale . . . upon Sonday [25 Nov- 
 ember] at fyve a clock at night." 
 
 2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249. 
 
 3 The editor suggests " Ffoord " as the correct reading. 
 
 It would certainly seem so. The position which Hatton 
 
 indicates was above Stonebyres (Kirkton, p. 240). 
 
 40
 
 AT LANARK 
 
 a halfe mylne of Lanerk wee discovered the 
 enemies reirgaird off horse lyeing at the 
 heid off the passe 1 on Lanerk syd, and did 
 see ther bodie marching over Lanerk Hill." 
 Their intention, Hatton believed, was to 
 give battle on Lanark moor. Wallace, 
 however, had no mind to risk an engage- 
 ment. The march before him was a long 
 one, "through pitifull broken moores." 2 
 Sending to the rear " to see in what con- 
 dition their affaires stood," Wallace marched 
 on briskly with the main body. The need 
 for haste was insistent. An hour or so later, 
 Dalziel's main body arrived at the ford and 
 crossed it, " the Earles of Linlithgow and 
 Kellie showing their foot companies good 
 example by wadeing the river first them- 
 selves." 3 Dalziel pushed on his cavalry. 
 
 1 i.e. the ford. 2 Kirkton, p. 240. 
 
 3 Turner, p. 172. The ferry-boat had been either 
 " dround or broken " {ibid). 
 
 4i
 
 DALZIEL QUARTERS 
 
 " Wee marched alltogether," writes Mait- 
 land of Hatton, " till wee came to Black- 
 wood's hous, a myle be east Lanerk, wher 
 ther is a bridge and a passe. And it is a 
 strange thing thatt such beasts did nott 
 keep thatt ground betuixt the tuo passes, 
 having a towne for intertainementt and a 
 safe retreatt at Blackwood pase." 1 Two or 
 three miles further along the difficult route 
 Wallace was constrained by the nearness of 
 the enemy to face about and await attack.' 2 
 Dalziel, however, was cautious. The con- 
 sequences of a check he knew full well. 
 He would risk nothing, and the short 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 24.9. 
 
 2 " Upon this intelligence [of Dalziel's crossing the 
 
 Clyde] the rebells facd about, and drew up as formallie 
 
 as the ground could permit. And certainlie if the 
 
 Generall had comd up that length and attackd them, 
 
 he had done it with a notable seene disadvantage, the 
 
 moras being so deepe, and the way so narrow, that 
 
 hardlie the foot, much lesse the horse, could do any 
 
 great service" (Turner, p. 172). 
 
 42
 
 AT LANARK 
 
 November day was "near night-falling." 1 
 At the " pass of Blackwood " he halted his 
 main body, both horse and foot, and sent 
 on Hatton to skirmish ahead. " We went 
 on," he reported to his brother, " thre 
 meills esterward to the Mossplatt and fol- 
 lowed the enemies track through tuo moss's 
 almost impassable, till we lost day to returne 
 to our bodie, bott gott never a sight off 
 them ; bott on they marched soe verie hard, 
 and our command being to follow bot tuo 
 meill, we went three till moss separatt us." 
 Abandoning all thought of pursuit in the 
 gathering darkness, Dalziel drew back his 
 forces to Lanark and quartered there for 
 the night, 2 
 
 So soon as Dalziel's disinclination to 
 attack was understood, Wallace continued 
 the march towards Bathgate. In the course 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 407. 
 
 2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249. 
 
 43
 
 LOWRIE INVITES 
 
 of it William Lowrie of Blackwood rode 
 up upon an informal embassy from the 
 Duke of Hamilton, who was with Dalziel, 
 " to see if possible effusion of blood might 
 be shunned, and what we would be at." 
 " This," adds Wallace, " I heard he spoke 
 of to some. He pretended to no written 
 commission, but only verbal ; neither did 
 he apply himself to any amongst us who 
 were at that time specially concerned to be 
 spoken to." 1 Wallace therefore pushed on. 
 Bathgate was reached " two hours within 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 4.06. Turner (p. 172) 
 confirms Wallace : " Mr. Laurie of Blackwood was 
 brought to them ; what his errand was I know not, 
 bot if it was to intimate the proclamation and act of 
 grace, he did it with so little noyse, and to so few, 
 that not all their officers, much lesse their soldiers, 
 knew any thing of it ; neither did he so much as 
 give me any hint of it, though he and I rode a full 
 houre together." For the proclamation to which 
 Turner refers (dated 21 November, 1666) see Wodrow, 
 vol. ii. p. 20. For a note on William Lowrie of 
 Blackwood, see Kirkton, p. 239. 
 
 44
 
 NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 night." " We went into an house," writes 
 Wallace, " such as it was, and after prayer 
 did consider what we should do next : 
 back we might not go, the enemy being 
 in our rear. After much debate, it was 
 thought fit that we should march to-mor- 
 row early on the way towards Edinburgh ; 
 being confident that, before we could come 
 that length, we would hear from our friends 
 at Edinburgh ; as likewise our friends in 
 West Calder and Shotts, or thereabouts, 
 would come to us that way, and meet us 
 to-morrow." Hardly had that conclusion 
 been come to before an alarm of Dalziel's 
 approach was raised, " and though it was 
 a dreadfully dark (though but a little past 
 the height of the moon) and foul night, 
 yet after that long wearisome march that 
 day before, we were necessitated to draw 
 forth, and calling in the guards, to march 
 
 at twelve o'clock at night, in one of the 
 
 45
 
 WALLACE'S TROOPS 
 
 darkest nights (I am persuaded) that ever 
 any in that company saw. Except we had 
 been tied together, it was impossible to 
 keep together; and every little burn was a 
 river." 1 Stragglers and deserters were 
 numerous. 2 When a halt was called at New- 
 bridge early in the morning (27 November), 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 407. Regarding the alarm 
 at Bathgate, John Howie of Lochgoin (The Scots 
 Worthies, Glasgow, 1837, vol. i. p. 578) states: "There 
 had been a company of gentleman met [at Bathgate], 
 who, upon hearing their [i.e. the insurgents'] approach, 
 fled hard into Lithgow, alarming them with great 
 fear." According to William Veitch the alarm at 
 Bathgate was occasioned thus : " Night coming on, 
 and [as] no quarters could be had for such a number, 
 they were forced to stand with their arms without in 
 the field. And a great snow coming on like to dis- 
 courage the company, some of the officers, thinking 
 it was better to be marching than standing in such a 
 posture, gave a false alarm that the enemy was 
 approaching" (Veitch and Brysson, p. 29). 
 
 2 " It was believed they lossed more than the half 
 
 of their poor army, who stuck in the clay, and fainted 
 
 by the way" (Kirkton, p. 240). 
 
 46
 
 ARRIVE AT NEWBRIDGE 
 
 the jaded rebels looked " rather like dyeing 
 men than souldiers going to conquer." 1 
 
 It was " about fair day light ' on the 
 27th when Wallace and his weary troops 
 drew up on the east of Newbridge. " O 
 what a sad sight was it to see the condition 
 we were in," he recalled. " Except some of 
 the chief officers, there was not a captain 
 present with the horse, save one." 2 " That 
 night," Turner declares, " fortie horse were 
 too many to have routed them all." 3 The 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 240. 
 
 ^Veitch and Brysson, p. 408. 
 
 3 Turner, p. 176. Turner, who remarks (p. 174) 
 that the advance to Bathgate made him doubtful 
 whether Wallace " intended for Edenburgh or Glas- 
 gow," adds, regarding the march to Newbridge, that 
 " the raynie and boysterous weather, the darknes of 
 the night, and deepnes of the way, occasioned a most 
 disorderlie march ; for after they were three or foure 
 miles on their way, most of them, both horse and 
 foot, went into houses on the hie way, and by my 
 persuasion, so did my guards too. We stayd in a 
 
 47
 
 PREPARATIONS MADE BY 
 
 Government held other views of the situation. 
 On 21 November the Council had issued 
 a proclamation against the insurgents and 
 such as should harbour or assist them. 1 
 On the same date, on the ground that " the 
 insurrection at Dumfries and the western 
 shires is grown into an open rebellion," 
 the fencible persons in the Lothians, Fife, 
 Perth, " except the country of Athole," 
 Stirling, Dumbarton, the Merse, Teviotdale, 
 Tweeddale, Clackmannan, " the Forest," 
 Angus, and Mearns, were ordered to 
 mobilise at dates between 23 and 29 
 November. 2 On 23 November the fencible 
 men of Renfrew, Ayr, and Lanark were 
 also summoned. 3 On 26 November the 
 prevailing anxiety is marked by the Coun- 
 
 poore house, till daylight [on the 27 th] summond us 
 to horsebacke." 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 20. "Ibid. p. 21. 
 
 3 Ibid. p. 23. 
 
 48
 
 THE GOVERNMENT 
 
 cil's order for payment of £10 sterling for 
 horsemen to scour night and morning for 
 intelligence of the insurgents' movements. 
 The cannon from the Castle were placed 
 at the city's gates. No person was allowed 
 to pass in or out of Edinburgh without per- 
 mission. A large quantity of " lances and 
 pole-axes " was hurriedly ordered from Cul- 
 ross, Dunfermline, and elsewhere. 1 
 
 To the insurgents, halting at Newbridge 
 in the early morning of the 27th, the out- 
 look seemed dismal and hopeless. A fresh 
 alarm, that Dalziel was " hard at hand, 
 marching unto the same bridge," added 
 confusion to despair. " Judge any man," 
 writes Wallace, " of the posture we were 
 in, having no officers to command the few 
 we had together." Hurriedly a guard was 
 placed to hold the bridge, while the main 
 body " marched off to take up some fit 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 26. 
 D 49
 
 RENEWED ATTEMPTS 
 
 ground or other to fight on." Lowrie of 
 Blackwood again came up, having ridden 
 forward from Dalziel, who, he declared, was 
 no nearer than Calder. So the alarm sub- 
 sided. 1 No intelligence had reached the 
 insurgents from their friends at Edinburgh. 
 None the less it was resolved to advance 
 to Colinton to encourage their timid well- 
 wishers. 2 About ten o'clock (27 November) 
 they drew up, two squadrons of horse, and 
 one of foot. Turner numbered them at 
 " few above one thousand." A sermon 
 preceded the march. The preacher " desird 
 them to remember that Covenant and oath 
 of God, which they had suorne the day 
 before, and that they were obliged to cary 
 themselves not onlie pieouslie to God, bot 
 civillie and discreetlie to man. He assurd 
 them, their friends [in Edinburgh] were 
 readie to ressave and embrace them with 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 408. 2 Ibid. p. 410. 
 
 5o
 
 AT NEGOTIATION 
 
 open armes, and furnish them with all neces- 
 saries for backe and bellie, as also with all 
 things might render them able to encounter 
 their enemies ; armes and amunition 
 assuredlie he meant." The address, Turner 
 comments, " though it was not unworthie 
 a Christian, (thogh a rebell,) yet did it not 
 at all please me ; for by it I perceavd the 
 minister conceavd the toune of Edenburgh 
 to be his oune. Bot before he sleepd, I 
 was disabused, and he was disappointed." 1 
 
 So soon as the advanced party had set 
 forth towards Colinton, Lowrie of Black- 
 wood again desired to confer with Wallace 
 and his colleagues. "All that he had to 
 say was, in short," Wallace declares, " to 
 see if he could persuade us to lay down 
 arms upon an act of indemnity, which 
 the duke [of Hamilton] (said he) would 
 
 1 Turner, p. 176. He describes the minister as 
 " either one Guthrie, or one Oglebie." 
 
 5i
 
 THE WHIGS 
 
 labour to procure. He had no written 
 commission." Wallace was not inclined to 
 negotiate through a suspicious channel, and 
 Lowrie returned to Dalziel. 1 Wallace 
 continued the march. The road to Colin- 
 ton took the insurgents, for some part 
 of its course, in full view of Edinburgh 
 Castle, but "at such a distance that the 
 guns of it could not reach them." At 
 Colinton they halted, in a position which, 
 " by reason of a church and churchyard, 
 
 1 Ve'ttch and Brysson, p. 410. In 1679 Lowrie 
 supported the cause of the Whigs, and in 1682 was 
 condemned to death, a sentence which never was carried 
 out. Upon his first visit to Wallace the insurgents 
 imagined that he intended to join them. Finding 
 that he had come as an emissary from Hamilton, 
 Wallace " withdrew without a good night " to him, 
 and others urged that he should be made a prisoner 
 (Kirkton, p. 238). Upon his second visit, when the 
 insurgents were at Newbridge, they had given him 
 "admonition to take heed to his way, and so they 
 parted" (ibid. p. 241). Hence Wallace's reserved 
 attitude towards him on his third appearance. 
 
 52
 
 HALT AT COLINTON 
 
 a stone bridge, the water, because of the 
 great raines unfoordable, was defencible 
 enough against infalls." 1 From Edinburgh 
 at length came a faint flicker of encourage- 
 ment. James Stewart of Goodtrees sent 
 a communication urging them " to come 
 as near Edinburgh as possible, where they 
 would get assistance both of men and 
 other necessaries." The leaders met to 
 discuss the invitation, and William Veitch 
 was sent to find out what ground there 
 was for Stewart's assurance. 2 
 
 Wallace founded little hope upon Veitch's 
 mission. Blackwood, and with him the 
 Laird of Barskimming, rode into Colinton 
 soon after Veitch's departure. Blackwood 
 brought a promise from Dalziel that he 
 
 1 Turner, p. 177. 
 
 2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 29. Veitch was made prisoner 
 at the Windmill, and was carried to Lord Kingston, 
 in command of " the main-guard without the West 
 Port," who liberated him (ibid. pp. 33, 35). 
 
 53
 
 WHIG COMMUNICATION 
 
 would not proceed to extremities until he 
 was assured that the Whigs absolutely 
 rejected the chance of accommodation. 
 He also had undertaken in their behalf 
 that they would refrain from hostilities 
 until he had reported his mission. His 
 action was wholly unauthorised. " All 
 that we said to Blackwood that night," 
 remarks Wallace, " was, as to his paroll- 
 ing in our name, we did not understand 
 this way of his ; howbeit it was very 
 like there would none of us wrong other 
 that time, being both foul and dark ; and 
 if he stayed that night he might see it." 
 Blackwood therefore remained at Colinton. 
 Early next morning (28 November) Bar- 
 skimming " slipped away," not unknown 
 to Blackwood, Wallace conjectured. Veitch 
 had not returned. The insurgents' force 
 had sunk to " not above 800 or 900 men, 
 
 and these most part without arms." The 
 
 54
 
 TO THE GOVERNMENT 
 
 outlook was cheerless. Prudence counselled 
 acceptance of Blackwood's proffered media- 
 tion. So a communication to Dalziel was 
 drafted, of the following tenor : "That 
 because of the untolerable insolencies of the 
 prelates and their insupportable oppressions, 
 all ways of remonstrating or petitioning 
 being taken from us, we were necessitated 
 to draw together, that jointly we might 
 the more securely petition his Majesty 
 and council for redress; but in respect 
 that his excellency was not there [at Edin- 
 burgh], by whom we intended to present 
 our supplication, to interpose for a favour- 
 able hearing thereof, and that we knew 
 not when the council-day would be, we 
 did desire of his excellency not only to 
 be acquainted with the diet, but that we 
 might have a blank-pass to a person 
 whom we might send with our petition ; 
 
 and we had desired the same gentleman 
 
 55
 
 FAILURE OF 
 
 who had come to us from his excellency 
 might have the answer, who would be 
 careful of its coming to our hands." The 
 letter was despatched by Blackwood, 1 " who 
 promised with all speed to have the return 
 at us very soon." 2 Dalziel forwarded 
 Wallace's communication to the Council, 
 
 1 Wallace, mistrusting Blackwood, desired to send 
 "a commissioner with Blackwood to Dalyell" to treat 
 with him. Blackwood declared that " their com- 
 missioner would not be acceptable, because he was 
 ane outlaw." Blackwood therefore went alone (Kirk- 
 ton, p. 241). 
 
 ^-Veitch and Bryssoti, pp. 411-414. Turner (p. 178) 
 assured Rothes that " Mr. Richard of Barskemmine . . . 
 acted his part very handsomlie. He intimated to all 
 he could either meet or speake with, (without any feare 
 of the rebells,) his Majesties act of grace, and the 
 Privie Councells proclamation ; which did produce 
 so good effects, that it diminishd their number at 
 least one hundreth before nixt morning." At New- 
 bridge Turner had estimated the insurgents at about 
 one thousand. The desertions at Colinton would bring 
 their number to nine hundred, which corresponds 
 with Wallace's estimate. Kirkton (p. 242) gives them 
 " not exceeding 900 spent men." 
 
 56
 
 NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 and that body, on the 28th, informed him 
 that they were " no ways satisfied " with 
 it. Their utmost concession was, that 
 provided the insurgents laid down their 
 arms, they would be allowed to " petition 
 for mercy." 1 It does not appear that 
 Dalziel was able to communicate to Wallace 
 the Council's reply. 2 
 
 In the early hours of the fateful 28th, 
 an event took place which further under- 
 mined the insurgents' reliance upon the 
 negotiation to which they were invited. 
 Dalziel and his own force had no part 
 in it. About two or three in the morn- 
 ing, a party of " loyall gentlemen," seem- 
 
 1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 30. 
 
 2 Kirkton's account (p. 242) is clear to the fact, 
 that at the moment when Dalziel's force appeared at 
 Rullion Green, the insurgents " were still in expectation 
 of some peaceable conclusion from Blackwood's negotia- 
 tion." Dalziel entrusted Blackwood with the duty 
 of carrying Wallace's letter to the Privy Council 
 (Kirkton, p. 241). 
 
 57
 
 THE INSURGENTS 
 
 ingly Lothian heritors, riding out from 
 their quarters in the Canongate, fell upon 
 the Whig outpost at Colinton. They 
 met with a stout resistance and retired. 1 
 The event quickened Wallace's resolution 
 to extricate his force from a position 
 clearly hopeless. Even while Blackwood 
 was conveying the petition to Dalziel, it 
 was resolved to retreat to safer surround- 
 ings. 2 
 
 A " sore night of frost and snow " had 
 given place to " a fair frosty day " 3 when 
 early on the 28th the insurgents moved 
 out from Colinton. Dalziel barred the 
 direct route to the haven of their own 
 
 1 Turner, p. 1 79. The insurgents lost one man. 
 
 2 Kirkton, p. 242. 
 
 3 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 32. Veitch states (Veitch and 
 Brysson, p. 41): "It having been snow and frost the 
 night before, the day was pretty clear and sunshine." 
 Wodrow's authority, it may be noted, was Veitch him- 
 self. 
 
 58
 
 RETREAT 
 
 country. But by skirting the eastern front 
 of the Pentlands, and trusting to the well- 
 tried marching-powers of their foot, there 
 offered the chance of winning back to Clyde 
 or Teviot, there to recruit or disperse. 
 Failing a successful engagement it was the 
 single avenue of hope. So crossing the 
 Braid Burn and passing Dreghorn Castle, 1 
 they headed eastward, making for Dalkeith, 
 as it appeared to Turner. But so soon as 
 they struck the Linton road the eastward 
 march was abandoned. With Edinburgh in 
 the rear, Wallace marched his force south- 
 ward towards Linton and Biggar. 2 Crossing 
 
 1 Maitland of Hatton states {Lauderdale Papers, vol. 
 i. p. 249) that Dalziel's original plan was " to have 
 dropped downe on them at Dreghorne, Sir Robert 
 Murrays brothers house." 
 
 2 Turner's account is as follows (p. 180): "At first, 
 when they began their march [from Colinton], I 
 imagind they intended for Dalkieth, and so to Tiviot- 
 daill. Bot when I saw them leave that road, and take 
 the way of Linton, I knew not what to thinke, and 
 
 59
 
 DALZIEL FOLLOWS 
 
 the Glencorse Burn at Flotterstone he passed 
 House of Muir, and called a halt on 
 Rullion Green, to await stragglers and 
 snatch some hasty refreshment. 1 It was 
 
 perhaps the rebells knew not what to doe." Kirkton 
 (p. 242) states, that " turning the east end of Pentland 
 Hills, they take the way to Biggar." Wallace's account 
 (Veitch and Brysson, p. 415) is as follows: "We 
 marched away straight [from Colinton] to Inglistown 
 Bridge, in about the point of Pentland Hills, and sent 
 off, as before, some for bringing in provisions by the 
 way. Some we sent to Tiviotdale to signify our being 
 here, and our expecting them." Ingliston Bridge I 
 conjecture to be the bridge over Glencorse Burn at 
 Flotterstone. 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 242. Turner calls the spot Gallow 
 Law. His account is as follows (p. 180) : " Some foure 
 or five miles from Edenburgh, at a place called the 
 Gallow Law, (ane ominous name,) they made ane 
 halt, bot did not draw up, waiting for their reare, 
 for many had stayd behind lookeing for their break- 
 fasts." 
 
 The six-inch Ordnance Map gives confusing details. 
 
 Its site for the battle was the site of the brief halt. 
 
 The so-called Covenanters' "Encampment" which it 
 
 shows was approximately the site of the battle. 
 
 60
 
 IN PURSUIT 
 
 about noon, 1 when danger presented itself 
 from an unexpected quarter. 
 
 The story turns to Dalziel. After his 
 failure to overtake Wallace on the 26th 
 he had quartered that night at Lanark. 
 On the 27th, following Wallace's track, he 
 had intelligence six miles from Lanark that 
 the insurgents were at Bathgate. Pushing 
 forward, he quartered at night at Calder 
 House, near Mid Calder. 2 On the 28th, 
 Dalziel advanced to Currie, and crossed 
 Leith Water at the bridge. His intention 
 was to fall on the insurgents about Dreg- 
 horn. But news reached him which wholly 
 changed his plans. Wallace, he learnt, 
 instead of continuing his advance upon the 
 capital, had marched " by the back off 
 Pentlan Hills." 3 Dalziel understood the 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41. 
 
 2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249. Maitland calls 
 the house " Calder Torphicens hous." 
 
 3 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. 
 
 61
 
 OPPOSING FORCES 
 
 move — the Whigs were heading for flight or 
 for a new recruiting ground in Teviotdale. 
 His position at Currie enabled him to cut 
 them off from that line of retreat. From 
 Currie, following the valley of the Kenleith 
 Burn, a roughish route bearing south-east- 
 ward enters the Pentlands between Harbour 
 Hill and Bell's Hill, beyond which the 
 Glencorse valley carries the track straight 
 to the Linton road at Flotterstone, hard by 
 Rullion Green. 1 Dalziel resolved to adven- 
 ture the short cut. Tracking past St. Cathe- 
 rine's Hope, his advanced party, led by the 
 Earl of Airlie's brother, came about noon 
 in sight of the Whigs bivouacking on 
 Rullion Green, hard by the roadway south- 
 ward of the valley which Dalziel's troops 
 were threading. 2 
 
 1 See Bartholomew's map, The Pentland Hills, showing 
 
 Public Paths. 
 
 2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. The ruins of St. 
 
 Catherine's Chapel are submerged in the Glencorse 
 
 62
 
 MEET AT RULLION GREEN 
 
 It was about noon l when the insurgents, 
 from their bivouack at Rullion Green, saw 
 the foreparty of Dalziel's troops advancing 
 from the west over the hills from Currie. 
 " I was so alarmd " at the sight, Turner 
 declares, " that I forgot my breade and 
 cheese. When I saw the partie appear 
 numerous, I presentlie apprehended it was 
 the Generalls forpartie, or forlorne hope, 
 especiallie when I calld to mind that Bar- 
 skemmine had told me, that the head quarter 
 the night before had been at West Calder. 
 It provd to be as I thought." 2 William 
 Veitch, who reached Rullion Green about 
 
 reservoir. A letter from Edinburgh on 28 November, 
 1666, states: "They [the Whigs] fled before the 
 general, retiring towards Edinburgh ; but he, being 
 confident of the activity and loyalty of And. Ramsay, 
 lord provost, cut a nearer way through, and fell in with 
 them out of Edinburgh, for hearing that the citizens 
 were in arms to oppose them, they had turned home- 
 wards " (Cal. State Papers, Dom. \666-\66j, p. 295). 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41. 2 Turner, p. 181. 
 
 63
 
 WALLACE DRAWS UP 
 
 noon, found a " select party of [Whig] 
 horse " already hurrying to the higher 
 slopes x of Turnhouse Hill. Turner offered 
 Wallace half-hearted encouragement : " Sir, 
 be not surprised, for this may prove to be 
 a partie of your oune, which I saw ride up 
 ane other hill a little while agoe." " They 
 are tuo blacke 2 to be a partie of ours," 
 Wallace replied, adding : " fy, fy, for ground 
 to draw up on." " You had best look for 
 it elsewhere, for heere there is none," 
 Turner advised. To seize the high ground 
 was obvious. Wallace needed no prompting 
 on that score. Horse and foot marched 
 quickly off the low ground at Rullion, and, 
 going " round about the Gallow Law," drew 
 up on Turnhouse Hill prepared for battle. 3 
 
 1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41. 2 i.e. numerous. 
 
 3 Turner, p. 181. What Turner calls " Gallow Law " 
 would certainly appear to be Lawhead Hill. See the 
 accompanying map. Turner seized the opportunity to 
 escape. See his Memoirs, p. 185. 
 
 64
 
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 ON TURNHOUSE HILL 
 
 The Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland, 1 in 
 stating the traditional site of the battle, 
 is content to echo Hill Burton's remark, 
 that " neither the spot itself, nor any part 
 of the range of the Pentlands close to it, 
 corresponds with the description of the 
 ground taken by Wallace — a ridge running 
 north and south, and rising abruptly on 
 the north end." 2 But even if other evi- 
 dence were wanting, the data which Hill 
 Burton found in Wallace are sufficient to 
 indicate Turnhouse Hill as the scene of 
 the engagement. Its highest ridges, running 
 north and south, attain an altitude of 
 fifteen hundred feet, and fall to the east 
 towards Glencorse Burn. On the eastward 
 slope the battle was fought. 3 Maitland of 
 
 ^d. Francis H. Groome, 1901, p. 1415. 
 
 2 History of Scotland, ed. 1876, vol. vii. p. 172. 
 
 3 A visit to the locality enabled the present writer 
 to examine the ground in the light of the various and 
 mutually agreeing contemporary accounts of the battle. 
 
 E 65
 
 DISPOSITION OF 
 
 Hatton, however, describes the position held 
 by Wallace with detail which puts the 
 battle-site beyond doubt. He found the 
 insurgents " on the syd off the turnehous 
 hill, which is the westmost, greattest and 
 highest off pentlanhills, and the tope off 
 it doeth just resemble the tope off Arthur's 
 seatt." 1 The resemblance to the height 
 standing sentinel above Edinburgh is in 
 fact striking. For a defensive engagement 
 the position was admirably chosen. It could 
 be reached only by a steep and stiff ascent. 
 Maitland of Hatton experienced its diffi- 
 culty, and found it cc of that presipes that 
 it were mutch ffor a double horse to 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. Kirkton's account 
 
 (p. 142) is equally expressive. Wallace drew up, he 
 
 says, " upon the back of a long hill running from the 
 
 south with a low shoulder, toward the north, where 
 
 it hade a high steep shoulder." These two points, as 
 
 will be shown, represented respectively the right and 
 
 left of Wallace's position. 
 
 66
 
 THE WHIG FORCE 
 
 ryd up itt, and the hindmost nott to ffall 
 off." 1 
 
 Arrived on the plateau whereon stands 
 the Martyrs' Tomb, Wallace divided his 
 small force into three bodies, along a front 
 facing eastward. Upon the southern 'Mow 
 shoulder " of Turnhouse Hill he posted a 
 small body of Galloway horse under Bar- 
 scobe's command. 2 They held the right 
 of the position. 3 Upon the north, where 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251. The pedestrian 
 who climbs up to the plantation wherein is the Martyrs' 
 Tomb (which marks the right of Wallace's position) 
 will appreciate Maitland's remark. By "double horse" 
 he means a horse bearing two riders. 
 
 2 Kirkton, p. 242. The number of horse on this 
 quarter was no more than about eighty {Veitch and 
 Brysson, p. 419). According to Kirkton (p. 243) it 
 was no more than thirty. 
 
 3 There is no means of conclusively determining the 
 position of this body. But from Kirkton's description 
 I have little doubt that it was on the site occupied by 
 the existing plantation, and probably a little westward 
 
 of the Martyrs' Tomb. 
 
 67
 
 DALZIEL'S FOREPARTY 
 
 the hill had "a high steep shoulder," 
 Wallace posted the main body of his horse 
 under Learmont, 1 nearest to the point 
 whence attack threatened. 2 On the centre 
 were drawn up " the poor unarmed foot- 
 men." Wallace took position with them. 3 
 Wallace had moved up his force from 
 Rullion Green under the concealing cover 
 of Lawhead Hill. 4 His appearance on 
 the Turnhouse slope fronting Glencorse 
 Burn proved that an elusive foe was at 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 242. Veitch calls them the "select 
 party" {Veitch and Brysson, p. 41). A letter from Edin- 
 burgh on 27 November, 1666, speaks of Learmont as 
 "Jos. Learmont, a foolish fellow, not worth 500/" {Cal. 
 State Papers, Dom. 1666-1667, P- 2 95)- 
 
 2 Kirkton's "high steep shoulder" on the north is 
 clearly distinguishable, I think, as one surveys the position 
 from the Martyrs' Tomb. The accompanying map in- 
 dicates it. 
 
 3 Kirkton, p. 242. 
 
 4 This is, I think, a fair inference from Turner's 
 statement, already quoted. See above, p. 64. 
 
 68
 
 HALTS IN INDECISION 
 
 length run to ground and ready to stand. 
 To attack him was hazardous. Dalziel's 
 main body was still toiling in the rear. 
 The foreparty, whose appearance had com- 
 pelled Wallace's hasty move from Rullion 
 Green, was numerically weak. 1 Access to 
 the insurgents' position also was difficult. 
 Between the two forces there intervened 
 Glencorse Burn and a "great glen." 2 Dal- 
 ziel's foreparty halted in indecision. After 
 
 1 Maitland describes it as " our ffoor partie, being 
 tuentie tuo horse, the third partie of our full forlorne." 
 It was commanded, he states, by the Earl of Airlie's 
 brother {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250). The van of 
 Dalziel's force was under the command of Lieutenant- 
 General William Drummond (Turner, p. 181). 
 Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) describes him as "brother 
 to the Lord Madertie, a person some more polite, 
 and yet abundantly qualified for the work in hand, 
 being many years in the Muscovite service with the 
 former [Dalziel]." 
 
 2 Wallace explains {Veitch and Brysson, p. 416) : 
 " Now there was a great glen betwixt us, so as 
 neither of us could have access to other. There we 
 stood brandishing our swords." Kirkton (p. 242) 
 
 69
 
 DALZIEL'S FOREPARTY 
 
 viewing the enemy " a long time," 1 an attack 
 across the intervening valley was deemed 
 impracticable. It was resolved, however, 
 to try conclusions with the leftward body 
 of the insurgent force, the mounted men 
 under Learmont. Retracing its steps, the 
 foreparty crossed Glencorse Burn and as- 
 cended the Turnhouse Hill to a point 
 north-east of the position which Wallace 
 held. 2 Wallace detached an equal force 
 
 describes Dalziel's advanced party as " upon ane op- 
 posite hill," the two armies being separated by " a 
 great descent betwixt them." Both statements exactly 
 describe the position viewed from the Martyrs' Tomb 
 and looking towards Glencorse Burn. 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 242. 
 
 2 Wallace's account {Veltch and Brysson, p. 416) is as 
 follows : " Now their foot was not come up, only were 
 coming. A party of their horse (I think to the num- 
 ber of fifty or thereabout) seeing they could not come 
 at us here, they take away westward." Kirkton (p. 
 242) describes Dalziel's foreparty as being sent " to 
 squint along the edge of the hills, and to attack their 
 left hand." 
 
 70
 
 ATTACKS LEARMONT 
 
 from his left to meet the threatened attack. 
 Arnot was in command. 1 Both parties, 
 Wallace narrates, 2 marched "along the side 
 of their own hill, towards an even piece of 
 ground, 3 to which both of them came. 
 They were not long asunder when once 
 they were there. After they had discharged 
 their fire, they closed, and for a consider- 
 able time stand dealing with swords." The 
 insurgents lost two of their ringleaders, 
 John Cruickshank and Andrew M'Cormick, 
 Irish ministers, and "main instruments of 
 the attempt." 4 More than one saddle of 
 
 1 Kirkton, p. 242. According to Veitch {Veitch and 
 Brysson, p. 41), Robert Maclellan of Barmagechan and 
 John Cruickshank were the leaders. 
 
 2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 416. 
 
 3 Kirkton (p. 242) calls it " a piece of equal plain 
 ground." The conjectural site of the skirmish is 
 marked upon the accompanying map. 
 
 4 Kirkton (p. 243) is even more emphatic than 
 Wallace. He calls Cruickshank and M'Cormick " the 
 great instruments to perswade the people to this 
 
 71
 
 DALZIEL AWAITS 
 
 the troopers was emptied. 1 Caution, and 
 the advisability of awaiting the main body, 
 rather than a decisive repulse, impelled Dal- 
 ziel's foreparty to retire. 2 
 
 undertaking." M'Cormick has already (see above, p. 
 31) been mentioned as urging the abandonment 
 of the rising. He was commonly called "the good- 
 man" (Kirkton, p. 236). Rothes describes him 
 {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 254) as " one Mr. Andrew 
 Mackcornock, ane Irish minister, who was active upon 
 the plot in Ireland with Blood." 
 
 1 Maitland writes [Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) : 
 " We lostt on man off the Duk's troupe, and tuo 
 hurtt. On was ours off the generals." 
 
 2 As both sides claimed the victory the suggestion in 
 the text is probably sound. According to Wallace 
 {Veitch and Brysson, p. 416): "At last the enemy runs; 
 and if they had not retired by a way that there was 
 no dealing with them, alongst the side of a steep hill, 
 it is like there had not many of them gone home." 
 The two parties, Kirkton states (p. 243), "fought it 
 stoutly for a considerable time, till at length, not- 
 withstanding all their advantage, Dalyell's men run." 
 Wodrow's informant (vol, ii. p. 32) declares that 
 General Drummond "himself owned afterwards to Mr. 
 
 James Kirkton, from whom I have the account, that 
 
 72
 
 HIS INFANTRY 
 
 News of the skirmish had been carried 
 to the rear. Dalziel's main body of horse 
 hastened up in support, and joined by the 
 foreparty, drew up upon high ground west- 
 ward of Glencorse Burn. There they awaited 
 the arrival of the infantry. 1 Wallace threw 
 
 if we had pursued the chase, in the confusion they 
 were under, the general's army might have been 
 ruined." Veitch tells a more remarkable story ( Veitch 
 and Brysson, p. 41): "Drummond and his party were 
 instantly beat back, to the great confusion and con- 
 sternation of their army ; hundreds whereof, as they 
 were following disorderly through the hill sides, 
 threw down their arms and ran away." This, 
 certainly, is gross exaggeration. On the other side 
 Maitland declares {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250): 
 "Our ftbor partie . . . ingadged ther forlorne off 
 eightie horse and beatt them, though they had the 
 advantage off the ground, even to a presipes." 
 
 1 Maitland's account {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) 
 is as follows : " We, getting nottice off the ingadg- 
 mentt, march with the wholl horse (our ffoot being 
 tuo myles behind) up a streatt hill beeast ther hill, 
 so straitt that we could hardly keep the seddle. Ther 
 was a glen betuixt us and them, and a great sidlens 
 
 73
 
 DALZIEL CROSSES 
 
 out a party of foot to threaten their position. 
 Thereupon Drummond, satisfied that the 
 nature of the ground offered no opportunity 
 for successful assault on that quarter, 
 marched across the Glen and drew up on 
 the other side of the burn, fronting at safe 
 distance the insurgents' main position on 
 Turnhouse Hill. 1 
 
 or presipes, which we behoved to pase iff we charged 
 them, and wher horse could hardly keepe foott, we 
 drew all up there." Wallace describes the position 
 as "no ways accessible for horse to do them any hurt" 
 (Veitck and Brysson, p. 417). Kirkton (p. 243) calls 
 it " a place unaccessable for horsemen." Wallace 
 further defines it as on " that side of the glen that 
 lay on the west hand." Its position is therefore clearly 
 indicated, and is marked upon the accompanying map. 
 
 1 Wallace states (Veitch and Brysson, p. 4 1 7) : " Upon 
 the foot's approach they were forced to quit that side 
 of the glen that lay on the west hand, and to go over 
 to the east side of the glen, where they stayed till 
 their foot came up. In this condition we stood fore- 
 against other : neither of us could well come at other 
 where we stood." Maitland (Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. 
 p. 250) confirms Wallace. He writes: "And the tuo 
 
 74
 
 GLENCORSE BURN 
 
 It was already past three o'clock, and the 
 November day was closing in. Another 
 hour passed before Dalziel's infantry came 
 up. 1 Upon their arrival the whole force 
 crossed Glencorse Burn and drew up on the 
 lower slope of Turnhouse Hill, whose ridge 
 Wallace held above them. 2 On his right 
 
 generall persones Dalziell and Drummond (whos excel- 
 lent conduct in all this matter I most admeire) fynding 
 this disadvantage, we marched doune agane, crosed the 
 watter and went up to ane other hill nott soe high 
 be-east and oppositt to them." Kirkton (p. 243) also 
 calls the position " a bank more easterly," where 
 "they stopt till all their foot came up." See the map. 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. 
 
 2 The evidence available to identify Dalziel's position 
 is as follows. Kirkton (p. 243) says that Dalziel " drew 
 up his army upon the skirt of the same hill, where 
 Wallace hade the ridge, and Dalyell hade the skirt 
 beneath him, which is the Rullion-green." Maitland's 
 account {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) states, that 
 upon the arrival of his infantry, Dalziel " marched 
 downe southward toward Losleine [? Rullion] and drew 
 up all on the bottom on the south side off the hill 
 wher the enemie stood ; this made them drawe doune 
 
 75
 
 BEGINNING OF 
 
 Dalziel placed the Life Guards, Rothes's troop 
 of horse, and that of Lieutenant-General 
 Drummond. On his left were his own, 
 Hamilton's, Atholl's, and Airlie's troops. 
 The infantry were in the centre, 1 but were 
 
 to the skert of ther hill toward us." Wallace writes 
 {Veitch and Brysson, p. 417) : "When their foot came 
 up, their whole horse and foot came down ofF the 
 hill towards a moor beneath us on our right hand ; 
 and there they drew up in battle array, thinking to 
 provoke us to quit our ground, and to fight them 
 on even ground. We perceiving how numerous they 
 were, being at least (whatever they were more) in all 
 three times our number, resolved we would not quit 
 our ground. There we stood only fronting other." 
 Dalziel, I conclude, crossed Glencorse Burn west of 
 Flotterstone, and drew up, fronting westward, at the 
 base of the slope whose crest is now fringed by the 
 plantations which shelter the Martyrs' Tomb. 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. The military 
 establishment at this time consisted of two regiments 
 of foot, six troops of horse, and two troops of the 
 Guards. The two infantry regiments are said by 
 Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) to have been commanded by 
 Dalziel and the Earl of Newburgh (Sir James Living- 
 stone). Of the six troops of horse he mentions the 
 
 76
 
 THE ENGAGEMENT 
 
 held mainly in reserve. 1 It was near sun- 
 set when the engagement began. 2 Detach- 
 ing a considerable body of horse from his 
 right, 3 supported by a flanking party of 
 foot, Dalziel launched them against the 
 left of Wallace's position. "After some 
 mutual communion what was fit to be 
 done," writes Wallace, 4 " whether to fight 
 them, if put to it, that same night, be- 
 cause, if we delayed that night, (as we 
 
 Duke of Hamilton, the Earls of Annandale, Airlie 
 and Kincardine among their commanders. He esti- 
 mates the full strength of the establishment at about 
 three thousand foot, besides horse. Law (Memorialls, 
 p. 1 6) gives Dalziel's strength as six hundred horse 
 and two thousand foot. 
 
 1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251. Maitland states: 
 " Our fFoot stood for a reserve Nor could they fyr 
 unles they had killed our men off the horse." 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 3 The horse numbered fifty, according to Maitland 
 {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250). 
 
 4 Veitch and Brysson, p. 417. 
 
 77
 
 
 TEMPORARY SUCCESS 
 
 readily might, if we had pleased) we might 
 expect, whatever we might be fewer, the 
 enemy would be no fewer ; after prayer it 
 was resolved, that if the Lord in providence 
 did order so as we were put to it, we 
 should put ourselves in his hand, and quit 
 ourselves of our duty." Dalziel's close 
 attack resolved the dilemma. " We found 
 ourselves forced to give them a meeting," 
 Wallace continues, " and so a party of near 
 as many 1 were sent down from our left 
 hand to meet them ; and in respect there 
 had come a few of their foot upon the 
 flanks of their party, a few of our foot 
 were sent off with ours to encounter them." 
 The rival parties met. A volley was 
 fired. Both fell to swords at close quarters. 
 But the advantage of the ground was with 
 
 1 Maitland (Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) declares 
 
 that they were double the number — one hundred against 
 
 Dalziel's fifty. 
 
 78
 
 OF THE INSURGENTS 
 
 the insurgents. Aided by the declivity 
 their foot routed the body opposed to 
 them. Dalziel's horse abode no longer, 
 and galloped down to the main body. 1 
 
 Dalziel's tactics were simple — to turn 
 the left of the insurgents, and, forcing a 
 general evacuation of their position, to 
 compel a disorderly retreat along the lower 
 ground, which his left would be adequate 
 to deal with. He therefore ordered a 
 second attack from his right. It had no 
 better success than the first. 2 In the de- 
 
 1 1 have followed Wallace here. Maitland {Lauderdale 
 Papers, vol. i. p. 250) substantially confirms him. He 
 states : " The engadgmentt begunne by a commanditt 
 partie off' 50 off our right wing off* horse, receaved by 
 the rebells by 100 of ther horse : ours did gallently, and 
 they stuck in others birse for a quarter off ane hour ; 
 and ours being borne by weight from so greatt a precipes, 
 they reteired a litle." 
 
 2 According to Wallace (Veltch and Brysson, p. 418) : 
 " So soon as the enemy see their horse put to flight, 
 immediately there is another party commanded off their 
 
 79
 
 LEARMONT 
 
 velopment of it the Duke of Hamilton 
 narrowly escaped capture or death. 1 A 
 third time Dalziel ordered his right to 
 assault the stubborn position. His perse- 
 verance was at length rewarded. Wallace's 
 left was driven back to its position on 
 the ridge, 2 and Learmont, commanding 
 
 right hand, and quickly advances towards the relief of 
 their own men. Upon this, another party is sent down 
 from our left hand to meet them. After these two fresh 
 bodies had grasped a while together, the enemy runs, 
 and, in the view of all, this party of ours did so hotly 
 pursue them, that they chased them far away by their 
 body." Kirkton (p. 243) states that Wallace's left drove 
 Dalziel's horse " beyond the front of their army." 
 Maitland {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251) gives 
 another view of the engagement : " Our right hand of 
 our right wing charged and forced back the enemie to 
 ther ground and bodie. And they returned unbroken." 
 
 1 Hamilton was protected from a threateni*)" blow by 
 James Ramsay, Dean of Hamilton {Veitch and Brysson, 
 P- 43). 
 
 2 Wallace's account (Veitch and Brysson, p. 419) is as 
 
 follows : " Upon this [repulse of Dalziel's second 
 
 assault] advances the rest of their horse that were on 
 
 80
 
 REPULSED 
 
 on that quarter, barely regained it in 
 safety. 1 
 
 It was already dusk, 2 and darkness 
 threatened to cheat Dalziel of his quarry. 
 Learmont's repulse had already called down 
 a rightward party of Wallace's horse. With 
 the enemy no longer solid and unshaken 
 upon the height, Dalziel seized the moment 
 
 their right hand, and forcing back our party, a party of 
 our horse on the right hand were sent off." Kirkton 
 (p. 243) states that Wallace's left was forced to " retire 
 up the hill to their old station." Maitland {Lauderdale 
 Papers, vol. i. p. 251) infers that this third attack of 
 Dalziel's right completed the success already achieved 
 by the previous assault. " And by order," he writes, 
 " our left hand off our right wing charged and mad 
 them reill." 
 
 1 Veitch {Veitch and Brysson, p. 43) states that Lear- 
 mont's horse was shot under him, and that he, " starting 
 back to a fold-dike, killed one of the four that pursued 
 him, and mounting his horse, came off in spite of the 
 other three." 
 
 2 "At daylight going," says Veitch [Veitch and Brysson, 
 
 P- 43)- 
 
 F 8l
 
 DEFEAT OF THE WHIGS 
 
 to engage their whole line while their left 
 was still in some confusion. His left, which 
 so far had not engaged, threw itself in 
 overwhelming strength upon Wallace's right, 
 tempted from its position by the critical 
 fortune of Learmont's party. The latter, 
 finding the brunt of attack transferred to 
 the right, struggled to reinforce that quarter, 
 but in the effort, threw the intervening 
 foot into confusion. Dalziel pushed his 
 advance steadily. 1 There was no time to 
 rally, and in the gathering darkness the 
 insurgents broke and fled. 2 
 
 1 Turner (p. 1 86) observed Dalziel's " whole bodie of 
 foot and left wing of horse advance with much courage 
 and in very good order, with trumpets sounding, and 
 drums beating." 
 
 2 The account I have given appears to focus the 
 
 meaning of the various contemporary narratives. Mait- 
 
 land {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251) writes: "We 
 
 on the left hand, seeing a part off our right wing reteire, 
 
 did presenttlie charge the enemies horse on the right 
 
 wing. And by the tyme we had received ther fyre, 
 
 82
 
 AT RULLION GREEN 
 
 The fifteen days' rebellion had met its 
 hapless and inevitable end. At the best it 
 was a haphazard and ill-concerted effort. 
 
 thos off ther left wing that were reilling thrust amongst 
 
 ther oun fFoot [and] disordered them. And tho pressing 
 
 to assist ther right wing of hors, yet helped to putt them 
 
 in confusion. And soe all off them rune for it through 
 
 the hills." Wallace gives the following account {Veitch 
 
 and Brysso?;, p. 419) : "Now their whole body of horse 
 
 on their left hand were unbroken ; and upon these two 
 
 parties [on Dalziel's right] being engaged, their whole 
 
 left hand of horses advances. Now we had no more but 
 
 a matter of fourscore horse to meet with their whole 
 
 left hand. Always, all marches up towards other, but 
 
 being oppressed with multitude we were beaten back ; 
 
 and the enemy coming in so full a body, and so fresh a 
 
 charge, that having us once running, they carried it so 
 
 strongly home, that they put us in such confusion that 
 
 there was no rallying, but every man runs for his own 
 
 safety." According to Veitch {Veitch and Brysson, p. 43), 
 
 " The last encounter was at daylight going, where the 
 
 enemy's foot, being flanked with their horses on each 
 
 side, firing upon the Whigs, broke their ranks, their 
 
 horses not being used with fire ; then the troops upon 
 
 the right wing of the enemy broke in upon them and 
 
 pursued them ; and had taken and killed many more, if 
 
 the night had not prevented them." 
 F2 83
 
 THE GOVERNMENT'S 
 
 i 
 
 Had it been other than sudden and spas- 
 modic its story might have run another 
 course. For the bitter controversies which 
 cleft the Whigs in 1679, to the paralysis 
 of serious military achievement, were absent 
 in 1666. Wallace, as a leader, was in- 
 comparably superior to Robert Hamilton, 
 and had at his back a force which, if 
 small in number, showed qualities which 
 compelled respect. 1 But nine hundred 
 devoted men, however stout their spirit, 
 were a puny force to menace a system 
 entrenched in authority. "Such ane under- 
 taking," Kirkton 2 admits, "was for a man 
 
 1 Turner's praise of their marching qualities has 
 already been noticed. An Edinburgh news-writer, 
 writing on 30 November, 1666, reported: "The 
 army say they never saw men fight more gallantly 
 than the rebels nor endure more ; the general was 
 forced to use stratagem to defeat them " (Cal. State 
 Papers, Dom., 1 666-1667, P- 3 01 )- 
 
 2 " This was the end," writes Kirkton (p. 245), "of 
 that poor party, and it was a wonder they proved so 
 
 84
 
 AMPLE REVENGE 
 
 of miracles." The authorities took an 
 ample revenge. The prisons and the exe- 
 cutioner had their prey. 1 
 
 Rullion Green was near its first anniver- 
 sary before the Government oscillated briefly 
 
 brave on the day of their defeat, considering either 
 the constitution or conduct of such ane army. They 
 hade not matter to work upon, their number being so 
 small ; a handfull of poor naked countrey lads who hade 
 never seen warre. They hade few officers, and those 
 had no authority ; every private centinel would either 
 be satisfied about the secrets of their councill of 
 warre, or was in hazard of clamouring the company 
 into a mutiny, and then deserting the party upon a 
 scruple." 
 
 1 Wallace's estimate of the insurgents' losses in the 
 battle and pursuit is probably the most accurate. He 
 puts them at about fifty killed and eighty prisoners 
 (Veitch and Brysson, p. 429). Kirkton (p. 244) agrees 
 with Wallace in putting the number killed at about 
 fifty. Maitland {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251) 
 clearly overstates the number at about four hundred 
 killed in the battle and pursuit. Dalziel's losses are 
 generally admitted to have been trivial. For the 
 Government's punitive measures see Hume Brown, 
 History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 397. 
 
 85
 
 SIGNS OF TOLERANCE 
 
 to moderation. 1 In August, 1667, the army 
 was disbanded, except the Horse and Foot 
 Guards. 2 A month later Rothes was relieved 
 of the Commissionership. Indemnity for 
 those concerned in the Pentland Rising 
 followed in October. Lauderdale came to 
 power amid these signs of more tolerant 
 dealing. They flickered fugitively, and 
 by 1670 were extinguished. Nine years 
 later, Covenanting Israel, groaning under 
 Rehoboam, was again in revolt. With what 
 tragic failure at Bothwell Bridge is familiar. 
 
 1 See the Privy Council's resolution of 1 3 Septem- 
 ber, 1667, in Lauderdale Papers, vol. ii. p. 52 ; and a 
 letter of Lauderdale to Sharp on 2 October, 1667, in 
 Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, vol. i. p. 263. 
 
 2 Kirkton, p. 263. 
 
 86
 
 INDEX 
 
 Afton Bridge, 25. 
 Airlie, James, Earl of, 76, 
 77 ; brother of, 62, 69. 
 Angus, 48. 
 Annandale, James, Earl of, 
 
 77- 
 Arnot, "Captain" Andrew, 
 
 32, 71- 
 
 Atholl, John, Marquis of, 
 
 76. 
 Atholl, 48. 
 Ayr, 25, 32. 
 Ayrshire, 24, 48. 
 
 Balmaclellan, 4, 7, 8. 
 Barscobe. See Maclellan. 
 Barskimming, 27, 28. 
 Barskimming, Laird of, 53, 
 
 5+> 5 6 > 6 3- 
 Bathgate, 38, 39, 43, 44, 
 
 46, 61. 
 
 Bell's Hill, 62. 
 
 Biggar, 59. 
 
 Blackader, Rev. John, 16, 
 
 39> 
 Blackwood, 42, 43. See 
 
 also Lowrie, William. 
 Blood, Thomas, 72. 
 Braid Burn, 59. 
 Brysson, George. See 
 
 Semple, Rev. Gabriel. 
 Burnet, Alexander, 3. 
 Burton, Dr. J. Hill, 
 
 65. 
 
 Calder, 50. 
 
 Calder House, 61. 
 
 Carsphairn, 18, 20, 23. 
 
 Chalmers, , of Water- 
 side, 18. 
 
 Clackmannan, 48. 
 
 Clydesdale, 24, 29, 59. 
 
 Cochrane, Sir John, of 
 Ochiltree, 27. 
 
 Cochrane, Margaret, Lady, 
 
 2 7- 
 
 87
 
 INDEX 
 
 Colinton, 50, 51, 52, 53, 
 
 54, 56, 58. 
 Corsock. See Neilson, Robert 
 Coylton, 26. 
 Cruickshank, Rev. John, 
 
 37, 7 1 - 
 Culross, 49. 
 
 Cumnock, 30. 
 
 Cunningham, 32. 
 
 Currie, 61, 62, 63. 
 
 Dalkeith, 59. 
 
 Dalmellington, 23, 28. 
 
 Dairy, 5, 10, 17. 
 
 Dalziel, Thomas, of Binns, 
 3, 21, 22, 24, 28, 30, 
 33, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 
 50, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 
 61, 62, 75, 76, 77, 79, 
 80, 81, 82. 
 
 Deanes, Corporal George, 
 
 7, 9- 
 
 Doon, Bridge of, 25, 26. 
 
 Douglas, 32. 
 
 Dreghorn Castle, 59, 61. 
 
 Drumlanrig, William, Vis- 
 count, 31. 
 
 Drummond, Lieut. -Gene- 
 ral William, 69, 72, 73, 
 
 74, 75, 76. 
 Dumbartonshire, 48. 
 Dumfries, 7, 8, 9, 10, n, 
 
 14, 15, 16, 18, 21. 
 Dunfermline, 49. 
 
 Edinburgh, 25, 29, 38, 39, 
 
 45,47, 49, 5o, 52, 53, 
 58, 63. 
 
 Fergusson, William [?], of 
 
 Kaitloch, 26. 
 Fifeshire, 48. 
 Finnie, Bailie, of Dumfries, 
 
 1 1. 
 Flotterstone, 60, 62. 
 " Forest," the, 48. 
 
 Gallow Law, 60, 64. 
 Glasgow, 21, 24, 29, 47. 
 Glencairn, 1 7. 
 Glencorse Burn, 60, 69, 70, 
 
 73, 75, 76. 
 
 Gordon, , of Knock- 
 
 breck, 34. 
 
 Gordon, , of Knock- 
 gray, 20. 
 
 Graham, John, of Claver- 
 house, 27. 
 
 Gray, " Captain " Andrew, 
 3, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20. 
 
 Guthrie, Rev. John, 37, 51. 
 
 Hamilton, William, Duke 
 of, 29, 44, 51, 7 6, 77, 
 80 ; Dean of, 80. 
 
 Hamilton, Sir Robert, 84. 
 
 Harbour Hill, 62. 
 
 Hatton. See Maitland, 
 Charles. 
 
 88
 
 INDEX 
 
 Henderson, Rev. Hugh, 17. 
 
 Inglistown Bridge, 60. 
 Irongray, 8, 10. 
 Irvine, Bailie Stephen, of 
 Dumfries, 21. 
 
 Kellie, Alexander, Earl of, 
 41. 
 
 Kenleith Burn, 62. 
 
 Kilmarnock, 29, 30, 33. 
 
 Kincardine,Alexander, Earl 
 of, 77. 
 
 Kingston, Alexander, Vis- 
 count, 53. 
 
 Kirkcudbright, 20. 
 
 Kirkcudbrightshire, 3. 
 
 Kirkton, James, 72. 
 
 Knockbreck, 34. 
 
 Knockgray, 20. 
 
 Lanark, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 
 
 41, 43, 61. 
 Lanarkshire, 48. 
 Lauderdale, John, Earl of, 
 
 3,86. 
 Lawhead Hill, 64, 68. 
 Learmont, Joseph, 68, 70, 
 
 80, 81, 82. 
 Leith Water, 61. 
 Lesmahagow, 34, 35. 
 Life Guard of Horse, 76, 
 
 86 ; of Foot (Scots 
 
 Guards), 86. 
 
 Linlithgow, George, Earl 
 of, 41. 
 
 Linlithgow, 46. 
 
 Linton, 59. 
 
 Livingstone, Sir James, 76. 
 
 Lockhart, Robert, 31 
 
 Losleine [?], 75. 
 
 Lothians, 48. 
 
 Lowrie, William, of Black- 
 wood, 42, 44, 50, 51, 
 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57- 
 
 M'Cormick, Rev. Andrew, 
 
 31, 71, 72. 
 Maclellan, Robert, of Bar- 
 
 magechan, 71. 
 Maclellan, , of Bar- 
 
 scobe, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 
 
 33, 67- 
 Maitland, Charles, of Hat- 
 ton, 40, 41, 42, 43, 65, 
 
 73, 82. 
 Mauchline, 28, 29. 
 Mearns, 48. 
 Merse, the, 48. 
 " Mondrogat," Laird of, 
 
 39- 
 
 Muir, House of, 60. 
 
 Muirkirk, 30, 31. 
 
 Neilson, Robert,of Corsock, 
 11, 12, 13, 14, 34. 
 
 Newbridge, 46, 47, 49, 
 52, 56. 
 
 89
 
 INDEX 
 
 Newburgh, James, Earl of, 
 76. 
 
 Ochiltree, 26, 27, 28, 29, 
 
 Ogilvie, Rev. , 5 1 . 
 
 Perthshire, 48. 
 
 Ramsay, Andrew, Provost 
 
 of Edinburgh, 63. 
 Ramsay, James, Dean of 
 
 Hamilton, 80. 
 Renfrewshire, 48. 
 Robison, Alexander, 26,31. 
 Ross, John, 28, 29, 30. 
 Rothes, John, Earl of, 3,21, 
 
 56, 72, 76, 86. 
 Rullion Green, 60, 62, 63, 
 
 64, 68, 75 ; battle of, 
 
 65 et seq. 
 
 St. Catherine's Hope, 62. 
 
 Sanquhar, 3 1. 
 
 Semple, Rev. Gabriel, 2, 
 
 27> 37- 
 Sharp, James, Archbishop 
 
 of St. Andrews, 3, 86. 
 
 Shotts, 38, 45. 
 
 Stewart, James, of Good- 
 trees, 53. 
 
 Stirlingshire, 48. 
 
 Strathaven, 33, 40. 
 Strickland, Sir John, of 
 Boynton, 27. 
 
 Tarbolton, 24. 
 Teviotdale, 48, 59, 60, 62. 
 Thomson, Sir Alexander, 7. 
 Troqueer, 16. 
 Turner, Sir James, 4, 5, 7 
 
 8, 9» Ir > I2 > l 3> H> *5> 
 
 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 
 
 28, 33, 37, 47, 5°, 5«» 
 56, 59, 63, 64. 
 
 Turnhouse Hill, 64, 65, 66, 
 
 67, 68, 70, 75. 
 
 Tweeddale, 48. 
 
 Veitch, Rev. William, 53, 
 58, 63. 
 
 Wallace, Colonel James, 19, 
 
 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 
 
 32, 39, 4 1 , 42, 43, 44» 
 47, 5i, 52, 54. 56, 57, 
 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 66, 
 
 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 75, 
 
 77, 84. 
 Waterside, 18. 
 Welch, Rev. John, 2, 23, 
 
 26, 28. 
 
 West Calder, 38, 45, 63. 
 
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