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 ARISTODEMOCRACY 
 
 Humanity demands that the 
 horizontal should supersede 
 its perpendicular subdivisions.
 
 OTHER WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR 
 
 POLITICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 1. WHAT GERMANY IS FIGHTING FOR. 
 
 2. PATRIOTISM: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL. 
 
 An Essay. ( To appear sliortly.) 
 
 3. TRUTH. An Essay. (In preparation.) 
 
 4. SEX MORALITY. An Essay. ( In preparation.) 
 
 5. THE EXPANSION OF WESTERN IDEALS AND THE 
 
 WORLD'S PEACE. 1899. 
 
 6. THE BALANCE OF EMOTION AND INTELLECT. 
 
 1878. 
 
 7. WHAT MAY WE READ. No. iv. of the Ethics of the 
 
 Surface Series. 1897. (John Murray, 1917.) 
 
 8. THE POLITICAL CONFESSION OF A PRACTICAL 
 
 IDEALIST. A Pamphlet, ign. 
 
 a. THE JEWISH QUESTION AND THE MISSION OF 
 THE JEWS. 1894. 
 
 WORKS ON ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY 
 
 ESSAYS ON THE ART OF PHEIDIAS (Cambridge 
 University Press, 1885); THE WORK OF JOHN RUSKIN 
 (Harper & Brothers, 1893) ; THE STUDY OF ART IN UNI- 
 VERSITIES (Harper & Brothers, 1896); THE ARGIVE 
 HERAEUM (with others) (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1902-1905); 
 ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (Cambridge Uni- 
 versity Press, 1903); HERCULANEUM: PAST, PRESENT, 
 AND FUTURE (with Leonard Shoobridge) (Macmillan & Co., 
 1908); GREEK SCULPTURE AND MODERN ART tCam- 
 hridge University Press, 1913).
 
 ARISTODEMOCRACY 
 
 AN ESSAY 
 
 BY SIR CHARLES WALDSTEIN 
 
 M.A., LITT.D. CANTAB. ; M.A., L.H.D. COL. UNIV., NEW YORK; PH.D. HEIDELBERG 
 HON. LITT.D. THIN. COLL., DUBLIN 
 
 SOMETIME SLADE PROFESSOR OF FINE ART IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, 
 ENGLAND, AND DIRECTOR OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES, AfHfcNS 
 
 LONDON 
 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.i. 
 
 1917
 
 FIRST EDITION . ? May, 1916 
 CHEAP EDITION . . . June, 1917 
 
 A i L RIGHTS RESERVED
 
 TO THE MEMORY OF 
 MY BROTHER, 
 
 LOUIS WALDSTEIN, M.D., 
 BORN IN NEW YORK, U.S.A., APRIL 15, 1853, 
 
 DlED AT POSINGFORD, SUSSEX, ENGLAND, 
 
 APRIL n, 1915
 
 Mr. Lowes Dickinson, to whom I have shown the 
 following Open Letter, writes : 
 
 June 2jrd, 191 7- 
 
 My dear Waldstein, 
 
 Your Open Letter appears to be written 
 under a misapprehension so far as I am concerned. 
 I have never at any time, since the invasion of Belgium 
 by Germany, disputed either the necessity or the justice 
 of British intervention in the War. I have not opposed 
 conscription, though I have pleaded that genuine 
 conscientious objectors should be given the absolute 
 exemption to which they are entitled by law. And J 
 do not hold, and have never expressed, the doctrine 
 of non-resistance. Your remarks, therefore, appear to 
 have no relevance to any position I have ever put 
 forward. What I have done, and shall continue to do, 
 is precisely what I understand you to do yourself in 
 your book. I have argued for such a settlement as 
 will secure a durable peace by the formation of a 
 League of Nations instituted for that purpose. As this 
 is your own policy, and also the official policy of the 
 allied governments, I do not understand what is your 
 cause of quarrel with me. Since you tell me that it is 
 too late to cancel your letter, I shall be glad if you 
 will print with it this disclaimer. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 G. LOWES DICKINSON.
 
 AN OPEN LETTER TO MR. G. LOWES DICKIN- 
 SON AND THE HON. BERTRAND RUSSELL 
 
 Being a prefatory letter to a new English edition of 
 ' ' A ristode mocracy ." 
 
 If Opportunism is degrading and deserving of contempt, Inop- 
 portunism is not elevating or worthy of admiration. 
 
 DEAR DICKINSON AND DEAR RUSSELL, 
 
 I am writing this open letter to you because, 
 in the first instance, I wish publicly to bear testimony 
 to your integrity of character, and the loftiness and 
 purity of your motives. In times gone by, and for 
 many years, we have seen eye to eye in fighting for 
 Truth and for the advancement of justice and culture 
 in their highest form. You, Dickinson, and I have 
 even stood shoulder to shoulder, at a comparatively 
 advanced age of our lives, when, during the Boer 
 War, we thought that there might be armed inter- 
 vention on the part of some European Powers, and, 
 therefore, joined the University Volunteers and 
 drilled assiduously, in order to be prepared to defend 
 our country in what we considered a right cause. I 
 cannot believe that you are at one with Russell in 
 actively opposing the enlistment of all able-bodied 
 British subjects in the defence of their country. 
 You cannot, either of you, believe that it is against 
 the fundamental principles of true democracy that 
 every citizen capable of bearing arms is bound to 
 defend his country against the aggression of its
 
 viii AN OPEN LETTER 
 
 enemies. Even a pronounced Socialist, like Jaures, 
 in his admirable book " L'Armee Nouvelle," has 
 from the extremest democratic point of view laid it 
 down convincingly as a principle of democracy that 
 every citizen must be prepared to bear arms in 
 defence of his country. 
 
 We are all three at one in our love of peace, in 
 condemning this and every other war among civilised 
 nations. We each of us are fully convinced that 
 war is not only degrading and cruel, inhuman and 
 bestial, but monstrously stupid. We hope that war 
 will be impossible in the future, and we are each of 
 us working to the best of our abilities to ensure this. 
 This book of mine is written for this ultimate end. 
 But, while thus writing to you publicly to assure 
 you that I wholly believe in your sincerity and in the 
 single-minded purity of your own convictions, I am 
 writing, in the second place, in order to enlarge upon 
 the passage which I have chosen as a motto above. 
 I am sure you have both at times been disheartened 
 by one of the saddest experiences which life brings 
 to the thoughtful, the just, and the philanthropic. 
 It is to find our truest thoughts, our noblest feelings, 
 our deepest convictions, and our highest ideals 
 jeopardised, if not wholly undone, by being brought 
 forward at the wrong time, in the wrong place, by 
 the wrong people, or even by corporate bodies con- 
 taining members who are either wrong-headed or 
 wrong-hearted or both. This is the experience 
 which has come to me since this war broke out, and 
 I cannot free you from the charge that you have, in 
 part, been responsible for bringing it upon me. By 
 your action, and that of those who are associated 
 with you, not only do I find myself disagreeing 
 with you almost passionately on definite points, but 
 I am above all saddened to the very depths of my 
 soul by seeing the great cause of ultimate peace
 
 AN OPEN LETTER ix 
 
 in the world endangered, if not ruined, by your 
 own inopportune activity and that of so many of 
 your colleagues. I also fear that those, who at 
 heart and in principle might be at one with us in 
 the great fight of the future for the establishment 
 of secure peace for mankind, may be made to hesitate 
 in their adhesion, may be diverted from their lofty 
 course, and even be drawn or pushed over into the 
 camps of our opponents by their just opposition to 
 your activities during this war. The great and good 
 cause, when left in the hands of extremists, will be 
 discredited in the eyes of reasonable and well-meaning 
 people and will have lost in prejudice its supreme 
 inherent power of convincing and enlisting the active 
 support of right-minded and right-feeling people. 
 Surely this is a consummation which all of us would 
 deplore ! I have already in print reminded you of 
 the analogy between yourselves and the well-meaning 
 men who, in the case of a great conflagration, rushed 
 to the burning houses where the firemen, at the risk 
 of their lives, are battling with the flames to save 
 the building, and who impede the work of salvage, 
 in order to carry out their set purpose (right in 
 itself) of first inquiring into the causes which led 
 to the conflagration. 
 
 I am sure that both of you realise that Germany 
 is, if not wholly and exclusively, at all events chiefly 
 to blame for the inception of this war. I am sure 
 that you condemn with all your soul the barbarous 
 means with which they have from the beginning 
 waged it, and are carrying it on now. You, Dickin- 
 son, have in your own book clearly exposed their 
 guilt, though you have insisted in some cases 
 justly upon the guilt of other European Powers, 
 including ourselves, in favouring or in upholding 
 traditions which make for such a war. But in weigh- 
 ing the responsibility for this war, there is one
 
 x AN OPEN LETTER 
 
 essential difference between Germany and ourselves 
 which I am sure you will have to admit, and which 
 in your own writings I have not seen stated or 
 insisted upon by you. Whatever may have made 
 for war in the action of our Government, or in the 
 agitation of groups or individuals among our people, 
 not even the most extreme Jingo among us has ever 
 preached preparation for a war of aggression, but 
 only for a defensive war. Most of us in this country 
 I am one of them deplore that we did not more 
 effectively follow the lead of Lord Roberts and of 
 the National Service League in preparing ourselves 
 to meet this onslaught of our enemies. Opinions 
 may differ on this point. But you must agree, that 
 the crusade preached by the Alldeutsche militarists 
 for many years, ending in their final victory which 
 directly produced this war, had for its object, and 
 still has for its object, the expansion of German 
 power at the expense of their neighbours and of the 
 world at large. It is an offensive war, and was from 
 the outset of Pan-German activity meant to be 
 such. In considering the questions of right or 
 wrong in this war the crucial moral issue what- 
 ever blame you may cast upon other States or govern- 
 ments, this essential difference must be kept in the 
 forefront of consciousness : that their war meant a 
 war of aggression, and that ours means a defensive 
 war. 
 
 Such a defensive war every citizen of a State is 
 bound to wage as a primary and inalienable duty of 
 citizenship. And when war is waged, it must be 
 waged as war, calling forth all the energies, all 
 thought, all skill, all ingenuity, and' all courage 
 the concentration of the nation's forces and of the 
 strength and capacity of every one of its citizens to 
 win the war. Whoever tends to diminish these 
 capacities and to dissipate such concentration of
 
 AN OPEN LETTER xi 
 
 energy furnishes a weapon which is placed in the 
 hands of the enemy. It not only weakens our own 
 efficiency in war, but strengthens that of our enemy. 
 
 Not to speak of the agitation against conscription 
 (of which I have no evidence that you, Dickinson, 
 have been guilty, and which I cannot bring myself 
 to impute to you), I consider it wrong in any way 
 to divert the attention or the energies of those engaged 
 in this death struggle from the terrible task of righting 
 which lies before them. 
 
 It almost seems unfair in the putting of it, and 
 sounds like a caricature if, in plain words, I ask of 
 you both the question : What, from the so-called 
 pacifist point of view, would you have recommended 
 us to do when once war broke out ? It surely was a 
 question of " to be or not to be " we must either 
 fight or refuse to fight. If we fight, we must bring 
 all our energies to bear on the fight, and we must 
 fight to win. But if we were to refuse to fight, what 
 could we have done ? With the experience of Bel- 
 gium and Northern France and Serbia, and of so 
 many other countries and peoples before our eyes, 
 what would it have meant had we allowed the 
 German militarists a free hand ? You must forgive 
 my recalling a picture from the humble animal 
 world which rises before me. But you cannot be 
 offended with the simile ; for animals do not add 
 the diabolical cruelty of cold human reason and 
 ingenuity to their savage impulses, and, in so far, 
 their fight is a nobler one. I see a watch-dog, whose 
 duty it is to guard a home and its' contents, attacked 
 by a canine enemy who comes to sate his hunger in 
 the house. But the moment the savage brute 
 advances and shows his teeth, the guardian dog 
 refuses to fight, and turns on his back while the 
 other stands over him. Even if the savage dog 
 were to desist from mauling him, he certainly would
 
 xii AN OPEN LETTER 
 
 have his way and despoil the house over which his 
 prone enemy was expected to stand guard. That 
 watch-dog was not a dog, but a cur. With the best 
 and truly honest intention, I cannot arrive at a 
 clear understanding which does not lead to grotesque 
 absurdity as to what the so-called pacifist would 
 <lo, or would expect others to do, or would recom- 
 mend should be done, when war comes upon them. 
 I am sure you could not be guilty of such a clear 
 absurdity, and that you must have some more 
 reasonable conception of the duties of a citizen. 
 
 No, that is not the road to peace. Never has the 
 truth been put more forcibly and pithily than by 
 Dr. Hibben, the President of Princeton University, 
 in his recent speech in New York, when he said : 
 " I am here as a pacifist. I believe in peace at any 
 price, and the price at the present is war." Our 
 immediate road to peace is the overthrow of Prussian 
 militarism, the vindication of right against might, 
 the restitution of Belgium and Serbia, and the repara- 
 tion for wrong done. Ultimately, the great aim of 
 humanity must be attained by the education of the 
 civilised world ethical education, but not only 
 ethical which will prepare men for, and lead them 
 to, the establishment of an International Court 
 BACKED BY POWER such is the only road to peace. 
 
 Always sincerely yours, 
 
 CHARLES WALDSTEIN. 
 
 NEWTON HALL, NEWTON, CAMBRIDGE. 
 March 1917. 
 
 P.S. -Since the above letter has been in print the 
 United States has joined the Allies in active warfare 
 against Germany. President Wilson's great speech 
 will ever remain a monument of American Idealism. 
 
 C. W. 
 
 April 1917.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 IN July 1898 I delivered, at the Imperial Institute,, 
 London, Lord Rosebery in the chair, an address on 
 The English-speaking Brotherhood. In an abridged 
 form this appeared as an article, in August 1898, in 
 The North American Review. To this address was 
 added another essay ; and both were published in 
 book- form in 1899 under the title The Expansion of 
 Western Ideals and the World's Peace. 
 
 Similar convictions had been held by me and 
 expressed in various forms as far back as 1874, when, 
 as an American student at Heidelberg, I read a paper 
 on the Staatszweck before the political society of that 
 University, the late Professor Bluntschli being 
 present. 
 
 Many of the views expressed in the present book, 
 especially those which advocate the institution of an 
 International Court with power to enforce its deci- 
 sions, were already brought forward in my book on 
 The Expansion of Western Ideals and the World's 
 Peace. 
 
 I cannot refrain from quoting the opinions on the 
 views set forth in that book by two great Americans, 
 fundamentally opposed in their interpretation of 
 American Foreign Policy as were the late Charles 
 Eliot Norton and John Hay the former a representa- 
 tive of the best thought, culture, and taste, and the 
 highest type of the American gentleman, the latter,
 
 xiv PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 possessing similar qualities, and in my opinion the 
 greatest American statesman of modern times, whose 
 action in reference to China formulated the most 
 important principle of international politics for the 
 future peace of the world. 
 
 Charles Norton wrote from Cambridge, Mass., 
 on November 18, I899 1 : 
 
 ' I have read your little volume on the Expansion 
 of Western Ideals and the World's Peace with great 
 interest. As you are aware, your position and my 
 own differ on the fundamental question which under- 
 lies your essays. But I read with genuine sympathy 
 your very able statement of your own views. . . . 
 Your presentation of the Imperialistic position 
 has this great value at least, that it shows that men 
 who hold it are cherishing ideals which, if they can be 
 fulfilled, will make the course on which America 
 has entered less disastrous than we who do not hold 
 them fear. ..." 
 
 John Hay wrote from the Department of State, 
 Washington, October 21, 1899 (the date is wrongly 
 printed as 1897) * : 
 
 " Last night for the first time since your book 
 (The Expansion of Western Ideals] arrived, I found a 
 quiet hour to read it and I must thank you most 
 sincerely for a great pleasure. It is a charming treatise, 
 handling a grave subject with an elevation and grace 
 of style which makes it as agreeable to read as it is 
 weighty and important in substance. What can 
 
 be the matter with poor dear S , who set forth at 
 
 C the other day this preposterous programme : 
 
 1. Surrender to Aguinaldo. 
 
 2. Make the other tribes surrender to him. 
 
 3. Fight any nation he quarrels with. 
 
 I think our good friends are wiser when they 
 
 1 See Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, 1913, vol. ii. p. 290. 
 
 2 Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, printed (not pub- 
 lished) in Washington, 1908, vol. iii. p. 100.
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION xv 
 
 abuse us for what we do, than when they try to 
 say what ought to be done. I wish you would lend 
 some of your wisdom to certain of our German 
 friends who seem to think that peace with England 
 means war with Germany. ..." 
 
 I make bold to express my conviction that, were 
 Charles Norton alive now, in view of the catastrophe 
 brought upon the world by Prussian Militarism, he 
 would not have remained a Pacifist. He, as well as 
 John Hay, would have urged upon their fellow-country- 
 men the need of Military Preparedness and the duty 
 of every free citizen to defend his country against the 
 danger to the maintenance of its independence and 
 of the ideals of every free country. 
 
 Since this book was written, the activity of the 
 League of Nations, especially in the United States, 
 has been most gratifying for the hope it raises of 
 closer international understanding, leading to con- 
 certed action, in the interests of peace in the future. 
 I do not wish to disparage any such attempt, especi- 
 ally one made and supported by such eminent and 
 high-minded men, among them great jurists as well 
 as men of affairs with wide experience and practical 
 business capacity. Whatever success may attend 
 these efforts will be in the right direction. 
 
 Nevertheless I have such grave misgivings on the 
 purely practical side, i.e. based upon the actual 
 experience of the past and the full realisation of the 
 present, as regards traditions and systems of national 
 and international bodies, of Holyand Unholy Alliances, 
 that I fear such efforts are doomed to failure, because 
 they do not aim at the only practical form which 
 can insure international justice and peace. 
 
 As I have maintained, in the Preface to the English 
 Edition of this book, I do not consider such alliances 
 and federations the safest practical means of ensuring
 
 xvi PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 the desired ultimate end in the present or in the 
 immediate future. My doubts arise out of the 
 prevailing traditions of nationalism on the one side, 
 and of diplomatic procedure in international rela- 
 tions, as established by centuries of practice, on the 
 other. These existing forces and traditions are too 
 powerful at present in the political life of modern 
 peoples, to ensure effective action in maintaining 
 pure justice, when such action is opposed to the 
 interests of the individual State. Even in the ordinary 
 business of individuals, of corporate bodies, syndicates 
 and trusts, and especially in the world of finance, the 
 attitude of each party, and the moral standards 
 resulting therefrom, are such as to exclude due con- 
 sideration of the other parties with whom each indi- 
 vidual or group is dealing. All effort is concentrated 
 on the realisation of such individual interest or only, 
 at best, leads to the establishment of combinations 
 and of parties, when concerted action is at all contem- 
 plated, which would advance the interests of the one 
 group against those of the other. Especially in view 
 of the fact that the methods of business evolved by 
 modern syndicates, trusts and cartels are, in our own 
 days, penetrating into the body politic of the State 
 itself, and may in the future strike the keynote of their 
 concerted action, the leading spirit of combinations of 
 States, even in federations that are meant to safe- 
 guard the interests of all collectively, will rob the 
 purely judicial action of such a federation of all 
 security, as regards the ultimate realisation of justice 
 for mankind as a whole. The door will be opened to 
 intrigues and opportunistic combinations, guided ex- 
 clusively though not always apparently by the in- 
 dividual interests of each State. I venture to maintain 
 dogmatically that it will be found in the end that the 
 only practical method of ensuring peace will be in the 
 establishment of an International Court, the judicial
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION xvii 
 
 members of which have no mandate from the State 
 which they represent in the Court, beyond the 
 administration of justice, with such physical power 
 backing it, in the form of a purely international and 
 vastly predominant army and navy, so as to enforce 
 its decisions, as the police within each State ensures 
 the execution of the law. After such a Court has been 
 established, and has for some time effectively mani- 
 fested its power throughout the world, the nations 
 will be prepared for a wider League, for the Great 
 United States of the Civilised World ; but not before. 
 The plan here advocated may seem to many remote, 
 as regards the possibility of its execution. I may, 
 without undue egotism, be allowed to say that I fully 
 expected that my thesis, as developed in this book, 
 would be summarily brushed aside as Utopian by the 
 majority of my critics. To my great astonishment, 
 practically all the criticisms in the newspapers and 
 reviews which carry weight have been uniformly 
 considerate and favourable in their reception of it. 
 The isolated instance of strong dissent is best repre- 
 sented by the criticism of The Saturday Review in 
 their issue of June 3, 1916. I had best here quote 
 my reply to the chief objections as contained in my 
 letter published by them on June 10, 1916 : 
 
 "... The scheme for an International Court backed 
 by power a truly effective International Police is 
 based on practical and sober induction applied, not 
 only to moral and social, but also to economical 
 forces. It is not the academic dream of Utopia. 
 That it may be most difficult to realise is undoubted. 
 Whoever in his senses would claim that such a task 
 would be easy ? Who can ignore the numerous 
 difficulties, apparently almost insurmountable ? But, 
 what is the alternative for future man ? Kilkenny 
 cats ? When once such a Court is established, it will 
 certainly be within its power to make it ' impossible 
 for Germany to fool its neighbours.' It surely is not 
 2
 
 xviii PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 too much to expect that the judges (not necessarily 
 jurists), appointed without any national mandate 
 from their own countries, should subordinate their 
 decisions to a pure duty to justice. This is not in- 
 consistent with our experience of the action of courts 
 in national life where personal and local interests, 
 however strong their appeal, are practically ineffectual. 
 Nor has past history, when true humanitarian feeling 
 was not such an effective force in the minds of men as 
 it is to-day, disproved that soldiers of varied nation- 
 ality will fight bravely for a cause imposed upon them 
 by their superiors. Moreover, it is neither desirable 
 nor necessary that the several quotas should retain 
 national solidarity in the international army and 
 navy. 
 
 " You say that I write ' an old prescription for the 
 cure of war, undeterred by the fact that he has not 
 yet got rid of strife in a single village.' Surely the 
 analogy is misleading. In the life of a village there 
 may be quarrels ending in blows or even in fatal 
 bullets. But the law at once intervenes to adjust 
 the wrong done. We all know this and live in the 
 security of this conviction one of the fundamental 
 elements in civilised mentality. There might be 
 national transgressors in spite of an all-powerful Inter- 
 national Police. But in States with representative 
 government (I am only considering these) the blow or 
 the bullet can only be struck or fired after much 
 deliberation, and, practically, with the consent of 
 the nation and its Government. Momentary passion 
 will be eliminated at least to an infinitely greater 
 degree. The true analogy applying to the scheme 
 for an International Court and Police is the duel of 
 old as a means of securing justice. With modern 
 civilised man the true sense of justice and common 
 sense have long since discarded this custom prevalent 
 in former days. ..." 
 
 When this great war is ended, and Peace has been 
 finally signed, when the military war is ended, we are 
 threatened with the immediate advent of a great
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION xix 
 
 economic war as disastrous to civilised humanity 
 as is the carnage now raging on the battlefields. 
 The further development of large commercial and 
 industrial combinations which established through- 
 out the world syndicates and trusts and cartels has 
 in Germany fallen on the fertile ground prepared by 
 militaristic and bureaucratic organisation, and has 
 produced, through the over-richness of this soil, a 
 fungus-growth of State-directed and State-aided 
 finance and industrialism, which threatens to spread 
 over the fields of legitimate industry throughout the 
 world, destroying the national wealth of many a 
 country, and, by its purely economical overgrowth, 
 submerging all other aims of national and inter- 
 national existence, sapping the moral health of 
 nations and substituting for peace and goodwill 
 among them commercial war and hatred. 
 
 The exposition of German industrial methods by 
 Professor Millioud, Mr. Diblee and other writers has 
 shown how dangerous were German methods of in- 
 dustrial penetration of other countries in co-operation 
 with their diplomatic and military activity, the final 
 ends of which this great war has revealed to the eyes 
 of the world. It is but right that all nations thus 
 affected or threatened should protect themselves 
 against such commercial penetration and neutralise 
 its methods. During the war, the recognition of 
 this fact led to the Paris Conference. 
 
 Even those who, like myself, cling to the ultimate 
 ideals of the Open Door and of Free Trade for the 
 establishment of Justice and Peace throughout the 
 world, must concede that, in view of the immediate 
 threat of the German system, which has practically 
 become the dominant method of all the Central Powers, 
 active countersteps must be taken in the direction 
 of Protection on the part of the interested Allied States 
 as a whole, as well as within each separate empire
 
 xx PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 and nation. Just as German militarism has forced 
 those who, like myself, have opposed all war and cling 
 to the ultimate ideals of International Peace, to 
 concentrate, with absolute conviction in the Tightness 
 of their action, all their efforts on the victorious prose- 
 cution of this war, before they can effectually realise 
 their ideals, so we, who believe in, and hope for, 
 Free Trade and the Open Door in the future, must 
 give our whole-hearted support to fight economically 
 the methods of German commercial warfare, before 
 we can return to the realisation of our ultimate ideals. 
 There will thus be this period of transition in the 
 economical struggle corresponding to, and arising 
 out of, the military struggle. 
 
 But what a disastrous interregnum this will spell ! 
 Is there not a danger that what we hope may be 
 merely an interregnum may establish itself as the rule 
 of the world ? 
 
 It will mean internecine economic warfare. But not 
 only such internecine warfare among individuals 
 or the several commercial and industrial bodies and 
 corporate groups within each nation, but of each 
 nation as a unit against the other. A bright prospect 
 indeed for the preservation of the Peace of Nations ! 
 
 That the German system is undoubtedly efficient 
 from the purely economic point of view will be recog- 
 nised by all other nations, and, as such, will be adopted 
 by them. It means the marshalling and concentra- 
 tion of all material and intellectual forces, solely for 
 the advance of the one nation in commerce, industry, 
 and power : the material struggle for existence 
 pure and simple in which nations are units. This' is 
 the inevitable result, unless some other power is forth- 
 coming to modify and to direct the course of purely 
 economic force ; unless the other ideals of human 
 existence and human morals, of equity and justice, 
 regulating the claims of individual and national
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION xxi 
 
 existence, are given power to bring order into this 
 chaos of unbridled greed and competition which 
 must end in hate and conflict. 
 
 One of the most pregnant truths born of the history 
 of this great struggle is the history of German Socialism 
 since 1914, by which, what has been called the 
 International stands for ever condemned. M. Emile 
 Royer's pamphlet on La Social- Democratic Allemande 
 et Austro-hongroise et les Socialistes Beiges furnishes 
 interesting reading and shows how, during the Inter- 
 national Socialistic Congresses at Stuttgart, Copen- 
 hagen, Basle, and Brussels, and still more since the war 
 began, the specifically German interests dominated 
 and regulated the action of those German socialists who 
 were the apostles of the international ideals of Karl 
 Marx. The reason for this sinister failure of Socialism, 
 then, as it will be for all times, is not far to seek. It is 
 to be found in the fact, that in socialistic practice the 
 economic interests of classes have the first and ultimate 
 claim and dominate all other interests of nations and 
 humanity at large. So long as the socialistic party 
 places economic interests before and above all others, 
 it will be a discordant and destructive element in 
 the advancement of the true ideals of humanity as 
 well as of all the minor groupings of social com- 
 munities. Let us take warning by this definite 
 experience of the immediate and lurid past. 
 
 To avoid or to neutralise the disastrous effects of 
 this internecine economic war of the future among 
 the nations, there is but one remedy : to strive for 
 the actual realisation of effective justice among the 
 nations as our chief object. Whether as a preliminary 
 to, or a corollary of, the International Court backed 
 by Power, a Commercial and Industrial Court will 
 have to be established to regulate the claims of the 
 several nations for the right of economic existence 
 and freedom. If this again is considered to be purely
 
 xxii PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION 
 
 visionary and Utopian, I would reply, that the actual 
 necessities of the case will be so urgently felt in the 
 near future that, so far from " necessity knowing no 
 law," it will have to invent laws to save the civilised 
 world from destruction. That is eminently practical. 
 I should not be astonished if this one aspect and need 
 of concerted international action may not precede the 
 establishment of the Central International Court of 
 which it would logically be the sequel. The world 
 will require organisation of equitable commerce and 
 industry ensuring fair dealing and fair competition . 
 
 Let me end by one word of grave warning to those 
 who have rightly realised the need for " Efficiency " 
 and for intelligent organisation within each nation. 
 Scientific education is a fundamental condition of all 
 success in the economical life of every modern 
 civilised community. This is no doubt one of the 
 urgent tasks and problems of the future of education . 
 But it is not the only one, nor even is it the chief 
 object and end of national education. The primary 
 and ultimate object and ideals of each nation to fulfil 
 its destiny as realised through the overwhelming 
 experience of this war, are not economic, but ethical. 
 To these ultimate ideals the economical aims must be 
 subordinated. Apart from Christian love, Freedom 
 and Justice must still be the watchwords and beacon 
 lights for the humanity of the future as they have been 
 to all peoples with glorious achievements in the past 
 history of man. The first task before us emphatic- 
 ally remains : to ensure the realisation of these great 
 and true objects through the education of the adult 
 population now, and the ethical education of the rising 
 generation of the future. 
 
 It is for this purpose that this book has been written. 
 
 C. W. 
 
 NEWTON HALL, NEWTON, CAMBRIDGE. 
 February 1917.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THIS Essay is not the work of a laudator temporis acti. 
 In spite of its title it is not reactionary or romantic 
 in spirit. Nor is it meant to advocate a return to 
 conditions of the past, but, emphatically, to prepare 
 for the future a new state of things responding to the 
 needs of an advancing age. 
 
 There is one possible misunderstanding which I 
 wish above all to avoid. 
 
 Though the book is a protest against war and 
 maintains the possibility even the certainty of 
 international peace in the future, and though it is 
 directed against militarism as the arch-enemy of 
 humanity, I firmly hold that the question of peace 
 is not to be obtruded on the consciousness of our 
 people while actually engaged in a desperate struggle, 
 requiring the concentration of all the energy the 
 nation possesses upon the fight itself. As long as 
 the war lasts all " Pacifist " agitation is out of place. 
 First we must win this war. We must even be pre- 
 pared, if necessary, to substitute conscription for our 
 voluntary system, which served us so well in the past. 
 
 The issue between our so-called " Pacifist " friends 
 and those who think as I do is a very simple one. 
 
 We protest that we hate war and love peace with 
 the same sincerity and intensity as they do. 
 
 But we think it not only right but our sacred duty to 
 fight German militarism with all the means of fair war- 
 fare which human ingenuity can devise and human 
 courage can bring into the fight. We cannot believe
 
 xxiv PREFACE 
 
 that passive submission to German aggression can 
 be heroic or in any sense wise or moral. We should 
 think it criminal in the highest degree were we to 
 stand with hands folded like the hapless Armenians 
 and see our wives and children slaughtered before our 
 eyes and receive the death-blow without a murmur. 
 But, perhaps even more disastrous than the loss of 
 our wives and children and our miserable selves, we 
 should see swept away before our very eyes all the 
 ideals of civilisation and morality which our traditions 
 have established among us, upon which our moral 
 consciousness has been based for centuries of human 
 effort in the establishment of political and social 
 freedom and moral and intellectual culture. 
 
 The Armenians have been thus massacred by their 
 Turkish rulers after they had been prevented from 
 arming themselves and preparing the means of manly 
 self-defence. The hordes of German Huns could 
 massacre the inhabitants of Belgium as cruelly as 
 the Turkish official mob could brain and burn and 
 drown the helpless Armenians. They could still 
 more effectually annihilate the Pacifist inhabitants 
 of England. But the essential difference between 
 the Armenians and ourselves is, that we are able 
 to arm ourselves ; and it is therefore our sacred and 
 supreme duty to do this most effectually not only 
 by supplying the most efficient arms, but the best 
 of fighting material in soldiers. 
 
 We deplore with equal intensity of sorrow and 
 passionate regret, as do the Pacifists, that from the 
 Eugenistic point of view the slaying of the young 
 and healthy is the greatest loss to the nation and to 
 mankind. The older men among us may have offered 
 to fight and been (wisely) refused. They could say, 
 and did say, to the military authorities, as did that 
 brave and patriotic Jewish octogenarian during the 
 American Revolutionary War " My body can stop
 
 PREFACE 
 
 XXV 
 
 a bullet as well as that of a young man." But it 
 is right to point out that older men do not provide 
 the best fighting machine ; that a single night in the 
 trenches might send them to the hospital behind 
 the fighting line with rheumatism or pneumonia, to 
 block the way of the wounded soldier. Nor do we 
 think, much as we deplore the loss of the younger celi- 
 bate, that those who have the responsibility and care 
 of a family immediately dependent upon them ought to 
 precede the unencumbered bachelor in the fighting line. 
 
 In any case the alternative to effectual warfare 
 against German militarism is Armenian passivity 
 which spells a huge crime. We therefore believe 
 in warfare for us as a sacred duty until a true safe- 
 guard to peace can be devised and realised. 
 
 Even after the war, our military preparedness 
 must not be relaxed or weakened, unless some In- 
 ternational Court backed by power, such as is advo- 
 cated in this Essay, is established. Not even a 
 European alliance will take its place. The more 
 we consider alliances in past history, and even in the 
 light of our present experiences of the working of 
 such alliances under the constraining influence of a 
 common enemy in the field, the less faith can we 
 have in the security of such alliances. Only such 
 a definite organisation as that which I have attempted 
 to outline here will justify disarmament. 
 
 Meanwhile the British Empire will have to increase 
 its military strength, and, above all, retain unimpaired 
 its command of the sea. The United States will no 
 doubt follow our example of military and naval pre- 
 paredness, until the day arrives when interest, reason 
 and justice will alone lead to an efficient safe-guarding 
 of international peace. By that time the political 
 consciousness of the whole world will probably be 
 greatly altered, mainly owing to the results of this war. 
 
 The war will, I venture to predict, prove to be
 
 xxvi PREFACE 
 
 the swan-song of the older conception of nationality ; 
 for it is the misconception of nationality which has 
 in great part produced it. Ultimately a new con- 
 ception of nationality and internationality will be 
 ushered in, in which loyalty to the narrower relations 
 will in no way prevent loyalty to the wider. It will 
 be the Era of Patriotic Internationalism. Not so 
 very many years ago, as human history goes, the 
 Scotsman, for instance, could not have conceived it 
 possible to have loyally upheld the interests of a 
 great British Empire, even at the sacrifice of Scottish 
 local or personal interests, as he is now prepared to 
 do. The same, I believe, will be true as regards the 
 wider international unit of the future in its relation 
 to the nations of to-day. 
 
 In some respects the actual events of this war 
 have made the realisation of such a scheme more 
 remote than in the period preceding it. I am not 
 alluding so much to the attitude of the German 
 belligerents, as to that of the Administration of the 
 United States of America. 
 
 One of the greatest perhaps the greatest oppor- 
 tunity in history to affect the course of humanity 
 towards the attainment of highest good ever placed 
 within the reach of a few individuals by means of 
 one definite action has been lost by them. 
 
 I pass no judgment upon the action of President 
 Wilson's Administration in refraining from active 
 intervention in the war, nor upon the question of 
 how far national honour was involved, nor yet would 
 I decide how far it is the duty of nations to protect 
 their honour at all costs. But a paramount duty to 
 the cause of humanity has been shirked from the 
 very outset with the most disastrous results. Had 
 it been fulfilled, it might have marked a great epoch 
 in the history of humanity. It was surely the duty 
 of that Administration to protest against every clear
 
 PREFACE xxvii 
 
 and flagrant violation of international law and of 
 the decisions of the Hague Convention to which 
 the United States was a signatory. 
 
 Had the United States thus protested against the 
 action of Germany in Belgium, the numerous and 
 undoubted contraventions of these laws and decisions 
 in the bombardment of unfortified towns by ordnance 
 or aircraft, or the sinking of peaceful merchantmen, 
 etc., etc., a new era might have been initiated. Such 
 a protest need not have been followed by armed 
 intervention, and might have remained purely aca- 
 demic and platonic ; but made it ought to have been. 
 The sinking of passenger and merchant vessels ought 
 not to have evoked protest merely on the ground 
 of their belonging to the United States or because 
 they carried American goods or passengers, but 
 purely and wholly on the ground that the United 
 States was a co-signatory of the Hague Convention. 
 The United States, as the only remaining great 
 neutral Power, would have become the centre to 
 which the combined opinion and support of all the 
 numerous smaller and less powerful neutral States 
 also co-signatories of the Hague Convention 
 would have been drawn ; thus producing a united 
 expression of civilised opinion and moral force 
 throughout the world. It would perhaps only have 
 formed a nucleus to a germ-cell of international 
 justice and peace ; but out of this germ a great and 
 sturdy organic body of civilised opinion and power 
 might subsequently have developed. Such action 
 has not been taken. The great world-opportunity 
 has been lost. The cause of human peace has not 
 been advanced. Worse still : the sin of omission 
 has had the positive effect of retarding the realisation 
 of the just hope of civilised humanity formed before 
 this war, and has confirmed the divorce between 
 right and might for years to come.
 
 xxviii PREFACE 
 
 This Essay attempts to trace the origin of this war 
 back to the Bismarckian policy which initiated the 
 inordinate development of Teutonic Chauvinism, out 
 of which has grown the Alldeutsche policy of world 
 conquest, together with the method of German ruth- 
 lessness as adopted by the War Party and defined 
 by Bernhardi. It also contains a picture of the Old 
 Germany as contrasted with the New. 
 
 The more ultimate causes of this war are to be 
 found in the inadequacy of European, especially 
 German, morals, which in no way respond to the 
 development of civilised life in all other spheres. 
 An attempt is made to lay down the principles of 
 European ethics, ensuring such adequate reform in the 
 present and preparing for normal evolution in the 
 future. It is the principle of Conscious Evolution in 
 human affairs, which differs essentially from Nietzsche's 
 system, of which a searching criticism is made. 
 
 This book was written during the winter and spring 
 of 1914 to 1915. Events subsequent to that date 
 have not necessitated the making of any essential 
 alterations or additions. Where such additions are 
 made they are made in footnotes. 
 
 My sincere thanks are due to my friend and col- 
 league, Dr. J. B. Bury, Fellow of King's College, 
 and Regius Professor of History in the University 
 of Cambridge, as well as to my wife, for numerous 
 suggestions and corrections. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 NEWTON HALL, NEWTON, CAMBRIDGE. 
 January 1916. 
 
 P.S. (March 10, 1916). I must also thank my 
 friend, Mr. George Leveson Gower, for his most valu- 
 able help in correcting the proofs and for making 
 numerous useful suggestions, as well as Mr. John 
 Murray and the printers for seeing the manuscript 
 through the press in so short a time. C. W.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 AN OPEN LETTER TO MR. G. LOWES DICKINSON AND 
 
 THE HON. BERTRAND RUSSELL . . . vii 
 
 PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION . . . xiii 
 
 PREFACE y ...... xxiii 
 
 PART I 
 THE DISEASE OF WAR AND ITS CURE 
 
 INTRODUCTION ...... I 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR - THE 
 DOMINANCE OF GERMAN STREBERTHUM AND 
 ALLDEUTSCHER MILITARISM .... $ 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE OLDER GERMANY ;, - . . . 21 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 PRUSSIAN MILITARISM AND THE GROWTH OF 
 GERMAN CHAUVINISM SINCE 1870 - THE 
 GLORIFICATION OF WAR . . . 4! 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE CONCEPTION OF THE STATE AND OF INTER- 
 
 NATIONAL RELATIONS ... 86 
 
 xxix
 
 xxx CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE 
 
 MODERN MAN . . . . . IOO 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PATRIOTISM AND COSMOPOLITANISM THE PER- 
 PENDICULAR AND HORIZONTAL DIVISIONS OF 
 HUMAN SOCIETY . . . . .Ill 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 RECONSIDERATION OF THE TRUE MODERN MEAN- 
 ING OF STATE AND OF PATRIOTISM . -1*5 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CORPORATENESS THE ABUSE OF CORPORATE 
 
 AND INDIVIDUAL LOYALTY . . .120 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE WRONG AND THE RIGHT NATIONALISM . 132 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE DISEASE OF WAR . . . . .144 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR . . . 152
 
 CONTENTS xxxi 
 
 PART II 
 
 THE INADEQUACY OF MODERN MORALS: 
 NIETZSCHE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF SOCIAL REFORMERS 
 
 THE MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 1 68 
 
 PART III 
 THE MORAL DISEASE AND ITS CURE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE CODIFICATION OF MODERN MORALS . '. 2OO 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE TEACHING OF MOSES < . . . 2O8 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST .... 224 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION IMPLIED 
 
 IN THE TEACHING OF CHRIST PLATO . 239 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 PLATONIC IDEALISM APPLIED TO ETHICAL EVOLU- 
 TION FHE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE . . 247
 
 xxxii CONTENTS 
 
 PART IV 
 
 OUTLINE OF THE PRINCIPLES OF CON- 
 TEMPORARY ETHICS 
 
 (a) MAN'S DUTIES AS A SOCIAL BEING 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 DUTY TO THE FAMILY ..... 266 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 DUTY TO THE COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 THE ART OF LIVING THE IDEAL OF THE 
 
 GENTLEMAN . . v. . . . 2JI 
 
 313 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 DUTY TO HUMANITY . . . . . 32$ 
 
 (b) THE DUTIES WHICH ARE NOT SOCIAL AND 
 THE IMPERSONAL DUTIES 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 DUTY TO OURSELF , . . . 33!
 
 CONTENTS xxxiii 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS . . . 336 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 DUTY TO GOD . - . . . . . 347 
 
 EPILOGUE . . . . . .355 
 
 APPENDIXES 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM FROM PREVIOUS 
 
 PUBLICATIONS . . . . 357 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 PASSAGES ON COSMOPOLITANISM , . ... . 375 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 THE WORLD'S CHANGES IN THE PAST FIFTY 
 
 YEARS ....... 378 
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 THE " TRANSPORTATION " OF CAPITAL . . 382
 
 xxxiv CONTENTS 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 PAGE 
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON . 396 
 
 APPENDIX VI 
 
 THE /ESTHETIC ELEMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF 
 
 THE INDIVIDUAL AND OF THE NATION . 413 
 
 INDEX ....... 427
 
 ARISTODEMOCRAGY 
 
 PART I 
 THE DISEASE OF WAR AND ITS CURE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 WHAT is the real cause of this war ? How can we The true 
 find the true diagnosis of the disease which has cul- the S war 
 minated in this dissolvent crisis, threatening the is to be 
 health and normal progress of modern civilisation ? t he defec- 
 
 Some in fact, the vast majority, not only of those tive moral 
 
 ii i conscious- 
 
 concerned, but of neutrals as well say it is to be ness of 
 
 found in the militaristic aggression of Germany ; 
 others in the steady pursuit of an end, perhaps more 
 remote, of the Pan-Slav domination by Russia. Be 
 it one or the other, or both, the fact remains, that 
 Austria, Turkey, France, and England, prospectively l 
 Italy and the Balkan States as well, are all concerned. 
 It takes two or more to make a quarrel. That others 
 should have joined in this internecine war is only 
 partially explained (it is only a moral " symptomatic 
 diagnosis " of the disease) by pointing to the various 
 combinations of alliance and ententes, to avowed or 
 secret treaties, to the various moves on the diplo- 
 matic chessboard of Europe during the last few 
 generations, or by the consideration of such phrases 
 as the " European Balance of Power," of the develop- 
 ment of colonisation, commerce and trade, and of 
 
 1 These have become belligerents since the above was written.
 
 2 INTRODUCTION 
 
 endless proximate causes, such, especially, as the 
 influence of the armament industry. The moral 
 consciousness of the vast majority of the population 
 of the civilised nations of the West is directly opposed 
 to this barbarous, irrational, immoral arbitrament of 
 right by the uncertain, fatuous, grotesquely stupid 
 appeal to the brute forces of savagery and destruc- 
 tion, however much these be raised to the sphere of 
 scientific forethought and mechanical ingenuity, 
 however much to use the happy phrase of the French 
 Ambassador in London barbarism may have be- 
 decked itself with the showy attributes of intellectual 
 pedantry. 
 
 To the vast majority of the civilian population 
 (with the exception, perhaps, of professional soldiers 
 and those directly dependent for their living upon 
 war or the promise of war) war is not only a survival 
 of barbarism and savagery, but an absurdity. Though 
 all recognise the right of self-defence, the duty to 
 protect home and family and the community in 
 which they live, to defend honour and ideals, none 
 who are sane and sincere would admit that you 
 must slay those who are not endangering your own 
 life, whose aims and ideals are practically the same 
 as yours. To create a state in which the whole life 
 of the community is subordinated to the one great 
 aim of slaying neighbours generally related by race, 
 religion and ideals ; with whom the people lived in 
 friendly intercourse ; and to do this by subverting 
 all principles of morals, all standards of right and 
 wrong, of fair dealing, of honour, chivalry, and gener- 
 osity, on which life in times of peace has been based, 
 is not only cruel and immoral, but grossly stupid and 
 insane. And yet, in spite of these views held by all 
 sane people, such a war is actually raging : families 
 lose fathers, sons, and brothers ; misery penetrates 
 into all layers of the population in every civilised
 
 THE PARADOX OF CIVILISATION 3 
 
 country in Europe ; the rule of morality and sanity 
 is suspended for the time ; millions of pounds a day 
 are expended without any economic return, dissolved 
 into empty space sums in one day, or one week, or 
 one month, which would have advanced social re- 
 forms, alleviated suffering and misery of the poor 
 and feeble, provided for Science and Art and all 
 spiritual improvements, sums which in times of peace 
 can never be appropriated to such uses for the welfare 
 of humanity for ages to come. Was there ever such 
 a tragic paradox, such glaring contradiction between 
 conviction and actual profession, between faith and 
 action, between what we believe and what we do ? 
 
 How came modern civilisation to end in such a 
 paradox ? For the true answer to this question we 
 must consider not only the direct actions of Germany 
 and Russia, but also the less direct international 
 policy of all the other civilised nations ; it is to be 
 found much deeper down and much farther afield in 
 the moral state of national, social, and individual life 
 within all the peoples of the Western world. 
 
 I shall endeavour to show that the real cause, the 
 real " etiology " of this universal disease, are to be 
 found in the fact that we have no efficient common 
 ideals or that we have false ideals, prejudices, and 
 one-sided figments of diseased or unbalanced brains, 
 which we have raised to the rank of ideals, when 
 they really are the outcome of brutal and lower in- 
 stincts. But, more than this, it is to be found in 
 the undeniable fact that the modern world has no 
 faith no religion if you like no clearly adopted 
 higher code of ideal striving in which we believe 
 whole-heartedly, and which can not only lead us on 
 to action, to great things, noble enterprise, complete 
 self-sacrifice, but will also regulate our actions even 
 in the smallest demands of daily life : moral stan- 
 dards which are in complete harmony with the
 
 4 INTRODUCTION 
 
 firmly established and clearly recognised faith in 
 such unassailable ideals, intense and pervasive and 
 capable of resisting every onslaught of doubt or 
 scepticism in even the smallest constituent elements 
 of our wider faith. 
 
 What is needed, above all things, is to reconsti- 
 tute our faith, so that it should have the potency to 
 guide and to control our actions in every aspect of 
 life, unfailingly, as in bygone days (and even now 
 with less civilised and even savage people) there was 
 complete harmony between what people believed and 
 professed and what they considered the right thing 
 to do. 
 
 It is my object in this essay thus to show that in 
 this absence of ideals and of religious faith, truly 
 expressive of our best thought and of the civilised 
 conditions of modern life, is to be found the real 
 cause of this one sudden and universal crisis in 
 European history. It is also my object to endeavour 
 in all humility to indicate, at least, the direction in 
 which the reconstitution of our ideals and the estab- 
 lishment of an effective Faith for the future can be 
 found.
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR. THE DOMIN- 
 ANCE OF GERMAN STREBERTHUM AND ALL- 
 DEUTSCHER MILITARISM 
 
 IMMEDIATELY after that most acute crisis in the re- The pro- 
 lations between England and Germany in 191 1, when great 
 
 the railway strike in England threatened to develop 
 J , . , . 
 
 into a general strike, paralysing trade and communi- 191 1. 
 
 cations throughout the British Isles, and when this 
 critical moment was seized by Germany, through the 
 Agadir incident, for action which nearly provoked a 
 war, I had a most interesting and deeply significant 
 conversation with one of the leading German statesmen 
 then resident in England. I am firmly convinced that 
 he was not only a most honourable man, who combined 
 an intense and loyal patriotism with high ideals for 
 humanity as a whole, but was also truly and sincerely 
 an Anglophile, anxious to maintain cordial relations 
 between Germany and Great Britain, two nations 
 whose vocation in history it was jointly to advance 
 the cause of civilisation. Besides ourselves there was 
 present one other person, deeply and intimately 
 concerned in adjusting labour disputes and thor- 
 oughly acquainted with labour difficulties all over 
 the world. The crisis threatening the maintenance 
 of peace between Germany and England had by 
 that time practically passed away, and our own labour 
 troubles were on the way to final settlement. My 
 friend, the authority on labour questions, had just 
 
 5
 
 6 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 informed us that there were signs of a threat of 
 similar troubles in one of the continental countries, 
 and had dwelt upon the sympathetic responsiveness 
 of every country to the strikes and labour troubles 
 of their neighbours. He predicted that this respon- 
 siveness would grow and might lead to more thor- 
 oughly organised international labour movements. 
 
 It was then that I ventured to express my con- 
 viction as regards the possibility of a great, if not a 
 universal, war in the future. To me it then appeared 
 and I endeavoured to formulate my views that 
 the future history of civilisation depended on the 
 relative rapidity in progress and realisibility of two 
 opposed movements and aims, held by the two chief 
 contending forces and camps : the peaceful workers 
 in the world and the militarists. It was entirely a 
 question which of the opposed purposes held by the 
 two forces determining the fate of the world would 
 arrive at fruition first : whether militarism which 
 made for war or true democracy the people realis- 
 ing its own power, and conscious not only of its 
 interests, but its ideals which made for peace, would 
 win the day. The fate of the world hung upon the 
 question of time as to which of these two forces 
 would realise itself first in power and organisation 
 so as to impose its aims upon the world. Since the 
 general strike, though abortive for the time, had been 
 resorted to in St. Petersburg in 1905, the labour 
 men throughout the world had realised the power 
 in their hands to decide eventually upon war or 
 peace ; and even though war were declared by any 
 country, to make it impossible for any government 
 to wage it. The labour parties all over the world 
 were becoming internationalised, as capital on its 
 side was more and more effectually internationalised. 
 Moreover, it was equally manifest to me that the 
 several governments and military authorities were
 
 LABOUR ORGANISATION AND MILITARISM 7 
 
 beginning to realise this fact of primary importance. 
 It therefore appeared to me that in the immediate 
 future it was all a question as to whether the labour 
 men (the practical, not the theoretical pacifists) 
 would arrive at the realisation of their power before 
 the militarists had forced a war upon us, or whether 
 the military powers would anticipate this result, and 
 within the next few years would force a war upon 
 the world. If they delayed in their purpose, and 
 even a few more years were to pass without conflict, 
 the world would no longer tolerate such a war, and 
 some form of permanent peace though not neces- 
 sarily peace from internal and wider social revolu- 
 tions would be ensured. What I feared was, that 
 those convinced of the need for war and those inter- 
 ested in the maintenance of armies and military 
 prestige, and all that it implied, would anticipate 
 events in the undisturbed development of social 
 forces and would precipitate a war upon us. My 
 German diplomatic friend listened attentively, and 
 for an answer, nodding his head with a suggestion 
 of consent and approval, simply and with manifest 
 reticence remarked : Sie konnen nicht unrecht haben 
 (You may not be wrong). 
 
 Now German militarism has won the day and has German 
 brought about this disastrous war more disastrous JJjJjJj 1 } J 
 than any the world has yet seen. Not wishing to war upon 
 delay war (the possibility of which in the future 
 thus hung in the balance) any longer than necessary, 
 and deeming the autumn of 1914 the most propitious 
 moment for the coincidence and confluence of many 
 factors favourable to German aggression, war was 
 declared, and was forced upon Europe at exactly 
 that date. It was one of the doctrines, openly 
 admitted by the German war-party, that the reasons 
 for a declaration of war, if they do not manifestly 
 exist, can always be created. This is borne out by
 
 8 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 past history, and is clearly put by Nippold in his 
 book on German Chauvinism 1 when he wrote in 
 1913 : 
 
 " The quintessence of their [the German Chau- 
 vinists'] doctrine is always the same : A European 
 war is not only an eventuality against which one must 
 guard oneself, but a necessity, moreover one which 
 in the interest of the German nation one ought to 
 accept with joy. . . . In the eyes of these agitators 
 the German nation requires a war ; a long peace 'is 
 to their mind in itself regrettable, and it does not 
 matter whether a reason for such a war exists or 
 not ; therefore, such a cause must if necessary simply 
 be produced." 
 
 August That August 1914 was thus the most favourable 
 most B moment is clear from the fact that the new army 
 favour- organisation was completed and in working order ; 
 ment for that the strategic railways on the eastern and western 
 Ger ' , frontiers were completed ; and that the extension 
 
 many s . * ' 
 
 premedi- of the Kiel Canal had also been carried out. As re- 
 gards the unfavourable position of the Powers of 
 the Triple Entente : Russia had not developed her 
 own strategic railways, nor reorganised her army, 
 both of which she was actively engaged in doing, and 
 expected to have completed about three years later ; 
 moreover, at that moment she was in the throes of 
 labour difficulties, corresponding in some degree to 
 those of England two years previously, which had 
 then set in motion aggressive movements against us 
 by Germany. France could not yet count upon the 
 complete fruition of the revised Army Bill which 
 would bring her numbers to the required proportion 
 for resistance against Germany ; moreover, scandals 
 concerning the equipment of the army had been 
 brought before the public through debates in the 
 
 1 Der Deutsche Chauvinistnus. 
 
 tated 
 war.
 
 THE PROPITIOUS MOMENT 9 
 
 Chamber, and had shown great unpreparedness for 
 war, weakness and disorganisation in the French 
 Army. Finally, England was in the throes of one 
 of the most serious internal crises, owing to the dead- 
 lock in the solution of the Irish question, and, in 
 the eyes of incompetent German diplomats, a revolu- 
 tion seemed not improbable, and even more probable 
 should a war be forced upon England at that moment. 
 I have the best authority for maintaining that the 
 ruling powers of Germany were absolutely convinced 
 that England was not prepared to join the other 
 Powers of the Triple Entente, and would in all 
 circumstances remain at least neutral. Thus the 
 only factor in which that moment was least favour- 
 able to German aggression, namely, the exceptional 
 readiness of the mobilised British Fleet, could in the 
 estimation of the Kaiser and the German Foreign 
 Office be discounted, because they felt confident that 
 England would not join in a war, at any rate not 
 at the beginning. 
 
 But, over and above all these considerations, which The most 
 made that moment the most propitious for a declara- 2^^* 
 tion of war on the part of Germany, was the very neither 
 fact for which the Germans might be able to claim nor'Eng- 
 disinterestedness of motive namely, that the war lan d, but 
 on the face of it was caused by a question primarily 
 
 concerning Austria-Hungary and not Germany, and desi g- 
 
 ., . ,. . 1-1 natg d as 
 
 that its immediate cause was clearly one which the pri- 
 appealed to the sense of law and morality in people mar y. the 
 all the world over. For in the first instance it meant sive 
 a protest against murder and the vilest form of enem y- 
 assassination of a man and a woman who were repre- 
 sentative of the sovereignty of the great Austrian 
 Empire. It could be claimed apart from all the 
 political bearings of that assassination, its origin and 
 connection with the anti-Serbian policy of Austria 
 in the immediate past and for many years before
 
 io THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 that date, and even with the suspicion that Austria 
 herself was not free from collusion in this political 
 crime of assassination it could be claimed, I say, 
 that morally a great Power was justified in punishing 
 a heinous crime, recognised as such by the whole 
 civilised world, and in taking steps that such crimes 
 should not occur again. 
 
 The Slav There was thus a favourable element in this appeal 
 and the to common justice, as regards the individual inci- 
 dent out of which this war, concerning the national 
 interests and aspirations of all the countries, grew. 
 There was further a claim to disinterestedness on 
 Germany's part as the matter primarily concerned 
 her ally and not herself. But above all and this I 
 wish to emphasise the most important element was 
 the fact that the chief antagonist of the Germanic 
 powers in this international quarrel with the Entente 
 Powers was not Anglo-Saxon England or Latin France, 
 but the Slav world Serbia, behind whom stood 
 Russia. The chief antagonists in this great war 
 could thus be clearly and distinctly defined as Russia 
 and the Teutonic powers, the Slav and the Teuton. 
 This was the most important and decisive factor in 
 the whole confluence of circumstances which made 
 for war and could justify it in the eyes of the Ger- 
 man people and of the whole world. At the beginning 
 of the war this element was utilised to the full by 
 the German Government, the German press, and 
 every organ of publicity which could affect the 
 German nation itself and the neutral peoples of the 
 civilised world. The antagonism was clearly defined 
 as lying between Germany and her allies and Russia 
 and her allies, between the Teuton and the Slav, 
 between Germanic culture and Slav culture. Further- 
 more, on the wider political side it could be used to 
 symbolise the conflict between benighted autocracy 
 and despotism, represented by Russia, and the en-
 
 SLAV AND TEUTON 11 
 
 lightenment of progressive Germany. This fact was 
 of supreme importance in the beginnings of this war 
 and remains so to this day. It not only won over 
 all the possible liberal opponents to war in Germany 
 itself, but it also won over, or at least caused to 
 waver in their adherence and sympathy, the liberal 
 elements in many of the neutral countries especially 
 those who appreciated and valued German culture, 
 science, and art, and equally opposed and deplored 
 the autocratic rule and the benighted social degrada- 
 tion of the Russian people. Had this war been 
 primarily declared by Germany against France or 
 against England on any contentious issue between 
 Germany and these countries, not only the socialists, 
 but the mass of the liberal-thinking Germans, would 
 have been opposed in feeling and sympathy to such 
 a war, or would at least have been lukewarm in 
 their support of it. But when it could be clearly 
 impressed upon the national consciousness that the 
 fight meant the self-preservation of Teutonism in its 
 struggle with Pan-Slavism, that the ever-present 
 danger to Germany of being crushed by its all-power- 
 ful autocratic neighbour had come to an imminent 
 climax, and that the actual war was wantonly forced 
 on Germany by the Russian Tsar, who had treacher- 
 ously mobilised his forces against Germany in con- 
 travention of his plighted word, we can understand, 
 not only that the pacifists were silenced for the 
 time being, but even that a wave of patriotic 
 enthusiasm and of warlike determination swept over 
 the whole of the German nation, who from that 
 time on rose like one man to defend the fatherland, 
 and their Teutonic culture and ideals against the 
 ruthless and deceitful foe. 
 
 But here comes one of the most striking and 
 singular incidents in the history of national psy- 
 chology, as illustrating the facility, the stupendous
 
 12 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 At agiven levity, with which a whole nation can be duped and 
 England i ts deepest convictions turned from one direction to 
 is substi- another within a few days, even to the very opposite 
 
 tuted for . _ _ , J . . . . . , . P J rtr 
 
 Russia as pole of the dominant passion which had before swayed 
 ma PI foe m i^i ns ' At a given moment Russia was deposed 
 from the post of supreme culpability and enmity and 
 England was substituted in her place. Since then there 
 are manifest signs of attempts (such as those made 
 in the letters of Herr Ballin published in the Times 
 of April 23, 1915) to deny the initial antagonism 
 against Russia, because of equally manifest diplo- 
 matic motives, if possible to drive a wedge into the 
 Triple Entente and to bring about an understanding 
 between reactionary, autocratic Russia and mili- 
 taristic and autocratic Germany. But the one out- 
 standing fact is that the doctrine of hate against 
 England, established and preached for a number of 
 years in the immediate past in more or less open and 
 avowed forms, has now become the all-powerful and 
 all-pervading motive of German official and popular 
 patriotism. Evidence now furnished proves beyond 
 all possible doubt that this plan and its supreme 
 end were in the mind of the militaristic section of 
 the German people for a number of years past, and 
 that this militaristic section has gained full domin- 
 ation over the whole of the united German people. 
 The long- The programme of the Alldeutsche Partei, the Wehr- 
 Hstedpro- vere i n > an d other smaller organisations, as laid down, 
 gramme not only in the well-known book of Bernhardi, but 
 All _ in numerous documents and in all the speeches made 
 deutsche by the representatives of these parties, was step by 
 carried step adopted in its completeness by the German 
 through Government with the Kaiser at its head. The 
 
 in its en- 
 tirety Alldeutsche Partei, which in the past was supposed to 
 
 present ^e, anc * definitely maintained by German authorities 
 
 Govern- to be, a negligible minority, now has absolute and 
 
 ient> undisputed control of the fate of the German nation.
 
 GERMAN EXPANSION 13 
 
 But even at the time that diplomatic negotiations 
 preceding the outbreak of the war were progressing, 
 and on the actual declaration of war, this aggressive 
 programme had for all practical purposes already been 
 adopted. It can be shown beyond all doubt that 
 the war was begun by Germany, not because of the 
 danger threatening the self-preservation of Germany 
 and of German culture from the Russian and the 
 Slav ; that the Teuton had no place in the Balkans, 
 where the claims of the Slav must be admitted to 
 be paramount ; and that, so far from the Western 
 Powers of the Triple Entente (certainly England 
 and probably France) being a party to Slav aggres- 
 sion, which endangered the independence of Germany 
 and her people and the development and expansion 
 of its culture, they had intimated clearly their opposi- 
 tion to such an aggression and even their readiness 
 to enforce it. The war was beyond all doubt forced 
 upon the world by those who were convinced that 
 the German race and German civilisation must 
 expand in extent and in power all over the world on 
 the same scale as the British Empire. Wherever 
 this expansion might be impeded or blocked by 
 British power and British interests such obstacles 
 should be removed by force of arms. Above all, that 
 the Teutonic race and Teutonic civilisation should 
 supersede the world-hegemony of Britain and should 
 wrest from its hated rival the possessions and pre- 
 dominance which English forefathers, under favour- 
 able circumstances of history, had won for England, 
 together with the numerous and grave responsibilities 
 and duties which Great Britain thereby owed to the 
 civilised world. How, within the last ten or twenty 
 years, this national programme, this " destiny " of 
 the German peoples, had been impressed upon the 
 German nation, with what systematic organisation 
 among the adult population, and with what thorough
 
 14 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 and far-reaching pedagogic training it had been spread 
 and fostered among the youthful population, who 
 are now righting the German battles, in schools and 
 universities, Professor Nippold's book amply proves 
 by documentary evidence. The glorification of 
 might, irrespective of right, is the leading moral, or 
 immoral, factor in this national movement ; and it 
 has ended, as is now finally proved, in this ruthless 
 war of frightfulness by land and sea, ignoring all 
 human feeling, human pity, all Christian charity, all 
 chivalry and military honour, dealing at the outset 
 with treaties as scraps of paper, and breaking the 
 national plighted troth in repudiating those inter- 
 national agreements to which Germany was a signa- 
 tory. It has led to the complete demoralisation, or 
 rather, amoralisation, of the German people. 
 German In the light of this supreme result of German 
 Kultur. Alldeutsche patriotism, the invocation of higher moral 
 aims, conveyed by the cant use of the term Kultur, 
 does not only strike the impartial observer as in- 
 sincere, but as grotesquely paradoxical. The highest 
 flight to which the apologists of German ruthlessness 
 can soar in upholding the cause of German civilisa- 
 tion is embodied in the letters published by the 
 Times, in which Herr Ballin and Herr Rathenau (the 
 director of the large commercial electrical works at 
 Berlin) extol German culture and German moral 
 elevation as compared with English degeneracy and 
 the idleness of the English nation, whose conception 
 of life and all the aims of science and art do not 
 exclude the cultivation of leisure, physically and 
 spiritually, in developing the amenities of civilised 
 existence. English culture and life are contrasted 
 with a German conception of science and human 
 existence entirely subordinated to commercialism, 
 to industrial progress and wealth in one word, a 
 life of banausic materialism. But these captains of
 
 GERMAN KULTUR 15 
 
 industry who, with the ruthless militarists and the 
 penurious Alldeutsche Streber, now rule Germany 
 show, with singular naivete, how their conception of 
 science, art, and social life, entirely subordinated to 
 the immediate and ultimate aim of material wealth, 
 has superseded all other ideals of German Kultur on 
 which the Germans once prided themselves, and 
 which they even now occasionally claim with mani- 
 fest insincerity, when extolling so-called " German 
 idealism." 
 
 Let us consider the comparative weight and value 
 of this German Kultur which is arrogantly put for- 
 ward as so superior to that of all other nations, that 
 it ought, in the Tightness of things, to supersede all 
 other forms of civilisation. 
 
 Concomitant with the spirit of antagonism as its 
 more positive complement, the Germans cultivate 
 an inflated national pride and exalt, far beyond its 
 intrinsic and comparative value, German Kultur. 
 Kultur, be it noted, is not quite synonymous with 
 our term "culture"; but connotes the individual 
 state of civilisation to which each nation has attained. 
 In the first instance, they contrast their Kultur with 
 that of Russia, and rightly maintain that it would 
 be a misfortune to the whole world if their Germanic 
 civilisation were superseded by that of the Slavs. 
 We may at once admit that we should all regard such 
 an eventuality as a loss to humanity. But, as we 
 shall see, there never was, and never will be, any 
 danger especially as regards the power of Great 
 Britain to regulate or influence the course of his- 
 torical events of such a catastrophe. Much as we 
 appreciate and prize the civilisation represented by 
 Pushkin, Gogol, Llermontof, Turgenev, Tolstoy, 
 Dostoievsky, Solovev, Yakovlev, Chekhov, Gorky, 
 Merezhkovsky, Krylov, Kolstov, Nekrasov ; of 
 Glinka, Dargomijsky, Rubinstein, Tchaikovsky, 
 
 4
 
 16 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 Moussorgsky, Boroudin, Cui, Rimsky-Korsakov, 
 Rachmaninov, Glazounov, Stravinsky, Scriabin ; of 
 Mendeleyev, Metchnikov, Pavlov, Lebedev, Hvolson, 
 Kovalevsky, Lobachevsky, Minkovsky, and Vino- 
 gradov we do not think that the Russia of to- 
 day, and for some time to come, can, with any 
 advantage to the world at large, effectually impose 
 its civilisation on any one of the Western civilised 
 powers. 
 
 But these Chauvinists claim moral and intellectual 
 pre-eminence for German civilisation, and, appealing 
 to the world history which is " the final tribunal of 
 the world " (Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht), 
 they are convinced that the predominance of Germany 
 is thus morally justified, nay, is a necessary conse- 
 quence of any reasonable and equitable regulation of 
 the destiny of the world. Let us at once deal with 
 this chimera of German Kultur and assign to it its 
 right place. It is futile and childish to institute such 
 comparisons in things of the mind, which are im- 
 ponderable and ought never to be compared with 
 a view to establishing comparative claims of pre- 
 eminence. As Heine has said : " Who can weigh 
 flames ? " But when such a childish comparison is 
 forced on us, let us make it truthfully. Many of us 
 The hege- gratefully and unstintingly recognise and acknow- 
 Serman* ledge the hegemony of Germany in several depart- 
 cuiture in ments and aspects of civilised life and higher mental 
 depart- activity. We have profited by German achievement 
 ments. anc j have endeavoured to learn and to absorb the 
 spirit of it. The foremost and most characteristic 
 achievement of the German mind, for which the 
 world must thus be grateful and by which we have 
 profited, is the thorough and rational organisation 
 of thought and science, especially on the pedagogic 
 side, as embodied in their educational system from 
 schools to universities. This has resulted in the
 
 ORGANISATION OF THOUGHT AND SCIENCE 17 
 
 most striking and effective modification of the whole 
 life of the German people, and is the source of all the 
 success which they have achieved even in the most 
 material and practical aspects of their existence. It 
 means the realisation of the value of the highest, 
 and even the most abstract, thought and science, by 
 the whole population, including the industrial and 
 commercial world. In this respect we have all learnt 
 from Germany and are still endeavouring to follow 
 her lead. But in the actual advancement of Science NO such 
 and Thought itself, in the imposing of new directions ^e- .^ 
 of thought, which puts a stamp on the spirit of the other as- 
 age as it directly advances each department of human cMifsa- 
 knowledge, Germany has no pre-eminence over France tion. 
 and England. Our thinkers have thus contributed 
 as much to the advance of civilisation as have those 
 of Germany. Probably a strong case might be made 
 for the pre-eminence of both England and France 
 in this respect. 
 
 In the domain of art we may at once admit that Pre- 
 Germany has in modern times led the way in music. e ence 
 We need not go the lengths of Nietzsche and deny man 
 this by asserting that " a German cannot know what music - 
 music is. The men who pass as German musicians 
 are foreigners, Slavs, Croats, Italian, Dutchmen, or 
 Jews." Even if (as he asserts) Beethoven was Dutch 
 in origin, and even if Wagner, as he suggests, had 
 Jewish blood, the Dutchman certainly became an 
 Austrian German, and if Wagner had Jewish blood, 
 he was as much of German nationality as most 
 modern Teutons, and much more so than a Prussian 
 semi-Slav. The latter, by the way, has hardly pro- 
 duced any of the great men upon whose achievements 
 German Kultur rests its claims. 
 
 But in all the other arts and in literature, especially 
 within the last century, the place of Germany is 
 distinctly second to that of France and England.
 
 i8 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 in the More than all this, however, in all that concerns the 
 and C in rtS " Art of Living," in the political and social education 
 political of the people, Germany has much to learn from the 
 standards Western European nations. The average political 
 the education of the British people has for centuries 
 
 " A|*-f- QT 
 
 Living" been, and is at present, higher than that of the 
 Germany Q erma ns ; and their domestic and social life, the 
 
 second to .... . 
 
 France true art of living and their home-life, all tending to 
 England anc ^ conforming with the higher standards of social 
 ethics, which have as their ideal the type of the 
 " gentleman " are such, that it would be a sad 
 day, not only for England, but for the world, if 
 military efficiency and power were to replace these 
 by the Kultur dominating Germany. 1 
 
 Ignorance But ^ *k e ^^ an< ^ Literature of France and Eng- 
 of the land and all that home and social life in England 
 German mean, the German professors who have made them- 
 and the selves the mouthpieces of the Chauvinists know very 
 men as little, if anything. How many of them have even a 
 regards no dding acquaintance with British architecture not 
 Kuitw only Mediaeval and Renaissance, but since the days 
 and ranCe f Christopher Wren of the paintings of Gains- 
 England, borough, Reynolds, Romney, Raeburn, Hoppner, 
 Turner, not to mention contemporary masters ? How 
 many have read (though they may know Byron) 
 Keats and Shelley, Wordsworth, Browning and 
 Tennyson ? They apparently do know the works of 
 Wilde and Bernard Shaw ; but are they acquainted 
 with any of our leading contemporary writers and 
 poets ? And, as far as our national life and our life 
 at home are concerned, how many of them have lived 
 among us and entered into the life of every class of 
 the community ? I am told on the best of authority 
 that the coryphceus among the political and official 
 university professors, who for years has written 
 
 1 Further exposition of these facts will be found in later portions 
 of the book .
 
 GERMAN MISINFORMATION 19 
 
 and, as an authority, has been listened to with con- 
 vinced respect by the German public on England 
 and English affairs (Professor Schiemann), visited 
 England for the first time two years ago, when he 
 took part in the Historical Congress held in London. 
 On the other hand, I venture to state that there are 
 very large numbers of people in England and in the 
 United States who have spent years in study and in 
 travel in Germany, and have had opportunities of 
 intimate acquaintanceship and intercourse with repre- 
 sentatives of every class and occupation among the 
 population of that country. The question must 
 have forced itself on the minds of many, after the 
 experiences since the war began, how men with the 
 best of training in scientific discipline should have 
 proved so incapable of forming an unbiassed opinion 
 as was manifested by the various proclamations 
 signed by the most distinguished names in modern 
 science and learning. What to my mind is still more 
 astonishing is the fact that with the highly developed 
 sense of truth such as a scientific training ought to 
 give, they should have at all ventured to express 
 decided opinions when they had not at their disposal 
 the facts and sources of information upon which an 
 induction could be made or a judgment formed. 
 For I am informed that, while we here had before 
 us the German White book and published accounts 
 of the German communiques concerning the war, our 
 own White and Blue books and similar publications 
 of our allies were, until quite recently, forbidden in 
 Germany, a fine of 3,000 marks or thirty days' im- 
 prisonment being imposed upon any person found in 
 possession of such publications. It would lead us 
 too far astray to account for the mentality of the 
 German man of learning and his preparatory training 
 to explain the singular phenomenon of his incapacity 
 to judge fairly of matters political and international.
 
 20 THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE WAR 
 
 But in this one definite case, it is enough to say 
 that most of them were not possessed of the true 
 facts upon which to base a fair judgment. In any 
 case we can account for the almost arrogant assump- 
 tion of superiority assigned by them to the Kultur of 
 Germany over that of the Western States, though this 
 assumption is in no wise justified.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 THERE was and there still exists a German Kulturihe 
 which we all acknowledge and respect. This national 
 civilisation had its roots deep down in the historic the past 
 past and produced the generation which achieved ^ r ^ ted 
 German unity, established the German Empire, deep- spirit of 
 ened and widened German thought, raised on high Germany, 
 and carried far afield the torch of science and of 
 learning, and, above all, instilled into the whole of the 
 German people and into the very air they breathed 
 the spirit of thoroughness. The Germans of to-day 
 did not achieve these results themselves ; but they 
 have received them as a priceless gift from their 
 fathers and grandfathers, and from these results 
 whatever success they may have achieved in peace or 
 in war has come to them. They have, in the present 
 generation, directed this vital and elevating force 
 exclusively into the channels of material interest, 
 have tarnished its brightness, have materialised its 
 spirituality, and have, and are, continuously dimin- 
 ishing the rich patrimony which the Germans of old 
 handed down to them. 
 
 The Germany of to-day is^the Germany of com- German 
 mercial Streberthum in the service of military f orce . 
 The age which has grown up to initiate and to carry 
 on this war will be marked as the apotheosis of Stre- 
 berthum. Now the Streber is not the impostor or 
 adventurer of old. He has learnt something and
 
 22 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 knows something, and he might learn and know much 
 more. But no time is left for the deepening of his 
 knowledge and the elevation of its uses, because he 
 is swayed by the premature and superlative desire 
 if I may be forgiven a modern vernacular phrase 
 " to make it pay at once, and to get there at once." 
 The English and the Americans have their " climbers " 
 and " pushers," and the French have their struglifers 
 and their arrives. But these repulsive off-shoots of 
 modern commercialism are with us free from cant 
 and self-deception ; they are clear-cut types who 
 openly, and often with coarse cynicism, repudiate 
 all higher professions. But the German Streber uses 
 great phrases : he plays the part of the poor man 
 of science or scholar, nobleman or diplomat, or even 
 soldier. In the spirit of these individual Streber 
 the nation as a whole, which aims at power and 
 nothing more, whose professed goal is commercial 
 and financial expansion, will pose before the world 
 as the champion of Kultur ; and, a revolver in the 
 one hand, raises high with the other the school- 
 master's birch, threatening the world with pedagogic 
 chastisement to improve its mind and manners ; while 
 speedily dropping the friendly swish, it grasps at the 
 money-bags of its recalcitrant pupils. This is the 
 world and these are the aims of the Alldeutsche 
 Streber who have made this war. But it would be as 
 inaccurate and untrue, as it is unfair and misleading, 
 to believe or maintain that the whole German nation 
 is made up of such Streber, though, for the time 
 being, they have won the day in Germany and have 
 succeeded in imposing their own would-be ideals 
 upon the bulk of the nation. The older type of the 
 true German not the Prussian junker, the learned 
 or unlearned adventurer still exists and represents 
 the majority of the German nation. His ideals still 
 persist in moving and guiding the mass of the people,
 
 THE GERMAN STREBER 23 
 
 however much they may be cast into the remote and 
 invisible distance for the time, and however much 
 his eyes may be bedimmed by the untruths, the sup- 
 pression of facts, and the misdirection of patriotic 
 devotion which the militarists have spread over the 
 nation. When the eyes of the sane majority among 
 the Germans can again stand the bright light of truth 
 which has been withheld from them, and they revive 
 from this fit of barbarous madness which has come 
 upon them, they will return to their true selves and 
 the fatherland will again be the country and the 
 nation which so many of us have loved and admired. 
 
 The Germany of old that has been swept aside or The effect 
 submerged by the Germany of modern Streberthum**? CQn ~ 
 and militarism, the domination of German Chauvin- tkm. 
 ism, with Berlin as a centre of influence and focus of 
 vision, was really the product of the Germany that 
 consisted of numerous small States and principalities. 
 Through these and through the consequent system of 
 decentralisation, their Kultur which we admired was 
 called into existence and received its differentiating 
 stamp. It was at once individualised in these several 
 centres, giving varied character to the different forms 
 of spiritual life, and at the same time diffusing such 
 spiritual life into every distant part of the country 
 and into every social layer of the nation. It differed 
 in this from the culture of France and England and 
 every other nation, where the large capital, the 
 metropolis, was the dominant home and centre draw- 
 ing to itself all intellectual forces and all talent and 
 diffusing from this centre that one dominant form 
 of civilisation and even way of thinking. In the 
 other European countries culture was not only 
 stereotyped into one dominant form, but, by irre- 
 sistibly attracting and centralising the spiritual life 
 within the metropolis, the various provincial centres 
 were drained of their talent and of their spiritual
 
 24 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 vitality, and the nation at large, outside the metro- 
 polis, fell into apathy and lethargy in matters of the 
 mind, resigning itself to narrowness and inactivity 
 and spreading an atmosphere of vulgar materialism 
 and provincialism. German culture did not thus 
 become metropolitan ; it did not depend upon one 
 capital with a huge population, concentrating all 
 culture as well as all misery, but was diffused over the 
 whole country and throughout the whole people. 
 
 Idealism could thus thrive ; and out of this idealism 
 grew the quality of thoroughness which is the greatest 
 spiritual asset which the German nation possesses. 
 These forces again were favoured in their growth and 
 persistency by the decentralisation and particular- 
 isation of national life throughout the numberless 
 principalities, the smaller capitals with their great 
 universities and their highly organised schools. Each 
 principality had its leading theatres, opera-houses, and 
 concert halls, with highly trained artists, dramatic 
 and musical ; its poets and men of letters ; its com- 
 posers, painters, and sculptors. These were not 
 attracted to the one national metropolis, but pre- 
 ferred to live in the smaller towns and principalities 
 among the congenial society where they were honoured 
 and appreciated. The tradition of paying tribute and 
 honour and of conferring tangible and manifest dis- 
 tinction upon these leaders of culture was created and 
 fostered by the petty princes and rulers, even by the 
 civic authorities of these numerous centres of higher 
 life. No general or cabinet minister, or judge, still 
 less a successful financier and captain of industry, 
 could rob them of the distinction conferred upon them 
 from above and which was reflected throughout the 
 population. There was thus bred and fostered, as a 
 potent reality among the population, the hero-worship 
 of the " Knights of the Mind," of the representatives 
 of art and science ; and the young man of the day
 
 THE OLD AND NEW IDEALS 25 
 
 in his dreams of glory turned to the vision of the great 
 personalities of a Schiller, a Goethe, a Heine ; of a 
 Beethoven and Mozart ; of an Alexander Humboldt 
 and of the great band of philosophers and men of 
 science ; and his imagination and his longing dreams 
 of fame were fired by these monumental figures in 
 the Valhalla of German greatness. He would have 
 preferred to wear the mantle of their sovereignty to 
 that of any of the great statesmen or generals in 
 Germany's past. 
 
 What a change in spirit has come over the German 
 people within the last decade or two, through the 
 influence of the Chauvinists, may best be appreciated 
 in their own words when, as quoted by Nippold, 
 one of their spokesmen, Medizinalrath Dr. W. Fuchs, 
 addresses the German youth in the following words : l 
 
 " Who are the men who soar to the greatest heights 
 in the history of the German people, whom do the 
 heart-beats of the German encircle with the most 
 ardent love ? Do you think Goethe, Schiller, Wagner, 
 Marx ? O, no ; but Barbarossa, the Great Frederick, 
 Bliicher, Moltke, Bismarck, the hard men of blood 
 (Blutmenschen) . They who sacrificed thousands of 
 lives, they are the men towards whom, from the 
 soul of the people, the tenderest feeling, a truly ador- 
 ing gratitude wells forth. Because they have done 
 what we now ought to do. Because they were so 
 brave, so fearless of responsibility, as no one else. 
 But now civic morality must condemn all these 
 great men ; for the civilian guards nothing more 
 jealously than his civic morality and, nevertheless, 
 his holiest thrills are evoked by the Titan of the 
 blood-deed ! " 
 
 The supreme expression of the last phase in this The Em- 
 earlier glorious tradition of the German people con- Express 
 
 centrated round the court of the Crown Prince Fred- 
 erick. 
 
 1 Die Post, January 28, 1912.
 
 26 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 Frederick and his consort. It was through their 
 influence that Germany undertook, as a great national 
 feat in peace, the excavations of Olympia which 
 aroused such interest throughout all layers of Ger- 
 man society and filled the nation with just pride, 
 initiating a movement in that one department of 
 the study of the Hellenic past which caused renewed 
 activity and emulation in every other civilised 
 country. In the palace of the Crown Prince, and 
 later of the Empress Frederick, the great men of the 
 day in literature, science, and art were the familiar 
 and welcome guests. Helmholtz and Virchow, 
 Curtius and Mommsen, von Ranke, Joachim in 
 fact, every leader of art and thought in Berlin were 
 drawn to this imperial centre ; and every person of 
 distinction who came as a visitor, even those from 
 distant countries, found an honoured welcome there. 
 It has been said by more than one observer of Ger- 
 man affairs, not only that this war would have been 
 inconceivable had the Emperor Frederick survived ; 
 but that German national life would, on the lines 
 of its true eminence, have advanced to greater 
 heights in our own days and would have had a last- 
 ing and elevating influence on the life and civilisa- 
 tion of all other European countries and of the 
 world at large. No greater loss has been sustained 
 by the world at large in the death of one man, per- 
 haps in the whole of history, than by the premature 
 death of the Emperor Frederick. 
 
 Theedu. Above all, however, was this spirit of ideal thor- 
 cational oughness fostered in the Germany of old by the 
 system of education. The distinctive advantage 
 which Germany thus possessed is again closely knit 
 up with the decentralisation of its smaller States and 
 principalities. This distinctive advantage, in which 
 Germany differs from all other countries in modern 
 times, is to be found in the fact that in those days
 
 FRUITS OF THE OLDER EDUCATION 27 
 
 the educational system was constructed from its 
 highest manifestation downwards it was, as it were, 
 deductive and theoretical and not inductive and 
 empirical. Education did not begin from below, 
 arising out of elementary or elemental needs of daily 
 life, and then, spasmodically and unsystematically, 
 work its way upwards in slow and uncertain and 
 irrational progression, as was and is the case in most 
 other countries ; but the direction was given, the 
 keynote was struck, by the highest institutions of 
 learning in their purest and highest spiritual form, 
 namely their universities. Pure knowledge and 
 systematic thoroughness were aimed at as the ulti- 
 mate goal, and up to this all the lower and more 
 elementary stages were to lead. Every one of these 
 smaller principalities thus had its university, where 
 pure science and learning were studied thoroughly 
 for their own sake. In those days, to a lesser degree 
 even in the present day, the smaller provincial uni- 
 versities could retain on their staff the higher repre- 
 sentatives of science and learning, and they produced 
 more remarkable work than did the great metro- 
 politan universities of Berlin and Vienna. The same 
 applied to their schools, especially their higher schools 
 or gymnasia. Many a small town (not by the excep- 
 tional possession of rich and aristocratic foundations, 
 such as some of our public schools have) was famed 
 for having some of the best schools in Germany. It 
 is a noteworthy fact that the present Emperor and 
 his brothers were sent to the gymnasium of Ploen, 
 a small provincial town, even the name of which is 
 unknown to most foreigners. Step by step, from 
 the universities downward, the schools and the whole 
 educational system of Germany was thus built up 
 on the thorough and systematic conception of purest 
 and highest knowledge. In spite of all endeavours 
 to the contrary, the Chauvinists and Streber have
 
 28 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 not been able utterly to destroy this spirit ; but, in 
 spite of themselves, and unknown to themselves, they 
 have been able to profit by it in skilfully using this 
 spirit in their militaristic and wholly mercenary 
 tendencies and aims. Though they wish to replace 
 the spirit of pure science, learning, and philosophy 
 by the narrow standards of applied science only, 
 and though in their hearts they despise the bene- 
 factors upon whose efforts they live and succeed, 
 they have not been able to suppress the successors 
 of men like the mathematician Gauss, who drank a 
 toast to the study of pure mathematics in extolling 
 that study as " the only science which had never 
 The older been polluted by a practical application." In recent 
 entirely * vears > however, the university is being more and 
 lost, but more replaced by the technical schools, the scientific 
 super- 7 pursuits of which are directly made subservient to 
 sededby the ruling spirit of commercialism, as the gymnasia. 
 
 modern r . . f* 
 
 material- the homes of the humanities among schools, are 
 Briber being more and more replaced by the schools directly 
 thum. ministering to material gain. The spokesmen for 
 science and its claim to respect in Germany are now 
 the captains of industry like Herr Rathenau and 
 Herr Ballin, 1 who glorify before the world the 
 achievements of German Kultur and limit it to the 
 complete subordination of all spiritual effort to the 
 increase of industrial activity and of material wealth. 
 They glory in the fact that their scientific researchers 
 have been ensnared and enslaved entirely in the 
 service of their great industries, and that the German 
 worker forgoes all the other amenities and recreative 
 refinements of life in the subordination of the soul's 
 forces to this one and only criterion of material 
 success and the final goal of all culture. That the 
 British people, like the ancient Greeks, could culti- 
 vate physical vigour and a common spirit of recrea- 
 
 1 Letters quoted above, p. 12.
 
 THE TRUE SPIRIT OF SCIENCE AND LEARNING 29 
 
 tive social impulse in their national games and 
 sports, is to them a clear mark of national inferiority 
 and degeneracy. Some of their more far-sighted 
 countrymen always regarded the results of our 
 national sports and pastimes as a great national 
 asset in our favour and endeavoured, during the 
 years preceding the war, to introduce these British 
 institutions into Germany. 
 
 They would do better were they to remind us of 
 their past inheritance in their national and civic 
 theatres and concert-halls and museums throughout 
 the country, and the facility with which the popu- 
 lation at large can enjoy these means of spiritual 
 relaxation. It is in this one particular sphere that 
 other nations can learn from them and are willing to 
 learn from them. But their industrial success and 
 the realisation of the spirit of thoroughness which 
 underlies it was the product of the Germany of the 
 past, the very existence of which they have been 
 undermining, and against which their militarism and 
 the present war with its barbarous and degrading 
 methods of warfare are striking the death-blow. 
 Year by year, since 1871, Berlin is asserting itself 
 as the centre of German Kultur, destroying or sap- 
 ping the vitality of all these numerous centres from 
 which emanated the true vitality of the German 
 spirit. It is the home and fountain of all Streberthum, 
 which means the undoing of the moral and spiritual 
 vitality of the German nation. 
 
 Let us pause for a moment and endeavour to 
 recall a picture of the German as we have known 
 him, and let me endeavour in a few strokes to recall 
 to memory the various types of Germans who existed 
 before and who, I repeat, still exist in great numbers. 
 
 To begin with the most prominent and most 
 powerful caste. I can vividly recall to mind in 
 memory the personality of one of the rulers of the
 
 30 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 lesser German States, who died at an advanced age 
 shortly before the war. He was, like the Prince 
 Consort of England, a successor to those princes who 
 created the Court of Weimar in which Goethe lived, 
 and from which an atmosphere of most refined cul- 
 ture emanated over the world. Well over six feet 
 in height and of military and commanding erectness 
 in stature, he had none of the stiffness and assertive 
 awkwardness of the typical Prussian soldier. A 
 soldier he was, however, having fought through the 
 whole of the Franco- Prussian War in a high com- 
 mand, and having profitably devoted much time and 
 thought to the theoretical and scientific study of 
 military matters ever since. But he restricted such 
 activities and interests to his military duties and 
 occupations and never carried the manners or tone 
 of the soldier into his civil life as the ruler of his 
 country, and still less into his private and social 
 intercourse. With his clean-cut and refined features, 
 his bright clear eyes and fair complexion, his long, 
 silvery beard, he presented a most attractive per- 
 sonality and combined to the highest and fullest 
 degree dignity, kindness, and gentleness. This gentle- 
 ness was carried so far as to produce a strong element 
 of almost childlike sensitiveness and shyness in his 
 nature, which his own imposing bearing and the 
 visible attributes of his exalted position could not 
 quite obscure or hide. I can hardly recall among the 
 many people I have met in my life one whose range 
 of education and intellectual interests were at once 
 as wide and deep, as versatile and as thorough, for 
 an example of which one naturally turns back to 
 the great personalities of the Italian Renaissance. 
 One figure in modern times at once occurs to one's 
 mind as being of the same calibre and quality, 
 namely, that of a woman, the Empress Frederick. 
 His school and university studies had been most
 
 AN ENLIGHTENED GERMAN RULER 31 
 
 systematic and thorough, and were completed in his 
 youth by extensive travels. General education was 
 supplemented by almost professional training in 
 drawing and painting, which led to such proficiency 
 that the leading German painter of his time, the 
 elder Kaulbach, expressed his regret " that the 
 Prince could not devote himself entirely to the 
 pursuit of the painter's craft, as he would certainly 
 have won for himself a prominent place among the 
 artists of his day." In music his catholic and refined 
 appreciativeness covered the whole field of past and 
 contemporary art and led him to sympathetic sup- 
 port of the new movements which he stimulated and 
 encouraged, he himself being a distinguished per- 
 former. None of the arts were foreign to him, in- 
 cluding sculpture, architecture, and the decorative 
 arts. In literature his interest, appreciation, and 
 understanding covered the same wide field, far 
 beyond the limits of his own country and its lan- 
 guage Well versed in French and Italian, his 
 English was imperfect ; and yet he strove to master 
 and to follow the great movements of English letters 
 and thought, and was one of the most thorough 
 Shakespeare scholars in Germany. The same interest 
 was manifested in science and philosophy. He 
 sought the company and friendship of the leading 
 scholars and scientists in the neighbouring university, 
 took the keenest and most active interest in learning 
 and research as pursued there, and was himself a 
 direct supporter of the more practical application 
 of science to the higher optical production of scien- 
 tific instruments, which have not only made his small 
 capital the centre of one of the most advanced and 
 scientifically refined industries for the whole world, 
 but have at the same time given an example for 
 economic co-operation and the direct bestowal of 
 commercial profit for the social betterment of the 
 
 5
 
 32 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 community. Besides this, he was a keen sportsman 
 with the true sportsman's spirit, fond of horses, an 
 exceptionally good shot, who even when eighty 
 years of age stalked and bagged his stag in the woods 
 and laid him low in the most perfect style, avoiding 
 all cruelty and pain. From his earliest days to his 
 recent death he made of his principality and its 
 capital a centre of highest culture. He attracted to 
 it and held there, by the material and social induce- 
 ments which he could offer, the leading representa- 
 tives of art and culture. From the early days when 
 Otto Ludwig, the novelist and critic (whose essays 
 on Shakespeare will always remain a classic), was 
 resident in his capital, he invited thither the poets 
 Geibel and Bodenstaedt, the dramatist Paul Lindau, 
 and many others. He drew to his capital the 
 musician Hans von Buelow and many of the now 
 prominent conductors of Germany, to all of whom 
 he gave official positions in order to enable them to 
 devote themselves to their art without material care, 
 and at the same time made their homes the centres 
 of highest culture for the community over which he 
 presided. Brahms became his personal friend, con- 
 stantly visited the capital, so that his own home 
 was one of the centres from which the music of that 
 great master emanated over the world . The orchestra 
 of that small town was one of the foremost in Europe 
 and astonished audiences as far away even as London 
 by the perfection of their rendering of classical mas- 
 terpieces. The most widely known, however, among 
 these peaceful achievements was the theatre ; and 
 here, under his personal direction, a new phase of 
 modern dramatic art was initiated, which, owing to 
 the visits paid by the company to most of the capitals 
 of the world, marked a distinct epoch in dramatic 
 presentation. When we add to this that the capital 
 of this thinly populated principality was not long
 
 THE -GERMAN ARISTOCRAT 33 
 
 ago inhabited by not more than 15,000 people, and 
 now does not exceed 20,000, it will be understood 
 what the influence of this one leading personality 
 meant. To these qualities must be added the 
 gracious, kindly, and warm-hearted attitude which 
 he held towards all those who came in contact with 
 him. He was a true gentleman. Finally, I must 
 add that he was strongly opposed to the modern 
 spirit which he identified with Prussia and with 
 Berlin, even though his first wife was a Prussian 
 princess, and that he deplored the change in morals 
 and in tone which he saw coming over Germany from 
 that direction. 
 
 I can further call up to my mind many Germans 
 of the aristocratic class, narrow though they may 
 have been, and bred in a restricted atmosphere of 
 to us an unnatural survival of the feudal system. 
 These are distinct from in fact, may be contrasted 
 to the Junker-class out of which many a Streber 
 has been enlisted. Through their education they 
 sincerely believed that, by their birth and traditions, 
 they were differentiated in character, in manners, 
 and in habits from the rest of the people among 
 whom they lived. To the modern Englishman or 
 American the sincerity of such a conviction is not 
 quite intelligible. What makes it most difficult for 
 us to understand is the fact that, in spite of their 
 education, thought, and experience, their wide range 
 of knowledge and interest, their acquaintance with 
 other countries and peoples, and the widening of 
 their mentality through travel and reading, such a 
 conviction could still remain intact and sincere. But 
 the fact that they held it truly is beyond all doubt, 
 and is apparently explained by the fact that they 
 only applied it to their own country and people, and 
 admitted that it might not apply to other countries. 
 Yet, with the limitation of this narrowness of personal
 
 34 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 outlook as it concerned their own social relation to 
 their own people, there was associated, as an out- 
 come of it, a high development of the sense of honour 
 and of the social responsibilities which rested upon 
 them. The merchant and money-making classes 
 and the pursuits which they followed did not in their 
 eyes favour the lofty integrity of their own principles 
 and conduct. They were pronouncedly unmercenary, 
 despisers of money, and would spend their gold 
 freely en grand seigneur or bear their poverty un- 
 complainingly and with dignity. Many of them 
 were men of cosmopolitan culture, students of the 
 arts and sciences, with the most profound respect for 
 achievements in every direction. Next to their own 
 immediate caste the " Knights of the Mind " held 
 the first place. In fact, in most cases they would, 
 if the choice had been put before them, have sought 
 the company, and valued the regard of, the repre- 
 sentatives of higher culture even more than those of 
 the feudal magnates. Many of them were keen 
 sportsmen, and, if only on this ground, bestowed 
 admiration and sympathy on Englishmen above all 
 foreigners. Their home-life, though retaining most 
 of the simple German characteristics, was chiefly 
 modelled on the pattern of the English country house. 
 Their bearing and manners were marked by reserve 
 and dignity, with strict maintenance of politeness 
 and affability, with slight reminiscence of German 
 stiffness, but with the avoidance of the typical and 
 assertive formality of the Prussian officer. Such 
 men would at once be characterised as men of refine- 
 ment and distinction and would be called in Ger- 
 many " Vornehme Herren." 
 
 I can next recall brilliant representatives among 
 the merchant class and manufacturers and the old- 
 established bankers. They generally belonged to the 
 former free cities, where their class had maintained
 
 THE GERMAN MERCHANT OF OLD 35 
 
 social superiority continuously from the Middle Ages 
 to the present time, from Hamburg and the Hanseatic 
 cities, through Frankfort and Nuremberg, even to 
 the Swiss towns. The traditions of the old German 
 merchant, and even the leading craftsman, absorbed 
 by the modern manufacturer and upheld by the best 
 representatives of finance which dominated the 
 mediaeval life of the free cities, still pertained and 
 opposed their obstinate vitality of business honour 
 to the onslaught of modern commercial degeneracy. 
 To them a man's word was as good as his bond ; 
 the prospect of insolvency or bankruptcy was to 
 them as great a calamity as death itself. When 
 shortly after 1870 the whole of Germany and the 
 world at large were scandalised by the revelations of 
 the promoting swindles (Grunderschwindel) , a cry of 
 indignant reproval came from the representative 
 merchants, manufacturers, and financiers who upheld 
 the older traditions of commercial morality. 1 These 
 men of sterling moral character had received a sound 
 education, generally classical, at the gymnasium and 
 at the university ; they had travelled much and 
 were conversant with several languages ; and they 
 made of their homes centres of higher culture in 
 which the arts were practised and appreciated, and 
 in which the literatures of foreign countries, as well 
 as of Germany, were cultivated by its members, 
 including the women. I can recall such homes 
 where the Revue des deux Mondes and the best 
 English periodicals were always to be seen and read, 
 together with the leading authors of France and 
 England, and even Italy and Russia. Few homes 
 of such cosmopolitan culture could be found in any 
 other country. But, not only in the towns I have 
 mentioned, but even in Berlin itself, such homes and 
 
 1 In the Reichstag it was especially the National Liberal party, headed 
 by Lasker, who held up these promoters to public contempt.
 
 36 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 such social centres existed and carried on traditions 
 of previous generations reaching back even to the 
 eighteenth century. The letters of Varnhagen and 
 the memoirs grouping round the Mendelssohn family 
 give a picture of the cultured life of such circles at 
 Berlin. The social tone, moreover, was more gracious 
 and graceful, more distinctly expressive of the men 
 and women of the world, than that of the higher 
 bureaucratic, militaristic, and even aristocratic world 
 of the Berlin of those days. 
 
 I now gratefully turn to another group of German 
 personalities : namely, the men of science and learn- 
 ing. Many of these were in the past, as they are 
 to-day, narrow and underbred craftsmen, who hap- 
 pened to have chosen a more intellectual craft in 
 lieu of a handicraft, upon which they have specialised 
 to the exclusion of all other humanising, refining, 
 and elevating pursuits and practices. But a large 
 number in those days were men of the highest 
 character, of refined general education, and of the 
 loftiest ideals and practices of life. Moreover, how- 
 ever interesting, typical, and expressive the type of 
 the poor German professor immortalised by Carlyle's 
 Teufelsdrockh may have been, the men I have now 
 in mind were not poor or .circumscribed in their 
 means of living, with corresponding habits and 
 manners of life. It ought to be more widely known 
 for it has frequently led to important and far- 
 reaching misconceptions that the German univer- 
 sity professor and man of science and learning was in 
 the past, and is in the present, in his material and 
 financial position, as well placed as the highest 
 representatives in the military, bureaucratic, judicial, 
 and even the ministerial walks of life. The men 
 whom I have in mind lived on the same scale of 
 affluence, and cultivated the amenities of life to the 
 same degree, as those of the wealthy upper classes.
 
 THE TRUE SCHOLAR AND MAN OF SCIENCE 37 
 
 They travelled and widened the horizon of their ex- 
 periences and sympathies. But the whole of their 
 existence and mentality was dominated by higher 
 spiritual aims, which they recognised as being the 
 same for all nationalities. I have endeavoured to 
 portray such a man in " Professor Baumann " in my 
 book on Herculaneum, 1 and have made him the 
 mouthpiece for the ideals of the true German scholar 
 and scientist. Such men will ever remain the types 
 of what is highest and best in human nature, and 
 will always be the upholders of the higher interests 
 of civilisation, however much they may for the 
 time being be diverted from their true course by 
 passion and ignorance of the truth. 
 
 When we now recall the tradesmen and shop- 
 keepers of the older days, there rise before us men 
 most capable in the pursuit of their own business, 
 thoroughly versed in its every detail, who took a 
 definite pride in their life-work. The tradesman 
 brought system and high intelligence to bear upon 
 the sale of his goods and considered the needs of his 
 customers, taking a pride in meeting their wants and 
 tastes. Where could there be found such book- 
 sellers as existed in every one of the towns and 
 especially in university towns ? The purchaser who 
 asked for some new book was not met with the eternal, 
 irritating questions in order to identify author and 
 publisher, usually ending up with the statement that 
 " it is not in the shop, but can be procured in a few 
 days." Such booksellers kept in touch with the 
 production of all their goods in every country and 
 every language. You were greeted by them almost 
 as a literary friend and met with new information 
 or new suggestions about books that might possibly 
 interest you and to which your attention was drawn. 
 
 1 Herculaneum, Past, Present, and Future, ppt 181 seq. (C. W. and 
 Leonard Shoobridge).
 
 38 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 They made a point of knowing your own inclinations 
 and your own pursuits, as they studied thoroughly 
 the markets of production. " Something new has 
 arrived from England (or from France) which I am 
 sure, sir, must interest you." Many of these book- 
 sellers were living bibliographical reference books 
 themselves, men of wide reading and high standing. 
 Some still exist in England and in France, but are 
 quite exceptional ; whereas in Germany of old they 
 were the rule. Now all these tradesmen and crafts- 
 men, outside of the sphere of their own business, 
 had their higher intellectual and artistic interests. 
 They were members of the glee clubs, were most of 
 them musical performers, and regular attendants at 
 the theatre and opera, which their municipal or 
 national institution made accessible to their class. 
 
 Even if we go lower down in the social scale to the 
 least intellectual occupations, the smallest trades- 
 man, artisan, and labourer, through his school educa- 
 tion and through the intellectual atmosphere about 
 him, was at least in sympathetic touch with the 
 higher domains of learning and of art, appreciated 
 and valued them and respected those who repre- 
 sented the spiritual capital of the nation. I shall 
 never forget how, when a student at one of the German 
 universities, during a walking tour with a party in 
 the Black Forest, we came to a small village inn and 
 were greeted by the burly inn-keeper. When he 
 learnt that we were students, he showed the greatest 
 interest in the universities whence we came and asked 
 us to which of the faculties we belonged, whether 
 the theological, the philosophical, the juridical, or the 
 medical faculty. To this man, and men of his stamp, 
 the universities were national institutions in close 
 touch with national life ; and, though they could 
 not pretend to follow the higher studies, they took a 
 deep and sincere interest in the work that was carried
 
 THE TRADESMEN AND ARTISANS 39 
 
 on and did not feel that such higher intellectual work 
 was divorced from the actual life of the people. 
 Throughout the whole nation in those days there was 
 reverence and respect for knowledge ; not so much 
 because of the material advantages which it brings 
 (as is the case now), as because of the spiritual, and 
 hence the social, value which it presents to national 
 life. 
 
 Among all these people collectively there was, in 
 the last generation, a spirit of friendliness and cor- 
 diality, which indicated a kind heart and produced 
 what they call Gemuthlichkeit ; and this friendly 
 spirit was also extended to the foreigner. There was 
 an understanding of, and even an admiration for, the 
 " foreign " as such, the Fremdartige, not the ignorant 
 English opposition to the foreigner and to what is 
 foreign. At one time perhaps as a result of the 
 dominance of Louis XIV over the life and fashion of 
 the princeling-courts throughout Germany, as well 
 as the heritage of Napoleonic rule this admiration 
 of the foreigner and the foreign may have led to a 
 preference over what was indigenous and national, 
 and may have encouraged a certain absence of self- 
 confidence, if not of servility, which led some true 
 German patriots to combat what they considered 
 the signs of Lakaien-natur in the German. 
 
 But in those days the German mind, like the Ger- 
 man language, showed its assimilative power and its 
 appreciation of the life and thought of all other 
 civilised nations. The wide-reading public in Ger- 
 many kept in touch with, and enjoyed fully, the 
 literature of every other country. The cheap popular 
 translations (sixpence or sevenpence per volume), 
 such as those published by Reklam, brought within 
 their reach, not only the most recent books of Eng- 
 land and France, but also Italian, Scandinavian, and 
 Russian authors. The wider public thus became
 
 40 THE OLDER GERMANY 
 
 acquainted with the national psychology of even the 
 Russian mujik, as depicted by a Gogol, as they appre- 
 ciated the national music of every country. And 
 this widened their own national sympathies. There 
 was no country in the world where the mass of the 
 inhabitants were to the same degree capable of 
 sympathetic understanding of the life of foreign 
 nations, and where they brought towards all foreigners 
 such friendly curiosity, a readiness to understand, 
 to tolerate, to admire, and to welcome their foreign 
 fellow-men. All this healthy growth of moral, intel- 
 lectual, and artistic humanism underlying a friendly 
 feeling towards other nationalities has been checked, 
 weakened in its growth, and finally extirpated, and 
 has been replaced by an over-weening arrogance and 
 pride in their own superiority through the growth of 
 Chauvinism and Militarism, and has at last been 
 fanned into consuming hatred of the foreigner, especi- 
 ally the foreigner whose prosperity or position they 
 envied. 
 
 We are thus convinced that Germany is the aggres- 
 sor in this war ; but we believe that this war has not 
 been forced on the world by the German nation as a 
 whole, the heirs of the past spirit of Germany, but by 
 that section of the nation which represents militarism 
 and has for the time being effectively gained power 
 over the German mind. The mind of Germany, more- 
 over, has been prepared to receive these baneful 
 influences by the steady growth of Chauvinism since 
 1 870. From another point of view it means the domi- 
 nance of Prussia and the Prussian spirit over the rest 
 of the empire the prussianising of Germany.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 PRUSSIAN MILITARISM AND THE GROWTH OF GERMAN 
 CHAUVINISM SINCE 1 870 THE GLORIFICATION OF 
 WAR. 
 
 WE all know what is meant by militarism in the Miiitar- 
 narrower acceptation of the term. In its wider c s ^ l u. n 
 acceptation it includes a modification or an exag- vinism. 
 geration in the conception of the State both as 
 regards internal as well as foreign policy. On the one 
 hand, the guardians of national security, the ^Xa/ee? 
 as the ancient Greeks called them, become the rulers, 
 and their own special function, which ought only to 
 be concerned with one side of national life, becomes 
 the all-absorbing end of national existence : all 
 national life is subordinated to the chief object of 
 wars. On the other hand, under the militaristic 
 domination, the State as a whole in its relation to 
 other States naturally assumes an antagonistic char- 
 acter, regarding all other nations as their actual 
 or potential enemies and fostering this inimical and 
 warlike attitude of mind throughout the people. 
 In one word, it leads to Chauvinism. I have on 
 more than one occasion defined Chauvinism, as 
 distinguished from patriotism. 1 Patriotism is the 
 love of one's country and one's people ; Chauvinism 
 is the hatred of other countries and other people. 
 
 The culmination of this spirit of militarism, pene- 
 trated and saturated by Chauvinism, has found its 
 
 1 See Appendix I. 
 41
 
 42 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 The clear, forcible, and uncompromising expression in the 
 oiMUltar- writings of Treitschke and Bernhardi and many other 
 ism and prominent authors. However much it may be denied, 
 vhSmin tne f act remains that these historico-philosophic 
 modern views, elevated to a definite theoretical system of life 
 y 'and morals, have penetrated into the national life 
 of Germany and have gained practical vitality. This 
 has been brought about, in the first instance, by the 
 action of the State in matters military and diplo- 
 matic ; by the systematic corruption of the press 
 both at home and abroad ; by the elaborate and 
 costly army of secret agents, spread all over the 
 world in times of peace, in order to undermine the 
 national life and solidarity of possible future enemies ; 
 by the State-subventioned penetration of commerce 
 and trade in all parts of the world directly subservient 
 to the chief military aims. Not only in these mani- 
 festations of military Machiavellism does this nefarious 
 spirit show itself ; but it has been systematically and 
 directly introduced into national pedagogics through 
 the schools, with a well-drilled and subservient army 
 of masters, even in the most elementary phases of 
 education. It has also found its way, through all 
 intermediate branches, to the very pinnacle of German 
 Education in their great universities. There the 
 leaders of thought in the highest regions of science 
 and learning become the responsive tools of tyrannous 
 State-administration, and prove to the world how 
 scientific and literary education may be entirely 
 divorced from political education, and how these 
 leaders of thought have not yet acquired the political 
 insight and training of many a humble and illiterate 
 citizen or subject of a truly free country governed on 
 constitutional principles. Those who have known 
 the Germany of the past and the Germany of the 
 present realise this complete change in the whole 
 character and moral of its people. They also realise
 
 GROWTH OF MATERIAL WEALTH 43 
 
 that, compared with the national life of the past, Moral 
 in addition to this dominance of the militaristic and mo dern 
 Chauvinistic spirit, there has been insinuated into Germany, 
 the very heart of civil life a moral degeneracy more 
 marked and more virulent in its form than the 
 diseases of social life manifested in any other civilised 
 state of modern times. That it should have attacked 
 the German people in a form so much more virulent 
 than is the case elsewhere is, perhaps, due to the 
 fact that, since the great victories of the Franco- 
 Prussian War which made Germany a great empire, 
 and the concomitant and unique rapidity of industrial 
 development leading to the influx of great wealth, 
 the German people, previously poor and possessed of 
 all the virtues that go with simple conditions of life 
 on moderate means, have been subject to all the 
 physical and moral diseases of the nouveau riche, the 
 parvenu. Wealth has come to them unprepared to 
 withstand its temptations, and the virus which dis- 
 solves the moral fibre has, in their case, not been 
 gradually and continuously administered by weaker 
 solutions of its potent venom to ensure some immunity. 
 It is a curious phenomenon, that the Germans have 
 charged us with this very disease of moral degeneracy 
 from which they are suffering in so acute a form. We 
 are surely not untainted as regards this modern 
 morbus occidentalis ; and there certainly is danger, 
 in view of the more spasmodic and more localised 
 manifestations of the disease among us, that we may 
 diffuse and cultivate its germ still further, and even 
 that, through this very war and its final results, we 
 may suffer from the contagion of those German dis- 
 eases which have led to this huge moral crime in the 
 world's history. 
 
 For, even at an early stage of the war, even before 
 it had properly begun, there had been danger signals 
 lest we should be inoculated with militarism, the spirit
 
 44 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 Danger of of which will surely grow as the war proceeds. We 
 
 from lgl0n have growing among us, and spreading its fibre 
 
 Miiitar- throughout all classes of the community, the malig- 
 
 Chau nant disease of Chauvinism from which in the past 
 
 vinismin W e were comparatively freer than other nations ; 
 
 though we may hope that the symptoms of moral 
 
 degeneracy so clearly manifest before the war may 
 
 be checked by the sternness of the national uprising 
 
 and of our sacrifices, and by the lessons which we 
 
 may learn from its sinister effects in the corruption 
 
 of the old healthy German life of the past. 
 
 I have said that even at the beginning of the war 
 there was fear of contagion from the militaristic spirit 
 of a Treitschke or a Bernhardi. Paradoxical as it 
 may appear, this peril has come, in the first instance, 
 from high-minded and high-spirited prophets who 
 vainly warned us against the Teutonic danger, which 
 so many of us failed to realise, and which we must now 
 admit they wisely foresaw. Nevertheless, in their 
 own anti-militaristic teaching there may be found 
 the insidious and hidden dangers of such contagion. 
 I will but take one leading type of these wise men as 
 manifested in the writings of the late Professor Cramb. 
 Treit- In impressing upon British people in the most 
 
 f rc ikle manner the peril threatening our very national 
 existence from the growth of German military power, 
 and in warning us in time to defend our homes and 
 our position in the world as an empire, he has been 
 carried away by his dramatic instinct, and the exer- 
 cise of that rare function of intellectual sympathy 
 and altruistic imagination, to put the case of our 
 enemies in so glowing and favourable a light, that 
 the result upon the impressionable reader may be to 
 engraft on his imagination the spirit and essence of 
 militarism as Treitschke conveyed it to the German 
 people. 
 
 Perhaps also Professor Cramb himself, evidently
 
 TREITSCHKE AND PROFESSOR CRAMB 45 
 
 endowed with an ardent imagination, attended the 
 lectures of Treitschke during the impressionable 
 period of his youth, and came under the spell of that 
 powerful personality, until he lost sight of the clay 
 feet of his idol, and, while opposing the doctrines of 
 the master as they affected the national life of the 
 pupil's country, unconsciously became, at least in 
 part, a disciple himself. 1 For my own part I cannot 
 understand that Treitschke should have had any 
 such influence upon anybody, excepting a born 
 Prussian with violent Prussian prejudices. Nor can 
 I understand the high estimate which so learned a 
 scholar and versatile a man of the world as was the late 
 Lord Acton should have formed of Treitschke as an 
 historian. I attended several courses of his lectures 
 during the most impressionable years of my student 
 life when, fresh from my American home, I studied at 
 the University of Heidelberg from 1873 to 1876. The 
 effect which he then had upon the large number of 
 foreign students attending his lectures at that uni- 
 versity, and even upon the mass of South Germans, 
 in fact upon those who were not purely Prussian by 
 birth or in spirit, was distinctly one of antagonism. 
 His enthusiasm, his emphatic diction, and violent 
 
 1 This conjecture is strongly confirmed by a passage in Mr. W. H. 
 Dawson's book, What is Wrong with Germany ? perhaps the ablest book 
 produced by this war. On p. 38 and the following pages Mr. Dawson, 
 who attended Treitschke' s lectures in 1875, gives a masterly portrait 
 of Treitschke, the lecturer, and shows the influence he had on his 
 audience. He endeavours to distribute light and shade, praise and 
 blame, justly, and ends his strong summary with the following words : 
 " Even at this long distance of time, the instincts of loyalty and 
 gratitude refuse to be overborne, and I confess that I, for one, am 
 still as unredeemed, that were I required to throw stones at Heinrich 
 von Treitschke, I should wish my stones to be pebbles, and when I 
 throw them I should want to run away." This passage does much 
 credit to the sense of delicacy and the loyalty of Mr. Dawson. But 
 such was not the effect produced upon my English and American 
 fellow-students who attended Treitschke' s lectures at Heidelberg in 
 1873
 
 46 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 assertiveness were all expressive of the Prussian 
 spirit in its most unattractive form ; and the ruth- 
 lessness (tactlessness would be too mild a term, as 
 he would have repudiated any claims to such refined 
 social virtues) with which he disregarded and directly 
 offended the national or social sensibilities of many 
 of his hearers showed how he was imbued, not 
 necessarily with the greatness, but certainly with the 
 brutal force, of Bismarckian principles of blood and 
 iron. 1 
 
 To summarise the chief impression which his per- 
 sonality made upon us foreigners, I should say that 
 we were all strongly impressed with the fact that he 
 was not what we should call a gentleman. On the 
 other hand, I believe he himself would have accepted 
 this stricture and would have gloried in the fact that 
 he did not approve of such an ideal. Were he still 
 alive he might himself have urged, as recently has 
 been done if the report be true that that term, 
 hitherto adopted in the vocabulary of the German 
 language, should be expunged and replaced by a new 
 German word ein Ganzermann (a wholeman) ! It also 
 appeared to us, and does so to many highly qualified 
 historical scholars now, that he was not a true 
 historian, according to the old-established higher 
 conception of that type, of which so many represen- 
 tatives have been given to the world by Germany. 
 I mean those who were primarily and ultimately 
 
 1 Let me but quote one illustrative instance, though I could show 
 how (with many English, American, and French students among his 
 pupils) he constantly made insulting, and sometimes grossly ignorant, 
 remarks about their national characteristics, their political ideals, and 
 even their social habits. In referring to the Balkan peoples, though 
 he knew that there were several Bulgarian, Servian, and Rumanian 
 students in his class, he roared out in a voice and with gestures indi- 
 cative of a mixture between anger and contempt : " Serben, Bulgaren, 
 und Walachen und wie diese schweinetreibende Volker alle heissen 
 mogen I " ("Serbians, Bulgarians, and Walachians, and whatever else 
 these swine-driving peoples may be called ").
 
 TREITSCHKE'S POLITICAL SUBSERVIENCY 47 
 
 imbued with the scientific Eros, the almost religious 
 striving for pure and unalloyed truth, the devout and 
 humble servants of the goddess Wissenschaft (Science). 
 At best he could be called a publicist, swayed by the 
 spirit of the journalist (whom he despised), consciously 
 subordinating his search after truth and his study of 
 the past to the fixed demands of a living policy ; full 
 of what the Germans in science and art stigmatise as 
 a grave fault, the dominance of Tendenz, the fixed 
 aim, prejudicial to the appreciation of truth, direct- 
 ing the tendency towards an immediate and personal 
 goal. 
 
 He was thus one of the many who since 1870 have Thede- 
 consciously endeavoured to undermine the highest S^ 
 Germanic spirit of philosophy and thoroughness in Idealism 
 science, of purity in ideal strivings the real Kultur, ^f^g 
 which with its army of scholars and students Germany influence 
 gave to the world. He thus became one who in- " 
 directly led to the establishment of that Streber- 
 thum, to which I referred above, centred in Berlin, 
 and percolating through all the towns and villages 
 of the provinces, which has been destroying all Ger- 
 man idealism and has put into the hands of the 
 militaristic leaders the tools with which to effect their 
 nefarious purposes. Frequently appealing to the 
 authority of Bismarck in his lectures, I remember 
 his quoting a saying of the great statesman, directly 
 affecting the system of education in the German 
 universities, and this applied to the faculties of juris- 
 prudence, history, and political science : " Ich will 
 keine Kreisrichter haben " ("I do not want trained 
 magistrates "marking the first step in the juridical 
 and administrative career) ; nor did he want pure 
 scientists or scholars, unless they could be made 
 subservient to his political ends ; but he did want 
 diplomatic and skilful politicians who could be 
 directly used for State purposes. How different this 
 6
 
 48 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 spirit is from that in which the high ideals of science, 
 scholarship, and philosophy reigned supreme in the 
 universities, where the pure, supreme, and ultimate 
 goal of university life was untainted by ulterior and 
 lower motives a spirit which we in England and in 
 America, and even in France, admired and respected, 
 and which for some years past we have been en- 
 deavouring to infuse into our own academic life. 
 Germany, on the other hand, has been and is doing 
 her best to quench its fire and to exalt the lower 
 mentality arising out of the natural conditions of 
 English and American enterprise, the dominance of 
 which the best minds in both these nations are 
 endeavouring to counteract, in part by the inspira- 
 tion which came from the older Germany. 
 Bismarck This spirit of disintegration which has steadily 
 the C po^ undermined the good which Germany possessed 
 liticai before 1870 though, of course, great bodies and the 
 of 'the 10n ver y nature of the Good are slow in dying, this disin- 
 German tegration, working more rapidly and effectively, in 
 recent years, began about the year 1871 and was not 
 due only to the new school of militaristic leaders 
 and of servile professors grouping round the Kaiser 
 with his Real and Interessen-politik and his com- 
 mercial materialism. It was really initiated by Bis- 
 marck himself, in his attempt to supplement his 
 successful foreign policy by (what the future will 
 recognise as the great failure in the life-work of that 
 statesman) his home policy. 
 
 What was needed to crown his great achievement 
 in founding the German Empire after 1870 was the 
 development of a great nation within, the political 
 education of the people and the consolidation of the 
 truly national German Kultur in its highest form as 
 it already existed. In these lofty and most important 
 aims the Great Chancellor failed. And he failed, not 
 only because he gave an inadequate constitution to
 
 BISMARCK'S RESPONSIBILITY 49 
 
 the German Empire, and because he did not estab- 
 lish a clear and efficient system of political education 
 for the German nation ; but also because, in his 
 personal conduct as the leading statesman, in the 
 example which his own character and his every act 
 could give to the people, directly affected by the one 
 great personality who had their reverence and grati- 
 tude and whose every word and act became to the 
 whole nation a lesson to learn and an example to 
 follow, because he repressed rather than developed 
 their sense of political freedom and responsibility, 
 the rights as well as the duties of a citizen in a modern 
 constitutional State. The tone of his speeches before 
 the Reichstag in which he would even venture to 
 refer to his own health or the state of his nerves 
 for the consideration of those who opposed his 
 definite political proposals was always that of 
 the Prussian non-commissioned officer, wounding to 
 the self-respect of the elected representatives of the 
 people and ultimately crushing in them their inde- 
 pendence and their training in the thoughts, customs, 
 and habits of parliamentary government. Naturally 
 the people as a whole were a fortiori repressed in 
 their political aspirations and deprived of the political 
 education which they so sorely needed. Only one 
 section of the community withstood him ; and they, 
 who would have formed the constitutional pro- 
 gressive section, were forced into the more violent 
 forms of socialistic agitation, claiming for all practical 
 purposes to be inimical to the State and to society 
 as well, outside the state in fact, if not outside of 
 society as it exists. 
 
 Still more did he contribute to the destruction of 
 the ideals of pure and high thought as established in 
 the academic life of Germany. The foundation-stone 
 of this huge national structure, the very core and 
 centre of the national life of the whole country, was
 
 50 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 Academic Liberty, the German Lehr- and Lern- 
 freiheit (freedom to teach and to learn). Though the 
 universities were State institutions, nominally under 
 the Ministry of Education, they were practically self- 
 governing in their own administration, and the election 
 of the professors was practically in the hands of the 
 body of academic teachers themselves . This tradition 
 was rudely broken by Bismarck's action, when he 
 forced his own personal physician, Schweninger, into 
 academic honours. The professors, the independent 
 men of science of old, had to obey and to submit to 
 military discipline. 
 
 Bismarck But still more destructive, though more insidious, 
 fcshed the tnan tn ^ s direct crushing of the spirit of academic 
 worship independence was the manner in which science was 
 made subservient to the will of the State, the research 
 
 thum, and an d the thorough spirit qf scientific investigation, the 
 
 it mo- purity and single-heartedness of all the striving after 
 
 nolo f ^ trutn m i ts highest and unadulterated form, which 
 
 Chau- guided (and to a great extent still guides) the life- 
 
 vmism. wor k O f the German savant. These were curbed to 
 
 the pragmatical service of a definite line of policy 
 
 which the great Chancellor knew how to impress upon 
 
 the whole nation and to make the dominant idea of 
 
 all life and thought. 
 
 During my student days this dominant thought 
 was expressed by the term Germanenthum. 
 
 Not only political science and history were defiled 
 and tainted into conformity with the demands of 
 Bismarck's political views ; but the studies most 
 remote from practical politics were made to fall into 
 line with the advance of the Teuton army. Chauvin- 
 ism, which in some form or other may always have 
 existed among the nations and the communities of 
 the world who looked upon their neighbours as rivals 
 or enemies, now took a more thoroughly scientific 
 and philosophic form, and widened its basis on a
 
 POLITICAL PERVERSION OF LEARNING 51 
 
 broad ethnological and scientific foundation in the 
 spirit of Teuton pedantry. National Chauvinism 
 claimed an ethnological foundation. It was no longer 
 the German State, with its history throughout the 
 Middle Ages, a fusion of so many races constantly 
 changing their territories and dwellings as they 
 rushed to and fro over Central Europe, which claimed 
 the allegiance and love and patriotism of the German 
 people. Nor was it on the ground of the numerous 
 separate States and principalities and their variegated, 
 almost kaleidoscopic, history during the last centuries, 
 which were at last, by the supreme and heroic effort 
 of Bismarck, his predecessors and his followers, 
 welded into the unity of a German Empire, welded 
 together by their very diversity out of which grew 
 the fructifying spirit of their potent and character- 
 istic Kultur, made one by the very sufferings and 
 sacrifices through which they had passed during 
 centuries of cruel wars. In all this common life of 
 suffering, achievement, and heroism was not to be 
 found the moral justification for the foundation of a 
 German Empire ; but in a racial unity that could 
 be measured in terms of the dominant natural 
 sciences of the day, and of the youngest, least 
 developed of them all, the conclusions of which we 
 must doubt, namely, the study of ethnology. The 
 distinctive solidarity of the Teutonic race had to be 
 established. On this unity of race was to rest, not 
 only the claim for the unity of the German Empire, 
 but also its separate and antagonistic interests in regard 
 to the other nations, its rivals and potential foes. 
 From 1870 and onwards it is of melancholy interest 
 to note how the German professors, the free upholders 
 of truth and pure science, bent their every effort 
 to establish and to prove the claims of this Germanen- 
 thum. It was not only opposed to the Latin world, 
 to France and to Italy (which had not yet become a
 
 52 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 part of the Triple Alliance), not only to the Slavs ; 
 but, in so far as Great Britain was not purely Saxon, 
 to Great Britain as well. While on the one side 
 Germanenthum could thus be identified with a nation 
 opposed to the Italian Papacy, on the other side it 
 proved most expedient for the time to use it as a 
 lever, perhaps even a bait, to be thrown to the 
 socialists and to lead them to concentrate their 
 antagonism in a single groove and so to liberate the 
 main current of policy against the Jews. Ger- 
 manenthum, as the supreme expression of the Teuton 
 world thus stood in direct opposition to the Jews, 
 the Semites. The anti-Semitic party was then 
 organised . 
 
 It mattered not that a great part of Prussia, and 
 of other German states as well, could be shown to 
 be of Slav origin ; that the names of many of its 
 greatest men should end in " ow " and other Slav 
 endings ; l that some of its leaders of life and thought, 
 and even its soldiers, were of recent French origin ; 
 that among the foremost men in every department 
 of life, from whom emanated the actual German 
 Kultur, were many of Jewish origin ! The modern 
 world had to be split up into its prehistoric ethnical 
 constituents by a most inaccurate and misleading 
 scientific induction, so that the modern German 
 State should not only be confirmed in its imperial 
 unity, but should foster in its people an antagonism 
 which should be based on physical, anatomical, and 
 physiological foundations, and bring them nearer to 
 the animal world, where the difference of species 
 implies animosity. 
 
 The response and echo to this wave of ethnological 
 Chauvinism was soon to be heard throughout the 
 whole of Europe ; it aroused in France and in Italy 
 the same spirit of pedantic intolerance, and gave 
 
 1 Treitschke is a Slav name.
 
 ETHNOLOGICAL CHAUVINISM 53 
 
 life to the Pan-Slav movement in Russia. Even 
 in Great Britain there were isolated and less powerful 
 attempts at a revival of the Anglo-Saxon spirit, 
 which in Freeman and others took the less violent 
 and more poetic form of the antiquary's and his- 
 torian's love for his own country. But in Germany, 
 during the whole of the period preceding our own 
 (though it bore some beneficent fruit in the growing 
 study of early Germanic literature and language), 
 history, philology, and ethnology were biased and 
 vitiated by the more or less conscious desire to provide 
 a scientific basis for the unity and dominance of the 
 Germanic spirit. Perhaps in the future, when the 
 history of the study of Ethnology is written, this 
 period in German research will be characterised as 
 the " Indo-Germanic wave." The last and most 
 characteristic though certainly caricatured sum- 
 mary of all these efforts the swan-song of German- 
 enthum has been produced by a writer of English 
 birth, Houston Chamberlain, in his Die Grundlagen 
 des XIX Jahrhunderts? According to him even 
 Christ during His sojourn on earth was not a Semite, 
 but embodied the Germanic spirit. It is interesting 
 and suggestive to note (and I can personally vouch 
 for the accuracy of the statement) that this book 
 was considered by the Kaiser the most important 
 work of modern times, and that it no doubt has 
 furnished him with the historical and scientific 
 ground upon which his political aspirations are 
 based. 
 
 Thus the foundations for this great structure of 
 
 1 An English translation of this book has since appeared with an 
 introduction by Lord Redesdale. A more amateurish and unbalanced 
 piece of historical generalisation than this book cannot be found in 
 the whole of historical literature. Lord Redesdale's introduction, 
 besides bestowing most fulsome praise upon the author, summarises 
 and compresses these over-generalisations and thus exaggerates all the 
 faults of this work.
 
 54 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 Chauvinism, in a generally theoretical and specially 
 ethnological form, were laid since 1871 by the policy 
 of Bismarck, and on these has been erected the 
 vast and complicated structure of active militarism 
 pervading all forms of national life. It has left its 
 stamp upon the whole spirit of scientific research. 
 It has consciously directed the efforts and the con- 
 duct of the whole bureaucracy, not only in the 
 Foreign Office, but in the home departments as well. 
 It has penetrated and directly modified the varied 
 and huge machinery of their growing commerce and 
 industry ; it has even saturated the very soil of the 
 land and furthered the interests, the financial pros- 
 perity, and the social vitality of the classes who live 
 by agriculture. There is not a single aspect of 
 German life which has not been shaped or essentially 
 modified during the last forty years by this dominant 
 Chauvinistic impulse, steadied and made permanent 
 by calculated pedantic forethought. 
 
 The Rep- The climax, however, was reached when the policy, 
 fond' ou t f which it grew and on which it fed, was directly 
 used by the State, and found ready to hand the 
 most demoralising and depraved machinery, another 
 one of the great inheritances of Bismarck's successful 
 statecraft, arising directly out of the victories of 
 1871. This has, perhaps more than any other 
 factor, directly tended to vitiate to the very core 
 the national life of the German people, and has 
 even contaminated to some extent the workings of 
 the Foreign Offices of every one of the Western 
 Powers. This inheritance is the so-called Reptilien- 
 fond, the money set apart out of the milliards taken 
 from France for secret service in every form. It 
 has been used not only in the famous, or rather 
 infamous, Press-bureau of the Wilhelmstrasse, which 
 directly gained control of the German press by 
 bribery and corruption or " subvention " ; and, as
 
 THE REPTILIENFOND 55 
 
 we also know now, of the foreign press in every nook 
 and corner of the globe as well. Not only was and 
 is it used for every form of spying at home ; but it 
 has established a band of secret agents, spreading 
 over the whole civilised, and even the uncivilised, 
 world, to further the ends of the Berlin Foreign 
 Office by seducing into treason the citizen subjects 
 of other countries, friendly allies, and actual or 
 potential antagonists. And, as the World-policy, 
 the Realpolitik, grew, so did this nefarious activity 
 extend beyond the great powers and rivals them- 
 selves, to the colonies and dependencies and neigh- 
 bouring peoples or lands which in the future might 
 turn to be troublesome enemies to any one of the 
 Germanic Powers . We have presented to our horrified 
 moral conscience the picture of a huge web of lying 
 and intrigue, sedition and treachery, at which even 
 a Macchiavelli might have shuddered with horror. 
 And all these evil spirits are now invoked under the 
 banner and in the name of Kultur \ Even in Bis- 
 marck's lifetime the central direction of these forces 
 which were to establish German Kultur must have 
 been most complicated and puzzling ; for every 
 country, even that of the allies, required curbing and 
 perverting into the course of German Chauvinism. 
 Treaties had to be ensured by counter-treaties, as in 
 the famous case of the Russian and Austrian agree- 
 ments. But since then, with the full consolidation 
 and the conscious formulation of Weltpolitik and 
 Realpolitik, the ends as well as the means of German 
 policy have become so varied and confusingly uni- 
 versal, that not a single country or a single people 
 or any of their dependencies remained which they 
 were not forced to consider as potential enemies, 
 and for which their Reptilienfonds could not furnish 
 the means of demoralising activity. From this 
 horrible and grotesque point of view of modern
 
 56 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 politics, what country could Germany fail to con- 
 sider its actual or potential enemy, including even 
 its own allies ? Contemporary history has shown, 
 and will still more show in the immediate future, 
 that Italy, could not be looked upon as a friend. 1 
 I myself had it impressed upon me by the very 
 highest authority in German affairs some years ago 
 in reference to a peaceful scientific propaganda, 
 that " Italy cannot be trusted." There remains 
 Austria. But the Dual Monarchy, with its motto 
 Divide et impera, is made up of so many separate 
 races and interests and parties representing them, 
 that a most exacting sphere of enterprise and activity 
 was constantly and continuously furnished to the 
 directors of the Reptilienfond, to further the Teuton 
 claims, to repress both the Magyar and the Slav 
 elements, so that ultimately, through the dominance 
 of Teuton Austria on the road to the East, straight 
 through the Balkans to Salonica, and by rail along 
 the Bagdad Railway, when the Austrian and the 
 Turkish Empires should become a thing of the past, 
 the German Weltreich should push its way towards 
 the East, and swiftly enter its course of encircling 
 the world. Imagine what definite corruption, what 
 huge sums of money it spelt successfully to supersede 
 the British and Russian preponderance at Constanti- 
 nople in the time of Abdul Hamid, and then to 
 overcome the effects of the crushing blow to German 
 policy when that tyrant's rule made way for a violent 
 and liberal movement on the part of the Young 
 Turks, whose initial antagonism to Teutonism must 
 have been aggravated by Austrian annexations, lead- 
 ing to a boycott of everything Austrian until finally 
 again Teuton influence at Constantinople became 
 so powerful that it could force the Turks into an 
 alliance and into a disastrous war ! Even their 
 
 1 This was written before Italy joined the Entente Powers.
 
 IMMORALITY OF FOREIGN POLICY 57 
 
 allies thus became their enemies in time of false and 
 perfidious peace, and their action was directly destruc- 
 tive of national loyalty, of truth and honesty within 
 the realms of the friendly country. And as for all 
 the other States, their avowed rivals or enemies, 
 actual documents have revealed the monstrous 
 universal diffusion, their poisonous activity through- 
 out the whole world, civilised and uncivilised, even 
 to the remotest regions of the East and West, the 
 North and South. Think for a moment of the 
 continuous and persistent moral degeneracy which 
 such chauvinistic and militaristic policy implies, 
 and how it directly contravenes the moral principles 
 and the moral consciousness upon which modern 
 civilised life rests. 
 
 Let me pause here and show how dangerous mayThegiori- 
 be the exaggeration of that literary and historical ficatlonof 
 virtue of intellectual sympathy embodied in the 
 fervent appeal of the late Professor Cramb. 1 For he 
 exalts the spirit of war on grounds which approach 
 dangerously near to national Chauvinism, such as 
 
 1 The Germans themselves have a strong rendering of our adage 
 " Man is the creature of habit," which exists in nearly every language, 
 Der Mensch ist ein Gewohnheitsthier. It is sad to realise how, even 
 since the above was written, the war with its constant repercussion 
 of impressions of horror evoked by the loss of human life, by treachery 
 and infamy of every kind, has affected the mentality of the civilised 
 world, has blunted feelings, coarsening and hardening the sense of 
 morality and chivalry. 
 
 When we recall how in times of peace the horror which struck 
 millions of hearts in every country at the loss of the Titanic ; how a 
 mining disaster, in which less than a hundred miners were suffocated 
 in one pit thrilled with sympathy and pity the inhabitants in distant 
 countries ; how the death of Captain Scott and his heroic fellow- 
 explorers was felt like a personal loss by people in every hemisphere, 
 and when we then compare with these experiences the mentality of 
 all civilised people to-day, we realise how this habituation may lead 
 mankind at last to regard with indifference the loss of human life. 
 A few more sinkings of Lusitanias may find us unmoved by such 
 disasters. Nay, worse than this, even people of most refined moral 
 sensitiveness may not be able to repress a thrill of joy when they hear
 
 58 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 has dragged Germany from its moral and intellectual 
 heights of the past down to the very depths of the 
 diabolical perfidy of the present. We may admit 
 that every great act of self-sacrifice, individual and 
 collective, must, from some one aspect, produce 
 something good and something admirable, especially 
 when raised through its very mass into heroic dimen- 
 sions. The uprising of millions of people willing to 
 risk their lives for any cause has in itself something 
 inspiring, and points to an ennobling element in 
 human nature. Great masses of treasure and blood 
 cannot be expended without producing some possible 
 good. Institutions and charities that dispose of, 
 and spend, great sums must do some good ; but 
 the question before us is always : " Is there any due 
 proportion between the expenditure and the results ; 
 and what are the evils that arise in the wake of the 
 good which we may admit has been effected ? " 
 There is hardly a single institution, or charity, or 
 business, which disposes of large sums from which 
 some benefit is not derived by somebody. But it 
 may be found that the proportion of such good is 
 ridiculously small ; that the evils which it creates 
 or perpetuates are disproportionately large, and 
 that the employment of such treasures by a more 
 rational or more moral institution or organisation is 
 made impossible because of the existence of what is 
 inferior or almost wholly bad. We are bound, then, 
 to call such institutions, charities, or businesses bad, 
 and must reform or destroy them root and branch, 
 
 of the death of a mass of innocent enemy munition-workers, even 
 though the disaster may have been caused by treachery in their 
 midst. 
 
 The greatest curse of war, perhaps, is its lowering of the moral 
 consciousness, not only of the peoples at war, but of the whole neutral 
 world as well. The whole moral fabric, built by the efforts of ages of 
 good men, is apparently razed to the ground. How long will it take 
 to rebuild it ?
 
 THE IGNOBLE ASPECT OF WAR 59 
 
 and erect in their stead institutions expressing the 
 rational and moral convictions of our own days and 
 conditions of life. 
 
 Where is to be found in modern warfare the 
 nobility in outlook or in practice ? See what it en- 
 genders before the actual war breaks out, in the 
 preparation for hostilities, not only in the concentra- 
 tion and the hypertrophy of the armament industry 
 and traffic, the evils of which in our economic and 
 social life have been so amply and convincingly shown 
 by many able writers ; but by the activity of home 
 and foreign policy subservient to militaristic ideals, 
 as I have sketched them in the case of Ger- 
 many. Consider the degradation of all the funda- 
 mental virtues upon which the moral conscience of 
 civilised people rests, the sense of truth and honesty 
 and loyalty for all those concerned, for all who con- 
 sciously lead, and for all the mass of the people who 
 semi-consciously or unconsciously follow ! Is there 
 anything heroic to be found in such duplicity cluster- 
 ing round the poisonous plant of financial interests, of 
 gold and silver, of money in its vilest form and uses ? 
 
 As to war in itself, though there be numerous 
 instances of individual and collective heroism, even 
 of chivalry, consider what this war of ingenious and 
 stupendously effective machinery for destroying life, 
 of broken pledges, of deception and trickery, means ! 
 Are not the heroic valour and self-sacrifice entirely 
 submerged in the cruelty and deceit of modern war- 
 fare, so that the total result is complete dissolution 
 of all moral fibre ? We need not invoke the contra- 
 ventions of the plighted word given at The Hague 
 by Germany when unfortified towns are bombarded, 
 asphyxiating gases used, and Lusitanias sunk. It 
 is enough to realise what emotions and passions are 
 stirred up in battle in the breasts of people who 
 were presumably normally moral human beings in
 
 60 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 time of peace. I cannot do better than to give a 
 passage from J* Accuse by a German writer to bring 
 home to the imagination of readers the real influence 
 of actual warfare. He says (pp. 300-2) : 
 
 " A very interesting contribution to the solution 
 of the question, whether war develops the noblest 
 virtues of man [Field-Marshal Moltke] or whether 
 it does not on the contrary produce more bad 
 men than it removes [Kant], is furnished by the 
 account of a battle published in the Tageblatt of 
 Jauer on October 18, 1914. The author of this 
 account is the non-commissioned officer Klemt of the 
 ist Company, i54th Regiment, and his statements 
 are vouched for and subscribed to by the Company- 
 Commander Lieut, von Niem. The heading of this 
 letter in the newspaper is : ' A Day of Honour for 
 our Regiment, September 24, 1914.' The account 
 deserves as a human, or rather a bestial, docu- 
 ment to be printed in extenso ; but I regret that 
 space will only permit me to give extracts : 
 
 " ' Already we are discovering the first Frenchmen. 
 They are shot down from the trees like squirrels, 
 and are warmly welcomed below with the butt-end 
 of rifles and bayonets ; they no longer need a doctor ; 
 we are no longer fighting against honest foes ; but 
 tricky robbers. With a jump we are over the clear- 
 ing here ! there ! in the hedges they are crouching ; 
 now, on to them ! No quarter is given. Standing 
 free, at most kneeling, we shoot away, nobody 
 troubles about cover. We come to a hollow : in 
 masses dead and wounded red-breeches lie about ; 
 the wounded are clubbed or stabbed to death ; for 
 we already know that these rascals will fire at us 
 from behind. There lies a Frenchman stretched out 
 at full length, his face to the ground ; but he is only 
 shamming death. A kick from a lusty Musketier 
 teaches him that we are there. He turns and begs 
 for his life ; but already he is nailed to the earth
 
 THE HUN 61 
 
 with the words : " Do you see, you B . . ., this is 
 how our bodkins prick." Beside me an uncanny 
 cracking sound comes from the blows of the butt-end 
 of a rifle which one of our 154*3 rains on a French 
 bald-head. Prudently he uses a French rifle for the 
 purpose, not to smash his own. Some of us, especi- 
 ally tender-hearted, finish the wounded Frenchmen 
 off with a charitable bullet, others strike and stab 
 as much as they know. Bravely our enemies fought, 
 they were crack regiments we had before us. They 
 allowed us to come on from 30 to 10 metres, then 
 it certainly was too late. ... At the entrance of 
 the watch-huts they lie, lightly and seriously wounded, 
 vainly begging for quarter, but our good Musketiers 
 save the fatherland the expensive maintenance of 
 so many enemies.' " 
 
 The account concludes with the picture of the 
 tired troops lying down to sleep after the " blood 
 work " : the god of dreams paints for some of them 
 a lovely picture. " A prayer of thanks on our lips, 
 we slept on towards the coming day." 
 
 I must add the further comments of the author of 
 J' Accuse : 
 
 II The most horrible features of this account are 
 not only the incidents narrated, but almost more 
 than these the brutal naivete with which they are 
 represented as feats of heroism, especially acknow- 
 ledged by superior officers and published in the most 
 prominent part of the official newspaper of the dis- 
 trict. It is possible that brutalities were committed 
 by the other side as well. When the beast in man is 
 set free it is not astonishing that bestialities should 
 be committed. But I have sought in vain in the 
 foreign press for the publication of such ' heroic 
 deeds.' That, after such murderous work, one can 
 sit down in cold blood and report such low horrors 
 to one's fellow-citizens at home, one's friends, to 
 one's own wife and children, makes the whole affair 
 infinitely sadder than in itself it already is. Of
 
 62 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 course the ' prayer of thanks ' to God could not be 
 omitted from the German battle-report. His Royal 
 Highness Prince Oscar of Prussia had to be cited 
 by Sergeant Klemt as admirer of the ' heroic action ' : 
 ' With these Grenadiers and 154*5 one can storm 
 hell itself,' the Prince exclaimed, and assured the 
 two regiments that they were worthy of the name 
 ' The King's Own Brigade.' The Jauer Report 
 unites as is the case in veterinary handbooks where 
 a horse is drawn showing all possible diseases all 
 the ' noblest virtues ' which war can produce and 
 must produce : bestiality, bragging, false piety, etc. 
 Whether ' the world would degenerate and would 
 be lost in Materialism ' if these qualities remained 
 undeveloped, I leave to the decision of the wise." 
 
 Did not the men who risked their lives when 
 aviation started, so as to develop such an invention 
 for the use and advancement of the world at large, 
 did they not show courage indomitable the aes 
 triplex and more than triplex of which the soldier 
 marching to attack shows no loftier or more self- 
 sacrificing form ? Nor doctors and nurses in the 
 sick-room ; the researchers who on their own person 
 make dangerous experiments for the benefit of man- 
 kind ; every policeman on his beat ; every one who 
 day by day curbs his instincts of selfishness and 
 greed out of due regard to the claims of his fellow- 
 men do these not give ample opportunities for the 
 development of altruistic enthusiasm ? When we 
 look forward to the day when, consciously brought 
 up to a higher level by a universal education based 
 upon the ideals of modern times, not only will the 
 .rich willingly give their larger quota of taxes to 
 further the needs of the State and of an advancing 
 society, but even the poorer and the poorest will 
 directly pay their contributions to the State so that 
 others should be saved from hunger and thirst. 
 Then will the sick, the halt, the needy be comforted,
 
 SELF-SACRIFICE IN PEACE 63 
 
 the aged live out their lives without anxiety for the 
 morrow, the honest unemployed no longer wander 
 aimlessly along the roads. All great causes of com- 
 mon humanity may then be fostered by the immediate 
 sacrifice of the individual. Consider also the effects 
 of war (whether it end in victory or defeat) upon 
 those who have engaged in it, upon all those who 
 in reality or in imagination have passed through this 
 hell of internecine bloodshed ; when " Thou shalt 
 not kill " as a fundamental tenet for all civilised life 
 has lost all constraining meaning through the con- 
 stant repercussion of the slaughter of thousands, 
 fathers of children, sons of parents, and husbands of 
 wives ; when to deceive and to spy and to try every 
 trick that may mislead and bring one nearer to a 
 destructive goal becomes a virtue ! Where is the 
 heroism ? It is noble to be a patriot, nobler than 
 to limit one's affections to one's county or one's 
 village ; it is even nobler to show active affection 
 for one's village than to concentrate it only upon 
 one's family. A good son, a devoted father, a con- 
 siderate brother, is surely nobler than the pure 
 egoist who is only absorbed in his own life and 
 desires. But the man who encourages himself to 
 hate and to slay his fellow-man, not because he is 
 vile or because he endangers his own existence, but 
 because he lives in another country and talks a 
 different language ; whose feelings for humanity, 
 whose ideals for the human race, whose striving after 
 divine perfection throughout the world are not only 
 limited to his own country and the people living in 
 it, but who develops active and violent antagonism 
 towards all people and all things beyond this narrow 
 range, such a man cannot be called a patriot ! 
 Patriotism then turns to Chauvinism ; it no longer 
 is the love of one's own country and one's own people, 
 but the hatred of others. There is nothing ideal in 
 
 7
 
 war, certainly not in modern warfare ; and, though 
 every one of us must feel that it is our duty and our 
 privilege to fight for our country and to offer up 
 our lives when our national existence is in danger, 
 we should do it because it is our duty, as a means to 
 safeguard what is best and most holy in our national 
 existence, but we are never to turn this means into 
 the end of civilised existence. We should go to the 
 operating-table with composure and fortitude when 
 it may dispel disease, prolong our life so that we 
 can continue to support those who depend upon us ; 
 but we cannot consider the torturing and maiming 
 of our bodies as a supreme end of our physical 
 existence. The patriot must never allow himself to 
 be carried away by the hysterical enthusiasm of the 
 panegyrists of war ; he must not admit Bellona 
 into the cycle of his divinities ! Every patriot must 
 beware lest he become a Chauvinist who learns to 
 hate the stranger so intensely and effectively as to 
 lose all power of loving, and that the absorbing in- 
 tensity of his hatred will lead him at last to loathe 
 his neighbour and grow cold towards his wife and 
 children. For this is the end of the doctrine of hate. 
 Militar- Now this militaristic Chauvinism has found the 
 ^* ic most fertile field for its growth on German soil. No 
 
 Chau- . . 
 
 vinism other country and no other people, certainly not 
 irom' ding England and the English, could show conditions so 
 Germany, favourable. Perhaps until the " German scare " 
 began some years ago, no people were freer from this 
 antagonistic attitude towards those of other nation- 
 alities than were the English. They were hospitable 
 in spirit, and hospitality became a national charac- 
 teristic in every layer of society. Definite human 
 envy and jealousy may unavoidably have arisen and 
 shown themselves, especially where certain trades or 
 larger groupings of occupations may have suffered by 
 the sudden intrusion of more or less alien bodies in
 
 ENGLISH FREEDOM FROM CHAUVINISM 65 
 
 definite localities, whether they were " foreign," 
 whether they came from abroad or from Scotland 
 into England, or from the neighbouring town or 
 county. But Englishmen were ever ready to receive, 
 and even to acknowledge the qualities, in some cases 
 even the superiority in definite lines and character- 
 istics, of those who came among them from foreign 
 parts. Perhaps it may have been due to an under- 
 lying consciousness of our own merits, if not of our 
 own ultimate superiority, which made us indifferent 
 to those incitements of envy and jealousy. If so, 
 such self-confidence, even if at times unfounded in 
 fact, is not a grave national vice. But the truth re- 
 mains that we were thus and let us hope will con- 
 tinue so in the future the least Chauvinistic of 
 modern civilised peoples. Of all peoples manifesting 
 this disease to a greater or lesser degree, the Germans 
 were certainly foremost. 
 
 The main reasons for its growth on German soil Further 
 are to be found in two national characteristics ; the J^ the* 
 one is the prevalence and intensity of envy as a growth of 
 national characteristic; the other is the absence, vin ^ in 
 from the national education in all its aspects, of the German 
 sense of Fair Play, which might have been the one and 1 the y 
 
 element exercising a salutary counteracting influence 
 
 to the spirit of envy. The Germans have their idea recent life 
 
 of honour, they even have their courts of honour, 
 
 and the duel, especially in military circles ; but these 
 
 are not effective in modern life to counteract envy 
 
 and to foster generosity. On the contrary, within 
 
 such social groups, ruled by such courts of honour 
 
 and appealing to the duel as the arbiter, they de- 
 
 veloped truculence, which is most directly opposed to 
 
 the spirit of Fair Play. Militarism, in its effect upon 
 
 the nation, counteracted the establishment and the 
 
 rule of Fair Play, until at Zabern and after, the official 
 
 Seal of State was stamped upon the prevailing power
 
 66 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 of the bully. One of the curses of militarism is, that, 
 while it, to a certain extent, democratises the people 
 collected together in military service to the State, 
 by the establishment of fixed ranks and gradations, 
 the higher grades having unquestioned authority 
 over the lower, it naturally leads to bullying and 
 weakens the sense of social fairness and justice among 
 the whole population. 
 
 Envy. If we were to attempt to single out, among the 
 
 numerous causes which have led to this war, one 
 primary and underlying factor in the national charac- 
 ter of the Germans, which, more than any other, has 
 led to this catastrophe, it undoubtedly is Envy. It 
 has almost become a platitude to say that people 
 are most prone to ascribe to others the faults which 
 they have themselves ; and we need not therefore 
 be astonished to hear it frequently stated of late 
 that England's antagonism towards Germany, and 
 which led to the war, was her jealousy, and conse- 
 quent fear of German rivalry in commerce and in 
 political power. It is quite possible that among in- 
 dividuals and among certain groups of people 
 competition and rivalry may lead to jealousy, and 
 that, as human nature goes, English trades and 
 occupations which have suffered from German com- 
 petition may thus have produced jealousy in those 
 suffering from this very competition. These cases, 
 natural though they be, are limited and isolated, and 
 certainly have not sufficed to produce a national 
 characteristic or a movement which in any way 
 would have driven the country into war. I venture 
 to repeat that there is hardly a nation among the 
 civilised peoples as ready, on the whole, to welcome 
 the foreigner, admit his qualities, and, by the exer- 
 cise of the supreme national virtue of fair play, to 
 counteract all the impulses of national jealousy. 
 Let us only hope and pray that the results of this
 
 GERMAN ENVY 67 
 
 great war, the over-stimulation of the sense of 
 antagonism and of hatred towards others, the sus- 
 picion of the foreigner in moments of great national 
 danger, may not counteract this comparative freedom 
 from that most dangerous and lowest of national 
 vices, and may not end in encouraging the growth of 
 national Chauvinism among us. The symptoms of 
 such a danger are rife at this moment when the nerves 
 of the people are shaken into abnormal irritability 
 by the constant pressure of suffering and anxiety. 
 
 But with the Germans the national vice of envy 
 has been greatly stimulated by the recognition of 
 the fact that, in spite of their rapid and stupendous 
 advance in every direction within the short period 
 since their victory over the French, they have not as 
 yet acquired a colonial empire such as Great Britain 
 possesses ; that, owing to what might be considered 
 the accident of historical fate, Germany came too 
 late, after the colonial possessions throughout the 
 world had already been divided among all the other 
 peoples. This one fact, though it may naturally 
 lead to regret and sorrow in the heart of the patriotic 
 German who loves his country and believes in its 
 great mission in the world, and though it may move 
 us to understand and sympathise, does not justify 
 the envy and hatred towards Great Britain, nor their 
 criminal action which has plunged the whole world 
 into misery. 
 
 Though we* can understand the conditions which 
 might create envy or encourage it in the hearts of the 
 Germans, we recognise that they have fallen upon the 
 fertile soil of a national vice which the Germans, as 
 Germans, possess to the highest degree. As such it does 
 not only turn collectively outwards towards other 
 nations, but it undermines and disturbs the whole inner 
 social life of the nation. This fact is recognised by 
 their own thinkers and statesmen and appears to have
 
 68 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 been their ruling vice in the early days of their 
 racial ancestors, when, as is noted by Prince Biilow, 1 
 Tacitus tells us that " the Germans destroyed their 
 liberators, the Cherusci, propter invidiam." The 
 Imperial Chancellor, who knew his people well, says 
 of them: 2 " Just as one of the greatest German 
 virtues, the sense of discipline, finds special and dis- 
 quieting expression in the social democratic move- 
 ment, so does our old vice, envy." I remember 
 that one of the wisest of the German diplomats, for 
 some time German Ambassador in London, singled 
 out this vice as being the national fault of his country- 
 men. Envy necessarily produces hatred. The 
 Hebrew composite word Kinah-Sinah combines envy 
 with hate in one word and points to this causal pro- 
 cess in the psychology of man. For it means envy- 
 hatred, the hatred which follows upon envy. And 
 when this passion penetrates into the national system 
 of Chauvinism, intensifies its violence, and directs its 
 animosity, we can well understand the otherwise 
 singular phenomenon of the rapidity with which the 
 all-absorbing antagonism and hatred of Russia at 
 the beginning of the war, then held up as the one 
 supreme cause and justification of the national up- 
 rising, should within a short time have disappeared 
 from the public press and the consciousness of the 
 German people, and have been entirely supplanted 
 by the hatred of England, which finds its supreme 
 expression in the Hymn of Hate. This " Hymn " has 
 since been officially established as the national War 
 Hymn by a German prince and military leader. 
 This is, by the way, a very striking instance of the 
 ready servility of the press and the effectiveness with 
 which the Press Bureau can manipulate the public 
 
 1 Bismarck referred to the same passage in Tacitus and also con- 
 sidered envy a national characteristic. 
 
 2 Imperial Germany, p. 184.
 
 ENVY OF ENGLAND 69 
 
 opinion of a whole nation. In a few months, or even 
 weeks, the Russian " bogy " and the old French 
 animosity were completely dropped, and, at the 
 word of command, were at once superseded by an- 
 other " battle-cry " throughout the whole nation, 
 culminating in the most passionate and violent 
 hatred that even the history of barbaric periods can 
 recall. But though, for the time being, the an- 
 tagonism to the Slav may have superseded the in- 
 grained historical animosity to the French, from 
 whom they suffered so much in Napoleonic days, 
 both these national antagonisms but thinly covered 
 the hatred towards their " racial " kinsmen and 
 former allies, because this hatred was based upon, 
 and intensified by, the envy so ingrained in their 
 natures. 
 
 No doubt some disappointment and the frustra- 
 tion of monstrously stupid plans may have had 
 something to do with the momentary intensification 
 of their hatred of England. They may have been 
 sufficiently blind or unwise to assume that, in spite 
 of the gross breach of Belgian neutrality, and in spite 
 of the recognised fact that some agreement existed 
 between England and France, we would stand aside 
 without lifting a finger and see Belgium crushed, her 
 liberties trampled upon, and France crushed as well. 
 I do not think that England has ever been more 
 grossly insulted than by the assumption quite apart 
 from the Belgian crime that she would follow only 
 her instincts for peace, national security, and pro- 
 sperity, and would not stand by her moral agreement 
 with France to shield her in any case of unjustifiable 
 aggression. Whatever the exact legal definition of 
 this entente cordiale may have been, an entente cor- 
 diale did exist ; and if England had stood aside, she 
 would have merited the ridiculously unjust epithet 
 of Per fide Albion, and the world would justly have
 
 70 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 stigmatised us as a " nation of shopkeepers." What- 
 ever disappointment (and such disappointment could 
 only be felt by those wilfully blinded by the expecta- 
 tion of utter subservience of everybody and every- 
 thing to their own interests) may have been felt 
 by the Germans, and thus intensified their passion 
 against Great Britain, the real cause is to be found 
 in their national vice of envy. 
 
 Class- As the spirit of Chauvinism develops the passion 
 
 and^envy ^ natre d in the people collectively towards other 
 in Ger- nations, and as we realise at the present moment 
 my< how this is concentrated upon ourselves, this passion 
 manifests itself also as a dominant factor in their 
 whole internal life. If we take their characteristic 
 modern poetry as an expression of popular senti- 
 ment, we can find many an instance of a most 
 flagrant kind in which hatred inspires the lyric 
 imagination of their poets. We search in vain in 
 the contemporary literature of other nations and in 
 our own for such expressions. To find them at all 
 in ours we must look to the depiction, by an appeal 
 to historical sympathy, of other ages and other con- 
 ditions of life, in which hatred as a passion is forcibly 
 conveyed in dramatic lyrics, such as those of the 
 poems of Robert Browning. We can thus recall 
 how that poet imagines himself a tyrant who finds 
 one independent spirit blocking his way and whom 
 he cannot subdue. 1 Or again, Browning, where in his 
 " In a Spanish Cloister " he shows us the narrowing 
 life with its compressed passion of jealousy when 
 monks are herded together and personal antipathy 
 fans the fire of hatred in the breast of one of them 
 for another. But we have nothing in modern litera- 
 ture like the notorious Hymn of Hate evoked by 
 this war, and nothing in daily life like that powerful 
 poem of Liliencron's, the exponent of the spirit of 
 
 1 The poem is called " Instans Tyrannus."
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS IN MODERN POETRY 71 
 
 modern Germany, which expresses as a dream the 
 most intense personal hatred. It is called " Unsur- 
 mountable Antipathy," and describes the almost 
 animal hatred felt by two people, causing them to 
 spring at each other's throats like wild beasts. 
 
 But this hatred springing from envy and it is to 
 this that Prince Biilow refers in the passage quoted 
 is especially marked in Germany by the envy of 
 one class towards another, leading to burning hatred 
 between them. It is only natural that those who 
 are poor and ill-favoured should covet the blessings 
 of those upon whom fortune has copiously showered 
 her gifts. This is but human, and has existed in all 
 times, and it exists with us as well. The recognition 
 of such inequalities in the possession of the good 
 things of this world may make socialists or even 
 anarchists of us. However, fortunately for us, we 
 cannot say that resentment and envy of the better 
 fortune of our neighbours have led to manifest 
 antagonism between classes in the daily life of our 
 people. It may be because with us the rich have 
 been more manifestly conscious of the duties which 
 their better fortune imposes upon them, and the 
 poor are fairer-minded and more generous of heart. 
 It may also be due to our free political institutions, 
 which through countless ages have given to every 
 man his chance before the law and his opportunity 
 of expressing his will and pursuing his interests by 
 constitutional means in the government of the country. 
 No doubt also our national sports and pastimes 
 have effectively brought us all together in common 
 games which rest upon the spirit of fair play as 
 the foundation of all British athletics. I can recall 
 that even during the heat of Nationalist agitation 
 and resentment about 1886, when the peasant 
 classes in Ireland were filled with the strongest hatred 
 of the landlords and the wealthier classes, that,
 
 72 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 while riding to or from hounds, the sportsmanlike 
 spirit was nevertheless too strong in the peasants 
 one met, and evoked a smile or a twinkle in the eye 
 of the brother sportsman, to be found in the poorest 
 labourer, and venting itself in a cheery greeting and 
 the question : " Had you good sport, and did you 
 catch him ? " Whatever the cause, the fact remains, 
 that the actual life of the British people in town and 
 country has not to any marked degree been vitiated 
 by the spirit of class antagonism and of social envy. 
 On the other hand, I can also recall how, while 
 riding through woods in Prussia with my German 
 hostess, I was struck by the resentment and scowl 
 in the eyes of the labouring people and the peasantry 
 we met, which seemed to express clearly the hatred 
 they felt towards all who were possessed of more 
 wealth ; until, passing through a village, we were 
 met by a shower of stones from the boys who looked 
 upon us as representatives of the favoured classes. 
 Envy Jealousy is unfortunately a rudimentary passion 
 
 Fni^even" m man ' s breast and may exist wherever there are 
 into the human beings congregated together. But in Germany 
 Science! tne Brodneid, the jealousy of trade and professional 
 envy, for which they have invented so definite a 
 term, is most rampant. It permeates all classes, in 
 themselves regulated by bureaucratic gradations of 
 rank, and sets one class against the other. Even in 
 the highest and most enlightened spheres, where we 
 might least expect it, owing to the atmosphere per- 
 vading regions of lofty thought, occupation, and 
 habits of mind, such as in the scientific world, this 
 spirit has of late years encroached. It has disfigured 
 the pure and noble type of the German scholar and 
 scientist who, though fortunately still surviving in 
 some splendid instances of a simple life, is gradually 
 receding and making room for the new type of the 
 militaristic Streber in science and in learning. The
 
 THE GROWTH OF MONEY-GREED 73 
 
 temptations of profit are too strong in a world con- 
 sciously ruled by commercialism, in which from Kaiser 
 and Reichs-Chancellor onwards Real-Politik and 
 Inter essen-Politik are preached to dispel the sup- 
 posed prevalence of idealism or dreamy Utopianism 
 which have long since departed from among the 
 German people. These temptations and the possi- 
 bilities of power coming from wealth have completely 
 altered the spirit of the old German savant, the 
 Teufelsdrockh of Carlyle, whom we read about and 
 admired in our youth. And thus in the laboratories 
 and in the " seminars," where the free interchange 
 of ideas and of work, where the spirit of unity in one 
 supreme endeavour bound the commilitones of former 
 days into one serried rank of a scientific army advanc- 
 ing boldly towards the summit of truth these have 
 all given way to a petty and envious spirit of seclusion 
 and of distrust among the workers, jealously guard- 
 ing each new fact that might lead to important 
 material results, until the rivalry and struggle for 
 priority becomes the dominant passion of the workers, 
 the modern successors to the noble and generous- 
 spirited men of old. We saw it coming after 1870, 
 when, for some years, there were signs of discontent 
 with the old order of things, leading to the prevalent 
 pessimism of that period. I endeavoured to define 
 it in 1878 in an article on "The Social Origin of 
 Nihilism and Pessimism in Germany " ; but ventured 
 to hope that it would tend to a more healthy change 
 and revival. In that article I said : l 
 
 " The German's nature is essentially and incontest- 
 ably an idealistic one. Idealism is an essential 
 coefficient of his well-being ; rob him of this, and he 
 will always feel its want. Everywhere our German 
 finds himself repulsed in his innermost longings. We 
 have seen how it is as to family, society, and woman. 
 
 1 The Nineteenth Century Review, April, 1878.
 
 74 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 What aspect does the inner man present on this 
 point ? His idealism is soon cut off by stern reality. 
 The young man who formerly lived from hand to 
 mouth, happy with the honour paid him, now 
 experiences, without such compensation, the mean 
 and depressing cares for bread which life from hand 
 to mouth must necessarily bring. The romantic 
 age has passed, when youths walk about with long 
 flowing locks and threadbare coats, and so entered 
 even the princely drawing-room, respected in spite of 
 their nonconformity, or even perhaps because of it. 
 Formerly a young man's poverty brought him respect, 
 and such a delicious vain self-contentment. He had 
 no money, nor did he wish for any ; it would soil his 
 philosophical or poetical hands. He had enough 
 to eat and drink and live on ; and was he not beloved 
 by the fair-haired, blue-eyed, dreamy Marguerite ! 
 When age drew on he became a ' philister,' and, 
 either as a small official in some little town, or as a 
 professor or a librarian, he lived quietly on with his 
 wife and family, and revelled in the luxury of the 
 recollections of his youth ; his drooping spirits were 
 revived, and the material cares cast off, as then 
 by facts, so now by the remembrance of them. 
 
 " Such was the Elysian life of the German thirty 
 years ago, and he was happy. In his cries and 
 lamentations against political institutions and social 
 states, one could always trace the inner self-content. 
 He was perhaps not satisfied with his surroundings, 
 but he was satisfied with himself. At every moment 
 the feu sacre burst forth in a flame of youthful poetical 
 eccentricity, Hegelian fanciful speculation, or political 
 martyrdom ; but in himself there dwelt the sweetest 
 harmony. His imprecations were directed against 
 that life, but not against life in general. The Wer- 
 therian melancholy was only adopted for its 
 aesthetically beautiful dark cloak. He, if we may 
 use the word, had lived himself into that melancholy, 
 because he admired it, but it did not spring from 
 those deep physical and social conditions from which 
 the modern melancholy springs. His romantic 
 lamentations and invectives were the outbursts of a
 
 SYMPTOMS FORTY YEARS AGO 75 
 
 too great energy and vital force, not the apathetic 
 reasonings of to-day's pessimist. He felt Welt- 
 schmerz ; our pessimist professes to be indifferent. 
 He pointed out the causes of his woe, for they lay 
 not in himself. He was like the philosopher who 
 says, ' That is not the way to cognition/ and not like 
 the sceptic who says, ' There is no way to cognition.' 
 He was what Carlyle would call a ' worshipper of 
 sorrow,' who waged internecine warfare with the 
 ' Time Spirit,' while the other, our pessimist, combats 
 against the whole spirit, because he feels himself a 
 child of his time. The misanthrope loves man and 
 hates men. 
 
 " How different is it at present from what the 
 romantic idealist's life was then ! The admiration 
 of the poor, threadbare-coated poet or philosopher 
 has disappeared. What was formerly a source of 
 pride is now the opposite. The writer himself knows 
 a German poet of great worth and repute, who is not 
 treated by society with the honour due to him, 
 because he is not in the position to offer expensive 
 hospitality to his friends, while others, acknowledged 
 to be smaller, are the lions of the day. To-day, young 
 idealist, your genius will not suffice. You must be a 
 business man, and make money, and wear a new coat, 
 and cut your hair short like everyone else, or you 
 will be laughed at ; for a schwdrmer is out of fashion. 
 This kills the very idealism which he needs. He finds 
 all romance ridiculed. Like Hamlet, he is not 
 understood by his surroundings, and so becomes 
 indifferent towards the outer world, a despiser of 
 mankind, as Schopenhauer was. Whither, in his 
 distress, does he fly with his idealism ? Not to his 
 home, nor to his family, nor to his maiden, for he has 
 them not. Into himself ! Here he buries all his 
 treasures. Here there is no Grunderschwindel , no 
 insolence of office, no law's delay ; here he who was 
 wont to float on the high paths of idealism need not 
 stoop down and pick up the tiny piece of copper 
 that lies in the dust on the roadside, and that buys 
 bread. Here he is lord, and he revels in the feeling : 
 ' everything is bad ; only I am good (for he who can
 
 76 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 see the bad must stand outside it).' This is prob- 
 ably unknown to themselves, the basis of all their 
 pessimist reasonings. Pessimism is the highest stage 
 of Romanticism. Only he is nihilist who has done 
 away with all the desires of life, who has relinquished 
 everything, because to him everything must be 
 nothing. No one is more in need of fulness than he 
 who feels the universal emptiness. No one is more 
 in need of the world than he who weeps for it or 
 inveighs against it. The only true nihilist is the 
 indifferent and the laugher, the blase and the satirist ; 
 but the pessimist is the schwarmer par excellence. 
 Both Optimism and Pessimism are, so to say, forms 
 of motion, while Nihilism is stagnation. Optimism 
 and Pessimism are like plus and minus, while nihilism 
 is the only zero." 
 
 Growth of Since 1878 the commercial spirit has made still 
 further strides in its predominance throughout the 
 
 and ma- whole life of the German people. Practically it 
 means the desire for wealth, the greed of money, the 
 realisation of the power of money. The Real and 
 Interessen Politik, preached by the rulers, writ large 
 on the national banner of the people, claiming national 
 expansion in the world to increase the material wealth, 
 and fostering the envy and hatred of those more for- 
 tunate in the possession of such a world empire, and 
 above all, the hatred of England, these have con- 
 tributed to the materialisation of the German 
 spirit. I remember how astonished I was, some 
 sixteen or eighteen years ago, at an answer I received 
 from a German prince, who had been sent to 
 study for a time at one of our great English univer- 
 sities. I asked him what he would choose to be, if 
 he had the power of effecting his choice directly ; 
 what was his ideal of future activity ? His answer 
 was : "I should like to become a Cecil Rhodes." 
 Cecil Rhodes (long before his death and the founda- 
 tion of the Rhodes scholarships) or Pierpont Morgan
 
 REAL AND INTERESSEN POLITIK 77 
 
 were the ideal types of many a young German who 
 were supposed to be, and for themselves claimed to 
 be, actuated by the highest ideals ; who were thought 
 to be by their political leaders fantastic dreamers and 
 unpractical Utopians. There are, no doubt, many 
 young men living among us who have the same 
 ideals ; but we have never had the reputation abroad 
 of being idealists and dreamers, and those young 
 men would hardly understand what an idealist means. 
 It is precisely among the upper classes who assert 
 the feudal conditions of life and the prestige which 
 it bestows upon them, and who also would shrink 
 from the actual struggle and toil of honest com- 
 mercial or industrial work (which they more or less 
 despise), that this desire for gold and the wish to 
 possess the inordinate means with which their 
 industrial magnates are blessed it is among these 
 that crass materialism shows itself and that the 
 value of money is most clearly realised. But it is 
 also in the upper middle classes, among those who 
 have gathered all the fruits of the best education and 
 thought, and who, in the Germany of old, held high 
 the torch of idealism, where the want of money is 
 most keenly felt and the desire to possess it is one of 
 the strongest passions. But here again it is not 
 coupled with the simple and stern determination to 
 cast off all pretensions and honestly to enter into 
 commerce or industry as a noble vocation in itself. 
 They must base their social claims on being "officers 
 of the reserve," and fly the colours of militarism for 
 social distinction. Out of this class grows the band 
 of malcontents and agitators ; and in this class are 
 to be found the haters of England, who are moved by 
 violent envy towards the economic prosperity of the 
 English Empire and its subjects. This lust of gold 
 on the part of those not favoured by its possession, 
 is most powerfully put, again in lyric form, in a poem
 
 78 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 by that same exponent of the militaristic spirit of 
 modern Germany, Liliencron. I need not say that 
 I in no way wish to reflect on the personality of 
 this vigorous poet ; nor am I blind to the fact that 
 to depict the passions and moods of all manner of 
 people and in all conditions of life is one of the great 
 tasks of the poet ; and that we should be absurdly 
 wrong in ascribing to him the vices and faults which 
 he describes with powerful poetic self-detachment. 
 Nevertheless, in his poem called " Auf der Kasse " he 
 does present to us a typical instance of the modern 
 life about him, from which, according to Goethe's 
 injunction, the poet seizes the subjects of his art. He 
 there presents to us the sudden impulse of the poor 
 man who is drawing his few shillings from the bank. 
 Upon seeing the masses of gold which the cashiers 
 are sorting he suddenly imagines how, if only they 
 were all blind, he would dive into this mass of gold 
 and carry it off, filling his pockets with it, pursued by 
 the policemen whom he evades, and how he then 
 would enjoy the fruits of his theft. The impulse 
 and the momentary dream pass, and he returns to 
 the bare reality and the mean conditions of his life. 
 It is all both natural and human and is expressed 
 with forcible poetic power. The impulse may have 
 come to many people all over the world. But the 
 mood of this poem and of many others by this 
 same author expresses directly, in the subjective 
 form of personal experience (as the poems of Heine 
 directly expressed the romanticism of his age), mental 
 conditions which are most characteristicof the develop- 
 ment of modern Germany, and certainly show, not 
 only this insidious spirit of envy and hatred, but 
 also the direct material form, the desire for wealth, 
 so foreign to the spirit of Teutonic life and of the 
 German people of the past. 
 
 Furthermore, however, this sudden growth of
 
 MORAL DEGENERATION 79 
 
 wealth has led to a degeneration of the social life Depravi 
 of the people on a wider scale, especially in the degener 
 material and sensual depravity prevalent at Berlin tion 
 and in many of the larger provincial towns. 
 
 Always remembering what the Germany of old Berlin 
 was and keeping before our minds the attractive 
 picture of its healthy simplicity, its solidity, coupled 
 with its lofty idealism, if we then turn to the Germany 
 of to-day as seen in the life of Berlin and the larger 
 provincial cities, such as Hamburg, Frankfort, and 
 Munich, the contrast will be most striking. These 
 centres again affect the life of other towns as patterns 
 of metropolitan elegance and culture, and, by direct 
 contagion, the life of all the inhabitants in smaller 
 towns and in rural districts who pay occasional 
 visits to these centres of recreation and pleasure, and 
 carry away with them the germs of degeneration 
 which there find such favourable pabulum for their 
 " culture." If we recall the pictures of the life and 
 the entertainments at court and in the upper circles 
 at Berlin in the days of the old Emperor William, 
 the simplicity (which was not, therefore, necessarily 
 attractive or refined), the absence of display, the 
 meagreness of the means of entertainment, and the 
 comparatively small cost which it entailed, with the 
 present expense and luxury, the change will impress 
 itself more forcibly. Not only have the ordinary 
 expenses of daily life grown in huge proportions, 
 from house-rent onward ; but the change shows itself 
 in the lavish entertainments, which are not domestic 
 in character, and partake of a tone of dissipation. 
 These entertainments do not reflect, as they may 
 in other countries, the well-founded wealth which 
 has become habitual and is directly in proportion 
 to the more luxurious and brilliant conditions of 
 life in which the wealthy classes pass their 
 normal existence. They are given at the restau-
 
 8o THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 rants and hotels, or are sent from there to the 
 homes. But far more significant of moral de- 
 cadence are the social disintegrating excesses in the 
 desire for amusements and display of Berlin dis- 
 tinctly tending towards the abnormal and morbid. 
 I boldly venture to maintain that of all the great 
 capitals of the world, including Paris, London, 
 Vienna, and New York, Berlin is the most patently 
 and crassly depraved, and this depravity is admittedly 
 organised and recognisable. The night-life of Berlin 
 stands quite by itself among the cities of the world. 
 Night is not devoted to sleep, but to the seeking of 
 pleasure in all its forms. It may be said as has 
 often been replied to the critics of Paris, the Paris 
 of old that it chiefly concerns the visitors and 
 strangers, and is organised for them. No doubt the 
 life of depraved amusement in Paris during the 
 Second Empire, still surviving to some extent in our 
 day, was chiefly provided for the hosts of foreign 
 visitors. Yet in Berlin these strangers and visitors 
 are not foreigners ; but constitute the mass of the 
 German people from every part of the German 
 Empire, who thus are contaminated and depraved. 
 Nor is it true that these amusements are meant to 
 meet the demands of visitors only ; for the night- 
 clubs cater chiefly for the residents of Berlin ; and 
 among the habitues are representatives of old historic 
 houses, even the princes of the Empire, government 
 officials and officers, as well as representatives of 
 great wealth, or those who not having great wealth 
 have the facilities of making great debts. This life 
 of dissipation, in its worst and most degenerate 
 forms, goes on all night. The managers of the 
 leading hotels assert that, when their work is started 
 at six o'clock in the morning, about two-thirds of 
 the keys in the hotel are still hanging on the board 
 in the office, showing that the inmates of the hotel
 
 DEPRAVITY OF BERLIN 81 
 
 have not yet returned. Novels have been published 
 telling how this poison has filtered through the whole 
 of the country, even to the distant provinces. I 
 cannot continue to dwell upon the character of some 
 of the clubs frequented by men of high rank. I 
 have said enough, and I only say it to point out the 
 contrast between the life of recent years and that 
 of Germany before 1870. Nor, as I have said above, 
 is it limited to Berlin, as London and Paris are 
 recognised as the only centres in England and France 
 where flagrant vice flourishes in a huge city. I 
 have had it on good authority that some of the 
 Palais de Danse in certain of the more important 
 towns of the provinces attract even a large proportion 
 of the Bourgeoisie. The sums expended and received 
 in these Palais de Danse are incredibly large. We all 
 know that such places of amusement, and even worse 
 ones, are to be found in Paris, and, though not to 
 the same extent, in London. As many a German 
 feared, the nation has lost some of the warlike 
 efficiency possessed by their fathers of 1870, and to 
 this degeneracy is perhaps to some extent to be 
 traced the revolting forms of excesses which their 
 cruelty has taken in Belgium and in France, and 
 which, in some cases, is only to be explained by a 
 pathological perversion of sensuality. 
 
 In France, on the other hand, it cannot be denied, 
 that since the days of the Second Empire there 
 has been a regeneration of the moral fibre of the 
 French people, especially among the young men of 
 to-day. The infusion of the athletic spirit and all 
 that it means morally, as consciously adopted from 
 England, fostered by the direct efforts of several 
 individuals, among whom I may single out the 
 Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the Vicomte de Jansey, 
 and others, in their Association pour I' Encouragement 
 des Sports Athletiques, and the seriousness with
 
 which the youth of France has been beginning to 
 recognise its duty towards the State, have done much 
 to prove them far different adversaries from those 
 whom the Germans met in 1870, and I venture to 
 predict that this war will have a still more salutary 
 effect in the moral regeneration of the French people. 
 Still, there remains in France the great blot of 
 financial corruption in the political life of the past, 
 the dominance of the haute finance in every form 
 of public activity ; and, above all, the evil traditions 
 of a Press which is admittedly in so many, if not in 
 most, cases representative of a definite financial 
 group of interests. 
 
 The reform, of all others, which is most needed 
 in France, as it may be else where, 'is that by new 
 laws, corruption in the election of national repre- 
 sentatives should be made impossible, and the 
 immunity of the people's representatives from the 
 disease of financial enterprise and speculation should 
 be jealously safeguarded and maintained. 
 
 As for us here in England, we may also take timely 
 warning. The tone of certain " sets " in the huge 
 society which centres in London has of late drawn 
 dangerously near to degeneracy and decadence. 
 London is fortunately so large that it can never be 
 said to be dominated in its social character by any 
 one group of people or any so-called set. The Court 
 no doubt exercises, and will always exert, a powerful 
 influence as a type and example to direct the social 
 aspirations of the people ; but it cannot be said 
 that its tone of intercourse and habits of life in any 
 way strike the dominant keynote to the symphony 
 or cacophony of the social world, as is to a far greater 
 extent the case in the society of Vienna or Berlin, 
 or as was the case in the time of monarchical France. 
 No doubt, however, it also exercised considerable 
 influence on the " surface ethics " of the people.
 
 DANGERS IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH LIFE 83 
 
 There were and still exist, however, so many varied 
 groups, based on similarity of rank, wealth, occupa- 
 tion, or amusements, that no one set could be said 
 definitely to lead and to prescribe as the case may 
 be the tone or the pace. 
 
 This multiplicity of social influence and social 
 standards has made it quite impossible, with any 
 approach' to truth, to speak of " society " in London 
 with any idea of accuracy, certainly not in the sense 
 in which it was applied by our forefathers in the 
 eighteenth and earlier centuries, or even in the 
 earlier part of the nineteenth century. Nor could 
 the term " Society " be used in the sense in which 
 self-complacently the residents in a small provincial 
 town or village use it. 
 
 On the other hand, owing to the modern system 
 of publicity, certain cliques have attained to a con- 
 spicuousness before the world, which no doubt has 
 led to their setting the tone and establishing a tra- 
 dition among wider social groups, if not for the 
 general public. But it must always be remembered 
 that these sets form a very small minority ; and 
 that numerous other sets in London and in the 
 country, more completely representative of true 
 British traditions of life and morals, command the 
 respect of a wider public, and far outweigh that 
 minority in numbers, eminence, and influence. These 
 latter still represent what is best in English life. 
 
 The tone of this minority in London society, 
 constantly before the public, was decidedly lowering 
 to public morals and public taste. Their outer life 
 was luxurious, pleasure-seeking, and even dissolute. 
 Especially was it opposed to the fundamental tradi- 
 tion of home-life, which has ever been essentially 
 private and unconcerned with publicity and display. 
 Their lives were pre-eminently lived in public. The 
 restaurant had with them superseded the home ;
 
 84 THE GROWTH OF GERMAN CHAUVINISM 
 
 and their amusements and entertainments were thus 
 enjoyed before the eyes of the multitude. The 
 traditions of the modern press, with its advertising 
 publicity, came in to diffuse still further the elements 
 of luxury and of profligacy and the dissolution of 
 the traditional home. 
 
 As foreign habits of restaurant-life were engrafted, 
 so also foreign tastes in art were established, which 
 not only hampered the natural growth in expression 
 of national character in art, but actually fostered exotic 
 tastes which exercised deeper influences on life itself. 
 
 It is no doubt good to broaden one's taste towards 
 catholicity and to increase the capacity of appreciat- 
 ing, not only the life and art of bygone ages, but 
 also of contemporary peoples remote from ourselves 
 in every way. To have had presented to us the 
 characteristic art (and through it the characteristic 
 life as well) of modern Sicily, Belgium, and even of 
 China and Japan, through the masterly performances 
 of Sicilian, Belgian, Chinese, and Japanese plays 
 enacted by their own people, was an artistic delight 
 and a step towards an extension of aesthetic and 
 intellectual sympathy. Not so, however, the position 
 which was assigned to the Russian ballet. 
 
 The Russian ballet and the masterly and exquisite 
 performances witnessed in London of late years 
 presented us with superior art of its kind. But it 
 would be a mistake to assign too prominent and re- 
 presentative a position to this particular form of 
 art even in the general national art of Russia. It is 
 well to appreciate and to enjoy such artistic pro- 
 duction. But to assign to it a central or dominant 
 influence on our artistic nature, by submitting con- 
 tinuously and for a long period to its charm, until 
 it pervades our whole taste, is a dangerous exaggera- 
 tion which may have deeper and far-reaching effects 
 upon national taste and national morals. The bril-
 
 SALUTARY EFFECT OF THE WAR 85 
 
 liancy and oriental sensuousness of such displays, 
 though justified in due proportion in our artistic 
 experience, cannot be healthy for us when they be- 
 come predominant, and must, should they take hold 
 of our moral, destroy the essential elements of our 
 national character as expressed and confirmed by 
 art. The Arabian Nights are a classic in the world's 
 literature. But to make them the ordinary daily 
 literary pabulum of Western readers and the central 
 standards of Western taste can only pervert the 
 moral as well as the artistic side of our national life. 
 It appears that, with the recent exaggerated pro- 
 minence given to the Russian ballet, such influences 
 have already been at work and have permeated into 
 the life of its devotees, even to the modification of 
 taste in dress. 
 
 These dangers of degeneracy from the example of 
 social minorities and from exotic interference with 
 the true and natural expression of our national life, 
 character, and tastes have been checked by the war. 
 With all its horrors, miseries, and degradations, it has 
 certainly, by the self-sacrifice of our manhood, the 
 devotion and inwardness of effort of our women in 
 fact, the temporary moral revival of the whole nation 
 brought us back to our elemental principles of 
 national morals. May it thus pave the way for a 
 lasting national regeneration in every walk and sphere 
 of life in the future ! 
 
 All these menaces in the social life of contemporary 
 England to which I have referred were dangerous to 
 the continuance of a healthy national life. In view 
 of the degeneration observable in Germany within 
 the last thirty years, we ought to take heed and coun- 
 teract these evil influences which tend to undermine 
 our own national health.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE CONCEPTION OF THE STATE AND OF INTERNATIONAL 
 RELATIONS 
 
 Contra- WE have hitherto considered the direct and immediate 
 
 between causes, national, social, and moral, which have led to 
 
 the cur- this war. But, as I urged from the beginning of this 
 
 ceptions book, there are more remote and less manifest causes 
 
 of the of a more general, though more fundamental, nature 
 
 State and ' . 
 
 of inter- which are to be found in the constitution of the 
 relations mora ^ an( ^ social life, not only of the Germans, but of 
 and of the Western civilised peoples throughout the world . 
 moral" 6 Though these causes are of such a general and remote 
 con- character, they are none the less the factors which 
 
 SC1OU.S" 
 
 ness of have directly contributed to this catastrophic climax 
 modern m the international relations of all civilised peoples. 
 
 man. r . r 
 
 They concern the general ideas and ideals which at 
 once express and regulate the national and inter- 
 national conscience of civilised peoples. Though 
 definitely formulated and effectively fixed, so as to 
 regulate and determine the political life of the several 
 nations, they are in reality in direct contradiction to 
 the true consciousness, political and moral, of the 
 several peoples upon whom they are imposed. Such 
 contradiction applies, in the first instance, to the con- 
 ceptions of the State, and the international relations 
 between the States. 
 
 In spite of the firm foundation and the wide 
 diffusion of democratic principles throughout the 
 civilised world ; in spite of Lincoln's epigrammatic 
 
 86
 
 THE GERMAN CONCEPTION 87 
 
 summary of the object and ultimate aim of govern- The posi- 
 ment, as " Government of the people, by the people, thTstlte 
 and for the people," in the mind of the Germans and at vari- 
 of more autocratically governed nations, the State our C true h 
 is still regarded as an entity apart from and above cpncep- 
 the people ; its authority is conceived as being 
 absolute and autocratic and, in some of its aspects, 
 opposed to its citizens who are to bow down before 
 its authority. Even with ourselves, in some aspects 
 of our political life, especially those that develop 
 patriotic Chauvinism, this idea of the State some- 
 times shows itself. In this conception there is a 
 distinct line drawn between the rulers and the ruled. 
 Even when the governed revolt against their rulers, 
 or harbour the spirit of revolt, they thereby affirm 
 this difference, until they look upon the State and 
 government as criminals look upon the police, not as 
 representatives and guardians of the people's laws 
 laws made by the people and guardians appointed by 
 them to watch over these laws but as the inimical 
 representative of an outside interest opposed to their 
 own. In all these cases, in any event, the State is 
 conceived of as an entity in itself, independent of the 
 people whose unity derived from whatever causes, 
 geographical, ethnological, legislative, social, or moral 
 constitutes the essence of the State. This concep- 
 tion of the State as " a thing in itself," confirmed in 
 the life and history of early peoples and consciously 
 and intellectually by the Greek .writers on history, 
 politics, and philosophy, has survived, in spite of all 
 the huge developments of political thought and 
 liberty, and of the democratic spirit manifested in 
 the writings of publicists and philosophers from the 
 Renaissance onwards and notably in the eighteenth 
 century and since the French Revolution. In the 
 writings of many modern historians, especially Ger- 
 man, accentuated in those of a militaristic turn
 
 88 STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 of mind, to whom we have to such a great degree 
 traced the responsibility for this war, the autocratic 
 and theocratic view of the State survives in a more or 
 less manifest form. With these later historians and 
 constitutional historians, however, an intermediate 
 stage has been developed between the ancient concep- 
 tion of the absolute unity of the State and the demo- 
 Xhe era tic principles of government. This intermediate 
 national conception or compromise is found in the term 
 " national " (Nazional), or rather " racial " (Rassen- 
 staaf), which, as we have seen, to a great extent 
 accounts for the chauvinistic spirit dominating the 
 German world. Whether this modern idea of 
 Nationality, as the chief justification for the existence 
 of the State and as an effective ideal in political life, 
 national and international, is to be traced back to 
 Napoleon or Mazzini, or to a confluence of many 
 historical and political currents in the nineteenth 
 century, the fact remains, that it has been, and is, 
 the most powerful factor in political life and in 
 the formation of political theory. Its influence in 
 modern times can be traced in numerous international 
 movements and crises. In the Balkans it has been 
 both modified and intensified by the fusion of racial 
 with religious differences, and has thus been the cause 
 of continuous international complications and diffi- 
 culties, the final solution of which is remote in the 
 future and threatens the world's peace for some 
 time to come. The modern German development of 
 Nationality found full expression since the days of 
 Bismarck, and its development is not only to be seen 
 in such historians as Treitschke, who was taken up 
 by the publicists and the teachers of constitutional 
 history throughout Germany, but has been, and is, 
 the current German conception in modern times. I 
 well remember how it formed the central idea in the 
 lectures of the late Professor Bluntschli of Heidel-
 
 National- 
 ism. 
 
 RACIAL NATIONALISM 89 
 
 berg, who, though a native of Switzerland, still re- 
 sponded directly to the exactions of Bismarckian 
 policy. The justification for the German Empire The 
 was that it directly responded to, and expressed, the Jo i 
 racial unity of the German people ; and this racial tion of 
 unity drew a fixed and marked line, as regards the i 
 interests and the very existence of the State, between 
 it and other States of different racial origin. Wher- 
 ever among the inhabitants this racial unity was not 
 clearly expressed, in fact was made doubtful or weak- 
 ened, it naturally led to internal antagonism ; and 
 thus grew up within the people the anti-Semitic 
 party, while the Poles and Danes and any other 
 element that could assert itself, or could at all be 
 recognised in its supposed solidarity, was persecuted 
 and suppressed. If this suppression was not com- 
 pletely successful, it naturally led to disquieting 
 elements of disruption and of party contest. It thus 
 favoured antagonism, leading through dislike to 
 hatred without and within. 
 
 In any case the unity of the State and the close ties Racial 
 of affinity and of national affection which give vitality ^not b 
 to its national life give a soul to the nation are claimed 
 very much endangered when they rest upon such British 
 ethnological grounds. For when we ask the question, Empire, 
 ' Which one of the civilised states of modern times f or Eng- 
 can claim, and truly realise its claim to, racial unity ? " land - 
 the answer must be, " Not one of them." While this 
 is being written, there are appearing a series of letters 
 in the Times, grouping round a controversy waged 
 by eminent men, as to the position which the Anglo- 
 Saxons held in the formation and development of the 
 English nation and of the British Empire. Such 
 discussions appear to me futile and childish, especi- 
 ally when their result is to have a direct bearing upon 
 the inner social and political life, and upon the actual 
 foreign relations of our State. Subdivide as you will
 
 go STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 the subjects of the King of England into the original 
 and aboriginal predecessors of modern Englishmen, 
 of palaeolithic and neolithic inhabitants of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, the Celts and their varied ramifi- 
 cations, Bretons, Picts and Scots, Saxons, Danes and 
 Norsemen, Normans and other races ; add to these, 
 in more clearly historical times, the more peaceful 
 incursions of other immigrants, who, from their 
 leadership in thought and in trade and in all forms of 
 industry, or by highly educated social groups or by 
 individual men, have left their mark upon English 
 history subdivide as much as you will, you cannot 
 thereby destroy the unity of the British Empire, the 
 soul of the nation, welded together by its past history, 
 its political constitution, its spirit of liberty, its 
 customs and traditions, and its ideals of living. Not 
 only the ethnological groups of its inhabitants in the 
 remote past, but these more recent accessions to 
 British nationality have had the most powerful 
 influence in giving definite character and in directing 
 the development of English national life. These 
 comprise the Jews, who no doubt in the Middle Ages 
 in the time of Isaac of York and the other " bankers " 
 of those days, before their expulsion, exercised a 
 most powerful civilising influence on the develop- 
 ment of English life. But since their return in the 
 time of Cromwell, they have produced leading indi- 
 viduals in every walk of life, culminating in the per- 
 sonality of Disraeli, who, whether admired or con- 
 demned by the partisan, certainly left his imprint 
 on the history and political character of his age as 
 perhaps no other individual has done since the days 
 of Pitt. We have also to consider the immigration 
 into England both from the Low Countries and from 
 France, of the weavers and skilled artisans, Dutch, 
 Flemish, or Huguenot, who undoubtedly gave a favour- 
 able turn to the character of British trade and industry.
 
 THE ENGLISH PEOPLE 91 
 
 These immigrants also furnish us with individual men 
 and families who have duly risen to eminence and who 
 have added most perceptibly to the formation of our 
 national character in our own days. It is puerile, as 
 well as absolutely inept and ineffectual, to endeavour 
 to apportion the good or the potently effective in our 
 national life and character among the several ethno- 
 logical sources from which the truly formative elements 
 in national history are supposed to be derived. Burke, 
 Wellington, and Palmerston may or may not have been 
 of pure Celtic origin, but they were practically of Irish 
 descent, though they had their full share in the making 
 of England, as much as did Cromwell, Pitt, Fox, and 
 Gladstone. Were one to adopt experimental and 
 observational methods, such as the field-geologist is 
 capable of applying in rapid observation to the 
 theoretical study of geology, one would be absolutely 
 confused and puzzled were one to try to segregate 
 into the various ethnological strata any given number 
 of people in any one of our towns not to speak of 
 London at all and even in our country villages, 
 according to the ethnological types which they are 
 supposed to represent. The whole structure of such 
 generalisation in theoretical study, still more in the 
 practical application of such distinctions to the differ- 
 ent problems of the social and political life of the 
 country nay, the very basis of the existence of the 
 State as a unity would at once topple to the ground. 
 
 And this is not only true of Great Britain, it is Equally 
 true of every single nation of Western Europe, per- ? n ~ , , 
 haps of even Slav Russia. Germany and France are in Ger- 
 in their ethnological constitution as mixed and F r ^ e o r 
 disparate as any nation claiming national unity can any one 
 well be. There may be more difference of physique European 
 and character, of habits of life, of emotionality, of states, 
 intellectual predisposition, of temperament and taste, 
 constituting what we call personality, between the
 
 92 STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 South Germans of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg and 
 Baden and the East Prussian, between them again 
 and the Holsteiner and the Westphalian and those 
 from the Rhine provinces, than between any one of 
 these and citizens of Denmark and Poland, Switzer- 
 land or Holland. And their different dialects, though 
 all form part of the German language, their pro- 
 nunciation and intonation of this same language, 
 are so different that I, though a foreigner, have had 
 to act as an interpreter between the dwellers of the 
 chalets in the Bavarian highlands and the Tyrol and 
 the North German tourists who vainly endeavoured 
 to make themselves understood. 
 
 I do not in any way maintain that the inhabitants 
 who thus differ from one another should not collec- 
 tively form a State, as little as I maintain that, be- 
 cause in language, and perhaps in race, there may 
 be great affinity between sections of the German 
 people and the Swiss, or between other sections and 
 the Flemings and Dutch, they are necessarily to 
 form one State : that Switzerland, Belgium, and 
 Holland should therefore be deprived of their inde- 
 pendence and be incorporated into the German 
 Empire. It is amusing to note how, when would-be 
 scientific and philological principles suit the purposes 
 of German Weltpolitik, they can at once be made 
 subservient to national greed. In an article which 
 has recently appeared, the criminal breach of Belgian 
 neutrality and the prospective annexation of Belgium 
 by the German Empire is supported on the grounds 
 of such philology and ethnology. 
 
 Does anybody in his senses honestly believe that 
 such unsound, pretentious, and pedantic efforts of the 
 ethnologist establish a moral and practical ground 
 for the claims of any State to absolute power, to 
 the commands of which every individual citizen, all 
 classes of the population, all groups and interests of
 
 DEMENTED IMPERIALISM 93 
 
 economic and social life, are to bow down in un- 
 questioning obedience ? Are the rights of the people 
 dependent upon this flimsy and fantastic structure 
 of pedantic schoolmasters aspiring to be master- 
 builders of States ? 
 
 And when we turn from the State in itself to the 
 relations of the several States to one another, how 
 can any one of these, on the ground of an utterly 
 false ethnological generalisation, claim ascendancy 
 over all the others ? What is the conception in the 
 mind of such thinkers and politicians of the relation 
 of the State to the whole inhabited globe with its 
 millions upon millions of human beings, each claim- 
 ing their own right to live and to think and to act 
 in freedom ? On these shadowy figments of narrow 
 and destructive brains they claim the supreme moral 
 right to subjugate other peoples and nations to the 
 interests and desires of one small group of people 
 calling themselves a State, with unrestrained ambi- 
 tion to bend the whole world to their own desires I 
 Why should a relatively small section of land, a 
 district in Europe marked on the map as Germany, 
 with its sixty or seventy millions of people among 
 the untold millions of human beings, become the 
 absorbing centre of the world's collective life, so 
 that all the world should minister to its desires and 
 swear allegiance to its national exactions, to become, 
 not so much the guiding brain and the sentient 
 heart, but the absorbing stomach to which all life 
 is to be subordinated ? It is Imperialism gone mad I N 0r does 
 
 The German may answer that his justification for superi- 
 world-power lies in his Kultur, and that the civilisa- civilisa- 
 tion represented by the German people has the tio j?. e , s ~ 
 
 , . , , . tablish a 
 
 comparatively highest claim among civilised nations, claim for 
 and ought therefore to dominate the world. Quite n to" 
 apart from the fact that we should absolutely deny absorb 
 this primacy of German civilisation, which, as we
 
 94 STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 have seen before, even their own philosophers deny, 
 how can they diffuse and advance their own Kultur 
 by the barbarous and degrading methods of war ? 
 But even if, arguments causa, we were to admit that 
 they were thus fitted to lead, then let them lead 
 onwards and upwards ; but not push and drive with 
 brutal as well as deceitful and utterly demoralising 
 force their peaceful neighbours and distant peoples 
 back into the fold of their own selfishness, to serve 
 their own interests, increase their wealth and power, 
 to satisfy the lust of dominance, nay, the vanity of 
 this sixty or seventy millions of people in that small 
 portion of the globe. I may be allowed to repeat 
 what in substance I have already written with refer- 
 ence to the Jews : * 
 
 " If there is anything good in you you who may, 
 with more or less doubtful accuracy, be supposed to 
 be the direct descendants of one of the greatest 
 races of the past show it and let the world benefit 
 by the spirit which moves you and has moved you 
 in the past ; hold on high the torch of your ancestors 
 and let it illumine the world for the good of the 
 world ! But you are most likely to accomplish this, 
 not by segregating yourselves into separate social 
 or political groups in the States of which you are 
 citizens, still less by endeavouring to become a 
 separate nation with all the pretentions, the actual 
 or potential antagonisms to other States which such 
 corporateness implies ; but by being perfectly deve- 
 loped and high-minded individuals, affectionate and 
 helpful members of your family, devotedly attached 
 to its prosperity and its good name, beneficent 
 dwellers in any community where you may happen 
 to live, and loyal citizens of the State in which, 
 whether for many centuries or even for a few years, 
 you have been active national units, contributing as 
 such units to the free development of the laws and 
 
 1 See the chapter (II, pp. 54-99) on the Mission of the Jews in my 
 book The Jewish Question and the Mission of the Jews.
 
 JEWISH NATIONAL PRETENSIONS 95 
 
 the national life of such a State. Let your poetic 
 imagination and your pride of descent, and the duty 
 which you owe to the good fame of your ancestors, 
 beautify and strengthen your lives, as the works of 
 art or the beauties of literature in due proportion 
 add their refining element to your life of leisure. 
 Sentiment is all, because it groups round the idea, 
 the ideal essence, of material things. If any natural 
 evolution of the human kind and any sequence of 
 historical events (though, in your case, generally 
 sad) have made you what you are, and what you 
 are is good, let this good permeate into the life about 
 you as individual factors in a complex State, and let 
 all together ultimately lead to the advance of the 
 human race and the diffusion of happiness through- 
 out it ! " 
 
 Deutsche Kultur if you like, whatever be best in 
 it ! But not the Kultur of the Prussian Junker, or 
 bureaucrat, the grasping Alldeutscher pauper who 
 wants more money, the beer-heavy stump speaker in 
 a frowsy inn who, indolent in all but his unassuaged 
 rapacity, fans his sentimental Gemuthlichkeit of old 
 into hysterical passion, until it at last bursts forth 
 into a Hymn of Hate ! Such, however, is the con- 
 tagion of the chauvinistic idea, of the so-called 
 Nazional-Staat, to which I have before referred, that 
 the Jews themselves have been affected, and a small 
 section of them must needs strive for a Jewish 
 Empire in the conception of the Zionist movement. 
 
 The objection may be made, that all that I have The 
 just said and urged against the vicious spirit of All- Briti 
 deutschland is also directed against all Imperialism, and the 
 including British Imperialism. But I would except 
 the British Empire, because it has, in pursuing its 
 own national destiny as a great colonising State, gone 
 as far as, under the dominant condition of national 
 and racial ideas of our days, it could go towards the 
 realisation of our true ideals of politics. It aims in 
 
 9
 
 96 STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 every case at establishing freedom and self-govern- 
 ment for each colony, of giving of the best to each 
 one of these which in the course of history have 
 come under its influence and dominion, and, fulfilling 
 its mission as long as Free Trade and the " Open 
 Door " rule its policy of ignoring the selfish call of 
 the immediate interests in the Mother Country. 
 
 What always remains in welding the numerous 
 and varied peoples of the British Empire together 
 is the national sentiment, the feeling of a common 
 past, of a common origin, of common traditions, and 
 of a united struggle for the realisation of definite ideas 
 and ideals in government and social life. Just as the 
 members and descendants of one family are bound 
 together, but are thereby in no way excluded from 
 their vigorous endeavours to be good citizens of their 
 country and of the world at large, to realise the 
 tasks in the life set before them, and to contribute 
 as individuals to the advancement and betterment of 
 the whole world, so are all the citizens of the British 
 Empire bound together ; and this war to the un- 
 doing of German Chauvinists has proved the reality 
 and strength of these bonds more forcibly than ever 
 before. I repeat : sentiment is a great power and 
 has its direct practical uses and effectiveness, especi- 
 ally in larger collective bodies. It is more real and 
 more effective, and less likely to lead to discord and 
 the clashing of interests, than the manifestly prac- 
 tical aims and allurements of colonial preference or 
 of protective tariffs. 
 
 German But why should Germany, after driving like a 
 iS? erial " we dge its commercial penetration into Asia Minor, or 
 one of the South American Republics, and naturally 
 and organically affecting the life of these countries, 
 until the good that may thus arise will of its own 
 force survive, why should force and brutal com- 
 pulsion destroy the national life of the people in-
 
 NATIONAL TYRANNY 97 
 
 habiting these countries, and artificially engraft the 
 conditions which prevail in Germany so as mechani- 
 cally to supersede by force (not by persuasion and 
 evolution) the living civilisation which has grown up 
 out of the soil and out of the history of Asia Minor or 
 South America, arising from legitimate traditions and 
 national sentiments ? Above all, finally, why (should 
 the Germans succeed in establishing such colonies) 
 should these become merely the means to develop 
 the commerce and wealth, to swell the pockets and 
 paunches of the German officials and manufacturers 
 and merchants, all ending in discord and endless war 
 and bloodshed within and without and over the whole 
 world ? But this is the real picture which those who 
 have made, and those who are carrying on, this 
 criminal war, have drawn for the edification of the 
 German people. The spirit of German culture is not 
 the aim in itself, and never was, even if they were 
 convinced of its absolute superiority over all other 
 forms of civilisation. 
 
 The accumulation of irrefutable evidence from every 
 quarter of the globe, the definite statements and docu- 
 ments revealed since the war began, and the more 
 recent pronouncements of the King of Bavaria con- 
 cerning Belgium, leave no doubt of the aggressive 
 plans of annexation and land-grabbing of the domi- 
 nant leaders of Germany which have matured for 
 years past. Moreover, it has been shown by their 
 own official statements that there is no real pressing 
 need for colonisation and " the place in the sun " to 
 ind employment for the surplus population of Ger- 
 lany. Emigration has decreased, not increased, 
 /ithin recent years in fact labour has been con- 
 tinually imported into Germany from other countries. 1 
 
 1 See Helfferich in Soziale Kultur und Volkswohlfahrt wdhrend der 
 rsten 25 Regierungsjahre Wilhelms II, p. 17 ; also G. L. Beer, in the 
 7 orum, May 1915, p. 550 ; and /' Accuse (German edition), pp. 41 seq.
 
 98 STATE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
 
 If German Kultur is the best of all existing forms 
 of civilisation, it will assert itself by its intrinsic 
 worth, weight, and power. If the German language 
 is the best means of conveying human thought, it 
 will assert itself and supersede all other languages. 
 But we shall not adopt them at the command of the 
 German Junker or the German drill-sergeant, or 
 stand by to see them forced upon weaker States, who 
 themselves may possess even an older and nobler 
 civilisation of their own, in order to satisfy the school- 
 boy vanity of German thinkers of second, third, or 
 fourth-rate capacity, devoid of all genius, whose only 
 merit and use, great though it be, consists in tabu- 
 lating and making handy for the world the achieve- 
 ments of the great geniuses, most of them not German, 
 who marked an epoch in the world of thought and 
 art and invention ; nor shall we head the vociferous 
 band of intellectual followers, drunken with the A II- 
 Deutsche ideals of a Treitschke, a Bernhardi, or a 
 Nietzsche. Why, to satisfy German national and 
 racial vanity, should Holland, and Belgium, and 
 Switzerland ultimately Denmark, and Norway, and 
 Sweden as well be expunged from the political map 
 of Europe ? Why should Northern France disappear 
 as the courageous and imaginative leader of modern 
 thought and taste ? Why should German ambitions 
 be unchecked as regards South America, Asia Minor, 
 China, and Japan, and their envious rapacity push on 
 to grasp the colonies and dependencies of Great 
 Britain, happy in their political kinship with their 
 political and social parent land, loyal to its dominion 
 and leadership, and ready as the present war has 
 proved to fight her battles and to assert her 
 might ! 
 
 The British Empire has, up to the present moment, 
 recognised and acted upon the principle of the Open 
 Door with regard to its colonies and dependencies,
 
 THE OPEN DOOR 99 
 
 and it would be nothing short of a political crime, as 
 well as economic folly, to abandon this broadest 
 principle of Free Trade, upon which morally as well 
 as materially the prosperity of the British Empire 
 has hitherto rested.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE 
 MODERN MAN 
 
 The in- THIS principle of the Open Door has formed the very 
 tionai essence of the policy of the United States, when it had 
 principle been drawn into the vortex of international struggle 
 open 6 m the case f China, and was clearly expressed in the 
 Door. lasting and classic pronouncement of that great and 
 wise political leader, the late John Hay. It has been, 
 and will ever remain, the dominant principle of the 
 government of the United States in its relation to the 
 expansion of Western civilisation. With the recog- 
 nition of this principle and the absence of all those 
 international intrigues and smouldering, or flaming, 
 antagonisms for which in the past Germany has been 
 chiefly responsible (though Russia and ourselves and 
 all other States are not free from guilt in the methods 
 and work of their Foreign Offices), there is no reason 
 why the commercial penetration of Asia Minor and all 
 that the building of the Bagdad Railway meant might 
 not ultimately have provided Germany with a vast 
 field for enterprise, for commercial expansion at home, 
 and for the employment abroad of men with energy 
 and talent from the Mother Country. Of course they 
 would in justice be bound to consider and to respect 
 the well-established claims established through many 
 years of fruitful activity which Great Britain pos- 
 sessed on the Persian Gulf and in the adjacent centres 
 bordering it, such as Koweit and Busra. In spite of 
 
 100
 
 THE OPEN DOOR 101 
 
 the Monroe Doctrine, why should not Germany have 
 continued the commercial penetration of more than 
 one of the South American republics with large groups 
 of German settlers forming, de facto, German colonies ; 
 until, again de facto, by the exercise of free and peace- 
 ful activity these colonists would have gained actual 
 control in directing the course of life and in setting 
 its tone in such countries ? Moreover, if their own 
 Kultur, the civilisation which they collectively repre- 
 sent, was actually superior to the civilisation which 
 they found and which had before been dominant, it 
 would of itself have changed, and ultimately have 
 superseded, the lower forms ; and we might in due 
 course have seen the actual transplantation of German 
 Kultur into distant parts of the globe. History has 
 repeatedly shown how the superior civilisation will 
 prevail over the lower forms which it meets in any 
 given country. Ultimately, however, it is possible, 
 nay probable, that such an off-shoot from the parent 
 stock in peaceful colonial development will sever 
 itself from the parent stem and establish an indepen- 
 dent existence and growth of its own ; but the civili- 
 sation remains the same in its original essence and 
 in the blessings of superiority which the parent nation 
 has conferred upon its off-shoot. Was not the United 
 States a direct off-shoot of the English parent stem, 
 and may not in the future the British colonies more 
 and more assert their political and social independence 
 and develop their own local and peculiar characters, 
 enriching the world by a distinct and new form of 
 civilisation or an equality of height with the parent 
 culture, until they may even react upon the old world 
 and modify it in many forms ? So the civilisation 
 of the Greek colonies in Magna Grsecia and Sicily 
 reacted upon the Mother Country ; while, in great 
 part through these Greek colonies, the Latin civilisa- 
 tion of the Italic Peninsula was infused with Hellenism.
 
 102 HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF MAN 
 
 Then, through the vast Roman Empire, nearly every 
 part of the world was modified to the very depths of 
 social and political existence in the spirit of Hellenism, 
 as it passed through, and was modified and enlarged 
 by, Rome. Finally, after the Italian Renaissance, 
 the submerged classic spirit again arose in a new, yet 
 pristine, glory ; and the classical spirit of humanity 
 has ever since dominated and been the most potent 
 factor in modern European civilisation, both in 
 Europe itself and in America, and will ultimately 
 penetrate into the farthest East and West and North 
 and South of this earth of ours. 
 
 Patriot- But here the cloven foot of Chauvinism in a seem- 
 nationai m gly noble and more justifiable form shows itself 
 vanity, again ; and now it is in the spirit of " national 
 patriotism," as it may be called, or of national 
 vanity as it might more properly be termed. The 
 members of a living modern State do not wish to lose 
 one particle of the credit and the glory which comes 
 from seeing themselves and what they consider their 
 own Kultur carried away from them by their migrating 
 sons. Whatever prosperity may come to these 
 colonising sons, whatever the good which may flow 
 from them and their efforts into the new home of 
 their adoption, however marked the step in advance 
 which through the new community may thus be made 
 in the civilisation of the whole world through its 
 infusion into distant parts, that of itself is not enough. 
 It must immediately and in every case reflect the 
 glory of those at home ; it must contribute directly 
 to the prosperity or the fame of the parent hearth, 
 nay of the parent himself. The unwise father thus 
 is tempted to play the part of Providence and to 
 project his will far into the future ; as the " dead 
 hand " in the will of a self-assertive testator endea- 
 vours in every detail of life to bind the beneficiaries 
 of his testament and to direct and to modify the
 
 NATIONAL VANITY 103 
 
 will, the reason, and the actions even the sense of 
 justice of those who succeed him. 
 
 Consider it as you may, the fact remains, that fun- 
 damentally this so-called national patriotism, which 
 insists upon definite and distinct national expansion, 
 is but the outcome of supreme national vanity, nar- 
 rowed down by a selfish and petty sphere of vision, 
 if it be not the grosser form of clear-sighted selfish- 
 ness, which only aims at its own immediate material 
 aggrandisement, increase of wealth and comfort, to 
 be derived, not only from the colony as such, but from 
 every individual sent out supposedly for his own 
 good and whose activity it is desired to limit and to 
 hamper to the sole good of the Mother Country. 
 
 As it has been this antiquated and false conception 
 of the State in its relation to its citizens which is in 
 great part accountable for the growth and develop- 
 ment of Chauvinism in Germany, and has led to this 
 catastrophic war, so it is especially this distorted view 
 of colonial expansion, mistaking national vanity for 
 patriotism, which is even more directly responsible 
 for German aggression throughout the world ; and, 
 when fanned into the raging heat of passion through 
 the characteristic vice of envy, has produced the spirit 
 of hatred against the British Empire and its inhabit- 
 ants which has thrown the modern German nation 
 back to the savagery of the primitive Hun. 
 
 And what will every right-minded German citizen 
 say when, without even considering the injustice 
 and savagery shown to his fellow-men of other 
 countries, nor the initial injustice of German aggres- 
 sion in this war, he realises through untold suffering 
 the misery and financial ruin of his own country, the 
 torture and suffering ending in the death of millions 
 of his own kith and kin, and the sadness which will 
 come to every German home, not one of which will 
 be free from intense anguish 1 What will these right-
 
 104 HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF MAN 
 
 minded and clear-thinking Germans say when the 
 scales have fallen from their eyes and they fully 
 realise for what imaginary, what trivial and inanely 
 stupid motives this huge sacrifice of life, wealth, 
 and happiness a greater sacrifice than has ever been, 
 made in the world's history has been made, this 
 criminal war has been waged ! 
 
 Remember, moreover, that the German workman 
 k ac * continuously and for many years been gaining 
 the conviction (and the determination to act upon 
 it) that by nature, interest, and morality he was 
 not severed from his fellow-workmen living in other 
 countries and belonging to other nations, that so far 
 from regarding them as his natural enemies he actually 
 felt them to be his brothers, his friends in arms. 
 Within recent times, day by day and year by year, 
 he became conscious of his power to act in accordance 
 with these true feelings guiding the labouring man 
 all over the world. The International Socialistic 
 Brotherhood was not a mere name without substance 
 or without power. What this power meant and how 
 it could effectually be used against the action of his 
 militarist tyrants became clearly manifest from the 
 moment that in Russia in 1905 the first attempt was 
 made on a large scale to organise a general strike. 
 Though on that occasion the general strike was not 
 completely successful, still it did produce a consider- 
 able effect in Russia itself, and was one of the most 
 important events in modern history. It proved to 
 the world what might in the future be done by the 
 united action of the labouring men in any country 
 who knew their own minds, were clear in their purpose, 
 and well organised in carrying out their plans. 
 Moreover, as the years rolled on, the international 
 aspect of the union of labouring men, leading to con- 
 certed action in the interests of the whole body, grew 
 more clearly pronounced and promised more definite
 
 GENERAL STRIKES 105 
 
 international action. The so-called sympathetic 
 strikes spreading from one country to the other grew 
 in frequency. It thus became clear to a great many 
 thinkers, and to many of the leaders of the Labour 
 Party themselves, that the so-called pacifist tenden- 
 cies and aims of these powerful bodies all over the 
 world might in the near future effectually prevent 
 any great European war in fact any war between 
 civilised and well-organised modern States. I have 
 referred above (p. 6) to the opinion held by one 
 of the greatest living authorities on the labour 
 question and the international character which strikes 
 were assuming. These facts were a confirmation of 
 my own opinion, shared by a leading German states- 
 man, that in the near future wars between civilised 
 nations might thus become impossible. There can 
 be no doubt that the true consciousness of the mass 
 of the labouring men in Europe at all events the 
 most intelligent and most influential amongst them 
 was utterly opposed to any great war between 
 civilised nations and had no feeling of opposition, 
 animosity, or violent hatred to the population of any 
 other country on the grounds of national, racial, 
 or imperial differences. On the contrary, they were 
 distinctly anti-Chauvinistic and were cultivating 
 feelings and actions of international comity among all 
 workers in all civilised States. More and more they 
 were preparing themselves to check and to counteract 
 in every way international aggression and internecine 
 war. 
 
 At the same time the action of capital as such and intema- 
 of the capitalistic class, in spite of the potent and charac- 
 overwhelming interests of those concerned in arma- ter of 
 ments, was working in the same direction to make capltal - 
 war in future between civilised nations impossible, 
 almost inconceivable. Mr. Norman Angell and many 
 other writers have forcibly impressed upon the world
 
 io6 HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF MAN 
 
 the constraining influence of international capital 
 and industry in its opposition to war and the disas- 
 trous effects which war would have not only upon 
 the nations concerned, but upon neutrals as well. 
 They have also shown how even the victorious nation 
 cannot in modern times gain the fruits of its victory. 
 No doubt in bygone ages the greed of possession 
 and acquisition were generally the motives which led 
 to warlike aggression and immediately rewarded the 
 victor by the increase of his own wealth and of all 
 other amenities of life. But with the modern appli- 
 cation of capital and its penetration from one com- 
 mercial centre into all foreign parts and distant 
 nations, the sensitiveness and interdependence of 
 financial, commercial, and industrial bodies in every 
 nation offered no such inducements to the aggressor 
 and made it the universal interest of every nation to 
 prevent a war. 
 
 Apparently all the prophecies of these pacifist 
 writers have been belied by the course of recent 
 events. But this is only apparent, and not actually 
 true. The truth is that, perhaps, on the one side 
 the materialistic interests were too strongly backed 
 by that section of the economic world directly inter- 
 ested in armaments ; and that, on the other side, the 
 contingency to which I have just referred namely, 
 that in the race for time the militaristic competitor 
 literally " stole a march," and that this war was thus 
 brought about. It may perhaps only have been a 
 question of a few years that the hoplite runner would 
 have been completely outdistanced and beaten by the 
 unarmed, yet fleet and sure-footed, toiler in the fields 
 and in the factory. 
 
 I must here reproduce the exposition of this ques- 
 tion as published by me twenty-one years ago (The 
 Jewish Question and the Mission of the Jews, 6th ed. 
 London and New York, 1894, p. 82 seq.}.
 
 INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL AND LABOUR 107 
 
 "The present foreign policy of European States 
 shows a disastrous confusion which marks a transition. 
 It is the death-struggle of nationalism, and the tran- 
 sition to a more active and real form of general inter- 
 national federation. In this death-struggle we have 
 the swan-song of the past dynastic traditions in 
 monarchy giving form, and often heat and intensity, 
 to the contest upheld in certain customs of diplomatic 
 machinery, with, on the other hand, the birth-struggle 
 towards the organisation of international life, the 
 needs of which are at present only felt practically 
 in the sphere of commerce. This birth-struggle at 
 present manifests itself chiefly in narrow and undig- 
 nified jealousy and envy for commercial advantages ; 
 and this, unfortunately, is growing the supreme ulti- 
 mate aim of all international emulation. We can 
 trace nearly all the diplomatic rivalry ultimately to 
 the interests of commerce and the greed for money. 
 One often hears it said that Jewish bankers make 
 and unmake wars. This is not true. Money makes 
 and unmakes wars ; and if there were not this greed 
 of money among the contending people the bankers 
 would not be called upon at all. There are, of course, 
 further complications favouring the older spirit of 
 national envy, which is dying, though far from being 
 dead. Such are the influences of the huge military 
 organisations, definite wounds unhealed (such as the 
 feeling of reprisal on the part of France), and, finally, 
 the last phases of the artificial bolstering up of the 
 idea of the National-Staat in Germany and Italy. 
 But the whole of this conception of nationalism, in so 
 far as it implies an initial hatred and enmity towards 
 other national bodies, is doomed. A few generations, 
 perhaps, of disaster and misery accompanying this 
 death-struggle will see the new era. 
 
 " Now, there are several practical factors which 
 are paving the way indirectly towards the broader 
 national life of this coming era. They are, strange 
 to say, the two main opposite forces of the economical 
 life of the day : Capital and Labour. Each of these, 
 separately following the inherent impulse of its great 
 forces, which constantly run counter to one another,
 
 io8 HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF MAN 
 
 tends towards the .same goal, especially in its pro- 
 nounced forms. Capital does this in the great inter- 
 national houses and in the Stock Exchanges ; Labour, 
 since the first International Convention of 1867, in its 
 great labour organisations. The highly developed 
 system of modern banking business and of the Stock 
 Exchange, favoured by the rapid and easy means of 
 intercommunication without regard to distance, has 
 made all countries, however far apart, sensitive to 
 the fate which befalls each ; and this tends more 
 and more to make Capital an international unit, 
 which can be, and is being, used, whatever its origin, 
 in all the different quarters where there seems a 
 promising demand for it. 
 
 " On the other hand, the growth of organisation 
 among the representatives of labour is fast stepping 
 beyond the narrow limits of national boundaries, 
 and the common interests tend to increase the direct- 
 ness of this wider institution. I am not adducing 
 these facts in order to suggest any solution of the 
 numerous problems which they involve, nor to direct 
 the attention to the interesting historical, economical, 
 and political questions to which they may give rise ; 
 but simply to draw attention to the one fact that 
 in this respect both capital and labour are effectively 
 paving the way, perhaps unknown to the extreme 
 representatives of either interest, towards the increase 
 of a strong and active cosmopolitan spirit of humani- 
 tarianism. And this spirit, at least as an ideal, is 
 certainly dominant in the minds of the best and wisest 
 people of our generation." 1 
 
 Such is the united tendency and action of the two 
 main factors in modern economic life which are 
 
 1 But let no man from the camp of the capitalist (as some anti- 
 Semitic German politicians have endeavoured to do) charge the Jews 
 with being the instigators to Socialism, nor let a Socialist urge his 
 fellow-partisans to an anti-Jewish" riot ; for the leading spirits of both 
 these antagonistic forces were Jews : the bankers, such as the Roths- 
 childs ; and the economists, such as Lassalle and Karl Marx. The 
 capitalists cannot curse the Jews, and the Socialists cannot dynamite 
 the Jews without disowning their very leaders.
 
 DECLINE OF NATIONAL ANTAGONISM 109 
 
 supposed to be, and usually are, directly opposed as 
 inimical forces in the minds of the extreme repre- 
 sentatives of each factor namely, capital and labour. 
 But in this great issue, following out their separate 
 and, at times, divergent courses and interests, they 
 definitely tend to unite in one common goal of inter- 
 national federation and of opposition to war. 
 
 More important still, however, than these two The 
 forces in economic modern life has been the growing 
 consciousness of the whole population of the world stious- 
 
 ness of 
 
 as represented by all people of right feelings and of human 
 normal and clear thought. The sense of a common 
 humanity, moved by the same feelings, aspirations, 
 and ideals and with essentially the same goals and 
 interests to work for, has been growing in extent and 
 in intensity throughout the whole world, irrespective 
 of local, racial, or national differences. Without any 
 Utopian pretensions, this fundamental conviction is so 
 strong and real among even the least thoughtful, 
 that, unless they are blinded by momentary passions 
 and relapses into bygone savagery, it is the leading 
 attitude of mind in which all people consider their 
 fellow -beings in every part of the world. More- 
 over the actual facilities of intercommunication and 
 of travel have grown to such an extent in every 
 civilised country, for even the larger mass of the 
 people, that they have established affinities and direct 
 relations, numerous actual points de rattachement, 
 with the dwellers beyond the boundaries of their own 
 country or nationality, and these bonds of affinity 
 and of moral or material contact have become so real 
 that they actually count for more than mere propin- 
 quity or even consanguinity within the one country 
 and nation where no such affinity or contact exists. 
 Passionate antagonism and hatred may be more 
 intense between two neighbouring villages, between 
 two families, and sometimes even between the members
 
 no HUMANITARIAN CONSCIOUSNESS OF MAN 
 
 of one family than between the inhabitants of distant 
 countries. I should like to anticipate here what 
 will be dealt with farther on, and to add that such 
 individuals and villages would at once enforce their 
 enmity by violence were it not for the power of the law 
 backed by the police. Of course this feeling of human 
 solidarity exists especially among those who have 
 attained a higher degree of moral and intellectual 
 development through the channels of higher educa- 
 tion in literature, science, or art, and it exists still 
 more between those who in their habits and their 
 tastes are guided by the same leading principles, 
 and have assimilated into their very moral system 
 the same rules and preferences of conduct in every 
 detail of living. It is here that the formal side of 
 modern national life is antiquated, in fact directly 
 at variance with the inner substance of the life itself 
 as it exists in the consciousness of modern people. 1 
 
 1 Since the above was written I find that the author of J' Accuse 
 (p. 316, German edition) has expressed the same idea, even including 
 the terms " perpendicular and horizontal division of humanity." 
 But such agreement ought not to astonish, considering that it is the 
 conception of truth which we chose and that not only two people but 
 all right-minded people ought to agree.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PATRIOTISM AND COSMOPOLITANISM THE PERPEN- 
 DICULAR AND HORIZONTAL DIVISIONS OF HUMAN 
 SOCIETY 
 
 To put it into a crude geographical formula : the 
 subdivisions in the grouping of people have hitherto 
 been on the perpendicular principle ; to correspond 
 to what actually exists, they ought to be, and cer- 
 tainly will in the future be, on the horizontal prin- 
 ciple. Human beings can no longer be subdivided by 
 lines cutting into the earth and delimiting the fron- 
 tiers of nations, still less by imaginary and inaccurate 
 lines of established or hypothetical racial origin. The 
 Modern communications have, as a matter of fact, 
 erased these lines, and military frontiers can only Division, 
 artificially restore them to importance for a short 
 time . Even the sea no longer separates . As a matter 
 of fact, the sea as a means of intercommunication 
 and of commercial transportation binds together more 
 than it divides. It is often cheaper to send goods to 
 distant countries thousands of miles by sea than 
 scores of miles by rail in the same country. Nor can 
 human hearts and human minds, human tastes and 
 habits of living, be united or kept asunder by a geo- 
 graphical line. 
 
 On the other hand, the horizontal line, which The Hori- 
 marks the moral and intellectual phases regulating 
 the lives of human beings all over the world, does 
 really provide us with the principle of grouping 
 
 10 I"
 
 H2 PATRIOTISM AND COSMOPOLITANISM 
 
 corresponding to actuality. To put it grossly : an 
 Englishman of the criminal classes has as little in 
 common with an honourable, noble, and high-minded 
 Englishman, as a German, Frenchman, or Italian of 
 the same low standards has with that of the higher 
 representatives of those nations. On the other 
 hand, the criminals in each country can readily form 
 a brotherhood with harmonious aims of life and 
 habits, as the high-minded gentlemen of each nation 
 will at once find a common ground for living, for 
 free, profitable, and pleasant intercourse, and, above 
 all, for the higher aspirations of life and living among 
 those of the same type in other countries. These 
 are extreme cases ; but the principle applies to all 
 the finer shadings in the scale of population, of the 
 living, and thinking, and feeling of the nations all 
 over the world. 
 
 if true of It is thus in direct contradiction to the actual 
 duais'a consc iousness of the peoples of Europe and America 
 fortiori to feel enmity towards those in other countries with 
 states, whom, on the contrary, there exist the strongest links 
 Antagon- o f mutual regard and of brotherhood ; and certainly 
 
 isms be- . . 
 
 tween so-called national differences cannot justify an 
 actual^ 6 anta g n i sm which goes to the length of bloodthirsty 
 not based attempts to destroy their very lives. 
 the'geo- ^ tms i s true f tne individual men and women 
 graphical composing the several States and nations, it also 
 n- applies to the collective unity of population in the 
 
 stitution State. In spite of the German conception of the 
 
 of GcLCfl 
 
 so-called Nazional-Staat, of the difference in origin 
 and race upon which the separateness of the several 
 States is to be based, the States thus belie their very 
 principles of union if they base antagonism which 
 leads to war upon ethnological grounds. For, as 
 Germany is now constituted, the inhabitants of 
 Holstein, shoulder to shoulder with Slav Prussians, 
 might have to fight the Dutchmen and the Saxon
 
 NEITHER ETHNOLOGICAL NOR GEOGRAPHICAL 113 
 
 * 
 
 Englishmen with whom they claim a common racial 
 origin an origin which they might also claim with 
 the Flemings and the inhabitants of Northern France. 
 Perhaps even many Lombards in Northern Italy 
 might thus have to meet in battle their racial 
 brothers from Germany, who have joined the Prussian 
 Slav. 
 
 Nor can these antagonisms be based upon geo- 
 graphical grounds, and the political boundaries thus 
 marked, for then Canada and Australasia could on 
 these grounds not make common cause with Great 
 Britain and Ireland. Nor even in the present con- 
 dition of military powers can the coalition of States 
 as units be based upon identity or similarity in the 
 essential conception of what a State is and what its 
 aims are. For the alliances and ententes belie any 
 such principle of selection in their formation. The 
 alliance between Germany, the Nazional-Staat, and 
 the German section of the Hapsburg Empire would 
 be perfectly intelligible and logical. But when we 
 come to the Magyar and Slav and Rumanian con- 
 stituents of that Empire, the logical ground for such 
 an alliance entirely vanishes, and may even in itself 
 constitute antagonism rather than unity or harmony 
 of national aspirations. On the other hand, when 
 we consider the essential nature of the State and of 
 government and find the Republic of France, with 
 its vigorous aspirations towards political progress 
 and reform, allied with the Russian autocracy, 
 hitherto of all European States most clearly identified 
 with political reaction ; when we realise that but a 
 short time ago the Republic of France manifested 
 a most acute phase of political antagonism to Eng- 
 land ; when we consider the natural antagonism 
 between Western Liberalism and Eastern Autocracy, 
 and the affinity of principles and aspirations between 
 the German democratic section and those of France
 
 H4 PATRIOTISM AND COSMOPOLITANISM 
 
 and England, we meet with a confusion so complex 
 and dense that, at least, one fact rises clearly before 
 our mind : namely, that in the political grouping of 
 the several States there is the same paradoxical dis- 
 crepancy between the professed political conscience, 
 the essence of political life, and the direct resultant 
 activities of each State in realising its would-be pro- 
 fessions of national existence and of national aspira- 
 tions. 1 We actually do not know where we are and 
 on what principle our national alliances are based : 
 and still less why we should fight each other, except- 
 ing that the so-called State or rather a section of 
 its rulers has commanded us to do so. 
 
 The manifest net result of these convincing and 
 constraining political conclusions, both as regards 
 the position of individual citizens and of the State 
 as a whole, is that our fundamental conception of 
 what a State is and ought to be is wrong, and that 
 we must bring it into harmony with the clear and 
 well-founded conception of modern man as in his 
 sane moments and with the courage of his convictions 
 he must formulate it. 
 
 1 Since the above was written Italy has left the Triple Alliance and 
 has joined the Entente Powers, while Bulgaria has actually joined 
 with Turkey and the Central Powers to fight the Serbians and the 
 Russians.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 RECONSIDERATION OF THE TRUE MODERN MEANING 
 OF STATE AND OF PATRIOTISM 
 
 IT thus becomes quite evident that all our ideas con- 
 cerning the State, and our consequent duties to the 
 State, must be reconsidered in the light of the 
 entirety of our modern life and our moral and social 
 consciousness. This consideration of our duties 
 raises the whole question of patriotism, no doubt one 
 of the cardinal virtues of civilised man. No term 
 has been used to stimulate man to higher and nobler 
 deeds, and at the same time been abused to cover, 
 under the specious garb of enthusiasm and of unsel- 
 fishness, the narrow and even unprincipled passions 
 of designing self-seekers. The term " patriot " readily 
 recalls to mind the words of Dr. Johnson : " the last 
 resort of a scoundrel." 1 
 
 Though we may feel that when nations are at war Patriot- 
 the time is not suited to a critical consideration of^ 
 patriotic duties, we do feel that in more normal man's 
 times, and when we are able dispassionately to ex- ] 
 amine political ethics and our own attitude with 
 
 1 In an excellent article on Patriotism by Dr. Inge, Dean of St. 
 Paul's (Quarterly Review, July 1915), with which I am in hearty 
 agreement, the writer quotes some moralists " who have condemned 
 patriotism " as pure egoism magnified and disguised. " Patriotism," 
 says Ruskin, " is an absurd prejudice founded on an extended selfish- 
 ness." Mr. Grant Allen calls it a vulgar vice the national or col- 
 lective form of the monopolist instinct. Mr. Havelock Ellis allows 
 it to be " a virtue among barbarians." For Herbert Spencer it is 
 " reflex egoism extended selfishness." 
 
 "5
 
 n6 MEANING OF STATE AND PATRIOTISM 
 
 regard to patriotism and our obligation to the State, 
 it is our bounden duty seriously to reconsider these 
 fundamental conceptions and to modify public 
 opinion in accordance with our feeling for right and 
 wrong as produced by the development of modern 
 civilised life. 
 
 I would premise two general principles, which 
 ought really to be axiomatic, in dealing with our 
 political duties : (i) Our first duty to the State is, 
 individually as citizens, to keep it up to the essential 
 purposes of its existence. As the State is based 
 upon community of past history, of present laws 
 and customs, political and social, and of future aspira- 
 tions, political, social, ethical, and cultural, we must 
 contribute our share individually to keep these 
 essential aims before the Government, as the " soul " 
 of the nation or State. We must take heed that 
 they are not submerged into lifeless formalism by 
 the established powers of the State, or that the 
 State does not become actually subversive of its 
 moral principles, its national soul. (2) That each 
 group of human duties must always be kept in 
 harmony with the higher and more fundamental 
 because universal duties. Our patriotism need 
 never clash with our duties to humanity and re- 
 ligion, provided we keep the State up to its essential 
 purpose and ideals. 
 
 Origin of When once man has risen above the animal stage 
 ancTpo- m which he is entirely guided by unconscious in- 
 nticai stinct, by the need for self-preservation, which is 
 lcs * extended, through the course of his instincts for 
 propagation, to the support and advance of his off- 
 spring, until the family is evolved as a distinct 
 social entity, and through the family, the clan, the 
 tribe, the community, and the nation ; when once 
 he has risen above this purely selfish instinct to the 
 establishment of social laws, in which the interests
 
 ORIGIN OF SOCIAL ETHICS 117 
 
 of the individual are co-ordinated and the common 
 interests of wider and even less tangible and mani- 
 fest groups of individuals assert themselves, and 
 lead to the establishment of social and moral laws, 
 which all tend to check the powerful and unimpeded 
 course of selfishness, then begins the higher phase 
 of civilisation. This is marked, above all, not only 
 by the recognition of ethical codes, in which reason- 
 able altruism supersedes unreasoning egoism, but 
 such moral codes transfuse the consciousness of men 
 through the earliest phases of their infantile educa- 
 tion, through every stage of their growth and life 
 down to old age, until the civilised being develops, 
 as an essential feature of his whole moral nature, the 
 recognition of such an ethical code, and this con- 
 verts the pure animal into what Aristotle called the 
 social animal (%<pov troXiTiicov) . In this scale of 
 rising progress in the civilisation of man the reality 
 and the effectiveness of the laws governing corporate, 
 as opposed to individual, existence is a test of advance 
 from the lower to the higher. George Eliot was thus 
 right in convincingly reminding us of the fact that 
 
 " An individual man, to be harmoniously great, 
 must belong to a nation of this order, if not in actual 
 existence yet existing in the past, in memory, as a 
 departed, invisible, beloved ideal, once a reality, 
 and perhaps to be restored. A common humanity 
 is not yet enough to feed the rich blood of various 
 activity which makes a complete man. The time is 
 not come for cosmopolitanism to be highly virtuous, 
 any more than for communism to suffice for social 
 energy. I am not bound to feel for a Chinaman as 
 I feel for my fellow-countryman : I am bound not 
 to demoralise him with opium, not to compel him to 
 my will by destroying or plundering the fruits of 
 his labour on the alleged ground that he is not 
 cosmopolitan enough, and not to insult him for his 
 want of my tailoring and religion when he appears
 
 Ii8 MEANING OF STATE AND PATRIOTISM 
 
 as a peaceable visitor on the London pavement. It 
 is admirable in a Briton with a good purpose to 
 learn Chinese, but it would not be a proof of fine 
 intellect in him to taste Chinese poetry in the original 
 more than he tastes the poetry of his own tongue. 
 Affection, intelligence, duty, radiate from a centre, 
 and nature has decided that for us English folk that 
 centre can be neither China nor Peru. Most of us 
 feel this unreflectingly ; for the affectation of under- 
 valuing everything native, and being too fine for one's 
 own country, belongs only to a few minds of no 
 dangerous leverage. What is wanting is, that we 
 should recognise a corresponding attachment to 
 nationality as legitimate in every other people, and 
 understand that its absence is a privation of the 
 greatest good." 
 
 The There can be no doubt that by itself the human 
 
 ofaT- being who can subordinate his own immediate and 
 truism, individual interests and desires to wider common 
 aims of a larger human group is in so far a nobler 
 Ethical human being, and approaches more closely the ideal 
 and . towards which man strives, than one devoid of such 
 
 rational . 
 
 founda- power. But we must never forget that this wider 
 sucifsub- an< ^ cor P ra te body which thus claims obedience and 
 mission submission and self-effacement must rest upon 
 efface- " rational and ethical principles for the justification of 
 ment. its constraining laws and enactments. It cannot be 
 virtuous to subordinate will, reason, and interest to 
 an immoral or criminal organisation. And in view 
 of the fact that in the course of human history not 
 Laws and only the material conditions, but also the very 
 customs, spiritual consciousness of those constituting a cor- 
 porate body, have changed, and have developed, it 
 is necessary and urgently desirable that we should 
 periodically consider, examine, and test the relation- 
 ship which these laws and enactments hold to the 
 fundamental principles of reason and of morality out 
 of which they grew, and for the realisation of which
 
 CHANGE OF LAWS AND CUSTOMS 119 
 
 they exist. For it is a truth equally manifest in the Their 
 history of things human, that laws and customs ^ nge 
 have a tendency to become stereotyped and forma- decline. 
 Used, even to such a degree that the very spirit is fo^con 
 pressed out of them, until only the dead form re- stant 
 mains and blocks the way to the realisation of the an ^ 
 spirit. Their action is then turned to the very refonn - 
 opposite from the healthy primary source out of 
 which they flowed ; and, instead of tending towards 
 altruism and the guarding of collective rights for 
 the individual constituents of the whole body, they 
 serve pure egoism, in ministering only to the interests 
 of a group, a clan, or a class, or even an individual. 
 We may thus lay it down as a law, which almost 
 sounds like a platitude, but is far from being recog- 
 nised in the working of actual life : that when cor- 
 porate bodies, and the laws which support them, do 
 not fulfil the definite ends for which they are incor- 
 porated, and which their laws are to effect, their 
 influence becomes harmful and lowering instead of 
 serving some higher purpose.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CORPORATENESS THE ABUSE OF CORPORATE AND 
 
 INDIVIDUAL LOYALTY 
 
 CORPORATENESS is only good when it embodies an 
 ideal admitted and confirmed by reason and morality : 
 and the test of its right of existence and of our 
 allegiance to its enactments is its conformity to the 
 spiritual ends and ideals of its existence. 
 Dangers Moreover and this is the most usual form of a 
 essential baneful influence inherent in corporate bodies in 
 develop- their effect upon general life the collective forms of 
 corporate sucn organised corporate existence will be exerted 
 bodies, and make themselves felt in directions and in regions 
 for which the activity and purpose of such bodies 
 were in noway destined, in fact in spheres and objects 
 different from, and often diametrically opposed to, 
 their original purpose : so that the effect and the 
 influence of the extended or perverted corporate 
 activity become distinctly retarding and even des- 
 tructive of effective social and moral ends. 
 Perver- The actual channel of this nefarious activity of the 
 sionof corporate spirit all the more dangerous and sub- 
 of versive because it is not manifest and is hidden from 
 
 dildpUne * ne view f those who believe its course to be in the 
 and right direction marks a general virtue, in itself of 
 tne highest order, called loyalty, discipline, or esprit 
 de corps. Loyalty to a body whose interests and 
 aims are unsocial and bad ; discipline which sub- 
 ordinates the will as well as the reason and the
 
 PERVERSION OF LOYALTY 121 
 
 moral sense to the advancement of a body or an 
 institution which may clash with reason and morality 
 in any given case ; the esprit de corps which, through 
 thick and thin, bids and forces the members of the 
 corps to act only in the interest of the body or the 
 individual members of that body, overriding and 
 wronging the claims of other bodies and the rights 
 of other individuals, these all become harmful and 
 may end in criminality. Of course, in such mis- 
 guided action loyalty always remains as a virtue 
 in itself, which will satisfy the conscience of those 
 thus misguided, and will blind them to the unsocial 
 and disastrous results of the definite allegiance which 
 they show to a mistaken selfish or even criminal 
 interference with wider duties and higher ultimate 
 aims, to which all actions whether corporate or in- 
 dividual ought to be subordinated. I venture to The in- 
 believe that if we seriously consider the ordinary ^^ labl 
 problems that meet us in our daily work and inter- done by 
 course with our fellow-men, we may be astonished, version*" 
 and shall be shocked, to find how much actual harm, 
 in every conceivable direction and manifestation of 
 our life, is done by the misapplication of this cor- 
 porate sense, blinding us to the consequences of our 
 action and insinuating itself into the approval of 
 our conscience under the garb of the one great virtue 
 of loyalty. In the appointment to an office, humble 
 or exalted, from that of an ordinary servant to a 
 great public official, the just claims of the aspirant 
 or applicant, based upon the suitability to perform 
 the tasks of such an office, are wholly ignored or 
 seriously affected by the fact that other competitors 
 directly or indirectly appeal to the corporate spirit 
 on other grounds. They may have belonged to the 
 same religious sect, come from the same district, 
 town, or village, have attended the same school or 
 university in short, have had some local or social
 
 122 CORPORATENESS 
 
 association with the person or persons who have 
 the right of disposal or election with the result that 
 this would-be sense of loyalty may be decisive in 
 turning the scales in favour of the less suitable can- 
 didate and in counteracting the serious and just 
 efforts, the long preparation and suitability of the 
 absolutely best claimant, ultimately ruining or em- 
 bittering his life. 
 
 Dangers I must at once, in this connection, anticipate and 
 a fe! erat answer a possible objection and admit the claims of 
 ing evil " corporate " association and knowledge to be con- 
 corporaife sidered where a well-balanced choice is to be made, 
 loyalty, namely, in admitting that, ceteris paribus, the per- 
 sonal knowledge and confidence which may come 
 from such corporate association, and may be wanting 
 in the case of those with whom it does not exist, is 
 clearly and justly in favour of a candidate, where all 
 other claims are truly equal. We need not go so 
 far into the regions of travestied impartiality as the 
 would-be just man who would disfavour and ignore 
 the claims of anybody because they were closely 
 related to him by blood or otherwise, however well 
 fitted for the position or the favour he might be. 
 The extreme and perverted moral rigorism of Kant 
 and its harmful effects were thus held up to ridicule 
 by Schiller in one of his epigrams : 
 
 Gerne dien ich den Freunden, dock thu' ich es leider mit Neigung, 
 Und so wurmt es mich oft, dass ich nicht tugendhaft bin. 
 
 and the answer : 
 
 Da ist kein anderer Rath, Du musst suchen, sie zu verachlen, 
 Und mit Abscheu alsdann thun wie die Pflicht dir gebeut. 
 
 Gladly serve I my friends, alas, though, I do it with pleasure. 
 And thus often I fear that I not virtuous am. 
 There is no other course, you must learn to despise your friends, 
 And with dislike you must do what stern duty demands.
 
 PARTISAN LOYALTY 123 
 
 What I mean, however, is, that constant and 
 widespread injustice and definite harm to the fulfil- 
 ment of the world's needs in every aspect of human 
 life result from the misapplication of this sense of 
 corporate loyalty into directions with which the 
 corporate existence, the aim and spirit of the body 
 to which one thus shows this virtue, have had nothing 
 whatever to do. 
 
 One of the commonest forms which this insidious " Sec- 
 virtue takes, with the most disastrous results, is ^ an 
 sectarian and party loyalties. You will constantly party 
 hear people say : "I was born and bred in such a oya y ' 
 faith and I must stick to it. It would be disloyal 
 and treasonable I should feel something of a traitor 
 were I to relinquish the sect and step out of the 
 religious community in which I was born even if 
 I no longer believe in its dogmas and articles of 
 faith." So also : "I was born and bred a Tory, 
 or an old Whig, or a Conservative, or a Liberal, and 
 I mean to die one. I should be a traitor were I to 
 change parties." Now, it is just in these two domains 
 of life that, by being loyal to a sect or party, we 
 are disloyal to our highest function and duty as in- 
 telligent and moral social beings, that we are betray- 
 ing the supreme trust of humanity and of the divinity 
 in man his obligations to truth and justice. To 
 lead people to believe that we are of a faith we have 
 discarded, that we approve of political principles or 
 definite political enactments which we do not deem 
 to be conducive to the good of national life and the 
 improvement of society are acts of treason, not of 
 loyalty. It is obstructing duty and truth, besides 
 retarding all progress and stultifying, or at least 
 delaying, the advancement of the human race and 
 human life. 
 
 The more you consider the effects of this mis- 
 applied corporate spirit in every conceivable aspect
 
 124 CORPORATENESS 
 
 Further of life, the more will you find that you have come 
 ofim- to the root of one of the greatest social evils. Con- 
 moral sider the actual life of any community, and the 
 interests and social claims of the inhabitants in 
 each, with a view to realising how the normal, reason- 
 able, and just conditions of social life, even the 
 business and working side of it, are interfered with, 
 misdirected, and distorted by influences and con- 
 siderations which have nothing whatever to do with 
 the actual course and development of that life itself. 
 It will then be seen how they retard, not only the 
 harmony and higher development of social existence, 
 but how they impede the work and business of the 
 community. All this mischief may spring from a 
 mistaken sense ultimately arising out of the virtue 
 of loyalty. Moreover, this influence of subconscious 
 loyalty may be associated with the highest forms of 
 organisation in spiritual life, such as religion, political 
 convictions, social traditions all good in themselves, 
 but misdirecting the functions for which originally 
 and essentially they were called into being. The 
 marriage of two people, drawn to each other by true 
 affection and harmony of aspirations and tastes, may 
 be made impossible, because they happen to belong 
 to different sects in formal religion, though their 
 religious beliefs might inwardly be the same. Indi- 
 viduals and families and those naturally destined to be 
 friends may be kept asunder because of these reasons ; 
 social conditions stereotyped and formalised, until 
 they have lost all the spirit out of which they grew 
 in the life of the past, may act in the same way. 
 Party politics, even intensified in their antagonisms 
 by would-be religious or social tradition, directly 
 interfere with the free flow of social life, create 
 antagonisms, and even prevent co-operation for an 
 end which both parties deem just and advisable, to 
 the detriment of the common life about them. Even
 
 EVIL EFFECTS OF "LOYALTY" 125 
 
 in a great war, and with the imminent danger to a 
 whole nation of its very existence, petty partisanship 
 in various forms may intrude its disintegrating influ- 
 ence and weaken the strength of united effort to save 
 the country. Fortunately for us, up to the present, 
 party antagonism has to a great extent been kept 
 under and in abeyance, but we can see it lifting its 
 head and ready to spring at any moment. And the 
 worst of it is, that he who manifests loyalty and 
 esprit de corps in one of these narrow corporate 
 bodies is pleased with himself for doing so and is 
 praised by others for his loyalty. It is not only 
 the coarsened and hardened " jobbing " politician 
 who lives and lets live by " graft," who considers it 
 right, and is called trustworthy and loyal by his 
 henchmen, because he will override all the claims of 
 municipal justice and good government, the interests 
 of his fellow-townsmen, and the dictates of purity 
 and honesty to which the conscience of the com- 
 munity has subscribed, in order to further the party 
 ends and the material interests of his fellow-conspira- 
 tors. In a lesser and more refined degree you will 
 meet with this spirit everywhere, and in the definite 
 cases that will come to your notice day by day. 
 Justice and reason and morality are trampled under- 
 foot because of this distorted ideal of loyalty. 
 
 The way to remedy this widespread evil, striking Continu- 
 at the very roots of justice, of social good feeling, of us ^ st - 
 happiness and prosperity for individuals, communi- corporate 
 ties and nations, is, in the first place, carefully to CO-OT!' 
 test, whether the corporate bodies are fulfilling the dination 
 ideal functions for which they were instituted ; and, alt 
 
 in the second place, to guard against the misappli- oth ? r 
 cation of the purpose, methods and aims of one such 
 body encroaching upon the sphere of another with 
 which it has nothing to do, and in which its action 
 thus becomes detrimental. Above all, we must so
 
 126 CORPORATENESS 
 
 co-ordinate the different spheres of duty and loyalty, 
 that the wider and higher, the ultimate and univer- 
 sally accepted aims and ideals, are not sacrificed to 
 the narrower and lower interests, however urgent 
 the claim of the more proximate duty may be upon 
 us. What is most needed in the well-regulated life 
 of individuals, as well as in larger social bodies, is 
 co-ordination, in which the several duties are har- 
 monised and regulated in due proportion, so that the 
 rational and moral scale is clearly established, which 
 avoids all artificial antagonism and unreasonable 
 clashing, and thus conforms to the harmonised de- 
 velopment of life. All will then tend to the final 
 realisation of the highest ideals which humanity can 
 establish in each period of its growth and development. 
 It will then be found that each individual call of 
 duty, including that of loyalty to the collective body 
 with which we are associated, fits into the wider and 
 harmonious ethical whole, and that the fulfilment 
 of the one duty need not clash with that of the other, 
 provided always that we can maintain that sense of 
 proportion in which the higher and wider comprises 
 the narrower and lower manifestations, and receives 
 its real moral justification from the fact that the 
 several constituent parts all tend to the advancement 
 of the great whole. 
 
 The Here too and above all here the subdivision of 
 
 zonta"" bodies and institutions must be horizontal and not 
 to super- perpendicular. They must not be due to the thought- 
 " Per- less, unreasonable and unjust accidents of locality, 
 pendicu- o f contiguity, even of supposed consanguinity, our 
 principle associates must be chosen, not because they happen 
 ScSia- 00 " to dwell in the same street, have been thrust into the 
 tionof same occupation in making their living, or because 
 duties. t ne i r fathers or grandfathers happened to have be- 
 longed to one or the other association ; but because 
 of the similarity of social character and tastes, be-
 
 CO-ORDINATION OF CORPORATE DUTIES 127 
 
 cause of the moral and intellectual affinity in thought, 
 in habits and in ultimate ideals. On the other 
 hand, when we are called upon to act together for a 
 definite purpose in business or for public and political 
 purposes, local as well as national, or a definite task 
 that requires the concentrated effort directed by 
 expert knowledge, we must concentrate our efforts 
 upon the task itself, and not be distracted by the 
 social affinities which guide us naturally and rightly 
 into the groupings regulating our social life. 
 
 I have just said that even the considerations of Claims of 
 consanguinity are not to act out of place and out of 
 proportion in the general scale of our duties. And 
 this may help me to make clearer in a partial, though 
 general, outline the practical working of such a scale 
 of collective duties, the need for which constantly 
 thrusts itself forward in actual life. There can be 
 no doubt that we all have duties to our immediate 
 family. We must guard its integrity, add to its 
 prosperity, maintain its good fame, support those 
 members who require our help, and further their 
 interests to the best of our ability in every direction. 
 This is a paramount duty from which no right-minded 
 man or woman however unprejudiced and advanced 
 in their habits of thought and in their critical insight 
 into the very foundations of all laws governing the 
 world can escape. But there is no reason why 
 obedience to this fundamental commandment of 
 civilised life should clash with our wider duties 
 towards the community in which we live and towards 
 the nation of which we are citizens. Above all, 
 there is no reason why it should clash with those 
 wider and general duties to Truth, Charity, Honesty, 
 Self-respect, and the higher realisation of the har- 
 monious life of humanity fitting into our widest 
 conception of a still wider cosmical harmony. On 
 the contrary, I venture to say that, in the humble 
 1 1
 
 128 CORPORATENESS 
 
 and old-fashioned sense of the word, a good son and 
 a good daughter are most likely to be most efficient 
 workers in the locality in which they may live ; 
 that they make the best citizens for the nation or the 
 Empire, and, in their several walks of life whether 
 concerned in manual, intellectual, or artistic work 
 they will be the more efficient from thus being good sons 
 and daughters. On the other hand, I maintain with 
 equal confidence, that those who raise this one and 
 only and restricted form of corporate duty towards the 
 family to a fetish, draw high and dense and imper- 
 meable barriers round their affections, sympathies 
 and obligations, thereby stunt the growth of their 
 moral and social powers. They block out from their 
 view and hearing all the sights and calls upon their 
 activity and sympathies in the wider regions of 
 communal existence, and the higher and ultimate 
 ideals of human life. They not only cripple their 
 manhood and womanhood and impede the growth 
 and development of their true nature as human 
 social beings, but, by this very restriction and 
 compression of their sympathies and their power of 
 altruistic affection, they will actually not be such 
 good sons and daughters, such affectionate and un- 
 selfish members of a family, which they would have 
 been had they co-ordinated this one group of duties 
 in their proper place and in their proper proportion 
 to the scale of duties, rising to the highest religious 
 phase of man's conception of human society and the 
 world at large. 1 
 
 Sym- As the Chauvinist is inferior to the patriot because 
 
 andai ne ^ as limited the range of his altruistic imagination 
 truism and his habits of unselfish activity, and will be, 
 ste'ncet within the State itself the more violent partisan, and 
 but within the party the more intense self-seeker, so the 
 people whose interests and sympathies are entirely 
 
 1 See in Appendix passage from Jewish Question.
 
 ALTRUISM AND EGOISM 129 
 
 limited to the advancement of their own family will 
 be more selfish, when the clash comes between their 
 own desires and those of the other members of their 
 own family. And this is so, because the powers of 
 affection and of altruistic devotion must be practised 
 and strengthened in every direction in order to 
 increase their vitality and vigour ; while, the more 
 they are limited and contracted, the less do they 
 become efficacious when tested in any given instance. 
 Those who believe and maintain that the best 
 hater is the best lover ; that those love best who con- 
 centrate their affection upon one being or one friend 
 and shut themselves out from the rest of the world ; 
 that those who diffuse their feelings and passions 
 among a wider range of friends and objects and aims 
 are supposed thereby to weaken the concentrated 
 energy of their affection and devotion when turned 
 upon any one definite recipient of their love, are 
 really misled by a false analogy. Consciously or un- 
 consciously they are led to believe that affection, 
 sympathy, enthusiasm and altruism exist in the 
 human breast in a certain quantity, like a substance, 
 solid or fluid, of which each individual can expend 
 a certain amount and no more. The larger the field 
 over which you expand and spread it, the thinner the 
 layer in each definite point of the field covered. Thus 
 he who loves many, they believe, can love no one as 
 much as he who loves only one. But the analogy 
 fails, because it is not a substance but a function 
 and power which underlies our affections and our 
 sympathies, and even our passions ; and powers 
 grow with use, as they dwindle and atrophise with 
 the restriction of such use. There may be extreme 
 limits to either ; but the power of affection and of 
 sympathy in the heart is like the strength of the 
 muscles which increase as we develop them. And it 
 is thus that the good son will be a better member
 
 130 CORPORATENESS 
 
 of his family through extending his interests and 
 his affections far beyond the limits of his own hearth. 
 If charity begins at home, it must not remain at home. 
 Thus, without clashing, we can proceed upwards and 
 beyond the narrower limits of our duties towards the 
 community in which we live, and beyond that, to 
 the State of which we are citizens, and so there need be 
 no clashing of well-directed interests. Nor are we 
 better sons from not listening to the dictates of 
 honesty and of honour as guiding our every act, and 
 of living up to our ultimate ideals as far as possible 
 for ourselves and for humanity at large. 
 Co-or- In this progression of duties, from the narrower and 
 dmation i mme diate to the wider and ultimate, the same 
 
 of pa- 
 triotism considerations with regard to our duty to the State 
 
 mopoH-' an< ^ to humanity at large hold good as those which we 
 tanism. have just noted in our duties to our family in their rela- 
 tion to the wider duties. The questions here involved 
 concern the duties of the true patriot. We are con- 
 fronted by that much-discussed and difficult problem 
 of the relation between true patriotism and what 
 has been called cosmopolitanism. The two are sup- 
 posed to clash ; and it has justly been said, in the 
 passage quoted (p. 117) from George Eliot, that " The 
 time is not yet come for cosmopolitanism to be highly 
 virtuous, any more than for communism to suffice 
 for social energy." As the epithet of patriot is so 
 frequently abused by him who wishes to escape from 
 ordinary duties, so cosmopolitanism has often been 
 used by those who wish to shirk the duties of citizen- 
 ship and pride themselves upon a wider vision and 
 a higher scale of morality than those who, without 
 assertion or pretence, follow the dictates of the 
 traditional duties in the conditions in which they 
 live. As Tennyson says : 
 
 He is the best cosmopolite 
 
 Who loves his native country best.
 
 THE TRUE COSMOPOLITAN 131 
 
 On the other hand, I have ventured to supplement 
 these lines of the great poet in maintaining that 
 
 He loves his native country best 
 Who loves mankind the more. 
 
 As we have just seen in regard of the family and the 
 wider community, so we shall find that the citizen 
 whose scale of morality reaches far beyond his own 
 country and embraces the whole of humanity, nay, 
 even includes wider cosmical and religious concep- 
 tions and ideals, is more likely to be a good citizen 
 and a true patriot.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE WRONG AND THE RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 The right WE have already considered the effect of Chauvinism 
 istence of u P on good citizenship. To be a good citizen also 
 the state, implies, first, that we should have an intelligent and 
 thoroughly thoughtful conception of what the State 
 means and what, in consequence, its laws enact ; 
 and, secondly, that we should do our share to make 
 this State a true expression of its purpose and to 
 fashion its laws in accordance with the progressive 
 needs of highest human nature and the ultimate 
 ideals of humanity. No State has a right to exist 
 the aims and objects of which run directly counter 
 to those of humanity at large. When a State 
 develops, or rather degenerates, into such a condition 
 it changes from a moral State to an immoral State, and 
 ought to be reformed or removed from the face of 
 the earth. It might be an over-statement to say 
 that a State is formed for the definite and direct 
 purpose of confirming and advancing the moral aims 
 of humanity ; but I doubt whether any political 
 cynic or modern Macchiavelli would venture to hold 
 that the aims of any State are avowedly immoral and 
 clash with the supreme interests of humanity. It 
 may be put as the first duty of every citizen, so 
 far as he can and to however minimal a degree, to 
 affect the constitution and function of the State of 
 which he is a citizen, to bring the laws of his 
 country and its government into harmony with the 
 
 132
 
 THE GOOD PATRIOT AND THE GOOD SON 133 
 
 universally valid and recognised interests and morals 
 of a wider humanity. He can then rest assured that, 
 in following this course, he is performing the chief 
 duties of a patriot. 
 
 " My country ! right or wrong ! " may be a good 
 epigrammatic and therefore exaggerated state- 
 ment of the duties arising out of a peculiarly abnormal 
 condition. Just as a good son or a devoted wife 
 might say " My father," or " My husband, right or 
 wrong." The son and the wife can never escape 
 from certain duties which this close relationship 
 imposes upon them. They may provide for the best 
 legal advice, minister as far as possible to the com- 
 forts which their criminal relative needs when he is 
 confined in prison, and even support him as he is 
 led to gallows ; but they dare not uphold and thus 
 become party to the crime which he has committed. 
 Before he had become a criminal and after he had 
 been released, however, it was their duty to do all in 
 their power to prevent him from falling or relapsing 
 into crime. Though we must follow the call to arms 
 when our country is at war, we must do our best to 
 prevent an unjust war and to make war among 
 civilised people impossible in the future. The ana- 
 logy which I have just adduced fails, however, in one 
 most important point : namely, in that the family 
 is a body definitely fixed by manifest and immutable 
 biological laws of consanguinity, while the State is 
 not. The individual has nothing to do with the estab- 
 lishment of such a relationship in the family ; he 
 is born a son ; and the paternal relation of the 
 father to the child is a definite physical fact. But 
 humanity has risen above the purely patriarchal con- 
 ception of the State. The modern State is a volun- 
 tary creation of intelligent human beings, based 
 upon fundamental ideas, to the realisation of which 
 they all give their consent, guided by their best
 
 134 THE WRONG AND RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 thought and confirmed by their moral consciousness. 
 Whatever it may have been in the past, however 
 varied and numerous may have been the different 
 forms under which that great creation of social beings 
 manifests itself in history, not one of the earlier 
 conceptions will fit the facts and the needs, the 
 political convictions of modern man. 
 
 Kenan's In the very able and lucid discourse, Qu'esl-ce 
 u'un~ e Ce qu'une Nation? Ernest Renan answers the ques- 
 Nation? tion as to the essence of what a State or a nation 
 really is. After convincingly proving that the 
 modern State does not depend for its essence upon 
 race, language, interests, religious affinities, geo- 
 graphy, or military necessity, he then declares that 
 a nation is a " soul," a spiritual principle : " Une 
 nation est une ame, un principe spirituel " : and he 
 then defines what constitutes such a " soul," such a 
 spiritual principle. The soul arises out of the 
 common possession of a rich inheritance of memories ; 
 the spiritual principle is the actual consent, the desire 
 to live together, the will to continue and to realise 
 in the common life the undivided heritage which has 
 been thus received. I strongly recommend the 
 reader to study the eloquent exposition of this philo- 
 sopher and great master of style. The memories, 
 the inheritance of the past, the sufferings and struggles 
 which have given the soul to a nation and constitute 
 one of its strongest elements of unity, culminate in 
 what we call its civilisation (Kultur), the degree of 
 civilisation to which each country has attained. 
 Race and country, language and religious affinities, 
 interests, and, above all, self-preservation (which cor- 
 responds to what Renan called military necessities) 
 may all have contributed in the past to produce 
 this unity and may powerfully urge, as they justify, 
 each citizen to preserve that unity. Each one has 
 its claims But we must guard against urging the
 
 THE TRUE ELEMENTS OF NATIONALITY 135 
 
 claims of each out of proportion to the wholeness of 
 this organism. It is a far-reaching error to believe 
 that the more apparently fundamental, tangible, and 
 patently manifest one of these elements is, the more 
 urgent become its claims to consideration for the 
 State and for the support of such claims on the part 
 of the individual. The very fact that country is 
 often synonymous with State, that people or nation 
 are used indifferently to convey the idea of race, that 
 religious differences were frequently in history the 
 direct causes of antagonism and war between States, 
 might make each of these elements appear decisive 
 and essential connotations in the conception of a 
 State. But there are other elements which go to 
 the making of a nationality, apparently remote, but 
 none the less effective. There is the history of 
 morals as well as the common intellectual achieve- 
 ments of the several peoples themselves. They may 
 be more directly and potently creative of the 
 " nation's soul " than the other physical factors 
 mentioned above. We again have the horizontal, 
 and not the perpendicular, division forced upon us. 
 In the epigrammatic perhaps the exaggerated 
 form of two mottoes to a book, 1 I attempted to 
 convey this truth by maintaining, first, " that the 
 Abolition of Slavery and the Renaissance are as much 
 a fatherland as are England, Germany, France, or 
 the United States " ; and, secondly (with the doubtful 
 introduction of a newly coined word), " that there is 
 a strong bond of humanity ; but there is also the 
 golden chain of gentlemanity." I endeavoured to 
 suggest in these epigrams that the common achieve- 
 ments of civilisation, upon which the actual con- 
 sciousness of the people in a civilised State rests, are 
 as direct and potent a tie and certainly ought to be 
 so in binding together into a social and political 
 
 1 The Jewish Question, etc. New York, 1894.
 
 136 THE WRONG AND RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 unity the people with whom these achievements of a 
 common humanity have entered into the very bone 
 and marrow of their moral and intellectual exist- 
 ence, as are race, geography, formal religion, or 
 interests. 
 
 What I miss in the excellent exposition of Renan 
 though I thoroughly agree with his critical examina- 
 tion and rejection of the several elements that are 
 commonly supposed to determine the conception of 
 a State, and though I agree with the soul-giving 
 importance of common memories and common suffer- 
 ing in the past what I miss is, that he has not 
 clearly considered the present and future activities 
 of such a collective entity as a State in confirming 
 these memories and in preparing for more definite 
 activities and ideals in the future. We must add in 
 the first place to the elements which he has adduced 
 the common laws and customs, and, in the second 
 place, the moral consciousness of this " soul " of a 
 State. These common laws and customs do not only 
 direct the actual life, the public opinion, the tone 
 and moral of a community or a nation, and give it a 
 The con- common consistency and individuality ; but they 
 stitution a j so j ea( j directly to the formation of a political 
 
 and laws. ... 
 
 consciousness, manifesting itself in the codified or un- 
 
 codified constitution of each nation. And it is this 
 
 immediate self-expression of a State in its political 
 
 constitution, itself the outcome of all these several 
 
 State-forming elements, which gives it its most clearly 
 
 manifest individuality and personality in its relation 
 
 to the citizens within and to other; States without. 
 
 The But the second element of equal importance in the 
 
 social andma king and maintenance of a State is the fact of its 
 
 ideas. moral and social ideals, towards which as a whole it 
 
 tends, and which give it the ultimate sanction of the 
 
 best that is in each one of its citizens. For as it is 
 
 not enough now to say that the greatest happiness to
 
 PATRIOTISM AND COSMOPOLITANISM 137 
 
 the greatest number satisfies our political conscience 
 as it did that of the doctrinaires of the Manchester 
 school, it is not even enough to say that we wish to 
 realise our Kultur within ourselves and even to 
 impose it upon others ; for this must imply that we 
 are satisfied that our Kultur is worthy of thus being 
 realised and desirable in the interests of those upon 
 whom we wish to impose it. In one word, it means, Relation 
 that we must bring our national and political ethics / nai 
 into conformity with general human ethics. Unless ethics to 
 we can honestly convince ourselves that the ultimate ethics" 
 aim of the State is, not only to satisfy and to elevate 
 its citizens, but to contribute to the welfare and 
 advancement of humanity at large, we cannot feel 
 honestly convinced that our legislative and political 
 activities are following the right course. But when 
 we are satisfied that our national activities are thus 
 harmonised with the wider and ultimate ethical 
 laws of humanity, we can actually adopt, not only Patriot- 
 cosmopolitan ideals, but definite cosmopolitan duties 
 
 and aims without in any way clashing with our duties poiitan- 
 
 ism need 
 as patriots. not clash. 
 
 In any case, we then find that race and geographical 
 position are not enough to separate or isolate us from 
 the rest of mankind ; that what I have called the 
 perpendicular subdivision must be replaced by the 
 horizontal ; and that our ideals, even as applied to 
 the State itself as a separate entity, recognise 
 Humanity and the supreme laws of ethics in the light 
 of humanity that is, and the desirable humanity 
 that is to follow, and are to be subordinated under 
 these supreme laws and adapted to these supreme 
 ends. We then find that not only is war between 
 such civilised nations a monstrosity, but that actu- 
 ally there is the strongest bond uniting all those 
 who hold the same convictions and who cherish the 
 same aspirations for the future of man and the ad-
 
 138 THE WRONG AND RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 vancement of civilisation as powerful as, if not more 
 powerful than, those which bind human beings to- 
 gether in active or in passive community on the 
 ground merely of race, topography, or local propin- 
 quity, or community of material interests. 
 Such cos- Cosmopolitanism thus becomes a fact which in no 
 Smsm'in wa ^ c l asnes with patriotism and with loyalty to the 
 inde- State of which we are citizens. We shall then have 
 mdividu- a rea ^ federation based, not upon fortuitous con- 
 aiity of ditions and fluctuating interests, but upon common 
 state? ideals which are more real and more lasting than 
 and . the supposed practical and opportunistic motives in 
 ties. the daily life of the unthinking. There is no danger, 
 moreover, of the destruction of individuality in each 
 separate State as a result of such wider and actual 
 federation. Nor does such wider federation in any 
 way imply absorption of the smaller States and 
 nationalities by the larger. On the contrary, the 
 freedom and individuality of the smaller States will 
 thereby be assured and strengthened. 
 
 Roman- There is an insidious fallacy in the reasoning of 
 
 false*' man y people who worship the picturesqueness and 
 
 cpncep- variety in a manifestation of individual character 
 
 individu- fr m a supposedly artistic, but really from a theatrical 
 
 ality. and sham-artistic, motive and point of view. They 
 
 fear the loss of picturesqueness in the world when 
 
 through such federation the human races are brought 
 
 actually more closely together. Such romanticists 
 
 deplore the spread of freedom and equality in the 
 
 opportunities of life, of sanitary improvements, of 
 
 saving of arduous and degrading labour, of the increase 
 
 of all comforts in living to the wretched toiler of the 
 
 field or artisan, as compared with the misery of 
 
 mediaeval servitude, which they glorify through the 
 
 distorted and falsified vision of a degraded cowardice 
 
 as regards the present and of an illusory mental 
 
 obliquity as regards the past. They selfishly would
 
 " PICTURESQUENESS " IN NATIONALITY 139 
 
 like to keep, for their own puny theatricality and 
 artistic enjoyment, the hind and serf dwelling in the 
 most wretched squalor in his picturesque hovel and 
 issuing thence in his picturesque costume, as, with 
 cringing servility, he salutes his over-lord, and shuffles 
 to and from his wretched toil from morning unto weary 
 night in order to keep body and soul together for 
 himself and his starving children. He deplores the 
 introduction of all those improvements in living, in 
 education of mind and character, which rob people 
 of this " picturesque " individuality and raise them 
 collectively to a higher standard of human existence ; 
 as he regrets the facile means of modern transporta- 
 tion, not only rightly when they wantonly destroy 
 the beauties of nature, but because they make more 
 accessible to the masses of even ignorant and un- 
 appreciative toilers the opportunities of raising their 
 physical vitality and their spiritual taste. And, 
 more or less consciously, he deplores this because it 
 interferes with the quiet and secluded enjoyment of 
 these rare beauties by those who deem themselves 
 the supremely privileged aesthetic aristocracy of the 
 world, and whose enjoyment in its concentrated 
 seclusion from all interference is disturbed by the 
 wider participation, as the mystic and sacred circles 
 of the chosen lose their exclusive solidarity. 1 
 
 1 The following passage from The Work of John Ruskin (by the 
 Author) deals with this question, p. 151 : " There is a truth strongly 
 put by Ruskin for which he would have gained more universal recogni- 
 tion if the statements of it had been more moderate and in conformity 
 with fact, namely, the duty of maintaining the land which we inhabit in 
 the conditions conducive to health, and with the careful guarding and 
 preservation of the natural and historical beauties, which are, to omit 
 all their spiritual qualifications, real national possessions of the highest 
 economical value. To allow the smoke from the chimneys to turn 
 pure air into pestilential miasmata, to see beautiful streams and rivers 
 denied, to witness the most lovely and unique scenes ruthlessly robbed 
 of their chief charms of natural beauty these are losses which, if 
 they do not bear comparison with actual industrial loss to individual 
 members or groups of the community, will outweigh them heavily.
 
 140 THE WRONG AND RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 But there is no danger that among the States those 
 forms of justified and desirable individuality, or among 
 communities, localities, or individuals will be destroyed 
 by the realisation of such wider federation towards a 
 common end for the whole of humanity. On the con- 
 trary, war and conquest are the levellers, and this war 
 does not only mean the clash of arms and the destruction 
 of lives, but it also means a commercial and industrial 
 war as pitiless and as destructive as that of rifles and 
 cannon which is being waged mercilessly throughout 
 the modern world by the upholders of the highest 
 Miiitar- civilisation. Militarism and commercialism are the 
 mercia' enemies of all individuality, as, on the other extreme, 
 ism, and are socialism and the blind and unintelligent tyranny 
 the'ene? 1 ^ the trades unions. Freed from these levellers of 
 mies of all all superiority and genius, the human individual and 
 aiity. " the collective groups, local or ethnical, and also the 
 separate States, will more freely and more effectually 
 develop their own individualities and contribute to 
 the harmony and progress of humanity as a whole. 
 The separate States all possessing their " souls," as 
 Renan has called them, will assert, refine, and 
 strengthen their national souls. They exist now in 
 
 The day may come when one of the most important functions of the 
 government concerned with the internal affairs of a nation will be 
 to secure and guard the public lands for the purposes of national 
 health and of national delectation. 
 
 "But when Ruskin complains that the delightful silence which reigned 
 in some rural districts is now disturbed by the life of industry, and 
 that portions of Switzerland which he and other kindred spirits 
 could once enjoy in comparative seclusion are vulgarised by numbers 
 of uneducated tourists ; when he complains of the very facility of 
 approach to many of these sacred haunts brought about by the rail- 
 ways, and the picnics which do not agree with the exquisite musings 
 of the solitary votary of nature, we cannot help feeling that this arises 
 not only from a romantic but from an essentially unsocial spirit. 
 There can be no doubt that our enjoyment must be impaired by the 
 reduction of what stimulates our highest emotions to a commonplace ; 
 but we must willingly make this sacrifice when we consider the great 
 gain accruing to hundreds or thousands where before it but reached 
 units."
 
 INDIVIDUALITY OF NATIONS 141 
 
 spite of all the forces that go to their undoing, 
 and we can readily recognise them ; and each one of 
 them contributes to the health and vigour and the 
 ennobling of the soul of humanity nay, of the World- 
 soul. I may perhaps be allowed here to quote the 
 words which I addressed to the Congress of German 
 Journalists when they met in London in 1906 : 
 
 " The positive aim, on the other hand, which we 
 must have before us in this meeting is the safeguard- 
 ing and the advancement of that Western European 
 civilisation which rests upon us all together. I do 
 not mean by this that this civilisation is tied down to 
 the European Continent. The United States is an 
 integral part of it, and, to single out one personality, 
 I am sure you will all agree that no living man is more 
 truly and effectually moved by these ideals than 
 President Roosevelt. Moreover, if in the Far East 
 Japan shows her sincere eagerness to adopt and make 
 her own the best that is in our civilisation the best 
 of our ideals, not merely our material achievements 
 they, too, will form an organic part in this great con- 
 federation. Yet, to feel this community and to 
 further its aims, it is not at all necessary that we 
 should all be the same. On the contrary, it is here, 
 within this sphere of common union, that true 
 Nationalism has its fullest and most effective play. 
 We are each of us, in our peculiar national charac- 
 ter and individuality, necessary to the maintenance 
 and advance of this common civilisation. If, to 
 take but our three great Western nations, I might 
 venture upon a bold generalisation they are always 
 inaccurate I would say that in the past history of 
 thought and culture and public life, England has 
 often performed the function of invention and 
 initiation ; this was the achievement of a Shakespeare, 
 of a Bacon, a Newton, a Darwin, and, in public life, 
 of the birth of Parliamentarism. Germany has with 
 glorious vigour stood before the world as the country 
 of intellectual depth and sincerity of mind, of thor- 
 oughness and spiritualisation of man's achievements
 
 142 THE WRONG AND RIGHT NATIONALISM 
 
 in all spheres, of unending perseverance in the fight 
 for truth, carrying everything into the realm of highest 
 and widest conception. France is the nation of 
 artistic imagination and courage, which leads them 
 not to fear the attempt of carrying into actual life, 
 into palpitating realisation, the bold ideas conceived 
 by the intellect ; it has, as a nation, the artistic, the 
 creative, the passionate courage in giving actual 
 form to the world of thought. Germany educates 
 the mind, England the character, France the 
 imagination which gives vitality to both. In the 
 peaceful interpenetration of these forces our ethical 
 life will be raised. All three of us, fighting with our 
 several weapons, working in our several methods, 
 approaching the common goal from our different 
 roads, lead mankind to what we are bound to consider 
 the best and the highest." 
 
 Unity of The unity and solidarity of the federation of civil- 
 tion hsa * se d States is the great reality even now in the 
 The consciousness of all right-thinking men all over the 
 Tribunal, world. At this moment it rises in the hearts of 
 countless men, from the illiterate unskilled labourer 
 to the philosopher, in violent though helpless pro- 
 test, not only against the barbarism, cruelty and 
 treachery, but against the absolute stupidity, of a 
 war such as is now devastating Europe, jeopardising 
 the prosperity of the countries farthest removed from 
 the scene of war, and setting the hands of the clock 
 back for generations in the progress of the world. 
 Para- And the irony of it all is that this unity has received 
 deliberate and powerful expression in the actual 
 diction to international politics of our own days namely, in 
 versai m ~ tne Hague Convention. But what have we witnessed 
 con- within the last few months ? That the deliberate 
 nessTby resolutions passed in concert by all the powerful 
 War - States and subscribed to by them with their sign- 
 manual and political authority in the same spirit 
 that a bond and contract is recognised as binding
 
 FEDERATION OF STATES 143 
 
 in the business of daily life between individuals, 
 corporate commercial bodies, and all other organisa- 
 tions of civilised States, have been ignored, spurned, 
 and set ruthlessly aside, and have made way for the 
 practice of most savage barbarians without even 
 the chivalry that these may have possessed man 
 turned to beast, and adding his cunning to the 
 savagery of the hungry animal. We ask ourselves : 
 How was this possible ? How could the whole 
 civilised world with its so-called public opinion, its 
 moral consciousness, even its common interests, 
 stand aside and see itself ignored and flouted in the 
 face of its all-powerful will ? The answer is : first, 
 because there are many people even would-be 
 philosophers and psychologists who maintain that 
 war is an inevitable incident in the life of nations, 
 that it is essential to man, even man who has risen 
 from the prehistoric savage to the citizenship of the 
 most highly civilised States ; and second, that there 
 is no right without might, or rather that the right 
 cannot prevail unless there is might to enforce it. 
 
 12
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 IT has actually been stated, that war is a " bio- 
 logical necessity." Who has ever heard, or who can 
 ever conceive of a biological necessity which means 
 the survival of the unfittest the slaying of those who 
 are, not only physically, but morally the superior 
 members of the community ? It is a wanton perver- 
 sion by man of nature's primary law of the Survival 
 of the Fittest. As Dr. Inge has pointed out : l 
 
 " Its dysgenic effect by eliminating the strongest 
 and healthiest of the population, while leaving the 
 weaklings at home to be fathers of the next generation, 
 is no rfew discovery. It has been supported by a 
 succession of men, such as Tenon, Dufau, Foissac, 
 de Lapouge, and Richet in France ; Tiedemann and 
 Seeck in Germany ; Guerrini in Italy ; Kellogg and 
 Starr Jordon in America. The case is, indeed, over- 
 whelming. The lives destroyed in war are nearly all 
 males, thus disturbing the sex equilibrium of the 
 population ; they are in the prime of life, at the age 
 of greatest fecundity ; and they are picked from a 
 list out of which from 30 to 40 per cent, have been 
 rejected for physical unfitness. It seems to be proved 
 that the children born in France during the Napoleonic 
 wars were poor and undersized 30 millimetres below 
 the normal height. War combined with religious 
 celibacy to ruin Spain. ' Castile makes men and 
 wastes them,' said a Spanish writer. ' This sublime 
 and terrible phrase sums up the whole of Spanish 
 history.' Schiller was right : Immer der Krieg ver- 
 schlingt die besten." 
 
 1 loc. cit. 
 144
 
 WAR AND LAW CONTRADICTORY 145 
 
 We may add that, in countries with voluntary 
 enlistment, like England in normal conditions, the 
 dysgenic effect with regard to the transmission of 
 moral qualities is still more pronounced. For it is 
 the bravest and all those possessed of the highest 
 sense of duty who enlist, while the moral " wasters " 
 remain at home. 
 
 Those who maintain the justice of war as an in- War 
 eradicable element in the constitution of the human 
 being can claim logical consistency when, in defining siolo- 
 war, they maintain that it is the arbitrament of|^ a 
 superior power and not of reasoned justice. The mo f alan d 
 moment reasoned justice is introduced in any degree, neces- 
 there is no logical reason why it should not be intro- sit y- 
 duced in its entirety. You cannot deal with justice 
 as with the curate's egg. There is no partial justice. The in- 
 If you have the power in any way to curb the realisa- J usti ce of 
 tion of might in this struggle of adjudicating right, Might 
 there is no reason why the whole of might should not forced 
 be subordinated to reasoned right and bow to its right 
 commands. War governed by law is a contradiction 
 in terms. It may be said that in the duel of former 
 days, as in the prize-fight, certain laws have been 
 enforced regulating the contest and establishing a 
 subdivision of law within the clashing of powers 
 to satisfy the sense of fair play. But it must never 
 be forgotten that in the case of the duel and of the 
 prize-fight there was a superior legal power outside 
 and beyond, which could at any moment have caused 
 the appeal to a decision by power to be entirely 
 quashed and discontinued. Moreover, from a wider 
 point of view, even the introduction of this partial 
 aspect of law in the form of an assurance of fair play 
 in the process of the actual fight did not remove the 
 iniquity that the contestants might not be fairly 
 matched through mere physical preparation or by 
 the concentration of practice, ending in professional
 
 146 THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 skill on the part of one of the contestants who sacri- 
 fices the whole of his normal humanity and claims to 
 social eligibility by turning himself into a mere 
 righting machine. 
 
 The analogy, therefore, does not hold good when it 
 comes to States with no superior constraining power 
 to impress the controlling dictates of equity and 
 law such as exists in the case of contests between 
 individuals. If, therefore, the whole element of 
 reasoned justice is eliminated from the arbitrament 
 of power in war, it is quite consistent to maintain (as 
 has frankly and cynically been done by German 
 historians and politicians) that power must be made 
 as fearful as possible, and there is thus no limit to 
 brutality and savagery. 
 
 History That this is in flagrant contradiction to the moral 
 confirm* consciousness and to the public opinion of all 
 theim- civilised nations need hardly be insisted upon. Nor 
 biuty'of can we believe that the theories and practices of 
 the war- the German militarists who are responsible for this 
 
 like 
 
 spirit. war are really endorsed by the vast majority of the 
 German people and would not be repudiated by the 
 thoughtful and highly moral representatives of that 
 nation. 
 
 The chief fallacy of those who consider war a neces- 
 sary occurrence in the organisation of human society 
 is based upon a fundamental misconception of fact 
 in history concerning the action of States towards 
 one another, as well as the social development of 
 the individuals within each State. Those who are 
 thus misled point to the past and ask the question, 
 whether there ever was a period in man's past when 
 there was no war. Their views would apparently 
 receive some support as regards progress in the moral 
 development of political units throughout history 
 when we realise the sudden relapse into barbarism 
 and savagery in our own days and at this compara-
 
 HISTORICAL FALLACY OF WAR 147 
 
 tively advanced stage of development in civilisation. 
 But this astounding modern phenomenon in the 
 history of mankind is to a great extent to be accounted 
 for by the prevalent inadequacy of the very concep- 
 tion of what a State is. Furthermore, when history 
 is no longer measured by a few centuries, but a much 
 wider range of study and generalisation is admitted, 
 the claims to immutability of customs, laws and 
 interests lose all justification, and we no longer dare 
 speak of " natural " and " essential " attributes of 
 human beings and human society. 
 
 If we turn back to prehistoric times, we shall onthe 
 find that this fighting instinct of man dominated, Jh^ev 
 not only individual life at a time when it formed dence 
 a necessary impulse to self-preservation, but also 
 
 ruled the communal existence of each period, the it was 
 family, the clan or tribe, or race, or nation. Fight- dominant 
 ing and war were constantly present in the minds ^ ct ? r in 
 and life of the peoples of bygone ages. It was the early 
 ruling factor, directing their earliest education f O rP eriods< 
 which man prepared himself in every stage, and the 
 skill and superiority he attained in it formed the 
 chief basis of all social distinction and moral praise, 
 and, even, through the further effect upon sexual 
 selection, directed and modified the survival of the 
 fittest and the character of races as they advanced 
 in the course of time. The direct act of mere physical 
 fighting was ever present to the conscious and the 
 subconscious habitual life of bygone peoples. In the 
 earliest stages of man's history it would have been 
 quite impossible to convince men or communities 
 that they were not to look upon their immediate 
 neighbours or the people living but a few miles distant 
 as enemies, whom at any time it might be their duty 
 to subdue by physical force ; that their possessions 
 would be secured even for generations to come ; 
 that justice in their claims to possession would be
 
 148 THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 enforced without physical intervention, hundreds of 
 miles away, nay, beyond the seas, among peoples and 
 races whom they might never see and whose exist- 
 ence and institutions were completely foreign to 
 them. Imagine the effect upon a man living we will 
 not say in the palaeolithic, but in the neolithic age, 
 nay, even upon the inhabitants of Central Europe 
 for some centuries in the Middle Ages if you were 
 to tell him that he could assert and maintain his 
 rights and secure his life and independence in every 
 aspect of his existence, from the lowest phases up to 
 his power of selecting his own rulers, and that these 
 claims would be based upon the principles of reasoned 
 justice for which all beings crave from the moment 
 they become sentient and intelligent ! Surely, had 
 it been possible to describe such a state of things to 
 our earlier ancestors, they would not only have con- 
 sidered us Utopians and dreamers, but deliberate 
 liars. At all events, they would have met us, had 
 they been given to generalisation, with the dogmatic 
 statement that it was " contrary to human nature " 
 thus to be subdued by general law ; and, on the 
 narrow analogy of their own immediate and lower 
 experience in which such radical change would appear 
 to be impossible, they would have asserted the 
 absolute impossibility of transferring such conditions 
 to wider and yet higher spheres. The step from 
 some conditions prevailing even a few centuries ago, 
 when witches were still burnt and their existence was 
 vouched for by the mass of credulous people, to those 
 ruling our present life to such a degree, that we cannot 
 conceive of their not having existed before us, is, I 
 maintain, much greater than from the international 
 warlike attitude of the present day to the day when 
 war between nations has become inconceivable. 
 
 To give but one further instance of the unfounded- 
 ness of such negative prediction with regard to future
 
 WARFARE AND DUELLING 149 
 
 developments of human society, based upon the Analogy 
 narrow experience of lower conditions of life pre- 
 vailing at the time, we need but turn to the considera- 
 tion of one social institution which dominated the 
 life of the highest class of human beings in civilised 
 countries but a short time ago and which, strangely 
 enough (though upon examination we shall find that 
 it is not so strange !) still survives in Germany. This 
 is the duel. Three generations ago the duel was still 
 the customary means of righting wrongs among a 
 certain section of society in England. It has entirely 
 vanished from our lives. Not only our children, 
 but we ourselves of the present generation, can no 
 more think of it as a means of redress for wrongs 
 done to us than we would turn to augury for direction 
 in battle, or to the " Judgment by God " to maintain 
 the justice of our individual claims. Had you asked 
 any gentleman a hundred years ago, whether he could 
 dispense with the duel, he would have said : " Cer- 
 tainly not ; it is essential to human nature to fight, 
 and it is still more essential for a man of honour to 
 stand up for his rights in certain contingencies at 
 the risk of his life to punish the aggressor and to 
 defend his honour." This same view prevails to-day 
 among some of the most highly intelligent, honour- 
 able, and distinguished people in Germany. More 
 than once I have had certain Germans, whom I hold 
 in the highest esteem and in whose intelligence and 
 sense of justice in all other respects I have the greatest 
 faith I have had such men ask me : " How can you 
 get on in England without the duel ? It is impos- 
 sible to do so." In spite of all the reasons one could 
 give, they considered our attitude to be almost 
 " against nature," certainly against higher nature. 
 But we can well understand, in the light of what we 
 now know, why a Bernhardi should uphold this 
 effete and absurd institution, even why a Bismarck
 
 i5o THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 and (as I have heard him do on the authority of that 
 great statesman) a Treitschke, should have praised 
 the grotesque survival of the attenuated form of 
 duelling practised by German students, as a most 
 beneficent influence in the development of their 
 social life and character. One can understand why 
 the Kaiser and his immediate military advisers should 
 uphold it, and why the judiciary bench should have 
 committed such a legal crime in dealing with the 
 Zabern affair. But surely when the definite example 
 is before their eyes of other civilised nations like the 
 English and the Americans, emerging from this lower 
 and more barbarous survival of earlier days and clearly 
 demonstrating that, in spite of the fighting instinct 
 in man, the duel is entirely expunged from the records 
 of our civilised life, it can then no longer be main- 
 tained that the duel is an essential, necessary institu- 
 tion which will maintain itself for all times. 
 War be- Now, the same applies, a fortiori, to war between 
 nations States. For the quarrels and the fighting between 
 is less of individuals, and the causes which lead to them, are 
 sity C than so frequent and imminent in the diversified conditions 
 the duel o f human intercourse that they must constantly 
 
 between 
 
 indivi- occur, however readily they may be suppressed by 
 duals. the hand of justice. And when we consider the 
 variation in personal impetuosity and passion among 
 millions of men and women living together, we can 
 understand how the violence of passion and the haste 
 of action may constantly produce transgression of 
 the law, even crime in its most destructive forms. 
 But remember : large bodies move slowly. In spite 
 of the " psychology of the crowd," and the diffi- 
 culty of calming or subduing the collective passion 
 of a moving mass, when once it begins its onward 
 rush, the action of States especially those blessed 
 with representative government must be compara- 
 tively slow and deliberate and give time for reflection
 
 MIGHT AND RIGHT 151 
 
 and for the consideration of the claims of justice. 
 A man, even the most self-controlled and temperate, 
 may strike a quick blow in a fit of passion ; a State 
 cannot go to war without forethought and deliberate 
 preparation. At all events, the possibility of such 
 an outburst which may in the end become most 
 passionate, is not conceivable in the case of a modern 
 State, and therefore justice, in the case of international 
 differences and contests, can always prevent ; while 
 in the individual life within the State it can only 
 menace by general enactments, or punish after the 
 crime has already been committed. It is thus more 
 possible not less in the relation between States, 
 to counteract and check the instinct for fighting and 
 the antagonism to law and justice, than it is in the 
 case of individuals. The only remaining difference 
 is that in the one case there is the constraining power 
 behind the law, and in the other it does not yet 
 exist.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 The IT thus remains for us and the end of this terrible 
 union of war w ju mark the initiation to add the element of 
 
 nugnt 
 
 and might to that of right, and thus to wipe war among 
 
 Infer- m civilised nations from off the face of the world for 
 
 national all times. What Kant and so many philosophers 
 
 14 ' dreamt of will, nay, must, in the necessity of events, 
 
 now become a reality. We must add to the Hague 
 
 Tribunal the power of enforcing its enactments and 
 
 of policing international relations. 
 
 It has been admitted on all sides in fact, it has 
 almost become a commonplace to say that some- 
 thing must be done in the future to assert the collec- 
 tive will of civilised humanity in order to convert 
 the arbitrament of war into the arbitrament of justice. 
 It has been urged by experienced statesmen, practical 
 and at the same time thoughtful and high-minded, 
 Federa- that there must be some form of federation of at 
 states in- least the European States, or of the civilised States 
 sufficient. o f ^ e world, asserting the unity of interests and the 
 unity of ideals which they all have in common, and 
 thus to provide for a tangible safeguard of peace. I 
 venture to doubt whether such a federation by itself 
 would prove practically efficacious. The evil tra- 
 ditions of international diplomacy are so strongly 
 established that, reform them as you may, the 
 separate interests dominating each one of the States, 
 and within each State powerful bodies, whether 
 
 152
 
 INTERNATIONAL ALLIANCES INSUFFICIENT 153 
 
 political, commercial, or financial, would all make for 
 the undoing of this spirit of unity. The avowed or 
 implied, the secret or public, formation of groups of 
 alliances or ententes, corresponding to the community 
 of certain interests (themselves temporary and 
 changeable), the affinities of race and religions, and 
 many other disintegrating causes, will make themselves 
 felt and affect the solidarity of such a federation. A 
 closer federation in some form may come, and it will 
 come in the course of evolution when once the 
 menace of war is removed, and will then be more 
 firmly based on the actual growth of the lasting 
 factors which make for humanitarian harmony. 
 
 But the first and supreme necessity is to add, inAninter- 
 the most direct and effective form, the element of^ t nal 
 might to that of right, the power of constraining the backed 
 world to bow to the judicial enactments of an Inter- q u a t e e " 
 national Court. Then, and only then, will there power is 
 be practical efficiency : and this practical advance S afe- n y 
 towards an ideal end will be strengthened by the fact g uard of 
 
 OCcLCG 
 
 that it conforms to material interests and requirements, 
 to economy of public treasure, in the case of each 
 State. The economic principles of co-operation, of The 
 division of labour, organisation and concentration frendof 
 of energy and resources, have been dominant in modern modem 
 commerce and industry mainly for the good and makes for 
 sometimes for the bad. But they certainly commend such c - 
 
 -, i , i i ' f operation 
 
 themselves to the intelligence and the interests of the among 
 modern world. Disarmament, or partial disarma- states - 
 ment, is called for by the workers all over the world. 
 
 The burden of taxation which armaments imply Burdens 
 had already become intolerable and in itself led to tioiTbe- 
 effective opposition in every one of the States apart cause of 
 from all the other evil consequences of its effects me nts un- 
 which have so frequently been pointed out and have bearable, 
 been so fully realised of late. 
 
 The history of the Prussian Army since the days
 
 154 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 Mere of Frederick the Great and Napoleon has shown 
 tiorfof now eas ily an y restrictions regulating the sizes of 
 armies armies and navies can be evaded. Nor can it be an 
 maments advantage to encourage interference with the internal 
 not affairs of any State and thus to jeopardise its inde- 
 
 enough. , 
 
 pendence. 
 
 More It will be more effective, as well as more economical, 
 
 econo 1 - * ' an d m conformity with the spirit of our age, to create 
 mical.and international armies and armaments, towards which 
 to create each State pro rata contributes its portion, which will 
 interna- b e so much more powerful than those of any one 
 
 tional , .-T pi 
 
 armies State or group of States, that they can enforce the 
 andarma- enactments of an International Court beyond all 
 
 ments. . J 
 
 doubt or cavil. The international unity within 
 national freedom and independence nay, safe-guard- 
 ing and strengthening the independence of each 
 State must find direct and forcible expression in the 
 establishment of an International Court backed by an 
 international army and navy which are placed entirely 
 under its control. 
 
 Nature I may perhaps be allowed to quote what on this 
 stitutkm point I published in 1899 (The Expansion of Western 
 of such Ideals, etc., p. 105) in a sketch of how this federation 
 
 an Inter- 
 
 national of civilised States might be realised in the institution of 
 Court. one cen tral international tribunal with a corresponding 
 power to enforce its decisions : 
 
 " It is thus that the expansion of Western ideals 
 will ultimately tend towards the supreme goal of the 
 World's Peace ; and I maintain, in all sincerity of 
 conviction, that it is through the introduction of 
 the United States into this great expanding move- 
 ment, and through, as a first step, the realisation of 
 the English-speaking Brotherhood that this ultimate 
 goal is most likely to be attained. 
 
 " When, within the last decade, colonial expansion 
 more and more asserted itself as the dominant motive- 
 power in the policy of European nations, the lovers
 
 ENGLISH-SPEAKING BROTHERHOOD 155 
 
 of progress and peace were struck with horror at the 
 appearance of this new Leviathan, this great enemy 
 of humanity, that threatened to furnish a continu- 
 ance of causes for internecine warfare after the 
 dynastic rivalries had died away, and when the racial 
 and territorial differences seemed to be gradually 
 losing their virulent energy in Europe. It looked as 
 if we were entering into a chaotic period of Universal 
 Grab, in which each nation would rush in to seize all 
 the spoils it could carry, and would frequently have 
 to drop them in order to fight its equally voracious 
 neighbour. This gloomy view has been completely 
 dispelled by the prospect of a real English-speaking 
 Brotherhood. For, as regards colonial expansion, 
 I can see the English-speaking conception of colon- 
 isation in clear opposition, in the domain of material 
 interests as well as in that of ideas and ideals, to 
 that of the Continental European Powers. And this 
 common ground of thought, feeling, and action will of 
 necessity tend to bind the English-speaking peoples 
 together. Through it I look forward to much more 
 than an Anglo-Saxon Alliance. I can see the day 
 when there will be a great confederation of the inde- 
 pendent and self-governing English-speaking nations, 
 made clearly recognisable and effective to the outer 
 world by some new form of international corporation, 
 which statesmen and jurists will be able to devise 
 when the necessity of things calls for it. For, day 
 by day, this union of the English-speaking peoples 
 is becoming more of an accomplished fact in the 
 social and economical life of the people themselves. 
 Consider the strength of such a confederation 1 Who 
 will say nay to it ? And the stronger it is, the better 
 for the peace of the world ; it will ensure this more 
 effectually than any number of Peace Congresses con- 
 voked by the mightiest of monarchs. 
 
 " Step by step this power will advance, binding 
 the nations together, not severing them. For it will 
 be based upon ideas which unite, and not upon race 
 which severs. And all those who share these ideas 
 are ipso facto a part of this union ; Germany, which 
 stands before the world as a great leader of human
 
 156 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 intelligence, will be with us. France, which over- 
 threw mediaeval feudalism and first raised the torch 
 of freedom, will be with us in spite of the tragic 
 crisis through which it is at present passing, when 
 vicious reaction is contending with delirious anarchy ; 
 for it must never be forgotten that the France of 
 to-day produced the Picquarts, Zolas, and many 
 other heroes who fought for the sanctity of justice. 
 Thousands of Russians, their numbers constantly 
 swelling, will be with us in spirit, and the spirit will 
 force its essence into inert matter ; these leaders will 
 educate the people until they will modify (let us hope 
 gradually) the spirit of their own government. 
 
 " Then we shall be prepared to make an end of 
 war ; because behind the great humanitarian ideas 
 there will be the power to safeguard these ideas. 
 ' No right without might ' is a cynical aphorism of 
 which history has proved the truth. To be effective, 
 the law must have behind it the power to enforce its 
 decisions. It is so in national law, and it will be so 
 in international law. 
 
 " Let us allow our ' dream ' to materialise still 
 further. I can see this great Confederacy of the 
 future established permanently with its local habi- 
 tation, let us say on one of the islands the Azores, 
 Bermuda, the Canaries, Madeira. And here will be 
 sitting the great Court of Arbitration, composed of 
 most eminent men from all the nations in the Con- 
 federacy. Here will be assembled, always ready to 
 carry into effect the laws enacted, an international 
 army, and an international fleet, the police of the 
 world's highways. No recalcitrant nation (then, and 
 only then, will the nations be able to disarm) could 
 venture to oppose its will to that of this supreme 
 representative of justice. Perhaps this Court may 
 develop into a Court of Appeals, dealing not only with 
 matters of State. The function of this capital to 
 the great Confederacy will not only concern war, 
 but peace as well. There will be established here 
 ' Bureaux ' representing the interests which all the 
 nations have in common. As regards commerce and 
 industry, they will distribute throughout the world
 
 157 
 
 important information concerning the supply and 
 demand of the world's markets, and counteracting 
 to some extent the clumsy economical chaos which 
 now causes so much distress throughout the world. 
 Science and art, which are ever the most effective 
 bonds between civilised peoples, will there find their 
 international habitation, and here will be established 
 the great international universities, and libraries, and 
 museums. There will be annual exhibitions of works 
 of art and industry, so that the nations, compara- 
 tively so ignorant of each other's work now, should 
 learn fully to appreciate each other. And at greater 
 intervals there will be greater exhibitions and 
 international meetings, the modern form of the Olympic 
 games. The Amphyctionic Council of Delphi, as 
 well as the Olympic Games of the small Greek com- 
 munities, will find their natural and unromantic 
 revival in this centre of civilisation, this tangible 
 culminating point of Western Ideals. Thus will the 
 World's Peace be ensured, the nations be brought 
 together, and the ancient inherited prejudices and 
 hatreds be stamped out from the face of the earth.' 1 
 
 The great Amphyctionic Council, into whose hands 
 all the civilised States will, by mutual consent, place 
 the power to enforce its enactments, will consist of 
 the supreme judges delegated by each State. It may 
 at once be questioned whether these international 
 delegates are to be appointed for life or for a definite 
 term ; by whom they are to be appointed ; and in 
 what proportion they are to represent the several 
 states. 
 
 i . As to the duration of their office, it appears to The 
 me advisable that the first appointment be made f 
 a definite period ; but that after this test they the inter- 
 should receive the security of tenure and the conse- 
 quent status, prestige, and independence which accom- 
 pany a life position. Of course there would be 
 definite grounds, of incompetence or dishonesty, 
 on which they could be removed from office.
 
 158 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 The 2. It might prove most practical that the first 
 
 appoint- 1 a PP om tment, as a privilege and a grave responsi- 
 ment. bility, be vested in the head of each State, and that 
 it should clearly be understood that, by personal 
 capacity, by training, and by achievement, by pro- 
 minence in the State, and by integrity of character, 
 the appointee be the highest representative whom 
 each head of State can select for such an office. In 
 any case, it would always be desirable that he should 
 not be tainted from the outset by party politics and 
 be merely the representative of the Government which 
 happens at the time to be in power in each State. In 
 fact, one supreme qualification should be that the 
 administration of justice in its highest conception 
 should be the ruling function of one thus chosen to 
 represent each nation on this highest tribunal, and 
 that he distinctly does not hold the mandate to act 
 as counsel for each separate State in asserting and 
 pushing the interests of that State irrespective of 
 general justice. It therefore becomes desirable that 
 the body of these international judges itself should, 
 as a body, have some power in the selection of the 
 individual judge. Though it would not be practical 
 to put into their hands the initial selection in each 
 country, there ought to be given to the body as a 
 whole the power to determine whether the appointee 
 is persona grata or not, a practice such as is now 
 followed as regards acceptance of a foreign diplo- 
 matic representative by a State. Whatever method 
 of appointment in each country, and the admission 
 into the body as a whole, may be adopted, at all 
 times the fact ought to be impressed that the national 
 representative on this body is to be truly represen- 
 tative of the highest character and standing in the 
 eyes of the nation from which he comes, and of the 
 world at large. 
 
 3. It would, furthermore, have to be decided in
 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW BACKED BY POWER 159 
 
 what proportion the several States are to be repre- Propor- 
 sented. Great care will have to be taken especially ^^1 
 in the light of our most recent experiences that the sentation 
 smaller States be duly represented and their interests the ng 
 be not entirely submerged beneath those of the greater several 
 States and Empires. Still, unless good reasons can 
 be urged to the contrary, it would probably be most 
 practical and just that the representatives be chosen 
 in proportion to the number of inhabitants of each 
 country. For, after all, in the ultimate conception 
 of such an International Court it would be humanity 
 at large which is represented, and each man in every 
 one of the several States could thus claim a share 
 of representation. 
 
 In the suggestion which I published some years The local 
 ago for such an international organisation, and which S^ 1 ^" 
 I have reproduced above, I enumerated for the local the inter- 
 habitation of this International Court several islands. 
 Of course it is desirable that topographically the 
 neutrality and international character of such a 
 habitation and centre of jurisdiction and power 
 should be duly regarded and accentuated. From 
 this point of view it would be desirable that, out of 
 consideration for the American Continent, this 
 abode should not be too near to Europe, or so near 
 that it, as it were, forms a dependency of any one 
 State or group of States. Still, considering how the 
 facilities of intercommunication constantly are increas- 
 ing, and the fact that the sea no longer separates but 
 even unites, this consideration need not weigh too 
 heavily. Moreover, other attributes may be of still 
 greater importance. These are the suitability of 
 any one site to respond to the full and varied life in 
 every aspect of its expression, and the dignity and 
 importance and general amenities of life to which it 
 ought to attain. To this must be added the strategic 
 efficiency of such a centre for purposes of defensive 
 
 13
 
 160 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 and offensive power to carry out the enactments of 
 the Court. There would, of course, be subsidiary 
 military and naval stations distributed all over the 
 globe and under the immediate control of the Central 
 Tribunal, so that, in every part of the world, the 
 decision could without loss of time be effectively 
 enforced. It might not be necessary even to choose 
 an island, though large and well fortified harbours 
 for the fleet would be an indispensable condition in 
 the choice. Among the islands, however, it might be 
 suggested that, unless for the reason stated above 
 the United States might object, one of the larger 
 Channel Islands or the whole group of them might 
 prove most appropriate. To recommend them still 
 further ; the admirable temperate climate and the 
 natural beauties which they enjoy would be a great 
 recommendation in their favour. 
 
 interna- Of supreme importance for the main purposes of 
 Army and such an International Court would be the Army and 
 Navy. Navy, always at the beck and call of this Court, and 
 ever ready to coerce or to strike in support of the 
 maintenance of International Law. Such an Army 
 and such a Navy, international in character, to which * 
 each State would contribute pro rata, would, of course, 
 have to be far stronger than any one of the armies 
 which by mutual consent each State would be autho- 
 rised to maintain within its own borders. Indeed 
 it should be even stronger than any combina- 
 tion of several of these States. It would, of course, 
 include military and naval air-craft and would con- 
 stantly be kept in the highest state of efficiency. At 
 any moment this great power could be hurled at any 
 delinquent State to crush the culprit. Even if it were 
 conceivable that the recalcitrant State or States should 
 muster their forces in opposition to its authority, it 
 is hardly conceivable that, with the co-operation of 
 all the States siding with this central authority, any
 
 OPPOSITION TO THE COURT UNLIKELY 161 
 
 one State or group of States could long hold out. 
 But, as a matter of fact, when once duly and actually 
 established and when continuous practice and autho- 
 rity had in the course of years impressed this authority 
 upon all civilised nations so that its existence and 
 traditions formed part of the consciousness of all the 
 peoples throughout the civilised world, opposition 
 to such a Court would be even much more unlikely 
 than an occasional revolt of individuals or bodies 
 against the police or law within a well-regulated 
 State. As I have urged before, one of the strongest 
 arguments in favour of such an international organ- 
 isation, which will and must carry weight with every 
 nation throughout the civilised world, is not based 
 upon abstract justice or reason and the revolt 
 against the senseless slaughter of human beings 
 (which all right-minded people are now feeling), but 
 upon concrete facts and economic necessity. Thus 
 armaments, as they now exist and which have been 
 supposed to be the means of keeping the peace and 
 the only means of avoiding the lawlessness of man 
 left to his fighting instincts, are sapping the re- 
 sources of every State and casting unbearable bur- 
 dens upon the labourers and producers of national 
 wealth. The cost to each individual nation for 
 its contribution to these international armaments 
 will be infinitesimal compared with that now weigh- 
 ing upon each separate State, and could be easily 
 borne by each one of them. It is nothing more 
 than the simple application of co-operation and eco- 
 nomy of power which has been ruling and is ruling 
 the development of modern commerce and industry. 
 
 I may leave it to the imagination of every reader Further 
 to build up for himself the wonderful display of^*^ 
 civilised life which such an international centre will life and 
 create for the world, such as in a few words I have of Til * 
 endeavoured slightly to indicate in the passage nations.
 
 162 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 quoted above. The beneficent activity of such an 
 international centre in directions other than those of 
 immediate legislation and of the protection of inter- 
 national right and law will readily be realised. The 
 genius of ancient Athens, though no doubt primarily 
 Greek (and this ancient Greece of those days already 
 includes the conflux of many different civilisations), 
 in the hey-day of Athenian culture, was to a great 
 extent due to the fact that the various people 
 workmen, artisans, artists, philosophers flocked 
 thither from Asia Minor and other parts of the ancient 
 world, and contributed their share of new creative 
 impulse and of vigorous co-operation in the cause of 
 art and culture to the making of the Periclean Age. 
 The common habitation would lead to the facile 
 intercourse of representatives from every nationality ; 
 the consequent attraction of visitors from all parts of 
 the world, who would feel that this was no strange 
 country, but that they shared in its common life, 
 would not only counteract narrowness and provin- 
 cialism of feeling and thought, but would actively 
 stimulate a widening and intensified advance in the 
 direction of human sympathy, culture, and brother- 
 hood. It would become, and rightly, the supreme 
 home and centre for all intellectual life, as there 
 would be created here a clearing-house for all higher 
 endeavour, centred in vast buildings and institutions 
 representing the best and the most beautiful that 
 modern civilisation can produce. The final and less 
 immediate outcome of the activities emanating in 
 every direction of human life from this common 
 centre is so stupendous and far-reaching, that the 
 imagination staggers in the beatitude of vision rising 
 before our eyes. And it is not only in the great and 
 manifest actions of international and common life, 
 but even in every one of the smallest byways of human 
 activities and human interests that these influences
 
 THE LANGUAGE DIFFICULTY 163 
 
 would actually and practically be operative, not 
 merely in the world of dreams. 
 
 I fully realise that there is one great stumbling- The lan- 
 block to this advance in civilisation and the substanti- difficulty, 
 ation of such unity of international effort and power. The 
 This is to be found in the question of language. It is Babel, 
 typified by the Tower of Babel. The ancient Hebrews 
 were led by a correct instinct when they attempted 
 to erect such a tower. But we all know that they 
 failed in this endeavour. Languages will always 
 unite or separate, and difference of language may 
 prevent complete understanding between the peoples. 
 In so far it will prevent complete international 
 understanding and international fusion. On the 
 other hand, as I insisted upon the desirability of 
 developing and maintaining individuality throughout 
 the nations which of itself would in no way suffer 
 from wider federation so I do not think that it 
 would in any way be desirable to check the expres- 
 tion of national individuality by obliterating national 
 language. Still less could it be ever contemplated 
 to deprive ourselves of the treasures of human 
 thought and art which have taken actual form in the 
 national literature of each people. But we cannot 
 doubt that the need of one common language for all 
 civilised peoples remains. Even the Hague Conven- 
 tion has been enabled to do its work in spite of the 
 great divergence in the languages of its representa- 
 tives. More and more as time goes on, and the more 
 real the need and the feeling for a great international 
 confederation becomes, until finally we attain to its 
 realisation in such an International Court endowed 
 with the power to coerce all nations into confor- 
 mity with its supreme decrees, the necessity for one 
 common language, co-existing with all other national 
 languages, will make itself felt. Whether this will 
 lead to the establishment of such a language as
 
 164 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 Volapuk or Esperanto, whether it will be naturally 
 developed by the action of physical and mental 
 conditions within the civilised world by a slow 
 process of evolution, or whether any one existing 
 modern language will, for one reason or the other, 
 assert its predominance and become established as 
 this language of international intercourse, the fact 
 of its undeniable need will make itself felt more and 
 more as time goes on. The French language has for 
 a long time been adopted as the language of dip- 
 lomacy ; but there exists considerable opposition to 
 its universal use. 
 
 The Middle Ages, or rather the beginnings of the 
 Renaissance, prove the value and the efficiency of 
 such a dominating language. In this case it was the 
 property of the lettered or learned, or of the superior 
 classes, beginning with the clerks who held in their 
 hands the all-powerful factor in life, namely, the 
 education of the young. Moreover, they had, as a 
 substratum of such international unity, the organisa- 
 tion of the Catholic Church spread over the whole 
 civilised world. Beginning with the Church and its 
 priests, however, the knowledge of this common 
 language extended to a considerable degree among 
 the ruling classes. The result was to take but one 
 type of most definite and direct influence on the 
 national mind throughout the whole world by one 
 man or a group of men, the bearers of great thought 
 the result was, that Erasmus could travel, converse, 
 and lecture throughout the whole of Europe, occupy a 
 chair in the University of Cambridge, influence the 
 leaders of thought, at one with him in his great 
 endeavour of world reform (not only, or chiefly, 
 reform of sectarian religion), in his native Holland, 
 in Germany, in Switzerland, and in Italy, directly 
 affecting by his thought and his teaching people of 
 every class in all these countries, and finally fixing
 
 REVIVAL OF LATIN 165 
 
 and perpetuating this influence in laying down in 
 his books what he had to say in a language intelligible 
 to the readers of all nations. He and the Oxford 
 reformers realised this international power and 
 cherished international aims not very distant from 
 those which we cherish at this moment. He and 
 his fellow-militants also realised fully the power for 
 good which was vested in a Church that was catholic 
 i.e. universal, international, human. But his chief 
 object was to use it for the humanising of humanity, 
 not the vicious confirmation of separatism, whether 
 nationalistic or sectarian, in religion. The supreme 
 aim of these great men was to humanise and to educate 
 the clerks who were the teachers of the rising genera- 
 tions and, through them, ultimately to raise mankind. 
 So clear and strong was the fai-th of these men in this 
 final mission, that More really sacrificed his life, 
 because he was opposed to nationalism, to Chauvinism 
 which threatened to rob humanism of its catholic 
 and universal effectiveness, to dehumanise the spirit 
 of refining love in mankind, and to give full sway to 
 the spread of national and local hatred, ending, as 
 it did, in endless wars throughout the world. 
 
 Erasmus and his followers possessed the one great 
 asset of a common international language, which, 
 though it was not destined to help them directly and 
 completely to realise their great and beneficent aims, 
 did undoubtedly contribute to what may perhaps be 
 the greatest advance in civilisation which the world 
 has yet seen since the days of ancient Hellas. 
 
 Is it quite impracticable and utterly unrealisable 
 to restore the Latin language to life, and, after 
 spreading it throughout the whole world in the educa- 
 tion of the young, to leave it in the course of actual 
 evolution to widen out and modify itself in this 
 process of life, so that it should adapt itself to all 
 the needs of modern intercourse and thus contribute
 
 166 THE CURE OF THE DISEASE OF WAR 
 
 a most powerful element to the realisation of our 
 final ideals ? 
 
 It cannot be a disadvantage that Latin was the 
 disseminator of great ideas throughout the Middle 
 Ages, and the vehicle of expression of the whole of 
 the Christian civilisation ; that it was the linguistic 
 expression of the widest diffusion of civilisation 
 through the greatest organised instrument of civil- 
 isation, namely, the Roman Empire. Nor can it 
 even be a disadvantage that it should, to a certain 
 degree, contain and reflect in itself sometimes only 
 the shadow instead of the reality the highest spirit 
 of Hellenism. Personally, I confess that I should 
 have preferred Greek to Latin, because I deem those 
 elements of higher culture embodied in the term 
 Hellenism more important for humanity than are 
 to be found in any other language. But a moment's 
 thought will tell us that practically this would be 
 impossible. The mere fact of such a difference of 
 alphabet between Greek and Latin would be of the 
 greatest practical effect as regards the comparative 
 facilities of introducing either. But the Latin 
 alphabet and the Latin script have penetrated through- 
 out the whole of the civilised world and must be 
 acquired by every school-boy and school-girl to what- 
 ever nation they may belong. It was not merely 
 pedantry or theatrical romanticism which led Bis- 
 marck to attempt to drive out the Latin alphabet 
 from writing and printing as far as he was able to 
 do so in Germany, and to restore Gothic characters. 
 It was not merely meant to be an aid internally to 
 consolidate Germanenthum : but it was already a 
 'direct anticipation of the dreams of the present 
 Alldeutsche party, to force Pan-Germanism upon the 
 whole civilised world ; first, by blood and iron ; 
 then by gold and commercial concessions and pro- 
 motions ; and finally by the forcible supremacy of
 
 THE LATIN LANGUAGE 167 
 
 the German Kultur, which even a Nietzsche con- 
 sidered inferior to that of the Latin races. In spite 
 of his efforts, no German who can read and write is 
 unacquainted with Latin script. Surely we need not 
 construct a modern language in our study when for 
 countless ages and in the present day the ancient 
 Latin language, never for one moment dead in 
 European history, is still with us, and, though asleep, 
 still lives, and can readily be aroused from its slum- 
 bers and assist in the great and peaceful battle 
 which will lead to the final victory of civilised 
 humanity.
 
 PART II 
 
 THE INADEQUACY OF MODERN MORALS : 
 NIETZSCHE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF SOCIAL REFORMERS 
 THE MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 ALL that I have written hitherto to define the con- 
 ditions now prevailing in civilised life which have 
 led to this disastrous war has confirmed what I have 
 said at the beginning in the Introduction (p. 4) : 
 that we have to go deeper down to find the essential 
 and underlying causes. For the one great fact must 
 have impressed itself through all the phases and 
 aspects of the inquiry as we have hitherto pursued 
 it namely, that there is a hiatus, if not a direct 
 contradiction, between our faith and professions 
 and our actions, which did not exist in former ages 
 to the same degree ; that civilised humanity is at sea 
 regarding its most important ideas and ideals ; and 
 that we are no longer possessed of efficient Faith, 
 the Faith which inspired the Crusaders in the past, 
 or the Mahdists in modern times. Yet, we all of us, 
 the representatives of Western civilisation, manifest 
 this conflict and contradiction between our ultimate 
 beliefs and our direct course of action. Nor is the 
 fault merely or mainly to be sought for in our actions 
 and in our inability to live up to principles on the 
 part of the best and the most thoughtful among us ; 
 
 168
 
 but it lies chiefly in the fact that our ideals are no 
 longer believed in, that they are not our actual ideals. 
 
 When we consider the writings or the intellectual 
 achievements of philosophers, social reformers, and 
 artists, who have either had the greatest influence 
 in the fashioning of the intellectual temper of our age, 
 or are at least most indicative of its peculiar trend, 
 we find that their main strength and their main 
 influence lie in a negative direction, namely, in the 
 revolt against the dominance of our rules, canons, 
 and philosophies of life, which no longer fit the needs 
 of the modern world and no longer respond to our 
 actual convictions of what is truest and best. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the social reformers, 
 the great writers and thinkers on philosophy, politics, 
 and social questions in the second half of the nine- 
 teenth century down to our own days, have in the 
 main not been constructive, but critical and negative. 
 The nineteenth century and our own days will be 
 noted in history, not so much for their positive achieve- 
 ment in world-reform, not for the solution of ques- 
 tions and problems, as for the putting and formula- 
 tion of these questions and problems. 1 It corre- 
 sponds very much in this respect to the eighteenth 
 century in France and elsewhere, in which the " Ency- 
 clopaedists," political philosophers and educational 
 reformers of the type of Rousseau formulated the 
 main questions by means of their criticism of the 
 ancien regime, the positive answers themselves being 
 given by the French and American Revolutions at 
 the end of that century. 
 
 This criticism of the fundamental standards and 
 ideals governing modern life, culminating in the 
 definite putting of the question to which the future 
 is to give an adequate reply, does not only concern 
 the economic aspect of modern life, the distribution 
 
 1 See Appendix III.
 
 170 NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF SOCIAL REFORMERS 
 
 of wealth, and the freedom of asserting the right to 
 physical existence on the part of individuals ; it is 
 not only represented by the writings and the direct 
 influence of Lassalle and Karl Marx and of the theorists 
 and publicists of modern economical schools forming 
 the theoretical basis for socialist and even anarchist 
 agitation ; it is not only manifested in the powerful 
 impeachment of commercialism and capitalism which 
 tyrannise over the inner economic life of each nation 
 and community and which extend their dominating 
 influence over all international relations ; but it 
 clearly shows itself in the main character and direc- 
 tion of thought in the writers and historians on 
 philosophy, on ethics, individual and social, in the 
 direct preachings of historians and social reformers 
 nay, even in the spirit of the work of great artists 
 and in the theories of writers on art. 
 
 The one point which all these leaders and fashioners 
 of modern thought have in common, however diver- 
 gent their positive and more definite views may be, 
 is a protest against the existing order of things, the 
 more or less conscious feeling and conviction that the 
 fundamental and guiding principles of our life are 
 not truly expressive of the needs of modern man, 
 of the best that he can feel and think and do. 
 They thus vary in the directness and truthfulness, 
 and even the bluntness, with which they attack the 
 traditions and conventions which the modern world 
 retains and accepts from the past and to which, in 
 conformity with the laws of a well-regulated society, 
 moral, or at least decent and respectable, members 
 bow in slavish obedience. From August Comte 
 (who boldly ventures far beyond into the construc- 
 tive realm of a positive philosophy which endeavours 
 to supply a system to replace what his criticism 
 destroys), through Schopenhauer and von Hartmann 
 to Wagner, Ibsen, and Nietzsche, and to Tolstoy
 
 NINETEENTH-CENTURY REFORMERS 171 
 
 (who is the antithesis to Nietzsche), and also to 
 Maeterlinck, we have the same protest as regards the 
 recognition of the inadequacy of our ideals, our faith 
 and religion as bearing upon the social ethics of the 
 modern civilised world. These writers and artists 
 differ only as regards the characteristic and personal 
 divergence in the intensity with which they oppose 
 the existing order of things according to the intellec- 
 tual atmosphere of their professed style of work or 
 the artistic temperament of their personalities. In 
 a more attenuated, though none the less powerful 
 and effective, form, the same spirit and ethos are 
 manifested in England in the writings of Herbert 
 Spencer and Mill, of Carlyle, Ruskin and Morris, 
 of George Eliot and even of Matthew Arnold ; 
 while the stupendous achievements in the natural 
 sciences, notably in the establishment of the Dar- 
 winian theory, immediately incited their application 
 to moral and social problems by such brilliant ex- 
 ponents as Huxley and .W. K. Clifford, finding a 
 powerful echo in Germany in the writings of Haeckel. 
 At the same time, the continuous attacks of the 
 numerous writers directly opposing religious ortho- 
 doxy throughout the last century, beginning with 
 Strauss and Renan, received the most powerful, 
 though involuntary, support from the growth of 
 scholarly historical criticism, sharpened and strength- 
 ened by all the methods of modern scientific inquiry, 
 within the theological camp itself nay, within the 
 very strongholds of sects and churches ; until we find 
 that the Roman Catholic Church itself is aroused to 
 the full exertion of all its energy and power to quell 
 the modernist movement within its own body. What- 
 ever divergence may exist among these great men, 
 their mentalities and their writings, the main fact 
 stands out clearly and irrefutably : that the existing 
 order of things is recognised as inadequate and must
 
 172 NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF SOCIAL REFORMERS 
 
 be reformed and adapted to the new order of the 
 world. Where these pioneers or iconoclasts differ is in 
 the degree in which they consciously manifest this 
 opposition and in the boldness of their attack upon 
 the traditions hitherto recognised as indispensable to 
 the maintenance of civilised society and morality. 
 The attention which they arouse and the effect which 
 they produce are, from the nature of great movements 
 in man's history (alas that it should be so !) dependent 
 upon the boldness nay, the exaggeration with 
 which they thus attack the common traditions in 
 which man lives at the time. Luther will always 
 have a more immediate and powerful influence than 
 Erasmus, though the confirmed optimist may console 
 himself with the fact that ultimately though after a 
 long time Erasmus will prevail ; and though it may 
 even be shown that Luther's influence would not 
 have been what it was, unless he had absorbed some 
 of the best that was in Erasmus. Thus it is that of 
 all these writers and thinkers three may for the time 
 being have had the greatest influence, at all events 
 in Germany, namely, Ibsen the Dane, Wagner, and 
 Nietzsche ; while Schopenhauer and von Hartmann 
 are their immediate precursors. 
 
 Ibsen Though Ibsen is concerned with many other aspects 
 
 Wagner ^ modern life, in which he wishes to substitute 
 for dead and utterly inadequate traditions, the 
 living and hopeful freedom of man's natural instincts 
 and justified desires to self-realisation, it is chiefly 
 concerning the relation between the sexes that his 
 dramatic writings have exerted the greatest influence 
 upon modern society. The same applies to Wagner. 
 Both, either by the ruthlessness of their attacks or 
 by the penetrating forcefulness of their artistic forms, 
 succeeded in arresting the attention of the thinking 
 world, nay, far beyond this world, the large mass of 
 unthinking, but strongly feeling, men and women.
 
 WAGNER 173 
 
 Still, it was chiefly in this particular aspect of modern 
 life that their criticism of existing standards was 
 most effective. Wagner no doubt began his attack 
 on the sterile formalities of our past inheritance in his 
 own narrower and immediate domain of art when, 
 as a most perfect typical rendering of his own artistic 
 struggle, he produced the immortal creation of Die 
 Meistersinger in which his new art conies to a glorious 
 birth in breaking through the fetters of a conventional- 
 ised and respectable bourgeois art that blocked the 
 way. No doubt also in the Ring of the Nibelungen 
 Siegfried stands as the embodiment of vigorous, 
 untrammelled power of human life and courage, 
 filled with truth as with energy, whom, like a new 
 Prometheus, the powers of the effete gods could 
 no longer withstand. It appears to me to be 
 beyond all doubt that, however independent may be 
 the creative genius of Nietzsche, it is from Siegfried 
 that he derived the inspiration for his Superman. 
 And we can well understand how he should have 
 turned against his great artistic inspirer when the 
 latter produced his Parzifal. For Parzifal is a cor- 
 rective afterthought, in which the rule of nature and 
 of pure force in man is supplemented by charity, 
 by the spirit of altruism, so hateful to Nietzsche, by 
 the spirit of service to our fellow-men and to mankind 
 at large, the core and centre of Christian faith. 
 Though artistically the theoretical embodiment of 
 such an idea in a dramatic and musical form is a 
 failure, and marks in so far a downward step in 
 the artistic achievement of Wagner, despite great 
 individual beauties of some of the music, there can 
 be no doubt that it is thus meant to be a supple- 
 ment and corrective to his world philosophy. Still, 
 except through the direct or indirect influence 
 upon Nietzsche, Wagner's effect upon the world at 
 large as a social reformer was, like that of Ibsen,
 
 174 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 mainly concerned with the relation between man and 
 woman, and finds its highest expression, both philo- 
 sophically and artistically, in Tristan und Isolde. 
 Nietz- But in Nietzsche we have the complete, fearless, 
 The ob- an< ^ lgi ca l construction of this general revolt against 
 trusionofthe whole fabric of the religious, moral, and social 
 person^ traditions ruling the modern world. It is put, more- 
 aiity. over, in a form made lyrically dramatic in his own 
 personality which is essentially obtruded into every 
 phase of his theoretical exposition, professedly 
 philosophical. His writings primarily belong to the 
 domain of art, to almost the same degree as do the 
 works of Wagner ; and, if he live at all in the future, 
 it will chiefly be as a prose poet, such as, in a vastly 
 different character and atmosphere, Ruskin will live 
 among the English-reading public. 
 
 His His personality, probably in real life, and un- 
 
 nels^ 111 " doubtedly in the lyric and dramatic form in which it 
 manifests itself in the enunciation of his philosophic 
 views, is, above all, filled with the desire for absolute 
 truthfulness and fearlessness in the enunciation of 
 truth. His aim is, above all, to assert independence 
 and absolute freedom from prejudice, which he finds 
 prevailing and dominating the respectable world in 
 which he lives. This truthfulness of diction takes 
 the form of bravado, by insistence upon his fear- 
 lessness, in flying in the face of established conven- 
 tions, in shocking the sensibilities of his audience ; and 
 he wishes to assert this fearlessness, not only to his 
 hearers, but also to himself. He is thus constantly 
 spurring himself on and insisting on the correctness of 
 his views and aims ; not perhaps consciously, to 
 attract the attention of his astonished readers, but 
 to keep up his faith in his own cause and to keep out 
 the enemy of compromise and conformity, or of con- 
 sideration for the feelings of others. He thus tells 
 himself, as well as the world, how right he is and
 
 NIETZSCHE'S EGOISM 175 
 
 constantly affirms it. The difference in this respect 
 between him and other writers is that most authors 
 assume that they must be right or else they would 
 not write at all. Others proceed impersonally to give 
 their own convictions to the world. But Nietzsche 
 must be personal above all things, and must give 
 consistency and artistic unity to his ideas (though he 
 constantly and glaringly fails in this from the very 
 obtrusion of his fickle and nervous personality), by 
 pushing his ego into the foreground of artistic com- 
 position and making it the bearer of uncompro- 
 mising truthfulness in face of the dominant prejudice 
 and conventions of the world. It therefore becomes, 
 not an eccentric whim or trick, but an organic element 
 in the artistic composition and exposition of his work, 
 that he should boldly assert and constantly repeat 
 the fact, that he is " so wise," " so skilful," " that 
 he writes such excellent books," and, in short, is 
 " a Fatality." Still, his assertions and statements, 
 always to be understood as the direct emanations 
 from his own individuality, are subject to the 
 variations and moods of a personality, especially 
 of one so highly nervous and imaginative ; and 
 his most emphatic statements are therefore not 
 necessarily the truest, either to himself or to his 
 doctrine. 
 
 In fact, his constant opposition to idealism and his i n sp it e 
 
 hatred of it clash with the central idea of his whole of his . 
 . opposi- 
 
 human doctrine as embodied in the Superman. Fortion to 
 
 his Superman is distinctly and directly the outcome 
 of idealism ; though it be the one-sided idealism of a idealist 
 narrow and distorted kind, in which the process of 
 isolation of phenomena, when applied to the organic 
 world or to human nature, deprives man of his very 
 organic quality in omitting or ignoring some of his 
 essential attributes. 
 
 He may tell us distinctly and emphatically that
 
 176 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 " idealism is foreign to me " l ; he may again and 
 
 again inveigh against idealism as the arch enemy ; 
 
 but he still remains a pure idealist. Yet his is the 
 Nietz- idealisation of physiological man, not moral and 
 ^ e ^_ intellectual man the ideal of the strong man devoid 
 man is of all feeling for his fellow-men, as well as chivalry 
 ideaiisa- towards his equals and his weaker brethren. This 
 tion of absolutely one-sided conception of the human being, 
 
 an d the consistent idealisation of this one side only 
 
 to the ex- m human nature and in human life, lead to the gro- 
 
 clusion of 
 
 the moral tesque caricature of the organic nature of human 
 
 social ^ e ' k v depriving it of its essential and leading char- 
 
 acteristics which differentiate man from animal. It 
 
 is a misapplication and a misconception of Darwinian 
 
 principles of evolution, or it is an anticipation (for, in 
 
 his case, it would have been such) of the modern 
 
 principles of eugenics, in which only physical and 
 
 physiological conditions are contemplated in the 
 
 improvement of the individual man and of the human 
 
 race. The Superman is thus an idealisation of man ; 
 
 but the fundamental mistake is that it idealises only 
 
 the forceful and physical side, and omits in his 
 
 mental and moral constitution those essential elements 
 
 of love and spirituality, of social and intellectual 
 
 altruism, which are the crowning results in man's evo- 
 
 lution, leading to the advancement of the human race, 
 
 society, and mankind as a whole towards the realisa- 
 
 tion of most perfect manhood, the true Superman. 
 
 Limita- There is always this danger in forecasting the future 
 
 his'ide'ai- f man an d m directing the improvement of the race 
 
 ism in by the application of exact science : that the more 
 
 ing the complex the constituents in the study of nature are 
 
 Super- (when once we enter the organic sphere or rise still 
 
 higher into that of sentience, will, intelligence, 
 
 morality, and idealism), these more complex and 
 
 none the less essential attributes cannot receive their 
 
 1 Ecce Homo, p 82.
 
 EUGENISTIC DIFFICULTIES 177 
 
 due consideration in our forecasts of the prospective 
 direction of present life to mould the future. It is most 
 difficult, in fact practically impossible, to determine the 
 ' ' ideal ' ' of each species in the animal world . But even 
 when we come to comparatively so simple a phase 
 of eugenistic activity as the breeding of animals, 
 whose sphere of utility and admitted purpose that 
 what Aristotle would have called their eWeXe%eta 
 are clearly manifest and clearly admitted, we may 
 fail, as breeders are constantly failing, in our con- 
 clusions and purpose, because we do not consider 
 the more elusive and uncontrollable " moral factors." 
 The horse, the dog and similar animals are intelli- 
 gently bred for purposes of strength, or fleetness, 
 or appearance (itself essentially modified by these 
 primary considerations). But, as the horse is to be 
 used by us to draw vehicles, to be an agreeable and 
 safe mount as a hack, or a skilful, intrepid, and 
 equally docile hunter, or even as a draught horse to 
 be readily guided and turned by his attendant for 
 a variety of uses, the temper and " moral nature " 
 which are conditions of such docility and use, are 
 of supreme importance in its ultimate purpose and 
 in the ideal of its existence. And yet how many 
 breeders ever consider the question of producing the 
 desirable " character " in the breeding of horses ? 
 They may go so far as occasionally to exclude the 
 grossly vicious horse for purposes of breeding, as the 
 useless and even destructive criminal in " equine 
 society." Yet, when does it occur to the breeder 
 seriously and practically to contemplate and consider 
 the question of temperament and the mixing of 
 temperaments of courage with docility, of rapid 
 intelligence with steadiness of control to produce 
 and improve the race of animals, the destination of 
 which, the ideal purpose of whose existence, is so 
 clearly defined by human use and so simple and
 
 178 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 recognisable in the limited number of such uses ? 
 When, however, we come to the human being to 
 civilised man living amid all the varied and complex 
 conditions of modern life, of vast societies and 
 nations, and of the recognisable future of humanity 
 to eliminate from the ideal type of man the moral 
 and social elements which are to guide and direct 
 his instincts and passions and health what we call 
 morality and idealism implies a farcically inadequate 
 conception of a human being as such. 
 
 Still, Nietzsche in this dithyrambic and rhapsodical, 
 this lyrical and dramatic exaggeration of his bold and 
 wide philosophic, or as he would call it " psycho- 
 logical " generalisation, escapes this manifest con- 
 demnation of elementary nonsense when we remember 
 that the main purpose and motive, if not justification, 
 of his whole theory of life is to be found in his bold 
 and uncompromising protest against the inadequacy 
 of contemporary moral standards. As an instance of 
 intellectual courage in his own personality (the 
 dramatic centre of all his writings) he puts this protest 
 in the clearest and most emphatic form 1 : 
 
 " My life-task is to prepare for humanity one 
 supreme moment in which it can come to its senses, 
 a Great Noon in which it will turn its gaze backwards 
 and forwards, in which it will step from under the 
 yoke of accident and of priests, and for the first time 
 set the question of the Why and Wherefore of 
 humanity as a whole this life-task naturally follows 
 out of the conviction that mankind does not get on 
 the right road of its own accord, that it is by no 
 means divinely ruled, but rather that it is precisely 
 under the cover of its most holy valuations that the 
 instinct of negation, of corruption, and of degenera- 
 tion has held such a seductive sway. The question 
 concerning the origin of moral valuations is therefore 
 
 1 Ecce Homo, p. 93. Translated by A. M. Ludovici and edited by 
 Dr. Oscar Levy
 
 PROTEST AGAINST CHRISTIAN MORALITY 179 
 
 a matter of the highest importance to me because it 
 determines the future of mankind. The demand 
 made upon us to believe that everything is really in 
 the best hands, that a certain book, the Bible, gives 
 us the definite and comforting assurance that there 
 is a Providence that wisely rules the fate of man, 
 when translated back into reality amounts simply to 
 this, namely, the will to stifle the truth which main- 
 tains the reverse of all this, which is that hitherto 
 man has been in the worst possible hands, and that 
 he has been governed by the physiologically botched, 
 the men of cunning and burning revengefulness, and 
 the so-called ' saints ' those slanderers of the world 
 and traducers of humanity. The definite proof of 
 the fact that the priest (including the priest in disguise, 
 the philosopher) has become master, not only within a 
 certain limited religious community, but everywhere, 
 and that the morality of decadence, the will to nonen- 
 tity, has become morality perse, is to be found in this : 
 that altruism is now an absolute value, and egoism 
 is regarded with hostility everywhere. He who 
 disagrees with me on this point, I regard as infected. 
 But all the world disagrees with me. To a physiolo- 
 gist a like antagonism between values admits of 
 no doubt. If the most insignificant organ within 
 the body neglects, however slightly, to assert with 
 absolute certainty its self-preservative powers, its 
 recuperative claims, and its egoism, the whole system 
 degenerates. The physiologist insists upon the 
 removal of degenerated parts, he denies all fellow- 
 feeling for such parts, and has not the smallest 
 feeling of pity for them. But the desire of the priest 
 is precisely the degeneration of the whole of mankind ; 
 hence his preservation of that which is degenerate 
 this is what his dominion costs humanity. What 
 meaning have those lying concepts, those handmaids 
 of morality, ' Soul,' ' Spirit,' ' Free will,' ' God,' 
 if their aim is not the physiological ruin of mankind ? 
 When earnestness is diverted from the instincts that 
 aim at self-preservation and an increase of bodily 
 energy, i.e. at an increase of life ; when anaemia is 
 raised to an ideal and the contempt of the body is
 
 i8o MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 construed as ' the salvation of the soul,' what is all 
 this if it is not a recipe for decadence ? Loss of 
 ballast, resistance offered to natural instincts, selfless- 
 ness, in fact this is what has hitherto been known as 
 morality. With the The Dawn of Day I first engaged 
 in a struggle against the morality of self-renunciation." 
 
 We can well understand how, with this spirit of 
 antagonism to the moral laws and ideals that now 
 govern civilised society, his Superman should have 
 taken this one-sided and caricatured form. If Nietz- 
 sche were now alive and would allow me to use 
 the German vernacular of which he is such a master 
 I am sure he would admit a gentle modification of his 
 views on the ideal man of the future. The terms of 
 which I would remind him in his own language would 
 be understood by good Germans, of whom there 
 must be many, who will condemn this war when once 
 they have realised how it was begun, the forty years 
 of systematic brutal and immoral, nay, perfidious, 
 preparation for it by the leaders of their own people. 
 When the materials for judging are no longer with- 
 held from them, they will be able to recognise 
 the rights and wrongs of its immediate beginnings, 
 the fact that the much-hated England was free from 
 all responsibility for it (though the German officers 
 for years asserted premeditated animosity against us), 
 when they have realised the monstrous injustice 
 towards Belgium and the inhuman pillages perpe- 
 trated by their arms during this war upon defence- 
 less people : all these will understand, what Nietzsche 
 the man, I am sure, understood and felt, when I 
 appeal for the making of the ideal future man to 
 Menschenliebe (love of mankind) ; that their hearts 
 will thrill in response at the simple phrases : ein guter 
 Mensch, ein gutherziger Mensch (a good man, a kind- 
 hearted man) ; and their best taste will appreciate 
 the supreme value of ein feiner Mensch, ein fein-
 
 fiihlender Mensch (a man of refined feelings). For all 
 these terms there is no room in the composition of 
 Nietzsche's Superman ; though I strongly suspect 
 that Nietzsche the man and Nietzsche the gentle- 
 man would at once have responded to these terms, 
 however much he endeavoured to suppress and hide 
 his approval of them in theory. 
 
 It is difficult to gauge the exact extent of the Nietz- 
 influence of Nietzsche upon the moral views and the share S in 
 practical conduct of the present generation of Ger- the mak- 
 mans. Some judges, who are in a position to know, Modern 
 maintain that it is very great ; others that it is not. Germany. 
 There can be no doubt that since his death in 1889 
 he has been very widely read all over the world and 
 especially in Germany, and that to some of the 
 younger generation his Also sprach Zarathustra has 
 become almost a bible, and, that not only men, but 
 women as well, have been strongly affected in their 
 morals and their views of life, if not their conduct, 
 by the powerful rhetoric and the undoubted beauty 
 of his passionate German prose. Some may have 
 fondly thought that they had the elements of the 
 superman or superwoman in themselves, others may 
 have been genuinely convinced of the claims of the 
 superman as an ideal and may even have resolved 
 that they would follow the master's dictates by their 
 own suppression (Untergang) to further the advent 
 of the superman. But most of them were attracted 
 by the promised freedom from the moral conventions 
 of the society in which they lived, which pressed 
 heavily upon their strong, self-indulgent aspirations, 
 and by the convenient belief that to follow the natural 
 instincts and passions was of itself right. To a 
 stronger and deeper degree than was the case with 
 Ibsen's dramas and their opposition to the binding 
 laws of conventional morality, there can be no doubt 
 that the persuasive and lofty strength of Nietzsche's
 
 in this 
 war. 
 
 182 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 rhetoric must have acted as a strong dissolvent to 
 the moral sense as we understand it and to every 
 sense of impersonal duty and self-restraint. 
 
 His share Still more difficult is it to determine how far 
 Nietzsche is responsible for the part taken by the 
 German people as a whole in this war and in the 
 frightfulness with which it is pursued. In so far as 
 it is a popular war, it is based upon the conviction 
 and the confidence of the people and their rulers of 
 the existence and the absolute entity and unity of 
 what they call their German Kultur ; and further- 
 more of the superiority of this Kultur over the civilisa- 
 tion of all other nations. From this conviction the 
 step is but a natural one to conclude, that not only 
 must it be guarded against destruction, interference, 
 or domination on the part of inferior civilisations 
 such as that of the Slav and even of the French and 
 British ; but that it ought to supersede and domi- 
 nate like a collective superman the civilisation 
 of the rest of the world. And as physical health 
 is the first requirement for the production and the 
 dominance of the superman, so physical or military 
 power is the first requirement for the dominance of the 
 superior German Kultur. Such, for instance, was, in 
 a bold summary, the political philosophy of Treit- 
 schke and his followers. 
 
 Hisesti- But Nietzsche did not consider German Kultur 
 
 mate ol . ' 'i /^t 
 
 German superior to all others. On the contrary, he formed a 
 
 Kultur. verv j ow estimate of German Kultur and the Germans, 
 whom he called the Kultur-Philistines. He herein 
 agreed with Goethe who, in his talk with Eckermann, 
 said : " We Germans are of yesterday. No doubt 
 in the last hundred years we have been cultivating 
 ourselves quite diligently ; but it may take a few 
 centuries yet before our countrymen have absorbed 
 sufficient intellect and higher culture for it to be 
 said of them that it is a long time since they were
 
 HIS LOW ESTIMATE OF GERMAN KULTUR 183 
 
 barbarians." Nietzsche's estimate of German culture 
 is a very low one. He values French thought and 
 civilisation much more highly. As regards what I 
 should like to call the Art of Living he even placed 
 the Slav higher than the German, and was singularly 
 proud of being descended from the Polish gentry. 
 He is astonished that Schopenhauer could live in 
 Germany. " Wherever Germany extends she ruins 
 culture," he maintains. He even goes so far as to 
 maintain that " a German cannot know what music 
 is. The men who pass as German musicians are 
 foreigners Slavs, Croats, Italians, Dutchmen, or 
 Jews." He even hinted that Richard Wagner, the 
 glory of German nationalism, was of Jewish descent, 
 since his real father seems to have been his step- 
 father Geyer. 1 He believes only in French culture ; 
 all other culture is a misnomer. Of English culture 
 he apparently had a limited and no first-hand know- 
 ledge. 
 
 It would, therefore, be difficult to claim Nietzsche 
 in support of the German ideal causes of this great 
 war. All German politicians and historians he 
 regarded with aversion and contempt, especially the 
 so-called anti-Semites. " There is," he says, " such 
 a thing as the writing of history according to the 
 lights of Imperial Germany ; there is, I fear, anti- 
 Semitic history there is also history written with 
 an eye to the court, and Herr von Treitschke is not 
 ashamed of himself." 2 
 
 Moreover, in contradistinction to the conception His op- 
 of the State as the absolute entity from which all P ^?. n 
 
 J to the 
 
 right of individual existence is derived, which forms state." 
 the foundations of the theories of German historians 
 and the practice of German statesmen, Zarathustra 
 loathed the State. To him " the State is the coldest 
 
 1 See Brandes, Friedrich Nietzsche, pp. 114 seq. 
 * Ecce Homo, p. 134.
 
 184 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 of all cold monsters. Its fundamental lie is that it 
 
 is the people. In the State, the slow suicide of all 
 
 is called life. The State is for the many, too many. 
 
 Only where the State leaves off does the man who is 
 
 not superfluous begin ; the man who is a bridge to 
 
 the superman." l He even inveighs against the love 
 
 of country.* " Exiles shall ye be from the father- 
 
 lands and your forefatherlands. Not the land of 
 
 your fathers shall ye love, but your children's land." 
 
 Never- In spite of this, we must believe that those who 
 
 his^doc nave Deen indoctrinated with Nietzsche's philosophy 
 
 trines of the superman were morally well prepared to 
 
 the P Ger^ c l amour f r this war and to pursue it with the bar- 
 
 man barian ruthlessness which has characterised it hitherto 
 
 such a f on t ne German side. Not because, after all, he was 
 
 war and an artilleryman in the war of 1870 ; and, whether of 
 ruthless Slav origin or an admirer of the French or not, he 
 
 methods. was s ^\\ undeniably German in much of his men- 
 tality ; nor even because he extolled war as such. 
 In this latter respect he corresponds to his older 
 contemporary, the philosopher Eduard von Hart- 
 mann, who exercised a great influence upon the 
 German youth in the second half of the nineteenth 
 century, and who may to some extent have influenced 
 Nietzsche as well. I cannot do better than quote 
 George Brandes' luminous exposition of the teachings 
 of both these German philosophers : 
 
 " Eduard von Hartmann believes in a beginning 
 and end of the ' world process.' He concludes that 
 no eternity can lie behind us ; otherwise everything 
 possible must already have happened, which accord- 
 ing to his contention is not the case. In sharp 
 contrast to him, on this point as on others, Zarathustra 
 teaches, with, be it said, a somewhat shallow mysti- 
 cism which is derived from the ancient Pythago- 
 reans' idea of the circular course of history and 
 
 1 Brandes, op. cit., pp. 45 seq. J Op. cit., p. 47.
 
 HIS RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR 185 
 
 is influenced by Cohelet's Hebrew philosophy of 
 life the eternal recurrence ; that is to say, that all 
 things eternally return and we ourselves with them, 
 that we have already existed an infinite number of 
 times, and all things with us. The great clock of the 
 universe is to him an hour-glass, which is constantly 
 turned and runs out again and again. This is the 
 direct antithesis of Hartmann's doctrine of universal 
 destruction, and curiously enough it was put forward 
 at about the same time by two French thinkers : 
 by Blanqui in L'Eternite par les Astres (1871), and by 
 Gustave Le Bon in L'Homme et les Societes (1881). 
 Fricdrich Nietzsche, p. 48. 
 
 The real influence of Nietzsche in producing the Nietz- 
 Germany of to-day, which is responsible for this war, reaf share 
 is not so direct as regards the national attitude in th . is 
 
 W3*r is the 
 
 towards war, but is none the less effective in producing creation 
 
 in those who have come under his influence a moral of im ." 
 ... ..... moral and 
 
 which would account for its inception and the inhuman 
 
 methods of its prosecution. On the negative side a 
 idea of self-restraint, of the suppression of those ideals. 
 instincts and passions which necessarily encourage 
 envy and rapine, all consideration of the rights, the 
 interests, or the feelings of one's neighbour, all love 
 and pity for man all these hitherto accepted guides 
 to conduct, are entirely suppressed. 1 
 
 1 " Spare not thy neighbour ! My great love for the remotest ones 
 commands it. Thy neighbour is something that must be surpassed. 
 
 " Say not : I will do unto others as I would they should do unto 
 me. What thou doest, that can no man do to thee again. There is 
 no requital. 
 
 " Do not believe that thou mayst not rob. A right which thou 
 canst seize upon, shalt thou never allow to be given thee. 
 
 " Beware of good men. They never speak the truth. For all that 
 they call evil the daring venture, the prolonged distrust, the cruel, 
 nay, the deep disgust with men, the will and the power to cut into the 
 quick all this must be present where a truth is to be born." See 
 Brandes' Friedrich Nietzsche, p. 46. 
 
 " Zarathustra is without mercy. It has been said : Push not a 
 leaning waggon. But Zarathustra says: That which is ready to 
 fall, shall ye also push. All that belongs to our day is falling and
 
 i86 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 The Will On the positive side, however, the Will to Power 
 is the supreme moral aim, as the desire for health and 
 strength, for physiological life, are the supreme 
 physical goal. Between the ideal of the superman 
 and its uncompromising, colossal individualism, and 
 those of the socialists, who consciously and definitely 
 extol the supremacy of the proletariat as such, 
 German national morals have contended with narrow 
 Chauvinistic militant religious sects, unchristian in 
 their fundamental spirit. Whenever these social 
 forces divided among themselves the moral dominion 
 of the people, the German ship of state would be 
 cast from side to side in its course, rudderless, to the 
 destruction of itself and of the civilised world. 
 Nietzsche's Individualism on the one side, and un- 
 compromising Socialism on the other, united in the 
 Chauvinistic spirit ; both claim, and aim at, Power, 
 and desire to wage relentless war against all opponents 
 who stand in their way ; Power is the immediate and 
 supreme end of their aspirations. Of course between 
 these two extremes lie, not the unthinking, low- 
 minded, selfish, bourgeois Philistine without ideals ; 
 but the many clear-headed, warm-hearted, and cul- 
 tured Germans who have hitherto evoked the 
 respect, the admiration, and even the affection, of 
 the civilised world. These have not produced this 
 war, excepting in so far as they have been completely 
 misled by the suppression of truth and positive and 
 
 decaying. No one can preserve it, but Zarathustra will even help it 
 to fall faster. 
 
 " Zarathustra loves the brave. But not the bravery that takes up 
 every challenge. There is often more bravery in holding back and 
 passing by and reserving one's self for a worthier foe. Zarathustra 
 does not teach : Ye shall love your enemies, but : Ye shall not engage 
 in combat with enemies ye despise. 
 
 " Why so hard ? men cry to Zarathustra. He replies : Why so 
 hard ? once said the charcoal to the diamond ; are we not near of kin ? 
 The creators are hard. Their blessedness it is to press their hand 
 upon future centuries as upon wax." Friedrich Nietzsche, p. 47.
 
 THE WILL TO POWER 187 
 
 systematic propagation of falsehood, not only in the 
 immediate present and past, but for many years before. 
 
 As Brandes has pointed out l : " Nietzsche replaces 
 Schopenhauer's Will to Life and Darwin's Struggle 
 for Existence by the Will to Power. In his view the 
 fight is not for life bare existence but for Power. 
 And he has a great deal to say somewhat beside 
 the mark of the mean and paltry conditions which 
 those Englishmen must have had in view who set 
 up the modest conception of the struggle for life." 
 
 Here is to be found Nietzsche's contact with Darwin Hismis- 
 and his opposition to him ; though there can be no 2Jjj" 
 doubt that the Darwinian theory was to a very great of Dar- 
 extent responsible for his first conception of the w 
 superman. In the first place, however, it is based 
 on a complete misunderstanding of Darwin's own 
 views. Darwin's theory of evolution was meant to 
 furnish a scientific explanation of natural phenomena 
 from a purely theoretical and scientific point of view. 
 In so far it was not meant to be a practical or ethical 
 guide to future conduct for man. It was eminently 
 concerned with causation. Nietzsche's theory of the 
 superman is nothing if not a practical and ethical 
 attempt at fashioning man's conduct to lead to the 
 production of the superman. It is chiefly teleological 
 in character. The fundamental difference between 
 the two standpoints has long since been established, 
 and has received the clearest exposition of their 
 antithesis, in Kant's Kritik of Pure Reason on the 
 one hand, and in his Kritik of Practical Reason on 
 the other. Nietzsche's misunderstanding of Darwin's 
 theory if not his unfairness to him consists in his 
 attributing to Darwin's thoughts and writings a 
 direct bearing upon ethical and practical problems of 
 human life. This mistake has often been made 
 before, and is constantly being made at the present 
 1 op. dt., p. 35.
 
 1 88 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 moment by writers on ethics and pragmatics. It 
 must always be remembered that science and pure 
 philosophy endeavour to give a purely intellectual 
 explanation of the world of phenomena, as well as of 
 the world of noumena, the world of facts and of 
 thoughts, including even the theory of the universe 
 as well as of theology. Ethics, on the other hand, 
 deals with what may be called ideal states, not with 
 things as they are, but with things as man's best 
 thought leads him to believe they ought to be : 
 not with TO 6v, but with TO Seov, as the Greeks 
 put it. In its widest aspect this ethical activity 
 leads to the problem as to the final aim of all human 
 existence, if not of the universe. But even this final 
 aim such will ever remain the limitations of man 
 must be the aim of the universe from man's point of 
 view, the terrestrial man, not even the inhabitants of 
 Mars ; though it must be from man's highest and 
 ultimate power of thought. 
 
 The To Nietzsche the final aim of existence is the pro- 
 
 superman duction of the superman. He is the Endzweck (Final 
 Purpose). " Humanity must work unceasingly for the 
 idea of production of solitary great men, this and nothing else 
 ' is its task." But Nietzsche's superman could not have 
 been conceived without the prevalent idea of evolu- 
 tion as established by Darwin for the age in which 
 Nietzsche lived. During the period of Nietzsche's 
 life the main ideas of Darwinian evolution, with 
 additional diffusion through the writings of Herbert 
 Spencer, nowhere received greater currency and 
 penetrated more widely among all layers of society 
 than in Germany. This does not mean that its true 
 depth and meaning, its accurate scientific limita- 
 tion in generalisation, its spirit of conscientious and 
 sober induction, which produces the highest spirit 
 of intellectual morality among esoteric adherents, 
 penetrated among the people at large. Nor did it
 
 NIETZSCHE AND DARWIN 189 
 
 even reach Nietzsche himself, who, on the contrary, 
 revolted against, and was opposed to, the tyranny, 
 the scientific spirit of persistent induction. But it 
 did mean the diffusion of some of the leading ideas, 
 such as those of progressive advance in the develop- 
 ment of species throughout the ages, based upon the 
 survival of the fittest. Such phrases, moreover, as 
 " the survival of the fittest," more especially in the 
 particular aspect of " the struggle for existence " 
 (der Kampf urn's Dasein], were the commonplace pro- 
 perty of vast numbers of even illiterate Germans and 
 were constantly on their lips. From an ethical point 
 of view their application was not always happy or 
 morally beneficial ; and they not infrequently formed 
 the intellectual justification of the moral selfishness 
 and unscrupulousness of many an unsocial Streber. 
 
 From a much higher point of view perhaps to 
 him not always quite consciously active in the for- 
 mulation of his theories Nietzsche applied the 
 theory of evolution to his establishment of the theory 
 of the superman in that he assumed the advance in 
 the human species through the conscious action of 
 human individuals and human society as a whole. 
 In the beautiful symbolic language of Zarathustra : 
 
 " Man is a connecting-rope between the animal and 
 the superman a rope over an abyss. 
 
 " A dangerous crossing, a dangerous wayfaring, a 
 dangerous retrospecting, a dangerous trembling and 
 halting. 
 
 " What is great in man is that he is a bridge and 
 not a god ; what can be loved in man is that he is a 
 transit and an exit. 
 
 " I love such as know not how to live, except as 
 those making their exit, for they are those making 
 their transit. 
 
 " I love the great despisers, because they are the 
 great venerators, and arrows of aspirations for the 
 other shore.
 
 igo MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 " I love those who do not first seek a reason 
 beyond the stars for making their exit and being 
 sacrificed, but sacrifice themselves to the earth, that 
 the earth of the superman may arrive some day. 
 
 " I love him who lives in order to know, and seeks 
 to know in order that the superman may hereafter 
 live. He thus seeks his own exit. 
 
 " I love him who labours and invents, that he may 
 build the house for the superman, and prepare for 
 him earth, animal, and plant ; for he thus seeks his 
 own exit." 
 
 The man The practical forerunner of the fully achieved 
 andfhis 8 su P e rnian is the man of genius. Those who are not 
 followers, of the species genius (this means human society as a 
 whole) have, as their aim of existence, to favour and 
 to facilitate the realisation of genius, so that the final 
 goal in the production of the superman may be 
 reached. It will, of course, be difficult for the 
 individual to determine whether he is to obey or to 
 command, whether he is of common clay or of the 
 stuff of which the genius is made. In the determina- 
 tion of this fact lies many a pitfall in the actual 
 course of human life. 
 
 The pro- But the main question as regards the practical 
 duction ethics of Nietzsche is how the superman is to be 
 superman produced ; not he who is to obey and follow, but he 
 throu h wno * s * comman d and lead. It is here that, to my 
 misappli- mind, the whole theory of Nietzsche's superman fails, 
 Dar n of I venture to surmise, because of a complete mis- 
 winian apprehension of the Darwinian theory of evolution 
 pies." an d its misplaced and crude application to ethics. 
 Darwin's The Darwinian theory of evolution, which, I repeat, 
 not con- was emphatically not meant to be teleological, but 
 cerned strictly causal, simply accounted for the survival of 
 
 with 
 
 ethics. the fittest in nature s great struggle for existence, 
 chiefly through adaptation of the organism to its 
 environment. Darwin himself repeatedly points out
 
 DARWINISM AND ETHICS 191 
 
 the unethical, if not immoral, cruelty of nature in 
 this process. Bacon took quite a different point of 
 view when he upheld the great aim of man placed in 
 nature as the establishment of the Regnum Hominis, 
 the reasoned victory of man over the unreasoned 
 course of nature. But Darwin deals with no such 
 prospect of man's activity, and is simply concerned 
 with the natural progress arising out of such an 
 adaptive principle which leads to the survival of 
 the fittest. From man's point of view, however, if 
 he wishes consciously to apply the principle of the 
 adaptation to the environment, there is no chance of 
 advancement or progress unless the environment 
 itself, as, if I might say so, almost a planetary body, 
 advances. For man may adapt himself to physical 
 conditions that are " lower " instead of " higher." 
 As a matter of fact a good deal of the political and 
 social ethics of our own days is nothing more nor less 
 than this ethical opportunism, of adaptation of man's 
 life to the surrounding conditions of nature, the 
 final goal of which is merely physical subsistence or 
 at most increase of comfort. In one aspect of his 
 powerful writings Nietzsche fulminates against this 
 ideal of comfort. We are thus in a vicious circle if 
 we apply the Darwinian principle of evolution direct 
 to ethical principles. Our only hope would be in a 
 fatalistic renunciation as regards all ethical progress, 
 in which we hope that the environing nature itself 
 may " improve " ; so that by adapting himself to 
 his environment man himself may improve and 
 ultimately rise to greater heights of human existence. 
 For Nietzsche's superman, however, this environment 
 does not only consist in the physical conditions in 
 which the human animal finds himself living and by 
 which he is surrounded ; but in the physical con- 
 ditions of man's own body and his own instincts, 
 his inner force of living. These are to guide him. 
 
 15
 
 192 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 He is to follow these as his true friends and to deny 
 them no claims which they may press upon his 
 conscious will. They thus really become the " en- 
 vironment " to the central personality of the indi- 
 vidual, which we may call soul, spirit, or whatever 
 else we like. But here again we are placed in the 
 vicious circle, though a circle one step higher than, 
 or perhaps only nearer to, the central core of individual 
 man. For we can hardly see how mere physical 
 health by itself or the following of our individual 
 instincts and passions can ensure progress and lead 
 us to the true superman, unless we can assume that 
 these instincts and passions themselves and in 
 themselves " improve " and go to the making of the 
 superman. 1 
 
 On the contrary, not only the unbiassed study of 
 anthropology, ethnology, archaeology, and history, 
 but also our daily experience of life, teach us that 
 the pursuit of our instincts and passions, unrestricted 
 and unhampered by any further consideration or 
 guiding principle, leads, not only to the misery, if not 
 the destruction, of other individual life ; but in no 
 way produces the type which approaches the concep- 
 tion of even the meanest imagination of what a 
 superman ought to be. Nietzsche apparently has 
 forgotten or ignored (excellent Greek scholar though he 
 was) the simple statement of Aristotle that man is a 
 faJoi/ iroKiTiKov. Were each man completely isolated 
 and destined to live the life of an absolute anchorite, 
 without any relationship to other men, it might 
 perhaps be maintained that his chief task would then 
 be to adapt himself to his environment, which includes 
 his body and his instincts. But even then as I 
 
 1 I may at once anticipate here, what will be dealt with in the 
 course of this inquiry, and say, that only when idealism is called in 
 to supplement evolutionism, when Plato and Aristotle or rather 
 Plato and Darwin are reconciled and united, can the theory of 
 evolution be applied to ethics.
 
 THE ETHICS OF SLAVES 193 
 
 shall have occasion to show there is a point of view 
 from which this would be grossly immoral, if not 
 grossly untrue to human nature as such. 
 
 The chief and perhaps lasting importance ofNietz- 
 Nietzsche does not lie in his positive, but in his 1 ^ e e ^ c h- 
 negative activity. It lies not so much in his appli- m ent f 
 cation of the Darwinian principle of evolution to ethics? 6 
 ethics and sociology as in his powerful indictment of Christian 
 the actual state of the social and ethical environ- of 
 
 ment of man, the adaptation to which forms the 
 process of evolution. He shows that this ethical and tionto 
 social environment is unfavourable to the advance- 
 ment of the best : that Christian ethics consistently 
 followed are ethics for slaves, for the weak, both 
 physically and morally, the inferior, both physical 
 and moral ; and that in truth it retards, rather than 
 advances, the progress of the human type. As many 
 have thus done before and since, he perhaps with 
 more uncompromising truthfulness and powerful 
 rhetoric has shown up the immorality of the 
 ascetic ideal. With deep insight and learning, as well 
 as with acute critical incisiveness, he has traced the 
 real origin of this ideal in the past back to the 
 dominance of the inferior masses and has called it the 
 ethics of slaves. It is the hatred and envy of the 
 weak in body towards the healthy and strong, of 
 the down-trodden and morally servile towards the 
 ruling and lofty spirits. Its ideal has been to repress 
 and to crush bodily health and all that makes for 
 its advancement and increase. It thus necessarily 
 leads to the survival of the unfittest. It has en- 
 deavoured to make of the human body a thing of 
 ugliness worthy of contempt and suppression ; 
 whereas it is a thing of beauty, worthy of reverence 
 and claiming worship and freedom for all its natural 
 functions. So, too, the morally weak and lowly are 
 not to be protected, encouraged, and exalted ; but
 
 194 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 they are to be superseded by the strong and the 
 lofty spirits. This constitutes the strong aristocratic 
 principle in Nietzsche, first recognised by Brandes, 
 whose essay on that philosopher is entitled Aristo- 
 cratic Radicalism. 
 
 Aristo- We must always remember that, though in the 
 Radial- re l ent l ess struggle of the modern economic world the 
 ism. financially fittest survive and crush the financially 
 unfit, our individual and social morality and the 
 firmly established sway of democratic principles 
 distinctly support and favour the aims of <( the 
 people," or at least their " greatest number." There 
 is thus a direct contradiction between actuality and 
 ideality, between the existing rule of life and the 
 ethical rule. By far the greatest and most important 
 aspect of modern economic and social struggle centres 
 round this dualism and antagonism. Nietzsche 
 boldly and uncompromisingly takes his stand against 
 the masses. 
 
 " Significant of Nietzsche's aristocratic tendency, 
 so marked later, is his anger with the deference paid 
 by modern historians to the masses. Formerly, he 
 argues, history was written from the standpoint of 
 the rulers ; it was occupied exclusively with them, 
 however mediocre or bad they might be. Now it has 
 crossed over to the standpoint of the masses. But 
 the masses they are only to be regarded as one of 
 three things : either as copies of great personalities, 
 bad copies, clumsily produced in a poor material, or 
 as foils to the great, or finally as their tools. Other- 
 wise they are matter for statisticians to deal with, 
 who find so-called historical laws in the instincts of 
 the masses aping, laziness, hunger, and sexual im- 
 pulse. What has set the mass in motion for any 
 length of time is then called great. It is given the 
 name of an historical power. When, for example, 
 the vulgar mob has appropriated or adapted to its 
 needs some religious idea, has defended it stubbornly
 
 NIETZSCHE'S CRITICISM OF HISTORY 195 
 
 and dragged it along for centuries, then the originator 
 of that idea is called great. There is the testimony 
 of thousands of years for it, we are told. But this, 
 is Nietzsche's and Kierkegaard's idea the noblest 
 and highest does not affect the masses at all, either 
 at the moment or later. Therefore the historical 
 success of a religion, its toughness and persistence, 
 witness against its founder's greatness rather than 
 for it." Brandes' Friedrich Nietzsche, p. 19. 
 
 The advent of the superman is thus not only 
 retarded, it is completely checked. All our moral 
 values are out of focus, they merely tend to produce 
 these false and nefarious moral results. Pity, 
 altruism, generosity, and even justice, are mere 
 figments created to support this rule of the weak, 
 the lower individuals, and the masses, low in the 
 aggregate, all blocking the way to the free develop- 
 ment of the superior individual who leads to the . 
 superman. 
 
 Nietzsche, who in his earlier essays, Thoughts out Nietzsche 
 of Season, criticises with most ingenious incisiveness JJf s s J2? by 
 the dominance of the historical elements in German toricai 
 education, to which he attributes all that is defective o^SoSi 
 in the preparation of his countrymen for a healthy principles 
 and advancing practical life, here falls into the very Simmat- 
 pitfall against which he wishes to guard his country- \ n s what 
 men, when dealing with the fundamental elements sential to 
 and qualities which make up the higher human being. * yideal 
 His own historical bias blinds him to the needs of 
 the present and the aspirations of the future in the 
 creation of a superman. He has deceived himself 
 into believing that, by accounting for the origin of a 
 human institution or ideal, he has destroyed its 
 intrinsic value and nobility in the present and its 
 beneficent effectiveness in the future. Whether his 
 theories of the origin and dominance of the ideas of 
 pity, of altruism, and of justice, be well founded in
 
 196 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 fact as regards the past or not, the highest conception 
 of man as such in the highest phases of man's his- 
 torical evolution in the past, and certainly in the 
 present, and for any future projection of man in the 
 imagination of the loftiest types of the present, has 
 and will maintain the elements he thus spurns as 
 essential to the conception of a superman. 
 
 To us who fundamentally believe in the superman 
 as a true, just, and elevating ideal for the future : 
 
 A superman without love and pity is a monster ; 
 
 A superman without self-restraint, without the 
 control of the mind over the body, is a monster ; 
 
 A superman without self-effacement in view of 
 the good of humanity and the world in which he 
 is but a unit and mite, is a monster or will soon 
 grow into one ; 
 
 A superman who believes that the aim of the 
 existence of others is merely to facilitate his own 
 self-realisation is a monster ; 
 
 A superman who knows that he is one or believes 
 that he is becoming one is a monster and must go 
 to the madhouse or the gallows ; 
 
 A superman who, in becoming one, does not 
 hold before him an impersonal model of superiority 
 and perfectibility or, at least, an ideal of him- 
 self, but merely follows his natural instincts, is 
 a monster ; 
 
 A superman who in this idea of his perfect self 
 does not include self-discipline and social altruism 
 is a monster. 
 
 Yet in this condemnation of Nietzsche's immorality 
 and his distorted apprehension, not only of social 
 man, but of individual man, we must not fall into 
 the same error of negative and positive exaggeration 
 which prevents the life-work of this genius from 
 producing the full fruits of his labours for the advance-
 
 NIETZSCHE'S ACHIEVEMENT 197 
 
 merit of mankind. He has once and for all clearly Nietz- 
 established the rights of the instincts to self-preser- ^f s 
 vation, physical and moral, to be considered in every achieve- 
 ethical system, even the loftiest, as not being bad,xhe 
 but noble and good. They have in themselves the ri g hts 
 inalienable right to be considered, to move and to instincts 
 
 guide man even in his most conscious activity, unless to self " 
 
 c i i -11- i preserva- 
 
 some other current of higher social duties, recognised tion, 
 
 and admitted by man's reason, leads him to suspend 
 their sway. Every system of ethics which denies this moral. 
 and lowers the sanctity of the body and the lightness 
 of man's instincts in themselves is either immoral or 
 unreasonable and degrading to man. 
 
 His other lasting achievement in the domain of The 
 morals and sociology is his advocacy of the aristo- ^tuT 
 cratic principle in social evolution, which raises the principle 
 whole domain of ethics from a fatalistic sphere of evolution. 
 stagnation, if not retrogression, for man and mankind, 
 to a higher sphere of progress in life, of unbroken 
 advance in the ethics of society, and of a continuous 
 approach to the realisation of a higher type in the 
 human nature of the future. But this higher type 
 will not be guided by blind instinct or passion, or by 
 the desire for power as such, but will necessarily 
 mean the morally higher man. 
 
 Nietzsche's personality and its expression in his His 
 works will, however, stand out most markedly in the 
 history of our age, because of his uncompromising 
 truthfulness in his impeachment of the current 
 standards of morality and their inadequacy in ex- 
 pressing the best and highest in us, as well as of their 
 inefficiency to regulate the actions of the individual 
 and of society at large in the directions which lead 
 us on towards a superman, instead of down to the 
 barbarian and the vicious brute. 
 
 I have selected him and his views for fuller treat- 
 ment and criticism, not only because his teachings
 
 ig8 MONSTROSITY OF NIETZSCHE'S SUPERMAN 
 
 The need may have a more direct bearing on this tragic war, 
 recon- 6 ^ ut because he is thus the clearest and most emphatic 
 struction exponent of the inadequacy of the practical morals 
 lcs * of our day and the crying need for a bold and truthful 
 reconsideration of public and private ethics. Such a 
 treatment, however, must not follow the lines hitherto 
 adopted of vague and general speculation from a 
 purely scientific and theoretical point of view, dealing 
 with the origin of ethics and the basis of human 
 morality ; nor must it merely be concerned with the 
 historical inquiry into the ethical systems of the 
 past ; but it must definitely and boldly aim at the 
 establishment of the moral code which, with our 
 clearest and best thoughts, we can recognise to be 
 dominant in the present, in order to prepare for an 
 advance in the moral health of the individual and 
 of society at large in the future. On the other hand, 
 we need not, as Nietzsche wished us to do, deny our 
 past, sever ourselves from it by a violent cataclysmal 
 denunciation ; nor need we forego the indubitable 
 virtue of reverence which his superman must have 
 in his composition, at least in contemplating a still 
 higher superman, and which his " obedients " must 
 feel for the superman. We must not deny our 
 origin and must gratefully recognise what was good 
 in our past. I have, therefore, chosen the three 
 great types who, to my mind, embody the essential 
 elements in all ethics of the past, of the present, 
 and for the future from which to focus the three 
 general elements which make up the moral life of man 
 in its widest aspect : Moses, Christ, and Plato. They 
 typify Duty, Charity, and Ideality. Inseparably 
 interwoven, acting upon one another and modifying 
 each other, these three main aspects of the moral 
 world, as it lives in man's soul or may, we hope, exist 
 beyond the spheres terrestrial, will help us to an 
 understanding of man in the past, harmonise our
 
 MOSES, CHRIST, AND PLATO 199 
 
 actions to ennoble ourselves and to benefit our neigh- 
 bour, while increasing the happiness of each ; and 
 will make of each one of us, and through us of our 
 surroundings, forces, however weak, which will lead 
 to the perfecting of future man. What is needed 
 now, above all the crying needs of civilised humanity, 
 is that those who can think best and are most repre- 
 sentative of the civilisation in which we live, should 
 hold up a mirror to their age, so that humanity can 
 see itself truthfully ; and that they should truthfully 
 and boldly tabulate what in their best belief consti- 
 tutes the good and the right, irrespective of what 
 was held of old, irrespective of dominant traditions 
 and institutions. Difficult as it always will be to 
 express the most complex thoughts clearly and con- 
 vincingly by means of faltering human language, 
 they should nevertheless attempt to fix these thoughts, 
 so that he who runs may read.
 
 PART III 
 THE MORAL DISEASE AND ITS CURE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE CODIFICATION OF MODERN MORALS 
 
 Not WHAT modern man and modern society require 
 theoreti- above all things is a clear and distinct codification 
 
 cal dis- . ...... 
 
 quisitions of the moral consciousness of civilised man, not 
 principles mere ly m a theoretical disquisition or in vague and 
 of ethics, general terms, which evade immediate application to 
 codifica- tne m ore complex or subtle needs of our daily life ; 
 tion of but one which, arising out of the clear and unbiased 
 highest study of the actual problems of life, is fitted to meet 
 
 and the every definite difficulty and to direct all moral effort 
 
 most . . 
 
 practical towards one great and universally accepted end. It 
 
 * s ^ ne aDsence f such an adequate ethical code, 
 truly expressive of the best in -us and accepted by 
 all and the means of bringing such a code to the 
 knowledge of men, penetrating our educative system 
 in its most elementary form as it applies even to the 
 youngest children and is continuously impressed 
 upon all people in every age of their life it is the 
 absence of such an effective system of moral education 
 which lies at the root of all that is bad and irrational, 
 not only in individual life, but in national life, and 
 that has made this great war at once barbarous, 
 pedantically cruel, and unspeakably stupid possible 
 in modern times. 
 
 30Q
 
 201 
 
 The reason why such an adequate expression of 
 moral consciousness has not existed among us, in 
 spite of the eminently practical and urgent need, is 
 that the constitution and the teaching of ethics have 
 been relegated to the sphere of theoretical study of 
 principles, historical or speculative, and have not 
 directly been concerned with establishing a practical 
 guide to conduct. No real attempt has been made 
 to draw up a code of ethics to meet the actual prob- 
 lems of daily life. Or, when thus considered in its 
 immediate and practical bearings, this task has been' 
 relegated to the churches and the priests. 
 
 It cannot be too emphatically stated that, though Religion 
 never divorced from each other, religion and ethics g^ cs 
 envisage quite different spheres, and that when in Differ- 
 their practice and activity they are indiscriminately thees 
 mixed up with one another, this fusion does not tend sential 
 to the good of either. The confusion of the primary Stitude 
 attitude of mind which they imply and the definite in each 
 spheres of activity which they are meant to control 
 results in the lowering or weakening of the spirit 
 and the practice of each. Ethics alone can never 
 replace religion. Religion alone, when wholly 
 dominating the heart and mind of man, cannot prepare 
 him to solve the problems of ethics with a clear and 
 unbiased mind, intent upon the weighing of evidence 
 and the searching inquiry into the practical needs of 
 society and of individual life. The at once delicate 
 and exalted moods of religious feeling and of 
 religious thought not to mention the complex and 
 remote dogmas of each religion are, to say the 
 least, not favourable to the sober, dispassionate, and 
 searching analysis of motives, of actions and their 
 results in the daily life of man, or the relations 
 between communities and States. 1 Moreover, this 
 
 1 An almost caricatured illustration of the inadequacy of sectarian 
 morality is furnished by the sermons of several German divines of
 
 202 CODIFICATION OF MODERN MORALS 
 
 strictly logical, unemotional, and sober analysis arid 
 its prospective application to the regulation of 
 material prosperity, as well as spiritual health, is of 
 itself destructive of the very essence of that emotional 
 exaltation and that touch of mysticism which forms 
 an essential element of the religious mood. Its 
 intrusion into the domain of pure religion is of itself 
 lowering to such exaltation and destructive of its 
 most delicate and, at the same time, most powerful 
 spiritual force. 
 
 inherent Furthermore, it has undeniably been an element 
 
 8onto~ i n a ^ religions of the past, that they should be 
 
 change in strongly conservative, and, at all events, fervently 
 
 ligions reverential towards the past teachings of their 
 
 founders and tenacious of this teaching converted 
 
 into dogma in bygone ages. In so far they are not 
 
 fully adapted to consider, with clear and unbiased 
 
 receptiveness, the actual problems of the present, 
 
 which are generally strongly contrasted to the life 
 
 high repute, representing the Lutheran Church, preached since the 
 above was written and which I here quote from the Spectator of 
 January 22, 1916. They were translated by the Rev. W. Burgess. 
 They remind us forcibly of the standards of morality based upon the 
 Christian religion as adopted by the Inquisition. There is hardly a 
 single religious sect perhaps with the exception of the Society of 
 Friends which in its past history does not supply some grotesquely 
 immoral results of religious fervour. 
 
 Pastor Froebel, preaching in the well-known Lutheran church at 
 Leipsic, spoke of German guns as beating down the children of Satan 
 and of German submarines as " instruments to execute the divine 
 vengeance." The mission of the submarines, he explained, was to 
 drown thousands of the non-elect. 
 
 Professor Reinhold Suberg, in a sermon preached in the cathedral at 
 Berlin, said that Germans, in killing their enemies, burning their houses, 
 and invading their territories performed a " work of charity." Divine 
 love was everywhere in the world, but men had to suffer for their 
 salvation. Germany " loved other nations," and when she punished 
 them it was for their good. 
 
 Pastor Fritz Philippi, preaching in Berlin, said that as God allowed 
 His Son to be crucified that the scheme of redemption might be accom- 
 plished, so Germany was destined to "crucify humanity" in order 
 that salvation might be achieved. The human race could be saved in
 
 DANGERS OF THE RELIGIOUS MOOD 203 
 
 of the past ; while much of this lucidity will be 
 lost when an attempt is made to translate the com- 
 plex life of to-day into the simpler conditions of the 
 past. Moreover, in religion all is seen through a 
 veil of antique mysticism. Nor, still less, can such a 
 conservative attitude of mind be favourable to the 
 essential spirit of change, to the adaptation to new 
 conditions implied in the conscious evolution of man 
 towards the higher conditions of a progressive 
 society, and to the continuous flow implied in the 
 very principle of life which, in the moral and practical 
 spheres, are the organic element of a normal, rational, 
 and healthy society. No doubt we may rightly hold 
 that, from one point of view, religion enters into every 
 aspect of man's existence, and that it may form the 
 ultimate foundation of our whole moral and intellec- 
 tual activity. But it does not and cannot deal directly 
 with the practical world, and cannot intrude itself 
 into our consciousness when we are bound to con- 
 no other way : " It is really because we are pure that we have been 
 chosen by the Almighty as His instruments to punish the envious, 
 to chastise the wicked, and to slay with the sword the sinful nations. 
 The divine mission of Germany, O brethren, is to crucify humanity. 
 The duty of German soldiers, therefore, is to strike without mercy. 
 They must kill, burn, and destroy, and any half-measures would be 
 wicked. Let it then be a war without pity. The immoral and the 
 friends and allies of Satan must be destroyed, as an evil plant is up- 
 rooted. Satan himself, who has come into the world in the form of a 
 Great Power [England], must be crushed. . . . The kingdom of righte- 
 ousness will be established on earth, and the German Empire, which 
 will have created it, will remain its protector." 
 
 A nation dependent for its moral guidance upon Nietzsche on the 
 one side and " pastors " on the other must drift into amorality. 
 
 It may be said that these are perversions of religious morality due 
 to the moral obliquity of those professing such views. But the fact 
 remains that, as in the Inquisition and other sectarian persecutions 
 of the past, the crime is committed by official representatives of the 
 Churches, invoking the very authority of their religious tenets. If 
 even such trained leaders can so misinterpret the moral laws of their 
 creeds, it does not speak well for the constraining, practical efficacious- 
 ness of such moral codes and the logical and practical foundations on 
 which they rest.
 
 204 CODIFICATION OF MODERN MORALS 
 
 centrate all our mental and even physical energies 
 upon the consummation of some definite task in the 
 ever varying changes of our actual life. It is con- 
 cerned with man's relation to his highest ultimate 
 ideals and is based upon his higher emotional, and 
 not his practical and strictly logical, consciousness. 
 It implies no adaptation to surrounding and varying 
 conditions, no compromise within the struggle of 
 contending claims. In his truly religious moods, 
 in his communion with the supernatural, with his 
 ultimate ideals, there is no room for compromise, 
 practical opportunism, and the adaptation to the 
 ever-changing conditions of actual life. 
 
 Result Hence, the priest is not directly fitted to be the 
 
 ethical transmitter of this moral code of a healthy society 
 
 education in directing the young and in advising adults as 
 
 tarian" a minister of a definite religious creed. His ethical 
 
 teaching teaching must always be directly subordinated to the 
 
 5 s * dogmatic creed which he professes ; and his habit of 
 
 mind, as well as his conscious purpose, must in so far 
 
 unfit him for the problem of establishing a living 
 
 code of practical ethics and of impressing it clearly 
 
 as a teacher upon young and old. 
 
 Moreover, in the present condition of the modern 
 world, we are brought face to face with a definite 
 fact which, perhaps, more than anything else, has 
 stood in the way of effective and normal advancement 
 of moral teaching among us. For in every community 
 we have not only one creed, but a number of creeds ; 
 and, whatever their close relationship to one another 
 may in many instances be as regards fundamental 
 religious tenets, they differ in organisation and 
 administration and in the personality of their minis- 
 trants to such a degree, that such difference not infre- 
 quently involves rivalry and antagonism. The most 
 practical result in our own national life is clearly 
 brought before us in the promulgation of the various
 
 ETHICAL TEACHING IN SCHOOLS 205 
 
 Education Acts which, in great part, were merely 
 concerned with the adjustment of the claims of the 
 varied sects among us. They have thus led to the 
 exclusion of direct religious teaching and the reten- 
 tion of mere scripture reading as the only directly 
 spiritual and moral element in public instruction, or 
 they have led, and may lead, to the division of 
 spheres of activity of each one of these sects and 
 their clerical representatives of differing forms of 
 religious and moral instruction among separate 
 groups of children. That the impression upon the 
 youthful mind, in so glaring and manifest a form, 
 of fundamental differences in religious and moral 
 principles between them (perhaps suggesting and 
 establishing false standards of social distinction as 
 well), cannot be considered in itself a moral gain to 
 the establishment of a healthy social instinct in the 
 hearts of the individuals or the development of a 
 healthy and harmonious national and social life for 
 the community at large, can hardly be denied. At 
 all events, such a state of affairs does not bring us 
 nearer to the formulation of a common ethical code, 
 expressive of the highest national life on the ethical 
 side within each age, and the promise of a growing 
 development for the future. Meanwhile, whatever 
 may exist among us of ethical principles and moral 
 practices to which we all subscribe, is eliminated from 
 the activity of our educational institutions ; and the 
 younger generation grows up without any instruc- 
 tion in common morality and without any clear 
 knowledge of its definite principles. 
 
 On the other hand, I should not like it to be thought Good 
 that I ignore, or am unmindful of, the good work ^jjfi 
 which the priests of all denominations have done on priests, 
 the moral side in the past and are doing in the present. 
 Whether priests of the Church of England or of the 
 Church of Rome, or ministers of the numerous Chris-
 
 206 CODIFICATION OF MODERN MORALS 
 
 tian sects, or rabbis, they have in great numbers 
 devoted themselves to the betterment of their fellow- 
 men, they have held aloft the torch of idealism, and 
 many of them stand out as the noblest types of a life 
 of self-abnegation devoted to progress towards a 
 lofty ideal with complete self-effacement. The posi- 
 tive good which they have done and are doing is 
 undeniable. 1 The picture of an English village with- 
 out its church, not only as a symbol of higher spiritual 
 aspirations, but as an active means of providing for 
 the dull and often purely material daily life of the 
 inhabitants a gleam of elevating life and beauty, 
 must make him hesitate who ruthlessly would destroy 
 it by missiles of cold thought, as those of German 
 steel have actually destroyed the churches in Belgium 
 and France, and shudder at the devastation he might 
 cause. But the firm conviction that what he has to 
 offer is not sheer and wanton destruction ; but that 
 the growth and spread of true morality will clear 
 the way for a brighter, higher, and nobler life, ending 
 in the expansion and advancement of pure and un- 
 contaminated religion, removes all doubt and fear and 
 strengthens our conviction in the Tightness of the cause 
 for which we also are prepared to lay down our lives. 
 
 1 On the other hand, it is equally undeniable that strictly clerical 
 morality has gone hopelessly astray. The type of the clergyman and 
 his family, far from extravagantly drawn, and the result of what I 
 should like to call catechismal ethics have never been more power- 
 fully presented than in the history of the Pontifex family in Samuel 
 Butler's The Way of all Flesh. This uncaricatured satire of the results 
 of catechismal morality gives an intensely tragic picture of life far 
 from uncommon in the immediate past and far from obsolete in the 
 present. Nor are the Pontifexes types of a lower order of Christian 
 or clerical society. They are good people of the worst kind. The 
 ethical teaching which denied all right to health, pleasure, brightness 
 in life, prematurely and disastrously introduces into the pure mind 
 of the young the idea of Sin, its prevalence, and its dominance, fills 
 us with revolt and loathing against such a code and such a system 
 of ethics, which we must consider one of the worst crimes which adult 
 man can commit, namely, crime against the young and the helpless.
 
 DIFFICULTIES IN SECTARIAN MORALITY 207 
 
 We cannot admit that a morality, however adequate The 
 and high it may have been for the Jews living many J^jf 3 ^ 
 centuries ago, can be adapted and fitted to the the an- 
 requirements of modern society without great con- 1 ^* not 
 
 fusion and loss in this process of adaptation. This sufficient 
 is especially the case when, as a chief ground for its modern 
 unqualified acceptance, religious dogma steps in and needs - 
 maintains that it is of direct divine origin. Even 
 when thus accepted, and eifective as a guide to conduct 
 by many, many remain who do not honestly accept 
 the evidence of this direct divine origin. The effect 
 upon these latter is one of clear opposition to the 
 binding power of such moral laws, and may end in 
 an opposition to all moral laws. 
 
 16
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 Piety to- WE must recognise with reverence the existence of 
 moral laws, such as those of Moses, in the past, and 
 
 _ 
 ment of the fact that, in the evolution of history, they form 
 
 Jewish , , u . ' . . " . J 
 
 ethics. the basis ot our progressive moral consciousness in 
 the present. We must also regard with gratitude 
 and admiration the achievement of those who estab- 
 lished such an ethical code for our ancestors, upon 
 which our moral consciousness ultimately rests, and 
 from which we are bound to work onwards and 
 upwards as the conditions of life and the growth of 
 human knowledge bid us and enable us to do in the 
 present. 
 
 The Whatever may have been the achievements of 
 
 ment V of Khammurabi and of other law-givers, kings, priests, 
 the Ten and philosophers, in the dim antiquity of mankind, 
 
 mand- to us an ^ to tne preceding ages of our own civilisa- 
 ments. tion, the Ten Commandments of Moses mark the 
 greatest step in the establishment of law and morality. 
 To him who casts his eye over the evolution of man, 
 from the earliest prehistoric ages onward, the more 
 or less chaotic conditions of human intercourse and 
 incipient social organisation, the summarisation in 
 definite human language, reduced to the shortest and 
 most compact form and responding to the essential 
 needs of human society in these Ten Commandments 
 is one of the greatest feats of the human mind 
 in the past. The very fact of their constraining 
 
 208
 
 THE GREAT MORAL ACHIEVEMENT 209 
 
 influence throughout all the changes of centuries and 
 of ethnical, climatic and racial conditions, differing 
 so widely from those which obtained when Moses 
 proclaimed them to the people of Israel, is so wonder- 
 ful, that in itself it approaches the miraculous. It 
 is well, however, to remember that Moses was the 
 law-giver and Aaron was the priest. 
 
 On the other hand, we must recognise that if the Usurpa- 
 task of moral teaching had not been completely jjjjjj 1 by 
 usurped by the churches, with the exception of the churches. 
 legal element, which has been taken over by the 
 legal functions of the State and the establishment of 
 judiciary powers, there would have been or certainly 
 ought to have been a succession of moral codes 
 promulgated in various countries and periods and 
 accepted by the people. Yet the Mosaic laws, having 
 been incorporated as a moral code into the body 
 of the doctrine of the Jewish, Christian, and even 
 the Mohammedan churches, not only preserved their 
 binding quality, but also effectively prevented their 
 future development, modification, and adaptation and 
 the infusion of newer moral codes into the life of 
 successive societies. 
 
 Herein lies one of the peculiarities of Jewish religion Pecuiiari- 
 and ritual, and the consequent effectiveness of the 
 
 religious morality among the Jews in all times. In religion 
 Biblical days Israel was a theocracy, and the priests ritual in 
 were at the same time the rulers of the people and their 
 
 effects 
 
 their guides in all conditions of national and social u pon 
 life. In Rabbinic times the rabbi, besides being the morals - 
 minister of religion, was, above all, the teacher of the 
 people and the head of the community. Down to 
 our own days the truly Jewish communities (I am not 
 referring to the Christianised and modernised re- 
 formed sects, who in so far are not distinctly Jewish) 
 the synagogue is called the schul, which is the school 
 for secular teaching as well as religious. It is from
 
 210 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 this school and the presiding rabbi that the Rabbinic 
 and Talmudic teaching, succeeding and supplementing 
 the Mosaic teaching, have emanated. The Jews have 
 thus always had the elements of moral evolution and 
 have progressed in their general social organisation 
 with the advance of ages. Their law and their 
 morality effectively penetrated into the actual life of 
 the people and produced for them higher spiritual 
 standards and definite ethical codes which fitted 
 them for the conditions of life in which they found 
 themselves ; while always providing a spiritual 
 stimulus towards moral progress, in spite of the 
 occasional retrogressions caused by lowered standards 
 of the actual life about them, as well as the 
 formalisation and deadening to which such theo- 
 logical and ritual teaching naturally tends. 
 
 It is thus that in the Talmudic and other writings 
 we have the striking mixture of lofty moral aspira- 
 tions subtle, intellectual, refining thought with an 
 active and penetrating application to the actual 
 demands of daily life, its business and its pleasures ; 
 and all dialectic formalism tied down to precedents 
 of former dicta of earlier rabbis, as well as the pro- 
 nouncements of the Bible itself, raised more or less 
 to the weight and importance of religious authority. 
 
 In the course of time this formalistic element grew, 
 until the slightest ritual aspects of the functions of 
 daily life, for instance as regards the keeping of 
 the Sabbath, were not only raised out of all propor- 
 tion in moral significance and value, but were even 
 robbed of what dignity and importance they may 
 have had in their relation to actual daily life. Never- 
 theless, it is to this effective and progressive moral 
 life of the Jewish people in all ages, and to the 
 approximation between their higher moral codes and 
 the practice of daily life, that I venture to attribute 
 the tenacity of their survival as a people, and the
 
 LAW AND MORALITY 211 
 
 superiority and success which have been theirs in all 
 times, wherever they have lived, even amid perse- 
 cution and conditions most unfavourable to the 
 development of a higher life. 
 
 But the Ten Commandments of Moses have been The Ten 
 embodied in Christian ethics, and have become jjj^. 
 canonical in the religious writings of the Christian merits 
 world. Their importance for the world will ever be the idea 
 that they are the first general and abstract pronounce- of dut 7 
 ment and expression of the ideas of duty and justice justice 
 as such. This is what they mean in their totality forthe 
 and is a summary of their injunction. They thus world, 
 imply and recognise the sense of duty in man as 
 opposed to his instinctive tendencies, those of the 
 mere animal in man, and lead to the establishment of 
 civilised society ; and, I repeat, that they have thus 
 formed the foundation for the moral consciousness, 
 not only of the Western world, but of Mohammedanism 
 as well. Some of these injunctions no longer belong 
 to the domain of ethics, but have been completely 
 merged in our laws. 
 
 In the evolution of social organisms, ending in the Ethics 
 
 full establishment of the State, the judicial function, ^.^^ 
 
 ' j ' rheir re- 
 
 the promulgation of laws, and the administration of lationto 
 justice, become, together with the establishment of another, 
 security from inimical aggression from without, the 
 chief functions of the State. Law becomes the 
 principal guide to public and individual conduct. But 
 laws can only deal with broad and manifest acts, 
 they are not concerned with the inner moral con- 
 sciousness of man or his more delicate relations in 
 daily life. We may say that, so soon as actions 
 directly enter the province of law, they no longer 
 enter the domain of ethics which is far from mean- 
 ing that they become unethical, but that their 
 premisses assume another validity before ethical 
 thought begins. They are admitted and taken for
 
 212 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 granted ; and the responsibility of the individual to 
 establish their Tightness, or to enforce obedience to 
 them, no longer exists. 
 
 IctSn n the ther hand) when the moral consciousness 
 between of the people finds that these laws are antiquated, 
 
 ukMaw. that their action no longer conforms to ethical 
 demands or even runs directly counter to them, a 
 general impulse is created towards the modification 
 of such existing laws in conformity with the ethical 
 consciousness of the people and the age. In great 
 part this process marks the progressive legislative 
 function of the State. When moral tenets have 
 become of such universal importance and validity 
 that they distinctly modify the actions of larger 
 groups of people, they may then produce laws. For 
 instance, when the moral feeling of the public 
 revolted against the tyranny of the employer over 
 the employed, the Factory Acts were introduced 
 and became law, insisting upon the moral responsi- 
 bilities of the employer towards his workmen. Under 
 the same category would come all the encroachments 
 of public laws on the personal and domestic freedom 
 of the individual. So, too, it may be found that 
 certain established laws evoked by the temporary 
 conditions in which civilisation found itself at a given 
 moment, are no longer useful, and may even be 
 harmful and immoral, when the social conditions 
 have altered. They will then have to be repealed 
 or modified. Thus the laws against witchcraft and 
 those upholding the privileges of certain classes to 
 the detriment of others, against which the moral 
 consciousness of the people revolted, have been 
 repealed or altered. This interaction between ethics 
 and law forms to a great extent the very life of the 
 State and the progressive spirit in its evolution. Now 
 the progressive spirit thus manifested in the inter- 
 action between ethics and law must be carried into
 
 NEED FOR CODIFICATION OF MORALS 213 
 
 the life of ethics itself. New conditions should be Progress 
 established for this organic development of ethics ; Thefneed 
 and it is the establishment of such conditions which I for 
 am advocating as the supreme need of modern times . codifica- 
 We thus require such codification as may be recognised n - 
 
 , , , . J . , ,. . The most 
 
 by all people ; and this must be the essential condition crying 
 for a possible, and even a facile, modification of our ^ er ^ 
 common ethical code in response to the needs of our times. 
 social life and the advancement of our ethical con- 
 sciousness. 
 
 A great and important part of the Mosaic Com- The 
 mandments has thus reached the phase of law : 
 " Thou shalt not kill " ; " Thou shalt not steal " ; Mosaic 
 " Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neigh- n^j- 
 bour " ; even " Thou shalt not commit adultery " ments 
 these Commandments practically need no longer make been em- 
 an appeal to the ethical consciousness of most of us t> died m 
 who are not born criminals, because they have been 
 embodied in our public laws ; and conformity to them 
 is exacted by all the constraining power of the State. 
 On the other hand, public law is not concerned with 
 inner morality and man's relation to his fellow-men, 
 which, for instance, are summarised under the term 
 of covetousness, a condition which may lead, when 
 that impulse is followed, to most degrading actions 
 as regards the perpetrator and most harmful deeds 
 as regards the victims, even culminating in crime. The 
 inner moral state, though it be the cause of even 
 criminal action (of which latter the State takes cog- 
 nisance through its laws) is of itself not the concern 
 of law, but purely of ethics. But the Mosaic Com- 
 mandments already deal with these more subtle and 
 recondite spiritual factors, and in a short and con- 
 centrated form touch upon, if they do not cover, the 
 main groupings of all moral states and duties. 
 
 The Ten Commandments, as a canon of human 
 duties, naturally fall under three main heads, which
 
 214 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 The Ten remain the three natural groupings of human duties 
 mand- ^ or a ^ times. The first is the duty to God, the second 
 ments. the duty to oneself, the third the duty to man and 
 mankind. After inquiring into the adequacy with 
 which they respond to these three groups of duties, 
 and the modifications and additions in the teaching 
 of Christ, I shall endeavour to set forth the need of 
 further ethical codification in our own times. 
 The duty i. One of the great and lasting achievements of 
 Spiritu- the Mosaic law and of the Jewish religion in all times 
 aiity of is, that it established the spiritual conception of the 
 Deity. Deity in so far as the people of that age were able 
 to rise into the domain of pure spirituality. The 
 essence of the First and Second Commandments is 
 the insistence upon the spiritual nature of the 
 Deity in opposition to the lower practice of 
 " idolatry " prevalent among the other peoples of 
 which the people of Israel had knowledge, and, no 
 doubt, prevalent within the Jewish communities in 
 the earlier stages of their development to which 
 earlier state there are occasional relapses censured 
 and opposed by their spiritual rulers. The Jews thus 
 had forcibly enjoined upon them the duty of living 
 up to the highest ideals to which their moral imagina- 
 tion could attain in the conception which they formed 
 of their Deity. That this is in itself one of the 
 highest moral achievements no right-minded and 
 unbiased thinker can deny. The actual worship of 
 an image wrought by man's hand, or selected by him 
 casually from the realm of nature, often an object 
 possessing no higher spiritual quality of any kind 
 all of which is implied in the term "idolatry " cer- 
 tainly marks a lower stage in the development of intel- 
 lectual imagination, and, beyond all doubt as well, in 
 the creation of a moral imagination. On the positive 
 side this eifort of the human mind to rise to the con- 
 ception of an ideal and perfect world is a distinctive
 
 SPIRITUALITY OF THE DEITY 215 
 
 mark of intellectual as well as moral superiority, and, 
 as we shall see, may be considered the crowning point 
 of all spiritual and moral effort in the functions of 
 the human mind. 
 
 On the other hand, it must equally be beyond all Spiritu- 
 doubt, that the conception of the Deity formed by ^[ted 
 this comparatively advanced people in that early by an- 
 stage of social evolution, corresponds to the more 
 elementary and, in so far, lower, conditions of the ism - 
 social life prevailing in those times, and indicated the 
 intellectual and moral position to which it was pos- 
 sible for them to rise. Though one of the most 
 emphatic injunctions of the duty to God in the first 
 Commandment is directed against " the graven 
 image or any likeness to things in heaven or on earth," 
 and the worship of such, the conception of such a 
 spiritual Godhead is nevertheless so distinctly anthro- 
 pomorphic, so clearly tied down to the semblance of 
 a human being, however spiritual and exalted that 
 being may be, that its spirituality is to a great extent 
 tainted by the material, earthly, and human con- 
 ception, so as almost to become in its turn a " graven 
 image." This anthropomorphism is still further 
 increased by the specially racial and national relation 
 which it is claimed the Godhead holds to the Jews. 
 
 This element, which detracts from the pure spiritu- 
 ality of the Mosaic Deity, is still further emphasised 
 to such a degree in one of the Commandments that 
 there can hardly be any intelligent orthodox believer 
 who has not hesitated, or even drawn back sharply 
 at one important passage in the Commandments, 
 and who, if retaining the passage within his accepted 
 faith, has not made endeavours to expunge it from 
 his consciousness, or its significant bearing on the 
 main conception of the Divinity. This passage deals 
 with the consequences of disobedience to the First 
 and Second Commandments, and affirms that God
 
 216 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 is " a jealous God, and visits the sins of the fathers 
 upon the children unto the third and fourth genera- 
 tion of them that hate Me, and shows mercy unto 
 thousands of them that love Me and keep My com- 
 mandments." This is not, as has often been main- 
 tained, merely a general statement of fact in the 
 causality of things natural, and the consequence of 
 human action in which it may no doubt be shown 
 that the responsibility for evil acts is carried on 
 through generations from the perpetrator of the 
 crime ; but it is embodied in the moral command- 
 ment, enjoined by the Deity Himself, in which justice 
 and mercy must form the leading moral attributes ; 
 and, whether just or unjust, the intrusion of reward 
 and punishment as a consequence of worship shows 
 a comparative lowness in the conception of a divine 
 being, intelligible in the people who represented an 
 early and lower stage of civilisation, but inadequate 
 as the expression of the higher moral consciousness 
 of our own time. 
 
 Furthermore, the inadequacy, as regards ourselves 
 in our own time, implied in this conception of the 
 Deity from the very outset, of a distinctly national 
 or racial bias as the God of Israel, though amply 
 accounted for and justified by the state of civilisa- 
 tion prevailing at the time, must be repugnant to 
 the religious sentiment and the moral consciousness 
 of the mass of thoughtful people whose civilisation 
 has benefited by the higher intellectual efforts of the 
 many centuries out of which we have grown. It is, 
 to say the least, purest anthropomorphism, and, in so 
 far, directly opposed to any spiritual conception of 
 a divine ideal. 
 
 The I cannot here enter into a discussion of the exact 
 
 Third meaning of the Third Commandment, which enjoins 
 mand- that we shall not use the name of the Lord in vain. 
 ment How far this has a direct theological or ritual signi-
 
 THE THIRD COMMANDMENT 217 
 
 fication,and is in so far merely an enlargement of the 
 preceding commandment, or how far it must be taken 
 in connection with the Ninth Commandment, which 
 would give it a distinctly human and social signifi- 
 cance, I do not, and need not, venture to determine. 
 If it be the latter, and be mainly concerned with the 
 making of solemn asseveration by associating it with 
 the name of the Deity such as is the case in the 
 taking of an oath, it might be considered under the 
 heading of our duty to truth. But, intrinsically 
 and by actual practice in Jewish and Christian life, 
 it seems to me to be rather concerned with the need 
 of keeping the Deity and all that concerns man's 
 relations to God high and pure in practice, so that 
 the Godhead in man's thought and speech should 
 not be lowered and blunted by frivolous use and 
 abuse. 
 
 2 . The duty to our self, which forms so important Duty to 
 a part of an ethical code, is practically only repre- e seU ' 
 sented by one commandment, and in one very limited Fourth 
 sphere. It is, moreover, based upon so inadequate 
 a theological reason, and has become so thoroughly 
 formalised by a merely ritual conception, that its 
 
 moral weight and significance have become weakened, in modern 
 if not lost. It is needless to say that, for us, the 
 injunction to keep a day of rest, based upon the fact 
 that God created the universe in six days, cannot 
 be valid. Nor can the insistence upon one day, and 
 that day definitely fixed however convenient and 
 suggestive the association with astronomical and 
 chronological division may make it be considered 
 by us as essential to a moral conception of the duty 
 to our self. Still less is this moral aspect impressed 
 upon us by the dead formalism which later Jewish, 
 as well as Christian, ritual impressed upon this 
 chronological selection. The racial and ritual 
 formalism to which Jewish practice led in later years
 
 218 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 Moral is most strikingly illustrated by the laws enacted by 
 
 appiica- orthodox Judaism concerning the keeping of the 
 
 tionof Sabbath. From sunset on Friday evening to sunset 
 
 man(i- m ~ on Saturday evening the strictly observant Jew was 
 
 ment. not, and is not, allowed to do any manner of work, 
 
 and this, in the commandment, is even extended 
 
 beyond the immediate family to the servants and 
 
 the domestic animals, as well as to " the stranger 
 
 within thy gates." 
 
 Thus orthodox Jewish families even did, and still 
 do, their cooking before the advent of the Sabbath ; 
 they dare not light their lamps, or extinguish them, 
 or open a letter, or perform most of the ordinary 
 functions which modern life brings with it. But, on 
 the other hand, when the lamp is to be lit or extin- 
 guished on the Sabbath, they call in some " Gentile " 
 to perform this act for them. Such an action can 
 only be based on one of two alternatives. Either 
 these commandments, and in consequence the favour 
 of the Deity, are strictly limited to the Jewish race 
 and do not apply to the rest of mankind, or, if they 
 do, the orthodox Jew does not concern himself with 
 the sin of his non- Jewish neighbour and the conse- 
 quent disfavour brought upon him in the eyes of 
 his Deity. Either of these consequences must be 
 revolting to the moral consciousness of civilised and 
 right-thinking man, and are, in so far, grossly immoral. 
 Still the undeniable and most important fact 
 remains : that this Fourth Commandment, which 
 impresses upon us the duty to our self in providing 
 for that refreshment and reinvigoration of our 
 physical and mental powers, does recognise such a 
 duty to our self. It recognises and directly provides 
 for the maintenance of bodily health as a sacred duty 
 on the part of man, and, in so far, elevates physical 
 life and the cult of the body into higher moral spheres. 
 The same applies to our mental life, in which the com-
 
 SOCIAL MORALITY 219 
 
 mandment counteracts the abnormal and unhealthy, 
 as well as exclusive, development of the sense of duty 
 in work, which suppresses all instincts towards 
 recreation and the claims of the more passive and 
 receptive side of our mental life. In so far this com- 
 mandment is directly opposed to the ascetic ideal. 
 Important as we may consider the inclusion of such 
 a commandment in the Decalogue at this early date, 
 we now must feel that it is not an adequate expo- 
 sition of such duties in a full codification of moral laws 
 to apply to the actual needs of our advanced stage 
 of existence. The consideration of the duty to our 
 self, developed by means of a searching and truthful 
 inquiry into . its relative claims, forms one of the 
 most important parts of our moral requirements. 
 
 3 . We now come to the third division of ethical Duty to 
 injunction as conveyed by the Ten Commandments, o eigh 
 which deals with man's relation to his fellow-men, and to 
 Social Morality. ety ' 
 
 Beginning at the more proximate and intimate Duty to 
 sphere, in the relation of the individual to the family, 
 it naturally puts, as a foremost injunction, the duty of 
 children to parents. To honour one's father and mother 
 is an ethical and social law which has been valid in 
 all times since man evolved the institution of the 
 family. The Tightness of the family being admitted, Duty of 
 the desirability and even the necessity of all that can Barents 
 be summarised under the injunction to " honour " and of 
 the heads of the family, needs no further comment y ^ to 
 or support. Where the family is no longer recognised the aged, 
 as a social or ethical unit, indispensable to the advance- 
 ment of society as a whole, such a commandment 
 would lose much of its absolutely binding power and 
 of its moral validity. That the family is, and, as 
 far as we can project our thoughts, ought to be, an 
 essential unit of civilised society, I am firmly con- 
 vinced. But, even if this were not admitted, it
 
 220 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 cannot be doubted that the moral habit of man, as 
 well as the discipline attached to it, of showing 
 gratitude, or at least deference and consideration, to 
 father and mother, and, by implication as well, to 
 the aged, on the part of the young, are elements 
 that can never be eliminated from the development 
 of higher morality in social beings in whom the moral 
 sense is at all elevated and refined. 
 
 Duty of On the other hand, the complete silence as regards 
 children* an y duties which parents owe to their children, duties 
 and other varying with the different ages to which they attain, 
 relation- an< ^ the relations which these hold to the family and 
 ships. the world outside, may give an appearance of incom- 
 pleteness and one-sidedness which might produce, if 
 not justify, opposition to the absoluteness of this 
 commandment. Moreover, the regulation of other 
 family relations is an ethical problem of most prac- 
 tical import to the establishment of valid and efficient 
 Doubts social ethics. Be it that some doubt may in our times 
 Umita ke felt by many as regards the justification of the 
 tions con- family as an essential, or at least an important, 
 the^Fifth e l emen t in social organisation, or be it merely from 
 Com- the tendency towards self-indulgence or the gradual 
 mentun- atrophy of all sense of duty among us, there are 
 justified, many thoughtful people, in no sense devoid of the 
 higher ethical principles, who completely deny the 
 constraining authority of this Fifth Commandment. 
 We have all heard it put bluntly that " We 
 were in no way responsible for being put into the 
 world, and, having no say in the matter, the re- 
 sponsibility rests with the parents, and with them 
 the responsibility to look after their children ; so, 
 on that account, there is no debt of gratitude." 
 Quite apart from the sober, if not jejeune, considera- 
 tion of the need for the disciplinary organisation of 
 any household corresponding to that of any other 
 organisation in which people must live together and
 
 THE FIFTH COMMANDMENT 221 
 
 regulate all aspects of life, and therefore require 
 graduation of authority and discipline, the continuous 
 manifestation of affection and of self-abnegation on 
 the part of normal parents, at least throughout the 
 years measured by the childhood of their offspring, 
 the sacrifices necessarily implied by those who have 
 children, as compared to those who have none, ought 
 to appeal to the sense of justice and fair play, and 
 in so far call for gratitude and consideration, if not 
 for more, on the part of the children. Moreover, 
 who would deny that in the sane development of 
 a human soul, corresponding to the healthy develop- 
 ment of a human body, the growth and refinement of 
 affection and of the sense of reverence form an in- 
 tegral part to the organic completeness and social 
 and moral fitness of such a soul. A child brought 
 up without any sense of filial affection, of gratitude, 
 or of reverence, is morally incomplete, if not crippled 
 and monstrous. In so far this commandment will 
 ever remain a most important element in every moral 
 code. What must, however, estrange, if not shock, 
 the advanced moral sense of modern man is the 
 passage accompanying this injunction and supporting 
 it : " That thy days may be long in the land which 
 the Lord thy God giveth thee." Whatever meaning 
 be attributed to this passage, it cannot be denied 
 that it is meant to convey consequent reward to 
 those who follow this commandment. Though this 
 be quite intelligible in a comparatively early stage 
 of social and ethical evolution for a people for whom 
 these commandments were promulgated, they can- 
 not appeal to the more advanced and refined moral 
 sense of those who live in our age. 
 
 The four following commandments are fundamental The 
 to the organisation of society, and have since had 
 binding authority upon civilised communities in Com- 
 all ages, including our own times. As has already "
 
 222 THE TEACHING OF MOSES 
 
 been said, their validity is so unquestioned that 
 with us they no longer form a part of our ethical 
 code, because they are embodied in our laws ; and 
 we thus need not include them in our ethical con- 
 sciousness of which they form an admitted substratum. 
 Duty to The last of these four, enjoining that " Thou shalt 
 truth not bear false witness against thy neighbour," pro- 
 nounces the importance of truth as affecting the 
 most apparent and tangible relations of social life 
 in which the infringement of such a commandment 
 brings most manifest and evil results. The duty to 
 truth is here defined and limited to the " bearing of 
 false witness against thy neighbour." It is this 
 commandment, perhaps taken in conjunction with 
 the Third Commandment, which is concerned with 
 truth. It cannot be irreverential and unreason- 
 able to express surprise that, in the definite and 
 succinct form in which the preceding commandments 
 deal with human life and human property, the 
 commandment did not read simply, " Thou shalt not 
 lie." The abstract and absolute duty to truth is 
 an ethical injunction which would and must form 
 the corner-stone of the ethics of modern man truth 
 in itself and quite apart from its restricted practical 
 application to those actions which might directly 
 injure our neighbours. But we cannot expect that 
 in those early stages of social evolution this height 
 of ethical development should have been attained. 
 The su- But the last commandment enters more fully into 
 preme actual social relations, and does not only manifest 
 
 CttllCcll 
 
 import- deep knowledge of human nature and of human life, 
 
 tSrenth k ut nas a ^ so revea ted with deep insight one of the 
 
 Com- very fountain-heads of evil in the social intercourse 
 
 Sent!" between men. It is more purely ethical than almost 
 
 any of the other commandments, in the sense that 
 
 it rises above the constraining power of law and points 
 
 to the ethical process within the very heart of man
 
 IMPORTANCE OF THE TENTH COMMANDMENT 223 
 
 and the secret founts whence action flows. It is 
 intended to counteract the sinister effects of jealousy 
 and envy, from which hatred and malice, and per- 
 haps most of the evils which man inflicts upon man, 
 are derived. The searching importance attached to 
 this last and most comprehensive of moral com- 
 mandments is shown by the enumeration of all the 
 chief groups of possessions reflecting the life of the 
 day, from home and wife even to the very domestic 
 animal in man's possession. In so far this com- 
 mandment may be considered the very first guide 
 and landmark to the ethical activities of thinking 
 man for all ages to come.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 Sum- THOUGH we have seen that most of the Ten Com- 
 Resuitof mandments have, in the advancement of human 
 the MO- society since the early date of their tabulation, been 
 
 S3.1C T^ffW 
 
 is the es- embodied in what we call law in contradistinction to 
 tablis ii- ethics, and though we feel that the conception of the 
 the sense Godhead and the Commandments emanating from 
 of duty, such a conception are inadequate to the spiritual 
 needs of modern man ; though we, furthermore, feel 
 that the commandment which refers to the duty to 
 ourselves does not adequately serve as a guide for 
 the moral consciousness of modern man ; and though, 
 finally, while recognising the supreme moral import- 
 ance of the last commandment, counteracting our 
 unsocial instincts in covetousness, we must recognise 
 that the mere formulation of this commandment is 
 not enough to act as an efficient moral guide in the 
 modern conditions of life. In spite of these natural, 
 and even necessary, limitations, we must feel con- 
 vinced, with equal strength, that the summary and 
 total influence of the Mosaic Commandments for the 
 Jewish people of that day, and for the whole civilised 
 world ever since, has been the clear recognition of 
 the sense of duty and justice in man as a corner-stone 
 to the whole structure of human morals and human 
 conduct. This is one of the greatest achievements 
 in the history of mankind. This sense of duty and 
 sense of justice must be trained in man, so that he 
 
 224
 
 THE SENSE OF DUTY 225 
 
 should manifest his direct humanity, and they cannot 
 
 be dispensed with, even in Nietzsche's ideal of the 
 
 superman a moral postulate to which the conduct 
 
 of every man must be subordinated. The Will to 
 
 Live, the following of the natural instincts, can be 
 
 no guide to man as he is, and still less to man as we 
 
 must recognise that he ought to be that is the ideal 
 
 of man, the superman. To follow the natural in- To follow 
 
 stincts consistently and logically must lead to 
 
 of two alternative results, namely, to the mere instincts 
 
 . leads to 
 
 ruminating or bovine state of complete physical the dis- 
 health and negative mental peace, perhaps to the solution 
 Nirvana which Schopenhauer borrowed from Buddh- society. 
 ism ; or to the war of all against all, internecine 
 conflict, which the upholders of the contract social 
 recognised as the necessary preliminary condition 
 out of which orderly society grew. Now the only 
 power which can be applied to the guidance and 
 regulations of instincts and passions is, ultimately, 
 Reason. Reason is by its very nature outside and 
 above instincts, the great forces which blindly and 
 often ruthlessly make for self-preservation and self- 
 advancement. It must thus permeate the instinctive 
 passions and give a new direction to them. This 
 implies an outgoing, a centrifugal current of the Altruism 
 mind, which the Greeks characterised by the term 
 7rp6<f>pa)v, and for which we can find no better term 
 than that of Altruism. It means the subjugation 
 and regulation of each instinct, however much we 
 may regard the justice of its claims, and not consider 
 the instinct in itself bad because it is natural. This 
 regulation of our instinct must be in conformity with 
 an idea which human reason (than which we can dis- 
 cover no better guide) establishes and justifies. 
 
 Moreover, such guiding ethical ideas cannot, and 
 need not, be consciously appealed to nor applied 
 to every definite act on the part of man, interrupting
 
 226 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 The and weakening, if not wholly dissolving, the strength 
 
 sense 1 an< ^ spontaneity of action and of will, by their inter- 
 
 habit, cession ; but they must by education and practice, 
 
 manners. en ding in habit, be transformed into emotional states 
 
 which, in what we may call the moral sense, or taste, 
 
 or even manners, modify our passions, our emotive 
 
 forces, and turn them into the ethical and social 
 
 channels regulated by these guiding ideas sanctioned 
 
 Ethos, by Reason. They must create what the Greeks called 
 
 charac- e thos, and produce in man what we call his ' ' character." 
 
 I endeavoured to show the importance of the proper 
 
 balance between this relation of emotion and intellect 
 
 in man in an essay published many years ago. 1 
 
 The task To make such a moral and social ethos effective is 
 
 of mak- t ne t as k o f a \\ ethical education, whether supplied in 
 
 ing such * rsr 
 
 an ethos the home, the school, or by life itself. The most 
 f^the^aim e ffi c i ent focus for such education and for the 
 of all discipline which favours or produces such ultimate 
 results is the home. It is here that the conditions of 
 
 The home lif e> i n which individuals are thrown together con- 
 
 family. stantly and continuously with strong ties of affection 
 
 and duty always impressed upon them, and the 
 
 curbing of the selfish instincts, are from the earliest 
 
 age, by daily repercussion, produced and developed. 
 
 Of itself and in itself this effect of family life, intimate 
 
 and penetrating and all pervasive within the home, 
 
 is one of the most efficient and important, if not the 
 
 chief, justification for the existence of the family 
 
 within each larger social body or group. No institu- 
 
 tion or regulation of social life that exists, or none that 
 
 can be devised and proposed, can replace this. Be- 
 
 Discipline ginning with the relation of children to parents, as 
 
 obedi- already laid down in the Fifth Commandment, it 
 
 ence. teaches the young the important discipline of learning 
 
 to obey ; and this quality itself, even when it is 
 
 1 The Balance of Emotion and Intellect. (London, Kegan Paul & Co. 
 1878.)
 
 DISCIPLINE AND OBEDIENCE 227 
 
 entirely dominated by the recognition of what is 
 just and best as the rational justification of obedience, 
 is one of the most important human qualities which 
 must be developed in every perfect being as a habit 
 and an emotional state. Even the superman and not 
 only the obeying ones, whom Nietzsche groups round 
 the genius or superman is not, and can never be, a 
 realisation of the highest human qualities and forces 
 unless he possesses this characteristic. For it will be 
 through self-discipline and obedience that he will be 
 enabled to curb and to subdue all those instincts and 
 passions (perhaps even those of pity and love) in 
 order that he should mould his life towards the great 
 purpose which as a superman he holds before himself. 
 
 Perhaps more than any other aspect of contem- contem. 
 porary social ethics, it is the neglect of this develop- g^f 
 ment of discipline and the sense of duty which is the duty and 
 most noticeable feature in the moral disease from 
 which we are suffering ; and the work of Lord Meath 
 and his supporters in founding the Duty and Disci- 
 pline movement among us is amply justified in fact. 
 Amid all the undoubted material and moral evils 
 produced by this terrible war, we may be comforted 
 in recognising that, to a certain degree though not 
 to the extent which some warlike enthusiasts fondly 
 hope the sense of national duty and discipline has 
 been aroused throughout the country, if not the world, 
 in spite of the lowness of ideals and the unspeakable 
 baseness of moral practice which every day and every 
 hour and in every aspect the war itself produces and 
 impresses upon the minds of all the combatants, as 
 well as the non-combatant portion of every nation. 
 
 Admirable as in many directions the organisation School 
 of our public schools and the life among the pupils insuffici- 
 may be, the conditions of such life are still regulated entinthis 
 
 i r i * /"* c i i respect, 
 
 too exclusively from the point of view ot the boy- Home 
 community itself, and, though it establishes its own
 
 228 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 discipline (not in every respect on grounds which 
 justice or wisdom will always ratify), it can in no way 
 replace the constant curbing of selfish instincts and 
 of self-indulgence, or develop obedience to more 
 unselfish purposes, which the life in a family circle 
 provides. Without this training, afforded from the 
 earliest youth upwards by family life, where the per- 
 formance of duties and services is so constantly required 
 by members of the family as to create an emotional 
 state or a habit, the discipline of curbing selfish 
 instincts can never be effectively impressed. The 
 Montessori system fails in this respect in not develop- 
 ing duty, though no doubt excellent in producing love 
 for things taught. 
 
 The Without it there is produced the imperfect human 
 
 egoist. being, the monstrous moral and social cripple whom 
 we call the egoist. He is not only essentially unlov- 
 able, but he becomes socially impossible, even unjust 
 to himself as well as to others, and hence less likely 
 to be normally happy. While deficient in the power 
 of self-control, self-detachment, and positive self- 
 repression in dealing with ideas or general duties, he 
 is less efficient in performing the ordinary impersonal 
 tasks of life self-imposed or imposed by circum- 
 stances. From an almost physiological point of view 
 he is bound to become abnormal, if not pathological. 
 The unchecked realisation of selfish instincts inevit- 
 ably leads to what, from a pathological point of view, 
 is technically called hysteria, or, as applied to physical 
 consciousness, hypochondriasis. 1 If, as a conscious 
 disciple of Nietzsche's or as an unconscious worshipper 
 of the Will to Live or the Will to Power, he thinks 
 that he has discovered in himself the elements which 
 produced a Csesar, a Napoleon, or a Wagner, he 
 
 1 George Meredith's great satire of The Egoist, and Mr. Maxwell's 
 novel In Cotton Wool, illustrate forcibly this pathological development ; 
 whilst dealing with widely different characters and productive of 
 different results.
 
 THE EGOIST 229 
 
 becomes one of that numerous breed of malignant 
 social cripples who generally bring disaster upon them- 
 selves. They also produce discord and unhappiness 
 in all their relations of human life, because they 
 think that all things and the wills and interests of all 
 their fellow-men ought justly to be subordinated to 
 the advancement of their own little selves or the great 
 causes with which they have, by a fond, though none 
 the less grotesque, illusion identified their own lives 
 and their own interests. Besides this pronounced 
 and sometimes pathological development of the 
 egoist, who has not learnt by earlier and by con- 
 tinuous practice in duties from which he cannot 
 escape, to curb his will and his instincts in all the 
 nice shadings of altruistic action, the experienced 
 observer of life must realise the loss incurred for 
 such moral training without the institution of 
 marriage and of the family. He may often observe 
 that amongst his unmarried acquaintances, the 
 typical " old bachelor " and " old maid," and even 
 in the happily married childless couples who have 
 developed a strong, though limited, affection for one 
 another, the paucity in opportunities for continuous 
 practice in actual unselfish discipline which family 
 life affords, not only diminishes their adaptability and 
 needs, of pliancy to meet the needs, even impersonal 
 daily activity in complex social life, but also, in so far, 
 weakens their general power of complete self-detach- 
 ment in any given task, and is likely to accentuate 
 abnormal personal idiosyncrasy, if not eccentricity. 
 
 Quite apart from the great question of sexual love Love the 
 and its rational and social regulation upon which I ^^ n 
 do not wish to enter here the justification, nay, the man and 
 essential necessity, of the institution of the family and na e * 
 of marriage are entirely established by this aspect of 
 ultimate social ethics, both as regards the normal 
 development of the individual man as such, as well
 
 230 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 as the best development of social groups and society 
 as a whole. The great Eros (love in its widest accep- 
 tation) which is and will ever remain the centrifugal 
 or emotional force in humanity and in the world, is 
 actually and continuously developed and strength- 
 ened, if not produced, by conditions which are pri- 
 marily found in filial relations and in the family. 
 This central power of the soul strengthens the 
 emotionality of man in an altruistic direction, or at 
 least controls the directly selfish impulses ; and this 
 growth and power of love, this increase of cardiac 
 vitality and passion, make a man capable of doing 
 great things and of ultimately becoming a superman 
 or a,t least of contributing to his development. The 
 superman is above all the man with the biggest heart, 
 the strongest capacity for loving, and the greatest 
 power of controlling his forceful and pliant affections 
 in any direction which his reason and its ultimate 
 ideals may dictate. This love is, if not the only 
 factor, certainly one of the essential ones in the 
 development of a great human being. Trained and 
 strengthened in the family and concentrated in 
 personal and individual affection, it rises beyond 
 these to embrace further spheres, extending beyond 
 the community to the wider country in the form of 
 patriotism, and beyond this to the love of man as 
 such, the love of humanity which, above all other 
 powers, makes man a true human being. 
 in es- It is especially in two aspects that Christianity 
 
 the^en" 8 supplements Judaism and marks an ethical advance, 
 trai ideas an upward step, towards the ultimate ideals of the 
 andhu- human species. Beyond the sense of justice and of 
 manity duty, the central teaching of Christ and the very 
 anity " spirit of Christianity in its purest and noblest form 
 
 supple- i s this all-pervading spirit of love. And, together 
 
 Judaism, with the duty towards God and family and nation 
 
 and the love of them, the spirit of Christ's teaching
 
 CHRISTIAN LOVE 231 
 
 impresses the whole of mankind and spurns the 
 narrower limits of racial preference. It is no doubt 
 untrue and unfair to Judaism to maintain, or even 
 to imagine, that its teaching did not inculcate love 
 and pity, and that it excluded from the purview of 
 our duties and our feelings "the stranger within 
 our gates" or even beyond our gates. Hillel may 
 have anticipated the golden rule of " doing unto 
 others as we would they should unto us," and many 
 passages may be found in Jewish moral teachings 
 which distinctly imply that our feelings and duties 
 are not to be bounded by the family or the race. 
 But there cannot be any doubt that, in this natural 
 process of ethical evolution, Mosaic ethics were 
 supplemented and advanced by the clear and emphatic 
 insistence upon the love of man, upon pity and 
 sympathy with him, and that the conception of 
 this relation to man was widened far beyond the 
 bounds of race and even included the enemies of 
 the Jewish people, and the enemy of the individual 
 also. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that, 
 however much may be said of the social and ethical 
 attitude of the Jewish people as extending beyond 
 their racial limitation, in the eyes of their God, as 
 well as in their popular beliefs, some preferential posi- 
 tion was assigned to the people of Israel ; and that 
 in so far this racial or nationalistic attitude counter- 
 acted the wider ideals of human love contained in 
 Christ's teaching. The true teachings of Christ will 
 always thus be identified with the opposition to the 
 limitations imposed by race or nationality upon man's 
 duties towards mankind and his affection for man as 
 his brother. 1 
 
 1 It is one of the ironies of history, one of the many historical 
 absurdities in human profession as contrasted with human action, that 
 during the controversies and passions grouping round the Dreyfus 
 case in France a more isolated and attenuated instance of so-called 
 Christian persecution of their fellow-men of the race which produced
 
 232 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 TheSer- No part of Christ's teaching conveys more clearly 
 mon on anc j more definitely and with the true ring of authen- 
 Mount. ticity this great moral achievement, than the Sermon 
 on the Mount. Whatever the results of modern 
 Biblical criticism may be as to the direct author- 
 ship of this sermon, its date and composition and 
 relation to the other parts of the New Testament 
 and the degree of its authenticity, the fact remains : 
 that this Sermon on the Mount will ever stand forth 
 as a great monument in the ethical and religious 
 teaching of mankind. It definitely marks the great 
 step in ethical development, in the recognition of love 
 and charity, not only as a ruling principle in the 
 relations of man to man, but also as a power within 
 man which advances him in his perfectibility and 
 without which no ideal of a human being can be 
 conceived. 
 
 The Ser- It is thus this central doctrine of love with which 
 ^ n ' the Sermon on the Mount is intended to supplement 
 Mount the Mosaic commandments ; but, at the same time, 
 stiousiy it must be beyond all doubt to any fair-minded 
 meant to student of that sermon, that it is consciously directed 
 advance in opposition to the process of formalisation which 
 in ethical took the life and spirit out of the old-established 
 
 1 6 '1C 111 II 2* 
 
 moral laws and which no longer responded to the 
 new needs created by the advance of the later 
 generations and the newer conditions of life. It 
 emphatically implies the insufficiency of the earlier 
 
 Christ the anti-Dreyfusards, representing the claims and interests 
 of the Church,' should have summarised their chief antagonism against 
 the Jews by the term of opprobrium sans-patries. Christ Himself 
 was the greatest of all sans-patries in respect of urging the claims of a 
 wider humanity ; while, on the other hand, it can be noted even in 
 the present war in spite of the attempted disingenuous identification 
 of international finance with the whole Jewish race that, fighting 
 with patriotic zeal in every one of the opposing armies, and often pro- 
 tagonists in urging the political claims of each of the several contending 
 nations, Jews are foremost in patriotic ardour.
 
 ADVANCE IN MORALS 233 
 
 moral code to respond to all these new conditions. 
 Even in Christ's time many of these moral command- 
 ments had passed into what we call law, and could 
 be taken for granted. Mere conformity to them was 
 not enough to elevate the moral standards of the 
 individual and to comply with the social needs of 
 the community. Christ did not mean to destroy 
 these accepted laws, but to develop them still further. 
 " Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or 
 the prophets : I am not come to destroy, but to fulfil." 
 On the other hand, the mere formal compliance with 
 the old laws was not enough. It could only satisfy 
 the formalists whom He called Scribes and Pharisees. 
 " For I say unto you, that except your righteousness 
 shall exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and 
 Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom 
 of heaven." " Thou shalt not kill " was not enough 
 to counteract the evil in the social feelings of man 
 to man ; He enjoined that we must go deeper down 
 into our feelings towards our fellow-men for the 
 seat of the evil, and we must not kill their self-respect 
 or wound their feelings. " Ye have heard that it was 
 said by them of old time, Thou shalt not kill ; and 
 whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the judg- 
 ment ; but I say unto you, that whosoever is angry 
 with his brother without a cause shall be in danger 
 of the judgment : and whosoever shall say to his 
 brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the council : 
 but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger 
 of hell fire." So, too, the Seventh Commandment 
 did not adequately respond to the higher moral con- 
 sciousness : " Ye have heard that it was said by them 
 of old time, Thou shalt not commit adultery; but, 
 I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman 
 to lust after her hath committed adultery with her 
 already in his heart." And thus what was merely 
 recognised as illegal is carried still further into the
 
 234 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 ethical sphere of the motive which leads to the 
 illegal deed. 
 
 Moral in- He carries this moral inwardness, this further 
 wardness. re fi nemen t anc j development of the moral sense, 
 still deeper when he definitely condemns the formalism 
 in those who merely clung to restricted and outwardly 
 manifest laws and did not respond to the higher 
 ethical needs. " Take heed that ye do not your 
 alms before men, to be seen of them : otherwise ye 
 have no reward of your Father which is in heaven. 
 Therefore, when thou doest thine alms, do not sound 
 a trumpet before thee, as the hypocrites do in the 
 synagogues and in the streets, that they may have 
 glory of men. But when thou doest alms, let not 
 thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth. . . . 
 And when thou prayest, thou shalt not be as the 
 hypocrites are : for they love to pray standing in 
 the synagogues and in the corners of the streets, 
 that they may be seen of men. . . . But thou, when 
 thou prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou 
 hast shut thy door, pray to thy Father. ..." 
 The But, above all, He wishes to oppose whatever forces 
 
 love^su- ma y counteract the positive love of one's fellow-men, 
 preme. These forces are the spirit of enmity and the spirit 
 of hate and vengeance. This is impressed with the 
 greatest strength, far beyond the confines of mere 
 justice. Justice is, if not superseded by love, sup- 
 plemented as far as man's heart goes by love which 
 is to rule there. " Judge not, that ye be not judged." 
 And there is added to it the beautiful warning against 
 selfishness which distorts the truthful judgment of 
 other claims, in the " beholding of the mote that is 
 in thy brother's eye, but considerest not the beam 
 that is in thine own eye ? " Justice can in no way 
 destroy the spirit and the demand of human love : 
 " An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth " cannot 
 destroy the claims of charity : and there follow the
 
 CATHOLICITY 235 
 
 sublime words that " whosoever shall smite thee on 
 thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. And if 
 any man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy 
 coat, let him have thy cloak also." 
 
 He combats chiefly the spirit of hate and venge- The ex- 
 fulness : and the spirit of love is not to be confined the^pirit 
 to your neighbour, but is to be extended even to your of love to 
 enemies : "Ye have heard that it hath been said, J? n even 
 Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy, to the 
 But I say unto you, love your enemies, bless them el 
 that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and 
 pray for them which despitefully use you, and perse- 
 cute you." 
 
 The purity and inwardness of His moral teaching is 
 shown in His opposition to mere outward semblance 
 and conformity. " Moreover, when ye fast, be not 
 as the hypocrites, of a sad countenance : for they 
 disfigure their faces, that they may appear unto 
 men to fast. . . . But thou, when thou fastest, 
 anoint thine head, and wash thy face ; that thou 
 appear not unto men to fast. ..." 
 
 Throughout this exalted Sermon, which establishes The Ser- 
 for all time the dominant position of love as the? 10 ^ 111 ' 
 chief factor in human relationship and in ethics, there by the 
 is also established for man the ideal of inner moral fto ga ~ 
 purity irrespective of outer manifestation and recog- whom it 
 nition. But, at the same time, we must recognise 
 
 as has before this been recognised by so many The poor 
 impartial critics that the sermon is essentially mee k. 
 modified, if not directly and completely evoked by, 
 the character of the audience whom Christ is address- 
 ing : and by the satisfaction of that very impulse 
 of charity in Him to comfort and console those fellow- 
 beings so much in need of comfort and consolation, 
 the poor and the suffering. It is these whom He wishes 
 to uplift. To this impulse are to be ascribed the 
 opening paragraphs not only meant to console, but
 
 236 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 even to exalt the position of those who are bowed down 
 and whose worldly fate is that of the unfavoured by 
 fortune : 
 
 " Blessed are the poor in spirit : for theirs is the 
 kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they that mourn : 
 for they shall be comforted. 
 
 " Blessed are the meek : for they shall inherit the 
 earth. 
 
 " Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after 
 righteousness : for they shall be filled. 
 
 " Blessed are the merciful : for they shall obtain 
 mercy. 
 
 " Blessed are the pure in heart : for they shall see 
 God. 
 
 " Blessed are the peacemakers : for they shall be 
 called the children of God. 
 
 " Blessed are they which are persecuted for right- 
 eousness' sake : for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 " Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and 
 persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil 
 against you falsely, for my sake. 
 
 " Rejoice, and be exceeding glad : for great is your 
 reward in heaven : for so persecuted they the prophets 
 which were before you. 
 
 " Ye are the salt of the earth : but if the salt have 
 lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted ? It is 
 thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and 
 to be trodden under foot of men. 
 
 " Ye are the light of the world. A city that is set 
 on an hill cannot be hid." 
 
 The kingdom of heaven is to belong to those who 
 are poor both in material wealth and in spirit, not 
 to the mighty and the prosperous and the leaders of 
 intelligence. 
 
 In His enthusiasm for the lowly life and His 
 opposition to worldly prosperity, power and riches, 
 He is carried away to make a positive virtue of the 
 life which does not bring these ; and His injunction
 
 OPPOSITION TO WEALTH AND POWER 237 
 
 is that one should spurn all efforts which lead to such opposi- 
 prosperity and success, invoking as an example the tlonto 
 life of nature and the organic beings devoid of intelli- perity. 
 
 gence, imagination, forethought, and after-thought. 
 It is the longing of the romanticists driven by oppo- strength, 
 sition to the degeneracy of the dominant forms of the * 
 civilisation in their age to the cry of " Back to nature " qualities 
 and to the simplicity, even unintelligence, of such 
 natural life : 
 
 " Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, 
 where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves 
 break through and steal : 
 
 " But lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, 
 where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where 
 thieves do not break through nor steal : 
 
 " For where your treasure is, there will your heart 
 be also. 
 
 " The light of the body is the eye : if therefore 
 thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full of 
 light. 
 
 " But if thine eye be evil, thy whole body shall be 
 full of darkness. If therefore the light that is in thee 
 be darkness, how great is that darkness ! 
 
 "No man can serve two masters : for either he 
 will hate the one, and love the other ; or else he will 
 hold to the one, and despise the other. Ye cannot 
 serve God and mammon. 
 
 " Therefore I say unto you, take no thought for 
 your life, what ye shall eat, or what ye shall drink : 
 nor yet for your body, what ye shall put on. Is not 
 the life more than meat, and the body than raiment ? 
 
 " Behold the fowls of the air : for they sow not, 
 neither do they reap, nor gather into barns, yet your 
 heavenly Father feedeth them. Are ye not much 
 better than they ? 
 
 " Which of you by taking thought can add one 
 cubit unto his stature ? 
 
 " And why take ye thought for raiment ? Consider 
 the lilies of the field, how they grow : they toil not, 
 neither do they spin :
 
 238 THE TEACHING OF CHRIST 
 
 " And yet I say unto you, that even Solomon 
 in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. 
 
 " Wherefore, if God so clothed the grass of the 
 field, which to-day is, and to-morrow is cast into 
 the oven, shall He not much more clothe you, O ye of 
 little faith? 
 
 " Therefore take no thought, saying, what shall 
 we eat ? or, What shall we drink ? or, Wherewithal 
 shall we be clothed ? 
 
 " For after all these things do the Gentiles seek : 
 for your heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need 
 of all these things. 
 
 " But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and His 
 righteousness ; and all these things shall be added 
 unto you. 
 
 " Take therefore no thought for the morrow : for 
 the morrow shall take thought for the things of itself. 
 Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof."
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION IMPLIED IN THE 
 TEACHING OF CHRIST. PLATO 
 
 IT is clear that this position in social ethics is directly At vari- 
 at variance with the moral consciousness of our own ^[ern th 
 age and of almost all the ages representing higher ethics, 
 civilisation in the past. For, whether we believe iripeSnce, 
 the right of property or not, whether we admit the industry, 
 doctrine of absolute socialism and collectivism or of ^ e soc i a i 
 unalloyed individualism and laissez faire, the econo- virtues - 
 mical standards obtaining in the world and the 
 conception of labour which we hold is that they pro- 
 duce the common measure of value in the form of 
 wealth individually or collectively ; and that such 
 labour and such effort cannot be considered bad, 
 and must be recognised by the approval of society 
 and the corresponding reward which they receive. 
 From every point of view it must be admitted that 
 competence, industry, and thrift are social, as well 
 as individual virtues. And though society must 
 guard against the abuses of certain immoral and un- 
 just developments in definite directions, it must 
 equally recognise the virtue of competence, industry, 
 thrift, and forethought. At all events, it cannot extol 
 those qualities in man and the results arising out of 
 them which would directly produce their contraries. 
 
 It is against this aspect of Christian ethics that so 
 
 many thinkers and writers have protested, and that, 
 
 in the most violent and uncompromising form, 
 
 Nietzsche has hurled his powerful rhetoric and fiery 
 
 1 8 2 39
 
 240 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION 
 
 invective. The glorification of the incompetent and 
 of the mentally deficient, leading to the survival of 
 the unfittest, has led him to maintain that Chris- 
 tianity had produced the morals for slaves. Still 
 more is this the case in the attitude which in other 
 The cult parts of the New Testament, and as a leading feature 
 body 6 f Christian ethics, is maintained towards the physical 
 life of man, the cult of the body, the natural instinct 
 towards physical self-preservation. Not only Nietz- 
 sche, but the common consciousness of modern man, 
 revolts against the degradation of the body, and up- 
 holds its rights and claims to intelligent cultivation ; 
 they almost establish the sanctity of the body. The 
 natural instincts are in themselves not bad, but 
 good ; their claims are just, provided they are main- 
 tained in due and moral organic proportion. No 
 instinct is of itself bad, as no earth is unclean ; it 
 only becomes dirt when " out of place." Instincts 
 must be controlled and must even be repressed in 
 accordance with the claims of other instincts, in- 
 stincts social and moral. In so far the eugenistic 
 movement is highly moral ; and we are all endeavour- 
 ing to combat physical degeneration. However 
 sincere and fervid our sympathies and our consequent 
 actions in various directions with regard to the mass 
 of the people, " the labouring classes," the " prole- 
 tariat," may be, it is definitely directed towards the 
 betterment of their condition ; and this betterment 
 implies that we recognise and strive for the best for 
 man, individual and collective. No champion of 
 the " proletariat " would venture to draw the logical 
 conclusion of the exaltation of the conditions of life 
 which have produced the lowly, the miserable, and 
 degraded type of individual out of which it is com- 
 posed, and would maintain that the weak, inefficient, 
 and unrefined are higher and better than the strong, 
 the powerful, the intellectually and morally refined.
 
 CHRIST'S REFORM IMPLIES FUTURE REFORMS 241 
 
 Christ's Sermon on the Mount and His other teach- Christ's 
 ings were evoked to meet the formalised abuses ofjj^ 
 inefficient moral standards prevailing in His day, aimedata 
 and of consoling and uplifting those who were bowed tS^and 
 down by unjust social conditions and by adversity, natural 
 And the justification and eternal fitness of such af n ac e 
 divine impulse was the spirit of true humanity. of co . rdance 
 
 , it. i i TT i , with the 
 
 love and charity, which He has brought into the new re- 
 moral consciousness of man as an essential element <i uire - 
 
 ments of 
 
 of His humanness for all times. Marking, as it does, His age. 
 an advance in ethical evolution over the older moral JheTame 5 
 code of Moses, it confirms the unquestionable belief need of 
 
 in us, that the evolution of man would be retarded 
 
 or directly thwarted if later ages, with essentially a es - 
 different social conditions, needs and aspirations, 
 grounded upon centuries of varying physical con- 
 ditions and of civilisation, did not require supple- 
 menting and modification in order adequately to 
 respond to the ethical needs of society. It still further 
 impresses upon us the conviction, by the very influence 
 which for so many centuries Christ's teaching has 
 exercised upon the world, of the need, the absolute 
 necessity, for the clear and adequate and effective 
 formulation of the moral standards for successive 
 ages, so that each age should become clearly conscious 
 of its own ethical forces, and, allowing them by con- 
 scious interaction to penetrate effectively the conduct 
 of individual and collective human life, to prepare 
 each periodic group in this social evolution for the 
 progressive establishment of ethical conceptions which 
 would favour the advance of civilisation and make 
 of future man and of future society what to their 
 predecessors would have appeared as the superman 
 and the society of supermen. 
 
 But the adequate expression of the moral conscious- 
 ness of an age or a people will, from the very nature 
 of the task, always be most difficult of realisation.
 
 242 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION 
 
 Difficul- To the difficulties of clear apprehension of an in- 
 Sear 11 the tellectual world so delicate and complex, and still 
 formula- more of clear and convincing expression by means 
 newmorai ^ language must not be added the difficulties inherent 
 code. in a code destined for people of entirely different 
 be bound origin, living under physical conditions so varied from 
 by the O ur own, and representing social and intellectual life so 
 andian- y far removed from that of later ages. Moreover their 
 guageof immediate dependence upon, and interpenetration 
 
 previous ..... . . ... 
 
 ages. with, religious conceptions and doctrines to which, 
 in their actual form and in the true meaning which 
 they had for these alien people of bygone days, so 
 many of us cannot subscribe and which we even 
 disbelieve, make the task still more difficult. The 
 expression of the moral consciousness in the highly 
 complex conditions of modern life, and the difficulty 
 of its just and ready application to the infinitely 
 multiform needs of daily routine, present of them- 
 selves so arduous and elusive a task that a trans- 
 lation into less familiar regions of thought essentially 
 counteracts their effectiveness. Such a clear codi- 
 fication of the ethical consciousness of each age 
 cannot therefore be achieved by translation into the 
 mystical language of bygone ages or thoughts. It 
 must in every moment be tested by the actualities 
 of life ; as its own recognition and establishment 
 must arise out of the most thorough, unbiassed, and 
 concentrated study of the actual conditions of such 
 life. In so far it must be absolutely rational : it 
 must be based on empirical induction, strengthened 
 by the test of logic ; and cannot be directly sub- 
 ordinated to the mystical, and often illogical, con- 
 ditions of purely religious doctrine. Moreover, as 
 I maintained before, the practical, sober, almost 
 opportunistic, nature of such social laws, when 
 interfused with our higher religious aspirations and 
 our material daily wants and activities can only
 
 FATALISTIC AND CONSCIOUS EVOLUTION 243 
 
 tend to rob the religious consciousness and life of 
 its essentially emotional and its mystically super- 
 natural elements, which are inseparable from the 
 truly religious spirit. Nor must such clear and 
 universally convincing expression of the moral con- 
 sciousness of each age be put in the literary form 
 of involved and suggestive maxims. Such vaguer 
 generalisations, capable of varied interpretation, as 
 is given by the oriental garb in which Nietzsche has 
 transferred his principles of individual and social 
 ethics to the lips of Zarathustra, rob his moral teach- 
 ing of practical effectiveness. 
 
 The first task in this great ethical need of ours The es- 
 is the establishment of the true facts and data of^ ent s " f 
 life, individual and collective, out of which the the facts 
 ethical consciousness of the age grows and to the of modern 
 
 needs of which it is to respond. The historical 
 
 , . , , . . . , basis for 
 
 inductive methods, carried on in their purity and ethics. 
 severity, are to establish the facts of social evolution 
 and the moral needs which it involves for man to 
 produce a harmonious adaptation of his life to the 
 physical and social conditions in which he lives. 
 But, having recognised this evolution, his ethical 
 task does not end there ; he must not be a slave to 
 Fatalistic Evolutionism, which cannot apply to the 
 intelligent world, to the ethical and social needs of 
 the "social animal." He must establish Conscious Conscious 
 Evolution, and must crown his sober, and yet noble, monism 
 induction by the application of his deductive faculties, induc- 
 his ideal imagination. Here lies the domain, the 
 powerful and just domain, of man's imagination, tion - 
 which, whatever evidence the eminently successful 
 inquiries of the great biologists in our age may have 
 established, remains the distinctive power differen- 
 tiating man from the rest of the organic world, animal 
 and vegetable. 
 
 Our sober and conscientious induction establishes
 
 244 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION 
 
 Actual the facts with regard to our actions and their motives 
 hfe n ' an d their relation to human society and its needs ; 
 The ideal O ur imagination shows us for every act and its motive 
 
 1113,11 cLllCl j i f . 
 
 life. an ideal of perfection. Even for every unfulfilled 
 desire, the realisation of which has never been at- 
 tempted, and even for those which reason consciously 
 or subconsciously tells us cannot be realised or 
 attempted, there is, by implication, an apprehension 
 of the potential or possible realisation of such desires 
 in a world unlimited by the incompleteness of hu- 
 man power. The absurd impulse to transplant our- 
 selves across the ocean in one moment nay, to 
 span the globe which an unfettered imagination 
 may suggest, is at once checked and removed from 
 the sphere of possible desires by rational man. But 
 the possibilities of such perfect and unlimited power 
 must be present to the imagination of man, though 
 he at once realises, by the habitual consciousness of 
 his own limited organism, that it is not within his 
 grasp. It exists in his imagination as an idea. This 
 imagination is regulated and limited though never 
 extirpated by reason and logic. Every act thus 
 has its ideal ; and the collective acts emanating from 
 one conscious centre which we call a personality, 
 or an individual, have their ideal in the perfect man. 
 Still further, each social group of such individuals, 
 leading us up to the State and to humanity as a 
 whole, each have their ideal ; until we come to the 
 universe and to God, in which the imagination out- 
 strips more and more our inductive faculty, which 
 already, through the highest physical and mathe- 
 matical speculation, transcends the empirical and 
 rises to pure metaphysics and ends in religion. 
 Darwin The highest expression of induction and of this 
 Sato imagination are the intellectual achievements of man 
 which we call science and art. They represent our 
 imagination led by the logical and aesthetic faculties ;
 
 PLATO AND DARWIN 245 
 
 and these together, when turned to the life of man, 
 lead to ethics and establish the laws of conduct. The 
 scientific side of ethics leads to the adaptation of 
 the human organism to the surrounding conditions 
 of nature and the inter-relation of man in his social 
 and political organisation ; the aesthetic side of 
 ethics enables him to realise and to project before 
 his consciousness the most perfect image for man's 
 activities on the basis of logic and truth with which 
 science has provided him. To use two personal 
 types from the actual history of past thought : the 
 principle upon which the adequate and efficient 
 codification of ethics should be based to meet the 
 needs of our present life and to fulfil the hopes of 
 future progressive generations (while never discarding, 
 but emphatically embodying, the lasting principles 
 of Mosaic and Christian ethics) is to be the mental 
 fusion of Darwin and Plato. Mere induction, fatal- . 
 istic evolutionism, as applied to man's conscious life, 
 can never lead us to a true ethical code. Pure 
 idealism, even when based upon the highest religion 
 nay, because of its very transcendental character 
 cannot respond to the actual needs of terrestrial 
 life and human society, and cannot control the potent 
 currents of man's instincts and passions, nor even 
 the instincts and passions of wider social groups and 
 of political bodies. 
 
 It is, therefore, that, besides Moses and Christ, I Platonic 
 have added the third great mental type in the history ldeahsm - 
 of human thought, namely, Plato. I do not propose 
 to enter into the minute problems of Plato's theory 
 of Ideas, nor is this essential to my purpose. Nor 
 do I wish to inquire into the fact of how far Plato 
 himself, or his followers, recognised the objective, 
 almost material existence, of such ideas. The whole 
 mediaeval question of Nominalism and Realism does 
 not affect us. Whether the ideas have an actual
 
 246 THE NEED FOR ETHICAL EVOLUTION 
 
 " objective " existence or not, Plato's philosophy 
 has confirmed for all times their actual existence in 
 the human mind. It is with the effect (as their 
 conscious realisation in our mind), which such ideas 
 and ideals have in regulating our thoughts and our 
 actions, that we are here concerned. These thoughts 
 and actions, however, are based upon saturated 
 with the inductive realisation of the facts of human 
 life, as scientific and historical experience convey 
 them to us. Evolution made conscious is to become 
 a force directing mankind in its ethical progress to- 
 wards a more perfect state, both as regards individual 
 man and human society. Plato, for us, thus means 
 Rational and Practical Idealism, neither retrospective 
 nor mystical, neither romantic nor Utopian, but 
 idealism all the same, which will safeguard the 
 progress of mankind.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 PLATONIC IDEALISM APPLIED TO ETHICAL EVOLUTION. 
 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 BEFORE attempting to indicate the general outline 
 and character which the codification of our ethical 
 system will require, I should like to premise two 
 isolated instances and experiences, the direct applic- 
 ability of which to the main question before us may 
 not be so evident, but of which in due course I shall 
 illustrate the bearings. 
 
 The second instance I wish to premise has a very Episo- 
 different, if not almost the opposite bearing to the first, stance"" 
 The first instance is meant to show the possibilities, jiiustrat- 
 by means of the creation of favourable material con- gduca- 
 ditions and of direct education, of the moral and b ^*y of 
 intellectual improvement to which the less favoured masses, 
 classes, including even the unskilled and illiterate 
 labourer may attain. I can vouch for the absolute 
 truth of this statement, free from all exaggeration, 
 from personal experience. 
 
 The Gilchrist Educational Trust has for many 
 years provided lectures for the labouring classes of 
 Great Britain and Ireland which, by intelligent and 
 careful management on the part of the trustees and 
 secretaries, have won for themselves a popularity 
 which ensures for every Gilchrist lecturer in every 
 part of the United Kingdom huge audiences. They 
 consist almost exclusively of working men and 
 women, the average attendance being about 15 per 
 
 247
 
 248 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 cent, of the inhabitants of every town or village where 
 these lectures are held. The lowest number of 
 attendants that I can remember would be between 
 four and five hundred : while a single lecturer has 
 often had as many as five thousand. The lectures 
 are held in the largest room available, from the drill 
 halls and exhibition halls to the crowded schoolrooms, 
 or, where no such public places are to be found, in 
 chapels. The entrance fee is one penny per lecture, 
 and not infrequently the tickets are sold out at once 
 and admittance has had to be refused to large numbers. 
 These audiences consist of miners, mill-hands, and 
 factory-hands in the various industrial districts, 
 from Scotland to Land's End, from the west to the 
 east coast, and have also included fishermen and 
 agricultural labourers from fishing villages and 
 agricultural districts, in which the same eagerness 
 to learn has shown itself. Moreover, this desire is 
 seen most markedly in the fact that, whereas every 
 lecturer of experience will admit that the attention 
 of the more highly educated audiences elsewhere can 
 hardly be held for more than an hour, these Gilchrist 
 audiences are not satisfied with less than one hour 
 and a quarter, and will often willingly sit through 
 a longer period. The absolute stillness and the keen 
 responsiveness of these men and women are most 
 remarkable and exceptional. The Gilchrist lecturers 
 are not of the type of the popular lecturer, but are 
 generally themselves leading authorities and specialists 
 in their own subject. The most successful Gilchrist 
 lecturers have been men like Huxley and Sir Robert 
 Ball. Not only science in all its branches has thus 
 been brought before these large audiences of labouring 
 men, but they have even been introduced into the 
 higher realms of literature and art. It is an un- 
 deniable fact that thousands of these roughest 
 colliers and miners, sitting in rapt attention, often
 
 EDUCABILITY OF THE MASSES 249 
 
 with their caps on, for well over an hour, have been 
 made to appreciate not only history and poetry 
 even the poetry of Robert Browning properly read 
 and explained to them but also the sublime beauty 
 of Greek art more than two thousand years old, 
 presented to them in lantern illustrations by the 
 fragmentary remains of the Parthenon sculptures ; 
 and this interest and appreciation have been sincere 
 and lasting. That it has been possible to lead men, 
 with but scanty preparation in elementary education, 
 whose usual form of relaxation and amusement, 
 when not confined to the public-house, has been a 
 fight between bull terriers, to appreciate the highest 
 forms of art, which are generally supposed to be the 
 exclusive birthright of the most highly educated 
 portion of the community, furnishes undeniable 
 encouragement to those who believe in the power 
 of social legislation and such forms of education which 
 tend to the advancement of the moral, intellectual, 
 and artistic side of human nature. 
 
 The second incident, the bearing of which, as will Episo- 
 perhaps readily be seen, is upon the general question ^^ n " 
 of social improvement for the great mass of the iiiustrat- 
 people, concerns the fundamental point of view J-entraf 
 in which this question of betterment is opposed, view of 
 with exaggerated emphasis, to the prevailing attitude evoiu- U 
 held chiefly by the professed socialists and by those tionin 
 who publicly or privately are concerned in the work and of 
 
 of social reform. I here give it in the words of the 
 
 cratic 
 
 narrator himself : demo- 
 
 cracy in 
 
 " Though suffering from a temporary breakdown po 
 in health, I had promised the organisers of the Summer 
 Extension Meeting in my University to give the 
 opening address in one section of their courses of 
 lectures. They were all addressed to widely varied 
 audiences of students from all over England, as 
 well as from foreign countries, who flocked to these
 
 250 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 centres to acquire some of the learning which a 
 University can give them. My condition in accepting 
 the invitation to open the course of lectures was, 
 that I would do this if I was at the time within two 
 hundred miles, and only in case an eminent colleague 
 of mine, the late Sir Richard Jebb, was unable to do 
 so. It turned out that my colleague was thus 
 prevented. I, on the other hand, after a rest-cure 
 in the Black Forest, was completing my further cure 
 at one of the other German watering-places several 
 hundred miles distant from my University. Never- 
 theless, I decided to fulfil my promise, to interrupt 
 my cure, to travel direct to England, deliver the 
 lecture, and to return to Germany to continue my 
 cure the very next day. 
 
 " I had settled myself comfortably in a first-class 
 carriage which, moreover, I fortunately found empty, 
 with sufficient reading material and every other 
 comfort, when, on arriving at Cologne, I found the 
 railway station crowded with people all anxious 
 to enter the express bound for England. The 
 numbers were so great that second and even first 
 class carriages had to be filled with many third-class 
 passengers. There rushed into my compartment 
 five men with much hand luggage, who filled every 
 available seat and who at once began noisily to take 
 possession of the carriage, and not only ostentatiously 
 made themselves at home in every way but pro- 
 ceeded to eat and drink in a manner which was far 
 from attractive. A coarse-faced German of the 
 aggressive half Teuton, half Slav type of labouring 
 men, flat-faced and brutal in features, took out his 
 sausage and cheese, cut them into largish squares 
 with his clasp-knife, and ate with ostentatious 
 appetite. Though I endeavoured not to show my 
 displeasure at this incursion upon my comfort, I soon 
 felt, emanating from my five fellow-travellers, an 
 atmosphere of antagonism to me, which was made 
 still more noticeable by their remarks in German, a 
 language which they evidently thought I did not 
 understand. 
 
 " I soon discovered that they were delegates to
 
 ARISTODEMOCRACY 251 
 
 the Great Socialist Congress about to be held in 
 London, and it was equally clear that they looked 
 upon me as a blatant and luxurious bourgeois, if 
 not capitalistic aristocrat, the embodied representa- 
 tive of all the principles which they held in odium 
 and the personal type most antagonistic to them- 
 selves. It was also manifest that they rather enjoyed 
 my discomfiture. But the conversation grew more 
 and more interesting, especially owing to the part 
 taken by one member of the party, whose physiog- 
 nomy and manner, as well as the acuteness of thought 
 and wide range of knowledge displayed in well-chosen 
 and beautiful German, were in strong contrast to 
 the remarks of his companions. He was sallow-faced 
 and had dark hair, with a well-cut, thin aquiline nose, 
 and luminous dark eyes the superior and refined 
 Semitic type, strongly contrasted to the more vulgar 
 Teutonic and Slav type of the others. As I after- 
 wards learnt, he was one of the leading socialist 
 delegates from Saxony. 
 
 " As the conversation continued, an irrepressible 
 desire arose in me to take part in it incidentally to 
 correct their misapprehension as to my own nature 
 and principles, and to punish them for the injustice 
 they had done to me, and through me to my kind, 
 and finally, perhaps, to do some good through these 
 leaders of socialist thought, by correcting some of 
 their views. Still more there arose in me a certain 
 humorous and paradoxical mood, perhaps not entirely 
 free from a sense of superiority and mastery in the 
 very sphere which they professed as exclusively their 
 own. This mood was in some respects akin to the 
 irony of Mephistopheles when dealing with the 
 school- boy. 
 
 " When at last the opportunity offered itself in the 
 course of the discussion, I cut in with exaggerated 
 quiet and simplicity of manner, apologising for my 
 intrusion, and, in the course of my remarks, lightly 
 threw in with unaltered naturalness and simplicity : 
 1 As my late friend Karl Marx often said . . .' The 
 effect was most startling, as if a bomb-shell had 
 exploded amongst them. They all eagerly turned to
 
 252 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 me and shouted : ' What, you knew Karl Marx ? 
 And he was a friend of yours ? ' I answered in the 
 same quiet tone, unmoved by their almost passionate 
 eagerness : ' Oh yes, even a Dutz-freund ' (an intimate 
 friend to whom in Germany one says ' thou ' instead 
 of 'you '). 
 
 " I must here explain that in my young days, 
 when I was little more than a boy, about 1877, tne 
 eminent Russian legal and political writer, since 
 become a prominent member of the Duma, Professor 
 Kovalevsky, whom I had met at one of G. H. Lewes 
 and George Eliot's Sunday afternoon parties in 
 London, had introduced me to Karl Marx, then living 
 in Hampstead. I had seen very much of this founder 
 of modern theoretic socialism, as well as of his most 
 refined wife (nee von Westphal) ; and, though he 
 had never succeeded in persuading me to adopt 
 socialist views, we often discussed the most varied 
 topics of politics, science, literature, and art. Besides 
 learning much from this great man, who was a mine 
 of deep and accurate knowledge in every sphere, I 
 learnt to hold him in high respect and to love the 
 purity, gentleness, and refinement of his big heart. 
 He seemed to find so much pleasure in the mere fresh- 
 ness of my youthful enthusiasm and took so great an 
 interest in my own life and welfare, that one day he 
 proposed that we should become Dutz-freunde , and 
 I still possess one of his photographs on which he has 
 thus addressed me. 
 
 " But the effect of this revelation upon these wor- 
 shippers of Karl Marx was so intense and instan- 
 taneous that, from that moment, they hung upon my 
 lips and showed humble regard and keen interest. 
 The conversation grew more and more interesting, 
 and I was especially attracted by the personality of 
 the Saxon deputy, towards whom, do what I would 
 to include the others, my own conversation was 
 chiefly addressed. 
 
 " Before we parted, however, I decided to have 
 the main question out in a most direct and personal 
 form. I then openly returned to the incidents of 
 our trip from the moment they had entered the
 
 ARISTODEMOCRACY 253 
 
 carriage and charged them with having assumed 
 that I was their natural enemy, was no friend of the 
 people, and that they had monopolised all the love 
 for mankind and the sympathy with human suffering ; 
 that I was one of those selfish, self-indulgent, luxurious 
 capitalists who battened on the misery of the poor 
 worker. They had to admit that I was right. 
 
 " ' Well then,' I continued, ' let us compare notes. 
 Who are you, and who am I ? What are you doing, 
 and what am I doing ? ' I then gave them truth- 
 fully a sketch of my own life and activities, and ended 
 by telling them the mission on which I was engaged 
 at that moment, and the peculiar conditions under 
 which I was fulfilling the definite task which I had 
 undertaken. 
 
 " When I had finished my account they turned 
 to me and said : ' But you are one of us. You are 
 a socialist, whatever you may say. There can be no 
 difference between us.' And my Saxon friend con- 
 tinued : ' You may say what you will, in Germany 
 you would be considered a socialist, merely from your 
 attitude and action towards the working classes, and 
 those in power would force you into our ranks ; for 
 there would be no room for you in any other party. 
 You, at all events, not only love the people, but you 
 have faith in them.' 
 
 " My answer to him was : ' You are right in your 
 last remark, but you are all wrong if you think that 
 I am at one with you socialists, and that there is no 
 difference between us.' And here I felt driven, 
 perhaps by an oratorical impulse, to make my point 
 doubly clear through paradoxical exaggeration of the 
 difference between us, putting this difference in an 
 almost brutal form. 
 
 " ' The difference between us, in spite of my love 
 for the people and my faith in them, is that I think 
 it more important for the world that one man should 
 be made ein feiner Mensch, should be made more 
 refined, than that hundreds, nay perhaps even thou- 
 sands, of ordinary men should have more food to eat 
 than they have at present. I believe that, in all 
 prosperous and civilised communities, every man
 
 254 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 should have the right to live and even the right to 
 work. I also hold that much will have to be done by 
 direct legislation to check the power of capitalism in 
 finance and in the other forms of manipulation of 
 capital, which lead to that excessive accumulation in 
 the hands of individuals, giving them an unbounded 
 power in public life without corresponding responsi- 
 bilities ; that such accumulation of capital in single 
 hands is " against good policy." 
 
 " ' I am thus, perhaps, a socialist at the bottom and 
 the top. But I am an absolute individualist in 
 between. Now, having made this concession, I think 
 it more important for me that, by whatever work I 
 am able to do, I should continue to develop, if not in 
 man in general, at all events in certain men, those 
 higher spiritual attainments, the totality of which 
 constitutes a higher human being and produces a higher 
 community, and ultimately a higher type of mankind, 
 than that which our own days present. These higher 
 and more refined men are to be the leaders of man- 
 kind ; and, by their work, impersonal and indirect 
 as well as personal and direct, they are to draw into 
 their higher circle whoever from the mass of the 
 proletariat is capable of such advancement : and by 
 this constant action and reaction (Wechselwirkung) 
 the whole of the proletariat, the mass of the people, 
 is to be raised. 
 
 " ' But, mark you, these higher individuals are to 
 be the leaders. Let me tell you that Karl Marx was 
 not out of sympathy with this view, even in its nega- 
 tive attitude as regards the claims of the lower 
 orders ; and it was he who was fond of quoting those 
 verses of your great Goethe from his ' West-ostliche 
 Divan ' on the presentation to a lady of a small 
 bottle containing attar of roses.' I then recited, 
 over the din of the train, Goethe's verses. They 
 clustered round me, their heads eagerly bent forward 
 while they listened. I can still see the eyes of the 
 flat-faced Slav Prussian, whose way of eating had 
 at first repelled me, close to mine. Their limpid 
 brightness was soon dedimmed by tears evoked by 
 the melody of the verses.
 
 ARISTODEMOCRACY 255 
 
 A u Suleika 1 
 
 Dir mit Wohlgeruch zu kosen, 
 
 Deine Freuden zu erhohn, 
 Knospend miissen tausend Rosen 
 
 Erst in Gluthen untergehn. 
 
 Um ein Fldschchen zu besitzen, 
 
 Das den Ruch auf ewig halt, 
 Schlank wie deine Finger spitzen, 
 
 Da bedarf es einer Welt. 
 
 Finer Welt von Lebenstrieben, 
 
 Die in ihrer Fulle Drang 
 Ahndeten schon Bulbuls Lieben, 
 
 Seelerregenden Gesang. 
 
 Sollte jene Qual uns qudlen, 
 
 Da sie unsre Lust vermehrl ? 
 Hat nicht Myriaden Seelen 
 
 Timur's Herrschaft aufgezehrt ? 
 
 " ' The action of consistent socialism, with which I 
 am entirely out of sympathy, is lowering, not only to 
 the strong, good, wise, and great individual ; but it 
 
 1 I must subjoin this imperfect translation of an untranslatable lyric : 
 
 Thee to woo with perfume sweetest, 
 
 And thy love to cherish, 
 Blossoming, one thousand roses, 
 
 Glowing, had to perish. 
 
 Thus to give a graceful phial, 
 
 E'er to hold the scent, 
 Slim and tapering like thy fingers, 
 
 A whole world was spent. 
 
 A whole world of living forces, 
 
 Striving full and long. 
 Prescient of Bulbul's loving 
 
 And soul-stirring song. 
 
 Why then grieve at loss and sorrow 
 
 Which increase our joy ? 
 Doth not myriad souls of living 
 
 Timur's rule destroy ? 
 
 19
 
 256 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 is also lowering to mankind as a whole, and gives no 
 hope of an advance towards the ideals which man as 
 man must form for the future. In so far I am your 
 enemy, and we are opponents.' 
 
 " The Saxon deputy thoughtfully shook his head, 
 and said : ' Well, there is much to be said for your 
 point of view, but you must allow me to refuse to be 
 your enemy, and to hope that you will be our 
 friend. 1 " 
 
 The ab- We have seen and, because of the vital importance 
 proper^ to t ^ ie mam purpose of this book, I have repeated the 
 moral statement more than once the crying need for 
 mg. w j ia ^. i have called the codification of contemporary 
 morals, or at least the clear and intelligible (intelli- 
 gible even to the average man) expression of the 
 moral consciousness of each age and each country. 
 The great fault in this respect has hitherto been that 
 the treatment of ethical subjects in the hands of the 
 The philosopher-specialist in ethics has almost exclu- 
 S hik> aliBt sively been concerned with the discussion of the main 
 sopher. or abstract principles and foundations of ethics, the 
 mere prolegomena to ethical teaching which should 
 be of direct practical use as a guide to conduct. Such 
 practical and efficient guidance to conduct and teaching 
 of morality has generally been by means of ephemeral 
 or casual moral injunction on the part of the priests 
 of every denomination. It thus not only received 
 a sectarian or dogmatic bias often causing the 
 whole moral structure to collapse when the founda- 
 tions of belief in these dogmas were no longer valid 
 for the person thus instructed or, in any case, 
 introducing the element of mysticism and the need 
 for translation into the remote language of bygone 
 ages, races, or conditions of life, and thus making 
 more difficult the arduous task of applying clear 
 principles of action to the complicated exigencies of
 
 THE CODIFICATION OF MORALS 257 
 
 actual and present life, on the clear understanding of 
 which such principles ought to be based. 
 
 Furthermore, the cognisance which the State has The 
 hitherto taken of this paramount factor in the life state> 
 of the people and the direct action which the State 
 has taken, has generally been confined to that aspect 
 of " Social Legislation " chiefly or exclusively con- 
 cerned in counteracting extreme poverty and social 
 inefficiency and the evil results arising out of these, 
 again chiefly from a purely economical point of view. 
 The State has not directly considered the positive 
 moral and social betterment of the conditions of life 
 and living and of the people themselves, nor directly 
 aimed at the highest conceivable goal for social 
 improvement. 
 
 The most crying need before us, therefore, is the 
 clear recognition of such an expression of the moral 
 consciousness of the age, and, without any interfer- 
 ence with the established religious creeds and their 
 practices as the expression of religious life, to provide 
 for, first, such an expression of our moral require- 
 ments, and, secondly, for the effective dissemination of 
 contemporary ethics throughout all layers of human 
 society. 
 
 The action of the State in this respect must be The 
 directly educational, and this educational function J^J" 
 must be concerned, first, with the young and their action of 
 lives, and, secondly, with the adult population and 
 its life. 
 
 However limited the time set aside in schools for Moral 
 the teaching of ethics may be, certain hours should tkm C for 
 thus be devoted to the teaching of morals. The text- the 
 book of such elementary ethics should, above all, be y< 
 clear and concise, and must contain those moral The ele- 
 inj unctions which would be universally accepted byJ 1 J* ary 
 all right-thinking people within the nation and books of 
 admitted by every religious sect or creed. The ra
 
 258 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 teachers themselves should be provided with ex- 
 planatory additions to the text-books, containing or 
 suggesting instances from actual life which should 
 convincingly illustrate each moral injunction from 
 the short text-book in the hands of the pupils. Of 
 course, it will be left to the well-qualified teacher to 
 increase and to enlarge upon such definite and illu- 
 minating examples. Even the question of moral 
 casuistry the conflict or clashing of the various 
 duties are to be definitely treated. 
 
 Episode Though I cannot attempt the actual production of 
 
 casuistry suc ^ a te xt-book here, and can only discuss the 
 
 general principles upon which it should be based and 
 
 carried into effect, I may yet touch upon some of 
 
 the difficulties of moral casuistry without entering 
 
 too fully into problems which in all ages have led to 
 
 interminable discussion. The way to deal with such 
 
 moral casuistics is the purely positive, and not the 
 
 negative method. By that I mean that one valid 
 
 moral injunction is not eliminated by the fact of its 
 
 clashing with another. Each one remains valid ; 
 
 though at times reason and the application of a 
 
 general sense of justice and proportion may have to 
 
 decide whether the one injunction is not stronger 
 
 than the other. " Thou shalt not lie " retains its 
 
 validity, even though " Thou shalt not endanger the 
 
 life and the permanent happiness of another " may 
 
 lead the physician or the friend for the nonce to tell 
 
 an untruth to an insane person or an invalid when 
 
 the truth would undermine life or life's efficiency. 
 
 A practical moral test can always be transmitted 
 
 to the pupil, in bringing him conscientiously to ask 
 
 himself whether, imagining that when the cause which 
 
 led him to tell such an untruth or to commit an 
 
 infraction of an ethical law is removed, he would be 
 
 prepared to lay before the person to whom he told 
 
 the untruth or to independent and disinterested people
 
 TREATMENT OF ETHICAL QUESTIONS 250 
 
 whom he respects, the course of action which he had 
 pursued. 
 
 That such moral casuistry presents many diffi- 
 culties is undeniable. But who has ever assumed, or 
 had any right to assume, that life can be lived with- 
 out difficulties ? Which one of the studies of science 
 or art or human learning is free from complications 
 and almost unsurmountable difficulties which open 
 the door to doubt and scepticism ? Are we there- 
 fore not to include even mathematics and the natural 
 sciences, history, and all other studies in our educa- 
 tional system, because such difficulties exist ? 
 
 The several aspects under which ethical questions 
 are to be treated in this elementary form, and which 
 I shall further discuss, are : 
 
 1 . Duty to the family ; 
 
 2. Duty to the immediate community in which 
 we live, and social duties ; 
 
 3. Duty to the State ; 
 
 4. Duty to humanity ; 
 
 5 . Duty to self ; 
 
 6. Duty to things and actions as such ; and 
 
 7. Duty to God. 
 
 Of course I must here assume that the school- The posi- 
 masters entrusted with such a task are of high in- efficiency 
 tellectual capacity, well prepared and qualified by of the 
 superior education, the very highest which each 
 country can give. Here, again, lies one of the most 
 important and crying needs of reform. With great 
 readiness not always sincere the political repre- 
 sentatives of the people will, on the platform at public 
 meetings, recognise and fervently uphold the supreme 
 claims of national education. But how many are 
 prepared to carry such professions into effect, and to 
 insist that this is perhaps the most important function 
 of national life ? To educate the young requires in 
 the teachers themselves, as instruments of supreme
 
 260 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 precision, the most complete preparation for this 
 important and delicate task. 
 
 All No teachers who are directly, as well as indirectly, 
 
 ou^wfto to influence the youth of the nation, however ele- 
 have the mentary the immediate subject which they are to 
 urfiver- teach even to the youngest, are properly qualified, 
 sit y . unless they have had the opportunity of attaining 
 to the highest culture which the age can give. The 
 most elementary teacher ought to have had all the 
 advantages of the highest university instruction, and 
 to have been brought to the level of grasping and of 
 assimilating the highest mental and moral achieve- 
 ments of the age. We might almost say and it is 
 not purely paradoxical to say this that in con- 
 sideration of the fact that in the earliest stages of 
 childhood are laid the foundation of the indestructible 
 and ineradicable elements of character and intelli- 
 gence, the training of the elementary teacher is of 
 the highest importance, in order to make him or her, 
 in their mentality and whole personality, completely 
 representative of the best which the age can give. 
 Teachers, Were the State and the public to recognise this 
 mentary they would be driven to admit that, from the econo- 
 teachers, mical point of view, as well as from that of social 
 recognition and reward, those entrusted with the 
 
 cpmpara- m ost important and valuable functions in our national 
 
 "fcivclv 
 
 high pay life ought to receive higher remuneration and the 
 
 and social m arks o f greater public distinction directly by the 
 
 tion were Government and indirectly in the market which 
 
 up to th^ determines values, than the work of the financier or 
 
 true stan- the successful promoter and most of those functions 
 
 our be- in modern life which now receive the highest remunera- 
 
 liefs. tion and distinction. But such is the insincerity, 
 
 the flagrant contradiction of our true inner beliefs 
 
 and convictions and our admitted and persistent 
 
 activity in the common life of the present, that this 
 
 statement of mine would be received by most of my
 
 TEACHERS OF ETHICS IN SCHOOLS 261 
 
 readers with a smile of compassionate and patronising 
 incredulity and doubt which, at most, admitting its 
 truth in an ideal world, would deny the possibility 
 of its realisation in this actual world of ours and 
 would stamp the temerity of all who should con- 
 template the possibility of carrying such principles 
 into practical life as indicative of the unbalanced 
 mind of the fantastic visionary. But history has 
 proved again and again that truth may be delayed 
 but cannot be suppressed for ever. True ideas are 
 the only things in. the life of man which last ; and, 
 as the machinery of State is improved and simplified 
 so that it can with readiness eliminate abuses and 
 inaugurate improvements, the public will find ways 
 and means to carry into effect what is clearly recog- 
 nised as being most essential to its ultimate interest. 
 
 Beside this direct teaching of ethics in schools and Educa- 
 households, there remains another province, less ^J n ^ f 
 directly bearing upon moral life, but most important the re- 
 in its contributory effect to it. This is the other 'JfS^if 6 
 side of the two-fold division of our conscious life, the ^fe. 
 one of which is our life of work. It concerns our auction of 
 life of play, the recreative or more passive side of refini ng 
 
 T i -i nil' i and ele ~ 
 
 our existence. It is commonly and generally believed, vating 
 by those responsible for the education of the young ^[ ltal 
 parents and schoolmasters that they are only physical 
 concerned with the serious aspect of existence, the 
 preparation for the working side of life, efficiency and 
 duty. The importance of these in our educational 
 system is beyond all question. But it must be 
 equally undoubted that the proper regulation of the 
 recreative side in the life of the young and of the 
 adult population as well is of equal importance. 
 Many unwise parents and teachers often think that 
 the instinct for recreation, play and pleasure, is of 
 itself so strong, so constantly potent and effective, 
 in the young, that it is their chief duty to repress it.
 
 262 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 The result is, as in the case of any natural force which 
 is unduly repressed until it finds vent in spontaneous 
 combustion through its inherent energy, that the 
 irrepressible and ineradicable instincts rightly existing 
 in man's nature, which are thus unduly checked, 
 seek for and find expression in violent and detrimental 
 forms, destructive to society as well as to the health 
 and refinement of the individual. This side of youth- 
 ful nature must not only not be ignored, but it must 
 be consciously cultivated. The instincts which make 
 for " play " are to be led into channels, without 
 interference and pedantry (which rob them of their 
 very essence), in which they lead to healthy, elevating 
 and refining forms, adding to strength of character 
 . refinement of taste. The recreative and leisure hours 
 are to be filled with forms of interests and amuse- 
 ments increasing physical health as well as moral, 
 intellectual, and social refinement. 
 
 Even in Though the great and lasting advantage to the 
 Development of a sense of duty in the young to be 
 
 tion, derived from the concentration upon each task, the 
 
 aims at struggle with difficulties, and the repression of all 
 
 mental forms of self-indulgence, is one of the most important 
 
 and results of school work, discipline and study, the 
 
 strength bearing which these studies have upon the recreative 
 
 the ' side of human nature, the life of play, must never 
 
 thecrea- ^ e ^ ost s ig nt f- ^ cannot in any way diminish 
 
 tiveside the great advantages which the teaching of every 
 
 positively department of human knowledge thus has upon the 
 
 con- development of the sense of duty, to aim at producing 
 
 and by such teaching a new intellectual interest which 
 
 furthered, would respond to, and satisfy, the sense for play, 
 
 recreation itself, and increase the moral and in- 
 
 tellectual resourcefulness of man from his earliest 
 
 age onwards, so that he can find joy and refreshment 
 
 in such pursuits and such thoughts that will lie out- 
 
 side of the direct sphere of his productive working
 
 EDUCATIONAL REFORM 263 
 
 existence in after life. Above all, the love of thought, 
 of knowledge, and of art in itself must be stimulated 
 as a result of the direct teaching from the elementary 
 school up to the university. 
 
 These are the broad outlines of the duties of the 
 State as regards the education of the young in securing 
 the moral health of a nation. 
 
 But, as regards the adult population as well, the Educa- 
 State has the duty directly to provide for, and to ^ e n a d f ult 
 stimulate and satisfy, the need for higher education, popuia- 
 It does this by directly producing or supporting the tloru 
 higher institutions of culture, be they universities or 
 other institutions, for the purest and highest research 
 in science, or in schools of art in every form, including, 
 of course, musical and dramatic art in one word, 
 in all that immediately responds to culture, i.e. the 
 cultivation of things of the mind for their own sake. 
 
 Still more direct in its bearing upon ethics is the The 
 moral example of the State itself. Truthfulness i 
 word and deed, justice without compromise, must of the 
 apply to every public function and enactment of the jjfoffi 
 State. This applies to war as well as to peace. The action, 
 lasting degradation, if not total inhibition, of morality 
 expressed by the commonly accepted saying that 
 " All is fair in war " is perhaps one of the greatest 
 evils to mankind which war brings in its wake. But 
 in time of peace, any miscarriage of justice on the 
 part of the State has an effect detrimental to the moral 
 consciousness of' every citizen in that State, out of 
 all proportion to the individual wrong which it causes. 
 Still more insidious and solvent of the public moral 
 fibre is the cynical attitude which many departments 
 of the administration actually put into practice. 
 There are cases on record in which individuals or 
 public bodies have desisted from carrying on a law- 
 suit against the State because of the disparity of 
 pecuniary means between themselves and the endless
 
 264 THE ETHICS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 resources of the administration from whom they seek 
 justice and equity. The " law's delay," as applied 
 to many a public servant or private civilian, has kept 
 them from urging their just claims ; and they have 
 ended in resigning themselves to bear unfairness with 
 a sense of injustice against the State. Moreover, the 
 practice in several departments, such as that of 
 customs and public revenue, of not rectifying an undue 
 payment until a claim is made and persistently 
 demanded by the individual, the fact that no obli- 
 gation is felt by such departments to point out an 
 error made in their favour and against the interests 
 of individual citizens, and perhaps even inquisitorial 
 methods and activities which do not come, and are 
 not meant to come, directly to the cognisance of the 
 citizen affected by them all this impresses a lowness 
 of moral standard on the part of the collective power 
 of the people, to which they look for authority and 
 guidance, which is most lowering to the morals of the 
 whole nation. 
 
 We must It is thus by less tangible and far vaguer influences 
 ber'that t ' lat morality is affected and modified, if not pro- 
 ethical duced. And we must therefore always bear in mind, 
 tcfbe g * even when considering the direct teaching of ethical 
 effective, principles in homes and at schools, for which I have 
 through J us t pleaded, that the efficient result of moral teach- 
 charac- ' m g f differing to some extent in this from the teaching 
 of any skill of hand or pliability and accuracy of 
 mind, cannot be so direct and directly applied. In 
 order to be effective, it must pass through the whole 
 character of man, produce an ethos, a general moral 
 emotional state, which will lead him to become a moral 
 being and to act morally. Nevertheless, to attain 
 this end, the actual apprehension of what are the 
 moral laws of the society in which he lives, is at some 
 stage of his education and training to be clearly 
 established and presented, so that ultimately these
 
 INDIRECT TEACHING OF ETHICS 265 
 
 laws may permeate his whole being and make him 
 spontaneously feel and act as a moral social being. 
 
 Finally, there are two facts of great practical im- 
 portance to be borne in mind when the actual teaching 
 of ethics is considered. 
 
 The one is, that the teacher of ethics need in no 
 way be a specialist in ethical theory or manifestly 
 and obviously by profession a pattern and model of 
 higher life in himself. After all, every parent must 
 be a teacher of morals. The theory of ethics 
 requires scientific treatment in no way differing in 
 method and concentration from the theoretical study 
 of any other group of phenomena. Such theoretical 
 study does not of necessity fit the specialist for the 
 practical application of theory to actual life and to 
 the education of young and old in accordance with 
 theory. Moreover, professed or specialised philan- 
 thropy or a life corresponding to mystical religious 
 emotionality are very trying to the mental and 
 moral balance and health of their votaries. Clergy- 
 men of the " Pontifex " type are warning instances 
 of the moral obliquity, if not degeneracy, to which 
 a life based on dogmatic supernatural principles, 
 removed from the healthy versatility of normal life, 
 may lead. 
 
 The other is, that, especially with the young, the 
 conception of Sin is as far as possible to be withheld, 
 and that ethics are to be inculcated with a bright and 
 joyful outlook in the positive aspect of right actions 
 and of ideals of perfection towards which man is to 
 strive. We must teach positive and joyful, not nega- 
 tive and comminatory, morals.
 
 PART IV 
 
 OUTLINE OF THE PRINCIPLES OF CON- 
 TEMPORARY ETHICS 
 
 (a) MAN'S DUTIES AS A SOCIAL BEING 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 DUTY TO THE FAMILY 
 
 No other I HAVE in several of the preceding passages already 
 dealt with the moral position of the family as regards 
 
 replace its efficient training from the very earliest days 
 family, onward in the intimate life of the home. It is here 
 that our training in intellectual and moral altruism 
 is most effectively realised. As a social unit, forming 
 and developing conditions most conducive to the social 
 welfare of all the larger bodies of human society, it 
 cannot be replaced. When once the strictly vital 
 principles and practices which establish the hard- 
 and-fast privileges of definite classes simply by the 
 fact of birth have been discarded, the continuous 
 influence of the family in our own days, and pros- 
 pectively on the future advancement of society, is 
 undoubtedly good. The feudal principle (by which 
 I mean privileges established by birth) did not 
 consider qualifications and efficiency for the social 
 and political functions which its privileges gave ; 
 while, on the other hand, it directly offended man's 
 sense of justice, and can therefore not be supported 
 by any society based upon reason and morality. On 
 
 266
 
 CONTINUOUS EFFECT OF THE HOME 267 
 
 the other hand, the continuity of collective effort, its effect 
 which with such forcefulness makes itself felt in every JJidng" 
 member of a collective group, achieves results for the continu- 
 good of the State and in consequence receives recog- moral 
 nition and honour. The family as a social unit in responsi- 
 the State is of the greatest use in advancing the The 
 public welfare. No reasonable person can deny the home - 
 moral effect upon the individual and its ultimate 
 influence upon society at large to be made to realise 
 constantly, with more or less complete consciousness, 
 the effect of every single act and of the totality of 
 life-work, not only upon oneself, but upon all the 
 members of a household and a family who by physical 
 propinquity and moral interdependence are directly 
 concerned in the results of man's every act. There 
 is many a loophole through which we can escape from 
 the performance of our more remote duties ; but 
 family life offers no such escape ; and hence arises 
 the revolt against this institution as a whole on the 
 part of those speculative self-deceivers, coquetting 
 with philosophical generalisations to hide from them- 
 selves and others the all-pervading impulse of self- 
 indulgence thwarted by the stern persistency of 
 domestic duties, be they frivolous pleasure-seekers 
 or philanthropic Mrs. Jellabys. Moreover, even those 
 possessed of the dullest imagination can be stirred 
 into projecting the result of their actions into the 
 future, even beyond their own individual life, by the 
 contemplation of the lives of the children who are to 
 succeed them. The home as a lasting unit of private 
 property, and the family, as a social entity, are, among 
 all the possible groups of human institutions, perhaps 
 the most effective in giving the stamp of wider, 
 unegoistic, and hence more social, motive and guidance 
 to human activity. To make this home not only 
 directly responsive to the physical needs of the 
 family, but also, whether cottage or palace, expres-
 
 268 DUTY TO THE FAMILY 
 
 sive of the best that is in the family, as beautiful as 
 taste can make it, is of itself undeniably good. To 
 curb the impulse to squander one's substance on 
 drink in the public-house, or on yachts or racehorses 
 in order that wife and children may be benefited 
 materially, morally and intellectually ; and, even 
 beyond this, to create, by such sacrifice of personal 
 self-indulgence, conditions which should favour the 
 existence and the improvement of the home and its 
 occupants after one's own deathj are surely guides 
 to conduct which directly lead to the future improve- 
 ment of society as a whole. To summarise these 
 considerations in one simple and concrete, yet typical, 
 instance : to plant a tree in a cottage garden or a 
 park, which he who plants can never hope to see in 
 full maturity, but with clear consciousness realises 
 that he is planting for his children and children's 
 children, cannot be considered selfish or unsocial by 
 any right-thinking or public-spirited man. To what- 
 ever development in the future the tendencies towards 
 collectivism and State ownership may lead, the 
 justification of individual property, not only in its 
 intrinsic morality, but from the social even the 
 socialistic point of view, is greater in the case of 
 the cottage with its garden and the country house 
 with its park, than in the share of the capital in any 
 industrial enterprise or state security. 1 
 
 Family Not only, however, in this aspect of the family 
 ur ' and the home is its influence to be found. It is also 
 to be found in a less apparent, yet directly moral and 
 social, aspect none the less effective in its moral 
 bearing through thus being less evident. In this 
 aspect the family, considered as a unit, places upon 
 each member a responsibility and a duty to the family 
 as a whole with regard to his conduct, character 
 and position which the individual member of a 
 
 1 See Appendix IV.
 
 FAMILY HONOUR 269 
 
 family establishes towards the outer world. In one 
 word, this point of view is concerned with family 
 honour. I shall have occasion to touch on this 
 complicated, though most important, moral factor 
 in dealing with man's duty to society and his duty 
 to self. Here, again, the continuous and intimate 
 relationship of people to one another cannot be re- 
 placed, as regards its constraining effectiveness, by 
 any consideration of wider, vaguer and less persistent 
 social relationships. In so far the educative and 
 disciplinary influence of the family is supreme, and, 
 I repeat again, that if the injustice and irrationality 
 of the direct privileges of birth handed on from the 
 Middle Ages be eliminated, this educative and dis- 
 ciplinary influence is wholly for the good of society 
 and its advancement in the future. To know that 
 you are not only injuring yourself and justly lowering 
 your own reputation by dishonest or mean actions 
 or even by self-indulgent idleness and thriftlessness, 
 but that your conduct immediately affects, not only 
 the welfare of the home and the physical existence 
 of those who dwell in it, and further, that it tarnishes 
 the family honour such consciousness is surely 
 conducive to the good of society. On the other 
 hand, to know and to realise, while making any noble 
 effort, that not only joy is brought to those who are 
 nearest and dearest, but that by such effort family 
 honour is assured and elevated, is one of the noblest 
 incentives to moral effort, constantly present in 
 the minds and lives of even the average human 
 being of untrained and lowly imagination. And 
 when, beyond this, the imagination is stirred to 
 realise that even after death the honour of the family 
 will survive, and that the children and children's 
 children will look back with pride and gratitude to 
 the moral integrity, the intellectual achievement 
 and the successful energy of their parents and grand-
 
 270 DUTY TO THE FAMILY 
 
 parents, an effective incentive to good social action 
 is provided which can hardly be replaced by any other 
 motive, and can at least not be condemned as either 
 harmful or ignoble. The realisation of these moral 
 factors emanating from the family, includes in the 
 practice of life the establishment of a definite group 
 of duties which can be formulated and must be 
 modified by the moral consciousness of each age in 
 their relation to other duties. The first keynote is 
 struck by the Fifth Commandment, with which I 
 have dealt above ; but this must be enlarged upon 
 and formulated so as to serve as a definite practical 
 guide to conduct, and must therefore include the 
 several duties of the various members of a family to 
 each other and to the family as a whole.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 DUTY TO THE COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY THE ART 
 
 OF LIVING THE IDEAL OF THE GENTLEMAN 
 
 WE have dealt with the duties to the family ; but Necessity 
 man's duties do not end here, as little as the just grSxJn 
 impulse to self-advancement frees him from these in duties 
 duties. Each narrower group of duties must fit in the E 
 with and advance the wider sphere of duties. For- family, 
 tunately, there is no inherent necessity why they 
 need clash. For the best member of a family ought 
 also naturally to be the best member of a wider 
 society. On the other hand, owing to the limitations 
 of human nature, the absorbing dominance of single 
 passions and instincts, and the centripetal or selfish 
 instinct which congests the sympathies, each nar- 
 rower sphere of duties ought to be supplemented 
 and rectified by the wider and higher ethical out- 
 look towards which it ought harmoniously to tend. 
 " Charity begins at home," but ought not " to stay 
 at home," is eminently and deeply true. Moreover, 
 it can be proved (and I am sure I shall be borne out 
 by any experienced observer of life) that the narrower 
 and more exclusive are our sympathies the less 
 efficient are they even when applied to the narrower 
 sphere. 1 The absolute and amoral egoist does not 
 love even himself truly and wisely. And those 
 members of a family in whom the family feeling is 
 hypertrophised to an abnormal degree, so that it is 
 
 1 See The Jewish Question, etc., p. 94. 
 20 271
 
 272 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 blunted with regard to the wider life beyond and may 
 even produce an antagonistic attitude towards it, 
 are most likely to be, within this family group, 
 intensely selfish, whenever there arises a clashing of 
 interest and passions between themselves and other 
 members of their family. To them applies what in 
 an earlier portion of this book has been said con- 
 cerning the Chauvinist. 
 
 Our In the progression of duties from the narrower 
 
 hTtife ^ * ne wider sphere we proceed from the family to the 
 locality immediate community in which we live. I in no way 
 wish here to maintain that the social classifications 
 
 which we now attaching to birth, wealth, or occupation are to 
 work. ' De fixed and stereotyped in class distinctions without 
 any appeal to reason and justice, as little as I accept 
 the extreme ideals of absolute socialism, which reduce 
 all life and ambitions to the same level. But, con- 
 sidering our life as it actually is, we must begin our 
 general social duties by performing those several 
 functions which physically and tangibly lie before us 
 according to the position in which we are placed, 
 with a view to the material, moral, and social advance- 
 ment of such a community. However remote the 
 central occupations of our life may be from the life of 
 the place in which we actually live, we must not, and 
 we need not, ignore our immediate duties to the 
 collective life of this group of people or this locality. 
 In many cases, nay, in most cases, our life-work may 
 be immediately concerned, or connected with, a certain 
 locality. Whether as labourers, or as farmers, or as 
 landlords ; whether as artisans, or as managers, or 
 as proprietors of factories, or other industrial enter- 
 prises ; whether as merchants or as tradesmen, 
 employers or employed, we thus have distinct and 
 definite duties towards those with whom we are 
 co-operating, and, outside the interests of the definite 
 work in hand, we are directly concerned in the col-
 
 PROGRESSION OF DUTIES 273 
 
 lective social life of the place where our work and 
 our interests lie. But even if our home and residence 
 fall within a district far removed from the actual 
 centre of our life-work, even if this work is of so im- 
 material a character that it reaches beyond the 
 locality and even the county, our immediate duty as 
 members of such a community, to do our share in 
 regulating the social life surrounding our home, always 
 remains. 
 
 Nor is the social duty which we have here to contem- 
 plate merely concerned with our not transgressing the 
 existing laws that emanate from what is called social 
 legislation ; nor is it only concerned with the pro- 
 vision of all that goes to physical subsistence within 
 the community, the fight with poverty, misery and 
 want, or merely with the increase of physical comforts 
 and amenities ; but it is positively and directly con- 
 cerned with the advancement and improvement of 
 the social life as such, in so far as we come into contact 
 with it. It even concerns our relation with every 
 member of such a community in which we live. 
 
 Hitherto the recognised social activity in what is positive 
 called social reform, as affecting the individual, and 
 still more as leading to State legislation, has been 
 chiefly concerned either with the avoidance of physical 
 misery, or with the removal of injustice, or with the 
 increase of physical comfort. From these broad 
 and more public points of view we rise to the con- 
 sideration of .the social relation of individuals among 
 each other in all the complexities of private life and 
 intercourse, not only in business or work, but also 
 in the free and varied inter-relations of purely social 
 existence. But beyond this there is a further task, 
 when we regard human society as a whole. We must 
 then recognise and establish in each successive 
 generation the rules governing such intercourse. 
 These are established by an attempt to adapt life
 
 274 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 to the existing and constraining conditions which we 
 find about us, to make it run smoothly and har- 
 moniously with the least friction so as to avoid 
 conflicts and consequent misery. But, by calling in 
 the help of Plato, such rules of social conduct may 
 be raised to a higher level towards the perfection of 
 social intercourse and of society as a whole. Not 
 only physically, but spiritually as well, each succes- 
 sive generation must be led on to higher expressions 
 of its true humanity, to the highest expression of 
 individual man, and the highest corporate existence 
 of society. Kant's Categorical Imperative, which 
 enjoins upon us to act so that we should guard in 
 everything we do the dignity of our neighbour as well 
 as our own, will ever remain one of the most perfect 
 epigrammatic summaries of the duties of man as a 
 social being. 
 
 Consider- As I have said before, most of us are not likely to 
 ateness. mur d e r or to steal ; but we are all of us prone to 
 murder the dignity and self-respect of our neighbour, 
 to steal from him that claim to regard and to esteem 
 which is his by right, both human and divine, or to 
 wound his sensibility by our own acts of commission 
 or omission. How often do we not sin from a want 
 of delicate altruistic imagination ? Without directly 
 wishing to hurt or harm, we are led, in selfish preoccu- 
 pation and bluntness, to wound a man to the very 
 core of his self-respect or more frequently to disregard 
 and ignore his harmless vanity. 
 
 The Art Beyond economical prosperity, even beyond charit- 
 j^ 1 ^ 8 * able efforts to relieve want and misery, beyond fair 
 preme dealing in business and in social intercourse, lies, for 
 ethical tne true conception of an ideal society, the Art of 
 con- Living itself, upon the refinement and constant 
 
 oiflpT-o 
 
 tion. realisation of which depend to a great extent the 
 happiness of human beings and the advancement of 
 human society. To make our homes habitations
 
 THE ART OF LIVING 275 
 
 which should harmonise, and thus favour the free 
 development of, our social instincts and to prepare 
 each individual for such perfect intercourse with his 
 fellow-men, and to educate and to encourage the 
 individual thus to perfect and harmonise his life in 
 order to increase happiness for himself and for others, 
 is the definite duty before us. The claims of such 
 duty are as weighty and the need of dealing with 
 them as urgent as are all the more manifest and 
 serious duties of morality which have hitherto 
 received the sanction of moral society and of its 
 educators. That community and that nation is 
 highest in which this Art of Living is most completely 
 realised in the home itself and in the training of the 
 individual . 
 
 I venture to say that in this respect, however un- Eng- 
 favourably we as a nation may compare in some 
 aspects of our public education with the other nations tively 
 of Europe, we still stand highest. In certain parts J^P 08 
 
 of the United States of America the same high among 
 
 +TIA 
 standard is attained. From the cottages of our nat j 0ns 
 
 poorest labourers and the small suburban houses 
 
 li tiers 
 
 our artisans and our clerks, to the town dwellings of 
 our merchants and tradesmen, till we come to the 
 larger country houses standing in their parks all 
 these homes are not only expressive of comparatively 
 greater wealth, but show, on the part of their occu- 
 pants, some desire whether partly or wholly success- 
 ful to beautify the home beyond the mere needs of 
 physical subsistence, to make it respond to the life 
 of its occupants beyond the mere provision of shelter 
 and food. From the strip of cottage garden without, 
 to the interior furnishing of the modest cottage, and 
 so on throughout the dwellings of every layer of 
 society, there is shown here some effort to respond 
 to this important contribution to the Art of Living, 
 which in so far surpasses all other European nations.
 
 276 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 Coilec- Moreover, as a heritage handed down through cen- 
 tive com- turies of political liberty in representative forms of 
 life. government, however indirect and often very slight 
 Social re- j n j ts effectiveness, the sense of social responsibility 
 
 sponsi- * 
 
 bility. and of collective action in every social group through- 
 out the country is higher than in countries which do 
 not possess as a living tradition the responsibilities, 
 as well as the rights, of the individual as regards 
 communal life. 
 
 sport and The social sense, based upon justice and fairness, 
 pastimes nas furthermore been most efficiently developed 
 
 produc- . . 
 
 tiveofa among us by our national sports and pastimes, and 
 sense'af their deep penetration into the life of both men and 
 justice women. Whatever may rightly have been urged 
 play. a against the excess of interest shown in sport among 
 the young in our educational institutions, as well as 
 among our adult population, the fact remains that 
 the sense of freely established social discipline (not 
 imposed from without or from above), the steady 
 development in the public consciousness of the sense 
 of justice and of fair play, have been of inestimable 
 advantage to our national life and to the social 
 ethics guiding it, and in which other countries, notably 
 Germany, are grossly wanting. Let us never forget 
 this essential and conspicuous result of our national 
 sports, and cultivate and cherish them accordingly ; 
 though the very realisation of their importance must 
 lead us to combat all abuses and elements of exaggera- 
 tion or degeneracy inherent in some of their forms 
 or consequent upon their disproportionate and in- 
 apposite cultivation. 
 
 intellec- The more we recognise the importance of these 
 tual play, forms of collective physical recreation as factors in 
 national the social development of the people, the greater 
 We - becomes the need to supplement them by the culti- 
 vation of the spiritual and moral forms of play, the 
 appreciation and pursuit of science and art, to which,
 
 MUSIC AND DOMESTIC ART IN ENGLAND 277 
 
 under favourable conditions, even the mass of the 
 people can be made thoroughly responsive. The 
 illustration I gave in an earlier part of this book, in 
 the case of the Gilchrist lectures, will indicate the 
 possibility of such a wide diffusion of culture in all 
 social strata. The undeniable good which during 
 the past centuries in spite of the blighting inter- 
 regnum of iconoclastic Puritanism the Established 
 Church in England has done, by disseminating, 
 through village and town choirs, the appreciation and 
 the practice of music (though chiefly limited to church 
 music), has borne its fruit throughout the whole 
 country and has established, notably in Yorkshire, 
 Lancashire, Staffordshire and Wales, developments of 
 choir-singing, which so competent a judge as the late 
 Professor Joachim proclaimed to be of the best. No 
 doubt on the secular side of musical development we 
 can learn much in this respect from other countries, 
 especially Germany. The same applies to the diffu- 
 sion among the people of the higher forms of dramatic 
 art which in Germany and France are made accessible 
 to the mass of the people. But in all other arts, 
 especially as they are directly reflected in domestic 
 life, whether it be in architecture, in the graphic or 
 decorative arts, their vitalisation in the actual homes 
 and lives of the people at large, British society stands 
 higher than that of Germany. 
 
 What we are here concerned with is the study of 
 that aspect of these collective human efforts which 
 are connected with the development of the individual 
 towards a higher social ideal, and with those qualities 
 of human character and living which, apart from the 
 mere struggle of material existence, affect the relation- 
 ship between human beings as such in their inter- 
 course with one another. And we hold that this 
 sphere of social ethics is of the utmost importance 
 in the establishment of human morals.
 
 278 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 The summary of the qualities which prepare men 
 for " the art of living," that most important factor 
 in the ideals of human society, is conveyed by the 
 one term, " gentleman." This term has been adopted 
 by most European nations in its English form and 
 is the modern successor of the mediaeval knight or 
 nobleman, of the Italian cavaliere of the Renaissance, 
 the French gentilhomme, and the modern Austrian 
 return to Mediaevalism in the Kavalier. To be a 
 gentleman is an indispensable condition to the pro- 
 duction of the superman. 
 
 The The ideal of the gentleman includes in its connota- 
 
 honour. tion, above all, that he should be " a man of honour." 1 
 Such a man is one who in all his actions strives to 
 live up to his highest principles in spite of all the 
 dictates of self-interest or convenience which may 
 draw or lead him in another direction. He has 
 embodied in his code, irrespective of utility or advan- 
 tage, the highest principles of social ethics prevalent 
 in his day. Honesty and absolute integrity in all 
 his dealings, and truthfulness, whether it be in the 
 material business of life or in the more delicate 
 relations of social intercourse, are coupled with the 
 generosity and the courage to uphold before the 
 world and in himself those principles which wilfully 
 ignore all expediency. The man of honour is he 
 
 1 I have on a previous occasion (Jewish Question, 2nd ed., p. 324) 
 attempted to define honour as follows : " Honour is practical con- 
 science, conscience carried into action ; and the man of honour is 
 one in whom this practical conscience has become second nature, an 
 ineradicable habit. But we must all realise how frequent are the 
 changes in the denotation of this term ' honour.' Each period and 
 every country has its peculiar conception of it, and one age may 
 oppose or ridicule the conception held by another, as one country 
 may deny the code of its neighbour. One country may consider it 
 to be a stern dictate of the code of honour to fight a duel in satisfaction 
 of wounded vanity ; while another country may laugh it away. But 
 what always remains, and will remain, is the connotation of honour 
 the practical conscience as affecting our common social life, so effective 
 that we are prepared to give up our lives in order to follow its dictates."
 
 THE IDEAL OF THE GENTLEMAN 279 
 
 who can never act meanly, think meanly, or feel 
 meanly. He never can be a moral coward any more 
 than a physical one. He is the embodiment of 
 virility and moral courage. He has developed in 
 himself Plato's TO OvpoeiSis true courage, which 
 dominates TO eTriOvpyriKov the natural instincts and 
 appetites, and enables him, if need be, to stand 
 alone amidst the ruins of selfishness and iniquity, 
 dominating the life about him : 
 
 Si fractus illabatur orbis, 
 Impavidum ferient mines. 
 
 But it is in this conception of honour that the need varying 
 for summarising the highest ethical principles sue- si ^ & - 
 cessively in each age, to the insistence upon which honour 
 this whole book is meant to contribute, makes itself ^ n g^^ s 
 most clearly felt. For there can be no doubt that in the need 
 successive generations and under varying social con- gessive 
 ditions, as well as with the different occupations and revision 
 professions of life, the principles and standards of mea ning. 
 honour have varied and must naturally vary. They 
 establish the accepted code of honour for men and 
 women living under these changing conditions, until 
 they may become what, in a derogatory sense, is 
 called a convention and what really means the 
 crystallised and sometimes fossilised social experience 
 of each age, community, or social group. 
 
 Now, it is against such conventions and their effect Anarch- 
 on life that the revolutionary innovators or reformers 
 in our own day above all make war. These, of whom like 
 Nietzsche is the clearest and most pronounced ex- ^he*" 
 ample, endeavour with a stroke of the pen to eradicate strike at 
 from human society the sturdy plant of moral growth vention" 
 which has been evolved and strengthened for centuries, not the 
 
 , . . - essence. 
 
 grafted upon and improved by the conditions of the 
 progressive and refined life of civilised society. By 
 one stroke of the pen, they wish to extirpate it from
 
 28o DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 the moral consciousness of men, calling it a convention 
 which blocks the way to the advent of their favourite 
 superman. But because there is no doubt that the 
 conception of honour thus varies with different social 
 conditions, that it even changes in its character 
 and nature with the different social gradations 
 affected by the life-occupation of groups within the 
 Change of wider communities, such change only proves the 
 prove* y vitality and all-pervading penetrative effectiveness 
 the . of such a conception of social ethics and the urgent 
 and va- need for the constant revision and renewed justification 
 th lty b f ^ * ts ex i stence by" the application of the highest 
 stance, reason, by the action of Practical Idealism. 
 The more The more a later generation, looking back with the 
 nis/the 8 ' unprejudiced clearness of impartial apprehension, 
 inade- C an realise the limitations and even distortions 
 inherent in the conception of honour in previous ages, 
 
 concep- which have become effete social conditions, the 
 
 tions of -111 
 
 honour in greater and the more crying becomes the need to 
 
 m dify an d to define a new conception of social 
 great'er ethics as embodied in the idea of honour in accordance 
 to^ormu- w ith the best that the succeeding age can think and 
 late them realise. The ideals embodied in the Principe of 
 Macchiavelli, even in the Cortegiano of Castiglione, 
 and to some extent in the Letters of Lord Chesterfield 
 to his Son, can no longer be accepted by us. Many 
 of these principles are directly repugnant to our moral 
 sense ; while many others have lost their significance 
 to such a degree that the seriousness and emphasis 
 with which they are upheld appear to us frivolous and 
 inept, because of the complete change in the social con- 
 stitution and the actual life of our own time and society. 
 Still, many of the fundamental principles might re- 
 main, and might be incorporated into a modern code. 
 If we thus consider the conception of honour from 
 the historical point of view, we find that the highest 
 honour in a definite society or State is established by
 
 HONOUR 281 
 
 the ruling class within that State. The keynote in The es- 
 a community with effective aristocratic classification, ] of 
 from the ruling classes down to the serfs, is struck the c de 
 by the ruling class. Not infrequently the members by^T 
 of such a class claim for themselves (and the claims domi nant 
 may be admitted by the lower and humbler grada- 
 tions of society) the monopoly in the possession of 
 the attributes of honour. 
 
 Wherever such fixed and stereotyped class dis- The more 
 tinctions exist, the lower and humbler classes may ^usive 
 accept such exclusion from the claim to honour or, claim to 
 at all events, may themselves be lowered in their omTciasif 
 moral vitality in this respect and to that extent. is ac - 
 
 T- i i_ j cepted, 
 
 lo give but one broad instance, not so remote in the lower 
 time from ourselves : The extreme effectiveness as ^ he ?*? n " 
 
 dard for 
 
 regards honour pertaining to the ruling class of the the other 
 Samurai in Japan has depressed the moral standards 
 for the commercial and other classes in that country, 
 so that, in spite of the exceptional loftiness of moral 
 standards among the Samurai, the commercial honesty 
 and integrity and all those social qualities affected 
 by the conception of honour have been lowered among 
 the Japanese merchants and traders compared with 
 those of China, although I understand that some 
 improvement has recently been effected in this re- 
 spect. As the uncompromising and stereotyped class 
 exclusiveness in Japan is making way for wider 
 democratic freedom, the higher standards of the 
 Samurai may become inadequate and lose their 
 effectiveness ; but, on the other hand, the ideas 
 of commercial honour and other social and ethical 
 forces will extend and rise as the need for such 
 extension and elevation makes itself felt with the 
 rise in social position of the formerly repressed classes. 
 This process of national and social transformation is 
 one of the greatest problems facing the people of 
 Japan. The same phenomenon may be perceived
 
 282 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 in comparing the social conditions of the free con- 
 tinental towns during the Middle Ages, which were 
 not dependent upon, and were unaffected by, the 
 conditions of life prevailing amongst the nobility in 
 the country, and where, therefore, standards of 
 honour pertaining to commerce, trades, and handi- 
 crafts were evolved, which could not be repressed 
 to a secondary and in so far more degraded position, 
 by the comparative superiority of social conditions 
 and of honour in the nobility. 
 
 Occupa- In the same way in our own days, the careful 
 their in- Dserver m ay note, that in countries and communities 
 fluenceon where social consideration assigns a higher position 
 of honour! to those occupations and conditions of life remote 
 from commerce and trade, the social standing and the 
 standards of social living, ultimately the conception 
 of honour among merchants and tradesmen, are not as 
 high as in those communities where commerce and trade 
 are not thus placed upon a lower level. It is equally 
 undoubted that occupations in life, and their direct 
 influence upon the mode of living, have established 
 special standards of social morality in themselves. 
 Barter The conditions of direct barter, for instance, are 
 lower" l wer than in commerce, because they leave such a 
 standards wide margin to personal persuasiveness and even 
 deception, which cannot obtain in those larger com- 
 mercial transactions where the object bought or sold 
 cannot be seen or tested on the spot, and where, 
 therefore, the appeal to, and the direct need of, 
 faith and trust in the truthful statement of vendor 
 and purchaser are a necessary condition to all com- 
 mercial transactions. The presentation of a small 
 sample in the hand to represent a shipload of such 
 goods presupposes veracity on the part of the vendor 
 and of faith on the part of the purchaser. Higher 
 principles and commercial integrity, commercial 
 honour, may therefore be evolved in such wider com-
 
 COMMERCIAL HONOUR 283 
 
 merce and may establish themselves among all those 
 following such an occupation in life. I wish merely 
 to suggest, and leave the reader to work it out for 
 himself, how certain trades among us, from the very 
 nature of the uncertainty inherent in the objects 
 offered for sale, have proverbially produced standards 
 of honour greatly differing from those prevalent in 
 other commercial dealings. 
 
 On the other hand, the extension of modern Dangers 
 business into these vastly widened spheres, as well as ^yste^ 
 the fact that it is almost entirely based upon credit, and of 
 often unsupported by corresponding assets ; and tF^in" 
 
 furthermore the rapid and enormous increase of modern 
 
 i i i i f corn- 
 
 speculation, which must always form some part in merce. 
 
 great commercial transactions, so that it has become Bal ^ k - 
 
 ruptcy. 
 
 the dominant element, have blunted the sense of 
 commercial responsibility, integrity, and honour, and 
 have even opened the door to downright dishonesty. 
 They have also made the prospect of insolvency or 
 bankruptcy so common a possibility as the result of 
 commercial transactions, that they have deadened 
 the moral sense of responsibility and the old-fashioned 
 standards of commercial honour, which shrunk from 
 insolvency and bankruptcy as in themselves dis- 
 honourable. Thus the present state of commerce 
 often results in a lowering of the moral standards 
 of society, and in its ultimate influence upon the 
 life of civilised communities has eaten into the very 
 core of the social morality of the whole world. 
 
 Moreover, those conceptions of commerce and Methods 
 industry in which they are considered analogous to^pjjjj^ 
 war, in which proverbially "all is fair," though to com- 
 actually prevalent, are certainly not sanctioned by^duSry. 
 the moral consciousness of the people when they face Competi- 
 the question of public and private morality. Com- m0 raiand 
 petition may be the soul of trade and may be recog- "Amoral, 
 nised and admitted as such. Its effect in appealing
 
 284 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 to energy and arousing mental and moral effort in all 
 workers is undoubtedly to the advantage of society, 
 beyond the economical aspect in which it lowers prices 
 to the advantage of the purchaser. Not only in the 
 production and cost of goods, but in the rapidity and 
 facilities of distribution and in the transportation of 
 capital in all directions where it is required by 
 labour, commercial activity is undoubtedly to the 
 benefit of society. The hard work, the concentration 
 of energy, the application of human ingenuity and 
 inventiveness to produce labour-saving appliances 
 and to facilitate the transportation of goods as well 
 as of capital, are undoubtedly of the utmost advan- 
 tage to society, and worthy of encouragement and 
 recognition ; they rightly bring great rewards in the 
 acquisition of wealth. Moreover, the results of such 
 qualities, good in themselves, are to be encouraged 
 and protected by society at large and by the State, 
 through legislation for their protection and pro- 
 motion. The extension and enforcement of patent 
 laws are wholly just and useful, and so far from being 
 discarded, they ought to be still further developed and 
 enforced . 
 
 Patent These patent laws must be supplemented by the 
 laws and } aws o f copyright which ensure the same advantages 
 right. and encouragement to less physically manifest inven- 
 tiveness and originality, to the more immaterial and 
 vaguer goods of the mind, be it in direct literary or 
 artistic production or in the designs and the creation 
 of new fashions, which stimulate industry through 
 the exertion and mental superiority of the worker. 
 Besides being advantageous to society, the protection 
 and encouragement of this kind of human productive- 
 ness directly appeal to our sense of justice. 
 
 Though competition can thus be recognised and 
 commended as a beneficent element in commercial 
 life, the same does distinctly not apply to the degen-
 
 IMMORAL TENDENCIES OF MODERN COMMERCE 285 
 
 eration of competition into the unscrupulousness and 
 savagery of warfare, wherein the ruling standards of 
 honesty and honour are discarded or ignored. When Grossly 
 the methods of commerce or industry imply or include ^Jdenc 1 
 and as is often the case are chiefly concerned in of some 
 deception and lying ; when they encourage activities S^of 
 corresponding in a great degree to those of the spy in modern 
 warfare ; when in dealings between vendor and pur- m^c'can 
 chaser and competitors all trust, not only in each industry, 
 other's statements, but in the primary intention on 
 the part of each to deal fairly with each other while 
 recognising the just claims to self-interest and self- 
 advancement for each, when all these are brushed 
 aside, and the attitude is that of pure antagonism 
 and contest, in which all means to win are resorted 
 to, including untruth and deception, then such 
 occupations are distinctly low in the scale of human 
 activities and, if not directly dishonourable, they can 
 lay no claim to honour, and no claim to social recog- 
 nition or regard. Yet, it cannot be denied that a 
 great part of industrial and commercial activity is 
 carried on by successful men to whom (as a high 
 attribute among their clan) the term " cleverness," 
 or, in America, " smartness," or sometimes with a 
 slight dash of subdued disapproval, yet hardly ever 
 with complete condemnation the term " sharpness " 
 is applied, it cannot be denied that such activity 
 is not compatible with the maintenance of a high 
 conception of honour and of the higher social ideals. 
 
 Society will have to recognise that such occupations society 
 are low, and show its disapproval in its estimation and "^ itg 
 treatment of those who pursue them. disap- 
 
 Now, it must be admitted that the whole sphere of P^occu- 
 Stock Exchange transactions, in so far as they are pations. 
 founded upon what is called speculation, are essen- 
 tially of this nature. The " bulls " and " bears " 
 must, from the speculative point of view, entirely
 
 286 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 base their success on the ignorance or misjudgment of 
 their competitors. They are, if not directly forced, at 
 least encouraged, to mislead such competitors as to 
 the deciding facts in the regulation of value, and, at 
 all events, they are by this very activity justified in 
 withholding all information which would guide the 
 willingness or eagerness to purchase or to sell on the 
 part of their commercial antagonists. There is but 
 little room for honour in such occupation and none 
 whatever for generosity. And if generosity is an 
 essential element in the composition of a man of 
 honour and a gentleman, there is but little oppor- 
 tunity for its development in the mental ethos of him 
 whose whole conscious activity in his profession is 
 regulated by such a state of social warfare. Now, 
 though it could only be a Utopian dreamer who would 
 maintain that men enter the struggle of commercial 
 competition in order to practise generosity towards 
 their competitors and to cultivate honour and 
 chivalry in themselves, it can and must in sober and 
 deliberate reasonableness be maintained, that no 
 occupation can be good which, so far from encouraging 
 generosity, requires and stimulates the reverse 
 namely, cruelty, ruthlessness, and deception. Such 
 Thedirect an attitude, however, is the necessary result of that 
 aim to development of modern industrial and commercial 
 com- enterprise which is not only concerned with the 
 petitor. expansion and the prosperous development of one's 
 own business, but has, as one of its conscious and 
 direct aims, the destruction and ruin or jeopardising 
 of an opponent's business. Now, the recognised 
 methods developed during the last two generations 
 in the commercial and industrial world, especially 
 through the formation of the larger " trusts," have 
 included attempts thus to eliminate all competition 
 and to destroy and ruin the business of all those 
 who would, and ought to, be the natural com-
 
 INDIFFERENCE TO COMMERCIAL STANDARDS 287 
 
 petitors. That such a practice and such an attitude 
 of mind are contra bonos mores, and shock and revolt 
 the moral consciousness of the society in which we 
 live, will be admitted by all. 
 
 Here, however, we meet with one of those flagrant if society 
 moral contradictions referred to in the Introduc- ^SL n \ 
 
 i CUL/g 1 lloL o 
 
 tion, to expose which has been one of the chief such tmsi- 
 aims of this book. For though it is recognised ^ft^ns^s 
 that such prevailing practices are condemned as morally 
 immoral and unsocial by the moral consciousness of ought to 
 our age, such is the power of wealth, to which these wlthhold 
 
 encour- 
 
 practices ultimately lead, and the power, the conse- agement 
 quent social glitter and prestige which can be given "tivdy* 
 to the life of those possessing this wealth including combat 
 even the power to make large contributions towards 
 charitable or public needs that ultimately wealth 
 itself, irrespective of its moral or immoral, beautiful Society 
 or hideous, exalted or despicably sordid source, will Restate 
 carry with it social recognition and even the con- confer 
 ferring of the highest distinction on the part of the t/on'on 
 State. Society as well as social groups, and, above iii-be- 
 all, the State, must reconstitute their scale of social Seaith. 
 valuation. If society and the State are as yet too Afla 8 r * nt 
 
 case ot 
 
 unwieldy and incapable of positively affecting and contra- 
 regulating by unmistakable signs, recognition, ap- Between 
 proval and reward, those forms and traditions of modern 
 activity which themselves directly tend to the advance- molSn 1 " 1 
 ment of society and the higher development of moral practice, 
 standards, they ought at least directly to discourage 
 and to combat those forms which are " against good 
 policy " and which distort and vitiate the recognised 
 standards of social morality. 
 
 I have endeavoured elsewhere l to show how the Finance 
 whole system of what is called finance, besides being !^ the 
 dangerous to the individual, has had the most dis- portation 
 
 of capital. 
 
 1 The Political Confession of a Practical Idealist. London, 1911. 
 See Appendix IV. 
 
 21
 
 288 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 astrous effects upon the natural, intelligent, and 
 normal development of adequate social and moral 
 ideals among us. I have further attempted to show 
 how the important function of the transportation of 
 capital can, not only be most effectually carried out 
 by the State, but would also be a most effective 
 means of levying taxes for public purposes. At the 
 same time it would remove the most threatening 
 economical and social danger namely, the automatic 
 accumulation of excessive capital by individuals and 
 bodies, devoid of the responsibility corresponding to 
 the excessive power conveyed. Its chief effect upon 
 the question which we are now considering is, that it 
 would counteract the prevalence of most effective 
 false ideals which are demoralising every layer and 
 group of society in every one of the civilised countries 
 of the world. 
 
 inteilec- But this reform of the transportation of capital 
 capital- * s a ^ so required for the transportation of that less 
 patent manifest and more evasive form of capital in the 
 copy- intellectual, scientific, or artistic achievements of man 
 right. i n so f ar as they come under the head of patents and 
 copyright in fact all those forms of potential capital 
 which require industrial support to become actual 
 economic values. It is here that the State, by means 
 of its patent and copyright laws, can do much. But 
 vast improvement is required to protect the producer 
 of such goods. As it is, the inventor (unreasonable 
 as he may often be, unpractical and difficult to 
 deal with in his sensitiveness and want of business 
 habits) is at the mercy, not only of the ordinary 
 business man, but of those evil traditions of sharp 
 practice in which all generosity and even all fair- 
 ness are suspended among those men whose co- 
 operation is indispensable if the invention is to be 
 converted into an industrial and commercial success. 
 The share of the inventor in great profits is thus
 
 PATENT LAWS, PROMOTING 289 
 
 generally reduced to an unfair minimum. The lead 
 given by Germany in her patent laws, as differing from 
 our own, points to the right direction in which these 
 laws are to ensure ordinary justice and to tend to 
 counteract the distinctly immoral practices of modern 
 business. 
 
 But beyond dealing with patents and those intel- The 
 lectual goods which can be copyrighted, the evil j^ O j~ 
 traditions of the business of promotion and finance, ideas and 
 perhaps unknown to the mass of the people, are si^ s es 
 devious, reprehensible and low, and are recognised 
 and cynically admitted by the business world itself 
 concerned in such transactions, to be so, when a less 
 definite though negotiable idea or some potential 
 capital in the form of a concession is offered for 
 exploitation. The current practices in this field of 
 business enterprise are most reprehensible and display 
 low standards of business honour. To illustrate the 
 dominant practices, which, it must be admitted, 
 necessarily exclude any standards of chivalry and 
 honour which go to the making of a gentleman, I 
 cannot do better than to quote in the Appendix 1 
 in full an article by one of the most prominent prac- 
 tical and theoretical financiers of varied and wide 
 experience in matters financial throughout the world, 
 which was published in Murray's Magazine in 1889. 
 I venture to say that no one is a greater authority 
 in this sphere ; while I may be allowed to add that The need 
 no man is possessed of a higher and more refined sense for prac- 
 of honour than is the writer of this article. ethical 
 
 Whatever hopes we may have regarding the future laws to 
 action of States, we must lay it down as a law of social modern 6 
 ethics in order to free ourselves from direct contradic- com -. 
 tion in our daily life, which society at large and all uf e and 
 individual men who respect themselves and who have mamtam 
 
 our 
 
 the general good of society at heart, ought to insist higher 
 
 social 
 i See Appendix V. ethicg>
 
 2QO 
 
 on namely, that no person is to be admitted into 
 an honest and honourable group of society whose 
 private or whose business honour is tarnished ; that 
 wealth and power derived from sources and from 
 practices opposed to higher commercial honour, and 
 even from sources which, if not plainly dishonourable 
 are unsocial in their character, and imply an attitude 
 of mind definitely bent on harming or ruining the com- 
 petitor, that such action should not evoke admiration 
 or approval and should not confer upon the possessors 
 of them a claim to social recognition or regard . 
 
 I have enlarged upon the commercial aspect of 
 modern life because it is so dominant in our own days, 
 and I have endeavoured thereby to illustrate the 
 actual need for the codification of ethics in response 
 to the varied requirements of modern social evolution. 
 More directly I have endeavoured to show the corre- 
 sponding need for the modification of our conception 
 of honour, an idea so important in social ethics, which 
 the evolution of our life has made necessary. 
 Besides The gentleman is thus, before all things, a man of 
 homfur- h nour - He possesses a highly developed and refined 
 able, the sense of truth, honesty and justice, tempered by a 
 maifmust stron g impulse of generosity which goes with strength 
 bechivai-and is the essential element of chivalry. The con- 
 sciousness of superior strength must display itself in 
 its attitude towards weakness. This in no way 
 establishes the rule of the weak, " the ethics of 
 slaves," and the dominance of the inferior ; for the 
 true gentleman has ultimate ideals for society and 
 humanity at large of a distinctly aristocratic char- 
 acter, that is, the predominance of what is best, and 
 will fearlessly work towards the realisation of these 
 Gener- ideals. He will assert his power to this end, though 
 osity to suc h an assertion in no way precludes his generosity 
 ' towards the weak, whom he will thereby raise and 
 not degrade to the slavery which blind and im-
 
 CHIVALRY, CONSIDERATION, TACT 291 
 
 moral power imposes to the ultimate undoing of its 
 own strength and virtue. I repeat, the superman 
 who is not a gentleman is inconceivable. 
 
 The same sense of chivalry must show itself in the Chivalry 
 attitude of man towards woman. He will always 
 remain conscious of the fact, and manifest this con- 
 sciousness in his actions towards her, that he is 
 physically the stronger and will not take advantage 
 of her weakness. If he does not act thus, he will sin 
 against his sense not only of justice, but of fairness 
 and generosity. On the other hand, he will not insult 
 and degrade woman by excluding her from moral 
 responsibility and from the dictates of reason and pure 
 justice and conceive her as an irresponsible being. All 
 that has been said of honour and all social virtues 
 applies to woman in a form suitable to her nature. 
 
 Beside and beyond being a man of honour and Consider- 
 responding to the weightier duties of honesty, justice tacTand 
 and chivalry, the true gentleman will develop in good 
 himself what, from a mistaken view of the needs of 
 social life, may be considered the lighter and less vanities, 
 important duties. These are the social qualities 
 upon which the free intercourse of human beings 
 among each other as social beings depends ; and 
 from this point of view of social intercourse and the 
 aggregate daily life of human society they are most 
 weighty. They are the essential elements in man's 
 humanity, in the restricted acceptation of that term, 
 which make him human and produce the humanities. 
 The sins which most of us commit in our ordinary daily 
 life chiefly fall under this category, and from this 
 point of view they are most serious and become almost 
 heinous. In fact, the sins against the humanities 
 are as serious as the sins against humanity ; they 
 demand no less energetic resistance because they are 
 the sins nearly all of us are most likely to commit. 
 To put it epigrammatically, if not with paradoxical
 
 292 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 exaggeration : for most of us it may be as great a 
 sin to commit a rudeness, to show a want of con- 
 sideration, to shirk answering a letter, to refrain from 
 paying a call which might reassure another human 
 being of our regard, or avoid wounding them by ignor- 
 ing them, as to refuse a contribution to a deserving 
 charity or to visit the slums where, it is more than 
 likely, our presence is not required and may do no 
 good. The gentleman manifests breeding, considera- 
 tion and tact ; his whole nature is harmoniously 
 attuned to respond to all the calls from the human 
 beings with whom he comes in contact, and to dispel 
 all discords in the life which immediately touches his 
 own. The meaning of this humanity or human-ness 
 has never been more perfectly expounded than in 
 the following passage of M. Bergson l : 
 
 " Each of us has a particular disposition which he 
 owes to nature, to habits engrafted by education . . . 
 to his profession ... to his social position. The 
 division of labour which strengthens the union of men 
 in all important matters, making them interdependent 
 one with another, is nevertheless apt to compromise 
 those social relations which should give charm and 
 pleasure to civilised life. It would seem, then, that 
 the power we have of acquiring lasting habits appro- 
 priate to the circumstances of the place we desire to 
 fill summons in its train yet another which is destined 
 to correct it and give it flexibility a power, in short, 
 to give up for the moment, when need arises, the 
 habits we have acquired and even the natural dis- 
 position we have developed a power to put ourselves 
 in another's place, to interest ourselves in his affairs, 
 to think with his thought, to live in his life ; in a 
 word, to forget ourselves. These are good manners, 
 which in my opinion are nothing but a kind of moral 
 plasticity. The accomplished man of the world 
 
 1 Quoted from the Moniteur de Puy-de-D6me, August 5, 1885, in 
 Henri Bergson, An Account of Life and Philosophy, by Algot Rule 
 and Nancy Margaret Paul, p. 10.
 
 BERGSON ON GOOD MANNERS 293 
 
 knows how to talk to any man on the subject that 
 interests him ; he enters into the other's views, yet 
 he does not therefore adopt them ; he understands 
 everything, though he does not necessarily excuse 
 everything. So we come to like him when we have 
 hardly begun to know him ; we are speaking to a 
 stranger and are surprised and delighted to find in 
 him a friend. What pleases us about him is the ease 
 with which he descends or rises to our level, and, 
 above all, the skill with which he conveys the im- 
 pression that he has a secret preference for us and 
 is not the same to everybody else. Indeed, the char- 
 acteristic of this man of consummate breeding is to 
 like all his friends equally well and each of them more 
 than all the rest. Consequently our pleasure in 
 talking to him is not without a trace of flattered 
 vanity. We may say that the charm of his manners 
 is the charm belonging to everything that ' Good 
 manners are the grace of the mind.' Like the mani- 
 festation of bodily grace they evoke the idea of limit- 
 less adaptability ; they suggest too that this adapt- 
 ability is at our service and that we can count 
 upon it. Both, in short, belong to the order of things 
 that have a delicately balanced equilibrium and an 
 unstable position. A mere touch would reverse that 
 equilibrium and send them at once into an opposite 
 state. Between the finest manners and an obsequious 
 hypocrisy there is the same distance as between the 
 desire to serve men and the art of using them in our 
 service. . . . The balance is not easy to keep. We need 
 tact, subtlety, and above all a respect for ourselves 
 and for others. 
 
 " Beyond this form of good manners, which is no 
 better than a talent, I can conceive another which 
 is almost a virtue. . . . There are timid and delicate 
 souls who, because they mistrust themselves, are 
 eager for approbation and desire to have their vague 
 sense of their own desert upheld by praise from others. 
 Is this vanity or is it modesty ? I do not know. 
 But whereas the self-confident man annoys us by his 
 determination to impose on everyone his own good 
 opinion of himself, we are attracted by those who
 
 294 
 
 anxiously await from us that favourable verdict on 
 their worth which we are willing to give. A well- 
 timed compliment, a well-deserved eulogy, may 
 produce in these delicate souls the effect of a sudden 
 gleam of sunlight on a dreary landscape. Like the 
 sun it will bestow new life, and may even transform 
 into fruit blossoms that without it would have 
 withered untimely. It takes up its dwelling in the 
 soul and gives it warmth and support, inspiring that 
 self-confidence which is the condition of joy, bringing 
 hope into the present and offering an earnest of success 
 to come. On the other hand, a careless allusion or a 
 word of blame, uttered by those in authority, may 
 throw us into that state of black discouragement in 
 which we feel discontented with ourselves, weary of 
 others, and full of distaste for life itself. Just as a 
 tiny crystal dropt into a saturated solution summons 
 to itself the immense multitude of scattered molecules 
 and makes the bubbling liquid change suddenly into a 
 mass of solids, so, at the merest hint of reproach, there 
 hasten from every quarter, from the hidden depths 
 of the heart, fears that were seemingly conquered, 
 wounds of disillusion that were healed over, all the 
 vague and floating griefs which did but await the 
 moment when they might crystallise together into a 
 compacted mass, and press with all their weight upon 
 a soul thenceforward inert and discouraged. Such 
 morbid sensibility is supposed to be rare because it 
 is careful to hide what it suffers ; but who among us, 
 even the strongest and best equipped for the battle 
 of life, has not known at times the pain of wounded 
 self-respect, and felt as though the springs of the 
 action he was about to undertake were broken within 
 him . . . while at other times he was uplifted in joy 
 and a sense of harmony overflowed him, because the 
 right word spoken in a happy hour reached that 
 profound interior chord which can vibrate only when 
 all the powers of life thrill in unison. It is some 
 such word that we should know how and when to 
 speak ; therein lie the heart's good manners the 
 good manners that are a virtue. For they argue the 
 love of our neighbour and the lively desire to win
 
 BERGSON ON GOOD MANNERS 295 
 
 his love ; they show charity at work in the difficult 
 domain of a man's self-love, where it is as hard to 
 recognise the disease as to have a desire to heal it. 
 And this suggests to us a general definition of good 
 manners, as embodying a regard for the feelings of 
 others which will enable us to make them pleased 
 with both themselves and us. Underlying them is a 
 great and real kindness, but it may very likely 
 remain ineffectual unless there be joined to it pene- 
 tration of mind, suppleness, the power of making fine 
 distinctions, and a profound knowledge of the human 
 heart. 
 
 " Education, while it increases that mental flexi- 
 bility which is a quality dominant in the man of the 
 world, enables the best among us to acquire know- 
 ledge of the hearts of men, whereby kindliness is 
 rendered skilful and becomes the good manners of 
 the heart. This our forefathers recognised when 
 they termed the studies of the later years of school 
 life the humanities. Doubtless they held in remem- 
 brance the sweetness and light coming of long com- 
 panionship with the best minds of all time and so 
 well summed up in the Latin word humanitas. They 
 had in mind also the profound knowledge of the human 
 heart which may be attained through a sympathetic 
 study of the classics and which, adding penetration 
 to charity, gives it power to move freely along the 
 thousand byways of sensitiveness and self-love. 
 Perhaps, too, they had in mind that high self-control 
 with which men who have read much and thought 
 much . . . give utterance even to their most cherished 
 theories, their deepest convictions. This again is 
 yet another form of good manners. . . . 
 
 " There is a way of expressing our opinions without 
 giving offence ; there is an art which teaches us to 
 listen, gives us a desire to understand, enables us to 
 enter on occasion into the mind of others in short, 
 to exhibit in discussions, even those on politics, 
 religion, and morals, the courtesy too often reserved 
 for trivial and indifferent matters. Where this 
 courtesy is maintained it seems to me that divisions 
 are less acute and disputes less bitter. . . . But such
 
 296 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 respect for the opinions of others is not to be acquired 
 without sustained effort ; and I know no more power- 
 ful ally in the overcoming of that intolerance which 
 is a natural instinct than philosophic culture. Aris- 
 totle said that in a republic where all the citizens 
 were lovers of knowledge and given to reflection they 
 would all love one another. He did not mean by this, 
 I take it, that knowledge puts an end to dispute, 
 but rather that dispute loses its bitterness and strife 
 its intensity when lifted into the realm of pure 
 thought into the world of tranquillity, measure, and 
 harmony. For the idea is friendly to the idea, even 
 to the contrary idea. ..." 
 
 Culture. The direct cultivation of the moral or social side 
 of our nature i s supplemented and strengthened by 
 
 the gen- intellectual culture. Besides its direct aim to fit 
 tieman. ug Qr some d e fmite task which in our adult life we are 
 to fulfil and thus to make us specialists in some 
 definite work, the aim of all education must be to 
 develop the humanities in us, to strengthen and to 
 refine our intelligence, our appreciation of truth, our 
 taste, and, above all, what we can best call our 
 intellectual sympathies. Education must produce 
 this intellectual sympathy to such a degree, that, 
 without becoming a specialist in every department 
 of mental activity or, on the other hand, a pretentious 
 sciolist or superficial dabbler, the gentleman can enter 
 into all intellectual pursuits and sympathise with 
 their aims, their achievements, and the methods which 
 lead to them ; so that as a true citizen of the spiritual 
 world he may say : eques sum ; nihil intelligibile a me 
 alienum puto. We must always remember that, 
 necessary and important for the advancement of 
 human life as the production of the specialist may be, 
 the ideal of the human being is the harmonious and 
 complete development of the humanity within man, 
 which includes, or rather means above all things, the
 
 UNIVERSITY EDUCATION 297 
 
 spiritual life and achievements of mankind. 1 In so 
 far as he is a specialist he sacrifices something of his 
 humanity, and, as he is an organic and not a 
 mechanical being, he must rectify this defective 
 influence of his specialist activity. By training and 
 discipline in the humanistic side of his nature he 
 restores the normal and complete balance of the 
 humanity within him. Education which exclusively 
 aims at the production of the specialist would destroy 
 its own end in the interest of humanity were it to 
 succeed. I have already touched upon this question 
 as regards the practical activity in our institutions of 
 elementary education. It is most important also to 
 bear this question in mind when we consider our 
 highest educational institutions, our universities. 
 
 These universities have a clearly recognisable Higher 
 twofold sphere, towards each of which their existence f. duca - 
 
 . , tion. 
 
 and their activity tend, namely, the impersonal andTheuni- 
 the personal aspect of university work. The imper- j^ 1 ^' 
 sonal aspect is the more important ; and it depends personal 
 upon the regulation and co-ordination of studies uSver- 
 whether, after fulfilling its impersonal duties, it sit y work - 
 cannot be made as well to respond adequately to the 
 personal needs. In this impersonal aspect univer- 
 sities are institutions in which the highest pursuits 
 of pure science and research are carried on, irrespec- 
 tive of immediate practical application or use from 
 the material and economic point of view and even 
 from the educational point of view. They are to 
 advance pure knowledge in its highest form with the 
 most effective concentration upon this one great task, 
 and thus they will advance the community, the State, 
 and humanity towards the ideal goal of universal 
 progress. In doing this they will most effectively 
 increase the volume of truth and of human culture, 
 
 1 See Specialisation, a Morbid Tendency of our Age, by the present 
 Author. Minerva, Rome, 1880.
 
 298 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 and thereby furnish the material for the increase of 
 the humanities, when the results of such work pene- 
 trate into the actual life of the communities and of 
 the individuals who compose them. Moreover, the 
 pure and concentrated spirituality of such effort, 
 and the atmosphere which emanates from it, will of 
 themselves be of the greatest disciplinary and educa- 
 tional value in the composition of a cultured indi- 
 vidual. I once ventured to put the difference be- 
 tween the school and the university into an epigram : 
 " A school is scientific because it is educational ; a 
 university is educational because it is scientific." 1 
 Even if there were no students to benefit by the 
 teaching of a university, its supreme purpose in a 
 civilised community would remain as the living 
 centre for the advancement of science. 
 
 indirectly On the other hand, the directly personal and educa- 
 aimsof *ive use of a university is not excluded by this 
 univer- recognition of its impersonal aims. The men whom 
 
 sitywork. . . ,. , - _. , 
 
 it trains to carry on this lotty and necessary work 
 are not prepared or improved for their supreme task 
 by sacrificing their humanity ; and those who are 
 not destined in after-life to grasp, hold and keep 
 alight the torch of pure science as kindled in the uni- 
 versities, will be all the more complete in their intel- 
 lectual development and more fitted to perform their 
 several functions in society, by having dwelt for one 
 specialist com P ar atively short period of their life in this lofty 
 is also the and attenuated atmosphere of pure and thorough 
 - science and knowledge. But, I repeat, both the 
 
 ing his potential scientific specialist and the more general 
 humanity worker and explorer of things human in life itself, 
 and by need not sacrifice the normal development of the 
 ingin P humanity in them. They will be more efficient, 
 
 whatever walk of life they pursue, by becoming more 
 
 ie ^,? a * "The Ideal of a University," North American Review. See also 
 man. The Study of Art in Universities, London, 1896.
 
 HUMANISTIC STUDIES 299 
 
 versatile intellectual beings and more perfect social units 
 who can respond to every aspect of purely social life : 
 they need in no way sacrifice their humanity. They 
 will naturally be the better men of science, and still 
 better statesmen, lawyers, merchants, landowners, and 
 even humbler workers by being gentlemen. 
 
 Humanistic studies will always have to be repre- Human- 
 sented in the universities, not only for those who 1 ^. 
 
 J studies in 
 
 pursue them, but also for those who wish to specialise theuni- 
 in even the most abstract and least " human " studies. versit y- 
 Those who directly pursue the humanities and aim 
 at a more general education, ought, without falling 
 into pretentious superficiality (which the merely 
 popularised study of science tends to produce) at least 
 to gain some intellectual sympathy with that impor- 
 tant department of human knowledge called Science 
 in the restricted sense, by familiarising themselves 
 with the work and the teaching of the great 
 science-specialists in the universities. They will 
 thereby also gain an inestimable mental training 
 from living in the atmosphere of such pure and 
 exalted work for which their after-life will give them 
 no opportunity. 
 
 The personal aspect of university teaching, while The per- 
 thus based above all things on thoroughness and ^ n ^ t of 
 concentration of thought, will directly aim at the univer- 
 well-proportioned co-ordination of all aspects of ^^ ag 
 
 scientific and humanistic endeavour, to produce the it contri- 
 true man of culture, who, however efficient in any one produce 
 specialised department of work, will have assimilated * he g en - 
 the principles and methods of the intellectual achieve- 
 ment of the age. In so far the universities will con- 
 tribute their share towards cultivating in their students 
 the idea of the gentleman. This aim has to my 
 knowledge never been put more forcibly and more 
 beautifully than by Cardinal Newman when he says * : 
 
 1 The Idea of a University, by John Henry, Cardinal Newman, p. 177
 
 300 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 "... But a university training is the great 
 ordinary means to a great but ordinary end ; it aims 
 at raising the intellectual tone of society, at cultivating 
 the public mind, at purifying the national taste, at 
 supplying true principles to popular enthusiasm and 
 fixed aims to popular aspiration, at giving enlarge- 
 ment and sobriety to the ideas of the age, at facili- 
 tating the exercise of political power, and refining 
 the intercourse of private life. It is the education 
 which gives a man a clear, conscious view of his own 
 opinions and judgments, a truth in developing them, 
 an eloquence in expressing them, and a force in urging 
 them. It teaches him to see things as they are, to 
 go right to the point, to disentangle a skein of thought, 
 to detect what is sophistical, and to discard what is 
 irrelevant. It prepares him to fill any post with 
 credit, and to master any subject with facility. It 
 shows him how to accommodate himself to others, 
 how to throw himself into their state of mind, how 
 to bring before them his own, how to influence them, 
 how to come to an understanding with them, how to 
 bear with them. He is at home in any society, he 
 has common ground with every class ; he knows 
 when to speak, and when to be silent ; he is able to 
 converse, he is able to listen ; he can ask a question 
 pertinently, and gain a lesson seasonably, when he 
 has nothing to impart himself ; he is ever ready, 
 yet never in the way ; he is a pleasant companion, 
 and a comrade you can depend upon ; he knows 
 when to be serious and when to trifle, and he has a 
 sure tact which enables him to trifle with gracefulness 
 and to be serious with effect. He has the repose of 
 a mind which lives in itself, while it lives in the 
 world, and which has resources for its happiness at 
 home when it cannot go abroad. He has a gift which 
 serves him in public, and supports him in retirement, 
 without which good fortune is but vulgar, and with 
 which failure and disappointment have a charm. The 
 art which tends to make a man all this, is, in the object 
 which it pursues, as useful as the art of wealth or the 
 art of health, though it is less susceptible of method, and 
 less tangible, less certain, less complete in its result."
 
 QUALITIES OF ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES 301 
 
 Whatever the shortcomings in the organisation 
 and in the work of our older English universities may 
 be from the point of view of the most highly specialised 
 study though these deficiencies have continuously 
 been overcome by the reforms instituted during the last 
 two generations they have retained in them, in their 
 modes of teaching and study, and especially in their 
 modes of living, as well as in the historical associations 
 clustering round their ancient buildings and the 
 genius of the place elements which definitely and 
 directly make for the realisation of this particular com- 
 ponent in the constitution of the gentleman. We may 
 hope that no modifications or reforms, intended to 
 satisfy the more material wants, will counteract or 
 weaken these qualities. In fact there is no need, in 
 spite of all response to modern demands, that they 
 should thus be weakened. But, in adopting from 
 German academic institutions some of the best 
 elements in the pursuit of higher university work, 
 through the recent reforms introduced into English 
 universities, the danger has become imminent that 
 we may lose the important heritage of the traditional 
 character of English university education, and that 
 the tendency may have been to disown spiritual 
 possessions of the highest value so that we may das 
 Kind mil dem Bade ausschutten (pour the child out 
 with the bath-water), to use a homely German saying. 
 I may be allowed to quote a very instructive passage 
 from the essays of Mr. G. Lowes Dickinson, 1 which 
 have recently appeared, bearing on this point : 
 
 " Scene, a club in a Canadian city ; persons, a 
 professor, a doctor, a business man, and a traveller 
 (myself). Wine, cigars, anecdotes ; and suddenly, 
 popping up, like a Jack-in-the-box absurdly crowned 
 with ivy, the intolerable subject of education. I do 
 not remember how it began ; but I know there came 
 
 1 Appearances, "Culture," pp. 205 seq.
 
 302 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 a point at which, before I knew where I was, I found 
 myself being assailed on the subject of Oxford and 
 Cambridge. Not, however, in the way you may 
 anticipate. Those ancient seats of learning were not 
 denounced as fossilised, effete, and corrupt. On the 
 contrary, I was pressed, urged, implored almost with 
 tears in the eye to reform them ? No ! to let them 
 alone 1 
 
 " ' For heaven's sake, keep them as they are ! You 
 don't know what you've got, and what you might 
 lose ! We know ! We've had to do without it ! 
 And we know that without it everything else is of 
 no avail. We bluster and brag about education on 
 this side of the Atlantic. But in our heart of hearts 
 we know that we have missed the one thing needful, 
 and that you, over in England, have got it.' 
 ' And that one thing ? ' 
 
 " ' Is Culture I Yes, in spite of Matthew Arnold, 
 Culture, and Culture, and always Culture.' 
 
 " ' Meaning by Culture ? ' 
 
 " ' Meaning Aristotle instead of Agriculture, Homer 
 instead of Hygiene, Shakespeare instead of the Stock 
 Exchange, Bacon instead of Banking, Plato instead 
 of Psedagogics ! Meaning intellect before intelli- 
 gence, thought before dexterity, discovery before 
 invention ! Meaning the only thing that is really 
 practical, ideas ; and the only thing that is really 
 human, the Humanities 1 ' 
 
 " Rather apologetically, I began to explain. At 
 Oxford, I said, no doubt the Humanities still hold 
 the first place. But at Cambridge they have long 
 been relegated to the second or the third. There we 
 have schools of Natural Science, of Economics, of 
 Engineering, of Agriculture. We have even a Train- 
 ing College in Paedagogics. Their faces fell, and they 
 renewed their passionate appeal. 
 
 " ' Stop it,' they cried. ' For heaven's sake, stop 
 it ! In all those things we've got you skinned alive 
 over here ! If you want Agriculture, go to Wiscon- 
 sin ! If you want Medicine, go to the Rockefeller 
 Institute ! If you want Engineering, go to Pittsburg 1 
 But preserve still for the English-speaking world
 
 MR. LOWES DICKINSON ON CULTURE 303 
 
 what you alone can give ! Preserve liberal culture ! 
 Preserve the Classics ! Preserve Mathematics ! Pre- 
 serve the seed-ground of all practical invention and 
 appliances ! Preserve the integrity of the human 
 mind 1 ' 
 
 " Interesting, is it not ? These gentlemen, no 
 doubt, were not typical Canadians. But they were 
 not the least intelligent men I have met on this con- 
 tinent. And when they had finally landed me in 
 my sleeping-berth in the train, and I was left to 
 my own reflections in that most uncomfortable of all 
 situations, I began to consider how odd it was that 
 in matters educational we are always endeavouring 
 to reform the only part of our system that excites 
 the admiration of foreigners. 
 
 " I do not intend, however, to plunge into that 
 controversy. The point that interests me is the view 
 of my Canadian friends that in America there is no 
 ' culture.' And, in the sense they gave to that term, 
 I think they are right. There is no culture in America. 
 There is instruction ; there is research ; there is 
 technical and professional training ; there is 
 specialisation in science and industry ; there is every 
 possible application of life to purpose and ends ; 
 but there is no life for its own sake. Let me illustrate. 
 It is, I have read, a maxim of American business that 
 1 a man is damned who knows two things.' ' He is 
 almost a dilettante.' It was said of a student, ' He 
 reads Dante and Shakespeare 1 ' ' The perfect pro- 
 fessor,' said a College President, ' should be willing 
 to work hard eleven months in the year.' These are 
 straws, if you like, but they show the way the wind 
 blows. Again, you will find, if you travel long in 
 America, that you are suffering from a kind of atrophy. 
 You will not, at first, realise what it means. But 
 suddenly it will flash upon you that you are suffering 
 from lack of conversation. You do not converse ; 
 you cannot ; you can only talk. It is the rarest 
 thing to meet a man who, when a subject is started, 
 is willing or able to follow it out into its ramifications, 
 to play with it, to embroider it with pathos or with 
 wit, to penetrate to its roots, to trace its connexions 
 
 22
 
 304 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 and affinities. Questions and answer, anecdote and 
 jest are the staple of American conversation ; and, 
 above all, information. They have a hunger for 
 positive facts. And you may hear them hour after 
 hour rehearsing to one another their travels, their 
 business transactions, their experience in trains, in 
 hotels, on steamers, till you begin to feel you have 
 no alternatives before you but murder or suicide. 
 An American, broadly speaking, never detaches him- 
 self from experience. His mind is embedded in it ; 
 it moves wedged in fact. His only escape is into 
 humour ; and even his humour is but a formula of 
 exaggeration. It implies no imagination, no real 
 envisaging of its object. It does not illuminate a 
 subject, it extinguishes it, clamping upon every topic 
 the same grotesque mould. That is why it does not 
 really much amuse the English. For the English 
 are accustomed to Shakespeare, and to the London 
 cabby. 
 
 " This may serve to indicate what I mean by lack 
 of culture. I admit, of course, that neither are the 
 English cultured. But they have culture among 
 them. They do not, of course, value it ; the Ameri- 
 cans, for aught I know, value it more ; but they 
 produce it, and the Americans do not. I have visited 
 many of their colleges and universities, and every- 
 where, except perhaps at Harvard unless my im- 
 pressions are very much at fault I have found the 
 same atmosphere. It is the atmosphere known as 
 the ' Yale spirit,' and it is very like that of an English 
 public school. It is virile, athletic, gregarious, all- 
 penetrating, all-embracing. It turns out the whole 
 university to sing rhythmic songs and shout rhythmic 
 cries at football matches. It praises action and 
 sniffs at a speculation. It exalts morals and depresses 
 intellect. It suspects the solitary person, the dreamer, 
 the loafer, the poet, the prig. This atmosphere, of 
 course, exists in English universities. It is imported 
 there from the public schools. But it is not all- 
 pervading. Individuals and cliques escape. And it 
 is those who escape that acquire culture. In America, 
 no one escapes, or they are too few to count. I know
 
 MORAL HEALTH OF YOUNG ENGLAND 305 
 
 Americans of culture, know and love them ; but I 
 feel them to be lost in the sea of philistinism. They 
 cannot draw together, as in England, and leaven the 
 lump. The lump is bigger, and they are fewer. 
 All the more honour to them ; and all the more loss 
 to America." l 
 
 We all know and value the type of man for whom 
 Mr. Dickinson here pleads. And though our German 
 detractors (whose educational system also fails in 
 this very respect), or those who know us not, charge us 
 with moral degeneracy, I am justified in claiming 
 that, among the vast mass of young men who study 
 in our universities and issue from them, a large number 
 possess, and to a great degree realise, such ideals of 
 higher education on the moral and intellectual side. 
 
 1 I cannot in this respect agree with Mr. Dickinson in his opinion 
 of the American people. No doubt the spirit of pure commercialism 
 especially of finance and company-promoting is thus essentially 
 opposed to culture and higher moral refinement. Wherever it domi- 
 nates it must have this effect upon the community. But things 
 must have changed greatly within the last twenty or thirty years, if 
 there no longer exists in America a distinctly and admittedly leading 
 group of society in most of the great centres, which is thoroughly 
 representative of culture and of high ideals. I may be pardoned for 
 recording my own personal experience as far as it concerns friends no 
 longer living. My various visits to America during the eighties and 
 nineties of the last century led me then to the conviction that in no 
 European country in none of the capitals where, by good fortune, I 
 was thrown in contact with people of every class, especially those who 
 could claim, and really possessed, culture and refinement was the 
 cultured tone as high, the manners as good, and the conversation as 
 brilliant, impersonal, and unmaterial, as in some of the houses in 
 America where it also was my good fortune to be a guest. I recall 
 with admiration and delight the intercourse with members of the 
 " Thursday Club " in Boston, the house of the late Martin E. Brinmer, 
 where with men like Lowell, Charles Eliot Norton, Dr. Oliver Wendell 
 Holmes, Mr. Ticknor, and Mr. Coolidge, and many others, and with 
 women who in every respect were their equals, the conversation and 
 the general unobtrusive atmosphere of culture, as well as the exquisite 
 manners of these " men and women of the world," surpassed anything 
 I had met with in any of the European capitals. Moreover, these 
 social entertainments took place in settings of refinement and taste 
 which blended the best of the old world with that of the new. (Mr. 
 Howell's novel, The Rise of Silas Laphum, gives a picture of such true
 
 306 
 
 import- There is, however, one aspect in which, from the 
 good ver Y seriousness with which they uphold these ideals, 
 manners; they appear to me to neglect, or wilfully to ignore, 
 premeiy other aspects which go to the making of the gentle- 
 important man. In fact as an illustration of the error into 
 in culture which they fall the very term "gentleman" might 
 andm be obnoxious and repulsive to them or unworthy 
 
 the mak- . . r J 
 
 ing of a of serious consideration. In the eagerness and the 
 moral singleness of purpose with which they pursue 
 their lofty ideals of life, they may develop in them- 
 selves and in their views les defauts de leurs qualites. 
 They may spurn in theory and neglect in practice 
 the claims to serious attention of the lighter social 
 virtues for which I claim the most weighty moral 
 justification and most important social consideration. 
 I mean the amenities and graces of life, the conformity 
 to the traditions and customs of refined living and 
 breeding which society in the course of civilisation 
 has with much labour and after many centuries 
 evolved. In one word they have not " cultivated 
 good manners." In fact, they often have no manners 
 at all, and do not know what good manners are. 
 As they know and rightly too that they are 
 
 refinement in the Cory family.) The same applied to the homes of 
 the late Mr. Schermerhorn, members of the Draper family, not to 
 mention the literary and artistic centres of the late George William 
 Curtis, and of the late Mr. R. W. Gilder, and to the studio of the 
 sculptor St. Gaudens in New York ; to the salons of the late Mr. S. 
 Gray Ward, John Hay and Francis Adams in Washington ; while I had 
 reason to believe that in the West, notably in such centres as St. 
 Louis, there existed circles in which intellectual and social ideals were 
 manifest and dominant. All this may have altered within the last 
 twenty years I cannot judge. But I can hardly believe that such 
 traditions would vanish so soon. Still sadder would it be if such 
 leaders of men were not recognised as the leaders of American society, 
 looked up to and admired by the American people at large ; and 
 in their stead the possessors of mere wealth, whose ambition was the 
 stage-glitter of tinsel social prominence designed for the publicity 
 of a degraded and personal public press, had by their action entirely 
 superseded the older traditions and were now to direct the social 
 taste, ambitions and ideals of the American people.
 
 DECLINE OF GOOD MANNERS 307 
 
 superior in their mentality and in their lives to the 
 majority of people with low ideals or no ideals at all, 
 they imagine themselves superior to well-mannered 
 people and above the established customs and tra- 
 ditions of good breeding. They need not pay a visit, 
 drop a card, though this be the well-founded, ulti- 
 mately highly moral, custom of the country. They 
 need not greet a friend or recognise an acquaintance 
 with the established form of salute, open the door for 
 a lady, enter into the spirit of ordinary conversation 
 in short do their share to contribute to the refined 
 and smoothly running course of social life until 
 they really become boors, ignorant, awkward, and 
 banausic in outward, apparent life as far removed 
 from the habits and conduct of the gentleman of old 
 as possible. The sins of omission and commission 
 which the yokel manifests from ignorance, they almost 
 assert from conviction ; until their habits of life 
 become as low as his, and the collective tone becomes 
 the same the only difference between them being 
 that the one's chief work is hoeing mangold- wurzels 
 and the other's digging at pure thought, and, perhaps, 
 paring epigrams. We may revolt against the tyranny 
 of social traditions and conventions when once they 
 have lost their meaning and have become stereotyped 
 or died, or are even associated with social injustice. 
 But so long as no such evil effects attach to them 
 they maintain their validity and importance. At all 
 events, as direct and outward expressions of the 
 higher art of social life, they are essential to the 
 advancement of society and civilisation. The dead 
 and stereotyped and malignant form ought to be 
 modified and replaced by new forms which truly 
 express the consensus of opinion in response to this 
 art of social living. To maintain and to cultivate 
 and to advance good manners, be it that they tend 
 to avoid wounding the sensitiveness of those with
 
 3o8 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 import- 
 
 the cult 
 of the 
 
 appear- 
 Dress. 
 
 whom we live, or that they positively increase their 
 self-esteem, or even give pleasure by their inherent 
 grace and kindliness, is a paramount duty for every 
 cultured social being, and is in no way exclusive of 
 loftiness of moral purpose or efficiency of concen- 
 trated life-work. 
 
 Even to bestow proper care upon outer appearance 
 m *ke f rm f dress need in no way inhibit or impair 
 our work, and our sincerity and efficiency in the more 
 serious aspects of life. On the other hand, it is a 
 constant and positive expression of regard to those 
 about us to show such attention to our own personal 
 appearance. And by this reference to the question 
 of dress I in no way mean that the direct application 
 of higher and absolute aesthetic principles, in adopting 
 the standards and the taste of the ancient Greeks or 
 the people of the glorious Italian Renaissance, will 
 respond to the need for which I am pleading, especi- 
 ally if these should be in direct contrast to the ruling 
 standards of taste evolved by modern times and our 
 immediate age. They would thus only accentuate 
 militant originality, or rather eccentricity, and the pro- 
 test against reasonable traditions and good manners 
 as established in our own days. 1 
 
 1 The claims to conformity in the lighter usages and amenities of 
 life were most forcibly brought home to me by the late Paul Rajon. 
 He was one of the most successful and leading etchers in France of 
 the last generation. In appearance, manners and dress, nothing 
 obtruded his artistic vocation ; he might have been a professional 
 man, or a man of affairs, or a " man of leisure and refinement." One day, 
 while I was with him in his beautiful studio in Paris, there arrived 
 a young artist who wished to show his work to the master-etcher 
 for criticism. The young man was dressed in the ultra-artistic or 
 Bohemian fashion ; enormous felt hat, fluttering tie, Wertherian cloak, 
 which he wore with an assertion of originality and nonconformity. 
 But it appeared that his work was most commonplace. Rajon care- 
 fully examined alternately the work and the attire of the young man, 
 and at last said : " Vous est-il jamais arrive de penser qu'ilfaut s'habiller 
 comme tout le monde et peindre comnte personne ? " The social frondeur 
 and this is generally the case in matters far beyond dress evidently 
 painted like everybody and dressed like nobody.
 
 IMPORTANCE OF DRESS, ETC. 309 
 
 I assert, without exaggeration or paradox, but, 
 on the contrary, with a full recognition of the ethical 
 purpose of the subject with which we are dealing, 
 that the custom prevailing in England in almost 
 every class, of washing, and of brushing up or changing 
 one's dress before sitting down to a meal, has produced 
 more good moral and social effects than the superficial 
 observer is likely to admit. I would seriously urge 
 that this custom should not be allowed to die out, 
 and should, on the contrary, be maintained and 
 encouraged in family life. It is a great national 
 asset. With those of comparative affluence, dressing 
 for dinner and for the life of leisure in the evening, 
 has far-reaching beneficent consequences and can in 
 no way be combated on the grounds of undue 
 expenditure, be it in time or in money. I can recall 
 how, many years ago, George Eliot, while depicting 
 graphically some of the ungainly effects and aspects 
 of the British Sunday in the country or country 
 town, dwelt with eloquence and vehement insistence 
 upon the important moral and social effect of " Sunday 
 clothes," and especially the changing from working 
 costumes to better dress. " The labourer hesitates 
 to use coarse language when he has his best coat on," 
 were her words. 
 
 I would, therefore, urgently plead that all seriously 
 minded men and women should realise their responsi- 
 bility in upholding and cherishing the Art of Living 
 in all its forms, and in developing in themselves the 
 social amenities and graces which are inseparable 
 from our ideal of the gentleman. In his perfect 
 realisation he may be rarely met with, but he does 
 exist among us. 
 
 " How many who have inner nobility and refine- 
 ment of taste with outer grace of demeanour, con- 
 siderateness, and tact,; whose intellectual education
 
 3io DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 embraces, at least as regards their sympathies, all 
 the varied spheres of noble mental effort ; whose 
 moral culture is so deep and true that they can 
 afford to be light and tolerant on the surface of social 
 conduct without calling in the need of the force- 
 pumps, bucketing up priggishness from the heavy 
 deposit of principles at the bottom of their conscience ; 
 whose nature is strung so that all the notes are true 
 in tone ; from whom we have never received a jar 
 from their blank limitation or from tortuous mal- 
 formation of taste, from meanness or grossness a 
 sudden disappointment or shock to the best cravings 
 within us, putting us out of tune for a whole day, 
 like an ugly picture or a discordant sound ? How 
 many have you met, of whatever class of society you 
 may think ? And the wrestling for distinction and 
 display pointed out by M. Leroy-Beaulieu, the gross- 
 ness of the parvenu he refers to, have you not found 
 some, if not all of them, among your closest friends 
 of the highest social distinction ? They may some- 
 times be found among dukes and nobles whose 
 ancestors go back to the crusaders and among princes 
 of the blood. Thackeray has seen them and has 
 immortalised them. An act such as the attempt to 
 write a book defending a people from abuse, as has 
 been written by M. Leroy-Beaulieu, the tone of fair- 
 ness, refinement, and depth of sympathy with which 
 it is pervaded, brings me nearer in mind to the picture 
 of a true gentleman, sans peur et sans reproche, than 
 many a glaring act of valour, or a life passed among 
 the most refined brilliancy of modern social life. 
 
 " A gentleman is, after all, as has so often been said, 
 made by the kindness of the heart, the tenderness 
 within strength, the alma gentil. Tact is the rapid 
 and true action directed by ready sympathy, which 
 keeps us from saying or doing what will harm or 
 cause discomfort to our neighbours it is loving- 
 kindness and unselfishness carried into our slightest 
 actions. Having these, any man may become a 
 gentleman in any sense. Failing these, he will never 
 be a true gentleman, however favourable the circum- 
 stances. But with them, and with intellectual refine-
 
 ETHICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE " GENTLEMAN " 311 
 
 ment and culture, put a boy into noble social sur- 
 roundings, and he will become an ornament to every 
 salon into which he steps. But take care that you 
 do not remind him of the fact that he is tolerated ! 
 
 " Here lies the difficulty. No man can display 
 these social qualities, nor can he avoid some appear- 
 ance of snobbishness, if by your action you make 
 the social ground upon which he stands and moves 
 unsteady, and rob him of the grace and lightness of 
 intercourse. He will be bound to become assertive 
 in some direction and deprived of his social ease." l 
 
 The gentleman thus conceived is the highest social Practical 
 being. The practical necessity, and, certainly, the 
 
 practical advantage, of clearly establishing this ideal effect of 
 and of forcing it into the consciousness of all members in g t he *~ 
 of a community as such an ideal, cannot be over- *yP e and 
 estimated. For no moral education is effective unless thegen- 
 
 a type of highest morality can be clearly brought to 
 
 the consciousness of those who are to be affected, aesthetic 
 
 I may be allowed to recall my own youthful experi- Amoral 
 
 ence, and at the same time to record my debt of teaching. 
 
 gratitude to those schoolmasters and schoolmistresses 
 
 in America not to mention the earliest home-teach- 
 
 ing in that country who constantly held up before 
 
 the young people some such ideal of a gentleman, 
 
 be it by positively stimulating ambition to live up 
 
 to it by self-repression and by definite courageous 
 
 assertion ; or, negatively, by conveying their con- 
 
 demnation of a mean or unworthy act by denying 
 
 to the delinquent the right to consider himself a 
 
 gentleman. The appeal is here chiefly made, not so 
 
 much directly to stern morality and to the conscious 
 
 weighing and balancing of moral injunctions, as to 
 
 our aesthetic faculties, to our taste, from which 
 
 admiration or disgust naturally emanate. And it is 
 
 in this aesthetic form that moral teaching may 
 
 1 The Jewish Question, p. 329.
 
 312 DUTY TO COMMUNITY AND TO SOCIETY 
 
 perhaps be most effective : not by an appeal to 
 duty and theory, but by an appeal to taste. No 
 moral discipline, moreover, has become thoroughly 
 efficient until it has been absorbed into man's natural 
 tastes and preferences ; as we may also say, that 
 no general social laws have become efficient until 
 they have been transformed into admitted social 
 traditions and customs, or even until they have be- 
 come fashionable, and are classified in the prevailing 
 vernacular as " good or bad form." 1 
 
 All these particular and later ramifications of 
 our social 'duties, however, are summarised in, and 
 naturally lead to, the establishment of wider social 
 ideals, in which the intercourse between human beings, 
 productive of material good, tends to the advance 
 of all social groups towards such final ideals, and 
 facilitates and accelerates the dominance of what is 
 best. 
 
 In this ascending scale we thus rise beyond the 
 individual and the larger or smaller communities, 
 as well as the social groupings and classes, to the 
 State, and, finally, to humanity as a whole. 
 
 1 See Appendix VI.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 As we have seen, our own Anglo-Saxon conception The con- 
 of the State the French and the Americans have tfsSt e f 
 virtually the same differs essentially from that and the 
 practically accepted in Germany now, and theoreti- relation 
 cally upheld and developed by those politicians, between 
 historians and philosophers who have led the German and the 
 mind during the last generation. The leading indi- moral 
 vidual exponent of the German conception may be stious- 
 considered to be Heinrich von Treitschke. In the 
 connotation which the leaders of German thought 
 give to the idea of State, it is an entity final and self- 
 existent, from which all individual and social rights 
 are derived and to which they are absolutely sub- 
 ordinated. The State must thus represent the ruling 
 powers that be, and it is difficult to see how the rights 
 and claims of individual thinkers or social groups, or 
 even of the majority of its citizens, can successfully 
 assert themselves against these powers, and how 
 any changes, modifications and reforms can be intro- 
 duced, without violence or revolution, while the ruling 
 powers representing the State are opposed to them. 
 If the authority of the State is self-sufficient, and if 
 the social groups and classes derive their rights from 
 it and their power is strictly limited by it, there is 
 no rational, legal, or moral right by which the citizens 
 can in their turn oppose the will and the authority 
 of the State. In our conception of the State, on the 
 contrary, its authority is entirely based upon the 
 
 3'3
 
 314 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 rights, as well as the duties, of individuals, groups, 
 communities, classes and occupations, and all ele- 
 ments which constitute the nation. The State and 
 its authority, its laws, its constitution, may thus 
 change, and ought, in a developing State, constantly 
 to change, in response to, and in harmony with, changes 
 in the individual, communal and social life of its 
 citizens. This life alters concurrently with the develop- 
 ment of the body of citizens themselves, as things 
 organic grow and develop so long as they live ; and 
 further, as such changes and developments are directly 
 caused by the conditions of life surrounding these 
 organic bodies, physical and moral by all that may 
 be called environment. The whole political activity 
 of a modern democracy thus directly expresses itself 
 in legislation and administration, which it assigns to 
 its Government, by which act it confers supreme 
 Revolu- authority and power upon the State as the final unit. 
 anarchy Therefore, in such States revolution and anarchy 
 have no have no place, no moral or legal ground for existence. 
 The citizen is bound to obey the laws which are made 
 
 l 
 
 states, by him ultimately ; and if he finds these laws unjust 
 obedi- or inadequate to the actual needs of life, or unsuited 
 
 the 6 art * ^ ne cnan g m g conditions which the advance of 
 of the human society has produced, the constitution provides 
 Dut-Tof n i m w ith the means of enforcing his will by his par- 
 the state ticipation in the direction of the authority of the State, 
 spond to an d not by destroying it. On the other hand, the 
 the moral State itself must always remain in touch with its foun- 
 sicai tain of life, that is, the individual life of its citizens. 
 of ifs 5 From this the State draws the very right of its exist- 
 citizens. ence. It must summarise in a higher, purer and more 
 unimpeachable form, not only the physical and 
 
 marise grossly tangible aspects of life, but also the morality 
 
 morality f these smaller units within its wider orbit. The 
 
 in a State should never present a lower, but always a higher, 
 
 form. morality. It is not only concerned with the material
 
 315 
 
 needs of the population, but with its higher and spiritual 
 needs as well. It should uphold and intensify indi- 
 vidual honour, being itself the source of all public 
 honour. It has the supreme and all-important 
 function of establishing and confirming the moral 
 values for all its citizens, for all communities, for all 
 public bodies, and for social life as well. 
 
 Therefore, our moral consciousness must clearly 
 consider and establish our duties to the State, both 
 the passive and the active duties of citizens. 
 
 The first duty is obedience. The fact of the legis- The more 
 lative power of the State having been derived fromj^iesto 
 the body of individual citizens does not lessen, but the state. 
 increases, the need for and justification of obedience e ncV~ 
 to these laws. Nor does the knowledge of such an 168 ? 60 *- 
 origin diminish the claim to respect and even rever- rever- 
 
 ence towards the democratic State as compared to 
 the absolutist State. The modern democrat and ism. 
 constitutionalist can repeat the words of Louis XIV 
 and say, " L'Etat c'est moi." But his realisation that 
 he individually is thus a part, however small, of this 
 supreme authority, and that it represents the totality 
 of the whole mass of his fellow-citizens, need surely 
 not diminish his reverence and respect for such a 
 supreme unit as compared with the personal authority, 
 self-invested or supposedly conferred by the grace of 
 God, of a Grand Monarque. Nor will intelligent and 
 self-respecting human beings be less inclined to offer 
 unlimited obedience to such authority when their own 
 free-will has been called into activity in its establish- 
 ment, in contrast to the absolute domination imposed 
 upon them from without by one human being. In 
 addition to such obedience and respect the citizen 
 can even feel affection and love for the impersonation 
 of the State, culminating in the most intense and 
 self-sacrificing patriotism. When called upon, he 
 will be prepared to sacrifice his life for his country,
 
 3i6 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 his president, or for his constitutional king, who 
 rules with his direct sanction, as readily as, and even 
 more readily, than for the country in the making of 
 whose laws he has had no part or for the absolute 
 monarch whose will is with persistent assertion 
 superimposed upon his own. 
 
 The state This being the case, it is most important that in the 
 be looked ethical training of such citizens, not only obedience 
 
 an outside tO the laW f the land and the autnorit y of tn e State 
 
 body op- should be constantly impressed upon them, so that 
 the*ind it: becomes an inner habit of mind ; but also that 
 viduai. they should never be allowed or encouraged to look 
 and au- upon the State and its authority as outside bodies 
 thority opposed to their own interests and will, whom they 
 
 upheld . ... . / 
 
 and the may thus readily come to consider an antagonistic 
 
 r 8 body or an enemy, until, like the proverbial Irishman 
 ried out they are "agin* the Government," always ready to 
 PP se or to evade authority. Even in countries 
 with a long and continuous tradition of personal 
 liberty, the mass of the people may be inclined to 
 look upon the State official as their enemy. Even 
 some of the most law-abiding citizens find occasionally 
 welling up in them an antagonism to the police, the 
 guardians of their own security, ready to sympathise 
 with, and even to abet, the pursued criminal. This 
 instinct illustrates the survival of traditions from the 
 bygone days of tyranny when the officers of the law 
 were in fact the enemies of the people, imposing 
 upon them the alien will and interests of rulers com- 
 pletely severed from them by their position. We 
 are still far removed from that state of political 
 
 honesty . . . . ^ 
 
 towards education in which the mass ot our citizens, even 
 the state. ^ t most educated and affluent, are so imbued with 
 the spirit of law and civic morality, that it would 
 be impossible for them to evade the just payment 
 of the Customs-dues which, by the laws they have 
 sanctioned, the State is bound to claim. Even the
 
 317 
 
 highly moral and refined member of society, who 
 would shrink with horror from any manifestly dis- 
 honest act, is not fully aware of his dishonesty, 
 and may at times even exult, when he successfully 
 cheats the Custom House official. In the same way, 
 illegally and wrongfully to pay the State less taxes 
 than is its due, by falsifying returns of income, 
 or in yielding to seductive self-deception, is a 
 practice to which many of our best and most 
 highly trained citizens will have to plead guilty. 
 The moral education of our future generations must 
 be such, that it will be impossible for them to 
 establish different standards of morality for their 
 dealings with their fellow-men or with the State and 
 its officials. 
 
 In addition to the more passive aspect of our duties Active 
 to the State, which lead to obedience and respect for fhestate: 
 its authority, there is the more active sphere of immedi- directly 
 ate duty. We must in every way contribute our own integrity 
 individual efforts, however small and inappreciable an( * 
 
 purity in 
 
 they may be, to make the State worthy of obedience, the ad- 
 
 respect, and reverence. We must jealously uphold 
 its purity and integrity both in its legislative and the state. 
 administrative functions. We must resent and com- 
 bat every delinquency of duty on the part of its 
 administrators, whether it directly affect us and our 
 interests or not. It is indifference to the maintenance 
 of the highest standards of purity and efficiency which 
 is at once one of the most insidious as well as disas- 
 trous outcomes of liberty in democratic communities. 
 The less we wish to be dominated by a stereotyped, 
 self-assertive, and tyrannical bureaucracy, the more 
 ought we to guard the integrity and the efficiency of 
 office, the more ought we to make each office worthy 
 of the obedience and respect which we willingly offer 
 to them collectively as our chosen administrators of 
 the law.
 
 318 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 The duty But in a truly democratic and constitutional nation 
 ing C iegis- * ne most important and effective function of the 
 lators, citizen will always be his power of electing his law- 
 through making representative. It is here that his most 
 them, the distinctive right conies into action, and, at the same 
 
 admims- . , . . . ., ... ,, 
 
 tration. time, his most imperative responsibility. I he really 
 it is good citizen is bound to exercise his function as a 
 refram voter. It is a singular fact how little this supreme 
 
 from responsibility of the citizen is recognised, and. more- 
 voting ... . 
 
 over, how often it is ignored in many cases by the 
 
 very men who possess the greatest power of thought, 
 deliberation, and judgment. In a book on the pre- 
 liminaries of the present war, purporting to give inac- 
 cessible facts and information derived from the very 
 leaders in European politics, that popular and success- 
 ful author, William le Queux, writes the following 
 passage : " Now, at the outset, I wish to say that I 
 am no party politician. My worst enemy could never 
 call me that. I have never voted for a candidate in my 
 life, for my motto has ever been ' Britain for the 
 British.' " He claims that all his actions have been 
 inspired by true patriotism. Moreover, his writings 
 imply that he is qualified to judge in matters political. 
 And yet, at the same time, he informs us that he has 
 never exercised that most important function which 
 in a constitutional country is the chief duty of every 
 citizen. But there is one saving clause in his state- 
 ment, conveyed by the term " party politician." 
 Thediffi- All that is implied in the terms " party," " party 
 seSby politics," and "party politician" make it most 
 party difficult at times for the conscientious voter to fulfil 
 to the 8 tms primary and supreme duty to the State. Singu- 
 consden- i ar iy enough, this difficulty is increased in the older 
 patriot, and more highly developed democracies where the 
 constitutional machinery is most perfect and works 
 most efficiently ; where there have been generations 
 and even centuries of constitutional practice, and the
 
 PARTY POLITICS 319 
 
 principles of freedom and self-government are firmly 
 and clearly established. In the younger, and less 
 developed democracies, less secure in the continuity 
 of their freedom, still influenced by the traditions and 
 survivals of more autocratic or tyrannical forms of 
 government, these difficulties do not arise to the same 
 degree. In such countries there are so many parties, The TWO- 
 often merely representative of different leading 
 individuals, that each voter can adequately and 
 accurately make his choice coincide with his own 
 political convictions at each election. The more 
 highly organised and firmly established democracies, 
 such as Great Britain and the United States, however, 
 have developed the two-party system ; and this 
 twofold division, moreover, has implied complete and 
 more or less permanent organisation within each 
 party. It is not necessary to discuss here whether 
 such organisations of party government are essential 
 or desirable. For us the fact, as it is, remains. Yet, 
 though we may accept it, it does not alter the fact 
 that, as regards our political morality, our duty 
 towards the State, we ought to do all in our power to 
 make our parliamentary vote correspond as com- 
 pletely as possible with our political convictions in 
 the light of the needs of the nation as they present 
 themselves to us at the time. One thing is absolutely 
 clear and indubitable : that we have no right to give 
 our vote to the party with which we have hitherto 
 been associated if their programme or platform does 
 not correspond to what, according to our best thought 
 and our truest conviction, we consider the good of 
 the nation. It is here again (as we have seen in 
 Part I of this book) that a misapplied sense of would- 
 be loyalty, unreasoning and unguided by the dictates 
 of duty and justice, is most vicious in its effect and 
 most destructive of our sense of political morality, 
 in fact of all morality. The man who is expected to 
 
 23
 
 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 give his vote for the best cause and for what he con- 
 siders the crying need of the country, and who will 
 not hesitate to relinquish his party when its principles 
 are directly opposed to these, is untruthful to himself 
 and to his country, and is personally as well as politi- 
 cally immoral. As we have seen before, he will 
 justify his action by professing to sacrifice himself for 
 the sake of " loyalty " to the party to which he has 
 always belonged, or even because his father and 
 grandfather had belonged to that party. As if this 
 cringing to the hereditary or stereotyped authority 
 of fossilised interests of the past did not fly in the 
 face of every idea of constitutional freedom and of 
 political duty, and as though he were not under- 
 mining the rational and moral bases of all constitu- 
 tional government by eliminating the principles of 
 reason and justice from the most essential functions 
 Duty to of national life. This misplaced and grossly ex- 
 against aggerated " tyranny of loyalty " has been most 
 the party disastrous in its results as it is constantly applied 
 differing to political leaders and to parliamentary repre- 
 fromiton se ntatives themselves. In spite of the persistent 
 
 theques- . . r 
 
 tion at experience and numerous examples in JLnglisn his- 
 Chaneoft r y> exemplified by both Disraeli and Gladstone, 
 party by who changed their parties within their political life, 
 ciaruTand a s ^ ur ^ not a deeper "stigma, is at once and readily 
 voters, applied to every political person who ventures to 
 change his party on grounds, however serious, of 
 conscientious deliberation and conviction. If, how- 
 ever, even the politician by profession, in spite of the 
 many restraining considerations which the nature of 
 the political mechanism brings with it, is bound to 
 act up to his convictions, there are far fewer deterrent 
 causes which ought to prevent the mere elector from 
 conscientiously transferring his vote in accordance 
 with his political faith. The whole theory of repre- 
 sentative government rests upon this assumption.
 
 THE MORALITY OF THE "MUGWUMP" 321 
 
 The chief difficulty which meets us, however, is pre- 
 sented by those cases in which we may retain our 
 conformity with the main principles of the party to 
 which we have hitherto belonged, but for the time 
 being differ from it and agree with the opposing 
 party on the main issue before the country at the 
 time. There can be no doubt that in the future The 
 whatever may be urged against the system the 
 machinery for taking a referendum on the leading The 
 questions of importance must be evolved. But, 
 
 meanwhile, what in the history of American politics move- 
 has been called the " mugwump " movement will 
 have to become more universal and more actively 
 established among us. Every thoughtful and con- 
 scientious citizen ought to be a potential " mug- 
 wump." The chief result will at all events be that 
 the established parties themselves will become more 
 immediately responsive to the best thoughtful 
 opinion throughout the country ; that the step from 
 the deliberate will and intelligence of the people to 
 its realisation in practical politics will become shorter, 
 and that finally the political party leaders themselves, 
 hardened and crystallised in their obdurate, almost 
 bureaucratic machine-work and authority, will be 
 forced to take cognisance of the thought and judg- 
 ment of the best and the most competent citizens 
 within the nation. No doubt the uncertainty and 
 difficulty presented to the party rulers to forecast 
 results and marshall their forces will be infinitely 
 greater when a large body of voters are fluctuating in 
 their opinions and political support. But this will 
 only mean that the party will no longer be stereo- 
 typed and fossilised, ruled by its formal laws and 
 interests ; and that, on the other hand, the party 
 leaders will have to remain in touch with the true 
 intelligence and morality of the country, to whom 
 much power will thus be transferred.
 
 322 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 In our fundamental conception of the State and 
 
 its functions we shall less and less limit ourselves 
 
 to one single aspect of democratic government, 
 
 namely, the advancement of personal liberty which 
 
 is a purely negative conception of its function, cir- 
 
 cumscribing its activity as far as possible so as to 
 
 avoid all interference with personal liberty, until the 
 
 ideal becomes that of fatalistic laissez faire. It has 
 
 Extension long since been realised that a great part of the 
 
 egi S sia- a function of the State necessarily means direct inter- 
 
 tion. ferehce with personal liberty, and that such positive 
 
 only to be legislation is not completely summed up in the final 
 
 Con e 5? ed a i m of the so-called good of the largest number, that 
 
 with the . 
 
 poor and it does not spell mere opportunism, the adaptation 
 the k ex- nd f tne wn l e machinery of State to immediate and 
 tension of crying needs ; but that one of the supreme aims and 
 objects of the State is the betterment of the lives of 
 individuals, as well as of the collective life of human 
 society so far as it comes within the range of such 
 political influence. The whole sphere of social 
 legislation comes under this head. But social legis- 
 lation and administration are not only concerned with 
 the poor and the helpless, with the betterment of 
 the conditions of life of those citizens who are in 
 direct need of support and guidance, to sustain life 
 and to save them from the brink of abject misery or 
 crime ; it is not only concerned with what are called 
 the lower classes, but with the claims of every class 
 which are to be regulated in due proportion and 
 harmony for the good of human society as a whole. 
 Toregu- We are but at the initial stages of that political 
 development in which the claims of the separate 
 
 all classes social groups, classes, and occupations are justly recog- 
 
 pations. U " nised and organised. As yet these have only been 
 
 clearly expressed, formulated and frankly avowed by 
 
 what is called the Labour Party. But that party 
 
 will have to realise that, like its own claims to recog-
 
 PRACTICAL IDEALS OF THE STATE 323 
 
 nition and realisation of its own corporate body, 
 similar claims can with equal justice be urged for the 
 collective representatives of other social groups 
 and occupations in a fully developed organic society. 
 It will, above all, have to realise that all these claims 
 can and must be recognised and harmonised by the 
 State ; and that such harmony, blending into the 
 unity of a well-organised modern State, is possible 
 and necessary and does not presuppose violent clash- 
 ing and conflict of interests. Social legislation will 
 more and more come to mean the direct endeavour 
 of the body politic to advance the social life of the 
 community in every direction ; to improve the 
 standards of living while improving the conditions 
 of life, and to approach more closely to the rational 
 ideals of what a perfect State and a perfect society 
 ought to be. 
 
 I know that it may be thought that thus toTheprac- 
 put before practical politicians as a definite aim a^L yof 
 spiritual object, directly and practically tending the ideals 
 towards the advance of humanity in the more in- state! 
 tangible moral spheres, may be considered to be 
 Utopian and the theory of a dreamer far removed 
 from the actualities of life. But fortunately history 
 affords numerous and undoubted instances in which 
 whole nations have joined in a supreme effort to work 
 for, to fight for, and to die for, such moral objects. 
 To select but two historical instances which were of 
 world-wide importance and called for the greatest 
 sacrifices : the Crusades of the Middle Ages and the 
 American Civil War stand out most forcibly. No 
 doubt it can be shown that there are many more 
 proximate and more material causes for these great 
 upheavals. For instance, in the American Civil War 
 the question of federation or confederation, and the 
 consequent divergence of material interests between 
 the North and South, played a great part. But there
 
 324 DUTY TO THE STATE 
 
 can equally be no doubt that all these nations were 
 moved to action and to self-sacrifice by the ideals 
 which concerned humanity at large : the religious 
 faith of the Crusaders, and the conviction of the 
 unionists of the North that slavery was incompatible 
 with their higher ideals of humanity. It is not 
 Utopian or fantastic to maintain that every single 
 political act, which interest may dictate and oppor- 
 tunism condone, which flies in the face of humanity, 
 which, as an action of individuals or the State, lowers 
 or retards the advance of humanity, is a crime.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 DUTY TO HUMANITY 
 
 IN several earlier passages, dealing with International 
 Relations, Chauvinism and Patriotism, and with Social 
 Duties, I have already entered upon the wider aspect 
 of humanity as well as the duties which thus present 
 themselves. But I wish now more definitely to 
 summarise these principles. Through our duty to 
 the State we are necessarily made to face our duty 
 to humanity at large. Nor will the fulfilment of our 
 duties in the narrower spheres, which we have hither- 
 to traversed and which have led us through the State 
 to the infinitely wider region of humanity, clash with 
 these ultimate duties with which they can be, and 
 must be, harmonised. The real difficulty in the 
 activity of the State and in the relation of States to 
 human society as a whole will always be to reconcile 
 the due care and regard for the mass of the people 
 who require protection and support in the conflict of 
 individualities of unequal strength, with the encourage- 
 ment of the strong and higher individualities, through 
 whom human society is actually advanced and humanity 
 draws nearer to its ideals. It is the great problem of 
 reconciling Socialism with Individualism. Such a 
 reconciliation is often considered to be hopeless and 
 is given up as such. But it is possible, nay necessary ; 
 only the two principles apply to different layers of 
 human society. The socialistic point of view, in 
 which the individual is restrained in deference to the 
 
 325
 
 326 DUTY TO HUMANITY 
 
 The main rights of existence of all, in which the stronger is 
 the state checked in his dominating course in order to protect 
 internally an d support the weaker, is right, if we consider only 
 tect the" the weaker members of human society ; and it is 
 weak and right that our social legislation, the direct inter ven- 
 courage tion of the State in the processes of human competition, 
 strong should be in the socialistic spirit and should be wholly 
 To recon- concerned with the poor and the weak. Old Age 
 claUsm* Pensions and National Insurance are clearly socialistic 
 and in- i n character, and it is right that the State should thus 
 ism. " fulfil one of its primary duties of supporting and 
 protecting those who require such support and pro- 
 tection. It is equally right, and it will be realised 
 still more in the future, that the State must protect 
 itself and the community at large against the undue 
 power which, owing to dominant economical con- 
 ditions and the protection which the State affords, 
 tends to accrue to individuals in such a form and to 
 such a degree that it endangers the welfare of society 
 and the security of the State itself is, in fact, against 
 " good policy." Congestion of capital into single 
 hands to such a degree that the power it affords, 
 without responsibility or control, becomes a danger 
 to society, must be checked by the constitutional 
 means which the State has at its disposal. As I have 
 previously said, I thus plead for socialism at the top 
 and bottom ; but for pure individualism in between. 
 Excess of wealth and excess of poverty must be 
 checked by collective legislation from a collective 
 point of view ; but when society is thus secure at 
 its -two extremes, where the prohibitory action of the 
 State is called in to produce such security, full freedom 
 must be left to the individual to assert and to realise 
 superior powers, through which effort the individual 
 and society at large advance and are perfected. 
 Within the two extremes of the human scale inequality 
 is to be encouraged in order to give free scope to moral
 
 LIBERTY, FRATERNITY, AND INEQUALITY 327 
 
 and intellectual forces. Until trade unions recognise 
 this, their activity will be immoral and retrograde. 
 Our motto must be : " Liberty, fraternity, and Liberty. 
 
 inequality." Democracy must never degenerate into fr .^ er : 
 
 11 T^ i Ql y. m- 
 
 ochlocracy. Every democracy must be anstocratic equality. 
 
 in tendency and aim ; for with equality of oppor- 
 tunity it must encourage the realisation of the best. 
 Socrates, as recorded by Plato and by Xenophon, 
 has put the point in the simplest and most convincing 
 form by the parable of the flute-player who is good 
 and useful, and the helmsman who is good and use- 
 ful ; but we do not call in the helmsman to play 
 the flute, and we do not entrust the ship to the flute- 
 player. 
 
 The claims of the poor and humble, for which Christ 
 Christ pleaded, can be reconciled with those of the JJ 
 superman. As in the moral consciousness of the ciied. 
 individual charity and high ambition can and must 
 go hand in hand, so in the State the care of the poor 
 and feeble, their protection from the rapacious on- 
 slaught of the strong and grasping, all those acts of 
 legislation and administration which not only recog- 
 nise the lowly and the lowest, but ever tend to 
 establish and maintain equality of rights, must, on 
 the other hand, encourage the advance of strong and 
 superior individuals and corporate bodies, and raise 
 the standard of living and social efficiency. In so 
 far the State will confirm and encourage inequality. 
 All its functions will converge in ultimately raising 
 the ideals of humanity. Plato will then be reconciled 
 with Christ. 
 
 With the international relations of the State and 
 the duties of its citizens as patriots and as human 
 beings, I need not deal here, as the subject has been 
 discussed in the earlier parts of this book.
 
 (b) THE DUTIES WHICH ARE NOT SOCIAL AND 
 THE IMPERSONAL DUTIES 
 
 The pro- IN all our ethical considerations hitherto we have 
 isrtfof 1 " considered man, if not from the exclusively altruistic 
 human- point of view, at least from the social point of view. 
 We have conceived man too exclusively as Aristotle's 
 social animal (wov TroXm/coV) . If this were the only 
 conception we form of man, our ethical system, 
 human morality, would be imperfect, if not com- 
 pletely at fault, both from a practical as well as a 
 theoretical point of view. As a matter of fact both 
 our ethical systems and the ethical thought and 
 the prevailing habit of mind among thinking and 
 conscientious people are defective, because they 
 conceive man exclusively, or at least too predomi- 
 nantly, merely as a social being, merely in his relation 
 to human society and to his fellow-men. Our ethical 
 thought thus suffers from " Human Provincialism " 
 or perhaps more properly put, the " Provincialism 
 of Humanity." Our philosophy is, in the first place, 
 too social, and, in the second place, too psychological. 
 To introduce man where he is not needed is false, 
 as it blocks the way to the attainment of ultimate 
 truth. If this be so, even from the highest philoso- 
 phical point of view, it is also so in the ordinary 
 course of daily life ; for we do not, even in practice, 
 follow the purely social and psychological conception 
 of our duties. The labourer who works at a definite 
 task does not think of man, or the relation of his 
 work to man, while he is engaged upon it. Still less 
 
 328
 
 EXAGGERATION OF THE SOCIAL ELEMENT 329 
 
 does the student of higher science allow the thought 
 of man to intrude into his search for truth. Thus 
 neither practically nor theoretically are we guided 
 by this primary conception of man's social nature. In 
 fact one of the supreme and most arduous tasks of 
 the scientific student and the philosopher is to discard 
 the personal equation, all human bias, the various 
 " idols " (as Bacon called them), which distort and 
 falsify truth and block the way to its secure establish- 
 ment. What we really do in practical life and strive 
 to do in the life of pure thought is, without consider- 
 ing human and social relationships and duties, to 
 perform the action and to solve the task we are 
 working at as perfectly as it can be performed, and, 
 as men, to approach as nearly as we can to the 
 perfect type of the man we ought to be. We do this 
 more or less consciously, and we have before our minds 
 more or less clearly this pattern or ideal of ourself to 
 live up to. If this is so in our life as we live it, from 
 an ethical point of view, there is no doubt also that 
 it ought to be so. 
 
 Our ethics would thus not be complete, unless we Man must 
 adjust this one-sided exaggeration of the social, as^ e c r ^" in 
 well as the psychological, bearings of the problem, himself 
 Man must be considered in himself, in his relation j 
 
 to himself, and also to his ideal self ; also in his sona i 
 relation to the world of things, to his actions, thing's 
 functions, and duties in themselves, irrespective of and . 
 
 actions. 
 
 their social bearing. 
 
 Man must also be considered in his relationship to Man in 
 nature and to the world, irrespective of the definite ^on'tJf" 
 relationship which these on their part may hold to Nature, 
 man and to humanity, he must break through the mo S C and 
 crust or tear the veil, pass beyond the restrictive God- 
 boundaries of " Humanitarian Provincialism." To 
 put it into philosophical terms : his final outlook 
 must not only be psychological, but must ultimately
 
 330 DUTIES NOT SOCIAL, ETC. 
 
 lead him to that intellectual eminence where he can 
 become cosmological, metaphysical, and theological 
 the climax of his whole spiritual life being now, as it 
 was in the past and as it will be in the future, his 
 religious life. The psychologist may remind us that, 
 after all, man can only think as man, neither as a 
 stone nor a plant, nor as a being from Mars or any 
 other planet, nor as a demi-god. But surely, as men, 
 we can and must conceive man not as a purely and 
 exclusively social being and we constantly have 
 before us, without in any way appealing to our 
 philosophical thought, man's relation to nature and 
 to the universe and to infinity. Vast as this prospect 
 may appear to us, it will be found that it is applied 
 in our ordinary daily life, not only by thinkers and 
 leaders of men, but even by the humblest and most 
 thoughtless among us. 
 
 We have thus finally to consider : i . Our duty to 
 our self; 2. Our duty in respect of things and acts; 
 3. Our duty to the world and to God. 
 
 Plato our In the ethical aspect of this threefold relation- 
 guide. s hip, we must be guided by Plato. In realising, 
 both as regards ourselves and the definite functions 
 and activities of man, and finally as regards our 
 conception of the universe and the ultimate infinite 
 powers of all, the highest and the purest ideals which 
 we can form of each, with which we thus establish 
 a relationship, we may realise and emphasise our 
 own imperfection and our remoteness from such 
 ideals. But, all the same, such high mental activity 
 on our part will not end in an idle and resultless play 
 of the imagination and a dissipation of intellectual 
 energy ; but will be, and is, of the greatest practical 
 value in the sober and unfailing guidance of human 
 action towards the highest ethical goal.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 DUTY TO OUR SELF 
 
 THIS duty to our Self, as we here conceive it, really 
 means the supreme and constraining power which, 
 through the exercise of the imagination, an ever- 
 present image of an ideal self has over us. Such an 
 active imagination and its power of enforcing itself 
 even upon the most sluggish temperament and 
 understanding is not limited to the most highly 
 developed among us, but is the possession of prac- 
 tically all human beings. In its lowest and, perhaps, vanity, 
 reprehensible form, it manifests itself in vanity ; in self - 
 the higher forms it leads to self-respect and practical idealism, 
 idealism. It, of course, includes, and is to a great model or 
 extent made up of, man's conception of himself as a ideal of 
 social being. But it occupies the mind and stimulates our sel ' 
 and guides action, not because of any definite social 
 relationship, but because of the relationship which 
 we hold to our self as a whole, to our own personality, 
 as it manifests itself to us in all acts of self-conscious- 
 ness. Our vanity, our self-respect, and our idealism 
 are gratified in the degree in which we are successful 
 or in which our individual achievement, or the 
 wholeness of our personality, conforms to the model, 
 or pattern, the ideal which we form of our self. 
 
 This even includes the essence of what we call con- 
 conscience. For whether conscience originally springs science - 
 from fear, or assumes a relation to beings outside and 
 beyond ourselves, its essence really is to be found in 
 the dominance which our ever-present conception of 
 
 331
 
 332 DUTY TO OUR SELF 
 
 a perfect self has over our faltering and imperfect 
 self. The degree of the discomfort or pain which 
 conscience may evoke in us is measured by the 
 discrepancy between our actual self and the image 
 of our perfect self. Far more than most people 
 would admit, the effectiveness of our imagination in 
 thus appealing to a quasi-dramatic instinct in us, in 
 which we are acting our part, not so much in life's 
 play of which " all the world's a stage," but in that 
 smaller microcosmical world (infinitely great to us), 
 circumscribed by our actual and better self, in which, 
 under the promptership of imagination, the two 
 selves are at once actors and audience. Far more 
 than we would admit are we thus always acting a 
 part, evoking alternate applause and reproof, and 
 fashioning our course of action towards good or evil. 
 And if this is actually the case, it is right that it should 
 be so ; and what may in one aspect feed our lowest 
 vanity, in another produces our highest aspirations 
 and leads us onward and upward to the noblest and 
 best that is in man. 
 Moral It may even be held and I for one do hold that 
 
 self-de- 
 
 pendence the purest and, perhaps, the noblest guide to conduct 
 the most anc j j- o j- ne rule of the highest morality is to be found 
 
 efficient . & J . 
 
 standard in the establishment of such a relationship to our 
 tiv^ni self in a direct and effective intensity of moral 
 raiity. guidance. When our moral efforts be it in the 
 repression of the lower instincts and desires or in the 
 exertion of all our energy and power towards work 
 and deeds that are good are wholly independent 
 of a relationship to others, to their regard or approval, 
 but are determined by our self-respect and self- 
 realisation, they are more secure in producing truly 
 moral results. They are then established by our well- 
 trained habit or by our conscious determination to 
 live up to the most perfect image we have of our 
 self ; and, not only have we attained to a higher
 
 333 
 
 stage of ethical development than when our eyes are 
 constantly turned to the social world about us, 
 but also, as moral social beings, as members of 
 society, we shall be more perfect and more secure in 
 our course of moral action. We shall thus strive to 
 make both body and mind perfect in their form 
 and in their function ; we shall endeavour to main- 
 tain that supreme harmony of being which the ancient 
 philosophers held up as the goal of man's efforts. 
 But more than this, we shall establish the greatest 
 security for our every act, and under all the most 
 fluid and varying conditions of environment, main- 
 tain the loftiness of our moral standards. This will 
 not only guide us in choosing in life those occupations 
 which are most likely to bring out the best that is 
 in us, that which brings us nearest to the totality of 
 our highest self, the ideal of our self ; not only will 
 it urge us to do our best work and to struggle against 
 fate and untoward circumstance in overcoming 
 opposition within and without ; but it will securely 
 confirm those social qualities which we must develop 
 in the interest of a harmonious society. The habits 
 which we thus form, the self-control we thus impose 
 upon ourselves, the amenities which we strive to culti- 
 vate to please our fellow-men and to improve social 
 intercourse, will have their perennial origin, justifica- 
 tion and vitalisation within ourselves, and will not be 
 affected by the uncertainty and mutability of for- 
 tuitous outer circumstances or depend upon confir- 
 mation from without. We shall be clean of body, 
 clear of mind, and delicate of taste, not to please 
 others or to win their approval, but because our own 
 self would not be perfect without such effort and 
 achievement. And we shall thus be furnished with 
 an efficient guide, not only in the loftier and more 
 spiritual spheres of our life and being, but even in 
 the humblest and most commonplace and lowly actions
 
 334 DUTY TOJDUR SELF 
 
 N th nly ^ our var i e d existence. To cultivate our habits 
 highest f bodily cleanliness ; to dress as appropriately and 
 moral 6 f taste ^ u ^y as we can i n conformity with our position 
 effort, but and activities ; to eat and drink, not only in modera- 
 orcinary tion, but in a manner expressive of refinement and 
 duties repressive of greed and animal voracity to do all 
 amenities this, even if we were placed on a desert island, 
 of daily isolated from all social intercourse, simply because 
 
 life 
 
 we wish to uphold in ourselves the best standards of 
 human civilisation and to make ourselves perfect 
 human beings, marks the highest, as well as the most 
 efficient, phase of ethical culture. 
 
 I cannot refrain from pointing these truths by 
 definite illustrations which in their very slightness 
 will emphasise my meaning. I have been assured by 
 a friend that, when he finds himself in a state of moral 
 indisposition and depression, his cure is to retire from 
 his companions, to work hard all day, and then in the 
 evening to dress with the greatest care and punctilious- 
 ness, arrange his room as perfectly as possible with 
 flowers bedecking the table, and after his evening 
 meal to turn to beautiful books or beautiful thoughts. 
 When, as a boy, he for the first time left his home, 
 his wise mother begged him as a personal favour not 
 to take even a hasty meal without washing ; and, if 
 others did not do it for him, that he should lay his 
 own cloth, be it only with a napkin, if he could not 
 find a tablecloth. She rightly felt how important it 
 was to guard, as a spontaneous and vital habit of 
 mind, the higher forms of civilisation and refinement. 
 On the other hand I have heard of a case where a 
 man, brought up and accustomed to civilised habits, 
 was found in the backwoods of Canada, where he 
 had lived as a lonely settler for some years without 
 even washing the plates after meals because, as he 
 put it, " the food all came from the same place and 
 went to the same place."
 
 UNALTRUISTIC DUTIES 335 
 
 There is perhaps no phase of ethical teaching and The su- 
 discipline which requires more emphasis, develop- 
 
 ment and insistence than the group of duties which of un- 
 ignore the social and directly altruistic aspect, and duties. " 
 deal with the duties to ourselves, making them ulti- Mistake 
 
 , , . . . . of the ex- 
 
 mately, through conscious recognition, an efficient aggera- 
 ethical habit. For it appears to me that our ethical tl ,?f . of 
 
 . . , ,. altruism. 
 
 vision has been distorted as regards true proportion, 
 its correctness and soundness impaired by the 
 exclusive, or at all events exaggerated, insistence upon 
 its moral, social and humanitarian province. It has 
 justified the strongest strictures and condemnation 
 of professed amoralists like Nietzsche, their oppo- 
 sition to the prevalent morality and the degeneracy 
 to which so-called altruism must lead. At the 
 same time such one-sided theories of social altruism 
 cannot tend to sane happiness : they can only main- 
 tain such a state of artificial euphoria by feverish 
 and continuous activity, submerging all consciousness 
 of self, in which we deceive or flatter ourselves into 
 believing that we are doing good to others. And 
 when we cease to act and stop to think, we are thrown 
 into a maze of restless querying as regards our own 
 relation to our fellow-men, which ends in depression 
 or even in despair. We can only be saved by following 
 Matthew Arnold's commandment to 
 
 Resolve to be thyself, and know that he 
 Who finds himself loses his misery.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 BUT we must at times go still farther in our efforts 
 of self-detachment. Not only beyond the social 
 aspect of our duties, but even beyond our own per- 
 sonalities, must we realise our definite duties to 
 things and our relation to our own acts. In this 
 form of supreme self-repression and self-detachment 
 for the time being, we must forget ourselves either in 
 pure contemplation or in definite activity and produc- 
 Absorp- tiveness. Pure contemplation finds its highest 
 
 tionand ... . r . 
 
 concen- expression in science and in art. It constitutes man s 
 tration m theoretic faculty. To realise this faculty in spiritual 
 and and in intellectual activity makes of thought and 
 em tion an activity in itself, and has led mankind 
 to its highest sphere of human achievement, namely, 
 the development of sciences and arts. But we are 
 chiefly concerned with action and achievement them- 
 selves as distinct from thought and pure emotion. 
 Such action is likely to be the more sane, perfect and 
 effective the more vigorous and concentrated it is 
 in its energy, the more our will commands and directs 
 our energies, as well as our passion and physical 
 strength, to do the thing before us, and to forget 
 ourselves in the doing of it. " Whatsoever thy hand 
 findeth to do, do it with thy might." 
 
 Now, as there is an ideal of a human being, the 
 ideal or type for animal and organic beings, in fact 
 for all forms in nature, so there is a type and ideal 
 
 336
 
 INVENTIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS 337 
 
 for each definite act the perfect act. This is a neces- 
 sary conclusion of the Platonic idea and of Aristotle's 
 tvre\exui. The degree in which, while acting, we 
 approach this ideal perfection of the act itself deter- 
 mines our triumph or failure, our satisfaction or dis- 
 content. The dissatisfaction and depression which 
 we feel when we are not successful, the divine dis- 
 content out of which all great effort and great 
 achievements grow, produces in us a conscience, 
 irrespective of our social instincts, irrespective even i mper . 
 of our own personality, and is, perhaps, of all our sonal 
 moral impulses the highest as it is the most effective, science. 
 Besides this ethical bearing, it has the most supreme 
 practical bearing in life ; for only through it does 
 man do his best, individually and collectively. All 
 improvements, inventions and discoveries find their 
 unassailable justification and effective origin in this 
 principle of human activity. 
 
 No doubt there are no new achievements, no dis- The 
 coveries or inventions, which from the mere fact {"or^of*" 
 of their novelty do not alter the existing state of invention 
 things to which they are related, do not in their skaHm- 
 turn destroy what actually exists and affect adversely prove- 
 those who have depended upon the existing state of 
 things. In so far as this is so they may produce pain 
 and want and misery, and much may be urged 
 against their claims from other points of view. But 
 we must ever strive to produce new inventions and 
 new improvements, not so much to increase the for- 
 tunes of the discoverers or promoters, not for the 
 merchants, not even for the labouring populations, to 
 whom the exceptional control of such improvements 
 or facilities of production gives an advantage over 
 others ; but because perfected production of objects, 
 man's increased control over chance, over nature, man's 
 defiance of restricted time and space, are thereby 
 advanced. It is therefore immoral artificially to
 
 338 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 immor- impede or to retard improvements or to lower the 
 impeding quantity or quality of production. To take a definite 
 best pro- instance, which the individual artisan and the or- 
 ganised union of working-men should remember : 
 The bricklayer's duty is to do his best work as a brick- 
 layer, to lay as many bricks and to lay them as per- 
 fectly as possible in as short a time as possible ; 
 not so much to increase the wealth of his employer 
 (though this too is his duty, and his definite com- 
 pact), or his own wealth ; but because of the ideal of 
 bricklaying, which must be the ideal of his active 
 existence. The supreme and final justification of his 
 work is to be found in the work itself, irrespective 
 even of human beings, of human society, of humanity. 
 Social But I feel bound to qualify what I have considered 
 
 which from one aspect only, though in its absolute and 
 m ay unassailable truth, by not only admitting, but by 
 ourac> ur g m g the facts that there are other duties with 
 tions as which man individually, and men collectively, have 
 by the to deal ; though these in no way weaken the abso- 
 sonaT" luteness of our ideals of impersonal work. We must 
 duties, also consider, recognise and be guided in our action 
 by, the incidental and temporary suffering frequently 
 following in the wake of discoveries and inventions. 
 It will, therefore, devolve on society to alleviate and, 
 if possible, to remove such incidental suffering 
 brought upon a limited group of individuals for the 
 benefit of society and absolutely justified by the 
 impersonal improvement of human work and pro- 
 duction. Social legislation will here have to step in 
 and to supplement insurance against old age, against 
 disease, and even unavoidable unemployment, by 
 insurance against acute and temporary forms of 
 unemployment and dislocations of labour caused by 
 such improvements and inventions. Such social 
 legislation and the relief given to the unavoidable 
 suffering of groups of people will be exceptional ;
 
 PERFECTION OF WORKMANSHIP 339 
 
 but it is moral and practically justifiable, if not 
 imperative, on the ground that the community at 
 large, and even future generations, will benefit by the 
 introduction of the improvements which necessarily 
 cause temporary individual suffering. To give but 
 one definite instance : The undoubted blessing which 
 motor traffic has bestowed upon mankind has neces- 
 sarily brought suffering and misery to groups of people 
 entirely dependent upon the superseded means of 
 transport ; while it has also caused discomfort to the 
 mass of the population. It was but right that all 
 efforts should have been made, on the one hand, to 
 support the cabmen and others who live by horse 
 traffic during the period when these new inventions 
 forcibly deprived them of the very means of sub- 
 sistence ; while, on the other hand, public effort 
 ought at once to have been directed towards securing 
 the lives of pedestrians threatened by the new 
 invention and the danger to health and comfort caused 
 by the production of dust on the roads. 
 
 But these separate duties, called into being by the The duty 
 improvement of production and the expansion of jjj^jjjjj 
 human skill and activity, in no way diminish the mostper- 
 absolute duty to further such improvement and to 
 
 concentrate the energy which man should bring to the remains 
 
 _r *.- u- i, r\ j , absolute* 
 
 perfecting of his work as such. Our supreme duty to 
 things and to acts remains ; and we must act thus, 
 not so much on grounds of human altruism, not as 
 social beings in our direct relation to other beings 
 and our intercourse with them ; but simply in our 
 relation to the objects which we are to produce, to 
 modify or to effect, with a view to making our pro- 
 duction as perfect as possible, even if we were the 
 only human beings in the universe. I may be 
 allowed here to quote two didactic poems which 
 illustrate this ethical principle with forcible truth and 
 with beauty of form. The one is Matthew Arnold's
 
 340 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 " Self-Dependence," from which I have already quoted 
 above,'the other is George Eliot's poem " Stradivarius ": 
 
 SELF-DEPENDENCE 
 
 Weary of myself, and sick of asking 
 
 What I am, and what I ought to be, 
 At this vessel's prow I stand, which bears me 
 
 Forwards, forwards, o'er the starlit sea. 
 
 And a look of passionate desire 
 
 O'er the sea and to the stars I send : 
 Ye who from my childhood up have calm'd me, 
 
 Calm me, ah, compose me to the end ! 
 
 " Ah, once more," I cried, " ye stars, ye waters, 
 On my heart, your mighty charm renew ; 
 
 Still, still let me, as I gaze upon you, 
 Feel my soul becoming vast like you ! " 
 
 From the intense, clear, star-sown vault of heaven, 
 
 Over the lit sea's unquiet way, 
 In the rustling night- air came the answer : 
 
 " Wouldst thou be as these are ? Live as they. 
 
 " Unaff righted by the silence round them, 
 
 Undistracted by the sights they see, 
 These demand not that the things without them 
 
 Yield them love, amusement, sympathy. 
 
 " And with joy the stars perform their shining, 
 And the sea its long moon-silver' d roll ; 
 
 For self-poised they live, nor pine with noting 
 All the fever of some differing soul. 
 
 " Bounded by themselves, and unregardful 
 In what state God's other works may be, 
 
 In their own tasks all their powers pouring, 
 These attain the mighty life you see." 
 
 O air-born voice ! long since, severely clear, 
 A cry like thine in mine own heart I hear : 
 
 " Resolve to be thyself ; and know that he 
 Who finds himself, loses his misery ! "
 
 STRADIVARIUS 341 
 
 STRADIVARIUS 
 
 Antonio then : 
 
 " I like the gold well, yes but not for meals. 
 And as my stomach, so my eye and hand, 
 And inward sense that works along with both, 
 Have hunger that can never feed on coin. 
 Who draws a line and satisfies his soul, 
 Making it crooked where it should be straight ? 
 An idiot with an oyster-shell may draw 
 His lines along the sand, all wavering, 
 Fixing no point or pathway to a point ; 
 An idiot one remove may choose his line, 
 Straggle and be content ; but God be praised, 
 Antonio Stradivari has an eye 
 That winces at false work and loves the true, 
 With hand and arm that play upon the tool 
 As willingly as any singing bird 
 Sets him to sing his morning roundelay, 
 , Because he likes to sing and likes the song." 
 
 Then Naldo : " 'Tis a petty kind of fame 
 At best, that comes of making violins ; 
 And saves no masses, either. Thou wilt go 
 To purgatory none the less." 
 
 But he : 
 
 " 'Twere purgatory here to make them ill ; 
 And for my fame when any master holds 
 'Twixt chin and hand a violin of mine, 
 He will be glad that Stradivari lived. 
 Made violins, and made them of the best. 
 The masters only know whose work is good : 
 They will choose mine, and while God gives them skill 
 I give them instruments to play upon, 
 God choosing me to help Him." 
 
 " What ! were God 
 At fault for violins, thou absent ? " 
 
 " Yes ; 
 He were at fault for Stradivari's work." 
 
 " Why, many hold Giuseppe's violins 
 As good as thine."
 
 342 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 " May be : they are different. 
 His quality declines : he spoils his hand 
 With over-drinking. But were his the best, 
 He could not work for two. My work is mine, 
 And, heresy or not, if my hand slacked 
 I should rob God since He is fullest good 
 Leaving a blank instead of violins. 
 I say, not God Himself can make man's best 
 Without best men to help Him. I am one best 
 Here in Cremona, using sunlight well 
 To fashion finest maple till it serves, 
 More cunningly than throats, for harmony. 
 'Tis rare delight : I would not change my skill 
 To be the Emperor with bungling hands, 
 And lose my work, which comes as natural 
 As self at waking." 
 
 " Thou art little more 
 Than a deft potter's wheel, Antonio ; 
 Turning out work by mere necessity 
 And lack of varied function. Higher arts 
 Subsist on freedom eccentricity 
 Uncounted inspirations influence 
 That comes with drinking, gambling, talk turned wild, 
 Then moody misery and lack of food 
 With every dithyrambic fine excess : 
 These make at last a storm which flashes out 
 In lightning revelations. Steady work 
 Turns genius to a loom ; the soul must lie 
 Like grapes beneath the sun till ripeness comes 
 And mellow vintage, I could paint you now 
 The finest Crucifixion ; yesternight 
 Returning home I saw it on a sky 
 Blue-black, thick- starred. I want two louis d'ors 
 To buy the canvas and the costly blues 
 Trust me a fortnight." 
 
 " Where are those last two 
 I lent thee for thy Judith ? her thou saw'st 
 In saffron gown, with Holofernes' head 
 Andjbeauty all complete ? "
 
 CUI BONO? 343 
 
 " She is but sketched : 
 I lack the proper model and the mood. 
 A great idea is an eagle's egg, 
 Craves time for hatching ; while the eagle sits, 
 Feed her." 
 
 " If thou wilt call thy pictures eggs 
 I call the hatching, Work. 'Tis God gives skill, 
 But not without men's hands : He could not make 
 Antonio Stradivari's violins 
 Without Antonio. Get thee to thy easel." 
 
 I end with another illustration from my Cui Bono ? 
 
 " . . . ' Have you nothing more to say about the 
 use of science ? ' 
 
 " ' I have, sir, but before I do so I should like to 
 repeat an interesting confession of one of my friends 
 which will put the arguments in favour of scientific 
 pursuits in a more personal and direct manner. He 
 is a colleague of mine, a distinguished archaeologist, 
 and teaches his subject at our university. Some time 
 ago he made a striking discovery, one of a series he 
 had made in his work. He had found in a foreign 
 museum a marble head, which, by means of his 
 careful and systematic observation and comparison 
 of works of ancient art, a method developed in his 
 science in the most accurate manner by several 
 great scholars, he at once recognised as belonging to 
 a statue by Pheidias in London. A cast of the head 
 was made for him by the authorities of the foreign 
 museum. He took it to London, and there, to his 
 own delight and that of all people who love the 
 masterpieces of Greek art, when he tried this head 
 on the neck of the beautiful female figure, each fracture 
 fitted exactly. The precious work of art from the 
 age of Pericles, of the art of Pheidias, was now com- 
 plete, after it had remained incomplete for centuries. 
 
 " ' When, one day, I was congratulating him 
 upon his discovery, and saying to him, how happy he 
 must have been that moment, and how contented he 
 must be with the'.'successful pursuit of the vocation
 
 344 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 he had chosen in life, a discussion similar to the one 
 we are now carrying on ensued, and in it he made 
 to me the following confession as to the light in which 
 at various moments his work appeared to him, and 
 the varying degrees of moral justification which he 
 then recognised as underlying his efforts. 
 
 " ' " When I am quite well in body and mind," he 
 said, " I work on with delight and vigour. It is pure 
 joy : I never question the Tightness and supreme ne- 
 cessity of my work at all. Nothing in this world 
 appears to me of greater importance for me to work 
 at, and I am almost convinced that the world could 
 not get on without my work. ' Convinced ' is not the 
 right word : for I do not think about this general 
 question at all. But at the bottom of this joyous 
 expenditure of creative energy lies this conviction, 
 and all the justifications which I must now enumerate. 
 For, as my moral or physical health sinks, one of them 
 after the other drops off, until I am left with but the 
 feeble support of the last lame excuse for exertion 
 with which I limp or crawl through my deep dejec- 
 tion and melancholy. 
 
 " ' " With the first disturbance of moral or physical 
 sanity, I begin to doubt and query. It is the first 
 stage of the disease ; but I am still full of high and 
 sound spirits. Besides all the others, I feel one 
 supreme motive to action which is of the highest 
 religious order, so high that but few people will be 
 able to understand it, and still fewer can sympathise 
 with it and be moved by it. 
 
 " ' " I look upon my individual work and creation 
 as part of the great universe, even beyond humanity. 
 I even transcend the merely human or social basis 
 of ethics, and I feel myself in communion with the 
 world in all its infinite vastness. 
 
 " ' " I know this sounds like mysticism, but I assure 
 you it is both clear and real to me. I then feel that 
 if there were in this world no single human being to 
 love or care for, instruct or amuse, my work would still 
 be necessary, in view of the great harmony of things, 
 to which right actions, truth discovered, and beauty 
 formed, contribute, as their contraries detract from it.
 
 GUI BONO? 345 
 
 " ' " Were there no single person living," he con- 
 tinued, with growing warmth of enthusiasm, " it would 
 be right, nay necessary, for me to discover that head 
 in the foreign museum. That head lay ' pining ' 
 there in the foreign museum for years, and for cen- 
 turies under the earth before it was excavated, until 
 / came, and by the knowledge I possessed (which 
 means the accumulated effort of many learned men 
 establishing the method, as well as my years of pre- 
 paration and education in acquiring it and making 
 it my own), by this science of mine, I joined it to that 
 torso, that imperfect fragment of a thing, and made 
 it whole a living work of art fashioned by the master 
 genius, whose existence, two thousand years ago, 
 became part of the world's richness for all time. So 
 long as that head and that torso remained separate, 
 there was discord and not harmony in the world's 
 great Symphony, the world was so much the poorer, 
 so much the less beautiful and good. I made the 
 world richer by my act, more harmonious, more 
 beautiful ; and thus, without self-love or even love 
 of man, I proved my love of God. That is the Amor 
 Dei. Then we are enthusiastic in the Greek sense 
 of the word, we are full of God. 
 
 " ' " In the next stage, when my spirits flag some- 
 what, and reflection and then doubt begin to come over 
 me, I cannot feel moved by this widest and grandest 
 assurance of the bearings of my science. But, in 
 addition to the lower justifications, I then quiet 
 my doubts by the feeling that my work and my 
 teaching are one element in the establishment, in- 
 crease, and spread of what we call civilisation, 
 culture, and general education. Human life becomes 
 more elevated and refined by the sum of our efforts. 
 Without good archaeologists, and the consequent of 
 the past, our civilisation would not be as perfect as 
 
 it is. 
 
 " ' "Then, when I sink still lower, and can no longer 
 feel this more general conception of human life, I can 
 still feel that the effect upon those for whom I write 
 and those whom I teach will be refining, and will 
 bring true Hellenism (not the pseudo-Hellenism of
 
 346 DUTY TO THINGS AND ACTS 
 
 morally degenerate sciolists), nearer to them; and 
 also that I increase their capital of refined intel- 
 lectual enjoyment, their intellectual resources and 
 their taste. 
 
 " ' "And when I am lowest of all, I say to myself 
 that I am making good professional archaeologists 
 and curators of museums, am training good school- 
 masters for our public schools, and am at least help- 
 ing these young men to a profession, giving them the 
 means of earning a living. 
 
 '" " When I have arrived at that stage of dejection 
 and lowness of spirits ; I jog on in a ' from hand to 
 mouth ' existence ; but I feel that, the sooner I can 
 get a good holiday and some rest, the better it wijl 
 be for me.'""
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 s 
 
 DUTY TO GOD 
 
 THE duty to things and actions necessarily and Cosmical 
 logically leads us to the further and final course to SSt^to 
 which, in the rising scale of ethical thought, they God. 
 tend. In man's ethical progression through human e glon * 
 functions as such, through the objects which man 
 wishes to produce or to modify in nature, he is neces- 
 sarily led to his ultimate duties towards the world 
 as a whole, not only the world as his senses and per- 
 ceptions cause him to realise it, as it is, with all the 
 limitations which his senses and his powers impose 
 upon him ; but the world as his best thought, and 
 his imagination, guided by his highest reason, lead 
 him to feel that it ought to be his ideal world. This 
 brings him to his duty towards his highest and most 
 impersonal ideals of an ordered universe, a cosmos, 
 and of unlimited powers beyond the limitations of 
 his capacities his duty to God. Ethics here natur- 
 ally, logically, necessarily, lead to, and culminate in, 
 religion. 
 
 The supreme duty in this final phase of ethics, Supreme 
 man's religious duties, is truth to his religious {^J^ 01 
 ideals. It is here, more than in any other phase of fulness to 
 his activities, that there can and ought to be no (5efis U3 
 compromise. This is where he approaches the ideal NO com- 
 world in all its purity, free from all limitations and possible, 
 modifications by the imperfections of things tem- 
 poral and material, as well as his own erring senses 
 
 347
 
 348 DUTY TO GOD 
 
 and perceptive faculties. There are no practical or 
 social relationships, no material ends to be considered, 
 no material interests to be served or advantages 
 gained. The only relationship is that between him- 
 self and his spiritual powers and the highest ideals 
 which these enable him to formulate or feel. His 
 duty, therefore, is to strive after his highest ideals of 
 harmony, power, truth, justice and charity. Nor 
 does this function of the human mind and this craving 
 of the human heart require exceptional intellectual 
 power or training. On the contrary, the history of 
 the human race has shown that at every phase of 
 human existence, even the earliest and most rudi- 
 mentary, in the very remote haze of prehistoric 
 times, the presence of this religious instinct and man's 
 effort to satisfy it are manifested, even though it 
 necessarily be in the crudest, the most unintelligent 
 and even barbarous forms of what we call super- 
 stition and idolatry. 
 Man's Man's every desire and every experience neces- 
 
 h.mita- , sarily have a religious concomitant. At every mo- 
 tions and J . . . . i i / 
 imper- ment of his conscious existence he is reminded of 
 
 neces- nS imperfection and limitation without, and incapacity 
 
 sarily within, himself. This very consciousness is the main- 
 
 thecon- spring of all endeavour, of all will-power, of all the 
 
 ceptions exertion of his physical or mental capacities. For, 
 
 mind of each conscious experience, as well as each desire and 
 
 the un- e ff or f nas a s a counterpart to its limitation, the 
 
 limited . 
 
 and more or less present or complete consciousness 01 its 
 perfect. p er f ec t fulfilment. Limitation in time and space 
 implies infinity ; limitation in power implies omni- 
 potence ; limitation in knowledge implies omni- 
 science ; injustice, justice ; cruelty, charity. Even 
 if the limitation or the incapacity is admitted, and 
 even if the tutored mind ceases from dwelling upon 
 it as it realises the impossibility clearly to grasp 
 and to encompass the unlimited and relegates such
 
 RELIGIOUS IDEALS 349 
 
 fantastic cravings to the region of the absurd, through 
 long and continuous rationalistic training and habit, 
 this only confirms the correlative conception of 
 infinite power. The consciousness that we cannot 
 span the world, regulate the powers of nature accord- 
 ing to our will, dominate the seasons and check the 
 course of the tides not to mention the limitations of 
 every individual and commonplace action of ours 
 implies our conception of such power and such 
 complete achievement. 
 
 The higher our spiritual flight and the more highly The 
 trained we are through experience and through ^giux 
 thought in the range of our imagination and our teiUgence, 
 reason, the higher will be our ideals of the infinite JJjJ ^! er 
 and the omnipotent. The Greek philosopher Xeno- perience, 
 phanes said, many centuries ago, that if lions could 
 
 draw, they would draw the most perfect lions as their thorough 
 god, and that the god of negroes would be flat-nosed i n g, the 
 
 and black. Thus necessarily individuals, the 
 lective groups of men, and the different periods within our re- 
 man's history will all vary in their capacity to|j^j^ 
 approach this conception of the highest ideals ; they the more 
 will differ in their theology and in their religion. Spersti- 
 But their supreme duty, from an ethical point of tion be re- 
 view, in their attitude towards religion, is truth. They retigkm* ~ 
 must strive so to develop their religious nature that Duty to 
 it responds to their highest moral and intellectual fJ*J 
 
 i "i -i inipiics, 
 
 capacity. They must not accept any religious ideal above ail 
 that contradicts the rising scale of duties from the ^jj^' 
 lower and narrower spheres upwards as we have man must 
 enumerated them. All duties must harmonise and J-J^" "J 
 culminate in the ultimate ideals which belong to the thisgra- 
 
 _, , . .7 ., dation 
 
 religious sphere. Credo qma impossibile must never O f his 
 mean Credo quia absurdum. Man commits a grave J 
 sin, perhaps the gravest of all, by lowering his religious 
 ideals, by allowing himself, on whatever grounds of 
 expediency and compromise, to vitiate the divine
 
 350 DUTY TO GOD 
 
 reason he possesses as the highest gift in human 
 nature, and by admitting the irrational into his con- 
 ception of the Divinity. 
 
 Ethics, By this I in no way mean to say that either ethics, 
 amTart sc i ence or art can m anv wav replace religion : though 
 cannot in their highest ideal flights they closely approach 
 religion * ren gi n an d even merge into it. Of all human 
 Pure activities in science, pure mathematics, which deals 
 matics" with the highest immaterial relationships, comes 
 and pure nearest to the ideal sphere of theology, and indicates 
 Pythag- the direction for religious emotion to take ; and of 
 
 oras. a jj j.]-^ ar t S; p ure music (not programme music), un- 
 fettered by definite material objects and individual 
 experiences in the outer world, also approaches most 
 closely in its tendency to some realisation of cosmical 
 and religious ideals. We can thus divine the depth 
 of effort manifested in the philosophy of Pythagoras, 
 who maintained that number was the essence of all 
 things, and who suggested the music of the spheres. 
 But these are only signposts on the high road of 
 thought, where science and art give lasting expression 
 to the onward and upward course of human reason ; 
 they cannot of themselves satisfy the religious 
 instinct and the religious craving of man which draws 
 him onwards to his highest ideals. 
 
 Ethics If science and art cannot thus replace religion, ethics, 
 lead to which is directly and immediately practical, is equally 
 unable to do so. In fact, ethics must culminate in 
 religious ideals. Man's duty towards the perfection 
 of his acts, to the universe at large, as we have 
 endeavoured to indicate it above, logically leads us 
 to and in itself presupposes and predemands some 
 conception of a final, summary harmony to which 
 all human activity tends. All our rational and moral 
 activity demands the consciousness of a final end, 
 not in chaos, but in cosmos ; not irrational, but 
 rational ; not evil, but good ; not towards the Evil
 
 CULTIVATION OF RELIGIOUS FEELING 351 
 
 One, but towards God. Without this infinite boun- 
 dary to all our thought and action, desires and 
 efforts, man's conscious world would not differ from 
 a madhouse or a gambler's den, or a vast haunt of 
 vice and criminality. Without this upward idealistic 
 impulse all conscious human activity would either 
 sink downward to lower animal spheres or errati- 
 cally whirl round and round in drunken mazes ; it 
 would lose all guidance and ultimate direction, and 
 be purely at the mercy of fickle chance or relentless 
 passion and greed. 
 
 But this upward idealistic impulse itself, as a Emo- 
 lasting and dominating emotion, must be cultivated, tl t 1 Jf 1 4 nd 
 just as, we have seen before, ethics must become education 
 emotional and aesthetic to be practically effective, religious 
 We have also seen that each ethical injunction need feelings. 
 not be, and ought not to be, consciously present in 
 the mind of him who is to act rightly ; for it would 
 weaken, if not completely dissolve, our will-power 
 and our active energy. It would ultimately lead to 
 the dreamer or the pedant who dreams while he 
 ought to be awake, and who idly thinks while he ought 
 to act. The step must be made from the intellectual 
 to the emotional sphere ; the moral injunction ought 
 to be made part of our emotional system through 
 habituation it must become subconscious, almost 
 instinctive, if not purely aesthetic a matter of taste. 
 Rational and efficient education must, from our 
 earliest infancy, tend to convert this conscious 
 morality into a subconscious and fundamental moral 
 state. We must not rest on our oars to think while 
 we ought to be rowing, and risk being carried away 
 by the unreasoning current of circumstance. 
 
 Still, there will be moments when we must thus Scale of 
 rest on our oars, when we must set the house in duties - 
 which we live in order, when we must ponder over 
 and test the broad principles upon which we act. We 
 
 25
 
 352 DUTY TO GOD 
 
 must then bring into harmony and proportion the 
 ascending scale of duties, regulating the lower by 
 the higher in due subordination and discarding the 
 lower that will not bear the final test of the higher, 
 until we reach the crown of human existence in our 
 religious ideals. 
 
 But in all this idealistic ascent we must cultivate 
 the passion for such upsoaring idealism, and it is in 
 our final religious impulses that the emotional, nay 
 the mystical, element must itself be nurtured and 
 cultivated. Without this crown of life, life will 
 always be imperfect. The striving for the infinite, 
 which cannot be apprehended and reduced to intel- 
 lectual formulae, must itself be strengthened and 
 encouraged in the young and through every phase 
 of our life onward to the grave. Let us see that these 
 ideals are not opposed to our highest reason and 
 truth as far as we have been able to cultivate these 
 in ourselves. But whether our ultimate intellectual 
 achievement and our grasp of truth be high or low, 
 we cannot forego the cultivation and strengthening 
 of our religious emotions. Whoever believes in the 
 dogmatic teaching of any of the innumerable sects 
 and creeds that now exist, truthfully and with the 
 depth of his conviction, let him cling to that creed 
 and the usages, rites and ceremonies of the church or 
 chapel, synagogue, mosque, graves, or sacred shrines 
 and haunts in which his religious emotions are fed 
 and strengthened. But, if he does not truthfully 
 believe in the creed and dogmas, he must not subscribe 
 to them, or he will be committing the supreme sin 
 against his best self, " against the Holy Ghost." But 
 for those, however, whose religious ideals cannot be 
 compassed or bettered by any dogmatic creed that is 
 now established and recognised, let them not forego 
 the cultivation of their religious emotions, which, as 
 both past experience and all active reasoning teach
 
 ESTHETIC INCENTIVES TO RELIGION 353 
 
 us, must be created and strengthened by emotional 
 setting, by an atmosphere removed from the absorbing, 
 interested activities of daily life. 
 
 The question for these people is, Where and how HOW and 
 can religious emotion thus be encouraged and culti- 
 vated ? It seems to me that there are two possible who 
 methods by which this crying demand can be re- belong 
 sponded to : either in the domestic sphere within to fixed 
 the family, or within the churches themselves, amid secfsand 
 the religious associations of the past and the re- cr< ^ ds . 
 ligious atmosphere which is essential to them. religious 
 
 As regards the home and the family as the centre 
 for religious worship, some indication of the direction 
 
 which such a domestic and family religious cult might family 
 
 . , , . , T. chapel, or 
 
 take can be derived from Japanese ancestor-worship tombs. 
 which is so vital and so potent an element in the 
 life of that people. As has been pointed out by 
 Nobushige Hozumi, 1 Japanese ancestor-worship can 
 co-exist with any variety of religious beliefs, doctrines, 
 and creeds. For us, it has in its turn become stereo- 
 typed in its formal ritual to such a degree that it could 
 never be accepted in its actual form by those who 
 brought unbiased criticism to bear upon its binding 
 injunctions. But the essential fact in its ritual, 
 that it establishes within each family and each 
 household a sacred chamber or altar, of itself sancti- 
 fied by piety and gratitude towards our ancestors, 
 and thus effectively upholding the family spirit, the 
 family honour, with common strivings towards 
 higher moral and ideal ends ; furthermore, that it 
 becomes the natural focus for solemn gatherings 
 and lends spiritual elevation by association and 
 emotional stimulus to the silent prayer of the indi- 
 vidual or the collective worship of the whole family 
 these elements make of it the fit local and physical 
 setting for religious communion or for silent self- 
 
 1 Ancestor-worship and Japanese Law, 1913.
 
 354 DUTY TO GOD 
 
 communion or prayer when the individual desires 
 to establish his solemn relationship with his highest 
 ideals. 
 The ex- Beyond this domestic and family sphere, however, 
 
 isting . 
 
 churches. we possess in every country the churches and shrines 
 associated with definite beliefs in the present and 
 with continuous religious aspirations for centuries 
 in the past. Not only these associations, but the 
 aesthetic qualities in the architecture and decorative 
 art within and without, possessed by so many, make 
 them the most suitable places for man's spiritual 
 devotion. If the guardians of these sacred buildings 
 admit, as they must, that religious aspirations and 
 desires are in themselves good ; that it is better for 
 those who differ from them in creed to have some 
 religion, and that they should cultivate their re- 
 ligious aspirations rather than that they should have 
 no religion at all and drift through life without any 
 such higher striving, they will surely lend a hand 
 to support their brethren in their highest efforts, 
 even if they differ from them in form and creed. 
 Let us hope that all our churches and religious 
 buildings will at certain definite times, when not 
 required for the special worship to which they are 
 dedicated, open their doors to those holding different 
 views. These buildings ought in the future, even 
 more than at present, to become the centres of purest 
 art, graphic or musical. These fellow strivers may 
 then receive the inestimable benefit of some stimu- 
 lation in their endeavours silently to commune with 
 their highest ideals, to pray, to think or to feel, and 
 to cultivate their truly religious spiritual emotions.
 
 EPILOGUE 
 
 AT the end of this attempt to put into logical and 
 intelligible form an outline scheme for the moral 
 regeneration of our own times and of the Western 
 civilised nations, a regeneration which of itself would 
 make a war, such as the one from which the whole of 
 civilised humanity is now suffering, impossible in the 
 future, I must ask myself whether any good can 
 come from such an effort, whether the mere exposi- 
 tion of truths, and even the realisation and admission 
 of these truths on the part of those who read what I 
 have written, will in any way alter the course of 
 events or the lives of the millions of people who cause 
 these events to take place as they do ? Is Nietzsche, 
 and are many other philosophers, right in main- 
 taining that the mass of the people do not like what 
 they consider superior to themselves and to the 
 general standard of life about them, that they are in 
 reality opposed to their leaders and inimical to what 
 they consider above average existence ? Even if 
 which is doubtful what I have here written should 
 reach the eyes of the people who rule by sheer numbers, 
 and if I were able to convince them of the Tightness of 
 what is here put before them, would such an achieve- 
 ment in the slightest way modify the course of 
 individual or collective action ? A man must be 
 very young or very arrogant who believes that even 
 the most unassailable truths to which he is able to 
 give expression will of themselves influence the great 
 currents of human passion and action. 
 
 355
 
 356 EPILOGUE 
 
 On the other hand, man's history in the past has 
 proved one truth above all others : namely, that only 
 ideas last, and that truth must prevail in the end. 
 Moreover, it has proved that the great thinkers of 
 bygone days have thus set their stamp and seal 
 upon their own age, and especially upon succeeding 
 ages. In the immediate past, the past that has 
 led up to the present day, in the disasters with 
 which we are all so sadly concerned, we can recog- 
 nise and those who have studied the question must 
 admit it that the Germany of the generation pre- 
 ceding the present one was fashioned in its char- 
 acter, in its ideals, in its collective, and in its individual 
 national life, by the expressed thoughts, the words, 
 and the writings of such disciples of truth as were 
 Kant, Fichte, Shelling and Hegel. The Germany 
 not Prussia of the generation preceding 1870 was 
 made what it was by the thought of such men, 
 filtering through the students of their philosophy 
 down to even the unthinking and illiterate masses 
 of the people. Since then, since 1870, not only Bis- 
 marck and Moltke and the present Kaiser are 
 responsible for the Germany that is, but, perhaps 
 even more than these, Treitschke, and even Schopen- 
 hauer, von Hartmann, and Nietzsche have created 
 the fundamental and ultimate and still the most 
 pervasive and efficient mentality of the young 
 Germany of to-day. If this be true, and if there be 
 virtue in what I have written in this book, there may 
 be some hope that I have not worked in vain, and 
 that some good, though it fall far short of the hopes 
 that have stirred me to make this effort, may come out 
 of what I have done. In any case, I may be allowed 
 to say to myself : 
 
 Dixi et animam meam liberavi.
 
 APPENDIXES 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM FROM PREVIOUS 
 PUBLICATIONS 
 
 From Preface to Expansion of Western Ideals and the 
 World's Peace, 1899 : 
 
 My greatest fear is that, from the nature of the subject, 
 and from the special conditions which evoked my remarks, 
 I may not have been able on this occasion to give proper 
 emphasis to my positive and friendly feeling for the Euro- 
 pean Powers that are essentially the bearers of Occidental 
 civilisation. In urging the coalition and combined action 
 of England and the United States, I have but seized the 
 opportunity offered of advocating the union of the two 
 civilised Powers who are best fitted by present circumstances 
 to draw nearer to each other, and who, from the fundamental 
 constitution of their national life, are more closely related 
 to one another than any other two Powers in the civilised 
 world. Whatever negative attitude may be manifest in this 
 lecture towards the other civilised Powers of the European 
 Concert is due to the fact that these Powers have, by their 
 recent action, shown themselves to be opposed to any closer 
 union between the United States and Great Britain ; that 
 by several of their institutions, as well as by their foreign 
 and commercial policy, they are not yet prepared for a more 
 general federation of civilised nations; and that the pre- 
 vailing spirit of Ethnological Chauvinism among them is 
 not only an impediment to wider humanitarian brotherhood, 
 but is destructive of the inner peace and good-will among 
 the citizens of each nation. I feel so strongly what I have 
 said of this curse of Ethnological Chauvinism that if it were 
 possible to create effective leagues and associations among 
 the civilised nations, and, moreover, associations with a 
 negative or defensive object, I should like to urge the institu- 
 
 357
 
 358 ETHNOLOGICAL CHAUVINISM 
 
 tion of a great Anti-Chauvinistic League among the enlight- 
 ened people of all nationalities, to join together in com- 
 bating this evil spirit in whatever form it may manifest itself. 
 But I am not so visionary as to think that such a league could 
 be formed at the present juncture. 
 
 From The Expansion of Western Ideals and the World's 
 Peace, 1899, pp. 136 seq. : 
 
 It is interesting to note that the extreme and unbalanced 
 form of so-called patriotism which is now designated by the 
 term Chauvinism had its origin in the time of Napoleon, 
 when Chauvin lived as the unbounded admirer of that great 
 leader of men. But Chauvinism can in no sense be called an 
 outcome, or even a modification, of patriotism. They are 
 two distinct, if not opposed, ideas, the following of either of 
 which points to characters and temperaments as different 
 as the generous are from the covetous. Patriotism is a posi- 
 tive attitude of the soul, Chauvinism is a negative tendency 
 or passion. Patriotism is the love of, and devotion to, the 
 fatherland, to the wider or more restricted home, and to the 
 common interests and aspirations and ideals of these. Chau- 
 vinism marks the antagonistic attitude to all persons, interests, 
 and ideas, not within this wider or narrower conception of 
 the fatherland or home. Patriotism is love, Chauvinism is 
 jealousy. The one is generous, the other is envious. The 
 loving temperament makes for expansion, the jealous tends 
 towards contraction and restriction. While the patriot who 
 loves his people and his country is therefore likely to be 
 tolerant, even generous and affectionate, towards the stranger, 
 the Chauvinist is likely to turn the burning fire of his ani- 
 mosity inwards, within the narrow spheres and groupings 
 of even his own country. Now, this vice of hatred and envy, 
 which may (alas !) be ingrained deep down in human nature, 
 may have existed in all times and places of human history 
 and may have been predominant in some ; yet in our own 
 times it has received a peculiar character, a special formula- 
 tion, with an attempt at justification. I have tried to 
 qualify the general Chauvinism in the form predominant in 
 our time by the attribute of Ethnological Chauvinism. 
 
 The origin of this social disease within the nations of Europe 
 may be traced back first to Napoleon, when, with the inner 
 growth of France and its power, and his successes in Italy, 
 he coupled the enfeeblement, if not the destruction, of the 
 German Empire by splitting it up into insignificant princi- 
 palities under his own influence. There is no doubt he
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 359 
 
 conceived the bold idea of the predominance of the Latin 
 race and Empire over the Teutonic race and over the world 
 in general. But he found himself wedged in between two 
 forces which checked the advance of this Latin hegemonia, 
 and which ultimately crushed him. On the one side was 
 the Slav, on the other side was the Anglo-Saxon. He suc- 
 ceeded for the time in repressing the Teuton, but he failed 
 both in Russia and in his struggle with Great Britain. 
 
 As a reaction against this Latin wave which submerged 
 the Teuton Empire, the German patriots endeavoured to 
 restore the vitality of the sturdy Teutonic oak. But while 
 the Latin Crusade had for its inspiring preacher the great 
 leader and man of action himself, the Germanic revival fell 
 to the lot of the theorist and thinker, and a German philo- 
 sopher and professor, Fichte, in his Reden an die Deutsche 
 Nazion, is the fullest exponent of these views. These, again, 
 are further formulated and carried into the realms of romantic 
 thought, theory, and science by the learned enthusiasts who 
 led the Revolution of 1848 in Germany. 
 
 But again there turned up a great man of action, who, 
 knowing his countrymen and the trend of the times, utilised 
 all these currents to weld together the separate blocks 
 smoothly polished and florid marbles of prince-ridden princi- 
 palities, and clumsy, unhewn stones and rubble-stones of 
 independent cities and towns the huge edifice of the German 
 Empire. The scientific spirit which was pervading the 
 civilised world of Western Europe was recognised by Bis- 
 marck as a useful force which could be turned into practical 
 advantage for the great purpose he had in view. He called 
 upon the German professor even the ethnologist, philolo- 
 gist, and historian and they obeyed his command with 
 readiness and alacrity. The theoretical and scientific lever 
 with which these huge building blocks were to be raised 
 in order to construct the German Empire was to be the 
 scientific establishment of the unity of the German people 
 based upon the unity of Germanic races. An historical basis 
 for German unity was not enough ; an ethnological, racial 
 unity had to be established. The historical and philological 
 literature of German university professors belonging to the 
 time of Bismarck's ascendancy can almost be recognised and 
 classified by their relation to the problem of establishing, 
 fixing, and distinguishing from those of other races, the laws 
 and customs, literature, languages, and religions, the life 
 and thought, the productions and the aspirations of the 
 Germanic race. 
 
 This influence went beyond the bounds of Germany : by
 
 360 ETHNOLOGICAL CHAUVINISM 
 
 sympathy in England, the Freemans, and those who felt 
 with him, thumped the Saxon drum ; while, by contrast, in 
 France, the Fustel de Coulanges played variations in softer 
 strains on the theme of the Cite Antique. In course of time 
 and of events Russia, in the growing vigour of her racial and 
 national expansion, formulated and developed her Pan- 
 Slavistic theory and war-cry. 
 
 The distinctive feature in this modern version of the old 
 story of national lust of power is, that it now assumed a 
 more serious and stately garb of historical justice in the 
 pedantic pretensions of its inaccurate ethnological theories. 
 The absurdity of any application of such ethnological theories 
 to the practical politics of modern nations at once becomes 
 manifest when an attempt is made to classify the inhabitants 
 of any one of these Western nations by means of such racial 
 distinctions. What becomes of the racial unity of the pre- 
 sent German Empire if we consider the Slavs of Prussia, 
 the Wends in the North, and the tangle of different racial 
 occupations and interminglings during the last thousand 
 years within every portion of the German country ? And 
 the same applies to France and England, Italy and Spain. 
 
 But the German professor, with his political brief wrapped 
 round the lecture-notes within the oilcloth portfolio, pressed 
 between his broadcloth sleeve and ribs, as he walks to his 
 lecture-room, was forced further afield and deeper down in 
 his " scientific " distinctions. The divisions he established 
 for the purposes of national policy were but minor subdivi- 
 sions of broader ethnological distinctions. Here the philolo- 
 gist took the lead and established " beyond all doubt " the 
 difference, nay, the antagonism, between the Arian and the 
 Semitic, which makes the Hindoo more closely related to 
 the German and Saxon than these are to Spinoza, Mendels- 
 sohn and Heine, Carl Marx and Disraeli. We can perhaps 
 now appreciate the singular oversight of the last-named 
 statesman in not having made use of the scientific establish- 
 ment of this fact in order to strengthen his imperialist views 
 of the Indian Empire as an integral part of Great Britain. 
 
 This last-named classification could further be turned to 
 practical advantage by those in Germany whose interest it 
 would be to set one part of the German people against an- 
 other section, and to create a new party or to strengthen 
 the hands of the decrepit old ones. And thus there grew 
 up the anti-Semitic parties in Germany and elsewhere, who 
 could give strength and some semblance of sober dignity to 
 their party passions or violent economic theories by so re- 
 spectable a scientific justification as a racial distinction fixed
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 361 
 
 thousands of years ago. This step once made, however, has 
 necessarily led further afield into wider and unsafer regions, 
 the exploration and exploitation of which may ultimately 
 lead to most disastrous results. For, when once the dis- 
 tinction between Arian and Semite led to the anti-Semitic 
 movement, religious prejudices, or, at all events, religious 
 distinctions, are necessarily carried in the wake and tend to 
 serious complications. Were it not for the clamorous in- 
 terests of recent politics in the East and West, as well as in 
 Africa and the Far East, which absorb the attention and the 
 passions of the nations of Europe, I venture to believe that 
 the current Ethnological Chauvinism would have drifted 
 more and more into the channels of religious Chauvinism. 
 And we need but recall the history of the seventeenth and 
 early eighteenth century in Europe to realise the effect of 
 religious and sectarian elements when mixed up with inter- 
 national partisanship ! 
 
 There were striking indications within the last few years 
 that the ethnological game was played out. In Russia the 
 Pan-Slavistic cry was growing feebler and feebler and was 
 gradually merging into something like a Pan-Orthodox 
 movement, which carried very practical, if not material, plans 
 and purposes within the religious breast of its spiritual de- 
 votion. Feeble echoes of Pan-Anglicanism made themselves 
 heard ; while the Roman Catholic Church followed its old 
 tradition, and the national and Germanic ardour of Berlin, 
 if not of the whole of Germany, was diverted from the monster 
 statues on the hills of the Rhine and the Teuteburger forest 
 to the national Protestant churches in the German capitals. 
 Arminius was after all a Pagan ! And if this new old cry 
 is silenced for a time beneath the din of Gatling guns, the 
 axes of the coloniser, and the hammer of the colonial pro- 
 spector, it is not silenced for good and all, and will shortly 
 be raised again. 
 
 The result of all this is, that old antagonisms have been 
 intensified by the introduction of these ethnological dis- 
 tinctions, and that new ones, non-existent before, have been 
 created to swell their nefarious phalanx. No doubt other 
 passions have been added to them, the greed of gold and 
 the lust of Empire. 
 
 The result is that, with all our printing-press and the 
 rapid exchange of thought through its channels, with our 
 railways and telegraphs, which are supposed to bring us 
 together and to thwart invidious distance standing between 
 human hearts and brains, there has never been a period in 
 the world's history when, in spite of triple and dual alliances,
 
 362 NATIONAL ANTAGONISMS 
 
 every nation feels more opposed to the other, its hand ready 
 to strike. Ask a typical Frenchman whom he loves and 
 feels at one with ? The Russian ? One would like to answer 
 him in his own vernacular : Qu'allez vous me chanter Id ! 
 And whom does the German feel a brother or a cousin to ? 
 Surely not the Englishman ! Let every one go through the 
 list for himself and appeal to his past experience. The con- 
 ception of Humanity as a really potent thought, with meaning 
 and significance, calling forth definite feelings if not images, 
 a conception which pervaded the thought and feeling which 
 were supreme in the second half of the eighteenth century 
 and moved whole nations to action, these are disused and 
 unheard in our day, or are pityingly and incredulously smiled 
 away as cant. 
 
 If we cannot resuscitate and infuse the spirit of life into 
 the corpse of Humanity, we can at least prick the ethnological 
 bubble and recall the sane nations to the reality of their 
 inner history and the truly effective elements in the actual 
 national and social life of our times. 
 
 Patriotism is the love we bear to our country and its 
 people, represented by its government ; the love of order 
 and law ; and the submission of the interests and the life 
 of the individual to the State and its government, because 
 they stand for order and law. The modern State is a pro- 
 duct of modern history, and we need not go to the nebulous 
 regions of prehistoric ages to seek for its rationale and the 
 order and law which are its essence. If you wish to go back 
 to the ethnological foundations, you must ignore and wipe 
 out the history of centuries in Germany, France, Italy, 
 England, and the United States. You must ignore the 
 language and literature and the thought and feeling they 
 embody and convey, the form of government evolved, the 
 freedom and integrity of the citizen that are established, if 
 you wish to build your commonwealth upon racial distinc- 
 tions. Arminius did not make the modern German Empire ; 
 the Anglo-Saxon did not make the England of to-day. But 
 government, laws, institutions, customs, habits, language, 
 thought these are clearly defined in each State. Every 
 day of our lives these facts are impressed upon us in the 
 streets of the towns and in the lanes of the country, they 
 make up our feeling of home, our feeling of belonging to this 
 country and not to another. These are not evoked by the 
 stagey picture, all out of drawing, of a Saxon in wolf's-skin 
 with spear and club, which the ethnological brush of a sign- 
 painting politician holds before the eyes of the masses. 
 
 England is the only country in Europe which has not yet
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 363 
 
 been affected to any harmful extent by this disease of Chau- 
 vinism ; and there is no fear that, in spite of all the provoca- 
 tion which the attitude of other nations towards us arouses, 
 we shall respond to them in the same tone. But, to call an 
 alliance, or the growing amity between Great Britain and 
 the United States an Anglo-Saxon alliance, and to accept such 
 a term as embodying the essential bond of union between 
 these two great nations, would familiarise us with evil ideas, 
 if it did not create the evil passions. What brings us, and 
 will hold us, together is something quite different, and far 
 more potent than the empty words and the unsound theories 
 with regard to our racial origin. 
 
 If the forces we have just considered lead to Chauvinism, 
 and are not the essential elements which hold people together, 
 the question must be asked, what these binding elements 
 really are. Sir John Seeley maintained that " the chief 
 forces which hold a community together are common nation- 
 ality, common religion, common interest." I believe that 
 this epitome errs in being too narrow, and in omitting some 
 elements which are perhaps the most efficient in binding 
 people together, while at least one of the three is not essential 
 to national unity or national amity. 
 
 I should prefer to summarise these elements under the 
 following general headings : A common country ; a common 
 nationality ; a common language ; common forms of govern- 
 ment ; common culture, including customs and institutions ; 
 a common history ; a common religion, in so far as religion 
 stands for the same basis of morality ; and, finally, common 
 interests. 
 
 Now, I maintain that when any group of people have all 
 these eight elements in common, they ought of necessity to 
 form a nation, a political unity, internally and towards the 
 outside world ; and when a group of people have not the 
 first of these factors (the same country), but are essentially 
 akin in the remaining seven, they ought to develop an inter- 
 national alliance or some close form of lasting amity. In 
 the case of the people of Great Britain and of the United 
 States seven of these leading features that hold a community 
 together are actively present. 
 
 It may even be held that the first condition, a common 
 country, which would make of the two peoples one nation, 
 in some sense exists for them. At all events, a country is 
 sufficiently common to them to supply sentimental unity in 
 this direction. For, as regards England, Seeley has well 
 remarked, referring to a period when steam and electricity 
 had not yet reduced the separating distance of the ocean :
 
 364 ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 
 
 " There is this fundamental difference between Spain and 
 France on the one side and England on the other, that Spain 
 and France were deeply involved in the struggle of Europe, 
 from which England has always been able to hold herself 
 aloof. In fact, as an island, England is distinctly nearer for 
 practical purposes to the New World, and almost belongs 
 to it, or, at least, has the choice of belonging at her pleasure 
 to the New World or to the Old." As for the proximity 
 between the two countries for persons travelling and goods 
 interchanged, I can only say that, from continuous experi- 
 ence, the expenditure of money, nerve-tissue, and comfort 
 is higher in a trip from England to Greece or any of the 
 Balkan States, than in a voyage to New York ; while it 
 is a significant fact that the transport of goods from an 
 American to an English port is not only cheaper than from 
 any point in England to a short distance on the Continent, 
 but even from one point of England to a comparatively near 
 point on the same island. But if we turn from this question 
 of mere physical propinquity to the feeling of the American 
 people as regards the country, the actual soil of the British 
 Islands, we come to a sentiment far deeper and more cogent 
 in its binding power. It would be a very small minority of 
 the American people who would not be overcome by a sense 
 of home the moment they arrive on British soil, be it at 
 Cork or Liverpool ; and, after a short halt at Chester, during 
 which they have walked through the streets of that pictur- 
 esque city, they settle down in London and set foot in West- 
 minster Abbey, passing by the monuments of patriots, 
 statesmen, and poets whom they can rightly all claim as 
 essentially their own ! To all these people Great Britain 
 is the " Old Country." But I will go further, and venture 
 to say that this does not apply to the Americans of dis- 
 tinctly British origin, but also to those of German and 
 French and Dutch descent, or from any of the other Euro- 
 pean peoples, whose home has been sufficiently long in the 
 United States for them to have become thoroughly nationa- 
 lised through the language with its literature, the customs 
 and institutions which are practically the same in both 
 countries. Such a one has read his Shakespeare, Macaulay, 
 and Walter Scott, from his childhood upwards ; and thus 
 Westminster Abbey and Stratford-on-Avon, and Kenil- 
 worth, and Scotland strike an old familiar tone in his mind 
 and his heart whether his name be Sampson or Schley or 
 Shafter. 
 
 Leaving the question of a common country, the bond of 
 union becomes closer the further we proceed with the other
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 365 
 
 essential features which make for unity, when once we drop 
 the misleading and wholly illusory ethnological basis of 
 nationality, and, instead of flying to the nebulous and un- 
 known regions of prehistoric ages, we take into account the 
 process of real history. We then must acknowledge that 
 the people of Great Britain and of the United States are of 
 one nationality. I say this in spite of the Revolutionary 
 War, and, if I did not fear to be too paradoxical, I should 
 almost say because of it. I mean by this, that the establish- 
 ment of independence in the British Colonies of North 
 America marks a phase in the expansion of international 
 freedom, as the advance of representative government 
 marks the development of national freedom ; and that, as 
 the recognition of the separate household of an adult son, 
 who has been fretting with growing animosity against the 
 domination of parental authority, reasserts, on a new and 
 more propitious basis, the kinship of the two, so it is in the 
 relation of the two nations since America is free. 
 
 There is but one real and material fact amongst many to 
 which I wish to draw attention in view of the claims of 
 common nationality between these two great peoples, and 
 that is, the question of kinship and intermarriage. If 
 statistics could be established concerning the citizens of 
 each country, as to those who have some member of their 
 kith and kin, however remote, residing in the country over 
 the sea, the numbers of these would be found to be astonish- 
 ingly large at all events, much larger than such relation- 
 ship between any other two nations. And in this respect 
 the importance of the continuous process of intermarriage, 
 which promises to grow even more frequent and effective in 
 the future, cannot be overestimated. For, in the making of 
 nations, intermarriage is the most important factor in weld- 
 ing the diversity of race into the unity of nationality. In 
 the history of England, Germany, France, and Italy it was 
 chiefly this custom which enabled the numerous and dis- 
 cordant ethnological elements to fuse into national unity. 
 Where larger masses of the population, as with the Hun- 
 garians and the Austrians, or smaller sections within a 
 nationality, are kept from intermarriage, from whatever 
 cause, the unity of the nation or of the smaller community 
 is not complete, and no amount of government action and 
 of administrative pressure can supply this want. 
 
 As regards the actual intercourse between the two nations, 
 a great deal can here be done by individuals to improve 
 and strengthen the relations between us. I would recom- 
 mend a little more tolerance, intellectual sympathy, and
 
 366 PROVINCIALISM AND TOLERANCE 
 
 fairness of judgment to Americans as well as to Englishmen. 
 We must shift our standards of judgment if we mean to be 
 fair to those who have not put themselves within the pale of 
 our own social often extremely provincial laws. Such 
 provincialism argues a want of education in some and a 
 want of imagination in others. To put it tritely and epigram- 
 matically : Let us charitably remember that there is still 
 some salvation for the man who wears a frock-coat and a 
 round hat if he be a foreigner ! We may be ever so sure 
 that our own rules of life and habits and fashions are the 
 best, but we cannot judge those by them who have never 
 recognised their sway. Also it is well for us to remember 
 that, whatever we may justly feel with regard to our national 
 greatness, the individual citizen even the least distinguished 
 is not necessarily responsible for the superiority of his 
 nation and country. 
 
 I would recommend every Englishman to read Lowell's 
 essay, " On a Certain Condescension in Foreigners." He 
 there strongly impresses the fact that a first-rate American 
 must not be confounded with a second-rate Englishman. 
 And I should like to add : that a second-rate Englishman 
 will never make a first-rate American. The difficulty will 
 remain, how to recognise " the first-rate American or Eng- 
 lishman ? " Well, there is no wholesale tag attached to 
 them. They are not known through the paragraphs in the 
 newspapers, nor are they always recognised by their own 
 estimate of themselves. We can only meet each other 
 courteously and generously, and find out for ourselves. It 
 takes some time and acuteness of perception to realise that 
 there is a native dignity and quiet modesty in the American, 
 though he may successfully hide it under the boisterous 
 ebullience of his vigorous life and manner ; while I hold 
 that there is a native fund of amiability and genuine cordial- 
 ity deep down in the Englishman's nature only it is often 
 so deep down that it never appears on the surface. It is 
 effectively checked by a narrow, " provincial " education, 
 continued and fixed by stupid social traditions slavishly 
 accepted and followed by all classes. 
 
 The unity of nationality is expressed in the State, in the 
 laws and the forms of government, which actually hold the 
 people together. Now, though England is a monarchy and 
 the United States a republic, the fact remains that the 
 inhabitants of both countries feel that they belong to the 
 freest nations of the world. This freedom is the outcome of 
 representative government, an idea and a fact born in Eng- 
 land, to the development of which the history of the British
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 367 
 
 people is one continuous illustration. It does not diminish 
 the glory of the framers of the American constitution to say, 
 that the central idea of liberty and self-government, which 
 that document embodies and develops, was the natural 
 evolution of political principles sunk deep down in their 
 hearts and minds by their English ancestors. And the reality 
 of a common foundation for the government and all political 
 institutions in the case of the United States and of Great 
 Britain impresses itself upon us, not only when we ponder 
 or generalise on things political, but when we are living 
 our ordinary daily lives and follow the natural interests and 
 calls of our several avocations. It is not merely a question 
 of political theory and speculation, it is eminently one of 
 practical experience, and of the action of life, individual as 
 well as collective. At every step, while the Englishman or 
 American travels abroad, even in the most civilised countries, 
 he meets with administrative enactments, privileges, re- 
 strictions, injunctions, and directions, sent from the summits 
 of government into the busy plains of ordinary daily life, 
 which are foreign to him, and which evoke a sense of criticism, 
 if not of irritation and revolt. The same feeling of strange- 
 ness and of foreignness constantly comes over him if he 
 attempts to follow their political life, though the American 
 considers the legislative and administrative proceedings of 
 a European republic, and the Englishman observes the laws 
 and enactments of some other constitutional monarchy. On 
 the other hand, every Englishman becomes readily familiar 
 with the political system of the United States, and feels at 
 home under its rule, as the American lives happily under 
 the laws of Great Britain and can at once follow with interest 
 the legislative work of the House of Commons. 
 
 Far more potent, however, than the ties of common des- 
 cent, country, and government, is the all-compromising bond 
 of a common language. Nay, so much do I consider this 
 the chief force of union and amity, that I would substitute 
 for Anglo-Saxon, or even Anglo-American, the title English- 
 speaking Brotherhood. For this conception is at once so 
 wide that it comprises, not only Great Britain and Ireland 
 and the United States, but every distant colony where 
 English is spoken, and the same thoughts and feelings, laws 
 and institutions are therefore bound to prevail. 
 
 From Appendix to The Jewish Question, 2nd edition 1899, 
 P- 343 : 
 
 Many of us are deeply saddened to find the reactionary 
 turn our age is taking in every sphere of public life. The 
 
 26
 
 368 ENGLAND AND GERMANY 
 
 arch-fiend of our age is Chauvinism. All European nations 
 seem to hate each other. But to find hatred among the 
 constituent parts, groups, races, religions, within each 
 country, nurtured and fostered by men of superior power 
 and fundamentally good intentions is indeed disheartening. 
 
 ENGLAND AND GERMANY 
 To the Editor of " The Times " 
 
 SIR, I agree with much your correspondent " English- 
 man " has so forcibly said in The Times of this morning. 
 But I think that the advice he gives would apply chiefly to 
 the quotation of German opinion in so many irresponsible 
 German newspapers and publications, whose very object 
 is gained by the notice which English comment has given 
 to their existence, an existence otherwise ignored even in 
 Germany. 
 
 I cannot believe that the dissemination and acceptance of 
 all the distorted reports and cruel libels are in any way 
 a national characteristic of the Germans. They are due 
 rather to the absence of certain traditions firmly established 
 for ages among the English and American people which do 
 not exist to the same degree elsewhere. I mean those tradi- 
 tions ingrained in the innermost character of our people, all 
 of which find their expression in the one phrase : fair play. 
 The habit, nay, the cult, of this national virtue has in Eng- 
 land led to the traditions of journalistic morality to which 
 and this your bitterest enemy will have to admit The Times 
 has so effectively contributed, if it has not created them. 
 If the Germans at all possessed such journalistic traditions, 
 the present state of public opinion there and much of the 
 injustice and brutality to which we have been subjected 
 could never have existed. It is indeed hard for all lovers 
 of truth and justice to be forced to realise that slander and 
 injustice, which we have always thought only can exist and 
 thrive when shunning the light of day, should still reign 
 supreme when the elaborate system of publicity in modern 
 journalism is spread over the whole civilised world, and 
 penetrates every district and corner of civilised States. 
 
 Nothing could be worse, nothing further removed from 
 the methods you, sir, follow in journalism, than the custom 
 of German newspapers even the most respectable among 
 them. Allow me to give one striking, yet typical, instance : 
 
 During the Turko-Greek War of 1897, I held views as to 
 the claims of the Greeks differing essentially from those
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 369 
 
 manifested by our Government and supported by The Times. 
 The letters which I then wrote urging more vigorous action 
 in support of the Greeks on the part of this Government 
 were printed by you in spite of your disapproval of my views. 
 
 In 1898, my attention was drawn to a series of letters 
 written by representative men of all classes and opinions 
 in Germany, in a weekly paper of highest standing, called 
 Die Gegenwart. They all dealt with the Greek War, and all 
 misrepresented the attitude which England took at the 
 time. The climax was reached when the distinguished 
 philosopher Eduard von Hartmann charged England with 
 being the instigator and prime mover (of course, entirely to 
 promote its own selfish interests) of both the Greek and the 
 Armenian agitations. England was made responsible for the 
 Armenian massacres and the Turko-Greek War. This paper 
 was sent to me by a high-minded as well as a prominent 
 personage in Germany, reminding me that I was in a posi- 
 tion to deny these allegations. It did not require much 
 urging on the part of my friend ; for I felt that fair play 
 demanded in this case, that, having vainly endeavoured to 
 bring the Government to take the part of Greece, and having 
 failed, it was not right for me to sit still and hear England 
 charged with actions which I had such good reason to know 
 we never committed. I wrote the reply to Herr von Hart- 
 mann in German and sent it to the paper, giving absolute 
 proof of the unfoundedness of his assertions. My letter 
 was rejected. I then sent it to my German friend, advising 
 that it should be published in some other paper. Even my 
 friend, and my friend's friends, failed in gaining publication 
 for the simple statement of truth in any paper they approached. 
 
 How can we expect truth to prevail when the mouthpiece 
 of public opinion is thus gagged ? How can the German 
 people possess such a Press, which is, after all, representative 
 of the people, and tolerate the existence of traditions which 
 block the way to the spread of light and truth ? The answer 
 is that, whatever great virtues the German people possess, 
 intellectual and moral, and however much we can learn from 
 them, the sphere of fair play is one in which they can learn 
 from us ; for they are comparatively wanting in the very 
 rudiments of this virtue. 
 
 Permit me to touch upon one other topic intimately con- 
 nected with this and concerning which much attention has 
 been aroused through Mr. Kipling's " Islanders." I main- 
 tain emphatically that the chief agent in producing, sustaining, 
 and spreading this national virtue in England and America 
 is athleticism in the best sense of the term. Cricket and
 
 370 THE RIGHT ATHLETICS 
 
 football, rowing, hunting, etc., have trained the people of 
 this country from childhood upwards, from the yokel to the 
 greatest in the land, in the laws and the spirit of fair play 
 until they have entered in succum et sanguinem of the whole 
 people, and have become a general national characteristic 
 as the interest in our games and sports is a public and national 
 feature. If its importance is exaggerated in schools and 
 moral and intellectual pursuits are neglected, while the 
 validity of their standards of value is depreciated among 
 boys, this is no doubt bad and ought to be put right. But, 
 however much Mr. Kipling may be justified in advocating 
 serious education in the art of war, and in combating play- 
 fulness out of place and general amateurishness, he is, if I 
 may translate a German phrase, " pouring the child out 
 with the bath water " when he attacks athleticism. 
 
 May I finally add one definite instance which has come to 
 my notice ? One of my friends, a distinguished scholar and 
 public servant, joined the yeomanry as a private at the 
 beginning of the war, and was soon made sergeant. He 
 returned home in due course last spring and decided that it 
 was right for him to go back to Africa, which he did, receiv- 
 ing three wounds in a recent engagement. Before leaving 
 he was offered a commission, which he ultimately accepted. 
 But he had grave misgivings whether he ought to accept 
 a commission, because he was not sure that he would make 
 an efficient officer, however sure he was of himself as a 
 private or non-commissioned officer. " You see," he said, 
 " if I had been a hunting man I should not hesitate ; for the 
 experience in the hunting-field produces the qualities which 
 I consider most important in an officer of any grade in such 
 a country as South Africa." 
 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 CHARLES WALDSTEIN. 
 
 KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 January 15, 1900. 
 
 P.S. I feel bound to add that, not long ago, I ventured 
 as a foreigner to protest against the unfair charges brought 
 against the archaeological authorities of a German museum 
 in the Frankfurter Zeitung, and that my protest was duly 
 published in that paper. C. W. 
 
 From The Jewish Question, ist ed. 1892, pp. 21-27 : 
 
 The prominence which has been given to the question of 
 race in connection with the opposition to the Jews is com-
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 371 
 
 paratively of recent date. It is the outcome of a movement 
 which, I believe, had its origin in Germany, called forth by 
 the definite political needs of that country, but which has 
 had far-reaching and enduring effects (I believe for the bad), 
 even after the immediate aim which evoked it had been 
 fulfilled. As a reaction against the policy of Metternich, 
 which consisted in neutralising the restless and revolutionary 
 forces of the Austrian Empire by opposing different nationa- 
 lities to one another, which would thus keep each other in 
 check, the national unity of Germany was attained by means 
 of the idea of the national State, in which State was the ex- 
 pression of the unity of the people, and this unity was to be 
 found in a common origin, a common race. This idea of a 
 common origin naturally lent itself to kindle the enthusiasm 
 of a people whose political weakness lay in the division 
 among many petty States and principalities. And thus, in 
 connection with the romantic spirit which reigned supreme 
 fifty years ago, yet with the correct political instinct at the 
 bottom of the artificial and theatrical pose of the patriots of 
 those days, the pure German racial unity, as opposed to 
 Romance and other enemies without, was used as the lever 
 which was to move all the separate blocks (smoothly polished 
 and floridly decorated marbles of prince-ridden principalities, 
 and clumsy, unhewn stones and rubble-stones of independent 
 cities and towns) to construct one huge edifice of the German 
 Empire. The two men who in modern times used this 
 power most effectually were Bismarck and Cavour. 
 
 It appears to me a blot upon modern German academic 
 science, to which the world owes so much, that, within the 
 faculty of history and political science, many academic leaders 
 have more or less consciously bent their science to the service 
 of current political views. Through Germany and German 
 historical science, France, by reaction (maintaining the 
 claims of Romance nations), and by sympathy some his- 
 torians in England, have followed in this general retrograde 
 movement towards the intensifying and stereotyping of the 
 national unit. The chief difficulty has arisen, and most 
 mischief has been done, by the confusion of the terms " race " 
 and "nation." The word which the German publicists have 
 made, Nazional-Staat, must not be confused, as has been and 
 is so readily done, with Rassenstaat. The Nazional-Staat is 
 one which, we might say, has an historical unity, while the 
 Rassenstaat has an ethnological unity. Germany is at present 
 a Nazional-Staat. The Austrian and Turkish Empires are 
 not such States ; for the distinct and even opposed units 
 of peoples in these empires have remained distinct without
 
 372 NATIONAL AND RACIAL UNITY 
 
 a common language, and they remain conscious of the separate- 
 ness of their nationalities. But national unity in this sense 
 is not at all identical with racial unity. The actual condition 
 of the German people in our time, and its history for the 
 last centuries, distinctly confirm its claims to be a nation, or 
 one people. History, language, and literature distinctly 
 show it to be such. To confirm this we need not go for sup- 
 port to the science of ethnology, which is much more likely, 
 I may venture to say, sure, to counteract the impression of 
 such a unity ; and, at all events, if you attempt to follow 
 the attractions of this science, you may be led into many 
 quagmires. 
 
 Ethnology is a most interesting scientific pursuit, but as 
 siich it is still in its infancy ; and whatever claims to universal 
 recognition its generalisations and hypotheses may have, it 
 is quite premature and misleading as yet to bring them into 
 anything like practical application. But such unwarrantable 
 application has been and is being made every day with an 
 idea or a desire of invoking the aid of venerable science to 
 objects that are far from being venerable in their character, 
 namely, when it suits a definite political party, or even 
 private interests and purposes. It is then that, uncon- 
 sciously, or unperceived by those who are to be influenced, 
 the idea of nation is merged into the idea of race. Then 
 history is ignored in favour of a counterfeit ethnology ; then 
 it is no more the Germany welded together by common 
 suffering, civilisation, literature, and science since the Middle 
 Ages, the Germany of Lessing, of Goethe and Schiller, of 
 Fichte, of Heine ; but a Germany of pure Germanenthum, 
 purely Teutonic, or, at all events, Aryan. But the serious 
 students of ethnology and comparative philology themselves 
 are becoming more and more cautious of the distinctions 
 and classifications that have hitherto been current, and 
 they all feel that within the next few years there may be 
 forthcoming fundamentally different hypotheses, even with 
 regard to the broadest distinctions of human races. At all 
 events, it is absurd to apply the results of this science to the 
 practical consideration of nations as they are now before 
 us. I certainly venture to state that there is not one country 
 in the West of Europe which can claim purity of race in the 
 present day, or in any period of the Middle Ages. Who 
 will tell what tribes the people now dwelling in Germany 
 are made up of, since the barbarous hordes (Huns, Goths, 
 and Tartars) swept through their country, settled here and 
 there, to be followed in later centuries by invading armies 
 practising warfare in the spirit of their time ?
 
 PASSAGES ON CHAUVINISM 373 
 
 Travel through the German Empire from north to south 
 and east to west, mingle with the crowds in the streets of 
 the towns and study the people in the country, and I ven- 
 ture to say that if you could for a moment do away with 
 the similarity of dress and fashion, and the manner of wear- 
 ing beards, and accidental habits of the present day which 
 may come from the school or the army, and if you could 
 ignore the fact that they all speak one modern German 
 tongue, the idea of race and unity among them would for 
 ever be destroyed in your mind. Nay, even as it is, the 
 lounger in the streets of Berlin may differ as much from the 
 Tyrolese mountaineers as he does from the cockney of London, 
 and their speech may be almost as unintelligible to one an- 
 other. Still, there is an actual unity among the people of 
 Germany ; but this unity is the modern summary of living 
 conditions to which, in dying, the past ages have given their 
 life, and has nothing to do with the Teutons, or the Hermon- 
 duri, or the Catts, or the Franks. The same applies to Eng- 
 land, with its Picts and Scots and Celts and Saxons and 
 Danes and Normans, and the immigration and assimilation 
 of French, Dutch, German, Spanish, and Jewish elements. 
 And so it is with France, and with Italy, and with Spain, 
 and all Western European nations. 
 
 From the Preface to The Jewish Question and the Mission 
 of the Jews, 2nd edit., p. xxiv : 
 
 One great service which Dreyfus has rendered to the 
 world, besides standing as the symbol of justice, is that he 
 has given the death-blow to anti-Semitism not, I mean, 
 through the pity and admiration which is felt for him as a 
 Jew, but, above all, because through the Dreyfus affair the 
 anti-Semitic mask has been torn away from the French 
 Nationalists, and has shown the hideous face of the arch- 
 fiend Chauvinism, with all its menace to modern civilisation 
 and progress. This nefarious power has an outward and an 
 inward direction. In its outer aspects it becomes a diseased 
 and caricatured " patriotism," which manifests itself chiefly 
 in a blind hatred towards all foreigners. In its inward 
 direction, Nationalism becomes a convenient term for all 
 groups of people within a nation with common interests, 
 which they push against the existing order of things, treating 
 those opposed to them as aliens or foreigners. This is an 
 epidemic form of disease raging all over the world during the 
 second half of this century, which in our time is attaining an 
 acute form. Let us all take warning, and learn a lesson
 
 374 BRITISH POWER OF ASSIMILATION 
 
 from what has happened in other countries. The strength 
 of the British nation has to no small extent lain in the fact 
 that, in all its history, it has freely and generously assimi- 
 lated the different groups of people as well as individuals, 
 from whatever country, race, or religion they came ; and it 
 has assimilated these nationally, politically, and socially. 
 There have been no fixed barriers to block the way to com- 
 plete nationalisation ; the English people have ever been 
 ready to receive and to recognise the good that has come to 
 them from abroad. They seem to have said : "If you have 
 merit, prove it, and we will recognise it." Out of this fact 
 and its results, as well as out of the consciousness of this 
 principle as a moral force, flows much of the vitality, the 
 power of growth and development, of sane progress, in the 
 British people. May we never forget this, and may we 
 realise the weakness and the danger which lie in the opposite 
 course, that of Nationalistic Chauvinism. May the people 
 of the United States as well take warning and beware of 
 this most dangerous element. You never know where it 
 will lead you, certainly away from internal unity, peace, 
 and good-will among citizens, away from charity and the 
 love of one's fellow-men !
 
 APPENDIX II 
 PASSAGES ON COSMOPOLITANISM 
 
 From The Jewish Question, p. 90 : 
 
 I am also in sympathy with George Eliot when she says 
 that the time is not come for cosmopolitanism to be highly 
 virtuous, but I do look upon a certain form of cosmopoli- 
 tanism as a practical ideal which it is well for us to hold 
 before us. And I venture to believe that this great novelist 
 and philosopher would have agreed with me. I know that 
 many thoughtful people are repelled by the idea of cosmo- 
 politanism because of their love of " individuality." They 
 consider the free and varied expression of the inner and outer 
 capabilities of single men and of larger bodies of men to be 
 one of the most desirable conditions of life. With this I 
 also agree. But I do not consider cosmopolitanism, as I 
 conceive it, as in any way destructive of individuality ; on 
 the contrary, I think it will further it. The analogy, which 
 I do not wish to pursue further, at once suggests itself between 
 cosmopolitanism and restricted nationalism on the one 
 hand, and free-trade and protection in economical life on the 
 other. Cosmopolitanism will, I trust, encourage rather than 
 repress the desirable expression of individuality both for 
 States and for individuals. Federation of States (by which 
 I emphatically do not mean centralisation of life, interest, 
 and of intellectual leadership within one metropolis) gives 
 perhaps a greater chance for the free expression of individual 
 characteristics within the proper channels of activity. The 
 natural conditions, the local differences, will of themselves 
 work in this direction ; and we can see how they are acting 
 in the United States of America, where, I should say, there 
 is, in many respects, a growth rather than a decrease of indi- 
 vidualisation in the various districts. It is true we do notice 
 the dying away of local peculiarities, costume, habits of 
 living and of uncleanliness in the remoter districts of Europe ; 
 but this is not due to the action of the cosmopolitan spirit, 
 
 375
 
 376 JUSTIFIED NATIONALISM 
 
 but to rapid communication, the spread of education, and 
 other influences. And in estimating these changes we must 
 carefully guard against attaching too much weight to our 
 own selfish artistic interest and craving for the picturesque, 
 in which, under the veil of philanthropy, we may be looking 
 upon our fellow-men as puppets that are dancing for our 
 edification upon a miniature stage of our own making. 
 Frenchmen, Englishmen, Italians, Germans, and Americans 
 are pronounced in their individuality, and will remain so for 
 ages to come, in spite of the growth of the cosmopolitan 
 spirit ; and we need not be much afraid of its extinction. 
 But what cosmopolitanism must set itself to counteract is 
 not the positive expression of individuality, but its negative 
 attitude. We hope that national traditions will remain in 
 their inspiring force, but that national antagonisms and 
 jealousies will grow less intense and perhaps cease ; that, as 
 they go, more active steps for friendly intercommunication 
 will be made ; that commercial and industrial life will be 
 ordered and regulated and elevated out of the chaotic state 
 of futile internecine waste and destruction. We hope that 
 civilised peoples will really live up to the feelings, which in 
 all other respects they have, of the common ties of civilisa- 
 tion, and in so far of a common history. This will be the basis 
 of the feeling for cosmopolitanism which we hold as a prac- 
 tical ideal, and from being a feeling it will lead to definite 
 and direct beneficent action. 
 
 The essence of cosmopolitanism is the widening of human 
 sympathies ; and it is as false to think that it will lead to 
 the weakening of proper national feeling, as it is an error 
 to believe that the widening of our sympathies makes them 
 less intense when at any time they are directed into narrower 
 channels, and weakens our power of affection. If charity 
 begins at home, it might with equal truth be maintained that 
 charity begins away from home ; that in a measure as it is 
 really removed from self does it become charity in the 
 truest sense. The physical analogy which people uncon- 
 sciously have in their minds when they misunderstand the 
 nature of sympathy is drawn from the world of solid or 
 fluid bodies. The more you extend these, the wider you 
 spread them, the less will they have in depth. And so it is 
 supposed that the wider the area over which you extend 
 your sympathies, the less will be their depth at any given 
 point. But this analogy is misleading. Sympathy is force, 
 and not matter ; it is a high function of a highly organised 
 body ; the more you exercise this function, the more you 
 increase your heart's vitality in different directions, the
 
 PASSAGES ON COSMOPOLITANISM 377 
 
 greater will be the force when concentrated into one effort. 
 The narrowing and cramping of sympathies leads to atrophy 
 of the affections ; give them play, and they will retain their 
 health and vitality. I would appeal to the actual observa- 
 tion and experience of the reader with regard to the life 
 that he knows intimately and can see about him. I venture 
 to hold that the cases in which he finds people whose sym- 
 pathies and affections are bounded by their own families, 
 with a negative attitude towards people beyond these bounds, 
 are not as considerate and sympathetic to the members of 
 their own family as those whose sympathies know no such 
 narrow restrictions. For love, unless guided by sympathy, 
 is closely akin to selfishness. And the further you proceed 
 in the scale the more will you realise this. Wherever there 
 is a marked negative boundary to the affections, be it by 
 the clan, or the township, or the county, or the country, 
 these affections are not proof against trials, they are not so 
 thoroughly permeated by right altruistic thought as where 
 unselfishness has been raised into a positive faculty by being 
 removed habitually away from the centre of self, the further 
 away the stronger. The man who only loves himself does 
 not love himself well. He has not practised putting himself 
 into other people's places, and he will therefore be unjust to 
 himself, and dissatisfied when his immediate desires are 
 thwarted. 
 
 On this account I maintain that cosmopolitanism, which 
 means an effective widening of national sympathies, will in 
 no way diminish our power of national affection.
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 THE WORLD'S CHANGES IN THE PAST FIFTY 
 YEARS 
 
 The following article, written for The New York Times (1910) 
 by Professor Charles Waldstein, of King's College, Cambridge 
 University, England, is contributed in reply to a question 
 put to him by this paper. He was asked to give a short 
 review of the great change in the world that has taken place 
 within the last fifty years. 
 
 BY PROFESSOR CHARLES WALDSTEIN 
 
 I find it a Herculean task to answer the great question you 
 have put in your letter to me, and I have hesitated whether 
 it is right to issue any answer for publication at all. It is 
 impossible to elaborate fully in so short a space any of the 
 momentous questions that at once present themselves. But 
 a few suggestions to thought which I may be able to throw 
 out, and, still more, the doubts which such thoughts may 
 evoke as regards the acceptance of a complacent conviction 
 that our age is superior to any other, may be timely and 
 useful. 
 
 No doubt the world has changed within the last fifty 
 years, as it has often changed within similar periods of time. 
 The stupendous improvements in means of transportation, 
 in the facilities of wealth-production by the aid of stirring 
 scientific discovery, are a just cause for congratulation. Life 
 has undoubtedly been made easier to live for millions of 
 people deprived of fair opportunities of living before ; the 
 means of actual living, and the security of life, for all but 
 the privileged classes, have immeasurably increased com- 
 pared with former ages especially the Middle Ages, which 
 false historians and insincere poets so often attempt to 
 endow with a halo of beauty and sanctity. 
 
 Yet there remains the great question : What is this life 
 to be after we are enabled to live it ? Are the means of 
 
 378
 
 WORLD'S CHANGES FOR FIFTY YEARS 379 
 
 living to be the end of life ? Is the production of steel and 
 of coal, of food supplies, and of materials for clothing and 
 housing, to be the end in itself to which all effort and all 
 education are ultimately to tend ? In one word, are the 
 ideals of life better, higher, more worthy of realisation now 
 than they were fifty years ago ? 
 
 Well, sir, I believe that the achievements of the last fifty 
 years have been stupendous in preparing the opportunities 
 of living for the vast masses of civilised peoples ; but I think 
 that the ideals of living are lower than they were fifty years 
 ago in every one of the civilised countries. And though it 
 is foolhardy, if not arrogant, to anticipate the verdict of his- 
 tory and to predict the trend which human affairs are taking, 
 I venture to believe that our own age is chiefly noteworthy 
 in that great problems are being powerfully brought before 
 the consciousness of the world, but not for any solution of 
 great problems. 
 
 Let me merely enumerate epigrammatically a few of these 
 problems. First, the most manifest and most obtrusive 
 though perhaps not the most important of them the rela- 
 tion between capital and labour, the responsibility of the 
 power of accumulated wealth (exceeding in some individuals 
 any power which an autocrat, who could be dethroned, ever 
 had), without corresponding responsibilities, as well as the 
 responsibilities of organised labour. The general question 
 of the opposing claim of Socialism and Collectivism on the 
 one hand, and, equally important for the progress of humanity, 
 the claims of individual liberty and the development of per- 
 sonality, the intense bond of love, which members of a family 
 feel for one another, which parents have for their children, 
 and, in anticipation, for their progeny forces which have 
 ever and will ever work for the good in man's history all 
 these are claims which will have to be reconciled by man's 
 reason and justice in the future. 
 
 Then comes the great question of religion which can never 
 be replaced either by science or by ethics, or by art, and 
 which means the formulation of man's ideals of life and 
 thought raised to the spiritual spheres above the actual life 
 with which he contends. These high spiritual ends and 
 feelings and aspirations are not formulated in a manner to 
 satisfy the best that modern man can think, and for this 
 expression will have to be found in the future. The great 
 problem of the position of woman in modern society will 
 have to be solved. She has more and more emancipated 
 herself in her legal and social position. The future will have 
 to solve the problem of her political position.
 
 380 DECLINE OF IDEALS. THE GERMAN DANGER 
 
 Forgive me if I venture to deal in outline with the problems 
 which you suggest, by hemispheres, beginning with America : 
 
 In spite of all material progress made in the United States 
 during the last fifty years, it appears to me that the collec- 
 tive ideal of the American people (notwithstanding the 
 splendid efforts of giving a new direction to it made by 
 leaders like Ex-President Roosevelt) is lower than it was in 
 the middle of the nineteenth century, or at the birth of the 
 American Republic at the end of the eighteenth. 
 
 The American Republic was the positive expression of 
 what the French Revolution cried for in articulate terms of 
 passionate suffering : the denial of privilege by birth, the 
 assertion of the equal rights of man to the opportunities of 
 living, and the development of individual superiority in 
 character or in mind. These ideals were reconfirmed on a 
 broader basis in the Civil War. 
 
 The thought in speech and in literature of the New Eng- 
 land leaders which led to the abolition of slavery was the 
 terribly real expression of the principle of the brotherhood 
 of man. This thought was the outcome of high-minded living, 
 of a tone of moral and intellectual superiority which per- 
 meated every community in the United States, and set up 
 the standards of taste and of social value for the whole of 
 the Union ; that life in tone and manners and in aspiration 
 is " played out," and with it the occupations which favoured 
 such attitudes of mind. 
 
 The ideal of power which makes of men the leaders in a 
 community and strikes the keynote of the social tone is to 
 be found in those occupations which, dealing chiefly with 
 the manipulation of large sums of corporate money, lead to 
 the rapid accumulation of vast hoards of wealth. There is 
 a growing and conscious desire for the evolution of a national 
 character out of which all the ideals of wider human brother- 
 hood are eliminated. 
 
 In Europe the last fifty years have collectively seen the 
 artificial growth of the national feeling as opposed to any 
 ideals of wider human progress which moved the people at 
 the end of the eighteenth century and stirred them again in 
 1848. Even as regards each nation, wider ideals are elimin- 
 ated, and, with conscious cynicism, Real-Politik is preached 
 from the housetops, which means that each nation has only 
 to see to the increase of its material power and the accumula- 
 tion of national wealth, and leave ideals to the sentimen- 
 talist. 
 
 Irrespective of any affinity in political aspirations or in 
 culture, Europe is fast approaching the division into two
 
 WORLD'S CHANGES FOR FIFTY YEARS 381 
 
 hostile camps, which, it appears to be the hope of those who 
 rule the destinies of nations, will soon lead to a bloody con- 
 flict. There will be the military spine of Europe, Germany, 
 Austria, and Turkey, all powerful in directing the movement 
 of the body, as the vertebral column is in animal and man, 
 reaching from the Baltic and the North Sea to the Mediter- 
 ranean, supported by increased naval strength on either 
 side, which may stop all liberal advance of the rest of Europe, 
 whatever combination these may make. 
 
 In the Far East there seems some distant hope that the 
 supreme patriotic vitality, and the public spirit of abnega- 
 tion, which marks the people in Japan, shall adopt and 
 assimilate what we must call the Hellenic spirit, and realise 
 that love of family and patriotism must be directed toward 
 the production of the highest type of man and human society, 
 in which moral, intellectual, and artistic qualities and powers 
 are freely and fully developed in the individual and in the 
 community. Should Japan infuse such a spirit into China, 
 the yellow peril may be converted into the yellow blessing 
 for the advance of humanity. 
 
 The only countries which manifest in their political life 
 the consciousness that ideas and ideals are practical, and 
 can be made practical, are, at the present moment, the 
 Republic of France, and, in so far as the people is enabled to 
 express itself, the population of Russia. 
 
 For the rest, it appears to me that one of the great waves 
 for human history moves by waves in which the world's 
 destiny is carried on within the last fifty years is in a down- 
 ward direction, and marks a period of reaction, the end of 
 which I devoutly hope is near. I would not have it believed 
 that I am a pessimist. On the contrary, my optimism is of 
 the firmest, because I believe in the ultimate victory of the 
 good and the true. This victory will come. But from what 
 I have just said you will realise that I do not believe that 
 the last fifty years mark the ascent of the great wave.
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 
 
 From The Political Confession of a Practical Idealist. 
 London : Smith, Elder & Co. 1911, pp. 32 seq. 
 
 I have said before that I am not a socialist. As a remote 
 and ultimate ideal, I do believe that if the three great sources 
 which lead to crime and all misery in social life money, 
 sexual passion, and drink could be removed, the world 
 would be much better. But I also believe that a direct 
 attempt at immediate or proximate realisation of such an 
 ideal is Utopian and quite undesirable. Still, I maintain 
 that, in its present form, the position which money holds in 
 our life as the equivalent and the gauge of successful effort, 
 the common standard of power leading to esteem, the seal 
 of approval stamped upon achievement by society at large, 
 is a complete failure, and leads to most of the evils of our 
 time. It does not further the best needs of our age, as in 
 previous ages of man's history other standards corresponded 
 to what the instinct of society as a whole recognised to be 
 the quality most needed for the public welfare. Such were 
 physical prowess in the early periods of man's development, 
 when the protection from beasts and savage rivals was the 
 immediate and prevailing object of man's existence ; courage 
 and skill-at-arms, together with the power of ruling from his 
 castle the feudal subjects whom he in turn protected and 
 all qualities that went to make up chivalry in the Middle 
 Ages. I can fully conceive of a state of society in which the 
 acquisition of money as the central motive to human effort 
 would no longer exist, and there would still remain every 
 potent incentive to lead man to his best efforts. He would 
 still be incited from other motives to perform the duties 
 imposed upon him, and he would be powerfully stimulated 
 to win the esteem and admiration of his fellow-men. Should 
 wealth ever be dethroned from its dominant position I am 
 convinced that a large section of the evils which mar the 
 harmonious and elevating development of life in human 
 society would be removed. 
 
 All the same, I believe that any direct attempt to alter 
 
 382
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 383 
 
 the economic foundations of life by any form of collectiv- 
 ism, which levels down instead of levelling up the scale of 
 individual effort, which postulates human equality and 
 endeavours to ensure it by checking the progress of the 
 individual and by undermining the continuity of the family, 
 is in no way desirable, even if it be practicable. 
 
 I am thus not a socialist. There are good, financial houses 
 with honest traditions in carrying on their complicated busi- 
 ness. There are honest financiers with a high sense of duty 
 and refinement of taste, who have amassed wealth in living 
 up to these good traditions of then- business houses, and 
 have by their business activity furthered the cause of com- 
 mercial development. There are even those who have 
 amassed great wealth in finance by methods not so com- 
 mendable, and who have endeavoured to the best of their 
 ability to use part of their wealth for the public good. In 
 spite of these facts, I distinctly am opposed to that aspect 
 of modern economics which leads to what is called " finance " 
 and " promoting," to that source of wealth which comes 
 from the manipulation of other people's money, and which 
 in our days has become beyond all doubt the chief avenue 
 to the speedy acquisition of great and inordinate wealth. I 
 maintain that every legitimate effort may be used, and must 
 be used to remove this incubus, this curse of modern life 
 which retards the best development among civilised com- 
 munities hi every direction. Furthermore, it will be found 
 that all this can be attained, not by violent revolution sub- 
 verting the foundations of modern society, not by anarchistic 
 means admitted to be illegal ; but, on the contrary, by legal 
 and equitable procedure on the part of the State, thereby 
 upholding its constitution. Finally, should it be found that, 
 by this same act on the part of the State, the means for 
 carrying on government will be provided by a most equit- 
 able method of taxation, surely every effort ought to be 
 made to bring about such a consummation. 
 
 As a rule, we may admit the just working of the economic 
 principle of Supply and Demand. On the whole, it acts in 
 the best interests of society, and furthers the ideal aims of 
 humanity as regards its future development. The higher a 
 function in life, the higher ought to be the pay, and the 
 greater the consequent power of him who possesses such 
 qualities. On the other hand, the rarer the possession of 
 such qualities, the smaller the supply, and, in consequence, 
 the more pressing the demand, the greaterj^their value, and 
 the higher the price to be paid for them. But when society 
 becomes aware that certain occupations, receiving the highest 
 
 27
 
 384 PRICE AND REAL VALUE 
 
 prices and consequently endowing the recipient with the 
 greatest power physically and morally, are bad for the indi- 
 vidual and for society at large, it produces what, in one 
 phrase, is best called " the Survival of the Unfittest." To 
 be a leader in any occupation recognised as legitimate and 
 good for society produces a type of which society must 
 approve in its own interest, the production of which it must 
 encourage. This leads to the production and the survival 
 of the fittest. The chiefs of mercantile and industrial enter- 
 prise in commerce and manufacture require qualities superior 
 to those of the clerks and underlings, as they are fewer in 
 number, of smaller supply for the importance of the demand 
 the foreman holds the same position as regards the ordinary 
 artisan. In every profession, again, those who are the 
 leaders, the officers in the army and the navy, the leading 
 lawyers, physicians, teachers, represent a greater demand 
 and a smaller supply. We ought not to begrudge such 
 leaders their higher rewards, nor withhold from them our 
 higher esteem. In fact, the actual expression of this higher 
 esteem, because of the higher value of service, is accorded by 
 society by means of the higher reward. But when recognised 
 activity in civilised communities is discovered to produce 
 a type, and, of itself, to develop qualities injurious to the 
 character of the individual and demoralising to society at 
 large, every effort must be used to convert such activities 
 into less injurious forms, or, if possible, to replace them by 
 new forms which eliminate the type. 
 
 Such is the case in what, to use one term, I would designate 
 as " finance." I mean all manipulation of the money of 
 others which brings the manipulator an excessive proportion 
 of wealth. It produces a type of individual in modern 
 society, conferring upon him inordinate power and inciden- 
 tally the prestige and esteem which necessarily go with 
 power, which is not the best and fittest either from a moral, 
 a political, or an economical point of view. 
 
 Let me at once admit that the function of bringing capital 
 and labour together, the task the all-important and most 
 difficult and complicated task of bringing capital into those 
 numerous and often remote quarters where it happens to be 
 needed in order that the natural resources of the world may 
 be developed and used for the good of the community should 
 be encouraged, and that the capital congested in spheres where 
 it may lie idle, or not be turned to the best use, should be 
 properly distributed. I also admit that, in order that the 
 first steps be taken to bring such undeveloped resources within 
 the range of the fructifying influence of remote capital a most
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 385 
 
 complex and difficult task great insight and special know- 
 ledge, intense activity with the assumption of great risks, are 
 demanded, especially during the initial stages, and that these 
 might not be forthcoming unless exceptional rewards were 
 given. But I shall venture to suggest, further on, other means 
 by which these necessary functions of modern economic life 
 could be supplied. If it should be urged against my proposals 
 that they are deficient in supplying the element of rapidity 
 in realising potential natural resources in the system I advo- 
 cate, I will at once answer that rapidity is a much over- 
 estimated factor in modern life ; that, at all events, it is 
 accountable for much of the loss, waste, and demoralising 
 dishonesty of modern financial and industrial enterprise ; 
 and that, in any case, the evils which I shall point out both 
 in individual and in social life outweigh any of the advan- 
 tages which such rapidity of development can offer. The 
 sources of wealth are bound in the course of time to appeal 
 to the economical instincts and necessities of civilised com- 
 munities ; and if a wild district with agricultural possi- 
 bilities, another with mineral wealth, if the means of trans- 
 portation in the form of railways and steamships to and from 
 such newly developed centres if these are retarded for what 
 must be a short period in the life of a community, the loss 
 cannot be so great, and may be less, to the community as a 
 whole, than the loss entailed by the haste which the cupidity 
 and unscrupulousness of financial promoters have introduced 
 into the markets of the world. 
 
 I maintain that there is a check to the natural and free 
 development of life among the civilised people of our day, a 
 hitch in the working of the economical and social machinery, 
 which must be removed ; and that such removal is so far 
 from being subversive of the main principles and traditions 
 of civilised society that only through it can the present 
 order be retained. Without being paradoxical, I claim that 
 this is a conservative and not a revolutionary principle. In 
 the past the working of the social instincts of communities 
 ensured that those qualities which are most needed by the 
 society of the day produced recognised types, within the 
 community to whom all people looked up as leaders, and 
 felt the justification of their prominence because they ulti- 
 mately responded to its chief needs. Thus, to the man 
 possessing the greatest physical power there was acceded, 
 in the conditions of primitive life, the greatest moral and 
 social power in the community, and this was right. The 
 possessors of all those qualities summarised under the head 
 of chivalry formed the aristocracy of the Middle Ages, and
 
 386 SOCIAL DOMINANCE OF THE FINANCIER 
 
 this was right and just. The type of the aristocrat, who was 
 capable of dealing with the affairs of State, who was the 
 most complete expression of the culture and refinement of 
 the society of the time, and possessed those graces and 
 amenities which enabled him properly to deal with all men 
 and all classes, again rightly received highest recognition. 
 All these types harmonise with the conscious or subconscious 
 recognition by society at large of the elements most needed 
 for its own self-preservation and advancement. A further 
 result was that the public power and consequent esteem 
 bestowed upon the type led the individuals within the com- 
 munity best fitted to fulfil its functions to develop in them- 
 selves those qualities. Thus the fittest within the community, 
 from this point of view, were by a natural process constantly 
 enlisted within the ranks of the leaders. 
 
 In our days, however, the greatest power, and, whatever 
 may be said to the contrary, ultimately the public esteem 
 which follows it, go to those who possess the greatest wealth. 
 Among all possible careers in modern life which lead to the 
 acquisition of greatest wealth, there is no doubt whatever 
 that the careers of finance, of all the work grouping round 
 the Stock Exchange, of company-promoting, etc., are the 
 supreme and readiest avenue to success. But it is equally 
 beyond all doubt, that the qualities required for such occupa- 
 tion or involved in the pursuit of it are not those which 
 morally and intellectually would be recognised as the best 
 and highest, and that the result of such work is not for the 
 good of the community. From the pulpits of the churches 
 and in our better moments of leisure, as well as with a small 
 minority of people whose voices cannot be heard in the 
 clash of so-called " public opinion," to the possession of 
 great wealth, is denied the approval, the esteem, or the admira- 
 tion accorded to what is best. On the contrary they are 
 assigned to individuals and to lives which turn their back 
 on material and mercenary advantages. But society as a 
 whole, by admitting a usurpation of greatest power to those 
 who do thus acquire greatest wealth, by that very act puts 
 its seal of approval on such a type, and with the power must 
 ultimately come the esteem. Furthermore, it will be found 
 as effective almost as a " natural law," that in assigning 
 such prizes to such occupations the fittest elements of society 
 are turned into such channels of life, and that the superior 
 qualities of character and mind which these may have pos- 
 sessed at the outset are diverted into channels of activity 
 which ultimately demoralise and vitiate them. To illustrate 
 this contention by actual life we need but turn to the examina-
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 387 
 
 tion of what is now happening in the United States. But 
 I wish at once to say that the strictures which I am about to 
 make do not apply to one nation as such, still less to a race ; 
 they apply only to the economical system which produces 
 them and which may be active in any community if they are 
 allowed to be effective. It has nothing to do with the 
 American nation or with the American constitution as such. 
 The production of this form of financier and promoter in 
 America among the purely American citizens is as little an 
 essential characteristic of that nation as, in other parts of 
 the world, the presence and the predominant power of certain 
 financiers of the Jewish race makes such economical disease 
 a characteristic of the Jews. 
 
 The great power and the numerous rewards in every aspect 
 of life which such financial work brings with it in America 
 has naturally attracted to these occupations a large proportion 
 of the most capable young men, both intellectually and 
 morally. When once, however, they have adopted such 
 occupations and constantly live in such a moral atmosphere, 
 their own mind and character become affected and vitiated, 
 and the great promise of their youth for the development of 
 the finest type of man and for the elevation of the standard 
 of the community in which they live is undone. An American 
 friend of mine, who left his home after he had completed 
 his studies at the University for some years, told me how 
 forcibly he was struck by the fact that nearly all his class- 
 mates of first-rate ability had been enlisted in those occupa- 
 tions which group round finance, stock exchange specula- 
 tion, and company promoting. But a very small propor- 
 tion among his gifted college friends had turned to scientific, 
 professional, or ordinary industrial and commercial work. 
 Even among those who had turned to the law, the most 
 capable again were attracted into that category of legal 
 pursuits (railway lawyers, etc.) which really made their 
 professional activity a part of the great speculative or com- 
 pany-promoting system. He gave me a graphic and impres- 
 sive account of a visit to Newport, the fashionable country 
 resort of wealthy Americans, as the guest of one of the 
 millionaires. 
 
 While driving with his host along the Ocean drive they met 
 a large number of the wealthy summer residents. His host 
 pointed out these several successful magnates to him, men- 
 tioning the millions which they possessed. The following 
 dialogue ensued : My friend asked his host how many of those 
 wealthy men had acquired their large fortunes in, what he 
 called, honest business.
 
 388 HONEST AND DISHONEST BUSINESS 
 
 " What do you mean by honest business ? " asked his host. 
 
 " I mean those forms of business or professional occupation 
 which are recognised by the community as necessary and as 
 clearly for the good of society at large, and success in which 
 implies hard work, intelligence, wide experience, rapid decision 
 and resolution, power of organisation, power of induction in 
 forecasting future conditions, all based upon integrity and 
 fair dealing. I mean the established professions, that of the 
 lawyer, the doctor, the teacher ; I mean the merchant who 
 has studied every aspect of his trade and uses the capital of 
 his firm in order to bring the supply from all quarters to the 
 scenes of demand, thereby earning his just profit ; I mean 
 the manufacturer who develops a large industry, understands 
 every detail in the production of the commodity he supplies, 
 organises and utilises fairly the labour which he requires, and 
 thus directly increases the wealth of the nation ; I even mean 
 the inventor who himself has discovered some new object 
 greatly needed, or some new labour-saving process which 
 cheapens the cost of production of objects required, not 
 those who have merely manipulated his invention, often by 
 doubtful means ; I even mean the man who has had the 
 good fortune to discover or to inherit a site where great 
 mineral wealth has lain hidden (not the promoters of the com- 
 panies). But perhaps I can explain better to you what I 
 mean when I define what I do not consider straightforward 
 business ; it is business which leads to the accumulation of 
 great wealth chiefly by the manipulation of other people's 
 money, by the exploitation of some concession, by the mere 
 manipulation of the shares and stocks of a railway, and by 
 pure speculation. How many of the men you have pointed 
 out to me have, according to my definition, acquired these 
 large sums by honest business ? " 
 
 After pondering for a long while, the answer of the million- 
 aire, who had himself acquired his fortune by such manipu- 
 lation of capital, was " Not one." My friend then asked one 
 further question : " Do you, who have vast experience in 
 such matters, consider that it is possible for a man to accu- 
 mulate a large fortune, say ten million dollars, within a 
 short period, say ten to twenty years, without having passed 
 through one period, however short a moment, in which there 
 was a risk that he might lose, not only his own money, but 
 that of his friends, or of the public who had confided their 
 capital to him ? " Again there was a long thoughtful pause, 
 in which this successful veteran in the financial fight passed 
 the instances from his own experience before his inner eye. 
 Again the answer came, " No, it is not possible." Well, my
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 389 
 
 friend summarised this short and pregnant conversation, 
 " Then I do not consider that honest business." 
 
 But this is the occupation which stands at the very pinnacle 
 of economic and social life of the United States at this 
 moment. The power and, sad to say, generally the con- 
 sideration which this occupation brings are greater than 
 those of any of the highest functions of State, the loftiest and 
 lasting work in science, art, or literature, the self-denying 
 struggle during a whole life of him who devotes himself to the 
 bettering of men. 
 
 And what is the effect upon the life and character of him 
 who takes up such work, as far as the occupation itself is con- 
 cerned ; who started into life with the freshness and vigour 
 of a clear intellect, and the strength and purity of a sound and 
 manly character ? The whetting and sharpening of those 
 powers called forth in carrying " large deals " to a successful 
 issue, the attitude of militant distrust towards those with 
 whom he deals, the repression of all human impulses and the 
 compression of all passion into the channels which are to lead 
 to this rapid accumulation of great wealth, blunt the moral 
 fibre and produce in all other aspects of life cynicism, which, 
 as it lowers in him the estimation of the character of his 
 fellow-men, lowers most of all his own. A mediaeval autocrat 
 or a prince during the Italian Renaissance may have lived 
 up to the ideals of a Machiavelli and treated his fellow-men as 
 pawns in the great game of power ; but the very nature of 
 such a life, the atmosphere which surrounded them, the bril- 
 liancy and splendour which softened their lurid ambitions, the 
 ^struggle which constantly called for the defence or the sacrifice 
 of their own lives, the very permeation of life on all sides 
 with the recognised responsibilities which are entailed and of 
 which they were conscious as heads of the State, gave, as it 
 were, a dramatic justification to their existence and, at all 
 events, impressed responsibility towards the whole com- 
 munity, which, in case of revolution or war, would naturally 
 lead to their undoing. These compensating moments are 
 entirely wanting in the lives of the condottieri of the present 
 day, living upon the security of civilised social organisation 
 which the people at large grant them. An occasional assas- 
 sination by some disappointed madman is rightly repudiated 
 and punished by the laws of every land. With all this pro- 
 tection their responsibilities to the community as a whole 
 are none. There is no element of refinement, no saving grace 
 of heroism or devotion or sacrifice in any phase of their occu- 
 pation, which strenuously fills the whole of their conscious 
 existence. Their experience of men leads them to think,
 
 390 DEGENERATING EFFECT OF CAPITALISM 
 
 and often to say, that there is not a man whom they cannot 
 buy ; and, directly or indirectly by insidious and remote 
 methods, this is not unfrequently the case. It is this 
 cynicism which is one of the leading characteristics of such 
 men and an inevitable result of the spirit in which they must 
 deal with their fellow-men. In the spending of wealth, again, 
 if its accumulation has not produced a type of the miser, 
 there is the coarse and irresponsible lavishness of the gambler, 
 demoralising the standards of expenditure for the whole com- 
 munity as its acquisition demoralises the commercial and 
 economic tone of the wealth- producing world. Their physique 
 as well as their moral, unless it be of the strongest (and then 
 it is likely to be coarsened into brutality), is undermined by 
 the nervous strain. The amenities of life and manners, 
 chivalrous conduct, graces of intellectual intercourse are far 
 below the average. In spite of this want of grace, besides 
 misleading the young men in their ideals of the occupation 
 of life to be followed, they can attract and secure the women, 
 whose ideals of life, whose fundamental outlook upon the 
 duties of a woman, are thereby vitiated. It has recently been 
 said, not without some justice, that many of the problems 
 suggested by what is now called eugenics (the improvement 
 of the race by proper marriage), that many of the evils with 
 which we are now battling, might be removed if the woman 
 were allowed to choose her husband. It is maintained that 
 she would be more likely to be guided in her choice by those 
 elements which not only make for a happy matrimonial state, 
 but would also lead to the improvement of progeny. In 
 one word : It would increase the chances for the survival of 
 the fittest. This would be still more likely if we did not live 
 under the curse of our central economic disease. For the 
 attraction which great wealth brings, especially to the life of 
 the woman, whose function is generally not to acquire but to 
 spend, is so great, that in the long run it will bring her to 
 choose the type whose leading characteristics I have just 
 sketched, generally unfit in body, coarsened in mind and in 
 character, and engrossed in an absorbing (though degrading) 
 occupation, which leaves no time for the cultivation of social 
 amenities or for that consideration, sympathy, and regard 
 which bring happiness to the wife, the mother, and the family. 
 This is the ideal type of man which the vicious development 
 of our modern economical life has produced, and which of 
 necessity has become an ideal for most of the young men in 
 the United States, superseding the ideals of those who founded 
 the great Republic and of the noble generations that succeeded 
 them.
 
 THE 'TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 391 
 
 The power of those possessors of great fortunes is, by the 
 inner need of capital and its manipulation in commercial life, 
 bound to grow. This power is not only felt in the economic 
 world itself, nor indirectly, as I have just endeavoured to show, 
 in its result upon social life and social ideals ; but also in 
 the remote spheres of our higher national life from which the 
 financier is, or ought to be, furthest removed. I am not 
 referring to the corruption introduced by their practice into 
 the Government of the State. This is manifest and has been 
 clearly shown by many writers and speakers. It has led to 
 the establishment of high protective tariffs, without which 
 many of these great financial enterprises could not have brought 
 the inflated wealth to their individual leaders. It is not an 
 exaggeration to say that nearly all the corruption which 
 admittedly exists in the Government of the United States 
 can be traced back to this source. But what I mean to 
 emphasise is the power without responsibility which many of 
 these possessors of inordinate wealth have in effecting and 
 modifying the course of more spiritual institutions which 
 uphold the higher life of our communities, a power possessed 
 by no living ruler, and probably not by any ruler in the past. 
 This does not only concern those institutions which we 
 broadly class under the heading of " charities," which they 
 can create or modify at will by throwing their millions into 
 the scales ; but the educational institutions, those which provide 
 for the education of the young and the self -education of the 
 adult population, all that concerns science, art, and literature. 
 If such a millionaire is well guided and puts himself into the 
 hands of one who has made such topics his life- study, as he 
 in his life has devoted himself to the making of money, good 
 may come of it ; but if, as is not infrequently the case, the 
 definite view that one form of higher education is useless, 
 and another lower form which may dissipate and vitiate the 
 public mind is the only justifiable one to be encouraged, and 
 is held by one whose occupation and interests have naturally 
 given bias to the whole of his mind, he can modify the whole 
 intellectual life of a nation. In my opinion, for instance, 
 the creation of numerous scholarships in Scotland, which 
 on the face of it sounds generous and all for good, may rob 
 the Scotch people of one of the greatest intellectual and moral 
 assets which the conditions of their life and the traditions of 
 their past have established, namely, the widespread and vivid 
 realisation of the value of higher intellectual training ; and 
 it may lead to what I should call the pauperising of the 
 national intellect. Yet, what scientific or artistic institution 
 is far-sighted enough or strong enough to refuse the offer
 
 392 MEANS OF CHECKING SUCH DEGENERACY 
 
 of millions ? If such men think that the aim of education 
 and the ideal of a civilised community are finally to be that 
 iron and steel and other commercial goods should be created 
 in vast amounts and transportation be made constantly more 
 rapid desirable as all these may be and nothing more ; 
 and that those forms of education which may for the time 
 being ignore these objects, but aim chiefly and directly at 
 improving and elevating the mind for the individual as well 
 as the intellectual, moral, and artistic life of the community 
 as a whole, such a man has the power of carrying his point 
 by the force of money against all the accumulated experience 
 and the concentrated and self- devoted work of those who 
 have made the direct study of these problems their life-work, 
 as much as the multi-millionaire has made the accumulation 
 of money his own. Such is the power, even in the remotest 
 directions of life, which this cancer in the body- politic of 
 civilised countries has over the development of a healthy 
 nation. 
 
 The question is, " Can this be stopped by legitimate and 
 not revolutionary means ? " It certainly can, and, moreover, 
 by means which in themselves will remedy other glaring 
 defects in our public machinery. 
 
 I have referred merely to some of the evils necessarily arising 
 out of our present system of dealing with capital. The 
 chapter of indictments could be greatly enlarged and their 
 numbers swelled. 
 
 Can this curse be removed ? All attempts at tinkering 
 and at amending the practice are not enough. All preventive 
 and punitive enactments can be circumvented, while the 
 social evils in misdirecting the ideals, as regards the highest 
 occupation of business men and as regards the life and aim 
 of society as a whole, will remain. 
 
 The whole function of bringing capital and labour together 
 must be taken out of the hands of individuals and be entrusted 
 to the State. This is the only remedy for the disease, and 
 will, at the same time, mark the most powerful and beneficent 
 step in fiscal reform, providing the best means of grappling 
 with the grave problem of raising the funds needed for the good 
 government of the State on the lines of justice to its citizens, 
 that is, by turning for revenue to the sources where the 
 pressure will bear heavily on the poor. At the same time, 
 business enterprise will be encouraged on a sound basis. In 
 one word, the State will have to take over all the functions 
 now performed by the Stock Exchange, by the great financial 
 houses, and by the company-promoters. So far from being 
 in contradiction with our conception of the functions of the
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 393 
 
 State in its essentials, it is a natural and necessary step in 
 the evolution of our conception of the State on modern 
 lines. It implies no anarchistic or socialistic revolution ; it 
 spells reform on the lines recognised by all parties in the 
 successive legislative enactments of modern times for, at 
 least, a century. The development of our postal service, 
 which not so long ago was in the hands of private companies, 
 of telegraphs and of telephones, was in this direction. In 
 many States the nationalisation of the railways, and with us 
 the direct supervision and control of the railways, managed 
 by trustworthy and efficient companies ; even in foreign 
 finance the frequent direct influencing by the State of the 
 Stock Exchange in controlling the introduction of foreign 
 investments (often guided by definite problems of foreign 
 policy) ; the successful intervention of the State in New 
 Zealand regulating the tenure of the land and counteracting 
 the influences of the land- speculator, all this is of the same 
 nature as what we advocate on the side of capital. As 
 regards labour, the more recent effective legislation of our 
 Old Age Pensions, the establishment of the Labour Bureaus, 
 and State Insurance all these are on the same line of evolu- 
 tion. As we have established Labour Bureaus, so we can 
 and must establish Bureaus of Capital. 
 
 It will, of course, be said that individual enterprise will 
 be stifled ; it will be maintained that it is because of the 
 great rewards now coming to individuals that the great risks 
 are taken, which lead to the rapid development of our resources 
 and that otherwise these would lie dormant and would not 
 contribute to the wealth of our nation. This is absolutely 
 untrue. It will certainly cause to lie dormant the spirit of 
 wild speculation and the hasty establishment of doubtful 
 enterprise. On the contrary, it will make commercial and 
 industrial enterprise all the more secure and sound. It will 
 add to finance and commerce that one element whch is most 
 potent in securing the ready circulation of capital and its 
 fearless application to new undertakings namely, confidence. 
 It has invariably been seen that during financial crises money 
 has been locked up and business has been at a standstill, 
 not because the source of wealth had been dried up and 
 money was not there ; but, with money so tied up in the 
 coffers, or even in the stockings, of those who had it, there 
 was no confidence in the money market, inflated with gassy 
 speculation, unstable because all landmarks of guidance for 
 the direction in which it ought to flow were wiped out. When 
 such confidence is secured, capital will normally and continu- 
 ously flow in the channels where it can do most good.
 
 394 THE CAPITAL BUREAU 
 
 This great Capital Bureau in the hands of the State will 
 take over all the functions that now belong to the Stock 
 Exchange, all the work of true company-promoting, under- 
 writing of capital, etc. All such companies will be registered, 
 a large staff of able and trustworthy commissioners will have 
 to examine and report on any new enterprise that is brought 
 within its ken. Of course doubts will be expressed as regards 
 the efficiency or honesty of such bodies, but there is no reason 
 why they cannot be made as efficient and as honest as the 
 officials of any other department of State. At all events, the 
 responsibility will always be clearly attached to them, and 
 the public will have the power to watch over the fulfilment 
 of these duties and punish any delinquency. Even in inter- 
 national finance, in which the investment of capital in other, 
 sometimes distant, countries is to be encouraged, our con- 
 sular and diplomatic machinery can be directly utilised for 
 such purposes. Even now they are spasmodically called in 
 for such work. But the very casualness of such use smacks 
 of unfairness and opens the door to partiality and dishonesty. 
 
 Who will dare to say that this cannot be done ? Remember 
 what has already been achieved in this direction in our days 
 compared with the remote past, especially in the intervention 
 of the State in questions of labour. I believe that the step 
 taken as regards labour in this direction is greater, in pro- 
 portion, than what would thus be done with regard to capital. 
 
 Finally, the commission, which the State will receive as its 
 just due for this most useful function, will produce by far 
 the greatest part of its revenue, and this will relieve us of 
 many other forms of taxation. All the money which now 
 swells the fortunes of the manipulators of other people's 
 money, all the money earned on the Stock Exchange by the 
 great financial houses and by promoters, will go to relieve 
 from taxation the regular and beneficent business enterprise, 
 and especially the poorer labourers. At the same time the 
 inventor, the discoverer of a mine, the possessor of conces- 
 sions, will no longer have to struggle through the solid, 
 though cryptic, phalanx that stands between them and the 
 realisation of the economic wealth they offer, in the form of 
 the promoter and the financial houses and the immoral tra- 
 ditions prevailing in their methods of work. They will at 
 once know where to go and where to find justice. So far 
 from stifling enterprise, it will facilitate and increase it by the 
 direct, manifest, and practical system with which capital 
 will be distributed, and, especially, by furnishing the most 
 important element in the establishment of values, that is, 
 confidence.
 
 THE "TRANSPORTATION" OF CAPITAL 395 
 
 Call this socialism if you like ; but it certainly arises out 
 of the actual needs of the day and is in no way subversive 
 of our society and its guiding principles. On the contrary, 
 it is the only means of confirming and strengthening our 
 social order. I know that some will say that if it be not 
 socialism it leads in that direction. They would attribute 
 to me, as they attribute to others, a hidden and insincere 
 purpose of aiming at more in the future, and asking for less 
 at present because one knows one cannot get more. I can 
 say in solemn truth, that I desire to see the present order 
 of society, its fundamental principles and the principles of 
 individualism, established more firmly, and not uprooted. 
 The method of argument applied in putting forward such 
 doubts is of the most nefarious. A good hne of progress 
 is checked for fear that it might lead too far. My answer is, 
 " Stop it when it goes too far." But stay where you are 
 and block progress, and the compression of forces that move 
 onward, and rightly move onward, produces violence and 
 leads to revolution instead of reform. If the tyranny of 
 capital and syndicates goes on increasing and the irresponsible 
 power of the crownless millionaire- kings grows, demoralising 
 society from its highest to its lowest layers, the results may be 
 anarchy and revolution ; and all that constitutes the foun- 
 dations of modern society, built up through centuries of 
 civilised struggle, may be shaken and ultimately destroyed. 
 Only by such reforms are the weapons taken out of the 
 hands of the anarchist, and can our laws and our social aspira- 
 tions be safeguarded and strengthened.
 
 APPENDIX V 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 
 
 Reprinted from Murray's Magazine, June, 1889 
 
 I had become a Concessionaire. A happy thought had 
 one day struck me, on reading of the progressive tendencies 
 of the Torriline Republic as evinced by its apparently unlimited 
 willingness to allow foreign capital to be poured into it under 
 any pretext and for any purpose. I learnt that the municipal 
 authorities of the chief towns of the Republic were most 
 anxious to encourage the improvement and embellishment of 
 their townships, and I saw it curiously noted that, so far, 
 throughout the Republic no proper system of waterworks 
 had anywhere been constructed Although not a business 
 man, I was fired by my idea, and, having a little capital, I 
 determined to start at once for the Torriline Republic in 
 order to secure a Concession the Monopoly of the Construc- 
 tion of Waterworks. I do not wish to dwell on this part of 
 my experiences at all, but merely say that, after the expendi- 
 ture of some money and pains and much time, I met with 
 success. 
 
 Having secured my Concession, I started back to England 
 in high spirits ; it was, after all, a valuable property, and I 
 intended to realise at once, and, whilst keeping more or less 
 in touch with the working of the Concession, so as to see 
 that it was properly managed, retire upon my hardly earned 
 laurels and rest at any rate, in so far as that particular 
 business was concerned in peace. 
 
 Accordingly, the day after my arrival in London I sallied 
 down to the City and called at the large and well-known 
 financial establishment of Barter & Co. I knew the active 
 working manager of the firm slightly, Mr. Dibbings, and sent 
 in my card to him. He immediately had me admitted, and 
 affably asked me what my business might be. He heard me 
 patiently out, and then raising his eyebrows and pursing his 
 lips, he said : 
 
 " I don't wish you to lose your time, Mr. Smith I don't 
 
 396
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 397 
 
 wish you to lose your time. I will therefore tell you at once 
 that I will have nothing to do with your Concession." 
 
 " Why not ? " I said, a little testily. 
 
 " In the first place," he answered, " it is Torriline. I have 
 no confidence whatever in Torriline business ; I always have 
 kept clear of it, and your proposals are not such as to induce 
 me to change my views. I will not lend the name of Barter 
 & Co. to anything which I do not consider a first-class sound 
 business. I have the greatest possible objection to being 
 made a stalking-horse by which to get at the public and 
 attract them into putting their money into doubtful con- 
 cerns ; and, begging you to excuse me for being so outspoken, 
 I must flatly decline to take any share in what you now offer 
 to me." 
 
 " I am obliged to you for your straightforwardness, Mr. 
 Dibbings," I replied ; " but you will allow me to remark 
 that in the first place, if I had not considered this a sound 
 business, I never should have come to you about it at all ; 
 and in the second place, if you suppose I had intended to use 
 you as a stalking-horse you are entirely mistaken. I brought 
 you a good business because I thought you would like it, 
 but I don't want you not in the least. I can get on perfectly 
 well without you, and shall have no difficulty at all in finding 
 money." I said this for effect, and only wished it were true. 
 
 Mr. Dibbings raised his eyebrows and slightly smiled. " I 
 am very glad to hear it, my dear sir," he replied. " I meant 
 no offence, I am sure ; but I always say exactly what I think. 
 Besides being better business, it saves time both for me 
 and for those to whom I am speaking. Good day." And 
 before I knew where I was, I found myself walking away from 
 Messrs. Barter & Co. with a disagreeable feeling of having 
 played my trump card, failed, and not knowing what to do next. 
 
 I went to a variety of establishments with whom I had a 
 more or less extensive acquaintance, but at one and all was 
 met with very much the same answer. Many of them asked 
 if I had already a strong financial backing, because in that 
 case (the very one, as I took the liberty of pointing out to 
 them, in which I should not have had recourse to them) they 
 also would not have any objection to taking a certain share. 
 I got weary with explaining that I did not want them to take 
 a direct part in the business themselves, but to bring it out 
 upon the London market, to issue the shares to the public 
 to float the company, in fact. Not one of them would listen 
 to it. One managing director only, seeing me, I suppose, 
 look tired and disgusted when his refusal was added to the 
 many others, advised me to go to brokers, and see what they
 
 398 A BROKER'S OFFICE 
 
 thought of the matter, and whether possibly they would 
 raise the capital on commission. " You would thus, you 
 see," he said, " form a syndicate perhaps, which would set 
 the thing going, meet the first engagements, and turn it into 
 a company afterwards. There's lots of money sometimes to 
 be made that way," said he reflectively, " lots ! " 
 
 "Ah! there is indeed," I replied. "Perhaps, Mr. Hard- 
 man," I added, as a sudden and happy afterthought, 
 " Messrs. Guldridge " (that was the name of his bank) " would 
 like to take part in it." 
 
 " Oh dear no ! " he said decidedly. " I have already told 
 you that it does not lie the least in our way of business. We 
 don't do that kind of thing, my good sir, we don't do it." 
 
 " But what kind of things do you do ? " I asked incredu- 
 lously. 
 
 " Other things," said Mr. Hardman. But in spite of his 
 mysterious answers and his shortness, he was more helpful 
 than the others I had seen, and gave me a letter to Messrs. 
 Bluff & Chowse, brokers, whose valuable aid I immediately 
 sought. 
 
 " Mr. Chowse is out," said a clerk to whom I showed my 
 letter. " I don't know where 'e's gone ; 'e said 'e'd be in 
 in ten minutes ; p'raps 'is brother 'ud do." 
 
 As I knew neither Mr. Tommy Chowse, to whom the letter 
 was addressed, nor his brother, I said I thought he would do. 
 The clerk then asked me to step in to Mr. Tommy Chowse's 
 room, and wait for a minute or two, and Mr. Alfred would be 
 down directly. The room in which I waited was a dingy little 
 place looking out upon one of those narrow lanes in the City, 
 which give one the idea instinctively that they are crammed 
 with wealth ; it was furnished with a biggish writing-table 
 covered with correspondence, financial papers, prospectuses, 
 and such articles of the trade, two chairs, and one of the 
 Exchange Telegraph self-recording instruments, which kept 
 on an alternate whirring and excited ticking as of an irritated 
 wood-pecker continually frustrated by a particularly hard 
 piece of bark. As I was amusing myself by trying to learn 
 some news from a tape-like paper ejected by the machine, 
 the door opened and in walked a tall gentlemanly man with, of 
 course, his hat on, and a most faultlessly spick-and-span hat 
 it was. 
 
 " Good morning, sir," he said, in rather an abrupt way, 
 " what can I do for you ? " 
 
 " I have a letter from Mr. Hardman," I replied, handing it 
 to him ; " perhaps you would glance through it before I state 
 my business."
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 399 
 
 It was only a few lines long, but he took as many minutes 
 to read them, and he just once gave me a keen, rapid glance 
 as he was reading. I was rather surprised at his taking so 
 long in reading so little, when he said : 
 
 " Oh ! I beg your pardon ; I'm very busy this morning, 
 
 and was thinking of something else. Ah ! this letter from 
 
 Hardman ye-e-s. Well ! what do you expect us to do ? " 
 
 This abrupt conclusion a little disconcerted me. " This 
 
 Concession," I began 
 
 " Hardman says nothing about a Concession," he inter- 
 rupted, " it's something about a Waterworks Company, or 
 something of that sort." 
 
 "I'll explain, if you'll allow me," I replied, " unless indeed 
 you're too busy, in which case I'll call to-morrow and see 
 your brother." 
 
 " No, no ! " he said, " you'd better shortly explain to me 
 what it is you want ; I'll talk it over with my brother, and 
 let you know to-morrow what we think. Fire away." 
 
 I shortly and concisely stated to him what my Concession 
 was, and what I now wished to do with it. As I drew to the 
 end of my discourse, I saw a twinkle in his eye and a quiver 
 at the corners of his mouth, and the slight effort necessary 
 for speaking was sufficient to cause him to lose control over 
 the muscles of his face. 
 
 " A very good statement, sir," he said, breaking into a 
 broad smile. " Might I ask if you have ever dealt in Con- 
 cessions before ? " 
 
 " No," I said, " I have not, never." 
 
 " You surprise me," he answered. " Well ! if you'll 
 kindly call in to-morrow at eleven in the morning, I'll tell 
 you what we think." 
 
 As I went home I could not help reverting in my mind, 
 over and over again, to what seemed to me to be his totally 
 unnecessary smile. I half feared that, being unused to this 
 kind of business, I might have made some foolish slip of 
 expression which might cause him to form a poor opinion 
 of my business-like capacity. I searched my memory to think 
 what it could be, but nothing occurred to me, and I tried to 
 conclude (though with poor success) that it was only a smile 
 of politeness. 
 
 The next morning when I presented myself I was im- 
 mediately shown into the same room as before, and there 
 found seated, one on each side of the writing-table, the two 
 Messrs. Chowse. 
 
 " I'm afraid," said Mr. Tommy Chowse, cocking his hat 
 back, after the morning greetings, " very much afraid that we 
 
 28
 
 400 THE WAYS OF BROKERS 
 
 can't start that Concession for you. It's not precisely our 
 line. You've no one with you, have you ? I mean you are 
 sole Concessionnaire ? " 
 
 " Yes," I replied, " I am quite alone." At this reply I 
 thought I saw a scarcely perceptible wink pass between the 
 brothers. 
 
 " Who did you speak to before you saw Hardman ? " said 
 Mr. Tommy. 
 
 " Many people," I answered ; " amongst other, Mr. Dib- 
 bings, of Barter & Co." 
 
 " Ah," he replied ; " and what did he say ? " 
 
 I told him what he had said, and again fancied I noticed 
 a reciprocal wink of intelligence. 
 
 " Yes, well you see, I don't know," said Mr. Tommy, 
 "I'm afraid I agree with him. Dibbings's is a devilish good 
 opinion what do you think, Alf ? " 
 
 " Devilish," replied Mr. Alfred rather emphatically. " Mr. 
 Smith seems pretty confident about the business, too ! " 
 
 Mr. Tommy seemed to look upon this answer as conclusive. 
 
 "I'm really beastly sorry," said he, " and I'm sure I don't 
 want to discourage you or put you in a fix ; I'm afraid we 
 aren't the people for you that's all." 
 
 I thought there was some indecision in his voice, and so, 
 remembering also the winks I had noticed, I began to hold 
 forth on the merits of my Concession with eloquence ; but it 
 was no use ; the more I talked, the more decided he seemed 
 to grow that he would have nothing to do with it. 
 
 " Well, gentlemen," I said, after trying my very best to 
 move them. " I will trouble you no more ; but allow me 
 to say that I am quite sure you will one day regret this as a 
 lost opportunity." 
 
 " Maybe ! " replied Mr. Tommy. " But although I can't 
 do the business for you, I'm always glad to see a good chap 
 or to help him. I'll give you a note to a friend of mine who 
 is pretty good at the kind of thing, and if you'll look round 
 any day at lunch time I'll be delighted to see you, or at any 
 time give you a bit of friendly advice, if you want it." 
 
 I caught at this with pleasure, for I was beginning to look 
 with dread upon the impossibility of meeting the engagements 
 I had taken in the Torriline Republic and of seeing my Con- 
 cession lapse ; and when I left the office of Messrs. Bluff & 
 Chowse, I determined to be a pretty frequent caller there 
 in the future. Mr. Tommy's letter was addressed to Rowley 
 Flasher, Esq. 
 
 The result of my inquiries about him was not very encour- 
 aging, in the sense that although no one said any harm of Mr.
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 401 
 
 Flasher, I could not make out that he had any great influence, 
 nor that he had ever been particularly successful. Many 
 people told me he was an " awfully clever chap," " a wonder- 
 ful fine talker," and a few seemed to know of some big 
 concerns which he had nearly launched, and in treating 
 which he had shown very considerable " smartness." On 
 the whole, I concluded I had better pluck up my courage, 
 smarten up my wits, and go for Mr. Rowley Flasher. I 
 found him to be a tall thin man, with the pale face and 
 light blue eyes which seem so common amongst City men 
 and frequently to accompany a talent for smartness. I gave 
 him Mr. Tommy's note, and in answer to his questions, which 
 were wonderfully to the point, very soon explained my 
 business to him 
 
 " Wait a minute, please," he said suddenly, rising from his 
 chair, and commencing to walk rapidly up and down the room 
 with his hands in the side-pockets of his coat. I watched him 
 in silence for a few minutes, when he as suddenly stopped, 
 turned towards me, and began to speak. 
 
 Then I sat in a state of alternate astonishment and rapt 
 admiration. He began by speaking quietly of the business 
 itself, running through a light sketch of what it was, far better 
 than I could have done myself ; then he went on to develop 
 a whole scheme of how it was to be set going in England : 
 how this machine-factory, that engineer, the other contractor, 
 and so on, must be interested ; how thus certain great 
 financial houses could be led to support it. Passing on to 
 the future formation of a company, he waxed warm and 
 eloquent. 
 
 " This, sir," he said, " is more than a mere business specu- 
 lation ; it is a great patriotic work. Through it we shall 
 effect the spread of English ideas, and let in a flood of light 
 and civilisation upon countries now in a state of primitive 
 barbarity. From this point of view we must approach men 
 who, shrinking from business as a rule, will, nevertheless, 
 consent to sit on the Board of so great an undertaking as is 
 yours." 
 
 He went on to propose that we should construct a variety 
 of Boards ; a political Board, a technical Board, and a finan- 
 cial Board. Lord Salisbury would be the chairman of the 
 one, Lord Armstrong of the other, Lord Rothschild of the 
 third. It might possibly, he thought, be better to turn the 
 affair into an international concern ; there was quite room 
 enough for everybody, and the Torriline Government was, 
 politically, so suspicious. And so he went on, leading me 
 through Elysian fields of imaginary prosperity, until I saw
 
 402 MR. ROWLEY FLASHER 
 
 myself as rich as Midas, and holding the destinies of nations 
 in the hollow of my hand. Considering, he said, that almost 
 the entire labour would fall upon him, and that the whole 
 business would be mounted and set going by introductions 
 coming through him, it was only fair that we should go 
 half-and-half into the business, for expenses as for profits. 
 I did not consent to this until I had had a day or two for 
 reflection, and had taken as impartial advice as I could 
 manage to obtain. 
 
 When the business relations between us had thus been 
 satisfactorily settled, we set to work. Mr. Rowley Flasher 
 was a very much occupied man, and could not devote all 
 his time to this one business ; but he took the leadership, I 
 acting under his direction. I was at first for obtaining the 
 promises of the great men he had mentioned to serve as 
 chairmen of the different Boards, and then, with the great 
 advantage which would be lent by their names, to return to 
 the big financial houses again, and see whether they would 
 not think better of it. But he would not hear of it. I had 
 already hawked the Concession about too much, he said we 
 should get it depreciated ; he preferred doing things quietly. 
 We did things so quietly, that I remained idle, though anxious, 
 for days, until one morning he said that if I would accompany 
 him to a friend of his, I should see that we had made more 
 progress than I supposed. The name of his friend was 
 Croker ; on our way to his office he explained to me that he 
 was a man of enormous influence ; one of the very first 
 Company-promoters in London. 
 
 " And now do take care, Smith," he besought me. " You're 
 not much accustomed to this kind of work, and I am really 
 so awfully afraid of your letting yourself in. The best thing 
 you can do is to keep your mouth shut. I will tell you 
 honestly that I wouldn't take you with me, only as the 
 Concession is originally yours. I want you as a kind of con- 
 firmation of what I say. I don't mean to be rude, only 
 Croker is as sharp as a needle, and will be through and 
 through and in and out of every word you say, and before 
 you know it you may have compromised everything. I'll 
 talk ; you look confirmation." 
 
 These warnings, upon which Flasher rang the changes all 
 the way, made me feel some little trepidation when we entered 
 Croker's offices. We were immediately shown into his own 
 room, which was adjoining a much larger one in which several 
 persons were sitting, " doing the antechamber." Croker and 
 Flasher seemed to be old friends ; they shook hands cor- 
 dially, and I was well received on Flasher's introduction. We
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 403 
 
 came in in the midst of an incident which interested me so 
 much that I think it is worth noting. A poor, common-looking 
 man was there, to whom Croker addressed himself again, when 
 he had finished greeting us. 
 
 " Well, my good man," he said with resignation in his 
 voice, " let's hear it again." 
 
 The man then gave a laborious explanation of a method 
 he had invented of making trousers by machinery without a 
 seam in them. He said no one else could make them like 
 that that it had cost him years of thought, and that he 
 would sell it to Mr. Croker for a sum of money down. 
 
 " But how," said Croker, " do you suppose I am going to 
 make anything out of that ? " 
 
 " Oh, well," said the man, " that's your look-out ! This 
 is a first-class way of cutting trousers, and saving cloth ; I 
 know as there's no one else can do it. And I've brought it 
 to you. Just you look here," and he went off again into his 
 laborious explanation right from the very beginning. 
 
 Croker touched a bell which summoned a clerk. Then 
 quite politely cutting his interlocutor short, he asked him to 
 follow the clerk and explain the matter carefully to him : the 
 clerk would write the explanation down, and he himself 
 would be able to study it to better effect. The man, as he 
 turned away, grumbled out something about preferring to 
 deal with principals, and he left the room looking rather 
 disconsolate. 
 
 " It's a perfectly awful waste of time ! " exclaimed 
 Croker, when we were alone ; " what the deuce can I do with 
 a thing of that sort ? Those kind of chaps are such fools ; 
 they are created, I do really believe, for the sole purpose 
 of tempting one to make bogus companies. But I am always 
 sorry for them and treat them well." 
 
 Mr. Croker who was not a prepossessing- looking man, 
 being small and dirty, and blessed with a squint could not 
 have said anything which could have set me more in his 
 favour. I could not, in my mind, help comparing him with 
 certain men whose co-operation I had been forced to accept 
 in the Torriline Republic, and congratulating myself on being 
 an Englishman, and having to deal with my own countrymen, 
 honest and compassionate. We now immediately began to 
 talk over my business, with which Croker evidently had 
 already a general acquaintance. Flasher did most of the 
 talking, and wonderfully well he did it too, Mr. Croker every 
 now and then asking a question or taking a note. 
 
 " That'll do," he said at last ; " and what do Eccles & 
 Dumper say to it ? "
 
 404 RAISING CAPITAL 
 
 " Most satisfactory," answered Flasher. " They are red- 
 hot to support it." 
 
 This answer nearly made me jump, for Eccles & Bumper's 
 is one of the biggest firms of contractors in the world. With 
 great effort I suppressed all sign of pleasure and surprise, and 
 looked carelessly in front of me, as if this welcome piece of 
 news were quite ancient history to me. Indeed I had to 
 continue the effort, as Flasher brought other names, both in 
 the engineering line and financial, which were equally sur- 
 prising and delightful. Now and then Croker looked at me 
 as if for confirmation, but, knowing nothing and remem- 
 bering Flasher's advice, I looked much and did not open my 
 lips. 
 
 " Well," said Croker, after some time, " it all seems in 
 capital trim. I'm afraid I have no more time this morning ; 
 come back to-morrow, will you ? and I'll tell you what I 
 propose." 
 
 Returning from Croker's office, I simultaneously con- 
 gratulated Rowley Flasher on the extraordinary progress he 
 had made, and reproached him for having kept me so much 
 in the dark. " You ought at least," I said, " to have told me 
 about Eccles & Dumper. I could have gone and seen 
 them, and it would have been much more effective if I could 
 have explicitly confirmed what you said, instead of sitting 
 there like a stuck pig." 
 
 " You acknowledge yourself I have done the thing thor- 
 oughly well so far," said Flasher, " and I really must beg of 
 you to allow me to conduct this business as I consider best. 
 I must also ask you to take no steps without my consent. 
 You do not know what smart men you have to deal with. 
 On no account go and see Eccles & Dumper ; I am arranging 
 with them, and if you interfere, things will only get muddled. 
 You must have confidence in me." He spoke so decidedly, 
 and had managed so successfully, that I thought better not 
 to take offence at the implied rudeness of his speech, but to 
 submit. 
 
 The next morning we went back to Croker's office, and 
 found that gentleman in a state of high delight. " We can 
 do it, Rowley, my boy ! " he cried ; " we have only to talk 
 out details a bit now, and put things down on paper. I can 
 see my way." 
 
 They talked a great deal and a long while, I sitting by most 
 of the time in the quality of a listener. In fact, they only 
 referred to me once, and then they utterly disagreed with 
 my answer, and refused to follow my advice. 
 
 " What," asked Rowley Flasher, " what capital do you think
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 405 
 
 we shall want, remembering of course that you must add a 
 good lot on for working capital, as the business may not pay 
 in the first year or two, and that financing requires a good 
 percentage ? " 
 
 I had my answer pat, for I had thought of all this before. 
 " Say three hundred thousand pounds," I replied. 
 
 "Oh, nonsense, sir!" said Croker. "You haven't the 
 least idea of the expense of floating companies, and you vastly 
 under- estimate the capital required for the business itself." 
 
 Flasher fully supported Croker's view, whilst I somewhat 
 hotly disputed it. Croker himself appeared to take notes of 
 my arguments at first, and then to enter into a few calcu- 
 lations. When he had finished them he broke in again. 
 
 " It can't be done under a million," he said shortly ; " at 
 least / won't have anything to do with it under that. I 
 can't afford to have my name connected with a badly launched 
 business. You are at perfect liberty, of course, to take the 
 thing out of my hands, and go elsewhere with it." He fol- 
 lowed up the impression which of course this made upon me 
 by demonstrating the truth of his assertion, and at last I gave 
 way to his superior authority. 
 
 This point being settled, they referred no longer to me, but 
 drew up a plan between them as to the formation of a com- 
 pany. They entered into a variety of details which I could 
 not very well follow, and presently came to the necessity of 
 registering the Company. 
 
 " Oh, as to that," said Croker, " we only want the usual 
 association of seven persons for a lawful purpose, and we'll 
 register at once. We'll get Clinker & Dance to draw up 
 the memorandum. Do you agree, Mr. Smith, generally, to 
 the terms ? You will be paid fifty thousand pounds, of 
 which twenty- five thousand in cash on the first call and twenty- 
 five thousand in shares. Naturally you will be a Director. 
 Do you wish to name Directors ? " 
 " No," I replied, " I don't." 
 
 " Very good ! " answered Croker. " Then Flasher and I 
 will name them. You had better leave all details to us. 
 We will call a Board-meeting at the earliest opportunity, for 
 the purpose of settling the purchase agreements and drawing 
 up the prospectus, and we'll launch the Company as soon 
 as possible. Please say, do you agree to the amount men- 
 tioned for purchase ? " 
 
 " Oh, yes ! " I said. " It is a fair price." I should think 
 it was indeed ; it surpassed my highest expectations ! 
 
 "Very good!" said Croker. "Then good morning! I 
 shall set to work at once."
 
 406 THE FIRST BOARD MEETING 
 
 When we left him, Flasher told me I had better not bother 
 myself any more until I heard from him again. I should 
 only worry myself to no purpose. The matter was now in 
 perfectly first-class hands, and would go on wheels. It was 
 a week before I saw him again, and then only because I was 
 asked to attend the first Board-meeting. I thought it much 
 better not to interfere and get in the way of these excellent 
 business men. I once meanwhile paid a call on Mr. Tommy 
 Chowse, to thank him for his valuable introduction. He 
 received my thanks in an off-hand manner, and seemed 
 mightily tickled at something or other, which I could not 
 quite make out. 
 
 I shall not easily forget that first Board-meeting. To my 
 great annoyance Rowley Flasher got a telegram a few minutes 
 before it began, which absolutely prevented him from attend- 
 ing it. " Awfully sorry, I am really," he protested; " but it 
 can't be helped ! It doesn't really much matter. Croker is a 
 splendid chap to talk. You need only confirm what he says." 
 
 When I went into Croker's office I found eight men already 
 there whom Croker introduced to me as future Directors. 
 The future Chairman bore a name well known in society ; 
 and the names of two or three of the others were familiar to 
 me as directors of various big companies. 
 
 " We had better get to business at once, gentlemen," said 
 Croker, after a little desultory chatter. " We are most of us 
 pressed for time. In the first place, Mr. Smith, I must tell 
 you that at a kind of preliminary meeting we had a day or 
 two ago we decided to ask you to take your seat on the 
 Board only after the Company is formed and all the purchase 
 agreements, and so forth, executed. You being vendor, and 
 we (the Company) purchasers, we think it not only looks 
 better, but is better, leaves us all freer, to adopt that course. 
 It seems to us the straightforward way to act. Do you 
 agree ? " 
 
 " I agree of course," I replied, " if you gentlemen are of 
 that opinion. I object, however, to being kept in the dark 
 as to what is going on, and must be kept fully informed." 
 
 " Of course," said the Chairman, in a pleasant, bland voice, 
 " Mr. Smith is right ; he must be kept informed." 
 
 " No doubt whatever about it," said Croker. " Mr. Rowley 
 Flasher will keep him fully informed. Then you do agree, 
 Mr. Smith ? " 
 
 " Oh, yes ! " said I. 
 
 " Very well," continued Croker ; " then, gentlemen, I will 
 just run over the chief points again ; Mr. Smith will correct 
 me if I go wrong."
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 407 
 
 He talked rapidly and almost as well as Flasher. His 
 estimates seemed to me rather exaggerated, but I did not care 
 to interrupt him on what was, after all, a mere matter of 
 opinion. But presently he glibly declared that I had 
 received promises of support from Eccles & Dumper, and 
 all the other firms whom Flasher had named. 
 
 " Oh, no ! " I said, " you are perfectly mistaken. I never 
 said anything of the kind. I don't even know the firms." 
 
 ' Then you shouldn't have said you did," replied Croker ; 
 " either Flasher spoke and you confirmed him, or you spoke 
 and Flasher confirmed you ; it comes to precisely the same 
 thing." 
 
 I could not answer this, for truly I had confirmed Flasher 
 by my silence. I consoled myself by thinking that Flasher 
 was all right, and would not have dared play fast and loose 
 with the names of such big firms. No other incident occurred 
 worth noting until the signature of the purchase agreement 
 with me. Then all the Directors congratulated me, we 
 severally wished the business good luck, and the meeting broke 
 up. 
 
 I was not asked to come to another. Rowley Flasher kept 
 me informed of progress ; the memorandum of association 
 was signed ; the Company registered ; and prospectuses 
 launched. 
 
 I was astonished to see that, according to these, seven 
 hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds' worth of shares 
 had already been taken up. I also saw that the vendor, Mr. 
 Smith, had already extensive connections and had assured 
 himself of a large trade. 
 
 " What do you mean by extensive connections ? " I asked 
 Flasher. 
 
 " Oh ! I don't know," he replied. ' The President and 
 that kind of thing. One must gas a little in this sort of 
 business." 
 
 I was also rather astonished to see that Messrs. Guldridge 
 were to be the bankers, and I made the remark. 
 
 " Oh, yes ! we've got them of course," answered Flasher, 
 and I could get no more explanation out of him on the 
 subject. 
 
 I think what surprised me most was to hear that Barter & 
 Co. were to bring the business out ; not only because Mr. 
 Dibbings had been so extremely positive with me, but it 
 hardly seemed worth while for them to trouble themselves 
 about it when seven hundred and twenty-five thousand out of 
 the million were already subscribed. But about this Mr. 
 Flasher treated me as much de haul en has as before ; he said the
 
 408 MESSRS. ECCLES & DUMPER 
 
 matter was now on quite a different footing, that Croker was a 
 man of great standing and influence, and of course Barters 
 would listen to him, and so on. 
 
 It was a few days after this, and only two before the sub- 
 scription was to be opened by Barter & Co., that I received 
 a letter from Eccles & Dumper, asking me to come and see 
 them at once. I immediately went, and was received by a 
 short, dry little man, who made me a stiff bow, and asked 
 me, point-blank, when we were left alone, whether I was 
 responsible for the statement, industriously circulated in the 
 City, that his firm was prepared largely to back the Torriline 
 Waterworks Monopoly Company just about to be brought out. 
 
 " Certainly not," I answered. " I never stated anything 
 of the sort." 
 
 " Kindly read those letters, Mr. Smith," said he. 
 
 I read them. They were written in various styles of com- 
 position, but all made the same statement, and asked the 
 same question. In answer to their letters inquiring as to 
 Mr. Smith's extensive connections, the correspondents were 
 informed by letters signed by one or other of the Directors 
 of the new Company, or by Mr. Hardman or Mr. Croker, 
 that Mr. Smith had declared that Messrs. Eccles & Dumper 
 were strongly supporting the Torriline Waterworks Monopoly 
 Company. They begged that this might be confirmed. I sat 
 aghast. 
 
 " I ! / say so ! Mr. Eccles sir I assure you," I, stam- 
 mered, " I am absolutely innocent. But Mr. Flasher said 
 you know Mr. Flasher ? " 
 
 " Not I, sir," replied Mr. Eccles; " never met him in my 
 life." 
 
 " Good God, sir ! " I cried, " not know Mr. Flasher ! But 
 Mr. Flasher " I really feared to go on, I did not know in 
 what net I might not become entangled. " What answer 
 have you made to these letters ? " I inquired at last, feebly. 
 
 " So far," said Mr. Eccles drily, " none whatever. I 
 strongly advise you, sir, to go and see Mr. Flasher at once." 
 
 I did not require that advice twice. I flew as fast as a 
 hansom cab could take me to Flasher's office, and let forth 
 the vials of my wrath and fear upon that gentleman. He 
 took no more notice of my objurgations than if I had been in 
 an adjoining planet. He heard me out to the end ; then he 
 
 shot one glance at me and muttered " D d fool ! " and I 
 
 overheard him, as he left the room, saying, " overtalked 
 myself, as usual," and he left me alone. 
 
 I remained there, not knowing what to do, until he re- 
 turned. " I've squared Eccles," he said unpleasantly ; " you
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 409 
 
 entirely misunderstood the whole thing. I told you not to 
 go there. That slip will have cost a pretty penny. Don't 
 go meddling any more without consulting me ! All you've 
 got to do is to keep out of the way." 
 
 " Look here ! " I said decidedly. " Look here, Flasher ! 
 Is this business all -square ? I won't have my name, for fifty 
 thousand or five hundred thousand pounds, mixed up in 
 anything shady. I'll write to the papers as Concessionnaire, 
 and declare that false statements have been made." 
 
 " Mr. Smith," said Flasher, in a stately manner, " I will 
 not presume, whatever my suspicions may be, to question 
 your motives in behaving in this extraordinary way at the 
 last hour. I will not talk to you in your present state of 
 mind. If you have suspicions, pray go and talk them over 
 with Clinker & Dance ; it's their business. I really have 
 not time." 
 
 I left him on the spot and went straight to Clinker & 
 Dance. They reassured me ; they explained to me the pros- 
 pectus throughout, and reminded me of the misunderstanding 
 about Flasher's statements at the Board-meeting at which 
 their representative had been present. They smoothed me 
 down and flattered me up, and fully persuaded me that I 
 had been quite wrong and Flasher quite bond fide. Two days 
 afterwards Barter & Co. brought the Company out. When 
 they closed, the shares were at a fine premium. They fell 
 below par a few days later, and then large purchases began 
 to take place. They were enormously in demand. They 
 rose above the first premium ; I congratulated myself on a 
 brilliant success. But my feeling of triumph soon disappeared ; 
 the financial papers attacked the whole business in general, 
 and me and the Directors in person, in a way which made me 
 tingle. I wish at once to tell the truth as shortly as I can, 
 dupe and fool though it may make me appear. I learnt it 
 all from one of Clinker & Dance's chief clerks, an honest, 
 little chap with whom I became intimate. It was one day 
 when I was complaining bitterly to him, and declaring I 
 would bring an action for libel against the Financial Planet, 
 a leading City paper, that this man, whose name was Twigger, 
 strongly advised me to drop any idea of the sort at once, and 
 keep quiet. " If not," he said, " you will run into a nasty 
 job which you may never get clear of. Lie still now, and at 
 the outside in a few months' time the whole thing will be 
 forgotten ; my strong advice to you is not to risk a storm." 
 Then by dint of much persuasion and by swearing secrecy 
 I managed to induce him to reveal the whole thing to me. 
 
 It appeared that Croker & Flasher had both made very
 
 410 A PRETEXT OF HONOUR 
 
 large sums of money indeed, so had Messrs. Guldridge as a 
 bank, Mr. Hardman personally, Barter & Co., Bluff & Chowse, 
 and others. 
 
 " At that Board Meeting at which you were," said Mr. 
 Twigger, " you ought to have had some friend with you a 
 little bit up to the business ; you were kept out of the Board 
 on a pretext of honour. The real reason, you know, was 
 that they didn't want you to know what was going on ; you 
 had shown yourself touchy about honour and all that kind 
 of thing, and might have got in their way." 
 
 " Oh ! " I murmured mechanically, " got in their way ! " 
 
 " Just so, sir ! " continued Mr. Twigger. " There was the 
 memorandum of association to be signed, and all kinds of 
 bogus agreements to be got up to be palmed off on the public. 
 Seven hundred and twenty- five thousand pounds had been 
 subscribed before the prospectus was issued. You perhaps 
 do not know that you subscribed for twenty-five thousand of 
 that ? " 
 
 " No," I answered feebly, " I had no idea of it." 
 
 " Ah ! " said Mr. Twigger, " yes, the twenty-five thousand 
 pounds in shares which was part of the price given you 
 they were included. Of the other seven hundred thousand, 
 Mr. Croker and Mr. Flasher took about three-quarters and 
 the other gentlemen took the rest. It was," said Mr. Twigger 
 reflectively, " about as smart a thing in promotion- money as 
 ever I saw arranged." 
 
 " Do you mean to say," I asked incredulously, " that not 
 one single penny had really been subscribed ? Why, I saw a 
 tremendous list of shareholders ! " 
 
 " Shareholders ! " said Mr. Twigger pityingly. " Fiddle- 
 sticks, sir, begging your pardon ! Men of straw, all of them ; 
 nominees of Croker, Flasher, etc. No, sir ! not one penny 
 was subscribed. Bless you ! there are some rich men come 
 out of this job. Barters too ! they were in the swim. The 
 whole, or nearly the whole, of the other two hundred and fifty 
 thousand they and Guldridges took up and held back. They 
 couldn't have allotted one in ninety ! The public had been 
 played on beforehand (Eccles & Dumper were squared by 
 Mr. Flasher after you had seen them, and lent their names for 
 a good consideration but it was pretty touch and go, that 
 was ; Mr. Eccles was real riled) and there was a rush on 
 Barters for the shares. Up they goes to a nice premium, and 
 then Barters & Guldridges realised cleverly and made a tidy 
 profit." 
 
 :< Then there was a fall," I reminded him. 
 
 " There was, sir," said Mr. Twigger with a grin, " brought
 
 HOW I PLACED A CONCESSION IN LONDON 411 
 
 about by bogus sales. Mr. Croker and Mr. Flasher, et cetera, 
 managed to buy up a good lot of what Barters had got rid 
 of at a premium below par." 
 
 " Then there was a rise," I said. 
 
 " There was, sir ! " said Mr. Twigger in the same voice, 
 and with the same grin, " brought about by bogus purchases. 
 The gentlemen have realised a good lot since. I think you 
 may say they've let off quite three-quarters on the public 
 now." 
 
 " But who did all the bogus buying and selling ? " I 
 inquired. " Brokers must have known what a vile trick they 
 were playing ! " 
 
 " Brokers know ! " exclaimed Mr. Twigger compassion- 
 ately. " Oh, Lord ! why, it was Bluff & Chowse did most 
 of it, and they turned a pretty penny. They had their agents 
 and friends who helped too. They'd have liked to have 
 worked you all by themselves, but they couldn't quite manage 
 it, and were obliged to let in partners to take a share of you." 
 
 " Work me ! a share of me ! " I exclaimed warmly. 
 " Really, Mr. Twigger, you seem to know an extraordinary 
 deal. I am inclined to imagine that you are drawing on your 
 imagination." 
 
 " Not a bit of it, sir," said Mr. Twigger good-humouredly. 
 " I am not surprised at your being riled. But you may take 
 my word for it, it's all as true as gospel. Many of the men 
 we've been talking about are clients of ours, and they've 
 been chuckling about the business at our place. Mr. Croker 
 laughed a good deal over a ' trouser-scene ' he'd got up, he 
 said, on purpose to make you think what a good honest chap 
 he was." 
 
 " Then," I cried, my wrath rising again at the villainous 
 way in which I had been gulled, "I'll expose the whole 
 thing ! My estimate was right. Only three hundred thousand 
 pounds of capital was necessary, and now in order to swindle 
 out big profits, these people have palmed off a million on the 
 public. I'll be no party to it ; I'll bring an action, I'll 
 
 " Don't do it, sir," said Mr. Twigger persuasively. " You'll 
 be sure to lose. Clinker & Dance can sail as close to the 
 wind as ever you like, and never let their clients do anything 
 which will make them guilty before the law. Besides, they've 
 so entangled you in it, that really, sir, begging your pardon, 
 you might cut as bad a figure as any one." 
 
 I felt hopelessly discouraged ; it seemed to me that I was 
 wound round and round by a strong net from which I could 
 not cut myself free. I gave vent to my feelings by pouring 
 out a long invective upon the iniquity of financiers like the
 
 412 A CONSPIRACY 
 
 Barters and Guldridges, who rejected my business when it 
 was honest, to fall upon it ravenously when it had become 
 a swindle ; who forced me into the hands of men like Flasher 
 and Croker, seemingly for the pleasure of making money 
 dishonourably. 
 
 " It is just like a conspiracy," I groaned. 
 
 "Not like, sir," corrected Mr. Twigger, " it is a conspiracy; 
 financial people form a kind of guild, and you can't work 
 otherwise than the guild chooses ; they play into each other's 
 hands, and every one makes bigger profits than they other- 
 wise would. I don't know if it is possible to do a business 
 of your kind honestly and above-board from beginning to 
 end, in the City now. Only we don't call it swindling, we call 
 it smart business." 
 
 I have resolved never to touch a Concession again. 
 
 JOHN SMITH (A Concessionnaire}.
 
 APPENDIX VI 
 
 THE ESTHETIC ELEMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF 
 THE INDIVIDUAL AND OF THE NATION 
 
 An Address delivered to the Parents' National Educational 
 Union, 1910, as reported in the " Parents' Review," March 1910, 
 by Professor Charles Waldstein, Litt.D., Ph.D., L.H.D. 
 
 From the very outset, I should like to guard against a 
 misunderstanding. I wish it to be known that no one values 
 more highly than I do the field sports and pastimes of our 
 nation, the athletic games of England. They have played a 
 very important part, not only in the physical education of 
 the British race, but also in the formation of the British 
 character, the manliness, the sense of fair play, which, how- 
 ever much they may be possessed by other nations, must be 
 considered one of our characteristic national qualities. But 
 if I should, in the course of my remarks, say what may sound 
 like censure of the part which sports play in our national 
 life, a one-sidedness which has led to philistinism, I do not 
 wish it to be understood that I do not value highly the im- 
 portance which they have for us. So, also, I do not wish 
 it to be thought it almost sounds like a platitude for me to 
 say so that I in any way undervalue the importance of 
 science, the intellectual and moral education of our people 
 as individuals, and of ourselves as a nation. The develop- 
 ment of the sense of truth, the striving for it in pure concen- 
 tration and in the highest form, which we call science, is one 
 of the central factors demanding the attention of the educator, 
 and is one of the ennobling elements of the life of the nation. 
 And if I should, in the course of what I have to say, point 
 to some shortcomings of a too exclusive view as regards the 
 importance of science in national education, I should not 
 like to have it thought that I in any way depreciate the 
 central importance and noble aims of science as a whole. 
 In the same way, I hope I need hardly tell you that I do 
 not undervalue the importance of morality for the individual 
 
 413
 
 414 SCIENCE, MORALITY AND ART 
 
 and for the nation, nor the study of morality in a system of 
 ethics. It is a most important study, most worthy of our 
 attention. But that point of view, when taken too exclu- 
 sively in our own national consciousness, as an element to 
 be striven after, may also, when it is thrust out of proportion, 
 be harmful to our national intellectual sanity. I may 
 perhaps recur to this in the course of what I have to say. 
 And, finally, no one can have more reverence for that supreme 
 attitude of mind in which the individual stands face to face 
 with his ideals, with the ideals of human life, with the great 
 relationship between the individual and the cosmos as a 
 whole whatever we may call it : God, the higher spiritual 
 life, religion. I do not wish it in any way to be thought 
 that I undervalue the importance of religion in the conscious- 
 ness of the individual and of a civilised nation. And yet, 
 if I may appear to point to the shortcomings of a view 
 exclusively religious, and out of place when other calls are 
 before man and his consciousness, I should be sorry if I were 
 misunderstood as in any way belittling, or not paying due 
 respect to, that highest of all human intellectual attitudes of 
 mind. 
 
 I wish I had been in Birmingham yesterday and had 
 had the privilege of listening to Sir Martin Conway's paper 
 read, I have no doubt, most efficaciously by Mr. Wallis. I 
 should have liked very much not only to have heard the 
 paper, but also to have listened to the discussion. I should 
 have liked to have heard in the evening the address which 
 Mr. Alfred Lyttelton gave on " The National Drama." All 
 that I could do was to read the accounts of these addresses and 
 discussions in the morning paper. And I there also read in 
 one of your papers, in the Post, a very interesting leading 
 article, with which I was in great sympathy. Much was said 
 yesterday by the various gentlemen with which I am in 
 absolute accord. There are other points on which I differ from 
 them, as may become apparent in the course of what I have 
 now to say to you. I am also in sympathy with the criticisms, 
 which I could only read in shortened extracts, of your art 
 master, Mr. Catterson Smith. I feel deep sympathy with 
 the view which, I take it, he expressed. He seemed to take 
 umbrage at the statement contained in Sir Martin Conway's 
 paper, that art was primarily meant to please. I absolutely 
 agree with Sir Martin Conway. Art is primarily meant to 
 please. But the question is, what pleasure means. And, 
 therefore, I am in sympathy with the remarks that I 
 could glean from the report of Mr. Catterson Smith, who 
 insisted upon the seriousness of art, upon the serious moral
 
 THE AESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 415 
 
 aims which art has, and ought to hold before itself. He 
 was speaking, I take it, rather as an art-worker, and every 
 worker ought to do his best when he is working. " Whatso- 
 ever thine hand findeth to do, do it with thy might." 
 That means a sacrifice ; that means a serious attitude, that 
 means a fight, and a struggle in the making of a work of 
 art ; and the higher the aim of the art- worker, the higher 
 his ultimate ideals, and the more he concentrates upon learn- 
 ing his craft, and forcing his hand to follow his mind and his 
 heart, the better, no doubt, will be the work. 
 
 In so far the religious point of view belongs to all human 
 activity ; it means no more than the sense of duty, the 
 concentration of all our energies upon what we are doing. 
 But it would not lead us much farther if we said that a man 
 of science, who is bent upon discovering truth, must always 
 consider the goodness and the rightness of what he is doing. 
 That will look after itself, if he really strives after truth. 
 If the artist really strives after beauty, and after producing 
 that pleasure which in itself is necessarily and essentially 
 elevating and ennobling, he need not trouble further about 
 the moral or the religious point of view; he is moral and he 
 is religious. 
 
 Art, remember, differs from the vocation which leads to and 
 aims at utility. It differs from the scientific attitude which 
 aims at truth. It differs from the moral attitude which, 
 primarily and directly aims at goodness. They are all different 
 attitudes of mind which must be concentrated upon at given 
 moments. A proper development of each one of these sides 
 in human nature and life constitutes moral health in the 
 individual, and moral health and higher civilisation for a 
 nation. But in each one of these cases we have definite 
 tasks before us. Though art, and its aim of pleasing nobly, 
 differs from utility (it may in one sense even be directly 
 opposed to it), that does not mean that the two cannot live 
 side by side ; and though that playful attitude of mind 
 (spielend as Kant and Schiller called it) excludes for the time 
 being concentration on use, truth, or goodness, on pragmatics, 
 science, or ethics, that does not mean that we ought to be 
 unpractical, untrue, or immoral. 
 
 The aim of art is to please nobly. And art means the 
 attitude of mind as regards the world of form, created by man 
 or in nature, in which form becomes the essence. From this 
 point of view we do not only consider works of art, but 
 nature and life as well. It is chiefly with that attitude of mind 
 that I mean to deal to-day. It is the aesthetic faculty of 
 man, that inner need and fundamental instinct, with which 
 
 29
 
 416 THE WIDER MEANING OF ART 
 
 every healthy child is born, which makes for proportion, 
 harmony, beauty whatever other term you wish to give to 
 it. That is a fundamental instinct in man, and is an essential 
 faculty in all healthily developed human beings, and it must 
 be developed in every aspect of our existence. Art is the 
 most direct way of satisfying this inner need, this primary 
 instinct for proportion and harmony and beauty, as science 
 is the most direct means of satisfying man's fundamental need 
 for truth, though truth comes into every thought and action 
 of our daily life. And that being the case, there are men 
 singled out, because of their fitness for the task, to devote 
 their chief attention in life to the satisfying of that instinct 
 for beauty and form, however it manifests itself. There is a 
 great misunderstanding concerning the nature of art in our 
 country and in the English language. Most people think that 
 art means painting. They may include sculpture, they may 
 include architecture, they may even include decoration. They 
 are not aware that art means all work of the human brain 
 and hand which is meant directly to satisfy that fundamental 
 desire for proportion and harmony and beauty : that music 
 is art, only in a different form of expression, that painting 
 and sculpture and architecture are art, that poetry is art ; that 
 all forms of literature which are not directly intended to impart 
 information and to teach and to discover truth, whenever the 
 literary form is an essential part of the thing produced, are 
 art. As Aristotle put it : " Form and matter fused together 
 in harmony make up art." All the various forms of literature 
 are art. The novel is a very pure and high form of art. 
 Dancing is an art. In short, all those human activities which 
 make for the satisfying of the fundamental aesthetic instinct 
 inherent in man constitute art. 
 
 Now, it is upon the more ultimate effect of that attitude of 
 mind in education, in the education of the individual, and 
 the education of the nation, that I wish to concentrate your 
 attention this evening. And I shall begin with two para- 
 doxes : " No moral tenet is practically efficacious unless it 
 has become an element of taste." That sounds trite, and I 
 mean it to be paradoxical. And my second proposition is : 
 " No social law is efficacious unless it has become fashion- 
 able." That is still more trite, almost immoral. But I 
 mean it seriously, and I shall endeavour to show you what I 
 mean. Every educational injunction and example has as its 
 ultimate effect that it produces taste ; and taste is the im- 
 portant element which, I claim, directs action. It ought thus 
 to be one of the chief aims of the educator to produce good 
 taste. Yet I venture to say that of all educational factors
 
 THE .ESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 417 
 
 / 
 
 it is the one which comes least within the purview of the 
 educator. 
 
 Let me impress upon you, before I proceed, that in speaking 
 of art and the aesthetic faculty I have not in mind the effemin- 
 ate dilettanti, with whom you are familiar, who have long 
 since been held up to ridicule in the powerful pages of Punch,. 
 who lose all sense of the proportion of life by self -complacently 
 smacking their lips over recondite and select elements of beauty 
 which the- vulgar and lower do not know of, and in and out 
 of place stultify their activity by thus self- complacently 
 smacking their lips in artistic contemplation. They have 
 arrogated to themselves the term " Hellenism." They know 
 not what ancient Greece was. Theirs (the ancient Greeks) 
 was a healthy life. Theirs were healthy ideals of manhood 
 and of human life. All sides and all faculties, physical, 
 mental, and moral, were to be developed in proportion ; and 
 art and the appreciation of art formed a part of this. They 
 were manly. These " aesthetes " are effeminate. 
 
 We must find the proper position of art in life and its rela- 
 tion to conduct. It is then not opposed to morality. But 
 I even maintain and I am not exaggerating that, from the 
 educational and practical point of view, morality itself must 
 become aesthetic. That is, it must appeal to our sense of propor- 
 tion and harmony and beauty, in order that it should become 
 truly efficient in life. In other words, we must admire and 
 love the good ; and that means a direct appeal to our artistic 
 sense, not to the stern sense of intellectual cognition, realising 
 truths only, but loving them, admiring them, and being moved 
 by them. I claim that it is the development of this sense of 
 beauty, this love of truth, or goodness, or utility, which 
 makes science and ethics and all our life effective in the right 
 direction ; that unless you can convert these moral principles 
 which you wish to inculcate, unless you can convert them into 
 emotion, into a taste, a habit, a preference for, a love, a passion, 
 they will never be effective. 
 
 I have not yet come to the question of how you can teach 
 this ; nor will there be enough time to deal with this subject 
 exhaustively. I take it from what I read that Sir Martin 
 Conway quite rightly said you cannot teach taste. That is 
 true and it is untrue. You cannot teach truth, you cannot 
 teach goodness, if you merely say it, if it merely is seen if 
 it is merely understood, by the meaning of the words. They 
 must transpierce the heart and the character, and then they 
 are effective. And that is the sum of education : no more, 
 no less. 
 
 But how can taste be taught ? Well, surround the child
 
 4i8 THE TEACHING OF TASTE 
 
 with beautiful things. If there is nobody to take it to the 
 museum and explain the works to it there I differ, though, 
 partly from my friend Mr. Wallis let it go there alone ; 
 let it run in and out as it will. Some good will come of it. I 
 should, of course, prefer that some one should go there and 
 teach the child ; but to make the surroundings of children 
 and parents beautiful is, as Sir Martin Conway said, pure gain. 
 Educate the parents, make the surroundings beautiful and 
 bright, that is the best way to foster good taste. Give the 
 children beautiful things to look at, and do not allow them 
 to see ugliness. I was walking through the streets as I 
 arrived here to-day, and I saw in the shop windows toys 
 for children, and I saw gollywogs, and I saw, still worse 
 than that, things that were called billikens. And I was 
 told that they are bought by the thousands. Mind you, 
 there is such a thing as the sense of the grotesque. 
 That is an aesthetic quality. I do not mean to say that a 
 grotesque object like a golly wog or a grotesque stupid thing 
 like a bilHken may not in the proper surroundings, as a 
 contrast to beautiful things, produce a smile. But put it in 
 its right place. You can only afford to be grotesque when you 
 know what beauty is. If you begin by teaching the child 
 how to limp and how to crawl along grotesquely, and do 
 not teach it how to walk erect and normally, you are doing 
 it harm physically for life. But, after you have taught it 
 to walk and run correctly, you may allow it to dance and 
 hop and cut capers at times. So to give to children who 
 have not formed any sense of beauty these gollywogs, these 
 things of ugliness, to play with which they love, I am told 
 and to have in the homes of refined people on the mantel- 
 pieces these vulgar things which I have seen in the shops, 
 called billikens, cannot be elevating to the tone of people 
 living surrounded by such objects. I am always afraid of 
 exaggerating, I do not want to be too exclusive and ignore 
 the sense of humour, the sense of fun, which may be in- 
 herent in such a golly wog. I do not wish to exclude it. 
 I am only questioning the proportion which it holds among 
 the objects of play. Do not let it be the first thing. After 
 the child has seen beautiful things, you may let it see some 
 ugly things and learn to laugh at them. But I am told they 
 do not laugh at them, they love them more than they do 
 their most beautiful toys. 
 
 There are ways of producing and training taste. Besides 
 the direct means, standard things of beauty in literature and 
 art (mind you, I mean art to include music and all other 
 forms of beauty) must form the natural surroundings in which
 
 THE AESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 419 
 
 parents live and children are brought up. That will of itself 
 in the end raise the standard of taste. 
 
 How little is done in this respect and how much more could 
 be done for the public in this country I have not time to bring 
 before you this evening. But less directly than by present- 
 ing works of art, the aesthetic attitude of mind, the satis- 
 faction of that desire for beauty and proportion and harmony 
 can be cultivated by parents, and in the schools, as a real 
 mental habit in every stage of activity, so that it produces an 
 atmosphere. In teaching the driest subjects in school, 
 arithmetic, sums, grammar, geography mind, I do not 
 mean to exclude the development of a sense of duty and of 
 concentration on work, the serious side of education the 
 aesthetic point of view can be profitably regarded and intro- 
 duced. Cultivate the intellectual pleasure in the child, give 
 it delight in form, in the form of sums, and the numbers that 
 come before it, lead it to realise the mystery of arithmetic, 
 the wonder that additions, subtractions, multiplications, and 
 divisions should come out right. Make it love such work 
 and see it as a work of art. Let children see how in grammar, 
 like fretwork, the words are strung together to give definite 
 meaning and to convey the deepest thoughts from one brain to 
 another, and make them love this form and structure. In 
 geography, dilate on the places and scenes and bring up a picture 
 before them. Besides the sense of truth, the sense of duty, 
 and concentration, you must give the playful attitude, the 
 intellectual delight which is artistic, and this means taste. 
 
 If we make our whole life beautiful and always develop 
 the sense of proportion we are at the bottom of right action. 
 Most of our mistakes, most of our sorrows no, I am not ex- 
 aggerating come from the absence of a sense of proportion. 
 If we can look at our own life and our own experiences in their 
 due proportion we shall not be saddened, and we shall not 
 have the whole sunlight of life shut out from our horizon. 
 These misfortunes and imaginative causes of disappointment 
 which arise, if we can only see them in their proper place, 
 will appear small and unimportant. If you teach the child 
 the proportion, the relationship, between its claims to happi- 
 ness and joy and the claims of others, and the proportion 
 which subsists in all relationships, if you can teach this as a 
 matter of taste, of aesthetics, not as a matter of stern duty ; 
 if you can imbue the child with that attitude of mind, if you 
 can instil that which produces kindness and humour, and 
 form the power of seeing things rightly, that sense of pro- 
 portion, that sense of taste which never allows us to exaggerate, 
 you have done much towards making a good man or a good
 
 420 MORAL EFFECTIVENESS OF TASTE 
 
 woman at all events one with whom it is pleasant to live. 
 The philosopher Kant's Categorical Imperative is only 
 effective when it becomes a matter of taste, of natural prefer- 
 ence. " Act thus that thou always guardest the dignity 
 of thy neighbour and the dignity of thyself." This will not 
 be effective if merely enjoined or understood. But convert 
 it into taste, convert it into a feeling, make it an emotion, 
 a matter of art, so that the child or man or woman can see 
 the grotesqueness, the want of proportion, between the claims 
 that he or she makes upon a neighbour, and what he or she 
 ought to be prepared to do, and it will be effective. 
 
 The same applies to the duty to ourself. It is not merely 
 a matter of duty, not merely a matter of hygiene, that we 
 should care for our body and our soul, but it is effective when 
 it becomes an artistic emotion, in which we appear to our- 
 selves as beautiful and harmonious or ugly and deformed. 
 Intellectual and moral injunctions are herein not as effective 
 as the artistic emotion and taste. Think of what self-respect 
 means. Self-respect means that we compare ourselves as we 
 are with ourselves as we ought to be, the actual self with the 
 ideal self. That regard and reverence for the ideal in our- 
 selves make for self-respect : as we approach that ideal we 
 respect ourselves, as we fall short of it we despise ourselves. 
 
 Without an artistic imagination, without the sense of form, 
 to picture to ourselves what a life ought to be, our moral 
 sense will not be effective. As in a Greek statue the limbs 
 are all in due proportion, so ought we to hold before our 
 imagination perfection of body and of mind. If our physical 
 and moral and intellectual faculties on all sides are not duly 
 developed and our activities are not rounded and complete, 
 and if our actions will not bear the test of beauty and harmony, 
 if we have not that sense of right and proportion, the mere 
 perception of moral or intellectual laws will not help us. I 
 maintain that the only effectual way, the only practical atti- 
 tude of life to make us act rightly, is when we have converted 
 these moral conceptions, these religious conceptions, into 
 feelings of form and beauty. 
 
 I should like to touch, and I am not afraid to do so, upon 
 a very delicate topic. Take sexual morality. You cannot 
 make it effective with the young I defy you to do so unless 
 you convert it into a taste. Religious tenets are not strong 
 enough to do it ; that is not the right way to do it. They 
 overshoot the mark. Something through which the human 
 race continues to exist is not in itself wrong. It only becomes 
 wrong when it is out of proportion, when it is out of place. 
 How can you make people refrain, especially the young and
 
 THE ESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 421 
 
 impulsive, curb their passions and resist the strongest temp- 
 tations ? 
 
 I have experience of men as a teacher. As a friend among 
 the young, I have the right to speak. Religion does not help 
 them ; it is at once too wide in its injunctions and too remote. 
 There are individual cases in which people are thus guided. 
 There are rare cases in which people are directly guided by 
 religious injunctions in the most ordinary or lowly events of 
 life, but it is almost considered an aberration of mind in 
 actual life. I remember a touching story of one of my friends 
 who became a leading politician who told me that when 
 he was young religion was so directly active in him that when 
 he was playing in the football field he knelt down and made 
 believe that he was tying his bootlace in order to pray that 
 he might kick a goal. This sounds almost sacrilegious the 
 grotesqueness of the idea that the whole course of nature 
 should be changed to bring him success at play. But it was 
 true with him, and showed how directly religion had entered 
 into his life. Yet it is perhaps, fortunately not often 
 present and effective to the same degree. In any case it is 
 not often effective in the great passions of life. It is too 
 remote and, moreover, it works too much through nervous 
 channels. Religious exaltation is not best in leading us 
 along the paths of sobriety. The great and violent religious 
 movements have often been accompanied by excesses, 
 because they have fed on a strong emotion. Morality alone 
 will not do it. " Thou shalt not " is not enough. Nor will 
 exaggeration, the wholesale condemnation of what is in 
 itself right induce it. Taste will. You teach it as good 
 old-fashioned nurses and good mothers unconsciously do. 
 They can. We can teach the child by impressing upon it : 
 " That is ugly." Produce disgust, and produce admiration, 
 and you will efficiently modify action. You tell the young 
 child, the young boy : "Be a strong man, and don't be a 
 mean sneak," and the more you succeed in producing in the 
 child the abhorrence, the dislike, the aesthetic disgust, of 
 what is wrong, and the artistic delight and admiration of 
 truth and goodness you have gone far towards making him 
 strong in a moral sense. 
 
 Let me leave the individual and turn to the wider com- 
 munity. The ideas of right and wrong have been prac- 
 tically the same from the religious and moral point of view. 
 What have changed are the traditions, the leading tone, the 
 taste of each period. Consider what the term " honour " 
 meant in conduct in former days and what it means now. 
 It has to be made an aesthetic quality; it has become a
 
 422 INFLUENCE OF FASHION 
 
 tradition, a taste. That is why I use the word " fashion." 
 I mean fashion in its deeper sense ; that tone of taste in 
 social intercourse which is set up by what is supposed to be 
 the best element in each society ; and other social elements 
 are affected and follow. Make that fashion, instead of being 
 an ignoble and a low thing, make it a noble and a high thing 
 and you have done much to influence public morality. What 
 did honour mean ? Here, too, it is the public taste, the 
 abundant tradition the fashion, if you like in each place 
 and period which is effective in producing moral tone. In 
 one period it meant fighting, nothing but fighting, duel- 
 ling. I have friends to-day in Germany and elsewhere who 
 say : " What ! You in England can do without duelling ? 
 What do you do when, among men of honour, certain things 
 happen ? " Honour means a tradition, a fashion, and as such 
 is most effective. We need not look far back to see how 
 that changes. There was a time in this country when in the 
 best society even the leaders were habitually or frequently 
 drunk. This was thought the right thing : all the great 
 statesmen, the great men of the day, acted thus. There 
 was a time, not so long ago, when it was considered a very 
 smart thing to seduce a woman. The men who did this were 
 the beaux, the leaders of fashion, and the ideals of the young 
 men of fashion were built up on such examples. The 
 preachers and the moral teachers fulminated without effect. 
 It has gone out, thank God. 
 
 At our Universities there has been the same change in 
 tradition or fashion. One of my friends, the late Tom 
 Trollope, who was much older than I was he died about 
 twenty years ago gave me a picture of the life in my own 
 University in his day. Then, every man who was supposed 
 to be manly had to be drunk sometimes and there were 
 other things about which I do not wish to speak. But they 
 were then " good form," and the leading young men lived 
 thus. That has gone by, all that has gone out, and now 
 " good form " is something else, I am happy to say. There 
 is a greater harmony between our professions and our ideas 
 and our actions in our Universities ; and this is due, not to 
 moral preaching and teaching, but to men who set up a 
 standard of living which has become the dominant standard. 
 It is good taste, " good form." Let me mention two men 
 who, I am proud to say, were my friends, and who helped 
 to establish such traditions : the late Henry Sidgwick and 
 the late Henry Bradshaw. We have made the right thing 
 fashionable, and that is the effective way to establish public 
 morality.
 
 THE ESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 423 
 
 All that I have said said, I am sorry to say, imperfectly 
 is meant to show you the importance of developing taste in 
 the individual and in the nation. And that is done most 
 directly and immediately by the study of art in all its forms 
 and by the development of the aesthetic faculty in every 
 action of life ; by fostering in national life art and literature 
 in every form what Matthew Arnold called " Culture." 
 It is the main duty of those concerned with public life to 
 advance the culture of the nation. 
 
 I agree with the leader-writer I read in this morning's 
 paper, and I agree with Mr. Lyttelton, when they maintain 
 that we need not decry ourselves too much in England. It 
 is always being said that we are such an inartistic nation. I 
 do not think we are. Certain periods and conditions in our 
 history and certain definite causes, which I could enumerate 
 to you, the action of narrow religious views and the suppres- 
 sion of all artistic instinct resulting from such traditions, 
 have gone far to repress the national feeling for art. But, 
 as a nation, we are not inartistic. If I look about me abroad 
 (and I have travelled a good deal) I see our people at large 
 standing fairly high. Where they have had a chance, in 
 Yorkshire and in Lancashire and in other parts, they are not 
 altogether inartistic. They are fond of music ; they sing a 
 good deal, and sing well. They understand it. The gardens 
 of our villages, the flowers before our labourers' cottages, all 
 these cannot be equalled in France or in Germany. To come 
 to another class, our bourgeoisie, our simple clerks in our offices 
 the homes which we have in towns like Birmingham, 
 London, and elsewhere, the interiors, are in much better taste 
 than I have found the corresponding homes in France and 
 Germany. That is due chiefly to the efforts of a few earnest 
 teachers. I might single out two great men, Morris and 
 Ruskin. They were great fighters. They fought against 
 the age in which many of us were brought up I certainly 
 was brought up then by the inspiration of this younger 
 taste, when there was the fight against the coarseness 
 of what Matthew Arnold called " Philistia," the coarse- 
 ness resulting from our victories in the great war, after 
 Waterloo. Wars do not always produce elevation of the 
 national spirit as they did after the Persian wars of Greece. 
 In a country where the army is but a small portion of the 
 population, and the rest of the population do not go to war, 
 but sit at home and benefit by it, successful wars may produce 
 coarseness. It was also the period of the squirarchy, of the 
 rule of the common, coarse squire, whose only ambition was 
 to excel in the rural sports of that athletic age. And there
 
 424 REFORMERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 was the power of the city merchant as he is portrayed by 
 Thackeray and by Dickens ; stupid, narrow, coarse, con- 
 ceited, material in his pleasures, inartistic, unintelligent, 
 philistine. That is the dominant note of the England that 
 produced the bad taste of that Early Victorian age. 
 
 And then came the great fight. The first protagonist 
 was Carlyle. But they were all exaggerators. Carlyle was 
 one-sided and exaggerated, coarse in his tone. I do not mean 
 to say that he was insincere ; but he was carried away by the 
 power of his own voice into the admiration of strength in 
 itself, which often meant brutality. He was narrow and 
 limited, but he did good service in the fight all the same. 
 Then followed great men and great deeds, great thinkers, 
 the age of Darwin, of Mill, of the Inductive Philosophy which 
 taught people noble sobriety and the seriousness of truth. 
 It refined the sense of truth by the conscientious training of 
 inductive methods as opposed to ready deduction and general- 
 isation run riot in romanticism. Then came George Eliot 
 and her social teaching. All fighting against the coarse spirit 
 of philistinism. And then came that great spirit, that great 
 prophet of beauty, Matthew Arnold, who extolled the ideals 
 of a cultured people. But he, too, was narrow and limited. 
 He did not see the beauty, the aesthetic side, the art- value of 
 science, the ennobling side of science, which has to go hand 
 in hand with the humanities to make a real civilisation. And 
 then come the two I have already mentioned, Morris and 
 Ruskin, and their great work of trying directly to foster and 
 cultivate taste and love of beauty, and to bring it into the 
 homes of the people. They too were narrow, were exagger- 
 ators. They exaggerated the importance of art itself, and 
 the part it is to play in the normal development of society. 
 They had an exaggerated respect for medisevalism. They 
 were untrue in that respect ; they did not show the ugliness, 
 the cruelty, the deformity of the Middle Ages ; the insecurity 
 of the life of the poor, who could not call their homes their 
 own, the filth of it, the narrowness of caste, the invidiousness 
 of the life of the guilds which they extolled and poetised. 
 They knew not the beauty and poetry of true science, the 
 good that there is in modern life with its vitality and its 
 broadening emancipation of all classes. They were too narrow, 
 too limited ; but they did much. Their influence has been 
 waning, and is largely spent. 
 
 I am not a pessimist. I dislike those who can only see 
 the darker side, and I see great brilliance ahead ; but I am 
 afraid we are in a bad way now, at this very moment, on a 
 back wave in this great flow onward. Those influences have
 
 THE AESTHETIC ELEMENT IN EDUCATION 425 
 
 spent themselves, and our ideals, our lives, are lower ; the 
 tone of our life, the tone of our society, as it is called, the 
 ideals of the young, of the individual and collectively, are 
 lower. It is the age of the financier not even the commercial 
 age, not the age of the man of business whom Thackeray drew, 
 who had a sterling honesty in his own narrow groove. It 
 is the age of rapidly accumulated wealth, of the manipulation 
 of other people's money, of forming syndicates, not of gaining 
 a good competence for one's family, but of amassing huge 
 sums the age of the millionaire or billionaire. The young 
 know that ; the women know that. And then it is an age of 
 mechanism, of transportation. Do not let me exaggerate. 
 I am delighted with all progress in transportation. I am far 
 from undervaluing the beneficent influence of the bicycle, 
 the motor car nay, of aerial navigation in the future. But 
 they are a bad ideal for society as a whole to live on. If we 
 should succeed in going from New York to Paris and London 
 in a few hours, is that our ideal ? What should we find there ? 
 What should we go there for ? Why should we wish to go 
 from one place to the other so rapidly if we find nothing 
 there, if the life consists in the continuous expenditure of 
 energies to go faster in producing more iron, more steel, 
 more machinery, more wealth going into single hands ? I 
 am not talking politics. I do not know whether I am a 
 Socialist or a Collectivist or an Individualist. But I ask you 
 what good such ideals do to you and to future ages ? Where 
 are our ideals of honour, honour for men, honour for women ? 
 What are the young taught in school ? What do I hear 
 boys saying : " What horse-power is your father's motor ? " 
 I have heard parents say : " My boy takes a wonderful 
 interest in mechanics; he is dreaming of nothing but 
 motors and machines." Machines are good things, and 
 those who work at them, if they work well, do well ; and a 
 boy with a genius for mechanics should become a mechanician. 
 But if that is the civilisation we are going to aim at, that a 
 boy should dream only of getting faster from one place to 
 another, where is that to end ? Surely there is something 
 higher than this ? 
 
 Then we come to the schools and universities. We hear 
 of the wonderful strides that are being made in the new 
 universities. We are going to have schools " in touch with 
 all the things of life," we are going to have brewing and 
 leather-manufacture, and everything is to be taught in the 
 universities. Where is your humanity ? Where is the 
 taste of the nation going, where is the thought of the nation 
 going ? For it was the great pure science that produced
 
 426 ENGLAND IS SHAKESPEARE 
 
 the power to invent those motor-cars and aeroplanes ; and 
 yet those men had no thought of gain. You do not help 
 a nation by that. Germany is not beating us by that. It 
 is beating us because with them the traditions and the love 
 of learning for its own sake still exist, because they still 
 have ideals of culture. That is why they are beating us, 
 and for no other reason. Our technical schools will not help 
 us if the man of science cannot think, if he has no imagina- 
 tion (I wish I might have heard Canon Masterman's lecture) 
 if the man of science has no imagination, no taste, no culture 
 of the mind, how can he do his work properly ? Where 
 are we going ? If you are going to have your schools, your 
 children taught, without the great classics, without great 
 literature (I do not mean only the literature of the Greeks 
 and Romans : there are other literatures, though those of 
 the ancient languages are still worthy of study and always 
 will be), where shall we get to ? People are not to be taught 
 French simply in order to be able to read French novels 
 quickly. If that is all, that will not make a great nation of us. 
 England is Shakespeare. That is what we are known by 
 and shall be known by, and none of our statesmen and 
 soldiers and sailors, no monarch, no man who has accumulated 
 wealth or contributed to the wealth of this country, stands 
 for England in the eyes of the world as Shakespeare does. 
 England is Shakespeare. The other workers on the fabric are 
 the hod- carriers or stonemasons, they are the foundation of 
 the monument, of which the pinnacle is Shakespeare. It is 
 our thought and our culture which make us a nation worthy 
 of admiration, worthy of emulation. If that goes, then we 
 can live like swine and die in the dust. Cultivate taste in 
 the young, the admiration of beautiful and noble things ; 
 always cultivate the aesthetic element in your teaching, never 
 neglect it, and you will have done much to bring up healthy, 
 happy, and efficient children. And for the nation, remember 
 that good taste, culture, is the highest asset a nation can have.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Actions, duties to, 329-30, 336-46 
 
 Acton, Lord, 45 
 
 Adults, education of, 263 
 
 Allen, Grant, 115 
 
 Alliances, their instability, xxv 
 
 Altruism, not a substance but a 
 force, 128-30, 225 
 
 Altruistic duties, the extreme im- 
 portance of, 335 
 
 Amphyctionic Council, suggested 
 constitution of, 157; terms of 
 office, 157; power of appoint- 
 ment, 158 ; proportional repre- 
 sentation, 158, 159; local 
 habitation, 159, 160 ; interna- 
 tional army and navy, 160, 
 161 ; effect on life and thought 
 of all nations, 161-3 ; language 
 difficulty, 163-7 
 
 Angell, Norman, 105 
 
 Aristocratic radicalism, 194 
 
 Aristotle, 192 
 
 Armenia, xxiv, xxv 
 
 Arnold, Matthew, 171, 335, 339, 
 
 34 
 
 " Self-Dependence," 340 
 
 Art cannot replace religion, 350 
 
 in national life, 276, 277 
 
 of living, the, 18, 274-7, 369 
 Asia Minor, 97, 98, 100 
 Austria, i, 9, 10, 56 
 
 Bacon, F., 191, 329 
 Bagdad Railway, the, 56, 100 
 Balance of power, i 
 Balkan States, i, 56, 88 
 Ball, Sir Robert, 248 
 Ballin, Herr, 12, 14 
 Barter favours lower standards 
 of honour than commerce, 282 
 Bavaria, King of, 97 
 Beer, G. L., in The Forum, 97 
 Belgium, viii, 69, 97, 98 
 Bergson, M., 292, 296 
 Bernhardi.xxviii, 12,42,44,98, 149 
 
 Bismarck, Prince, xxviii, 46-50, 
 54, 68, 88, 149 
 
 Blanqui, L'Eternite par les Astres, 
 185 
 
 Bluntschli, Prof., 88 
 
 Body, the cult of the, 240, 308 
 
 Brandes, G., "Aristocratic Radi- 
 calism," 194 
 
 Friedrich Nietzsche, 183-6, 
 194-5 
 
 British Empire, the, and the 
 
 Open Door, 95, 96, 98 
 
 national sentiment in, 96 
 
 Browning, R., In a Spanish 
 
 Cloister, 70 
 
 Instans Tyrannus, 70 
 Bulow, Prince, 68, 71 
 
 Butler, S., The Way of all Flesh, 206 
 
 Capital, international character 
 of, 105-8 
 
 transportation of, 287, 288, 
 382-95 
 
 Carlyle, T., 73, 171 
 Castiglione, // Cortegiano, 280 
 Casuistry, moral, 258, 259 
 Chamberlain, Houston, Die Gund- 
 
 lagen des xix Jahrhunderts, 53 
 Chauvinism, what it is, 41, 63 
 
 England's danger of contagion 
 from, 44, 66, 67 
 
 Ethnological, 50-3 
 
 in modern Germany, 41-85, 103 
 cause of, 64-6 
 
 materialistic, spreading from 
 Germany, 64 
 
 passages on, 357-74 
 Chesterfield, Lord, Letters to his 
 
 Son, 280 
 China, 98, 100 
 Chivalry, 290, 291 
 Christ and Plato reconciled, 327 
 
 the teaching of, 198, 224-38 
 Civilisation confers no right of 
 
 conquest, 93, 94 
 
 427
 
 428 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Civilisation, higher forms of, pre- 
 vail over lower, 10 1 
 
 unity of, 142 
 
 Class-hatred in Germany, 70-2 
 Clifford, W. K., 171 
 Cohelet, 185 
 Commandments, the first and 
 
 second, 214-16, 224 
 
 the third, 216, 217 
 
 the fourth, 217-219 
 
 its inadequacy in modern 
 
 times, 217, 224 
 moral misapplication of, 218 
 
 the fifth, 219-21, 226 
 
 doubts and limitations un- 
 just concerning, 220, 221 
 
 the sixth to the ninth, 221, 222, 
 
 233 
 
 the tenth, its supreme impor- 
 tance, 222-4 
 
 the ten, see also Decalogue, the 
 Commercial honour, 281-7 
 Commercialism, an enemy of 
 
 individuality, 140 
 
 growth of, in Germany, 76-8 
 Company promoting, 286, 289 
 Competition, moral and immoral, 
 
 283-7 
 
 Comte, August, 170 
 Concentration on the work in 
 
 hand, 336 
 
 Concession, placing a, 396-412 
 Conscience, 331, 332 
 
 in regard to impersonal duties, 
 
 337 
 
 Considerateness, 274 
 
 Copyright Law, 284, 285, 288, 
 289 
 
 Cosmopolitanism and Patriotism, 
 co-ordination of, 130, 131, 137 
 
 passage on, 375-7 
 
 Coubertin, Baron Pierre de, 8 1 
 
 Cramb, Prof. J. A., 44, 57 
 
 Credit system of modern com- 
 merce, dangers of, 283 
 
 Creeds, only those sincerely be- 
 lieved to be subscribed to, 352 
 
 Culture, 296-305 
 
 Darwin, Charles, 171, 187, 188 
 190-3, 244, 245 
 
 Dawson, W. H., What is wrong 
 with Germany, 45 
 
 Decalogue, the, 208-24 
 
 concerns duty to God, duty 
 
 to one's self, and duty to man- 
 kind, 214 
 
 embodies the idea of duty 
 
 and justice for the modern 
 world, 211 
 
 Decalogue, the, its greater part 
 already embodied in the Law, 
 213, 224 
 
 Decentralisation, effect of, 23-5 
 
 Deity, spiritual conception of the, 
 214 
 
 tainted by anthro- 
 pomorphism, 215 
 
 Democracy, versus Militarism, 6, 7 
 
 Denmark, 98 
 
 Dickinson, G. Lowes, Appear- 
 ances, Essay "Culture," 301-5 
 
 Disarmament, partial, easily 
 evaded, 154 
 
 total or partial called for, 153 
 
 Discipline and obedience, 226-8 
 
 contemporary need of, 227 
 
 home life necessary for their 
 
 development, 227, 228 
 
 Disraeli, B., 90 
 
 Dogmas, only those sincerely 
 believed to be subscribed to, 352 
 
 Dress, 308, 309 
 
 Dreyfus case, 231, 232 
 
 Duties beyond the family, neces- 
 sity of progression in, 271-4 
 
 impersonal, 328-30 
 
 non-social, 328-30 
 
 the extreme importance of 
 altruistic, 335 
 
 to the family, 127, 128, 133, 
 219-21, 226-8, 266-70 
 
 to humanity, 325-30 
 
 to ourself, 331-5 
 
 to the locality and community 
 in which we live, 272, 273 
 
 to the State, 3 1 3-24 
 
 to things and actions, 329, 330, 
 336-46 
 
 Duty of truthfulness to religious 
 ideas, 347 
 
 to God, 347-354 
 
 to make all work perfect, 339 
 
 Education by means of recreation, 
 261-3 
 
 of adults, 263 
 
 the higher, 296, 297 
 Egoist, the, 228, 229 
 
 Eliot, George, 117, 118, 130, 171, 
 
 252, 39, 341-3 
 
 " Stradivarius," 341-3 
 
 Ellis, Havelock, 115 
 
 England should take warning from 
 
 the degradation of social life in 
 
 Germany, 82-5
 
 INDEX 
 
 429 
 
 England substituted for Russia as 
 the primary foe by Germany, 1 2 
 
 Envy, a German national charac- 
 teristic, 66-73 
 
 penetrating the world of science, 
 
 72, 73 
 
 Erasmus, D., 164, 172 
 Ethical code of the ancient Jews 
 
 not sufficient for modern needs, 
 
 207 
 
 education, the result of sec-. 
 tarian teaching in schools upon, 
 
 204, 205 
 
 example of the State in official 
 action, the, 263, 264 
 
 teaching to be effective must 
 pass through character, 264, 265 
 
 work by priests, the good done 
 by, is undeniable, 205, 206 
 
 Ethics and Law, their interaction, 
 212 
 
 their relation one to the 
 other, 2ii, 212 
 
 religion, the difference of 
 their essential mental attitudes, 
 20 1, 202 
 
 cannot replace religion, 350 
 
 leads to religion, 347, 350, 351 
 
 Nietzsche's impeachment of the 
 existing, 193, 194 
 
 recognition of the high position 
 of teachers of, 259-261 
 
 social and political, origin of, 
 116-18 
 
 relation of, 137 
 
 the concern of the State in, has 
 only been shown in social legis- 
 lation of a material kind, 257 
 
 the necessarily logical literary 
 treatment of, opposed to emo- 
 tional and mystical manner 
 appropriate to the religious 
 spirit, 242, 243 
 
 the need for the reconstruction 
 of, 198, 199, 239-46 
 
 the teaching of, in schools, 204, 
 
 205, 257 
 
 treatises on, confined to the 
 foundations and abstract prin- 
 ciples, 256 
 
 see also Morals 
 
 Evolution, the need of conscious, 
 243 
 
 Family, the, 127, 128, 133, 219- 
 
 21, 226-8, 266-70 
 Federation of States, insufficient 
 
 to abolish war, 152, 153 
 
 Finance, 287, 288 
 
 France, i, 8, 10, n, 17, 18, 51, 52, 
 
 67, 69, 81, 82, 98, 142 
 Frederick, Emperor, 25, 26 
 Free Trade, 96, 98, 99 
 Fuchs, Dr. W., 25 
 
 Generosity to the weak, 290 
 Gentleman, the, 278-312 
 German claim to disinterested- 
 ness, 10 
 
 colonies in South American 
 States, 101 
 
 commercial penetration of 
 foreign countries, 96, 97 
 
 emigration, 97 
 
 expansion, 1 3 
 
 ignorance of French and English 
 literature and art, 18, 19 
 
 Imperialism, 96-8 
 
 Kultur, 14-18, 21, 22, 48, 51, 
 52, 55. 93-5, 97. 98, 101. 102, 
 182 
 
 Nietzsche's estimate of, 182, 
 
 183 
 
 pre-eminence in certain depart- 
 ments of culture, 1 6, 17 
 
 streberthum, 5, 15, 21-3, 47 
 Germanenthum, 50-3 
 Germany, absence of sense of fair 
 
 play in, 65 
 
 class hatred in, 70-2 
 
 decline of Idealism in, 47, 49, 
 So 
 
 envy a national characteristic 
 of, 66-73 
 
 penetrating the world of 
 
 science in, 72, 73 
 
 French and English Govern- 
 ment publications on the war 
 forbidden in, 19 
 
 growth of Chauvinism in, 41, 
 85, 103 
 
 reasons for, 64-6 
 
 growth of Commercialism and 
 Materialism in, 76-8 
 
 growth of Militarism in, 7, 41 
 
 growth of money -greed in, 72, 
 
 73 
 
 modern, Nietzsche's share in 
 the making of, 181, 182 
 
 moral decline of, 43 
 
 old contrasted with the new, 
 xxviii, 21-40, 73-6 
 
 the old, 21-40; the aristo- 
 cratic class of, 33, 36 ; the 
 artisan and labourer of, 38, 39 ; 
 the educational system of, 26-9 ;
 
 430 
 
 INDEX 
 
 the men of science and learn- 
 ing of, 36, 37 ; the tradesmen 
 and shopkeepers of, 37, 38 ; 
 typical ruler in, 29-33 
 
 Germany, political education of 
 the people of, checked by Bis- 
 marck, 48, 49 
 
 Gilchrist Educational Trust, 247- 
 250 
 
 God, duty to, 347-54 
 
 Goethe, 182, 254, 255 
 
 Greek Colonies, the reaction of 
 their civilisation on the Mother 
 Country, 101 
 
 Haeckel, 171 
 
 Hague Tribunal, the, 142, 152 
 
 Hartmann, E. von, 170, 172, 184, 
 
 185 
 
 Hay, Colonel John, 100 
 Helfferich, Soziale Kultur und 
 
 Volkswohlfahrt wahrend der 
 
 ersten 25 Regierungsjahre Wil- 
 
 helms II, 97 
 Holland, 98 
 Home life necessary for the 
 
 development of obedience and 
 
 discipline, 227, 228 
 Honour, barter favours lower 
 
 standardsof, than commerce, 282 
 
 definition of, 278 
 
 need for progressive revision 
 of its meaning, 279, 280 
 
 Nietzsche has no use for it, 279 
 
 the code of, fixed by the 
 dominant class, 281 
 
 the man of, 278-82 
 
 " How I placed a Concession in 
 London," in Murray's Maga- 
 zine, 396-412 
 
 Human society, the perpendicu- 
 lar and horizontal divisions of, 
 111-14, 135, 137. T 38 
 
 solidarity, growing conscious- 
 ness of, 109, 1 10 
 
 Humanities, the, 291, 299-305 
 Humanity, Christianity supple- 
 ments Judaism in establishing 
 the central idea of, 230, 231 
 
 duties to, 325-7 
 Huxley, 171, 248 
 
 Ibsen, H., 170, 172 
 Ibsen's teaching chiefly concerned 
 with the relation of the sexes, 
 
 172, 173 
 Idealism, decline of, in Germany, 
 
 47. 49, 50 
 
 Idealism, its relation to vanity and 
 self-respect, 331 
 
 Illimitable, the, predicated by limi- 
 tation, 348, 349 
 
 Imperfection in man predicates 
 perfection, 348, 349 
 
 Impersonal duties, 328-30 
 
 Improvement in working pro- 
 cesses, immoral to impede, 338 
 
 Individualism to be reconciled 
 with Socialism, 325, 326 
 
 Individuality, false conceptions of, 
 
 138, 139 
 
 the enemies of, 140 
 Industries destroyed by inven- 
 tions of new processes, 337-9 
 
 Inequality with liberty and fra- 
 ternity, 327 
 
 Inge, Dean, " Patriotism " in 
 The Quarterly Review, 115, 144 
 
 Instincts not bad but needing 
 control, 240 
 
 International Court, backed by 
 adequate power, the only safe- 
 guard of peace, 153, 154; see 
 also Amphyctionic Council 
 
 relations, conception of, 86-99 
 Internationalism, xxvi 
 Inventions throw many workers 
 
 out of employment, 337-9 
 Italy, i, 51, 52, 56 
 
 J' Accuse, 60-2, 97 
 Jansey, Vicomte de, 81 
 Japan, 98, 141 
 
 sense of honour in, 281 
 Jebb, Sir Richard, 250 
 
 Jewish ancient ethical code not 
 sufficient for modern needs, 207 
 
 religion and ritual, their effects 
 upon morals, 209-11 
 
 Jews, the, 52, 94, 95, 106-8 
 Johnson, Dr., 115 
 Journalists, Address to Congress 
 of German, 141, 142 
 
 Kant, Immanuel, 60, 122, 152, 187 
 Kierkegaard, 195 
 Kovalevsky, Prof., 252 
 
 Labour organisations, interna- 
 tional tendencies of, 6, 104, 105, 
 108 
 
 Lassalle, F., 170 
 
 Latin, its reinstatement as a 
 universal language, 164-7 
 
 Law and Ethics, their interaction, 
 
 212
 
 INDEX 
 
 431 
 
 Law and Ethics, their relation one 
 to the other, 211, 212 
 
 incredible to the savage that 
 personal or tribal conflict should 
 ever be superseded by, 148 
 
 Le Bon, Gustave, L'Homme et les 
 Societes, 185 
 
 Legislation, social, 322, 323 
 
 Lewes, G. H., 252 
 
 Liberty, Fraternity, and Inequal- 
 ity, 327 
 
 Liliencron, insurmountable Anti- 
 pathy, 70, 71 
 
 Limitation predicates the illimit- 
 able, 348, 349 
 
 Living, the art of, 18, 274-7, 
 
 369 
 
 Love, Christianity supplements 
 Judaism in establishing the 
 central idea of, 230, 231 
 
 the central force in man and 
 nature, 229, 230, 234, 235 
 
 Loyalty, a virtue in itself, often 
 perverted, 121 
 
 corporate and individual, neces- 
 sity of continuous testing of, 
 125 
 
 sectarian and partisan, 123, 
 319, 320 
 
 to the body corporate, the 
 abuse of, 120-31 ; the danger of 
 exaggerating, 122 
 
 to the individual, the abuse of, 
 121, 127, 128 
 
 Luther, Martin, 172 
 
 Machiavelli, II Principe, 280 
 Maeterlinck, 171 
 
 Manners, importance of good, 
 291-6, 306 
 
 M. Bergson on good, 292-6 
 Marx, Karl, 170, 251, 252, 254 
 Materialism, growth of, in Ger- 
 many, 76-8 
 
 Maxwell, In Cotton Wool, 228 
 Mazzini, 88 
 Meath, Lord, 227 
 Meredith, G., The Egoist, 228 
 Militarism, an enemy of indi- 
 viduality, 140 
 
 denned, 41 
 
 England's danger of con- 
 tagion from, 44 
 
 in modern Germany, 7,41 
 
 leads to bullying, 66 
 
 versus democracy, 6, 7 
 Mill, J. S., 171 
 
 Modern life, the establishment of 
 
 30 
 
 the facts and needs of, as a basis 
 for ethics, 243 
 
 Moltke, Field-Marshal von, 60 
 
 Money-greed, growth of, in Ger- 
 many, 72, 73 
 
 Moral injunctions, discrimination 
 between, when clashing, 258 
 
 Moral principles, Nietzsche's his- 
 toric criticism of, 195, 196 
 
 sease, the, to create such and 
 make it effective. the whole aim 
 of education, 226 
 
 the refinement and develop- 
 ment of, 234 
 
 teaching, the absence of proper, 
 256 
 
 usurped by the churches, 
 
 prevented the development of 
 codes, 209 
 
 Morality, moral self-dependence 
 the standard of effective, 332-4 
 
 the inadequacy of sectarian, 
 20 1, 203 
 
 Morals, elementary text-books of, 
 
 257 
 
 the codification of modern, 
 200-7, 209, 213, 241, 256 
 
 the difficulties in the 
 
 way of, 242 
 the reasons why we 
 
 have not hitherto had it, 20 1, 209 
 
 see also Ethics 
 Morris, William, 171 
 
 Moses, the teaching of, 198, 208-24 
 
 Mugwump, the, 321 
 
 Murray's Magazine, " How I 
 
 placed a Concession in London," 
 
 289 
 
 Napoleon I, 88, 228 
 Nationalism, the racial founda- 
 tion of, 89 
 
 the wrong and the right, 132-43 
 Natural instincts, the following 
 
 of, leads to the dissolution of 
 
 human society, 225 
 Newman, Cardinal J. H., The Idea 
 
 of a University, 299, 300 
 Nietzsche, 98, 167, 170-99, 225, 
 
 239, 240, 243, 279 
 ! an idealist in spite of his 
 
 opposition to idealism, 175 
 I Dawn of Day, 180 
 j Ecce Homo, 176, 178-80, 183 
 | his aristocratic tendency, 194, 
 
 195. 197 
 
 his estimate of German Kultur, 
 182, 183
 
 432 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Nietzsche, his historic criticism 
 of moral principles, 195, 196 
 
 his impeachment of the existing 
 ethics, 193, 194 
 
 his misunderstanding of Dar- 
 win, 187-91 
 
 his opposition to the State, 183, 
 184 
 
 his real achievement, 197 
 
 his share in the making of 
 modern Germany, 181, 182 
 
 his share in the present war, 
 
 182, 184, 185 
 
 his superman the idealisation of 
 the physiological, excluding the 
 moral and social 176-81,225 
 
 , the monstrosity of, 196 
 
 his truthfulness, 174, 175, 197 
 
 limitations of his idealism in 
 constructing the superman, 
 176-81 
 
 the inspiration for his super- 
 man derived from Siegfried, 173 
 
 the obtrusion of his own per- 
 sonality, 174, 178 
 
 The Will to Power, 187 
 
 Thoughts out of Season, 195 
 
 Thus spake Zarathustra, 181, 
 
 183, 185, 186, 189, 190 
 Nippold, Prof., Der Deutsche Chau- 
 
 vinismus, 8, 14, 25 
 
 Nobushige, Hozumi, Ancestor-wor- 
 ship and Japanese Law, 353 
 
 Non-social duties, 328-30 
 
 Norway, 98 
 
 Open Door, international princi- 
 ple of the, 96, 98, 100 
 
 Pacifist agitation out of place 
 during the present struggle, xxiii 
 
 Party politics, 318-21 
 
 Patent laws, 284, 285, 288, 289 
 
 Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism, 
 co-ordination of, 130, 131 
 
 as national vanity, 102-4 
 
 neither ethnographical nor 
 geographical, 112-14 
 
 the duty of, 315 
 
 the nobility of, 63, 115 
 
 what it is, 1 1 5-19 
 
 Peace, international, a certainty 
 
 of the future, xxiii 
 Perfection predicated by man's 
 
 imperfection, 348, 349 
 Picturesqueness of poverty, 138, 
 
 139 
 
 Plato, 192, 242-46, 279, 330 
 
 and Christ reconciled, 327 
 
 as representing rational and 
 practical idealism, 245, 246 
 
 Priests, the good ethical work done 
 
 by, is undeniable, 205, 206 
 Pythagoras, 350 
 
 Racial unity cannot be claimed 
 for any nation, 89-93 
 
 Rajon, Paul, 308 
 
 Rathenau, Herr, 14 
 
 Recreation as a means of educa- 
 tion, 261-3 
 
 Referendum, the, 321 
 
 Religion and Ethics, the difference- 
 of their essential mental atti- 
 tudes, 20 1, 202 
 
 cannot be replaced by Ethics,. 
 Science, or Art, 350 
 
 Religions, inherent opposition to- 
 
 change in all, 202, 204 
 Religious emotions, how and 
 
 where to cultivate, 353 
 
 feelings, emotional and aesthetic 
 education of, 351 
 
 ideals, duty of truthfulness to, 
 
 347. "349 
 
 Renaissance of Italy, 102 
 Renan, Ernest, 134-6, 140, 171 
 Reptilienfond, the, 54-7 
 Roosevelt, President, 141 
 Ruskin, John, 115, 139, 140, 171, 
 
 174 
 
 Russia, i, 8-13, 53, 56, 91, 100 
 Russian literature and art, 15, 16 
 
 Schiemann, Prof., 19 
 
 Schiller, 122 
 
 Schopenhauer, 170, 172, 183, 187 
 
 Schweninger, Dr., 50 
 
 Science cannot replace religion, 
 350 
 
 Sectarian teaching in schools, its 
 results upon ethical education, 
 204, 205 
 
 Self, duties to, 331-5 
 
 Self-dependence, moral, as stan- 
 dard of effective morality, 332-4 
 
 Self-respect, its relation to vanity 
 and idealism, 331 
 
 Self-sacrifice in war, 58 
 
 Serbia, 9, 10 
 
 Sermon on the Mount, the, 232, 
 238 
 
 aimed at a reforma- 
 tion needed at the time it was 
 spoken, 241
 
 INDEX 
 
 433 
 
 Sermon on the Mount, the, as an 
 advance on Mosaic law implies 
 the need of further advances 
 as conditions change, 241 
 
 influenced by the con- 
 gregation to whom it was ad- 
 dressed, 235, 236 
 
 intended to supple- 
 ment the commandments, 232 
 
 parts of, at variance 
 
 with modern ethics, 239, 240 
 Slav and Teuton, 10, u, 52 
 
 claims paramount in the Bal- 
 kans, 13 
 
 Social legislation, 322, 323 
 
 life, degeneration of, in Ger- 
 many, 79-81 
 
 reforms, the negative char- 
 acter of, 168-72 
 
 responsibility, 276 
 Socialism, an enemy of individu- 
 ality, 140 
 
 to be reconciled with individu- 
 alism, 325, 326 
 
 Society respects wealth without 
 
 considering how it is got, 287 
 South American Republics, 96-8, 
 
 101 
 
 Specialist, the, 297, 298 
 Speculation in modern commerce, 
 
 dangers of, 283 
 Spencer, Herbert, 171, 188 
 Sports and Pastimes productive 
 
 of the sense of fair play, 276 
 State, conceptions of the, 86-99, 
 
 "4, 313 
 
 dishonesty towardsthe, 3 16,3 17 
 
 duties to the, 313-24 
 
 duties to, compared with those 
 to the family, 133 
 
 in official actions, the ethical 
 example of the, 263, 264 
 
 interrelations between the, 
 and the moral consciousness of 
 its citizens, 313 
 
 justification of the existence of 
 the, 132 
 
 moral and social ideas of the, 
 136 
 
 Nietzsche's opposition to the, 
 182, 183 
 
 obedience to the, 315, 316 
 
 subventions, 42 
 
 the, and Ethics, 257 
 
 the, as a soul, a spiritual prin- 
 ciple, 134 
 
 the, confers distinction on even 
 ill-gotten wealth, 287 
 
 State, the, its constitution and 
 laws, 136 
 
 the, its duty to alleviate the 
 suffering of workers in industries 
 destroyed by new inventions, 
 338, 339 
 
 the, its problem to reconcile 
 Socialism with Individualism, 
 325, 326 
 
 the, not an entity apart from 
 and above the people, 87 
 
 the practical reality of the 
 ideals of the, 323 
 
 the, the national or social idea 
 a compromise, 88 
 
 States, federation of, insufficient 
 to abolish war, 152, 153 
 
 there is no constraining power 
 to enforce equity between, 146 
 
 Stock Exchange, the, 285, 286 
 Strauss, 171 
 
 Superman, the forerunner of the, 
 190 
 
 the, how produced ? 190-3 
 
 the, the idealisation of the 
 physiological to the exclusion 
 of the moral and social, 176-81 
 
 Sweden, 98 
 Switzerland, 98 
 
 Sympathy, not a substance but 
 a force, 128-30 
 
 Tact, 291 
 
 Tennyson, Lord, 130 
 
 Teuton and Slav, 10, 1 1 
 
 Things, duties to, 329, 330, 336-46 
 
 Tolstoy, 170 
 
 Treitschke, 42, 44-6, 88, 98, 150, 
 
 182, 183 
 Turkey, xxiv, i, 56 
 
 United States, the, xxv-xxvii, 19, 
 100, 101 
 
 opportunity to protest 
 against violation of inter- 
 national law missed by, xxvii 
 Unity of civilisation, 142 
 Universities, the, 297-305 
 
 Voting, wrong to abstain from, 318 
 Vanity, its relation to self-respect 
 and idealism, 331 
 
 Wagner, R., 170, 172-4, 183, 228 
 
 Waldstein, C., Address to Congress 
 
 of German Journalists, 141, 142 
 
 " The Esthetic Element in the 
 Education of the Individual
 
 434 
 
 INDEX 
 
 and of the Nation," address 
 as reported in The Parents' 
 Review, 413-26 
 
 Waldstein, C., The Balance of Emo- 
 tion and Intellect, 226 
 
 Cui Bono ? 343-6 
 
 " England and Germany," in 
 The Times, 368-70 
 
 The Expansion of Western 
 Ideals, 154-7, 356-66 
 
 " The Ideal of a University," 
 in North American Review, 298 
 
 The Jewish Question and the 
 Mission to the Jews, 94, 95, 
 106-8, 135. 271, 278, 309-11, 
 367, 368, 370-4 
 
 " Origin of ISihilism and Pes- 
 simism in Germany," in Nine- 
 teenth Century, 73-6 
 
 Specialisation, a Morbid Ten- 
 dency of the Age, 297 
 
 The Political Confessions of a 
 Practical Idealist, 287, 382-95 
 
 The Works of John Ruskin, 
 
 139, HO 
 
 " The World's Changes in the 
 Past Thirty Years," in the New 
 York Times, 378-81 
 
 War and the duel, 145, 146, 149-51 
 
 in civilised opinion an ab- 
 surdity, 2 
 
 War neither a physiological, 
 moral, nor social necessity, 145 
 
 prospect of, in 1911, 5 
 
 survival of the unfittest in, 
 
 144, H5 
 
 that some good springs from 
 it admitted, 58 
 
 the cure of the disease of, 152- 
 67 
 
 the disease of, 144-5 * 
 
 the glorification of, 57-62 
 
 the paradox of, 142, 143 
 
 the unjustness of, 145, 146 
 
 the present, combatants often 
 of the same race, 112, 113 
 
 French and English 
 
 Government publications on, 
 forbidden in Germany, 19 
 
 Germany fixes the most 
 
 favourable date for, 8, 9 
 
 its cause, i 
 
 neither England, France, 
 
 nor Russia the primary aggres- 
 sor, 9, 10 
 
 Nietzsche's share in, 182, 
 
 184, 185 
 
 Wealth, society and the State 
 confer distinction on even ill- 
 gotten, 287 
 
 Will to power, the, 186, 187 
 
 Work, concentration in, 336 
 
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