I 
 
 i 
 
 , m' 
 
 CYRUS 
 
 TOWNSEND 
 
 BRADY 
 
University Library 
 University of California Berkeley 
 
Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
Copyright, 1901, by Major Lee Moorhouse, Pendleton, Oregon 
 
 Chief Joseph 
 From the collection of J. W. Redington 
 
AMERICAN FIGHTS AND FIGHTERS SERIES 
 
 Northwestern 
 Fights and Fighters 
 
 BY 
 
 CYRUS TOWNSEND BRADY, LL. D. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH ORIGINAL DRAWINGS, 
 MAPS AND PHOTOGRAPHS 
 
 GARDEN CITY NEW YORK 
 DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY 
 MCMXIII 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1907, BY THE MCCLI7RE COMPANY 
 

 TO THE 
 
 Peace loving, hard working , Aowor seeking ', duty 
 
 following, never failing, hard fighting 
 
 ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
5 H-V 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IT will be noticed that this book differs from 
 others of the AMERICAN FIGHTS AND FIGHTERS 
 SERIES, and especially its immediate predecessor, 
 " Indian Fights and Fighters," in that I am not 
 the author of all or most of it. In response to a request 
 for contributions from participants in the Modoc 
 and Nez Perce wars, numerous papers were sub 
 mitted, all of such high value, not only from an historic 
 but from a literary point of view as well, that I had not 
 the presumption to rewrite them myself not even the 
 proverbial assurance of the historian would warrant that. 
 Therefore, I have contented myself with writing a 
 general and comprehensive account of each of the two 
 wars considered, leaving to the actors themselves the 
 telling in full of the detailed story of the splendid achieve 
 ments in which they were making history. I can affirm, 
 therefore, that never before has there been included in 
 a single volume such a remarkable and interesting col 
 lection of personal experiences in our Indian Wars as 
 in this book. 
 
 And as I admire the doers of the deeds so, also, do I 
 admire the tellers of the tales. Their modesty, their 
 restraint, their habit of relating adventures which stir 
 the blood and thrill the soul as a mere matter of course, 
 " all in the day's work" enkindles my enthusiasm. 
 And how graphically these old soldiers wield their 
 pens! What good story tellers they are! 
 
Preface 
 
 And what different sorts and conditions of men are 
 here represented! Major-generals and scouts, captains 
 and sergeants, frontiersmen and troopers, soldiers and 
 civilians, to say nothing of an Indian chief and a bishop, 
 have all said their say in their own way. The reader will 
 be glad, I know, that I have permitted these men, like 
 Paul, to speak for themselves. 
 
 The whole book constitutes a trumpet call to Ameri 
 can manhood, and honor, and courage, and that I 
 believe to be true of the whole series. 
 
 The Army of the United States is sometimes slandered. 
 A case in point is now in mind. The chief official of a 
 city of no little prominence, who is also an author and a 
 publicist of national repute, has recently put forth a 
 bitter diatribe against our soldiers. Such a book as this 
 refutes these unfounded accusations. The Army is not 
 perfect neither is the Church! but not only man 
 for man, but also as an organization it is the equal of 
 any, and the superior of most, of the armies of the world! 
 And I am sure that no one can get a much better training 
 for the battle of life that he gets in the peace loving, 
 hard working, honor seeking, duty following, never 
 failing, hard righting service of the United States 
 on sea or shore. I have been in both, worn the Army 
 and also the Navy blue, and I know. We all deprecate 
 the necessity for armies, but if we must have them, let us 
 thank God for an army like that of our beloved country. 
 I am glad to express this my deliberate and matured 
 conviction, begot of much study, wide observation, 
 and ripe experience. 
 
 CYRUS TOWNSEND BRADY. 
 
 LAKE WINNIPESAUKEE, CENTRE HARBOR, 
 Nrw HAMPSHIRE, July, 1907. 
 
ACKNOWLEDGMENT 
 
 Thanks for valuable contributions and assistance in 
 the preparation of this book are due, and are hereby 
 most gratefully expressed by the author, to the fol 
 lowing: 
 
 Major-General O. O. Howard; Brigadier-Generals 
 David Perry, H. C. Hasbrouck, Theodore F. Roden- 
 bough, C. A. Coolidge, W. S. Edgerly and E. S. 
 Godfrey; Colonels John Green, James Jackson, W. R. 
 Parnell and D. L. Brainard; Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. 
 C. Bowen; Majors J. G. Trimble, James Biddle, 
 F. A. Boutelle and H. L. Bailey; and Captain R. H. 
 Fletcher, all officers of the United States Army; the 
 Right Reverend W. H. Hare, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of 
 South Dakota; Chief Joseph of the Nez Perces; Lieuten 
 ant-Colonel Theodore Ewert, Illinois National Guard; 
 Messrs. E. S. Farrow, J. W. Redington, G. O. Shields, 
 H. J. Davis, I. D. Applegate, L. S. Kelly, and Theodore 
 W. Goldin; McClures Magazine, the Metropolitan 
 Magazine, the North American Review, the Century 
 Magazine, Sunset Magazine, the United Service Maga 
 zine, Harper & Brothers, Rand, McNally & Co., the 
 New York Sun, and the Klamath Falls Express; 
 together with the War Department of the United States 
 and the Department of the Interior. 
 
 C. T. B. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 
 
 PART I 
 THE NEZ PERCE WAR 
 
 HAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. THE EPIC OF THE NEZ PERCES 3 
 
 Cyrus Townsend Brady, LL. D. 
 
 II. CHIEF JOSEPH'S OWN STORY 44 
 
 Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat (Chief Joseph). 
 With an Introduction by the Rt. Rev. W. H. Hare ; 
 D. D., Bishop of South Dakota. 
 
 III. GENERAL HOWARD'S COMMENT ON JOSEPH'S NAR 
 
 RATIVE 76 
 
 Major-General O. O. Howard, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 IV. THE BATTLE OF WHITE BIRD CANON 90 
 
 Major and Brevet-Colonel W. R. Parnell,U. S. A. 
 (Retired). 
 
 V. THE BATTLE OF WHITE BIRD CANON, continued . 112 
 Brigadier-General David Perry, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 With notes by Captain Farrow, Late U. S. A., and 
 Dr. Brady. 
 
 VI. THE AFFAIR AT COTTONWOOD 123 
 
 Brigadier-General David Perry, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 VII. THE SALMON RIVER EXPEDITION 127 
 
 Major and Brevet-Colonel W. R. Parnell, U. S. A. 
 (Retired). 
 
Contents 
 
 CHAPTIR 
 
 VIII. THE BATTLE OF CLEARWATER 137 
 
 Major]. G. Trimble, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 IX. THE ASSEMBLING OF THE SOLDIERS AND THE BATTLE 
 
 OF CLEARWATER 151 
 
 Captain E. S. Farrow, late U. S. A. 
 
 With letter by Major H. L. Bailey, U. S. A. 
 
 X. THE BATTLE OF THE BIG HOLE 164 
 
 G. O. Shields (Coquina). 
 
 XL THE BATTLE OF CAMAS MEADOWS 191 
 
 H. J. Davis, Late Second Cavalry, U. S. A. 
 
 XII. THE STORY OF BUGLER BROOKS ...... 198 
 
 Colonel J. W. Redington, Former U. S. Scout and 
 Courier. 
 
 XIII. THE SEVENTH CAVALRY AT CANON CREEK . . . 203 
 
 Theodore W. Goldin, Late Trooper Seventh Cavalry. 
 
 XIV. ANECDOTES OF CHIEF JOSEPH 223 
 
 From the New York Sun. 
 
 PART II 
 THE MODOC WAR 
 
 I. IN THE LAND OF BURNT OUT FIRES 229 
 
 Cyrus Townsend Brady, LL.D. 
 With notes by Col. J. W. Redington and the Depart 
 ment of the Interior. 
 
 II. THE FIRST BLOW JACKSON'S EXPEDITION . . . 258 
 Colonel James Jackson, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 III. BOUTELLE AND SCAR-FACED CHARLEY 265 
 
 Major F. A. Boutelle, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
Contents 
 
 CHAPTER *AGi 
 
 IV. THE INITIAL SHOT 273 
 
 Ivan D. Applegate. 
 
 V. THE COUNTRY THEY MARCHED AND FOUGHT OVER. 281 
 Major J. G. Trimble, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 VI. THE KILLING OF THE COMMISSIONERS 287 
 
 Major J. G. Trimble, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 With note by Major James Biddle, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 VII. FIRST AND SECOND BATTLES IN THE LAVA-BEDS . 292 
 Brigadier-General David Perry, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 With note by Major Trimble. 
 
 VIII. THE DISASTER TO THOMAS' COMMAND .... 305 
 Major F. A. Boutelle, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 IX. CARRYING A STRETCHER THROUGH THE LAVA-BEDS . 314 
 Major J. G. Trimble, U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 X. THE LAST FIGHT OF THE CAMPAIGN 320 
 
 Brigadier-General H. C. Hasbrouck,U. S. A. (Retired). 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 I. Letter from Lt.-Col. W. H. C. Bowen Regarding 
 
 Custer Disaster 329 
 
 II. Lt.-Col. Bowen's Account of Custer's Defeat on the 
 
 Little Big Horn 332 
 
 III. Letter from Lt.-Col. Theo. Ewert, 111. Nat. Guard, 
 
 Late 1st Sergeant H Troop, Seventh Cavalry, Re 
 garding Custer's Fight in the Yellowstone, with 
 Comment by Brig.-Gen. E. S. Godfrey, U. S. A. . 357 
 
 IV. Memoranda upon the Wolf Mountain Campaign by 
 
 L. S. Kelly (Yellowstone Kelly) 360 
 
 INDEX 363 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 FACING 
 FAOK 
 
 CHIEF JOSEPH Frontispiece 
 
 From the collection of J. W. Redington 
 
 MAJ.-GEN. O. O. HOWARD, U. S. A. (RETIRED) ... 38 
 CHIEF JOSEPH SURRENDERS TO GEN. MILES .... 39 
 
 "From where the sun now stands I fight no more with the white man" 
 
 LAST HOME OF CHIEF JOSEPH, WHERE HE DROPPED DEAD AT 
 THE CAMP FIRE, SEPTEMBER, 1904 NESPELUM, COLVILLE 
 RESERVATION OF MOSES INDIANS, WASHINGTON STATE . 54 
 
 From the collection of J. W. Redington 
 
 DISTINGUISHED OFFICERS OF THE NEZ PERCE" WAR . . 55 
 
 COLONEL W. R. PARNELL, U. S. A., RETIRED, FIRST LIEUTENANT ROBERT 
 H. FLETCHER, U. S. A., RETIRED, BRIGADIER-GENERAL DAVID FERRY, 
 U. S. A., RETIRED, MAJOR J. G. TRIMBLE, U. S. A., RETIRED 
 
 GROUP OF NEZ PERCE WARRIORS 134 
 
 GROUP OF OFFICERS WHO FOUGHT IN THE NEZ PERCE" WAR . 135 
 
 CAPTAIN E. S. FARROW, U. S. A., COLONEL J. W. REDINGTON, COLONEL C. E. S. 
 WOOD, U. S. A., RETIRED, CAPTAIN S. O. FISHER, CHIEF OF BANNOCK 
 SCOUTS DURING NEZ PERCfi CAMPAIGN 
 
 ATTACK ON MODOC CAMP BY MAJOR JACKSON FIRST BLOW 230 
 OFFICERS OF THE MODOC WAR 231 
 
 COLONEL JOHN GREEN, U. S. A., COLONEL W. H. BOYLE, U. S. A., GENERAL 
 E. R. S. CANBY, GENERAL FRANK WHEATON, U. S. A. 
 
 TULE LAKE, CAMP SOUTH, FROM THE SIGNAL STATION, TULE 
 
 LAKE IN THE DISTANCE 246 
 
 From the collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
Illustrations 
 
 FACING 
 
 THE PEACE COMMISSION'S TENT, AND STONE ON WHICH 
 
 GENERAL CANBY WAS SITTING WHEN SHOT . . . 246 
 
 From the collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
 MODOC WAR MAJOR THOMAS AND COMMAND DEFEATED IN 
 
 LAVA BEDS . . . 247 
 
 THE LAVA BEDS 278 
 
 From the collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
 BOGUS CHARLIE'S CAVE IN THE LAVA BEDS .... 278 
 
 From the collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
 ON THE LOOKOUT FOR AN ATTACK AT A PICKET STATION . 279 
 
 Fromjthe collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
 THE MODOC STRONGHOLD AFTER ITS CAPTURE . . . 279 
 
 From the collection of General C. P. Egan 
 
 THE LAVA BEDS . 310 
 
 SCHAKNASTIC JlM*S CAMP IN THE LAVA BEDS . . . 310 
 GROUP OF OFFICERS WHO FOUGHT IN THE MODOC WAR . 311 
 
 COLONEL H. C. HASBROUCK, COLONEL JAMES JACKSON, U. S. A., RETIRED 
 CAPTAIN O. C. AJPPLEGATE, GENERAL JEFF C. DAVIS, U. S. A. 
 
MAPS AND PLANS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 NEZ PERCE" RESERVATION, IDAHO, WHERE THE NEZ PERCE 
 
 WAR BEGAN 5 
 
 CHIEF JOSEPH'S LINE OF RETREAT TO BEAR PAW MOUNTAINS 49 
 PLAN OF BATTLE OF WHITE BIRD CANON, IDAHO ... 93 
 BATTLEGROUND OF WHITE BIRD CANON, IDAHO . . . 103 
 PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF THE CLEARWATER . . . .154 
 BATTLEFIELD OF THE CLEARWATER RIVER .... 157 
 BATTLEFIELD OF BIG HOLE RIVER 170 
 
 GENERAL CHARACTER OF LAVA BEDS AND LAKE SHORE, 
 
 SHOWING IMPORTANT POINTS 240 
 
 LOCATION OF JACK'S CAVE IN THE LAVA BEDS . . .301 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Continued from "Indian Fights and Fighters" 
 
 XXVII. WIGWAM AND WAR-PATH, OR THE ROYAL CHIEF IN 
 CHAINS, by Hon. A. B. Meacham. John P. Dale & Co. 
 Boston. 1875. 
 
 XXVIII. WILD LIFE ON THE PLAINS AND HORRORS OF INDIAN 
 WARFARE, by various authors. Pease-Taylor Publish 
 ing Co. St. Louis. 1891. 
 
 XXIX. THE BATTLE or THE BIG HOLE, by G. O. Shields. 
 Rand, McNally & Co. Chicago and New York. 1889. 
 
 XXX. MASSACRES OF THE MOUNTAINS, by J. P. Dunn, Jr. 
 Harper & Brothers. New York. 1886. 
 
 XXXI. CHIEF JOSEPH, His PURSUIT AND CAPTURE, by Gen. 
 O. O. Howard. Lee & Shepard. -Boston. 1881. 
 
PART I 
 The Nez Perce War 
 
CHAPTER ONE 
 
 The Epic of the Nez Percys 
 
 By Dr. Brady 
 
 XENOPHON has chronicled the retreat of the 
 ten thousand; De Quincey has romanced 
 about the migration of the Tartars; a thou 
 sand pens have recorded the annihilation of 
 the Grand Army of Napoleon : the story of Joseph and 
 his Nez Perces is my theme the story of the bitterest 
 injustice toward a weak but independent people to 
 which the United States ever set its hand. And at the 
 outset let me confess that I am the advocatus diaboli 
 the friend of the Indian, at least in this instance! 
 
 In 1855, Governor Isaac I. Stevens of Washington 
 Territory negotiated an equitable, even a liberal treaty 
 by which the Nez Perces were confirmed in their un 
 doubted title by immemorial occupancy to the vast 
 region in Idaho, Oregon, and Washington, including the 
 valleys of the Snake, the Salmon, the Clearwater, and 
 the Grande Ronde Rivers. 
 
 The scope of the Stevens treaty was so extensive and 
 its provisions so fair, that it is probable no question 
 would ever have arisen had not the convention been 
 abrogated in 1863 by a new treaty which materially 
 diminished the Nez Perce Reservation. This treaty 
 was signed by a majority of the Indian tribes and has 
 
4 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 been loyally kept by them to this day. Old Joseph and 
 other chiefs declined to sign it, refused to live on the 
 proposed reservation, and continued to occupy the fertile 
 valleys of the Wallowa and Imnaha, tributaries of the 
 Grande Ronde and the Snake respectively. They also 
 refused even to stay on the lands they claimed except 
 when it suited them. 
 
 As the majority of the Nez Perces had signed the 
 treaty, the United States, pressed thereto by the settlers, 
 took the position that the action of the majority was 
 binding upon the minority. The Nez Perce Nation was 
 made up of a number of small tribes more or less inde 
 pendent of one another. The lower Nez Perces of whom 
 Old Joseph was the recognized head, who had refused 
 to sign the treaty, recognized no power in the majority 
 to constrain them to acquiescence. To the non-treaty Nez 
 Perces their position was absolutely impregnable. They 
 were the original owners of the land. From time im 
 memorial they had been absolutely free men, as free to 
 go where they pleased as any people on earth. 
 
 Old Joseph died in 1872, bequeathing to his son and 
 successor, Young Joseph, called in his own language 
 Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat,* which means Thunder-rolling- 
 in-the-mountains, the policy of ignoring the treaty and 
 retaining the land. Young Joseph thus records the elo 
 quent dying speech of his aged father: 
 
 My son, my body is returning to my mother earth, and my spirit 
 is going very soon to see the Great Spirit Chief. When I am gone, 
 think of your country. You are the chief of these people. They look 
 to you to guide them. Always remember that your father never sold 
 his country. You must stop your ears whenever you are asked to sign 
 
 * The reader will notice that many of these Nez Perce names are spelled differ 
 ently by different writers in this series of papers. Inasmuch as most of the names 
 are phonetically presented I have not striven for uniformity, but have let each man 
 spell for himself as he pleased. C. T. B. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 5 
 
 A NE1Z PERCERESERV/V- 
 f /\ TIONJDAHO.WIiERE THE 
 EZ PERCE'WARBEGAN 
 
 SKETCH BYCAPT. RHFLETCHCR US A 
 
6 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 a treaty selling your home. A few years more, and white men will be 
 all around you. They have their eyes on this land. My son, never forget 
 my dying words. This country holds your father's body. Never sell the 
 bones of your father and your mother. 
 
 In 1873, further to complicate matters, the United 
 States gave the Indians temporary permission to re 
 main in the Wallowa Valley. This valley is admirably 
 adapted for grazing and agricultural purposes. Settlers, 
 pouring into the Northwest, recognizing no right of 
 proprietorship among the Indians, occupied it. 
 
 The white man and the Indian have never lived to 
 gether in peace. Among other Indians less forbearing 
 there would have been instant outbreak. As it was there 
 was a growing friction. A commission, appointed in 
 1876, decided in defiance of right that the non- 
 treaty Nez Perces had no standing and that they must 
 go upon the reservation of 1863. 
 
 Maj.-Gen. O. O. Howard, commanding the Military 
 Department, was ordered to carry out the decision. In 
 May, 1877, several councils were held in quick succes 
 sion at Fort Lapwai, Idaho. Joseph, attended by his 
 young brother Ollicut, White Bird, Hush-hush-cute and 
 Looking Glass, sub-chiefs, and by Too-hul-hul-sote, 
 the priest, or too-at, of a peculiar religious organization 
 called the "Dreamers" to which Joseph and the others 
 belonged, which had evidently risen out of the disputes 
 in connection with the land, were present. 
 
 "Joseph at this time must have been about thirty- 
 seven or thirty-eight years old. He is tall, straight and 
 handsome, with a mouth and chin not unlike that of 
 Napoleon I. He was, in council, at first probably not 
 so influential as White Bird and the group of chiefs that 
 sustained him, but from first to last he was preeminently 
 their ' war chief.' Such was the testimony of his followers 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 7 
 
 after his surrender, and such seems to be the evidence 
 of the campaign itself. " * 
 
 The proceedings were dramatic but not happy. Old 
 Too-hul-hul-sote, the Indian orator, who was remark 
 able for the inveteracy of his hatred of the white men, 
 was summarily placed under arrest to keep him quiet. 
 Joseph secured his release and the council adjourned 
 on May Jth, Joseph agreeing for himself and the rest to 
 obey the order of the commission and go upon the 
 reservation. He did this most reluctantly, and only be 
 cause he felt that it would be better to submit to injus 
 tice rather than to provoke a war in which he was wise 
 enough to see that he and his people would be the chief 
 sufferers. 
 
 A certain time was given him to collect his people and 
 move to the reservation. His pacific intentions were not 
 shared by his younger warriors. Among them were 
 three whose fathers or brothers had been killed by 
 white settlers some time before; a fourth had been 
 beaten by a white man. Some perfunctory investiga 
 tions had been made; but as they were carried on by the 
 white men, nothing was done to punish the offenders 
 and pacify the enraged Indians. It is certain that the 
 first act of aggression was committed and the first blood 
 was shed by the white men. 
 
 Joseph and White Bird had withdrawn to the Salmon 
 River and were engaged in preparing for the removal. 
 The three young Nez Perces mentioned, with a few 
 other reckless braves, resolved to take matters in their 
 hands and, if they could, force the issue. On June ijth, 
 they assumed the offensive. On that and the next day 
 several settlers were murdered. Other warriors joined 
 the first aggressors. The alarm spread through the 
 
 * Quotation from Colonel Wood's Century article. C. T. B. 
 
8 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 surrounding ranches and little settlements. From the 
 Norton House at Cottonwood Falls, half-way between 
 Fort Lapwai and the little town of Mount Idaho, the 
 settlers started for the latter place to escape the savages. 
 The party was pursued and overcome. Two men and 
 some children were killed, two others mortally wounded, 
 the women outrageously treated, although Joseph after 
 ward denied this. It is a matter of record that Joseph 
 had no personal knowledge of this affair. He was not 
 there, he had not ordered it, he could not have pre 
 vented it. The young men rode into the camp of White 
 Bird waving scalps and other booty, and succeeded in 
 stampeding the camp. 
 
 Too-hul-hul-sote welcomed the diversion and incited 
 the men with all the power he possessed. Every voice 
 was for war, resistance to unjust decree, vengeance upon 
 the white men. When Joseph reached his camp he 
 found his band was committed to war against the 
 United States. Hostilities had begun. He protested, but 
 in vain. Matters had gone too far. From his point of 
 view there was nothing left for him but to cast in his 
 lot with the rest. Joseph had not provoked the out 
 break. He had done his best to keep the peace: but 
 now the outbreak had come he would do his part to 
 make it formidable. 
 
 Joseph was at this time about thirty-seven years old. 
 The Nez Perces had been at peace with everybody for 
 years. Joseph had done no fighting whatsoever. What 
 his capacities as a soldier were no one knew. The first 
 test came quickly. Messengers from Mount Idaho were 
 sent speeding to Fort Lapwai with the news of the mur 
 der of the settlers and piteous appeals for help. General 
 Howard acted with commendable promptness. There 
 were two skeleton troops of the First Cavalry at the post. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 9 
 
 The garrison numbered a little over one hundred and 
 twenty men. Ninety of them, under Captains Perry and 
 Trimble, with Lieutenant Parnell of the First Cavalry 
 and Lieutenant Theller of the Twenty-first Infantry, 
 were despatched to protect the settlers. Nobody 'believed 
 that the Indians would fight and it was expected that 
 Perry's force would be adequate to secure the criminals 
 and bring the rest to the reservation. Nevertheless, to 
 be prepared for any contingency, Howard ordered an 
 immediate concentration of the available troops in his 
 Department at Fort Lapwai. It was well that he did so. 
 
 Perry marched rapidly, making eighty miles in about 
 thirty hours over execrable country for the most part. 
 He was joined by ten volunteers from Grangeville, and 
 on the iyth of June, very early in the morning, came in 
 contact with Joseph in White Bird Canon. So soon as 
 Joseph recognized that hostilities were inevitable, he 
 had concentrated his and White Bird's bands on the 
 banks of the Salmon River, a tortuous torrential 
 stream, just where White Bird Creek empties into it. 
 
 The country is mountainous and broken. Some dis 
 tance back from the river there is a high rugged table 
 land. The tributaries of the river take their rise in this 
 table-land and run through precipitous and gloomy 
 canons until they reach the valley. The canon, at first 
 very narrow, grew wider as it approached the river sev 
 eral miles below. Between the entrance of the canon and 
 the bank of the river was a stretch of rolling ground 
 several hundred yards in width. The entrance was cov 
 ered by buttes and rocky ravines, forming a natural 
 defense. At intervals on either side of the canon ex 
 tended lateral canons, short and steep, but through 
 which the soldiers, if hard pressed, might escape to the 
 upper levels. The banks of the rushing brook, the White 
 
io Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Bird, were slightly timbered, the valley of the Salmon 
 bare of trees. 
 
 Arriving while it was yet dark at the source of White 
 Bird Creek, Perry waited until dawn, giving his men and 
 horses a much-needed rest. In the gray of the morning, 
 when he could see the gleam of the river far below him, 
 he took up the march down through the wild gap in the 
 mountains. 
 
 In the open valley with his back to the Salmon River, 
 his front toward White Bird Canon, Joseph had pitched 
 his camp. It was concealed from Perry by the inequali 
 ties of the ground. Only the smoke from the camp-fires, 
 rising in the still air of the spring morning, indicated its 
 position. Silhouetted against the sky in the light of the 
 rising sun, illuminating the west side of White Bird 
 Creek, keen eyes in Joseph's camp discovered horsemen 
 at the head of the canon. A field-glass revealed the 
 soldiers. 
 
 As Joseph watched them the descent began. For an 
 instant all was confusion in the Indian camp. Some 
 thing like a panic began to develop. 
 
 "Let us cross over the river with the women and 
 children and abandon the camp," urged Ollicut. "The 
 soldiers will not be able to get at us there. " 
 
 White Bird, too, thought the advice was good, but 
 Joseph was in no mood for retreat. He resolved to re 
 main and give battle. With quick military instinct, he 
 sent the women and children with the spare horses down 
 the river behind the bluffs. He divided his two hundred 
 warriors into two bodies. One moiety he gave to White 
 Bird with instructions to move to the right, taking posi 
 tion just at the mouth of the canon behind the ample 
 cover afforded by ridges and ravines. With his own men, 
 he lined the buttes covering the space where the canon 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces n 
 
 debouched in the valley. His dispositions were admira 
 ble. He had set a trap for the soldiers. 
 
 The canon widened sufficiently as it descended to 
 permit the soldiers to approach in a column of fours. 
 No precaution was neglected. One hundred yards in 
 advance rode Lieutenant Theller with eight troopers. 
 Captain Perry with the volunteers and his own men 
 followed, and some fifty yards after this party, Trimble 
 with his troop. 
 
 Not an Indian was to be seen, but every man was on 
 the alert and ready. Suddenly, the buttes were lined with 
 Indians. Rifle-shots rang out; several bodies of mounted 
 Indians galloped between the buttes and charged to 
 ward the approaching column, yelling and firing. The 
 trap was sprung. From an elevated point Captain Perry 
 discovered that the level ground back of the buttes was 
 filled with Indians. Lieutenant Theller, upon whom the 
 first attack fell, deployed his squad of men and, by put 
 ting up a bold front, kept the Indians in check until 
 Captain Perry's company came up at a gallop. The vol 
 unteers seized the most commanding position on the 
 field, a hillock to the left. They at once dismounted and 
 opened fire. Perry dismounted and deployed his com 
 pany in a slight depression on the right of the volunteers, 
 backing up Theller who retreated on the main body in 
 good order. On the right of Perry, Trimble's company 
 galloped into line. 
 
 The soldiers were cool and determined. The firing 
 was fast and furious for a few moments. Several of the 
 troopers were hit; but there were no serious casualties. 
 The canon was filled with smoke. The Indians galloping 
 to and fro, those on foot scarcely exposing themselves 
 at all, escaped with little loss. As the exciting moments 
 fled away, White Bird gained his appointed position and 
 
12 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 suddenly appeared in force opposite the left flank of the 
 soldiers. At the same time, Joseph extended his line on 
 the right flank. To prevent his right from being turned 
 Perry detached Sergeant McCarthy with six men to 
 take position on the slope of the canon and hold it. 
 White Bird instantly attacked on the left and was com 
 pletely successful. The volunteers, losing two men, fled, 
 leaving the flank of Perry's company in the air. Joseph 
 seized the abandoned butte, the key to the position. 
 There were moments of confusion and alarm, but the 
 officers kept their men in hand. The troopers sprang 
 to their horses and slowly retreated up the canon, seeking 
 another ridge upon which to reform, fighting every foot 
 of the way. 
 
 They were furiously pressed by the Indians. In the 
 confusion, Trimble's troop gave back, leaving McCar 
 thy's band isolated and surrounded. Trimble rallied 
 them and charged the Indians; they were checked and 
 the retreat of the soldiers halted for the time being. 
 But they had lost their position and in a short time the 
 whole body was forced back for the second time. 
 Again brave McCarthy and his desperate six, who had 
 been grimly holding their place among the rocks, were 
 abandoned. 
 
 Lieutenant Parnell with a platoon of Trimble's troop 
 made a gallant charge to rescue them. The party was 
 brought off except two who were shot from their horses 
 and killed. Parnell and his men streamed up the canon 
 in a wild gallop after the flying main body. The officer 
 kept his head, however, and succeeded in rescuing an 
 other wounded man on the way. For these two exhibi 
 tions of distinguished gallantry he received a medal of 
 honor, as did McCarthy, the heroic sergeant. 
 
 There is no disguising the fact that the troops were 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 13 
 
 now panic-stricken. They had not looked for such fight 
 ing, such generalship. The officers displayed splendid 
 heroism, but unavailingly. Lieutenant Theller brought 
 up the rear. The Indians, by taking to ravines and in 
 tersecting canons, were able to intercept a number of 
 the soldiers who were pressed so hard that they had 
 retreated into one of the lateral canons. The rear-guard 
 was thus cut off. Unfortunately they retreated into a 
 cul-de-sac and were killed to the last man. Only the speed 
 of their horses saved the rest of the men from annihila 
 tion; as it was, Theller and thirty-six men were killed 
 and two desperately wounded. It was not until they got 
 out of the canon and the pursuit was abandoned that 
 Perry was able to bring them to a stand. The total 
 casualties among the troops were nearly forty per cent ! 
 
 The first blow in the grim little game had been struck 
 and all the honors were with Joseph. He had displayed 
 in this battle all the qualities of a soldier. He had demon 
 strated in force along the enemy's lines and had sud 
 denly attacked him heavily on the left flank. When the 
 enemy had retreated he had made use of his topograph 
 ical knowledge to intercept his rear-guard and cut it 
 to pieces. Throughout the battle he had been in the very 
 thick of the fighting. He had exposed himself to every 
 possible danger without hesitation. During this battle 
 Joseph's wife gave birth to a daughter. When he finally 
 gave up the struggle in Montana this was the only child 
 left him. And the baby was with him all through the 
 long retreat. 
 
 Now was seen the wisdom of Howard's orders for the 
 concentration of the troops. As the different troops re 
 ported, he despatched them to the front and presently 
 took the field with some three hundred soldiers. Joseph 
 still remained in the valley of the Salmon. On June 27th, 
 
14 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 his scouts reported the approach of Howard. Waiting 
 until Howard had almost reached the valley, Joseph 
 moved down the Salmon River a few miles, crossed it 
 and took up a strong position in the mountains on the 
 other side. He had chosen his position with as much 
 generalship as Washington displayed when he estab 
 lished his winter camp after Trenton and Princeton in 
 the hills about Morristown. He threatened everything. 
 
 General Howard thus comments on the strategy of 
 the great Nez Perce: "The leadership of Chief Joseph 
 was indeed remarkable. No general could have chosen 
 a safer position, or one that would be more likely to 
 puzzle and obstruct a pursuing foe. If we present a 
 weak force he can turn upon it. If we make direct pur 
 suit he can go southward toward Boise, for at least 
 thirty miles, and then turn our left. He can go straight 
 to his rear, and cross the Snake at Pittsburg Landing. 
 He can go on down the Salmon, and cross at several 
 places and then turn either to the left, for his old haunts 
 in the Wallowa Valley, or to the right and pass our flank 
 threatening our line of supply, while he has, at the same 
 time, a wonderful natural barrier between him and us 
 in the Salmon, a river that delights itself in its furious 
 flow." 
 
 The only way Howard could dislodge him was to 
 cross the Salmon River and attack him in the fastnesses 
 of the hills. Should he do that Joseph either could wait 
 his attack with splendid prospects of success, or he 
 could execute a counter-stroke by recrossing the Salmon 
 to the north and falling upon Howard's communica 
 tions. It was impossible for Howard to keep his army in 
 idleness staring at Joseph across the river. He decided 
 to follow him. Howard was not deceived as to the possi 
 bilities of the situation, for he despatched Major Whipple 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 15 
 
 with two troops of cavalry to move toward Cottonwood 
 Creek where Looking Glass and his men had encamped. 
 
 Looking Glass was very much disaffected, especially 
 since the news of the victory in White Bird Canon, and 
 Howard hoped to prevent him from joining Joseph. 
 Whipple had orders to force Looking Glass on the res 
 ervation. Incidentally, Whipple was to hold Joseph in 
 check in case he attempted to cut Howard's communi 
 cations. 
 
 Things did not happen as they were planned. Howard 
 crossed the Salmon River; Joseph made off to the north, 
 crossing the river with all his women, children and 
 horses; Whipple fell in with Looking Glass and suc 
 ceeded in capturing eight hundred ponies, but the chief 
 and his people escaped. Joseph descended from the 
 mountains and marched rapidly across Camas Prairie, 
 while Howard was still entangled in the mountain coun 
 try, and fell upon Whipple's force which was hastily 
 intrenched at Cottonwood Ranch. A scouting-party 
 under Lieutenant Rains,, comprising a sergeant and 
 nine men, was surrounded and killed to a man on the 
 3rd of July. On the 4th another party of civilians 
 proceeding to the succor of Whipple was surrounded, 
 its commander and others desperately wounded and the 
 whole party placed in grave peril from which they were 
 only extricated by a gallant cavalry charge by a troop 
 sent from the position to rescue them. Whipple was 
 closely invested. Howard learned of these disasters and 
 again acted promptly. He retraced his steps across the 
 Salmon, up White Bird Canon and followed Joseph 
 post-haste to the Cottonwood Ranch. 
 
 Joseph, well served by his scouts, was aware of 
 Howard's movements. He raised the siege and retreated 
 to the south fork of the Clearwater where it is joined by 
 
1 6 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Cottonwood Creek. There he effected a junction with 
 Looking Glass which raised his numbers to some two 
 hundred and fifty fighting men, with about four hundred 
 and fifty women and children. 
 
 His campaign so far had been a brilliant success. The 
 untried Nez Perce had beaten the enemy in detail. In 
 the face of a more numerous and entirely unencumbered 
 body of fighters, he had succeeded in concentrating his 
 own men, all this while accompanied by over two 
 thousand ponies, large herds of cattle, and his women 
 and children. 
 
 Joseph remained quiet waiting Howard's next move. 
 So soon as he got his little army in hand Howard, with 
 some four hundred men, mostly cavalry, with a small 
 body of artillery, and some mounted infantry, advanced 
 to attack him. Although greatly outnumbered Joseph 
 did not retreat. He had chosen his position on the bank 
 of the Clearwater, a mountain stream with steep banks 
 rising to level plateaus cut by deep ravines. On the banks 
 of the river he had thrown up some rude fortifications. 
 When Howard's army appeared, Joseph did not wait, 
 but instantly attacked him. Though his force was small 
 he made skilful attempts to outflank the American sol 
 diers and nearly succeeded. Indeed, only the timely 
 arrival of reinforcements prevented the capture of 
 Howard's supply-train. 
 
 The night of July nth left both contestants on the 
 field, each confident that the morrow would give him the 
 victory. There were a number of wounded among the 
 soldiers, and their condition was the more aggravated 
 because the Indians had seized the only spring whence 
 the troops could get water while the Indians held the 
 river. The fighting during the day had been fierce and 
 in several instances hand-to-hand. The Indians had 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 17 
 
 charged directly upon the troops again and again as 
 before led by Joseph in person. He seemed to bear a 
 charmed life for, although horses were killed under 
 him, he escaped without a wound. 
 
 The Indian fire was terribly accurate and very fatal, 
 the proportion of wounded to killed being about two 
 to one. "A large number of the casualties occurred in 
 the short time before each man had protected himself 
 by earth thrown up with his trowel bayonet. At one point 
 of the line, one man, raising his head too high, was shot 
 through the brain; another soldier, lying on his back 
 and trying to get the last few drops of warm water from 
 his canteen, was robbed of the water by a bullet taking 
 off the canteen's neck while it was at his lips. An officer, 
 holding up his arm, was shot through the wrist; another, 
 jumping to his feet for an instant, fell with a bullet 
 through the breast." * 
 
 The next day the battle was renewed. Howard, by 
 making good use of his artillery, succeeded in driving 
 the Indians back to their intrenchments. Employing 
 his preponderance of force he concentrated a column 
 under Maj. Marcus P. Miller, which he launched 
 against the Indian left. The cavalry charged most gal 
 lantly, and in spite of a desperate resistance crossed the 
 ravine and turned the Indian intrenchments, taking 
 them in reverse. Joseph's position was now untenable. 
 By a dashing countercharge he checked Miller, and by 
 a vigorous resistance he held off Howard so that he 
 finally brought off his force in good order. Extricating 
 himself with great skill he retreated up the river, crossing 
 it at Kamiah Ford where he halted ready for further 
 battle. 
 
 * Quotation from Col. C. E. S. Wood's brilliant article in the Century for 1884, 
 by permission or 1 the publishers. C. T. B. 
 
1 8 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 In these two days of hard fighting the troops lost 
 thirteen killed and twenty-seven wounded. The Nez 
 Perces lost twenty-three killed and forty-six wounded. 
 Forty were captured. Although defeated Joseph had not 
 lost credit. He had inflicted serious loss upon the enemy. 
 He had fought a two days' battle against a force out 
 numbering his own in the ratio of eight to five, and when 
 defeated had withdrawn in good order. He had reestab 
 lished himself in another formidable position. 
 
 General Howard's summary of the campaign thus 
 far is both just and generous: "The Indians had been 
 well led and well fought. They had defeated two com 
 panies in a pitched battle. They had eluded pursuit, and 
 crossed the Salmon. They had turned back and crossed 
 our communications, had kept our cavalry on the de 
 fensive, and defeated a company of volunteers. They 
 had been finally forced to concentrate, it is true, and 
 had been brought to battle. But, in battle with regular 
 troops, they had held out for nearly two days before 
 they were beaten, and after that were still able to keep 
 together, cross a river too deep to be forded, and then 
 check our pursuing cavalry and make off to other parts 
 beyond Idaho. The result would necessitate a long and 
 tedious chase. 
 
 "Still, on our side, the Indians had been stopped in 
 their murders, had been resolutely met everywhere, and 
 driven into position, and beaten; and, by subsequent 
 pursuit, the vast country was freed from their terrible 
 presence." 
 
 The indefatigable Howard marched up the Clear- 
 water in pursuit, and finding that Joseph's position at 
 Kamiah could not successfully be attacked in front he 
 proceeded past him to Dunnell's Ford, intending to cross 
 there and turn by the right flank and fall upon Joseph's 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 19 
 
 rear. Joseph divined this, and desiring to reorganize his 
 troops and prepare for a desperate venture he resorted 
 to stratagem for delay. He sent word to Howard that 
 he would like to talk with him. Howard thereupon 
 halted at Dunnell's Ford where Joseph sent one of his 
 warriors to talk with him, playing for time ! 
 
 Meanwhile, the Nez Perces made every preparation 
 to carry out the momentous decision to which their chief 
 had come. Since Idaho had become too hot for him, 
 Joseph determined to lead his people across the moun 
 tains to the hunting-ground in Montana and thence 
 to that haven of malcontent Indians, British Columbia. 
 Once across the British line they would be safe. This 
 involved a retreat of from fifteen hundred to two thou 
 sand miles with a certainty of pursuit. It meant hard 
 marching and harder fighting. It was a desperate reso 
 lution, but perhaps the only one save surrender which 
 he did not consider for a moment to which the great 
 Nez Perce could come. 
 
 "Joseph's last appeal was to call a council in the dale, 
 and passionately condemn the proposed retreat from 
 Idaho. 'What are we fighting for ?' he asked. 'Is it for 
 our lives ? No. It is for this land where the bones of our 
 fathers are buried. I do not want to take my women 
 among strangers. I do not want to die in a strange land. 
 Some of you tried to say once that I was afraid of the 
 whites. Stay here with me now and you shall have plenty 
 of fighting. We will put our women behind us in these 
 mountains and die on our own land fighting for them. 
 I would rather do that than run I know not where.'" * 
 
 He did not decide upon this course without great re 
 luctance. He knew that he was leaving, and probably 
 forever, the land which had been the home of his fathers. 
 
 * From Colonel Wood's Century article. C. T. B. 
 
2O Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Would he ever come back to it ? Would he ever reach 
 the desired haven across the far-off boundary line ? 
 
 Howard was soon convinced that Joseph had no in 
 tention of coming in, so he crossed the Clearwater and 
 struck for his rear in accordance with his plan. If he 
 could drive Joseph back toward the Salmon he could 
 get him eventually by surrounding him in the limited 
 country at his disposal for marching and righting. His 
 advance was delayed at Weippe on July I7th by a body 
 of Indians whom Joseph had thrown forward for that 
 purpose. This and the time lost in the negotiations gave 
 Joseph the start he wanted. When Howard with the loss 
 of one man killed and one wounded had dispersed the 
 Indians at Weippe and dashed down the river he dis 
 covered that Joseph was gone. With his flocks and his 
 herds, his women and his children, his old and his young, 
 he had struck the famous Lo-lo Trail and was hurrying 
 northward and eastward with all the speed he could 
 command. 
 
 There is no worse trail in North America than the 
 Lo-lo. At times it straggled over huge boulders and 
 jagged ravines; again through forests primeval, every 
 foot so encumbered with prostrate trees as to be well- 
 nigh impassable. 
 
 The following description of the trail and a typical 
 march of the troops over it is from the pen of Captain 
 Farrow: 
 
 "The ascent of the heights beyond Kamiah was tedi 
 ous in the extreme. It was raining hard, and the muddy, 
 slippery trail was almost impassable, filled with rugged 
 rocks and fallen timber. The descent to the Lo-lo Fork 
 was made by slipping, crawling and scrambling over 
 rocks and through thick underbrush. At the 'We-ipe' 
 was an opening in the forest with water and grass. Here 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 21 
 
 was a camp made for the weary, footsore animals and 
 exhausted men, after a sixteen mile march of the greatest 
 severity. 
 
 "The trail ahead being obstructed by fallen trees of 
 all sizes and descriptions, uprooted by the winds and 
 matted together in every possible troublesome way, 
 a company of forty ' pioneers,' with axes, was organized 
 and sent ahead to open the trail, wherever possible. It 
 is true that the Indians had gone over this trail ahead of 
 the troops; but they had jammed their ponies through, 
 over and under the rocks, around, over and under logs 
 and fallen trees and through the densest undergrowth, 
 and left blood to mark their path, with abandoned ani 
 mals with broken legs or stretched dead on the trail. 
 
 "It is remarkable that the average daily march of 
 sixteen miles was made over the Lo-lo Trail, when we 
 realize the necessity of climbing ridge after ridge, in the 
 wildest wilderness, the only possible passageway filled 
 with timber, small and large, crossed and crisscrossed. 
 The following, from the record of August 2nd, will serve 
 to show the nature of these daily marches: 
 
 "The command left camp at seven A.M. Artillery 
 at head of column. The trail led through woods of the 
 same general character; a 'slow trail,' owing to moun 
 tainous country and fallen timber. The summit of the 
 hills was covered with rough granite boulders, making 
 the path quite difficult. Our men travel it well, and are 
 in good order. We march sixteen miles and encamp on a 
 slope of the mountain. Poor grazing; the only feed 
 consists of wild dwarf lupine and wire-grass. Several 
 mules were exhausted, and some packs of bacon were 
 abandoned by the way. Dead and broken-down Indian 
 ponies very numerous along the trail. Camp made 
 about four P.M." 
 
22 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 The Indian, unlike the Arab, has no affection for his 
 horse. An Indian can get more out of a horse than any 
 other man on earth, because he doesn't hesitate to kill 
 him in the process. Joseph had enough horses to re 
 mount his tribe several times. The ponies were often 
 ridden until they dropped. The cavalry in pursuit had 
 no remounts. The infantry had to go afoot. That How 
 ard was able to keep so close behind the Indians is 
 marvelous. That the infantry could keep up is even 
 more remarkable. For seventy-five days the average 
 per diem of the soldiers, including all stops and halt- 
 ages, was eighteen miles. On one occasion the cavalry 
 marched one hundred and forty-five miles in four days. 
 On another the entire command, cavalry, infantry, and 
 wagons, seventy-five miles in three days. 
 
 The Indians marched greater distances. They were 
 forced to make wide detours while the pursuers followed 
 direct lines. Yet Joseph managed always to keep two 
 or three days ahead of Howard. 
 
 The telegraph had been busy and the troops in the 
 northern detachments were being made ready to inter 
 cept the Nez Perces. Captain C. C. Rawn commanded 
 Fort Missoula. With fifty regulars and one hundred 
 citizen volunteers he hastily fortified Lo-lo Pass 
 through the Coeur d'Alenes. When Joseph got there he 
 demanded free passage to march down the Bitter Root 
 Valley. He pledged himself to commit no depredations 
 if the permission were granted. Rawn refused except 
 on condition of Indian disarmament. On the failure of 
 negotiations Joseph, on July 28th, made a tremendous 
 demonstration in front of the works with a thin skirmish- 
 line, while he led the rest of his people through canons 
 hitherto impassable, over unheard mountain trails, past 
 the flank of Rawn's command and into the valley. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 23 
 
 Learning this too late to prevent it Rawn hastily moved 
 back on his rear-guard which was already slightly en 
 gaged. The citizens, realizing that Joseph had no in 
 tention of molesting them, deserted Rawn and there was 
 nothing left for him but to return to Missoula. 
 
 Joseph kept his word although there was no obligation 
 upon him to do so, since he had not been granted free 
 passage but had forced it. The inhabitants of the Bitter 
 Root Valley did a lucrative business with the Indians, 
 who were thus enabled to acquire much-needed supplies, 
 including guns and ammunition ! 
 
 From Helena, Montana, Gen. John Gibbon started 
 for Missoula with a portion of his regiment, the Seventh 
 Infantry. By hard marching he reached the fort August 
 3rd. With one hundred and forty-six men, seventeen 
 officers, and thirty-four citizen volunteers, he started 
 down the valley. He loaded his troops in wagons and 
 made splendid time in spite of bad roads and mountain- 
 ranges. Joseph, ignorant of the approach of Gibbon, 
 knowing that he was a long distance ahead of Howard, 
 moved leisurely and had no scouts out. 
 
 On the 8th of August, Gibbon's advance discovered 
 the Indians. At ten o'clock at night Gibbon, leaving his 
 wagons and his one piece of artillery with a small guard, 
 started for the camp. He reached the vicinity about two 
 o'clock in the morning. Without betraying his presence 
 he led his men to high ground one hundred and fifty 
 yards from the camp. Joseph had pitched his tepees in a 
 meadow on the south side of the Big Hole River. The 
 banks of the river were covered with a thick growth of 
 willows and underbrush. The meadow was rolling and 
 the farther side rose in hills covered with trees. The tree 
 clad hills bordered the river on the north side. From 
 Gibbon's position the smoldering fires disclosed the 
 
24 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Indian camp. The tepees were pitched in a V-shape 
 with the apex westward. Below were several hundred 
 ponies grazing and on the hills on the other side were 
 large herds. 
 
 As day broke the soldiers advanced. Captains Comba 
 and Sanno deployed their men and, dropping down the 
 bluffs, waded silently through the river flowing breast- 
 high. Captains Logan and Rawn swung to the right to 
 attack the Indians on the left flank. Lieutenant Bradley, 
 supported by Captain Williams, moved to the left to 
 cut off the herd. The advance was made in perfect 
 silence until one of the herd guards detected Bradley's 
 movement. He fired a shot and gave the alarm. Gibbon's 
 orders had been that so soon as the first shot was fired 
 the men were to charge. 
 
 Dashing across the river and forcing their way through 
 the undergrowth they fell on the camp like a storm. The 
 surprise was complete. The Indians had barely time to 
 seize their weapons and fly. In twenty minutes after the 
 signal was given the camp was in Gibbon's hands. 
 
 "The soldiers poured into the camp, firing into the 
 tepees, and, in the gray light, shooting indiscriminately 
 everything that moved. Naked warriors, with only their 
 rifles and cartridge-belts, ran into the willows and to the 
 prairie knolls overlooking the camp and instantly from 
 these positions of vantage opened a telling fire. Women 
 and children, roused from sleep, ran away screaming 
 with terror, or surrounded by enemies, begged by signs 
 for mercy. (It is needless to say that no women or chil 
 dren were intentionally killed.) Some few women armed 
 themselves in desperation, but most of them fled or hid 
 under the overhanging banks of the creek or in the 
 bushes." * 
 
 * From Colonel Wood's Century article. C. T. B. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Percys 25 
 
 In every other Indian battle which I have considered 
 such a surprise meant a crushing defeat for the Indians 
 and the destruction of the camp. Not so in this instance. 
 Joseph, White Bird, and Looking Glass at once rallied 
 their men. The Indians fled to the thickets on the banks 
 of the river and the wooded knolls and bluffs surround 
 ing the camp. Some of them took shelter in the river 
 itself. Logan's men, having crossed the river, found the 
 Indians on their backs. The battle was sharp and 
 furious. The casualties on both sides were fearful. Again 
 and again- the Indians made charges on the soldiers in 
 the village, and the fighting was hand-to-hand. Instead 
 of a victory Gibbon found that he was fighting for life. 
 The Indian riflemen and these Indians could shoot 
 straighter than any on the continent were decimating 
 his men. 
 
 Forming his command in two lines back-to-back, 
 Gibbon charged through the undergrowth in both direc 
 tions. The Indians retreated a short distance and finally 
 checked the charges and began to swarm into the 
 meadow. Gibbon had to retire or be cut to pieces. He 
 recrossed the river and took position on a wooded knoll 
 well adapted for defense. The Nez Perces attacked him 
 furiously, and under cover of their own fire broke camp 
 and sent the women, children, and horses to the south 
 ward. 
 
 The fighting raged all day. Joseph tried every device 
 to dislodge the soldiers. He set fire to the grass and 
 would have burned them out had not a fortunate change 
 of wind turned the fire away at that critical moment. 
 At eleven o'clock at night Joseph withdrew. Gibbon had 
 lost three officers killed or mortally wounded, Captain 
 Logan and Lieutenants Bradley and English. Four 
 officers wounded, including himself, Captain Williams 
 
26 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 with two wounds, and Lieutenants Coolidge and Wood 
 ruff with three each. Twenty-one soldiers were dead and 
 six civilians. There were thirty-one soldiers and four 
 civilians wounded, making a total loss out of one hun 
 dred and ninety of sixty-nine. 
 
 During the day the wagon-train was attacked by a 
 detachment. The howitzer which was being brought up 
 to the battle-field was captured, one of the detachment 
 killed, three others wounded. The howitzer was dis 
 mantled and twenty-five hundred rounds of ammunition 
 seized. Gibbon had sent messages to Howard of his 
 predicament and on the I2th, the day after the fighting, 
 Howard arrived with an advance-party of fifty of his 
 best mounted men. Taking with him a number of volun 
 teers from Gibbon's command Howard pushed on after 
 Joseph while Gibbon, with his wounded, returned to 
 Fort Missoula. 
 
 The account of this battle given to General Howard 
 in General Gibbon's own words, in the latter' s camp, is 
 most interesting:* 
 
 "When the Nez Perces had avoided Rawn with his 
 small force, in the Lo-lo, they ascended the Bitter Root. 
 At first they traveled slowly enough, delaying to trade 
 with inhabitants. Wasn't it a shame in those Bitter 
 Root people to traffic with the horrid murderers, giving 
 them fresh horses, and all sorts of provisions, as readily 
 as if they had been the best friends in the world ? I am 
 glad to say that one man had courage enough to shut 
 his store in their faces. I set out with a little short of one 
 hundred and fifty rifles, on the 4th (August, 1879), 
 from Missoula, using wagons, to make all the distance 
 possible. I don't think we could have got through to this 
 
 * Quoted from General Howard's book, " Chief Joseph, His Pursuit and Capture." 
 C. T. B. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 27 
 
 place, if I hadn't been most lucky in running across 
 Mr. Blodget, a frontiersman, who had piloted wagons 
 over this country before. The packs were on hand, if we 
 had failed with the wagon-train. Wasn't it a rough road, 
 though ? It took us a long time to get over the divides, 
 but in the bottoms we made grand time. 
 
 "We ran across a number of the Indians' camps, and 
 they made some twelve or fifteen miles a day; so that, by 
 doubling on them, I knew I would, in time, catch up. 
 But we were delayed beyond measure at the Rocky 
 Mountains. Our men had to draw the wagons up with 
 ropes. It took us hours to get to the top. Well, we ac 
 complished it, and worked our way down this slope, 
 into Big Hole; rested a while; then leaving a small de 
 tachment, three or four miles back, with the howitzer, 
 where you saw the camp, with the remainder I came on, 
 slowly and silently, under cover of the night. We heard 
 the sound of Indian ponies on the next spur, over there, 
 to my left. Pushing along quietly between them and the 
 bottom, we at last discovered the Indian lodges. 
 
 "Here I halted my command, for it was altogether 
 too dark to move to the attack. We could catch sounds 
 from the tepees; occasionally a dog would bark, or 
 a child cry; but, evidently, our presence was not dis 
 covered. 
 
 " On the edge of the bottom, I deployed my companies 
 into line, putting the citizens on the left, for quite a num 
 ber of them had volunteered to come on and help us. 
 You notice the big sloughs there beside the creek ! The 
 willows are thicker in spots. The command now moved 
 forward rapidly; but the Indians discovered the attack 
 as soon as we had started, and several of them put them 
 selves across this creek, into that bend, and, using the 
 bank as cover, opened fire. Some of our men swept past 
 
28 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 these, and through the tepees, driving the Indians be 
 fore them.* 
 
 "At first we had passed the low ground, and had 
 taken the camp, and appeared to have carried every 
 thing; but I soon found that the Indians had not given 
 up. Some were in the willows, working as skirmishers; 
 some rallied up yonder on the hill, and started across 
 the bottom to retake their herd, while others got be 
 hind the trees and rocks, and were picking off our men, 
 one by one, and you know, we couldn't well spare any. 
 Some of my officers were wounded already, and myself 
 among the number. 
 
 "At last I ordered the move back to this side, and 
 we took this wooded point. Here we were a good deal 
 exposed to the sharp-shooters, and several officers were 
 wounded, but we drove them back, defeated every at 
 tempt to assault our camp, and inflicted great loss upon 
 the Indians. Of course they yelled, crept up close at 
 times, fired, and set the grass on fire, but all that time 
 we were digging those trenches, and barricading, giving 
 to the hostiles as good as they sent. 
 
 "Next day, until night, parties of them were lurking 
 about, between me and my train. The attempt to fetch 
 up the howitzer brought on a severe skirmish, and the 
 howitzer was lost; but that night (evening of the I oth) 
 the last of them gave us a sharp volley, about eleven 
 o'clock, and cleared out. And here you find us, some 
 killed, many wounded, but in no way discouraged. " 
 
 Eighty-nine dead Indians were left on the field, a 
 number of them beingwomen and children. Among them 
 
 * "He pointed to where women, during the battle, with their little ones in their arms, 
 had waded into the deep water to avoid the firing; and told me how it touched his heart 
 when two or three extended their babies toward him, and looked as pleasant and wistful 
 as they could for his protection; this was while the balls were whistling through the 
 willows near by." GENERAL HOWARD. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 29 
 
 was Looking Glass. The honors of the fight were with 
 Joseph. That he was not annihilated after the surprise 
 was wonderful. Joseph crossed the Bitter Root Moun 
 tains into Idaho again and made his way westward over 
 Camas Meadows. He succeeded in getting two hundred 
 and fifty fresh horses here with which to remount his 
 people. On the 2Oth of August, Howard, believing him 
 self to be only one day behind Joseph, halted to give 
 some rest to his exhausted men. He had sent a detach 
 ment under Lieutenant Bacon to seize Thacher's Pass, 
 the entrance into the Yellowstone Park, for which he 
 believed the Indians were heading. Bacon, traveling 
 on inside lines, reached the pass in plenty of time; but 
 seeing no Indians, after waiting a couple of days con 
 cluded to rejoin the main body and marched away, 
 leaving the pass open. 
 
 Joseph had no mind to enter it without crossing swords 
 with Howard again. He knew of the absence of Bacon's 
 detachment. Forming forty of his men in a column 
 of fours he boldly advanced toward the camp, trusting 
 that they would be mistaken for Bacon's detachment. 
 The sentry, completely deceived by the soldierlike ap 
 pearance of the approaching column in the darkness, 
 allowed them to draw near before he challenged and 
 gave the alarm. The Indians immediately deployed 
 and dashed for the herd into which daring Indian scouts 
 had already penetrated. Fortunately for Howard the 
 cavalry-horses had been picketed for the night and only 
 the pack-mules were stampeded. They were driven off 
 under cover of a terrific fire upon the camp from the 
 mounted Indians. 
 
 Howard immediately ordered his cavalry in pursuit 
 of Joseph. The Indians retreated rapidly until the pur 
 suing troops fell into a cunningly contrived ambush. 
 
30 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 The Indians attacked them in the center and on both 
 flanks amid some rocky lava-beds to the northward of 
 the road. So sudden was the attack that the cavalry 
 retreated post-haste. Norwood's company was not able 
 to get off with the others and was surrounded. Fortu 
 nately they were caught in a strong defensive position. 
 The men dismounted and made a gallant fight of it 
 until Howard came to their relief with the main body. 
 Some of the mules were recaptured, but were not re 
 tained, and the command, as the result of this brilliant 
 midnight dash, found itself without a pack-train. As 
 Joseph phrased it, he was tired of having General 
 Howard on his heels and he wanted "to put him afoot." 
 He nearly succeeded in his purpose. 
 
 Howard was forced to halt until he could supply the 
 mules that he had lost and get supplies from Virginia 
 City for his men who were by this time in a state of 
 destitution. Joseph marched through Yellowstone Park 
 over trails hitherto considered impassable. He sur 
 prised a party of tourists there, killed or wounded the 
 men and captured the women. The women were well 
 treated and finally released unharmed. Joseph feared 
 they might fall into the hands of the young braves. 
 So by his direction White Bird led them secretly to their 
 ponies, mounted them and assisted in their escape. He 
 dismissed them with these words, " Go. That is the way. 
 Do not stop to water your horses. Hurry ! Hurry !" 
 
 Howard was soon on the trail again. Where Joseph 
 had gone he could go, what the Nez Perces had sur 
 mounted the soldiers could overcome. He was close on 
 Joseph's track when the Nez Perces entered Wyoming. 
 oseph delayed him by burning Baronet's Bridge 
 over the Clarke Fork of the Yellowstone and entered 
 Montana. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 31 
 
 Captain Farrow thus describes the march through 
 the Yellowstone country : 
 
 "August 23rd, the command was nearing the head 
 waters of the Snake River and camped in a beautiful 
 glade between the Snake and a small tributary. Here 
 preparations were made for an early and forced march 
 to 'Thatcher's Pass,' the entrance to the Yellowstone 
 country, hoping to force the Indians, only a few miles 
 ahead, to battle before they could enter the pass. Lieu 
 tenant Bacon and his party, on arrival two days pre 
 viously at Henry Lake, which was in plain sight of 
 Thatcher's Pass, not seeing any Indians, had turned 
 back and took up a stern chase to overtake the com 
 mand. The exhausted troops went into camp at Henry 
 Lake for four days, and supplies and some fresh stock 
 were rushed from Virginia City, seventy miles away. 
 Then, on the morning of August 2yth, the command, 
 by a brisk movement, passed around Henry Lake, on 
 through the mountain gorge to fields of danger and suf 
 fering still unknown. 
 
 "Here began the march through the rough western 
 gateway into the National Park. For the first three days 
 a most pleasant change was afforded by the beautiful 
 mountain streams, lengthy openings, grassy bottoms, 
 and numerous 'buttes,' beautifully dressed with trees. 
 Then came the magnificent geyser landscape, with its 
 vast seas of barren sulphur-crust. 
 
 "Here a party of tourists had been surprised and 
 taken by the Indians. In this party were the wife 
 of Mr. Cowan and her sister and brother. These 
 were spared by Joseph and under protection were 
 sent to the pursuing column. Two of the men in the 
 party attempted to escape from the Indians. One 
 was killed, but Mr. Cowan and a Mr. Oldham, left 
 
32 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 unconscious, recovered and found their way into 
 camp. 
 
 "A picket-post was established on a woody height, 
 a little south of the camp. From this point, a barren 
 sulphur plain stretched to the south, filled with beauti 
 ful mounds and water-spouts, many of them throwing 
 immense jets of water high into the air. These strange 
 phenomena were witnessed and investigated by the 
 officers and men with much delight. One of the most 
 curious results of the intense chemical actions in prog 
 ress were numerous muddy fermentations of various 
 colors, from clayey white, through various shades of red, 
 purple and brown, to black. There was no end of sur 
 prises in this wonderful country. 
 
 "Following the Indians' crooked trail, the command 
 ascended a steep and difficult mountain, bristled with 
 forests of small trees. Numerous forest fires had swept 
 over these trees and had killed and hardened them. 
 After a laborious zigzag climb, the top of this moun 
 tain was reached and camp made just beyond Mary 
 Lake, a beautiful sheet of water on the very mountain- 
 top. 
 
 "Joseph crossed the Yellowstone and went up the 
 river toward the Yellowstone Lake and then proceeded 
 along a tributary creek in the direction of Stinking 
 Water River; and then, turning squarely to the left (be 
 cause the prairie ahead of him was on fire and burning), 
 made his way through a dense and tangled forest. 
 General Howard took a course on the Chord of the Arc 
 traveled by the Indians and thus saved nearly one 
 hundred miles. He abandoned his wagorifc and with a 
 pack-train proceeded over fearful steeps, through 
 Devil's Canon, across deep and rough ravines, to 
 Baronet's Bridge on the Yellowstone. At this point 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 33 
 
 the hostile Indians were abreast of the troops on the 
 other side of the Yellowstone. 
 
 "The Indians had burnt a portion of Baronet's 
 Bridge, a light structure across the Yellowstone torrent. 
 This bridge was repaired in a few hours by the troops, 
 bringing into requisition all the lumber which constitut 
 ed Mr. Baronet's small house, which stood a few hun 
 dred yards away, on Joseph's side of the river. This was 
 a shaky structure, fifty feet above the torrent, with 
 slight intermediary support, as patched up by the im 
 provised bridgemen. The command crossed in safety, 
 and proceeded down the river twenty miles to Mam 
 moth Falls, finding abundant evidence of murder and 
 rapine all along the way. 
 
 "At Mammoth Falls, it was learned that Lieutenant 
 Gilbert, with two companies of cavalry, had been there 
 a few hours before; but the proximity of the hostile 
 Indians and want of knowledge of the whereabouts of 
 General Howard's command, caused him to make a 
 remarkable detour, finally striking General Howard's 
 trail one hundred miles in his rear. He made a stern 
 chase after General Howard until his horses were ex 
 hausted, and then, in weariness, turned back to Fort 
 Ellis." 
 
 The Seventh Cavalry was in the field. Six companies 
 of it under the command of Colonel Sturgis endeavored 
 to head off Joseph. Sturgis threw himself across Joseph's 
 route so that the Nez Perces were between him and 
 Howard. Joseph, however, outwitted Sturgis. Feinting 
 flight along the Stinking Water River when Sturgis 
 rushed after him in hot pursuit, Joseph by a forced 
 march through a dense forest, which concealed his 
 movements, avoided him and crossed the Yellowstone, 
 escaping from between the two. 
 
34. Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Sturgis soon found that he had been tricked and turn 
 ing pursued the Nez Perce with all the speed of his 
 fresh horses. He came up with him on the I3th of Sep 
 tember at Canon Creek and at once attacked him with 
 three hundred and fifty men. The troops advanced most 
 gallantly. The Indians occupied the ridges on either side 
 of the canon, from which they were driven by a series of 
 magnificent charges. Every step of the retreat, however, 
 was marked by hard fighting for delay, and when night 
 fell Joseph again succeeded in making his escape. The 
 soldiers lost three killed and eleven wounded. Twenty- 
 one Nez Perces were killed and, most serious loss, 
 Sturgis captured nine hundred ponies. But Sturgis had 
 shot his bolt. His men and horses were in a state of com 
 plete exhaustion. He could pursue no farther. 
 
 Away off to the eastward at Fort Keogh was General 
 Miles with detachments of the Fifth Infantry and the 
 Second and Seventh Cavalry. Messengers were sped to 
 him from Howard and Sturgis, detailing the escape of 
 the Nez Perces and suggesting that he march to intercept 
 them. In order to give him time to catch Joseph, Howard 
 and Sturgis deliberately delayed their pursuit, knowing 
 from experience that the great Nez Perce would keep 
 just so far ahead of them. 
 
 Joseph moved forward leisurely with the remnant of 
 his tribe. On the 23rd of September he crossed the Mis 
 souri at Cow Island, the head of low-water navigation 
 and a large freight depot. Twelve men and a sergeant 
 in a small fort guarded the place. Joseph destroyed a 
 wagon-train, and after replenishing his stores, burned 
 the rest of the freight at the station. The fort was stoutly 
 defended, although three of the garrison were killed in an 
 attack upon it. Joseph wasted no time over it and at once 
 moved northward. On this march, Major Ilges, with a 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 35 
 
 troop of the Seventh Cavalry, came down from Fort 
 Benton by steamer and came in touch with him. Joseph 
 easily repulsed his small force and after a slight loss 
 Ilges wisely retired. 
 
 Joseph finally halted on Snake Creek on the north 
 slope of the Bear Paw Mountains within a short dis 
 tance of the boundary line. It would have been quite 
 easy for him to cross the line and thus make good his 
 escape. Yet his men and horses were tired beyond meas 
 ure. He had many wounded. Hunting was good. He 
 determined to rest there. 
 
 By this time Howard and Sturgis had been left far in 
 the rear. Joseph knew that he had nothing to apprehend 
 from them. He was ignorant of Miles' expedition. He 
 made his great mistake by not having scouts scouring 
 the country in all directions, in which case he might 
 have given the pursuing soldiers the slip and crossed the 
 boundary line. 
 
 Miles had with him two troops of the Second Cavalry, 
 three of the Seventh, four companies of the Fifth In 
 fantry mounted on captured Indian ponies, a Catling 
 and a twelve pound Napoleon cannon and a wagon-train, 
 with two unmounted companies of the Fifth Infantry as 
 a guard. He moved with great rapidity from Fort Keogh 
 to the junction of the Mussel Shell and the Missouri. 
 He believed that the Indians were south of the latter 
 river, but learned that they had crossed at Cow Island 
 some eighty miles to the westward a short time before. 
 Fortunately he had detained the last steamer of the 
 season. By means of this his troops were ferried across 
 the river on the 25th of September. He marched north 
 and then westward along the north slope of the Little 
 Rockies, heading toward the Bear Paw Mountains where 
 he had learned Joseph had halted. At 2:30 A.M., on the 
 
36 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 3rd of October, he broke camp and started for the mouth 
 of Snake Creek. A few hours later his scouts apprised 
 him of the location of Joseph's camp which was some 
 six or eight miles farther on. 
 
 The weather was extremely stormy and inclement. 
 "My God!" exclaimed Captain Hale as they stopped 
 to get in shape for the last dash, "have I got to go out 
 ana be killed in such cold weather !" The men were in 
 excellent spirits. The march was taken up at a trot which 
 soon became a gallop. In high glee they raced along. 
 Early in the morning they came in sight of the Indian 
 camp. It was spread along a crescent-shaped ravine 
 from which a number of lateral ravines opened, and the 
 whole position was dominated by high bluffs. Miles de 
 ployed his troops on the run. A battalion of the Second 
 Cavalry was ordered to swing to the left and cut off the 
 herds which were grazing on a high plateau behind the 
 camp. The Seventh Cavalry supported by the Fifth 
 Infantry was to make a direct attack upon the camp. 
 
 The surprise was not complete. The troops came into 
 view in time for the Indians to prepare for them. The 
 inequalities of the ground caused the Second Cavalry 
 to incline to the left farther than was intended. They 
 were not seriously engaged, but succeeded in getting 
 possession of the greater part of the horses. The three 
 troops of the Seventh Cavalry became separated in the 
 advance. Captain Hale leading the battalion with K 
 Troop struck the enemy first. The slaughter among his 
 men was frightful. Captains Godfrey and Moylan found 
 further progress checked by a high bluff lined with fire 
 which they could not scale. The two captains promptly 
 moved their troops to the rear and then marched them 
 by the right flank to join K Troop. Godfrey, keeping 
 between his men and the Indians, had his horse shot 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 37 
 
 under him. The animal fell so suddenly that he pitched 
 the officer on the ground where he lay stunned. Trum 
 peter Herwood left the line and interposed between 
 Godfrey and the advancing Indians until the prostrate 
 soldier could scramble to his feet. Moylan was severely 
 wounded. By this time the two troops had joined Hale, 
 and the whole party, save the officer, dismounted and 
 advanced. They got within twenty yards of the Indians. 
 Hale was shot and instantly killed yes, on that cold 
 morning ! Godfrey was shot from his horse. Lieutenant 
 Biddle was killed. In that fierce battle there was but one 
 officer of the battalion, Lieutenant Eckestrom, unwound- 
 ed. The battalion lost fifty-three killed and wounded 
 out of one hundred and fifteen. K Troop's loss was over 
 sixty per cent. 
 
 But the men held on and drove the Indians back to 
 the ravines behind the camp. By this time the Fifth In 
 fantry had got into action and also the Second Cavalry 
 and the battle was general. The troops made several 
 charges, but could not rush the camp. By contracting 
 their lines, however, they drove the Indians closer and 
 closer together. The position was splendidly defensible, 
 and Miles, after making several attempts to dislodge the 
 Nez Perces, in which Carter's company of the Fifth In 
 fantry lost over thirty-five per cent, concluded that he 
 would have to starve them out. White Bird and a number 
 of others, estimated from twenty to fifty, succeeded in 
 making their escape. They crossed into British Columbia 
 and joined Sitting Bull. 
 
 Miles' position was precarious. Sitting Bull with two 
 thousand Indians was only a day's march to the north 
 of him. If he could be persuaded to join Joseph the situa 
 tion would be terrible. Sitting Bull, however, had had 
 enough of Miles and refused. The artillery was brought 
 
38 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 up and the Indian camp was shelled with fearful effect. 
 Miles sent word to Howard that he had Joseph corralled 
 at last and that gallant officer dashed off with a few men 
 and joined Miles on the 3rd of October. The weather 
 was very cold and snowy and both sides suffered severely. 
 Joseph afterward stated that he could have escaped 
 if he had abandoned his women, children, and wounded. 
 Unwilling to do this there was nothing left him but sur 
 render, fle gave up the unequal game on the 4th of 
 October. Surely he had fought a good fight ! In the battle 
 Miles had lost twenty-four killed and fifty wounded, or 
 over twenty per cent of his force. Joseph had lost seven 
 teen killed. He surrendered eighty-seven warriors, of 
 whom forty were wounded, one hundred and eighty-four 
 squaws, and one hundred and forty-seven children. This 
 was his pathetic message to General Howard: 
 
 Tell General Howard that I know his heart. What he told me 
 before I have it in my heart. I am tired of fighting. Our chiefs are 
 killed. Looking Glass is dead. Too-bul-hul-suit is dead. The old men 
 are all dead. It is the young men now, who say "yes" or "no" [that 
 is, vote in council]. He who led the young men [Joseph's brother 
 Ollicut] is dead. It is cold, and we have no blankets. The little children 
 are freezing to death. My people some of them have run away 
 to the hills, and have no blankets, no food. No one knows where they 
 are perhaps freezing to death. I want to have time to look for my 
 children, and to see how many of them I can find; maybe I shall find 
 them among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs, my heart is sick and sad. 
 From where the sun now stands, I will fight no more forever. 
 
 Colonel Wood thus describes the scene and pictures 
 the great chieftain: 
 
 "It was nearly sunset when Joseph came to deliver 
 himself up. He rode from his camp in the little hollow. 
 His hands were clasped over the pommel of his saddle 
 and his rifle lay across his knees; his head was bowed 
 
Maj.-Gen. O. O. Howard, U. S. A. (Retired) 
 
Chief Joseph Surrenders to Gen. Miles 
 From where the sun now stands I fight no more with the white 
 
 man 
 
The Epic of the Nez Percys 39 
 
 down. Pressing around him walked five of his warriors; 
 their faces were upturned and earnest as they murmured 
 to him; but he looked neither to the right nor to the left, 
 yet seemed to listen intently. So the little group came 
 slowly up the hill to where General Howard, with an 
 aide-de-camp, and General Miles waited to receive the 
 surrender. As he neared them, Joseph sat erect in the 
 saddle, then gracefully and with dignity swung himself 
 down from his horse, and with an impulsive gesture 
 threw his arm to its full length and offered his rifle to 
 General Howard. The latter motioned him toward 
 General Miles, who received the token of submission. 
 
 " Those present shook hands with Joseph, whose worn 
 and anxious face lighted with a sad smile as silently 
 he took each offered hand. Then, turning away, he 
 walked to the tent provided for him. 
 
 " His scalp-lock was tied with otter fur. The rest of his 
 hair hung in a thick plait on each side of his head. He 
 wore buckskin leggings and a gray woolen shawl, 
 through which were the marks of four or five bullets 
 received in this last conflict. His head and wrist were 
 also scratched with bullets." 
 
 Perhaps one of the truest tests of greatness is ability 
 to bear worthily defeat. By any standard Joseph acquit 
 ted himself well in this his most trying hour. 
 
 Joseph, whose force never amounted to three hun 
 dred fighting men, had engaged at different times some 
 two thousand soldiers. Of these one hundred and twenty- 
 six had been killed and one hundred and forty wounded. 
 During the long retreat and the hard fighting Joseph 
 had lost one hundred and fifty-one killed and eighty- 
 eight wounded. He had fought eleven engagements, five 
 being pitched battles, of which he had won three, 
 drawn one and lost one. Some of the troops in pursuit 
 
4-Q Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 of him had marched sixteen hundred miles. His own 
 march had been at least two thousand miles. This con 
 stitutes a military exploit of the first magnitude and 
 justly entitled the great Indian to take rank among the 
 great Captains. 
 
 Joseph claimed, and there is no doubt as to the facts, 
 that General Miles agreed that the remnant of the Nez 
 Perces should be returned to Idaho. How did the United 
 States keep that promise? It repudiated it entirely! 
 Joseph and his band were sent down to Fort Leaven- 
 worth. I saw them often during the winter. In the spring 
 they were given the unhealthiest reservation in the In 
 dian Territory. These were mountain Indians, not used 
 to the hot malarious climate of low lands and low lati 
 tudes. They died like sheep. Joseph protested in vain. 
 To the everlasting credit of General Miles he also used 
 his powerful influence in order to have the tardy Gov 
 ernment keep faith with its poor captives. It was not until 
 1885 that the Indians were sent back to their beloved 
 mountain home. 
 
 The other day a gray-headed old chief, nodding by 
 the fire, dreaming perhaps of days of daring and deeds 
 of valor, by which, savage though he was, he had written 
 his name on the pages of history, slipped quietly to the 
 ground and fell into his eternal sleep. Peaceful ending 
 for the Indian Xenophon, the Red Napoleon of the West ! 
 
 In reviewing this remarkable campaign, General 
 Howard said : * 
 
 "I was sent to conduct a war without regard to der 
 partment and division lines. This was done with all the 
 energy, ability and help at my command, and the cam 
 paign was brought to a successful issue. As soon as the 
 Indians reached General Terry's department, Gibbon 
 
 * Op. cit., p. 171, et seq. C. T. B. 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 41 
 
 was despatched to strike his blow; then Sturgis, in close 
 alliance, and, finally, Miles, in the last terrible battle. 
 These troops participated in the struggle with exposure, 
 battle, and loss, as we have seen. They enjoyed the ap 
 preciation and thanks of their seniors in command, and 
 of their countrymen. But when, with the fullness of an 
 honest and generous recognition of the work, gallantry, 
 losses, and success of all cooperating forces, I turn my 
 attention to the troops that fought the first battle, and 
 then pursued the swift -footed fugitives with unparalleled 
 vigor and perseverance, amid the severest privations, 
 far more than a thousand miles, would it be wonderful 
 if I magnified their doings, and gave them, were it 
 possible, even an overplus of praise for the part they 
 bore in this campaign ? 
 
 "At the obstructing barricades in Montana, which 
 were dangerous to pass, Looking Glass appeared as the 
 diplomat. He succeeded by his ability in deceiving the 
 commander of the defenses, and brought past the hin 
 dering works Joseph's whole people in complete safety. 
 He was killed and buried under the river-bank at 
 Gibbon's battle-field in Montana. 
 
 "After Gibbon's battle, Joseph showed his influence 
 over the Indians by rallying them on a height, just be 
 yond the reach of the long-range rifles. He gathered the 
 warriors, recovered lost ground, and recaptured his 
 numerous herd of ponies, which had already been cut 
 off by Gibbon's men, buried the most of his dead, and 
 made good his retreat before the force with me was near 
 enough to harm him. Few military commanders, with 
 good troops, could better have recovered after so fearful 
 a surprise. 
 
 "At the Camas Meadows, not far from Henry Lake, 
 Joseph's night march, his surprise of my camp and 
 
42 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 capture of over a hundred animals, and, after a slight 
 battle, making a successful escape, showed an ability 
 to plan and execute equal to that of many a partisan 
 leader whose deeds have entered into classic story. 
 
 "Again, his quick penetration into my plan of delay 
 ing my march between the Mussel shell and the Mis 
 souri, so as to make all speed, cross the broad river at 
 Cow Island, defeat the guard, and then destroy an im 
 mense freight-wagon-train, replenish his supplies, and 
 make off beyond danger from the direct pursuit, is not 
 often equaled in warfare. 
 
 "And even at the last, the natural resources of his 
 mind did not fail him. Broken in pieces by Miles' furi 
 ous and unexpected assault; burdened with his women, 
 children, and plunder; suffering from the loss of his still 
 numerous though badly crippled herd of ponies, yet 
 he was able to intrench, and hold out for several days 
 against twice his numbers, and succeeded in pushing 
 out beyond the white man's pickets a part of his rem 
 nant to join his allies in Canada. 
 
 " From the beginning of the Indian pursuit across the 
 Lo-lo Trail, until the embarkation on the Missouri River 
 for the homeward journey, including all halts and stop 
 pages, from July 27th to October loth, my command 
 marched one thousand three hundred and twenty-one 
 miles in seventy-five days. Joseph, the Indian, taking 
 with him his men, women, and children, traversed even 
 greater distances, for he had to make many a loop in 
 his skein, many a deviation into a tangled thicket, to 
 avoid or deceive his enemy. 
 
 "So that whichever side of the picture we examine, we 
 find there evidence of wonderful energy and prolonged 
 endurance. It will be, indeed, fortunate for mankind, if 
 these same qualities which we cannot help commending, 
 
The Epic of the Nez Perces 4.3 
 
 can hereafter be turned into a common channel, and 
 used for the promotion of the arts of peace. What 
 glorious results would have been effected, could these 
 non-treaties have received the same direction that the 
 worthy missionaries were, in early days, able to give 
 to the remainder of their tribe, and have shown the 
 same ability and persistence in peace that they did dur 
 ing this fearful Indian War." 
 
CHAPTER TWO 
 Chief Joseph's Own Story 
 
 With an Introduction by the Rt. Rev. W. H. Hare, D.D., 
 Bishop of South Dakota * 
 
 I WISH that I had words at command in which 
 to express adequately the interest with which I 
 have read the extraordinary narrative which 
 follows, and which I have the privilege of in 
 troducing to the readers of this Review. I feel, how 
 ever, that this apologia is so boldly marked by the charm 
 ing naivete and tender pathos which characterizes the 
 red-man, that it needs no introduction, much less any 
 authentication; while in its smothered fire, in its deep 
 sense of eternal righteousness and of present evil, and 
 in its hopeful longings for the coming of a better time, 
 this Indian chief's appeal reminds us of one of the old 
 Hebrew prophets of the days of the Captivity. 
 
 I have no special knowledge of the history of the Nez 
 Perces, the Indians whose tale of sorrow Chief Joseph 
 so pathetically tells my Indian missions lying in a 
 part at the West quite distant from their old home 
 
 *This and the following chapter are taken from The North American Review for 
 1879, by the gracious permission of Messrs. Harper and Brothers, the present publishers 
 of the magazine and the owners of the copyright. C. T. B. 
 
 44 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 45 
 
 and am not competent to judge their case upon its 
 merits. The chief's narrative is, of course, ex parte, and 
 many of his statements would no doubt be ardently 
 disputed. General Howard, for instance, can hardly 
 receive justice at his hands, so well known is he for his 
 friendship to the Indian and for his distinguished suc 
 cess in pacifying some of the most desperate. 
 
 It should be remembered, too, in justice to the army, 
 that it is rarely called upon to interfere in Indian affairs 
 until the relations between the Indians and the whites 
 have reached a desperate condition, and when the situa 
 tion of affairs has become so involved and feeling on 
 both sides runs so high that perhaps only more than 
 human forbearance would attempt to solve the diffi 
 culty by disentangling the knot and not by cutting it. 
 
 Nevertheless, the chief's narrative is marked by so much 
 candor, and he is so careful to qualify his statements, 
 when qualification seems necessary, that every reader 
 will give him credit for speaking his honest, even should 
 they be thought by some to be mistaken, convictions. 
 The chief, in his treatment of his defense, reminds one of 
 those lawyers of whom we have heard that their splendid 
 success was gained, not by disputation, but simply by 
 their lucid and straightforward statement of their case. 
 That he is something of a strategist as well as an advo 
 cate appears from this description of an event which 
 occurred shortly after the breaking out of hostilities: 
 "We crossed over Salmon River, hoping General How 
 ard would follow. We were not disappointed. He did fol 
 low us, and we got between him and his supplies, and 
 cut him off for three days." Occasionally the reader 
 comes upon touches of those sentiments and feelings 
 which at once establish a sense of kinship between 
 all who possess them. Witness his description of his 
 
46 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 desperate attempt to rejoin his wife and children when a 
 sudden dash of General Miles' soldiers had cut the In 
 dian camp in two. . . . "I thought of my wife and 
 children, who were now surrounded by soldiers, and I 
 resolved to go to them. With a prayer in my mouth to the 
 Great Spirit Chief who rules above, I dashed unarmed 
 through the line of soldiers. . . . My clothes were 
 cut to pieces, my horse was wounded, but I was not 
 hurt." And, again, when he speaks of his father's 
 death: "I saw he was dying. I took his hand in mine. 
 He said : ' My son, my body is returning to my mother 
 earth, and my spirit is going very soon to see the 
 Great Spirit Chief. ... A few more years and 
 the white men will be all around you. They have their 
 eyes on this land. My son, never forget my dying words. 
 This country holds your father's body never sell the 
 bones of your father and mother. ' I pressed my father's 
 hand, and told him I would protect his grave with my 
 life. My father smiled, and passed away to the spirit- 
 land. I buried him in that beautiful valley of Winding 
 Waters. I love that land more than all the rest of the 
 world. A man who would not love his father's grave is 
 worse than a wild animal." 
 
 His appeals to the natural rights of man are surprising 
 ly fine, and, however some may despise them as the 
 utterance of an Indian, they are just those which, in our 
 Declaration of Independence, have been most admired. 
 "We are all sprung from a woman," he says, "although 
 we are unlike in many things. You are as you were made, 
 and, as you are made, you can remain. We are just as we 
 were made by the Great Spirit, and you cannot change 
 us; then, why should children of one mother quarrel ? 
 Why should one try to cheat another ? I do not be 
 lieve that the Great Spirit Chief gave one kind of 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 47 
 
 men the right to tell another kind of men what they 
 must do." 
 
 But I will not detain the readers of the Review from 
 the pleasure of perusing for themselves Chief Joseph's 
 statement longer than is necessary to express the hope 
 that those who have time for no more will at least read 
 its closing paragraph, and to remark that the narrative 
 brings clearly out these facts which ought to be regarded 
 as well-recognized principles in dealing with the red- 
 man: 
 
 1. The folly of any mode of treatment of the Indian 
 which is not based upon a cordial and operative acknowl 
 edgment of his rights as our fellow-man. 
 
 2. The danger of riding roughshod over a people who 
 are capable of high enthusiasm, who know and value 
 their national rights, and are brave enough to defend 
 them. 
 
 3. The liability to want of harmony between different 
 departments and different officials of our complex Gov 
 ernment, from which it results that, while many prom 
 ises are made to the Indians, few of them are kept. It is 
 a home-thrust when Chief Joseph says: "The white 
 people have too many chiefs. They do not understand 
 each other. ... I cannot understand how the 
 Government sends a man out to fight us, as it did Gen 
 eral Miles, and then break his word. Such a Govern 
 ment has something wrong about it." 
 
 4. The unwisdom, in most cases, in dealing with In 
 dians, of what may be termed Military short-cuts, in 
 stead of patient discussion, explanations, persuasion, 
 and reasonable concessions. 
 
 5. The absence in an Indian tribe of any truly rep 
 resentative body competent to make a treaty which shall 
 be binding upon all the bands. The failure to recognize 
 
48 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 this fact has been the source of endless difficulties. 
 Chief Joseph, in this case, did not consider a treaty 
 binding which his band had not agreed to, no matter 
 how many other bands had signed it; and so it has been 
 in many other cases. 
 
 6. Indian chiefs, however able and influential, are 
 really without power, and for this reason, as well as 
 others, the Indians, when by the march of events they 
 are brought into intimate relations with the whites, 
 should at the earliest practicable moment be given the 
 support and protection of our Government and of our 
 law; not local law, however, which is apt to be the result 
 of special legislation adopted solely in the interest of the 
 stronger race. WILLIAM H. HARE. 
 
 My friends, I have been asked to show you my heart. 
 I am glad to have a chance to do so. I want the white 
 people to understand my people. Some of you think an 
 Indian is like a wild animal. This is a great mistake. I 
 will tell you all about our people, and then you can 
 judge whether an Indian is a man or not. I believe much 
 trouble and blood would be saved if we opened our 
 hearts more. I will tell you in my way how the Indian 
 sees things. The white man has more words to tell you 
 how they look at him, but it does not require many words 
 to speak the truth. What I have to say will come from my 
 heart, and I will speak with a straight tongue. Ah-cum- 
 kin-i-ma-me-hut (the Great Spirit) is looking at me, and 
 will hear me. 
 
 My name is In-mut-too-yah-lat-lat (Thunder-travel- 
 ing-over-the-mountains). I am chief of the Wal-lam- 
 wat-kin band of Chute-pa-lu, or Nez Perces (nose- 
 pierced Indians). I was born in eastern Oregon, thirty- 
 eight winters ago. My father was chief before me. When 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 4.9 
 
50 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 a young man he was called Joseph by Mr. Spaulding, a 
 missionary. He died a few years ago. There was no stain 
 on his hands of the blood of a white man. He left a good 
 name on the earth. He advised me well for my people. 
 
 Our fathers gave us many laws, which they had 
 learned from their fathers. These laws were good. They 
 told us to treat all men as they treated us; that we should 
 never be the first to break a bargain; that it was a dis 
 grace to tell a lie; that we should speak only the truth; 
 that it was a shame for one man to take from another 
 his wife, or his property, without paying for it. We were 
 taught to believe that the Great Spirit sees and hears 
 everything, and that He never forgets; that hereafter 
 He will give every man a spirit-home according to his 
 deserts; if he has been a good man, he will have a good 
 home; if he has been a bad man, he will have a bad home. 
 This I believe, and all my people believe the same. 
 
 We did not know there were other people besides the 
 Indian until about one hundred winters ago, when some 
 men with white faces came to our country. They brought 
 many things with them to trade for furs and skins. They 
 brought tobacco, which was new to us. They brought 
 guns with flintstones on them, which frightened our 
 women and children. Our people could not talk with 
 these white-faced men, but they used signs which all 
 people understood. These men were Frenchmen, and 
 they called our people "Nez Perces," because they 
 wore rings in their noses for ornaments. Although very 
 few of our people wear them now, we are still called by 
 the same name. These French trappers said a great 
 many things to our fathers, which have been planted in 
 our hearts. Some were good for us, but some were bad. 
 Our people were divided in opinion about these men. 
 Some thought they taught more bad than good. An 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 51 
 
 Indian respects a brave man, but he despises a coward. 
 He loves a straight tongue, but he hates a forked tongue. 
 The French trappers told us some truths and some lies. 
 The first white men of your people who came to our 
 country were named Lewis and Clarke. They also 
 brought many things that our people had never seen. 
 They talked straight, and our people gave them a great 
 feast, as a proof that their hearts were friendly. These 
 men were very kind. They made presents to our chiefs 
 and our people made presents to them. We had a great 
 many horses, of which we gave them what they needed, 
 and they gave us guns and tobacco in return. All the 
 Nez Perces made friends with Lewis and Clarke, and 
 agreed to let them pass through their country, and never 
 to make war on white men. This promise the Nez Perces 
 have never broken. No white man can accuse them of 
 bad faith, and speak with a straight tongue. It has al 
 ways been the pride of the Nez Perces that they were 
 the friends of the white men. When my father was a 
 young man there came to our country a white man (Rev. 
 Mr. Spaulding) who talked spirit law. He won the af 
 fections of our people because he spoke good things 
 to them. At first he did not say anything about white men 
 wanting to settle on our lands. Nothing was said about 
 that until about twenty winters ago when a number 
 of white people came into our country and built houses 
 and made farms. At first our people made no complaint. 
 They thought there was room enough for all to live in 
 peace, and they were learning many things from the 
 white men that seemed to be good. But we soon found 
 that the white men were growing rich very fast, and were 
 greedy to possess everything the Indian had. My father 
 was the first to see through the schemes of the white men, 
 and he warned his tribe to be careful about trading with 
 
52 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 them. He had a suspicion of men who seemed so anxious 
 to make money. I was a boy then, but I remember well 
 my father's caution. He had sharper eyes than the rest 
 of our people. 
 
 Next there came a white officer (Governor Stevens) 
 who invited all the Nez Perces to a treaty council. After 
 the council was opened he made known his heart. He 
 said there were a great many white people in the coun 
 try, and many more would come; that he wanted the 
 land marked out so that the Indians and white men 
 could be separated. If they were to live in peace it was 
 necessary, he said, that the Indians should have a coun 
 try set apart for them, and in that country they must 
 stay. My father, who represented his band, refused to 
 have anything to do with the council, because he wished 
 to be a free man. He claimed that no man owned any 
 . part of the earth, and a man could not sell what was 
 not his own. 
 
 Mr. Spaulding took hold of my father's arm and said, 
 "Come and sign the treaty." My father pushed him 
 away and said : " Why do you ask me to sign away my 
 country ? It is your business to talk to us about spirit 
 matters, and not to talk to us about parting with our 
 land." Governor Stevens urged my father to sign his 
 treaty, but he refused. "I will not sign your paper," he 
 said, "you go where you please, so do I: you are not a 
 child, I am no child; I can think for myself. No man can 
 think for me. I have no other home than this. I will not 
 give it up to any man. My people would have no home. 
 Take away your paper. I will not touch it with my hand." 
 
 My father left the council. Some of the chiefs of the 
 other bands of the Nez Perces signed the treaty, and 
 then Governor Stevens gave them presents of blankets. 
 My father cautioned his people to take no presents, for 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 53 
 
 "after awhile," he said, "they will claim that you ac 
 cepted pay for your country." Since that time four 
 bands of the Nez Perces have received annuities from the 
 United States. My father was invited to many councils, 
 and they tried hard to make him sign the treaty, but 
 he was firm as the rock, and would not sign away his 
 home. His refusal caused a difference among the Nez 
 Perces. 
 
 Eight years later (1863) was the next treaty council. 
 A chief called Lawyer, because he was a great talker, 
 took the lead in this council, and sold nearly all of the 
 Nez Perces country. My father was not there. He said to 
 me: "When you go into council with the white man, 
 always remember your country. Do not give it away. 
 The white man will cheat you out of your home. I have 
 taken no pay from the United States. I have never sold 
 our land. " In this treaty Lawyer acted without author 
 ity from our band. He had no right to sell the Wallowa 
 (winding water) country. That had always belonged 
 to my father's own people, and the other bands had 
 never disputed our right to it. No other Indians ever 
 claimed Wallowa. 
 
 In order to have all people understand how much 
 land we owned, my father planted poles around it and 
 said: 
 
 " Inside is the home of my people the white man 
 may take the land outside. Inside this boundary all our 
 people were born. It circles around the graves of our 
 fathers, and we will never give up these graves to any 
 
 man." 
 
 The United States claimed they had bought all the 
 Nez Perces country outside the Lapwai Reservation, 
 from Lawyer and other chiefs, but we continued to live 
 on this land in peace until eight years ago, when white 
 
54- Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 men began to come inside the bounds my father had 
 set. We warned them against this great wrong, but 
 they would not leave our land, and some bad blood 
 was raised. The white man represented that we were 
 going upon the war-path. They reported many things 
 that were false. 
 
 The United States Government again asked for a 
 treaty council. My father had become blind and feeble. 
 He could no longer speak for his people. It was then I 
 took my father's place as chief. In this council I made 
 my first speech to white men. I said to the agent who 
 held the council : 
 
 " I did not want to come to this council, but I came 
 hoping that we could save blood. The white man has 
 no right to come here and take our country. We have 
 never accepted presents from the Government. Neither 
 Lawyer nor any other chief had authority to sell this 
 land. It has always belonged to my people. It came un 
 clouded to them from our fathers, and we will defend 
 this land as long as a drop of Indian blood warms the 
 hearts of our men. " 
 
 The agent said he had orders, from the Great White 
 Chief at Washington, for us to go upon the Lapwai 
 Reservation, and that if we obeyed he would help us in 
 many ways. "You must move to the agency," he said. 
 I answered him: "I will not. I do not need your help; 
 we have plenty, and we are contented and happy if the 
 white man will let us alone. The reservation is too 
 small for so many people with all their stock. You can 
 keep your presents; we can go to your towns and pay 
 for all we need; we have plenty of horses and cattle to 
 sell, and we won't have any help from you; we are free 
 now; we can go where we please. Our fathers were born 
 here. Here they lived, here they died, here are their 
 
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 U. S. A., retired 
 
 First Lieutenant Robert H. 
 Fletcher, U. S. A., retired 
 
 
 Brigadier- General David Major J. G. Trimble, U. S.A., 
 
 Perry, U. S. A., retired retired 
 
 Distinguished Officers of the Nez Perce-War 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 55 
 
 graves. We will never leave them." The agent went 
 away, and we had peace for awhile. 
 
 Soon after this my father sent for me. I saw he was 
 dying. I took his hand in mine. He said: "My son, my 
 body is returning to my mother earth, and my spirit is 
 going very soon to see the Great Spirit Chief. When I 
 am gone, think of your country. You are the chief of 
 these people. They look to you to guide them. Always 
 remember that your father never sold his country. You 
 must stop your ears whenever you are asked to sign a 
 treaty selling your home. A few years more, and white 
 men will be all around you. They have their eyes on 
 this land. My son, never forget my dying words. This 
 country holds your father's body. Never sell the bones 
 of your father and your mother. " I pressed my father's 
 hand and told him that I would protect his grave with 
 my life. My father smiled and passed away to the spirit- 
 land. 
 
 I buried him in that beautiful valley of winding waters. 
 I love that land more than all the rest of the world. A 
 man who would not love his father's grave is worse than 
 a wild animal. 
 
 For a short time we lived quietly. But this could not 
 last. White men had found gold in the mountains 
 around the land of the winding water. They stole a 
 great many horses from us, and we could not get them 
 back because we were Indians. The white men told lies 
 for each other. They drove off a great many of our cattle. 
 Some white men branded our young cattle so they could 
 claim them. We had no friend who would plead our 
 cause before the law councils. It seemed to me that some 
 of the white men in Wallowa were doing these things 
 on purpose to get up a war. They knew that we were not 
 strong enough to fight them. I labored hard to avoid 
 
56 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 trouble and bloodshed. We gave up some of our country 
 to the white men, thinking that then we could have 
 peace. We were mistaken. The white man would not 
 let us alone. We could have avenged our wrongs many 
 times, but we did not. Whenever the Government has 
 asked us to help them against other Indians, we have 
 never refused. When the white men were few and we 
 were strong we could have killed them off, but the Nez 
 Perces wished to live at peace. 
 
 If we have not done so, we have not been to blame. 
 I believe that the old treaty has never been correctly re 
 ported. If we ever owned the land we own it still, for we 
 never sold it. In the treaty councils the commissioners 
 have claimed that our country had been sold to the 
 Government. Suppose a white man should come to me 
 and say, "Joseph, I like your horses, and I want to buy 
 them." I say to him, "No, my horses suit me, I will not 
 sell them." Then he goes to my neighbor, and says to 
 him: "Joseph has some good horses. I want to buy them, 
 but he refuses to sell. " My neighbor answers, " Pay me 
 the money, and I will sell you Joseph's horses." The 
 white man returns to me and says, "Joseph, I have 
 bought your horses, and you must let me have them." 
 If we sold our lands to the Government, this is the way 
 they were bought. 
 
 On account of the treaty made by the other bands of 
 Nez Perces, the white men claimed my lands. We were 
 troubled greatly by white men crowding over the line. 
 Some of these were good men, and we lived on peaceful 
 terms with them, but they were not all good. 
 
 Nearly every year the agent came over from Lapwai 
 and ordered us on to the reservation. We always replied 
 that we were satisfied to live in Wallowa. We were care 
 ful to refuse the presents or annuities which he offered. 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 57 
 
 Through all the years since the white man came to 
 Wallowa we have been threatened and taunted by them 
 and the treaty Nez Perces. They have given us no rest. 
 We have had a few good friends among white men, and 
 they have always advised my people to bear these taunts 
 without fighting. Our young men were quick-tempered, 
 and I have had great trouble in keeping them from 
 doing rash things. I have carried a heavy load on my 
 back ever since I was a boy. I learned then that we were 
 but few, while the white men were many, and that we 
 could not hold our own with them. We were like deer. 
 They were like grizzly bears. We had a small country. 
 Their country was large. We were contented to let things 
 remain as the Great Spirit Chief made them. They were 
 not; and would change the rivers and mountains if they 
 did not suit them. 
 
 Year after year we have been threatened, but no war 
 was made upon my people until General Howard came 
 to our country two years ago and told us that he was the 
 white war-chief of all that country. He said: "I have a 
 great many soldiers at my back. I am going to bring 
 them up here, and then I will talk to you again. I will 
 not let white men laugh at me the next time I come. The 
 country belongs to the Government, and I intend to 
 make you go upon the reservation." 
 
 I remonstrated with him against bringing more sol 
 diers to the Nez Perces country. He had one house full 
 of troops all the time at Fort Lapwai. 
 
 The next spring the agent at Umatilla Agency sent an 
 Indian runner to tell me to meet General Howard at 
 Walla Walla. I could not go myself, but I sent my broth 
 er and five other head men to meet him, and they had a 
 long talk. 
 
 General Howard said: "You have talked straight, and 
 
58 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 it is all right. You can stay at Wallowa." He insisted 
 that my brother and his company should go with him 
 to Fort Lapwai. When the party arrived there General 
 Howard sent out runners and called all the Indians to a 
 grand council. I was in that council. I said to General 
 Howard, "We are ready to listen." He answered that 
 he would not talk then, but would hold a council next 
 day, when he would talk plainly. I said to General How 
 ard : " I am ready to talk to-day. I have been in a great 
 many councils, but I am no wiser. We are all sprung 
 from a woman, although we are unlike in many things. 
 We cannot be made over again. You are as you were 
 made, and as you were made you can remain. We are 
 just as we were made by the Great Spirit, and you can 
 not change us; then why should children of one mother 
 and one father quarrel ? why should one try to cheat 
 the other ? I do not believe that the Great Spirit Chief 
 gave one kind of men the right to tell another kind of 
 men what they must do. " 
 
 General Howard replied: "You deny my authority, 
 do you ? You want to dictate to me, do you ?" 
 
 Then one of my chiefs Too-hool-hool-suit rose 
 in the council and said to General Howard: "The Great 
 Spirit Chief made the world as it is, and as He wanted it, 
 and He made a part of it for us to live upon. I do not see 
 where you get authority to say that we shall not live 
 where He placed us." 
 
 General Howard lost his temper and said : " Shut up ! 
 I don't want to hear any more of such talk. The law 
 says you shall go upon the reservation to live, and I want 
 you to do so, but you persist in disobeying the law" 
 (meaning the treaty). " If you do not move, I will take 
 the matter into my own hand, and make you suffer for 
 your disobedience. " 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 59 
 
 Too-hool-hool-suit answered: "Who are you, that 
 you ask us to talk, and then tell me I shan't talk ? Are 
 you the Great Spirit ? Did you make the world ? Did 
 you make the sun ? Did you make the rivers to run for 
 us to drink ? Did you make the grass to grow ? Did you 
 make all these things that you talk to us as though we 
 were boys ? If you did, then you have the right to talk 
 as you do." 
 
 General Howard replied: "You are an impudent 
 fellow, and I will put you in the guard-house," and then 
 ordered a soldier to arrest him. 
 
 Too-hool-hool-suit made no resistance. He asked 
 General Howard : " Is this your order ? I don't care. I 
 have expressed my heart to you. I have nothing to take 
 back. I have spoken for my country. You can arrest 
 me, but you cannot change me or make me take back 
 what I have said." 
 
 The soldiers came forward and seized my friend and 
 took him to the guard-house. My men whispered among 
 themselves whether they would let this thing be done. 
 I counseled them to submit. I knew if we resisted that 
 all the white men present, including General Howard, 
 would be killed in a moment, and we would be blamed. 
 If I had said nothing, General Howard would never 
 have given an unjust order against my men. I saw the 
 danger and while they dragged Too-hool-hool-suit to 
 prison, I arose and said: "/ am going to talk now. I don't 
 care whether you arrest me or not. " I turned to my peo 
 ple and said: "The arrest of Too-hool-hool-suit was 
 wrong, but we will not resent the insult. We were in 
 vited to this council to express our hearts, and we have 
 done so. " Too-hool-hool-suit was prisoner for five days 
 before he was released. 
 
 The council broke up that day. On the next morning 
 
60 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 General Howard came to my lodge, and invited me to 
 go with him and White Bird and Looking Glass, to 
 look for land for my people. As we rode along we came 
 to some good land that was already occupied by Indians 
 and white people. General Howard, pointing to this land, 
 said : " If you will come on to the reservation, I will give 
 you these lands and move these people off. " 
 
 I replied: "No. It would be wrong to disturb these 
 people. I have no right to take their homes. I have never 
 taken what did not belong to me. I will not now. " 
 
 We rode all day upon the reservation, and found no 
 good land unoccupied. I have been informed by men 
 who do not lie that General Howard sent a letter that 
 night telling the soldiers at Walla Walla to go to Wallowa 
 Valley, and drive us out upon our return home. 
 
 In the council next day General Howard informed 
 us in a haughty spirit that he would give my people 
 thirty days to go back home, collect all their stock, and 
 move on to the reservation, saying, "If you are not 
 here in that time, I shall consider that you want to fight, 
 and will send my soldiers to drive you on. " 
 
 I said: "War can be avoided and it ought to be 
 avoided. I want no war. My people have always been the 
 friends of the white man. Why are you in such a hurry ? 
 I cannot get ready to move in thirty days. Our stock is 
 scattered, and Snake River is very high. Let us wait un 
 til fall, then the river will be low. We want time to hunt 
 our stock and gather our supplies for the winter." 
 
 General Howard replied, "If you let the time run 
 over one day, the soldiers will be there to drive you on to 
 the reservation, and all your cattle and horses outside 
 of the reservation at that time will fall into the hands 
 of the white men." 
 
 I knew I had never sold my country, and that I had 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 61 
 
 no land in Lapwai; but I did not want bloodshed. I did 
 not want my people killed. I did not want anybody killed. 
 Some of my people had been murdered by white men, 
 and the white murderers were never punished for it. I 
 told General Howard about this, and again said I want 
 ed no war. I wanted the people who live upon the lands 
 I was to occupy at Lapwai to have time to gather their 
 harvest. 
 
 I said in my heart that, rather than have war I would 
 give up my country. I would rather give up my father's 
 grave. I would give up everything rather than have the 
 blood of white men upon the hands of my people. 
 
 General Howard refused to allow me more than thirty 
 days to move my people and their stock. I am sure that 
 he began to prepare for war at once. 
 
 When I returned to Wallowa I found my people very 
 much excited upon discovering that the soldiers were 
 already in the Wallowa Valley. We held a council, and 
 decided to move immediately to avoid bloodshed. 
 
 Too-hool-hool-suit, who felt outraged by his imprison 
 ment, talked for war, and made many of my young men 
 willing to fight rather than be driven like dogs from the 
 land where they were born. He declared that blood alone 
 would wash out the disgrace General Howard had put 
 upon him. It required a strong heart to stand up against 
 such talk, but I urged my people to be quiet, and not to 
 begin a war. 
 
 We gathered all the stock we could find, and made an 
 attempt to move. We left many of our horses and cattle 
 in Wallowa, and we lost several hundred in crossing the 
 river. All my people succeeded in getting across in safety. 
 Many of the Nez Perces came together in Rocky Canon 
 to hold a grand council. I went with all my people. 
 This council lasted ten days. There was a great deal of 
 
62 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 war talk and a great deal of excitement. There was one 
 young brave present whose father had been killed by a 
 white man five years before. This man's blood was bad 
 against white men and he left the council calling for 
 revenge. 
 
 Again I counseled peace, and I thought the danger 
 was past. We had not complied with General Howard's 
 order because we could not, but we intended to do so as 
 soon as possible. I was leaving the council to kill beef 
 for my family, when news came that the young man 
 whose father had been killed had gone out with several 
 hot-blooded young braves and killed four white men. He 
 rode up to the council and shouted: "Why do you sit 
 here like women ? The war has begun already." I was 
 deeply grieved. All the lodges were moved except my 
 brother's and my own. I saw clearly that the war was 
 upon us when I learned that my young men had been 
 secretly buying ammunition. I heard then that Too-hool- 
 hool-suit, who had been imprisoned by General Howard, 
 had succeeded in organizing a war party. I knew that 
 their acts would involve all my people. I saw that the 
 war could not then be prevented. The time had passed. I 
 counseled peace from the beginning. I knew that we were 
 too weak to fight the United States. We had many 
 grievances, but I knew that war would bring more. We 
 had good white friends, who advised us against taking 
 the war-path. My friend and brother, Mr. Chapman, 
 who has been with us since the surrender, told us just 
 how the war would end. Mr. Chapman took sides against 
 us and helped General Howard. I do not blame him for 
 doing so. He tried hard to prevent bloodshed. We hoped 
 the white settlers would not join the soldiers. Before the 
 war commenced we had discussed this matter all over, 
 and many of my people were in favor of warning them 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 63 
 
 that if they took no part against us they should not be 
 molested in the event of war being begun by General 
 Howard. This plan was voted down in the war-council. 
 
 There were bad men among my people who had 
 quarreled with white men, and they talked of their 
 wrongs until they roused all the bad hearts in the coun 
 cil. Still I could not believe that they would begin the 
 war. I know that my young men did a great wrong, but 
 I ask, Who was first to blame ? They had been in 
 sulted a thousand times; their fathers and brothers had 
 been killed; their mothers and wives had been disgraced; 
 they had been driven to madness by the whiskey sold 
 to them by the white men; they had been told by 
 General Howard that all their horses and cattle which 
 they had been unable to drive out of Wallowa were to 
 fall into the hands of white men; and, added to all 
 this, they were homeless and desperate. 
 
 I would have given my own life if I could have undone 
 the killing of white men by my people. I blame my 
 young men and I blame the white men. I blame Gen 
 eral Howard for not giving my people time to get their 
 stock away from Wallowa. I do not acknowledge that 
 he had the right to order me to leave Wallowa at any 
 time. I deny that either my father or myself ever sold 
 that land. It is still our land. It may never again be our 
 home, but my father sleeps there, and I love it as I love 
 my mother. I left there, hoping to avoid bloodshed. 
 
 If General Howard had given me plenty of time to 
 gather up my stock, and treated Too-hool-hool-suit as 
 a man should be treated, there would have been no war. 
 My friends among white men have blamed me for the 
 war. I am not to blame. When my young men began 
 the killing, my heart was hurt. Although I did not justify 
 them, I remembered all the insults I had endured, and 
 
64 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 my blood was on fire. Still I would have taken my people 
 to the buffalo country without fighting, if possible. 
 
 I could see no other way to avoid a war. We moved 
 over to White Bird Creek, sixteen miles away, and there 
 encamped, intending to collect our stock before leaving; 
 but the soldiers attacked us and the first battle was 
 fought. We numbered in that battle sixty men, and the 
 soldiers a hundred. The fight lasted but a few minutes, 
 when the soldiers retreated before us for twelve miles. 
 They lost thirty-three killed, and had seven wounded. 
 When an Indian fights, he only shoots to kill; but 
 soldiers shoot at random. None of the soldiers were 
 scalped. We do not believe in scalping, nor in killing 
 wounded men. Soldiers do not kill many Indians unless 
 they are wounded and left upon the battle-field. Then 
 they kill Indians. 
 
 Seven days after the first battle General Howard ar 
 rived in the Nez Perces country, bringing seven hundred 
 more soldiers. It was now war in earnest. We crossed 
 over Salmon River, hoping General Howard would fol 
 low. We were not disappointed. He did follow us, and 
 we got between him and his supplies, and cut him off 
 for three days. He sent out two companies to open the 
 way. We attacked them, killing one officer, two guides, 
 and ten men. 
 
 We withdrew, hoping the soldiers would follow, but 
 they had got fighting enough for that day. They in 
 trenched themselves, and next day we attacked again. 
 The battle lasted all day, and was renewed next morn 
 ing. We killed four and wounded seven or eight. 
 
 About this time General Howard found out that we 
 were in his rear. Five days later he attacked us with three 
 hundred and fifty soldiers and settlers. We had two 
 hundred and fifty warriors. The fight lasted twenty- 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 65 
 
 seven hours. We lost four killed and several wounded. 
 General Howard's loss was twenty-nine men killed and 
 sixty wounded. 
 
 The following day the soldiers charged upon us, and 
 we retreated with our families and stock a few miles, 
 leaving eighty lodges to fall into General Howard's 
 hands. 
 
 Finding that we were outnumbered, we retreated to 
 Bitter Root Valley. Here another body of soldiers came 
 upon us and demanded our surrender. We refused. 
 They said, "You cannot get by us." We answered, "We 
 are going by you without fighting if you will let us, but 
 we are going by you anyhow." We then made a treaty 
 with these soldiers. We agreed not to molest any one 
 and they agreed that we might pass through the Bitter 
 Root country in peace. We bought provisions and traded 
 stock with white men there. 
 
 We understood that there was to be no war. We intend 
 ed to go peaceably to the buffalo country, and leave the 
 question of returning to our country to be settled after 
 ward. 
 
 With this understanding we traveled on for four days, 
 and, thinking that the trouble was all over, we stopped 
 and prepared tent-poles to take with us. We started 
 again, and at the end of two days we saw three white 
 men passing our camp. Thinking that peace had been 
 made, we did not molest them. We could have killed, 
 or taken them prisoners, but we did not suspect them 
 of being spies, which they were. 
 
 That night the soldiers surrounded our camp. About 
 daybreak one of my men went out to look after his 
 horses. The soldiers saw him and shot him down like a 
 coyote. I have since learned that these soldiers were not 
 those we had left behind. They had come upon us from 
 
66 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 another direction. The new white war-chief's name was 
 Gibbon. He charged upon us while some of my people 
 were still asleep. We had a hard fight. Some of my men 
 crept around and attacked the soldiers from the rear. 
 In this battle we lost nearly all our lodges, but we finally 
 drove General Gibbon back. 
 
 Finding that he was not able to capture us, he sent to 
 his camp a few miles away for his big guns (cannons), 
 but my men had captured them and all the ammunition. 
 We damaged the big guns all we could, and carried 
 away the powder and lead. In the fight with General 
 Gibbon we lost fifty women and children and thirty 
 fighting men. We remained long enough to bury our 
 dead. The Nez Perces never make war on women and 
 children; we could have killed a great many women and 
 children while the war lasted, but we would feel ashamed 
 to do so cowardly an act. 
 
 We never scalp our enemies, but when General How 
 ard came up and joined General Gibbon, their Indian 
 scouts dug up our dead and scalped them. I have been 
 told that General Howard did not order this great shame 
 to be done. 
 
 We retreated as rapidly as we could toward the buffalo 
 country. After six days General Howard came close to 
 us, and we went out and attacked him, and captured 
 nearly all his horses and mules (about two hundred and 
 fifty head). We then marched on to the Yellowstone 
 Basin. 
 
 On the way we captured one white man and two white 
 women. We released them at the end of three days. 
 They were treated kindly. The women were not insult 
 ed. Can the white soldiers tell me of one time when In 
 dian women were taken prisoners, and held three days 
 and then released without being insulted ? Were the Nez 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 67 
 
 Perces women who fell into the hands of General How 
 ard's soldiers treated with as much respect ? I deny 
 that a Nez Perce was ever guilty of such a crime. 
 
 A few days later we captured two more white men. 
 One of them stole a horse and escaped. We gave the 
 other a poor horse and told him that he was free. 
 
 Nine days' march brought us to the mouth of Clarke's 
 Fork of the Yellowstone. We did not know what had 
 become of General Howard, but we supposed that he 
 had sent for more horses and mules. He did not come up, 
 but another new war-chief (General Sturgis) attacked 
 us. We held him in check while we moved all our 
 women and children and stock out of danger, leaving 
 a few men to cover our retreat. 
 
 Several days passed, and we heard nothing of General 
 Howard, or Gibbon, or Sturgis. We had repulsed each in 
 turn, and began to feel secure, when another army, under 
 General Miles, struck us. This was the fourth army, 
 each of which outnumbered our fighting force, that we 
 had encountered within sixty days. 
 
 We had no knowledge of General Miles' army until a 
 short time before he made a charge upon us, cutting our 
 camp in two, and capturing nearly all of our horses. 
 About seventy men, myself among them, were cut off. 
 My little daughter, twelve years of age, was with me. I 
 gave her a rope, and told her to catch a horse and join 
 the others who were cut off from the camp. I have not 
 seen her since, but I have learned that she is alive and 
 well. 
 
 I thought of my wife and children, who were now sur 
 rounded by soldiers, and I resolved to go to them or die. 
 With a prayer in my mouth to the Great Spirit Chief who 
 rules above, I dashed unarmed through the line of sol 
 diers. It seemed to me that there were guns on every side, 
 
68 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 before and behind me. My clothes were cut to pieces and 
 my horse was wounded, but I was not hurt. As I reached 
 the door of my lodge, my wife h anded me my rifle, saying : 
 "Here's your gun. Fight!" 
 
 The soldiers kept up a continuous fire. Six of my men 
 were killed in one spot near me. Ten or twelve soldiers 
 charged into our camp and got possession of two lodges, 
 killing three Nez Perces and losing three of their men, 
 who fell inside our lines. I called my men to drive them 
 back. We fought at close range, not more than twenty 
 steps apart, and drove the soldiers back upon their main 
 line, leaving their dead in our hands. We secured their 
 arms and ammunition. We lost, the first day and night, 
 eighteen men and three women. General Miles lost 
 twenty-six killed and forty wounded. The following day 
 General Miles sent a messenger into my camp under 
 protection of a white flag. I sent my friend Yellow Bull 
 to meet him. 
 
 Yellow Bull understood the messenger to say that 
 General Miles wished me to consider the situation; that 
 he did not want to kill my people unnecessarily. Yellow 
 Bull understood this to be a demand for me to surrender 
 and save blood. Upon reporting this message to me, 
 Yellow Bull said he wondered whether General Miles 
 was in earnest. I sent him back with my answer, that I 
 had not made up my mind, but would think about it and 
 send word soon. A little later he sent some Cheyenne 
 scouts with another message. I went out to meet them. 
 They said they believed that General Miles was sincere 
 and really wanted peace. I walked on to General Miles' 
 tent. He met me and we shook hands. He said, "Come, 
 let us sit down by the fire and talk this matter over." I 
 remained with him all night; next morning, Yellow Bull 
 came over to see if I was alive, and why I did not return. 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 69 
 
 General Miles would not let me leave the tent to see 
 my friend alone. 
 
 Yellow Bull said to me: "They have got you in their 
 power, and I am afraid they will never let you go again. 
 I have an officer in our camp, and I will hold him until 
 they let you go free." 
 
 I said: "I do not know what they mean to do with 
 me, but if they kill me you must not kill the officer. It 
 will do no good to avenge my death by killing him. " 
 
 Yellow Bull returned to my camp. I did not make any 
 agreement that day with General Miles. The battle was 
 renewed while I was with him. I was very anxious about 
 my people. I knew that we were near Sitting Bull's camp 
 in King George's land, and I thought maybe the Nez 
 Perces who had escaped would return with assistance. 
 No great damage was done to either party during the 
 night. 
 
 On the following morning I returned to my camp by 
 agreement, meeting the officer who had been held a 
 prisoner in my camp at the flag of truce. My people were 
 divided about surrendering. We could have escaped 
 from Bear Paw Mountain if we had left our wounded, 
 old women, and children behind. We were unwilling to 
 do this. We had never heard of a wounded Indian re 
 covering while in the hands of white men. 
 * On the evening of the fourth day, General Howard 
 came in with a small escort, together with my friend 
 Chapman. We could now talk understandingly. General 
 Miles said to me in plain words, "If you will come out 
 and give up your arms, I will spare your lives and send 
 you back to the reservation." I do not know what passed 
 between General Miles and General Howard. 
 
 I could not bear to see my wounded men and women 
 suffer any longer; we had lost enough already. General 
 
70 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Miles had promised that we might return to our country 
 with what stock we had left. I thought we could start 
 again. I believed General Miles, or 1 never would have 
 surrendered. I have heard that he has been censured for 
 making the promise to return us to Lapwai. He could 
 not have made any other terms with me at that time. I 
 would have held him in check until my friends came to 
 my assistance, and then neither of the generals nor their 
 soldiers would have ever left Bear Paw Mountain alive. 
 
 On the fifth day I went to General Miles and gave up 
 my gun, and said, " From where the sun now stands I 
 will fight no more." My people needed rest we wanted 
 peace. 
 
 I was told we could go with General Miles to Tongue 
 River and stay there until spring, when we would be sent 
 back to our country. Finally it was decided that we were 
 to be taken to Tongue River. We had nothing to say 
 about it. After our arrival at Tongue River, General 
 Miles received orders to take us to Bismarck. The reason 
 given was, that subsistence would be cheaper there. 
 
 General Miles was opposed to this order. He said: 
 "You must not blame me. I have endeavored to keep 
 my word, but the chief who is over me has given the 
 order, and I must obey it or resign. That would do you 
 no good. Some other officer would carry out the order." 
 
 I believe General Miles would have kept his word if 
 he could have done so. I do not blame him for what we 
 have suffered since the surrender. I do not know who 
 is to blame. We gave up all our horses over eleven 
 hundred and all our saddles over one hundred 
 and we have not heard from them since. Somebody has 
 got our horses. 
 
 General Miles turned my people over to another 
 soldier, and we were taken to Bismarck. Captain John- 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 71 
 
 son, who now had charge of us, received an order to take 
 us to Fort Leavenworth. At Leavenworth we were placed 
 in on a low river bottom, with no water except river 
 water to drink and cook with. We had always lived in a 
 healthy country, where the mountains were high and the 
 water was cold and clear. Many of our people sickened 
 and died, and we buried them in this strange land.* I 
 cannot tell how much my heart suffered for my people 
 while at Leavenworth. The Great Spirit Chief who rules 
 above seemed to be looking some other way, and did 
 not see what was being done to my people. 
 
 During the hot days (July, 1878) we received notice 
 that we were to be moved farther away from our own 
 country. We were not asked if we were willing to go. 
 We were ordered to get into the railroad-cars. Three 
 of my people died on the way to Baxter Springs. It was 
 worse to die there than to die fighting in the mountains. 
 
 We were moved from Baxter Springs (Kansas) to the 
 Indian Territory and set down without our lodges. 
 We had but little medicine and we were nearly all sick. 
 Seventy of my people have died since we moved there. 
 
 We have had a great many visitors who have talked 
 many ways. Some of the chiefs (General Fish and Colo 
 nel Stickney) from Washington came to see us, and 
 selected land for us to live upon. We have not moved 
 to that land, for it is not a good place to live. 
 
 The Commissioner Chief (E. A. Hayt) came to see 
 us. I told him, as I told every one, that I expected Gen 
 eral Miles' word would be carried out. He said it "could 
 not be done; that white men now lived in my country 
 and all the land was taken up; that, if I returned to 
 Wallowa, I could not live in peace; that law-papers were 
 out against my young men who began the war, and that 
 
 * I can corroborate this. I saw them there often. C. T. B. 
 
72 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 the Government could not protect my people." This 
 talk fell like a heavy stone upon my heart. I saw that I 
 could not gain anything by talking to him. Other law 
 chiefs (Congressional Committee) came to see us and 
 said they would help me to get a healthy country. I did 
 not know whom to believe. The white people have too 
 many chiefs. They do not understand each other. They 
 do not talk alike. 
 
 The Commissioner Chief (Mr. Hayt) invited me to go 
 with him and hunt for a better home than we have now. 
 I like the land we found (west of the Osage Reservation) 
 better than any place I have seen in that country; but it 
 is not a healthy land. There are no mountains and rivers. 
 The water is warm. It is not a good country for stock. I 
 do not believe my people can live there. I am afraid 
 they will all die. The Indians who occupy that country 
 are dying off. I promised Chief Hayt to go there, and do 
 the best I could until the Government got ready to make 
 good General Miles' word. I was not satisfied, but I 
 could not help myself. 
 
 Then the Inspector Chief (General McNiel) came to 
 my camp and we had a long talk. He said I ought to 
 have a home in the mountain country north, and that he 
 would write a letter to the Great Chief in Washington. 
 Again the hope of seeing the mountains of Idaho and 
 Oregon grew up in my heart. 
 
 At last I was granted permission to come to Wash 
 ington and bring my friend Yellow Bull and our in 
 terpreter with me. I am glad we came. I have shaken 
 hands with a great many friends, but there are some 
 things I want to know which no one seems able to ex 
 plain. I cannot understand how the Government sends 
 a man out to fight us, as it did General Miles, and then 
 breaks his word. Such a Government has something 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 73 
 
 wrong about it. 1 cannot understand why so many 
 chiefs are allowed to talk so many different ways, and 
 promise so many different things. I have seen the Great 
 Father Chief (the President); the next Great Chief 
 (Secretary of the Interior); the Commissioner Chief 
 (Hayt); the Law Chief (General Butler), and many other 
 law chiefs (Congressmen), and they all say they are my 
 friends, and that I shall have justice, but while their 
 mouths all talk right I do not understand why nothing is 
 done for my people. I have heard talk and talk, but 
 nothing is done. Good words do not last long until they 
 amount to something. Words do not pay for my dead 
 people. They do not pay for my country, now overrun 
 by white men. They do not protect my father's grave. 
 They do not pay for my horses and cattle. Good words 
 will not give me back my children. Good words will not 
 make good the promise of your War Chief, General 
 Miles. Good words will not give my people good health 
 and stop them from dying. Good words will not get my 
 people a home where they can live in peace and take 
 care of themselves. I am tired of talk that comes to 
 nothing. It makes my heart sick when I remember all 
 the good words and all the broken promises. There has 
 been too much talking by men who had no right to talk. 
 Too many misrepresentations have been made, too many 
 misunderstandings have come up between the white 
 men about the Indians. If the white man wants to live in 
 peace with the Indian he can live in peace. There need 
 be no trouble. Treat all men alike. Give them all the 
 same law. Give them all an even chance to live and 
 grow. All men were made by the same Great Spirit Chief. 
 They are all brothers. The earth is the mother of all 
 people, and all people should have equal rights upon it. 
 You might as well expect the rivers to run backward as 
 
74 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 that any man who was born a free man should be con 
 tented penned up and denied liberty to go where he 
 pleases. If you tie a horse to a stake, do you expect he 
 will grow fat ? If you pen an Indian up on a small spot of 
 earth, and compel him to stay there, he will not be con 
 tented nor will he grow and prosper. I have asked some 
 of the great white chiefs where they get their authority 
 to say to the Indian that he shall stay in one place, while 
 he sees white men going where they please. They can 
 not tell me. 
 
 I only ask of the Government to be treated as all other 
 men are treated. If I cannot go to my own home, let me 
 have a home in some country where my people will not 
 die so fast. I would like to go to Bitter Root Valley. 
 There my people would be healthy; where they are now 
 they are dying. Three have died since I left my camp 
 to come to Washington. 
 
 When I think of our condition my heart is heavy. I see 
 men of my race treated as outlaws and driven from 
 country to country, or shot down like animals. 
 
 I know that my race must change. We cannot hold 
 our own with the white men as we are. We only ask an 
 even chance to live as other men live. We ask to be rec 
 ognized as men. We ask that the same law shall work 
 alike on all men. If the Indian breaks the law, punish 
 him by the law. If the white man breaks the law, punish 
 him also. 
 
 Let me be a free man free to travel, free to stop, 
 free to work, free to trade, where I choose, free to choose 
 my own teachers, free to follow the religion of my fathers, 
 free to think and talk and act for myself and I will 
 obey every law, or submit to the penalty. 
 
 Whenever the white man treats the Indian as they 
 treat each other, then we shall have no more wars. We 
 
Chief Joseph's Own Story 75 
 
 shall be all alike brothers of one father and one 
 mother, with one sky above us and one country around 
 us, and one government for all. Then the Great Spirit 
 Chief who rules above will smile upon this land, and 
 send rain to wash out the bloody spots made by broth 
 ers' hands upon the face of the earth. For this time the 
 Indian race are waiting and praying. I hope that no more 
 groans of wounded men and women will ever go to the 
 ear of the Great Spirit Chief above, and that all people 
 may be one people. 
 
 In-mut-too-vah-lat-lat has spoken for his people. 
 
 YOUNG JOSEPH. 
 
CHAPTER THREE 
 
 General Howard's Comment on Joseph's 
 Narrative 
 
 By Maj.-Gen. O. O. Howard, United States Army 
 
 (Retired) 
 
 ON reading in the North American Review 
 for April the article entitled "An Indian's 
 View of Indian Affairs," I was so pleased 
 with Joseph's statement necessarily ex 
 parte though it was, and naturally inspired by resent 
 ment toward me as a supposed enemy that at first I 
 had no purpose of making a rejoinder. But when I saw 
 in the Army and Navy yournal long passages quoted 
 from Joseph's tale, which appeared to reflect unfavor 
 ably upon my official conduct, to lay upon me the blame 
 of the atrocious murders committed by the Indians, and 
 to convict me of glaring faults where I had deemed my 
 self worthy only of commendation, I addressed to the 
 editor of that journal a communication (which has 
 been published) correcting misstatements, and briefly 
 setting forth the facts of the case. 
 
 If I had had the power and management entirely in 
 my hands, I believe I could have healed that old sore, 
 and established peace and amity with Joseph's Indians. 
 It could only have been done, first, by a retrocession of 
 Wallowa (already belonging to Oregon) to the United 
 
 76 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 77 
 
 States, and then setting that country apart forever for 
 the Indians without the retention of any Government 
 authority whatever; and, second, by the removal there 
 from of every white settler, making to each a proper 
 remuneration for his land and improvements. But this 
 power I did not have, and the Indian management did 
 not belong to my department. 
 
 Now permit me to present a few simple facts which 
 will show whether, in manner or matter, I have failed to 
 meet the requirements of the situation. . . . Gov 
 ernor Stevens and Joel Palmer, in 1855, made a treaty 
 with the Nez Perces, including all the different bands. 
 Joseph's bands were parties to the treaty, and Joseph's 
 father signed it. This ceded and relinquished to the 
 United States all land that the Nez Perces claimed out 
 side of the limits then fixed and agreed upon. 
 
 This treaty, be it remembered, included Wallowa 
 and Imnaha Valleys. In 1863 the United States, by their 
 commissioners, made another treaty with the Nez Perces 
 fifty-one chiefs participating. This treaty reduced the 
 limits so as to constitute the reservation in Lapwai, as 
 it now is, and ceded all the land outside to the United 
 States. Wallowa and Imnaha were left out. 
 
 Joseph's band, and a few other bands, now known as 
 the Salmon River or White Bird's band, lived east of the 
 reservation, and the Palouse or Hush-hush-cute's band, 
 west of the same. These, with a few more, on and off 
 the reserve, constitute what are called "non-treaties." 
 The vast majority who made the treaty have kept good 
 faith and are called "treaty Indians." James Lawyer, 
 the present head-chief, is an excellent man; dresses as a 
 white man, and has a good house and farm. Now, notice 
 the difference; Joseph says: "Governor Stevens urged 
 my father to sign the treaty (1855), but he refused"; 
 
7 8 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and then he goes on to give us a graphic account of this 
 refusal and its consequences. He "cautioned his people 
 to take no presents." He "was invited to many councils, 
 and they tried hard to make him sign the treaty, but he 
 was firm as a rock and would not sign away his home," 
 etc. Now, all this is very fine; yet his father did sign the 
 treaty. His name is the third on the list, and there are 
 eleven white witnesses, besides the makers of the instru 
 ment. 
 
 Governor Grover says in his message: "The reserva 
 tion named became the common property of the whole 
 tribe." Joseph and his band acknowledged these conclu 
 sions also, by accepting the benefit of the treaty of 1855. 
 
 Such is the record of history, in precise contradiction 
 to Young Joseph's traditional statement. But he states 
 truly the claim (based on the treaty of 1863), of the 
 United States to Wallowa, and Joseph's constant de 
 murrer thereto. The underlying cause of all the troubles, 
 finally resulting in the war, is Joseph's assumption that, 
 as sub-chief, he is not bound by this treaty, inasmuch as 
 he has ever refused to sign it. 
 
 Again, the account of Joseph concerning his father's 
 death, and his home, is beautiful and quite affecting. I 
 dislike to mar the effect of it, yet it is a known fact that 
 when the United States agents sought to make some 
 definite arrangement, proposing to give this land to the 
 tribe as a home, the offer was refused. The Governor of 
 Oregon writes in 1873: "This small band wish the pos 
 session of this large section of Oregon simply to gratify 
 a wild, roaming disposition, and not for a home." And 
 even up to the last peace council the objection was not 
 that "you take from us our home" (for they intended to 
 live part of the year with the remainder of the tribe), 
 but " you take away our liberty; fix bounds to our habi- 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 79 
 
 tation, and give law to us. The land is ours, and not 
 yours." 
 
 Joseph's pictures of frontier troubles between whites 
 and Indians are graphic and true. The killing of a 
 member of his tribe by a white man he refers to. This 
 came near causing an outbreak. The troops intervened 
 between the settlers and the Indians, and the latter 
 quieted down. But the slow process of the civil law, and 
 the prejudice against Indians in all frontier courts, al 
 most invariably prevent the punishment of crimes against 
 Indians. I did what I could to further the ends of justice, 
 in bringing the guilty to trial; but my efforts in this case 
 resulted in nothing. The Indian has a complaint against 
 us (army and agents), because we can and do punish 
 him, but do not and cannot punish white men who steal 
 the Indian's property and take life. 
 
 " But no war was made on my people until General 
 Howard came to our country two years ago," etc. This 
 has all the summary brevity of Shakspere's history, but 
 is not more accurate. The facts are, that I had been in 
 command of the department since the fall of 1874, and 
 had many dealings with Joseph and his people. 
 
 The "non-treaties" became suspiciously restless dur 
 ing the Modoc troubles. This was quieted by my worthy 
 predecessor, by sending a considerable force among 
 them just after the Modoc War. 
 
 General Davis, speaking of a large gathering of In 
 dians that boded difficulty at the Wee-ipe, says: "The 
 troops did not interfere with the council (twelve hundred 
 Indians), but their presence there for about ten days 
 had the effect to disperse it. General dissatisfaction, 
 however, seemed to prevail among the 'non-treaty Nez 
 Perces.' This was particularly the case with Joseph's 
 band, the claimants of Wallowa Valley." 
 
80 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Again, the same year (1874), these Indians were so 
 restless and threatening that Maj. John Green, First 
 Cavalry, was sent to Wallowa Valley with two com 
 panies, and remained till the Indians left for their winter 
 quarters. 
 
 The next year (1875), I say in my report: "The 
 troubles at Lapwai and Wallowa Valley have not thus 
 far resulted in bloodshed; but it has been prevented by 
 great carefulness and provision on the part of the Gov 
 ernment agents." 
 
 The year following (1876), my report goes into the 
 trouble again at length, mentioning the grave fact that 
 "an Indian was killed by a white man in a dispute con 
 cerning some stock," and winds up with these words: 
 "And renew my recommendation of a commission to 
 hear and settle the whole matter, before war is even 
 thought of." The commission was at last ordered, but 
 not until after blood had been shed not till after the 
 Indians had stood up in battle array against armed 
 citizens in Wallowa; and a conflict was averted only by 
 the intervention of regular troops. The commission 
 came, held its memorable sessions at Lapwai in Novem 
 ber of 1876, and labored hard and long to get the con 
 sent of the disaffected "non-treaty Indians" to some 
 measures of adjustment. 
 
 Here are a few of the facts developed by this commission: "The 
 Dreamers, among other pernicious doctrines, teach that the earth 
 being created by God complete, should not be disturbed by man; and 
 that any cultivation of the soil or other improvements to interfere with 
 its natural productions; any voluntary submission to the control of 
 the Government; any improvement in the way of schools, churches, 
 etc., are crimes from which they shrink. This fanaticism is kept alive 
 by the superstition of these Dreamers, who industriously teach that 
 if they continue steadfast in their present belief a leader will be raised 
 up (in the East), who will restore all the dead Indians to life, who will 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 81 
 
 unite with them in expelling the whites from their country, when they 
 will again enter upon and repossess the lands of their ancestors. 
 
 "Influenced by such belief, Joseph and his band firmly declined to 
 enter into any negotiations, or make any arrangements that looked to 
 a final settlement of the question pending between him and the Gov 
 ernment . . . yet, in view of the fact that these Indians do not 
 claim simply this (rights ot occupancy), but set up an absolute title to 
 the lands, an absolute and independent sovereignty, and refuse even 
 to be limited in their claim and control, necessity, humanity, and good 
 sense constrain the Government to set metes and bounds and give 
 regulations to these non-treaty Indians. . . . And if the prin 
 ciple usually applied by the Government, of holding that the Indians 
 with whom they have treaties are bound by majorities, is here applied, 
 Joseph should be required to live within the limits of the present reser 
 vation." 
 
 The commission, though firm and strong in the expression of its 
 opinion, was very patient with and kind to the Indians. I was a member 
 of this commission, and earnestly desired peace. I took Joseph's 
 brother by himself and showed him how much it would be for the 
 Indians' advantage to come to some settlement and spent a long time 
 in giving him and his brother, in the kindest manner, the benefit of 
 my counsel. They appeared at one time almost on the point of yielding, 
 but bad advice intervened to renew the Dreamer sophistry. The com 
 mission promised that they should annually visit Wallowa, and so 
 recommended. But here are a few closing words: "If these Indians 
 overrun land belonging to the whites and commit depredations on their 
 property, disturb the peace by threats or otherwise, or commit other 
 overt acts of hostility, we recommend the employment of sufficient force 
 to bring them into subjection, and to place them upon the Nez Perces 
 Reservation. The Indian agent at Lapwai should be fully instructed to 
 carry into execution these suggestions, relying at all times upon the 
 department commander for aid when necessary." 
 
 Now, there was nothing like precipitancy in all this; 
 so that the wonderfully abrupt advent of General How 
 ard, with a fear of the laughter of the white man in his 
 heart, and a threat of violence on his tongue, is all 
 fiction. 
 
 Doubtless Joseph was told that the commission had 
 
82 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 recommended "that Wallowa should be held by military 
 occupation, " to prevent and not to make war, and that I 
 should have the work to do. 
 
 This commissioner's report was approved at Wash 
 ington. The Indian Agent, Mr. Monteith, did all that 
 lay in his power to carry out the recommendations at 
 first without military aid. 
 
 The Indians called me to an interview first at Walla 
 Walla, afterward at Lapwai. At Walla Walla the talk 
 with Joseph's brother Ollicut was exceedingly pleasant. 
 I write of it, "The old medicine-man looks happy, and 
 Ollicut believes we shall have no trouble. 
 
 " I made the appointment for Lapwai in twelve days, 
 but I went to Lewiston immediately to meet the officers 
 of Fort Lapwai, and Indian Agent Monteith, to read 
 to them carefully the full instructions from the Honor 
 able Secretary of War, General Sherman, and the 
 commanding general of the military division, in relation 
 especially to the agency the military was to have in 
 placing the Indians upon the reservation." 
 
 I made a visit to Wallula and then returned by stage 
 to meet the non-treaties at Lapwai the 3rd of May (1877). 
 This is the council to which Joseph invited me, and not 
 I him, as he alleges. 
 
 Before giving points in this interview in answer to 
 Joseph's statements, I must state that Mr. Monteith, 
 Indian Agent, had been instructed by his chief at Wash 
 ington, to bring the "non-treaty Nez Perces" upon their 
 reservation. He had made his official demand upon me. 
 I had been positively ordered to give the essential aid. 
 There was now nothing left to parley about, yet to please 
 the Indians I had promised to meet them again, and I 
 did. 
 
 These picturesque people came in sight, after keeping 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 83 
 
 us waiting long enough for effect. They drew near the 
 hollow square of the post and in sight of us, the small 
 company to be interviewed. They struck up their song. 
 They were not armed except with a few "tomahawk- 
 pipes" that could be smoked with the peaceful tobacco 
 or penetrate the skull-bone of an enemy, at the will 
 of the holder"; yet, somehow, this wild song produces a 
 strange effect. Our ladies, thinking it a war-song, ask 
 with some show of trepidation, "Do you think Joseph 
 means to fight ?" The Indians sweep around the fence 
 and make the entire circuit, still keeping up the song 
 as they ride, the buildings breaking the refrain into 
 irregular bubblings of sound till the ceremony was 
 completed. 
 
 After all had finally gathered at the tent, and Father 
 Cataldo had opened by a prayer in the Nez Perces 
 language, I turned to Joseph and said through Mr. 
 Whitman (the interpreter) : " I heard from your brother 
 Ollicut, twelve days ago at Walla Walla, that you wished 
 to see me. I am now here to listen to what you have to 
 say." 
 
 Joseph then told me of other Indians coming and said, 
 "You must not be in a hurry to go till all get in, to have 
 a talk." 
 
 I replied: "Mr. Monteith, the Indian Agent, and I 
 have our instructions from Washington. They send us 
 to your people. If you decide at once to comply with the 
 wishes of the Government, you can have the first pick 
 of vacant land. We will wait for White Bird if you desire 
 it. Instructions to him are the same as to you. He can 
 have his turn." And an old Dreamer intimating that 
 they wished a long talk, the answer is: "Mr. Monteith 
 and I wished to hear what you have to say, whatever 
 time it may take; but you may as well know at the outset 
 
84 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 that, in any event, the Indians must obey the orders of 
 the Government of the United States. " 
 
 Mr. Monteith then read his instructions from the In 
 dian Bureau to the Indians and had them carefully 
 interpreted to them, and also explained how he had al 
 ready informed them of the orders to come on the reser 
 vation through Reuben (then head-chief at Lapwai) 
 and that they had scorned his message. "Now, you must 
 come, and there is no getting out of it. Your Indians, and 
 White Bird's, can pick up your horses and cattle and 
 come on the reservation. . . . General Howard 
 will stay till matters are settled." 
 
 Ollicut replied at length, objecting to considering 
 matters settled. 
 
 I rejoined: "Joseph, the agent, Mr. Monteith, and 
 myself are under the same Government. What it com 
 mands us to do, that we must do. The Indians are to 
 come on the reservation first; then they may have privi 
 leges, as the agent has shown, to hunt and to fish in the 
 Imnaha Valley. If the Indians hesitate to come to the 
 reservation, the Government directs that soldiers be 
 used to bring them hither. Joseph and Ollicut know 
 that we are friends to them, and that if they comply 
 there will be no trouble." 
 
 Everybody at this council was in good humor, ex 
 cept two old Dreamers who tried to make a disturbance. 
 I told them pointedly to give good advice. My manner 
 I will not judge of. It is my usual manner, proceeding 
 from the kindest of feelings, and from an endeavor to 
 behave as a gentleman to the weakest or most ignorant 
 human being. The Indians, excepting the two I have 
 named, made no angry remarks. We shook hands and 
 separated, to wait as Joseph had requested. 
 
 Joseph has turned this right about in the article 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 85 
 
 published in the Review where it is stated that he 
 said, "I am ready to talk today," and that General 
 Howard would not. His account runs two days' in 
 terviews into one. Joseph never made that interesting 
 speech ending with "I do not believe that the Great 
 Spirit Chief gave one kind of men the right to tell an 
 other kind of men what they must do." And I did 
 never reply, "You want to dictate to me, do you ?" 
 We always treated each other with the most marked 
 courtesy. 
 
 On May 4th Joseph made a brief speech: "This is 
 White Bird; I spoke to you of him; this is the first time 
 he has seen you and you him. I want him and his Indians 
 to understand what has been said to us." 
 
 White Bird was a demure-looking Indian, about five 
 feet eight inches in height. His face assumed the con 
 dition of impassability while in council; he kept his 
 ceremonial hat on, and placed a large eagle's wing in 
 front of his eyes and nose. 
 
 The sub-chief and Dreamer, Too-hool-hool-suit, was 
 broad-shouldered, deep-chested, five feet ten in height, 
 had a deep guttural voice, and betrayed in every word 
 a strong and settled hatred of all Caucasians. This man 
 the Indians now put forward to speak for them not 
 that they had already decided to indorse his sentiments, 
 but because he always counseled war; they evidently 
 desired to see what effect his public utterance would 
 produce upon us. 
 
 Now, instead of the mild and respectful speech attrib 
 uted to this surly Indian by Joseph, a speech that was 
 followed by my causeless loss of temper, Mr. Monteith 
 and I heard him patiently, for quite a length of time, 
 asserting his independence and uttering rebellious 
 speeches against the Washington authority. We replied 
 
86 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 firmly and kindly as before, explaining everything and 
 showing the imperative nature of our instructions. 
 
 The White Bird Indians were very tired that day, and 
 Joseph again asked for delay. The record reads: "Let 
 the Indians take time; let them wait till Monday morn 
 ing, and meanwhile talk among themselves. So, with 
 pleasant faces and cordial handshaking, the second 
 interview broke up." 
 
 How different this is from Joseph's account of the 
 affair, in which he condenses the whole narrative into 
 the arrest of Too-hool-hool-suit upon his first appear 
 ance, and without provocation. 
 
 Now (Monday, May yth), we came together again. 
 The "non-treaties" had received large accessions. The 
 display (previous to seating themselves) gave them 
 great boldness. Our garrison was but a handful, and the 
 manner of the Indians was now defiant. Mr. Monteith 
 began in the kindest manner to show the Indians that 
 their religion would not be interfered with, nor their 
 ceremonies, unless the peace was disturbed by excessive 
 drumming. 
 
 Then Too-hool-hool-suit began in the most offen 
 sive style. We listened to the oft-repeated Dreamer 
 nonsense with no impatience, till finally he accused 
 us of speaking untruthfully about the chieftainship of 
 the earth. 
 
 I thought the time had come to check his tirade. I was 
 not in the least angry, if I recall my mood with accuracy; 
 I did not lose my temper, but I did assume a severity of 
 tone sufficient to show that I understood the drift of the 
 council, and that we were not to be intimidated. My 
 first words were: "I do not want to interfere with your 
 religion, but you must talk about practicable things. 
 Twenty times over I hear that the earth is your mother, 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 87 
 
 and about the chieftainship of the earth; I want to hear 
 it no more, but to come to business at once." 
 
 He then talked against the treaty Indians, and said 
 they had no law, or their law was born of to-day; then 
 against us white people for attempting to divide the 
 earth, and defiantly asking, "What do you mean ?" 
 
 Mr. Monteith explained: "The law is, you must come 
 to the reservation. The law is made in Washington; we 
 don't make it." Then, again, the Dreamer goes over the 
 same ground and becomes fiercer and fiercer. The crowd 
 of Indians are becoming excited, and I saw that I must 
 act, and that very promptly. The record is: "The rough 
 old fellow, in his most provoking tone, says something 
 in a short sentence, looking fiercely at me. The interpre 
 ter quickly says: 'He demands what person pretends to 
 divide the land and put me on it ?' In the most decided 
 voice I said: 'I am the man; I stand here for the Presi 
 dent, and there is no spirit, good or bad, that will hinder 
 me. My orders are plain and will be executed. I hoped 
 that the Indians had good sense enough to make me 
 their friend and not their enemy.'" 
 
 From various unmistakable signs (I am no novice 
 with Indians) I saw that immediate trouble was at hand. 
 Joseph, White Bird, and Looking Glass indorsed and 
 encouraged this malcontent. I must somehow put a 
 wedge between them; so I turned to this Dreamer and 
 said, "Then you do not propose to comply with the 
 orders of the Government ?" 
 
 After considerable more growling and impudence of 
 manner, he answered with additional fierceness, "The 
 Indians may do what they like, but I am not going on 
 the reservation." After telling the Indians that this bad 
 advice would be their ruin, I asked the chiefs to go with 
 me to look at their land. "The old man shall not go. I 
 
88 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 will leave him with Colonel Perry." He says, " Do you 
 want to scare me with reference to my body ?" I said, 
 "I will leave your body with Colonel Perry." I then 
 arose and led him out of the council, and gave him in 
 charge of Colonel Perry. 
 
 The whole tone of the Indians now changed, and they 
 readily agreed to go with me to look at their new homes. 
 They may have thought of killing me then and there; 
 but a bold, quick, unexpected action will often save you 
 in extreme peril. Joseph's manner was never defiant. 
 He rode with me to look at what Mr. Monteith had in 
 tended for him. A few Indians and some white sojourn- 
 ers would have to remove to other lands, to put Joseph's 
 people together. We lunched together at Mr. Colwell's 
 and then returned to the fort. White Bird and Looking 
 Glass appeared to be happy and contented. They plead 
 ed for the release of Too-hool-hool-suit; but I told them 
 to wait until I had shown them their land which Mr. 
 Monteith would designate. The next day we rode to 
 Kamiah (sixty-five miles), and the next went to the 
 lands intended. White Bird picked his near Looking 
 Glass's farms, and then we returned to Kamiah, and the 
 next day following to Lapwai. 
 
 Too-hool-hool-suit was released on the pledge of 
 Looking Glass and White Bird, and on his earnest 
 promise to behave better and give good advice. 
 
 Now we must have our final interview, May I4th. 
 Joseph concluded to go, too, near Kamiah with the rest. 
 The promises were put in writing. No objection was 
 made to thirty days, except by Hush-hush-cute. I gave 
 him thirty-five days because he had not had so early 
 notice of removal. 
 
 I withheld the protection papers from Hush-hush- 
 cute because of something he said, which indicated that 
 
Comment on Joseph's Narrative 89 
 
 he was attempting to conceal his intentions. So I left 
 his papers with the agent. There was general joy among 
 the treaty Indians, non-treaty Indians, and whites, at 
 the peaceful outcome 'of the councils, and I returned to 
 Portland. 
 
 This idea that General Howard caused the war is an 
 after-thought. 
 
 That story that Joseph asked me for more time is not 
 true. That I sent orders to the soldiers to drive them out 
 on their return to Wallowa is, of course, untrue; that 
 would have disconcerted everything; on the contrary, 
 the officers and soldiers were simply to occupy Wailowa 
 in the interest of peace, and not use constraint unless 
 forced to do so. 
 
 The statements with reference to our losses and those 
 of the Indians are all wrong, and Joseph does not tell 
 how his own Indians, White Bird and his followers, who 
 treacherously escaped, after the terms of the surrender 
 had been agreed upon between us at General Miles' 
 battle-field, being permitted by himself, did in fact 
 utterly break and make void the said terms of surrender. 
 
 These Indians were to return to Idaho, not because of 
 any promise, but because of General McDowell's orders, 
 requiring all the Nez Perce prisoners to be kept in my 
 department. This order was changed by General Sher 
 man, or at Washington. 
 
CHAPTER FOUR 
 
 The Battle of White Bird Canon 
 
 By Maj. and Brev. Col. W. R. Parnell, United States 
 Army (Retired) 
 
 THE Wallowa Valley is fifteen or twenty miles 
 east of the Grande Ronde Valley in eastern 
 Oregon, and had long been a bone of con 
 tention between the whites and a band of 
 non-treaty Nez Perce Indians under Chief Joseph. The 
 whites claimed the right of settlement under the United 
 States Land Acts, and while no determined effort on 
 their part was made to take up homestead, preemption 
 or other claims, yet they kept it as a grazing ground for 
 their cattle, while the Indians denied them the right to 
 such privileges, claiming to themselves the entire con 
 trol of the valley and surrounding hills for hunting and 
 fishing. They were confirmed in this right by the Govern 
 ment, I believe, in 1855; but by subsequent authority 
 from Washington the land was thrown open for settle 
 ment and still later on again withdrawn. 
 
 These conflicting rulings the Indian did not clearly 
 understand, and he evidently did not propose to be 
 trifled with like a child with a toy, to be taken away from 
 and given again in pleasure. Quarrels were continually 
 arising between the red-men and the white; an occasional 
 
 90 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 91 
 
 steer would be missing from the white man's herd, and 
 ponies would, in turn, be missing from that of the In 
 dian. Fort Walla Walla was the nearest military station 
 to this disputed territory and the cavalry troops were 
 constantly moving to and from the Grande Ronde and 
 Wallowa Valleys, settling differences and preserving 
 the peace, from the date of regarrisoning it in 1873 until 
 hostilities commenced in 1877. 
 
 During the summer months two troops of cavalry 
 were kept in camp in the Wallowa Valley, returning to 
 Walla Walla for the winter. Even the severity of winter 
 did not appear to cool the hot blood, or bad blood, of 
 either the white man or the Indian, for on New Year's 
 Day 1876 the year of the Centennial two troops of 
 the First Cavalry under my command had to forego 
 their New Year calls, egg-nog and other attractions, and 
 start out on an expedition across the Blue Mountains to 
 Grande Ronde Valley, to quell an anticipated outbreak 
 of the Indians for some grievance against the whites. 
 The temperature was twelve degrees below zero with 
 from two to four feet of snow on the ground. 
 
 On reaching the valley we found, however, that there 
 was no evidence of any trouble whatever on the part 
 of the Indians. The report was a ruse of some white men 
 in Grande Ronde Valley to get cavalry into the valley, 
 hoping, thereby, to dispose of their hay, grain and pro 
 visions at prices at inverse ratio to the mercury in the 
 thermometer. Imagine their chagrin when they found 
 that the Government contractor had made all necessary 
 arrangements in the premises before we reached the 
 valley ! 
 
 It would seem an anomaly to the military mind to 
 read the regular annual Presidential Message to Con 
 gress that " the country was at peace," etc., when war 
 
92 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 within our own borders was never ceasing; that for 
 acrimony and deviltry on the part of the Indians, and 
 of hardships, suffering and privations on the part of the 
 troops engaged in it, was absolutely unknown in a war 
 of any other character. 
 
 A few years ago not a month passed that war did not 
 exist in one section or another within the boundaries of 
 the United States; if not in Washington, Oregon, Ne 
 vada, or California, we had it in Montana and the 
 Dakotas, or down in Arizona, New Mexico or Texas. 
 So far as the cavalry arm of the service was concerned, 
 cessation from hostilities did not exist. The cavalry was 
 continually on the alert, the ever watchful eyes of the 
 army were either in the saddle, or virtually "standing 
 to horse." And they are doing the same thing in the 
 Philippines to-day! 
 
 General Howard, commanding the Department of 
 the Columbia, was instructed from Washington to pro 
 ceed to Fort Lapwai, Idaho, and hold council with 
 Chief Joseph and his tribe regarding the disputed terri 
 tory. He was directed to formulate a plan by which the 
 non-treaty Indians should come on the Nez Perce Indian 
 Reservation at Lapwai or Kamai. 
 
 There were stationed at Fort Lapwai in May, 1877, 
 Troop F, First United , States Cavalry, and a small 
 command of the Twenty-first United States Infantry, 
 the post being under the command of Col. David Per 
 ry, Captain First Cavalry. General Howard ordered 
 Troop H, First Cavalry, from Walla Walla to Lewis- 
 ton, Idaho, a small town at the junction of the Snake 
 and Clearwater Rivers. This troop was to remain in 
 camp on the west bank of the Snake so as to be ready to 
 move up the Snake River on either side, or to move 
 rapidly into the Wallowa Valiy and reinforce Troops 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 93 
 
 ii i MIII nut 1 1 if fir 
 
 3DNVAQV NVKJNI 
 
Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 E and L, First Cavalry, should occasion require it, 
 as it was well known that the Indians were ugly and 
 strongly opposed to going on a reservation, or surren 
 dering their alleged rights to the Wallowa. 
 
 The Nez Perce Reservation covers an immense tract 
 of perhaps the most fertile soil in Idaho, abundantly 
 supplied with water and timber land. The agency is 
 beautifully situated on the Clearwater, about three miles 
 from the military post of Fort Lapwai. It has a sub- 
 agency at Kamai, sixty miles higher up on the Clear- 
 water. It is there that the celebrated Lo-lo Trail across 
 the Bitter Root Mountains in Montana commences. 
 
 It was with much difficulty that the Indians could be 
 induced to come in and hold council, several preliminary 
 "talks" had occurred with one or another of the sub- 
 chiefs. On the 1 5th of May, the grand council was 
 held in a large tent pitched on the parade-ground at 
 Fort Lapwai. The attitude of the Indians indicated any 
 thing but friendly feelings; they wore a sullen, dogged 
 and defiant demeanor; treachery on their part was an 
 ticipated at least, and although the stipulations were 
 that each party should appear unarmed, it was after 
 ward discovered that many Indians present at the 
 council, beside many on the outside, were armed with 
 revolvers, rifles and knives hid away under their blank 
 ets. To provide against such an emergency, the General 
 gave orders to have all the troops remain in quarters 
 and "under arms." The Indians were represented 
 by Chief Joseph, Ollicut, his younger brother, White 
 Bird, Looking Glass, Hush-hush-cute, chief of the Pal- 
 ouse Indians, who were strong allies, through inter 
 marriage, of the Nez Perces; and a goodly sprinkle of 
 sub-chiefs, warriors and squaws. 
 
 The council lasted from about ten o'clock in the 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 95 
 
 morning until late in the afternoon. Many times during 
 the day hot and defiant words fell from the lips of the 
 Indians, more particularly from those of White Bird, 
 who was the worst devil of the lot. I use the phrase 
 advisedly, knowing from past experience the horrible 
 cruelties practised by Indians on helpless and unprotect 
 ed white women and children on our frontier. 
 
 Toward the close of the council the excitement grew 
 intense. Every moment General Howard and the officers 
 present anticipated an attack by the Indians whose 
 every motion indicated that they were armed, though no 
 weapons were shown. So arrogant and defiant were 
 they that few white men could have restrained them 
 selves; indeed, at one time, General Howard was on the 
 point of committing one of them to the guard-house in 
 irons, but his cooler and better judgment and proverbial 
 desire for peace restrained him, and the storm subsided 
 for the time being. 
 
 The most trivial spark of indiscretion on the part of 
 any officer present would have caused the massacre of 
 the entire party. Let the so-called Indian philanthropist 
 of the East, the admirers of the Fenimore Cooper type 
 of the noble red-man, cavil as they may about army 
 officers and the regular army, generally, on that question. 
 There never have been any better friends of the Indian 
 than the officers and enlisted men of our little reg 
 ular army. When they go out on a campaign, they go in 
 obedience of orders. They go for business strictly, and 
 not for a picnic. They go to protect the lives and prop 
 erty of our sturdy pioneers on our frontier against the 
 most bloodthirsty and relentless foe of our race, and 
 then, when success and victory crown their efforts, they 
 in turn feed, clothe and protect the people they have 
 subdued. 
 
96 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Chief Joseph and Looking Glass favored the prop 
 osition of going on the reservation. White Bird and 
 Ollicut opposed it, bat the decision of the council was 
 that Chief Joseph's band of non-treaty Indians, which 
 included all of the smaller bands, was to go on the res 
 ervation. Thirty days were allowed for this purpose. 
 The I4th of June was to see the entire band on the Nez 
 Perce Reservation among their own people. To this the 
 Indians agreed. 
 
 During the conference Chief Joseph's brother, Olli 
 cut, sometimes called Young Joseph, exhibited a map of 
 the disputed territory of the Wallowa which was, to say 
 the least, unique. It was a novel specimen of draughts 
 manship, if I remember correctly. It was on a peculiar 
 piece of paper or parchment of a muddy yellow tinge, 
 about sixteen or eighteen inches square, the ink being 
 of a pale green color; the geography was delineated by 
 natural history; for instance, the Wallowa Lake was 
 represented by a single ink line showing the boundary 
 line, and a crude drawing of a fish in the center; the 
 mountains were represented by the figures of deer; the 
 Wallowa River by a zigzag line, with trees here and 
 there along its length. The wagon-road was probably 
 the most peculiar and interesting part of it, a double 
 column of very small circles running the entire length 
 of the valley was the impression we received at first 
 glance, the circles not larger than a pin's head; but upon 
 closer inspection the circles were found to be incom 
 plete; they were minute representations of horse-shoes, 
 indicating the impress of the shoe upon the soft earth. 
 
 A tragedy that occurred a short time before, in which 
 an Indian was killed by a white man, occasioned by a 
 dispute about the removal of a rail fence to allow horses 
 to pass through, was shown on the map as near the 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 97 
 
 vicinity as guesswork could make it, by figures repre 
 senting a white man and two or three Indians struggling 
 for the possession of a gun. The figures of men and ani 
 mals were a good deal after the Egyptian types, straight 
 lines and angles. 
 
 An effort was made by General Howard and Lieuten 
 ant Fletcher of the Twenty-first Infantry to make an 
 exact copy of the map, but under no consideration 
 would the Indians allow them to retain it long enough 
 for that purpose. 
 
 General Howard returned to Portland next day to 
 await the termination of the allotted month, and the 
 Indians returned to their camp on the Salmon River. 
 As the 1 4th of June drew near, speculation was rife as 
 to the probabilities of the Indians abiding by the de 
 cision of the council, or otherwise. Nothing had been 
 heard from them, nor had any of them as yet "come in." 
 
 The morning of the I4th of June arrived and with it 
 brought General Howard from Department Head 
 quarters. The day wore along, clear, warm and peace 
 ful; troops were to return to their stations if all went 
 well. But all did not go well, for about six o'clock P.M. 
 a messenger arrived from Mount Idaho with a letter 
 to the General stating that Joseph's band was giving 
 the settlers much trouble and annoyance, causing fears 
 of an outbreak. Early next morning four cavalrymen 
 and the interpreter from the agency started for Mount 
 Idaho to learn particulars. 
 
 Much uneasiness was manifest throughout the little 
 garrison. We knew that the Indians should now be 
 within the boundary of the reservation, and they were 
 not. We were satisfied in our own minds that they did 
 not intend to obey the mandate of the council and from 
 their demeanor, during the deliberations of that body, 
 
98 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 we could see no other prospect than war. The Nez 
 Perces were a brave and warlike type of the Indian, 
 tall, strong and well formed, armed with weapons 
 equal, if not superior, to our own, for theirs were Win 
 chesters, sixteen shooters; ours were the Springfield, 
 single-shot, breech-loading carbines. They had a large 
 herd of good, strong ponies, giving them almost un 
 limited relays for their remounts, either for pursuit or 
 retreat. We, therefore, made our preparations for busi 
 ness on the return of the messengers. 
 
 Scarcely three hours had elapsed ere the party came 
 galloping into camp very much excited. They had been 
 fired upon and driven back by a squad of Indians con 
 cealed in the timber, who were watching the road to 
 Mount Idaho, about ten miles from Fort Lapwai. Our 
 dream of a peaceful settlement of the question was now 
 at an end. Hostilities had commenced, and another pro 
 tracted and bloody Indian war was confronting us. 
 
 The Indians had failed to comply with the terms 
 agreed upon in the council. The young bloods had defied 
 the counsel and advice of the older and wiser heads of 
 their tribe, and demanded approval from their people 
 for the cold-blooded murder of innocent and unsus 
 pecting white settlers along the Salmon River. 
 
 On the I4th of June, the day they should have been 
 on the reservation, under treaty stipulations, three of 
 their young men went to a store and post-office some 
 six miles above Slate Creek on the Salmon River, kept 
 by a Mr. Elfers, whom they shot and killed while he was 
 plowing. His unfortunate wife witnessed the murder of 
 her husband and then fled from the house and sought 
 shelter in the thick underbrush along the creek. 
 
 The Indians thoroughly ransacked the house, pro 
 cured one or two rifles and shot-guns, a quantity of 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 99 
 
 ammunition and a large supply of provisions. A party, 
 fleeing from Cottonwood to Mount Idaho, eighteen 
 miles distant, was also attacked; one man was killed, 
 one wounded and one woman badly wounded. A settler 
 at the mouth of White Bird Creek on the Salmon River 
 was also killed, his wife made prisoner and his house 
 burned. These were the acts which demanded recogni 
 tion and approval at the hands of the tribe, or at least 
 the condonation of them. We learned afterward that a 
 grand council was held by the leading men of the tribe, 
 and after a long debate it was determined to give their 
 support to the murderers and defy the United States au 
 thorities. In other words, they determined to get to war 
 rather than surrender the offenders against law, or go 
 on the reservation. 
 
 Troops F and H, First Cavalry, therefore left Fort 
 Lapwai for Mount Idaho at eight o'clock on the evening 
 of June 1 5th. The command mustered about eighty men. 
 Capt. and Brev. Col. David Perry was in command. 
 After marching until about one o'clock A.M., on the 
 1 6th, skirmishers and flankers were thrown out. We 
 were in the mountains; heavy timber, deep ravines, and 
 a wild, broken country confronted us. The night was 
 dark and at any moment we might be saluted with a 
 volley from the usually unerring rifles of the Indians, 
 but the men were vigilant and careful and we reached 
 Cottonwood Ranch unmolested. We knew that Indian 
 scouts were watching our every move, as we proceeded 
 on our march, but they carefully avoided being seen by us 
 by taking to the high ridges or hiding in the thick under 
 brush in the ravines and canons along the line of march. 
 
 We halted at Cottonwood long enough to cook coffee 
 and unsaddle our animals for a roll and an hour's graz 
 ing and then proceeded across Camas Prairie to Mount 
 
ioo Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Idaho, which we reached in the afternoon. We found 
 the citizens armed and very much excited. In the course 
 of the evening a delegation from the small town waited 
 on Colonel Perry, urging him to move down to the Salm 
 on River where the Indians were camped, and attack 
 and punish them for the murders committed by them. 
 Perry called the officers of the command together and 
 after a prolonged conversation with the citizens, who 
 professed to know the situation and strength of the In 
 dians, claiming an easy victory, it was decided to make 
 the attempt. The citizens were deceived in their supposed 
 knowledge of Indian affairs as events subsequently 
 proved. 
 
 We fed our men and horses and started at ten o'clock 
 P.M. for the Salmon River, distant about twenty miles. 
 We were now two days and on our second night without 
 rest or sleep, but fully awake and alive to the possibilities 
 of the serious business before us. Half a dozen citizens 
 accompanied us to act as guides and assist in the pro 
 spective fight and defeat of the Indians; their leader 
 being George Shearer, an ex-Confederate Major, a brave 
 man and a genial good fellow. 
 
 We plodded along in the dark until about one o'clock 
 in the morning when we reached the head of White 
 Bird Canon, where we made a halt until dawn. Colonel 
 Perry ordered perfect quiet and under the circumstances 
 no light of any kind was to be made, yet one man of his. 
 own troop lighted a match to light his pipe; two hours 
 later that man paid the penalty of his disobedience with 
 his life. Almost immediately the cry of a coyote was 
 heard in the hills above us, a long, howling cry, winding 
 up, however, in a very peculiar way not characteristic 
 of the coyote. Little heed was paid to it at the time, yet 
 it was a fatal cry to the command. It was made by an 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 101 
 
 Indian picket on the watch for the soldiers who they 
 knew were already on the march. Probably he had seen 
 the light. The signal was carried by others to the camp, 
 so that they were thoroughly prepared for our coming. 
 
 As dawn approached we continued our march down 
 the ravine into White Bird Canon. A trail led us down 
 a narrow defile, now and again crossing a dry creek bed 
 with here and there a heavy growth of willows and under 
 brush. At one time we would be skirting along the steep 
 hillside, at another following the creek bed. High bluffs 
 and mountains lined each side of the canon while the 
 trail led over rolling country, up and down little knolls 
 but still descending. 
 
 About three o'clock that fatal morning, as we passed 
 in single file along the side of the hill, a sad and pitiable 
 sight presented itself to us. We discovered an unfortunate 
 woman, whose husband had been killed by the Indians, 
 concealed in the gulch below us with a little four year 
 old girl in her arms. The child's head was broken, yet 
 bearing it with fortitude the poor mother and child, 
 shivering with cold, were thanking God for their deliver 
 ance. They had been hiding in the brush from the In 
 dians since the i^th and it was now the morning of the 
 I yth of June. I have never seen a sight that called for 
 sympathy, compassion, and action like it. It was a ter 
 rible illustration of Indian deviltry and Indian warfare. 
 The contents of the haversacks were freely given to the 
 unfortunates and we passed into the woods before us. 
 
 In a short time we found the canon widening out as 
 we descended, the bluffs on either side appeared to grow 
 higher and higher; bearing around to the east as we 
 entered a valley four or five hundred yards wide. We 
 had advanced about a hundred yards when I noticed 
 Perry's Troop moving into line at a trot. It was now 
 
IO2 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 fairly daylight, the Indians were seen advancing and 
 firing commenced at once. Troop H moved up and 
 formed line on the right of Perry. The citizens were on 
 the extreme left and in good position in a rocky knoll 
 which virtually commanded all approaches from the 
 left. The ground to the right of the line was a steady 
 rise at an angle of about twenty degrees for a distance 
 of perhaps two hundred yards, then quite a steep ascent 
 for some distance to the plateau above. The ground to 
 the left of Troop H, occupied by F, gradually swayed 
 downward and then upward to the position held by the 
 citizens. 
 
 It was bad judgment and certainly not tactical to put 
 the entire command on the line, leaving no reserves 
 whatever in either troop, and, to increase the danger of 
 such a fatal error, the men were in the saddle in an ex 
 posed position, while the Indians were on foot, taking 
 cover in the grass and behind rocks. Very soon the men 
 dismounted of their own account. Some were shot off 
 their horses, and as the firing became hotter many loose 
 horses were soon galloping away in the rear of the line. 
 
 About half an hour had elapsed and several men had 
 either been killed or wounded when Perry's men began 
 moving by the right flank to the higher ground on our 
 right. An attack had been made on the position held by 
 the citizens, two of whom were wounded and the rest 
 driven from their stand. This left it an easy matter for 
 the Indians to pass around Perry's left under cover of 
 the knoll and get a position on his right. In the meantime, 
 the Indians had driven a large herd of loose ponies 
 through our line, and scattered in among the ponies were 
 some sixty or seventy warriors who immediately attacked 
 us in the rear, demoralizing the troop, many of whom 
 were recruits, but a short time out from Eastern rendez- 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 103 
 
104 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 vous, so that it became utterly impossible to control 
 them. 
 
 As Perry passed in to the right I supposed he would 
 halt the line when in position on the right of Troop H, 
 but not so. He kept on gaining ground to the right and 
 rear until I saw him finally ascend the steep rise to the 
 bluffs above and disappear from sight. He afterward 
 explained this officially by the statement "that the men 
 were beyond control." 
 
 I now found my position one of extreme danger. The 
 other two officers of the command had followed the 
 movement of Perry's troop to the elevated plateau on 
 our right. Lieutenant Theller and eighteen men were 
 killed by an overwhelming body of Indians before they 
 could reach Perry's men. The quantity of empty shells 
 found where their bodies lay indicated that they fought 
 to the bitter end. 
 
 With what men I could collect together I now com 
 menced falling back, fighting, by the way we came; that 
 is, up the White Bird Canon. I saw that it would be 
 suicidal to attempt to reach the bluffs on our right, so 
 we slowly retreated up the ravine, holding the Indians 
 in check from knoll to knoll. I saw that halt must be 
 made pretty soon to tighten up 6ur saddle-girths, so, 
 
 fosting a few men in a little rise in front to hold the 
 ndians, I dismounted and readjusted my saddle, direct 
 ing the men to do the same. We then took position on 
 the right knoll and from knoll to knoll we fell back, 
 waiting at every halt until the Indians came near enough 
 to receive the contents of our carbines. They were swarm 
 ing in front of us and on the hillsides on both flanks, but 
 the few brave fellows with me obeyed every command 
 with alacrity. I think there were thirteen or fourteen 
 men altogether. 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 105 
 
 The Indians dared not approach too closely, yet at 
 one time they were near enough for my last pistol cart 
 ridge to hit one of them in the thigh. We had several 
 miles of this kind of work up through the canon, but the 
 men were now cool and determined and fully alive to 
 the perilous situation we were in. When we reached the 
 head of the canon, we were rejoiced to find Perry's men, 
 who had been falling back in a line nearly parallel with 
 us, on the mesa above. He had eighteen or twenty men 
 with him. I had not seen him since he reached the bluffs 
 two hours before, and neither of us knew anything about 
 the whereabouts or fate of the other. Our meeting no 
 doubt saved the massacre of either or both parties, for 
 we had yet about eighteen miles to fight our way back 
 ere we could hope for succor. 
 
 Immediately in our rear was a deep ravine to be 
 crossed. Perry requested me to hold the ridge we were on 
 while he crossed and he would then cover my passage 
 from a commanding position on the other side. I watched 
 his crossing so as to be ready to move when he had his 
 men in position, but again they failed him. They had not 
 yet recovered from their unfortunate stampeded con 
 dition. I crossed the ravine at a gallop and halted on the 
 other side to welcome the Indians, who appeared to 
 swarm on every hill. They halted abruptly on receiving 
 a salute from our carbines. 
 
 We then moved quietly down to an abandoned ranch, 
 a mile to the rear, where Perry had his men dismounted 
 in what appeared to be a good position in the rock. I 
 dismounted our men, tied our horses to a rail fence and 
 took position in the rocks; the house and barn were to 
 our left a short distance, and a small creek between us 
 and the house. Presently, shots came flying over our 
 heads from the front and right flank. The Indians had 
 
io6 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 taken stand in a clump of rocks in our front and flank on 
 higher ground, and therefore commanded our position. 
 At the same time I noticed some of them coming down 
 on our left, under cover of a fence that ran from the 
 house up the hill perpendicular to our front. I men 
 tioned this to Perry. Our ammunition was getting very 
 short, as we had but forty rounds per man when we 
 started. 
 
 After a brief consultation under a hot fire we deter 
 mined to abandon our positions and continue a re 
 treating fight back to Mount Idaho. When we first 
 reached the ranch, Perry suggested that we should hold 
 the position until dark and then fall back, as it was then 
 seven o'clock, and it would soon be dark. I could not 
 understand his remark and looked at him in astonish 
 ment. I said: 
 
 "Do you know that it is seven o'clock in the morning 
 not evening that we have been fighting nearly 
 four hours and have but a few rounds per man left ?" 
 
 I thought he was what is commonly called confused. 
 He requested me to hold the position while he mounted 
 his men, and he would then hold it until I had my men 
 in the saddle. 
 
 He moved down and mounted. I then ordered my 
 small detachment down, waiting until every man was 
 away. I followed and to my consternation found the 
 command gone and my horse with it. I hallooed out to 
 the command now more than a hundred yards distant, 
 but, evidently, nobody heard me as they continued to 
 move on. 
 
 The Indians were now gaining on me and shots kept 
 whizzing past me from every direction in rear. I looked 
 around for a hiding-place, but nothing presented itself 
 that would secure me from observation, I fully made up 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 107 
 
 my mind that I would not be taken prisoner, and deter 
 mined to use my hunting-knife or a small derringer 
 pistol I always carried in my vest-pocket. These thoughts 
 and final determination flashed through my mind in a 
 few seconds, as I kept moving on trying to overhaul the 
 command. 
 
 Finally, some of my own men missed me, and looking 
 back, saw me and reported to Colonel Perry. The 
 troops were halted, my horse caught and led back to me. 
 A few minutes after Perry halted the men and requested 
 me to reorganize the command. I did so quickly for 
 there was little to organize, and requesting Perry to 
 support me at a distance not greater than one hundred 
 yards, I stated that I would take charge of the skir 
 mish-line. The line was deployed at unusually great in 
 tervals, so as to cover as much front as possible and 
 then, after a few words of caution and instruction, we 
 waited the coming of the Indians, who at a distance had 
 been closely watching us. 
 
 We did not have a long time to wait, for they came 
 upon us with a yell. Not a shot was fired until the red 
 devils rode up to within seventy-five or a hundred yards 
 of us when I gave the order to "commence firing." 
 Several redskins and half a dozen horses went down 
 from our fire. We then moved "to the rear" at a walk, 
 and again halted, the Indians waiting for us, but once 
 more our fire sent some to grass and we quietly fell back 
 eighty or ninety yards more. Thus we continued re 
 treating for several miles. Chief White Bird with about 
 seventy warriors made several attempts to drive us off 
 to the right into Rocky Canon, which, had they succeed 
 ed in doing, would have sounded our death knell, but 
 Perry moved his men so as to prevent it and gave them 
 a few well-directed volleys which drove them back. 
 
io8 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 In passing over a marsh my attention was called to a 
 man struggling through the swampy ground and long 
 grass about half-way between us and the Indians. We 
 could just see his head above the grass. A few minutes 
 more and the Indians would have his scalp. I advanced 
 the line firing, driving the Indians back, and rescued a 
 man of H Troop whose horse had been shot. The poor 
 fellow was almost played out, he was taken up behind 
 another man and we continued our retreat. 
 
 When we got to within a few miles of Mount Idaho, 
 a party of citizens came out to our assistance. While we 
 fully appreciated their action, it was too late for them 
 to be of any service as the Indians disappeared as they 
 came into view. Men and horses were now completely 
 exhausted. We had been on the move ever since Friday 
 without rest or sleep, and under too much excitement 
 to hope for sleep now that we had reached comparative 
 safety. 
 
 Late in the fall of 1877 I was shown a copy of the 
 New York Herald containing an account of the Nez 
 Perce Indian War from "White Bird" fight to its ter 
 mination in Montana in November, and this is what is 
 stated of the White Bird affair: 
 
 The hostiles commenced operations by murdering all the white 
 settlers they could find, of whom there were many; burning their 
 houses, driving off their stock, and taking all the valuables they 
 wanted. . . . The terrible massacre of thirty-three of these 
 soldiers, under command of Captain Perry, on June i/th, first attracts 
 our attention. . . . Captain Perry attacked the Indians in White 
 Bird Canon, situated on a creek of the same name at a point about 
 three miles from where the stream empties into the Salmon River. 
 This canon is very deep and extensive, and the trail leading down to 
 it is very steep, and in places extremely narrow, necessitating for 
 part of the way a march by 'file." It is seven miles from the point 
 of descent to the creek, the first three miles being almost perpendic- 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 109 
 
 ular. The canon gradually widens as you approach the creek, 
 sloping down to the water's edge. The width of the canon contig 
 uous to the stream is about five miles. It here presents the appear 
 ance of a rolling prairie, being dotted here and there with wave-like 
 swells. 
 
 The correspondent is somewhat in error about the 
 width of the canon, as in no place is it anywhere near 
 half that distance. There are also some slight discre 
 pancies in his account of the order given and the conduct 
 of the engagement. I have no knowledge of the source 
 of his information. We had no correspondent with us, 
 nor was there one with any of the troops who subse 
 quently passed through the canon. Further, he says: 
 
 Captain Perry led his command down the narrow trail at daylight 
 in the morning of June iyth after marching all night, with men and 
 horses hungry and weary. The Indians permitted him to advance to 
 within seventy-five yards without resistance, or even showing them 
 selves to the troops. When the redskins were visible, the command 
 was given, "Left front into line; forward, charge!" 
 
 The correspondent then goes on to explain the action, 
 in which are many errors, so that I am satisfied the 
 author could not have been one familiar with military 
 affairs. He, however, says truly that Captain Perry did 
 attempt to rally his men, but he could not get one- 
 twentieth of them together, scattered as they were, 
 especially as he could not find either of his trumpeters. 
 One was killed and the other was demoralized and had 
 got out of range of the Indian rifles as soon as the re 
 treat commenced. He says again: 
 
 However, with the few men under his immediate eye, he occupied 
 a semicircle of knolls, with himself and a few citizens inside the curve 
 thus defended, until an opportunity occurred to retreat still farther in 
 a similar manner, and his party reached the top of the canon, where 
 all who had horses ran as if for their lives. 
 
no Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Captain Perry did not retreat up the canon, he did 
 just what I have stated: /. e., he ascended to the plateau 
 above the canon near where the fight commenced and 
 retreated along that until our parties united at the head 
 of the canon, mine out of it, and his on the right above 
 us. Neither did all those who had horses run as if for 
 their lives. That some did, I know. 
 
 He, the so-called correspondent, speaks in generous 
 and flattering terms of my humble, but happily success 
 ful attempts to hold the Indians in check with the few 
 gallant fellows who fought up the canon. He says: 
 
 There is no doubt but the Indians would have pursued and mas 
 sacred every one of the command had it not been for the bravery and 
 determined pluck of Lieutenant Parnell of the First Cavalry. This 
 officer, gathering a few men around him, occupied knolls here and 
 there after gaining the high ground, and so vigorous and effective was 
 the fire poured into the victorious Indians that they the Indians 
 did not deem it prudent to come within range, but instead circled to 
 the right and left when Lieutenant Parnell would so change his position 
 as to again check them. 
 
 It might seem a pity to spoil a good story, especially 
 where one is so particularly interested as the Herald 
 correspondent indicates, but he is in error when he 
 says that "they the Indians did not deem it 
 prudent to come within range." The jubilant devils 
 did come within range, and pretty close range, too, on 
 more occasions than one, but the men were now steady 
 and gave them a withering fire every time. 
 
 White Bird Canon was a terrible defeat to the troops 
 engaged in it. It put the Indians in "high feather." It 
 largely increased their warriors from among those on 
 the reservation as well as from the small tribes along the 
 Palouse, Snake, and Spokane Rivers, resulting, as it did, 
 in the massacre of the brave young Lieutenant Rains, 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon in 
 
 First Cavalry, and his party of ten men at Cottonwood ; 
 the battle of Clearwater, July nth and i2th, when we 
 had abundance of hard fighting with more than four 
 hundred troops engaged, in contrast to the numerical 
 strength of our little squad at White Bird. 
 
CHAPTER FIVE 
 
 The Battle of White Bird Canon, 
 Continued 
 
 By Brig.-Gen. David Perry, United States Army (Retired) 
 
 WHEN the first alarming news came into Fort 
 Lapwai, where General Howard, the De 
 partment Commander, then was, viz: the 
 morning of the I5th, I got my little com 
 mand ready to move, and the quartermaster was de 
 spatched to Lewiston, distant twelve miles, to procure 
 pack animals while I waited for some confirmation of 
 the disturbing rumor. This reached us late in the after 
 noon in the shape of a letter from one L. P. Brown of 
 Mount Idaho, stating that the Indians were murdering 
 settlers on Salmon River ranches. 
 
 The quartermaster not having returned at retreat, I 
 proposed to General Howard that I move at once to the 
 relief of Mount Idaho, carrying three days' rations in 
 my saddle-bags. The General sanctioned my doing so 
 and at eight o'clock P.M., on June 1 5th, I left Fort Lapwai 
 with my command, consisting of my own Troop F, 
 First Cavalry, Lieutenant Theller attached, Lieutenant 
 Parnell and forty-one men. My troop was fifty strong. 
 Five packs with five days' rations in addition to the three 
 days' cooked rations carried in saddle-bags accompanied 
 
 112, 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 113 
 
 us. We reached Cottonwood, forty miles distant, at nine 
 A.M. on the 1 6th. 
 
 I lost much time waiting for the pack-mules to come 
 up, as the road was very muddy in places. Rested the 
 command here three hours. From the high ground we saw 
 three large smokes, which proved to be the remains of 
 straw stacks set on fire by the Indians, probably as signals 
 of our coming. From Cottonwood to Mount Idaho the 
 road passes over a rolling prairie for a distance of eigh 
 teen miles. We reached Grangeville about two and one- 
 half miles short of Mount Idaho at six P.M. 
 
 Within three miles of Grangeville we met a party of 
 armed citizens who informed me that the Indians had 
 crossed the prairie at about eleven A.M., that day, travel 
 ing in the direction of White Bird crossing of the Salmon 
 River. They also insisted that unless they were pursued 
 and attacked early the following morning they would 
 have everything over the river and be comparatively safe 
 from immediate pursuit, with the buffalo trail via the 
 Little Salmon open to them, thus escaping without pun 
 ishment. While realizing that men and animals should 
 have a night's rest, I also understood that if I allowed 
 these Indians to escape across the river with all their 
 plunder, and in the face of the representations made to 
 me, without any effort on my part to prevent it, I should 
 not only be justly open to censure, but bring discredit 
 upon the army. So I told them I would give a definite 
 decision after reaching Grangeville. 
 
 Upon my arrival there I laid the matter before my 
 officers and, after considering all the circumstances, it 
 was decided that to make the attempt to overtake the 
 Indians before they could effect a crossing of the Salm 
 on River was not only the best, but the only thing to do. 
 It was also suggested that the Indians would most likely 
 
ii4 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 begin crossing at once and I would thus strike them 
 while divided. I informed the citizens of the decision, 
 and that I would be ready to start as soon as the horses 
 had been fed and the men had cooked their coffee. At 
 the same time I requested them to provide a guide and 
 bring as many volunteers as they could muster, which 
 they estimated at twenty-five to thirty, but only eight 
 came back. 
 
 About nine o'clock that night I started for White 
 Bird crossing of Salmon River. We reached the summit 
 of the dividing ridge between the prairie and the river at 
 midnight and halted there waiting for daylight. At dawn 
 I started again, following the road which I saw led down 
 a narrow gorge, but upon commenting upon this, I was 
 assured by the guide that it opened out into a compara 
 tively smooth valley. This proved to be a mistake or 
 misstatement as it was very rough and broken all the 
 way. I detailed Lieutenant Theller and eight men from 
 my troop as an advance-guard, with instructions that if 
 he saw any Indians to deploy, halt, and send me word. 
 I also directed the command to load. 
 
 About four miles, as nearly as I can judge, from the 
 summit where we had halted lay a point where two high 
 ridges ran diagonally across the low ground we were 
 traversing. This was flanked on the left by two round 
 knolls of considerable height, and on the right by a high 
 ridge running parallel with our road. Between this last 
 ridge, however, and the two referred to lay a long, deep 
 valley of considerable width, and beyond the knolls on 
 my left ran White Bird Creek, the banks of which were 
 covered with thick brush. On the more distant of these 
 ridges Lieutenant Theller halted, deployed his advance- 
 guard and at the same time sent me word that "the In 
 dians were in sight." 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 115 
 
 I immediately formed my troop into line at a trot, but 
 when I reached the advance position I saw the Indians 
 coming out of the brush, and realized that to charge 
 would only drive them back into the brush and under 
 cover while my command would be in the open, exposed 
 to their fire. I took in the situation at a glance; that the 
 ridge I was on was the most defensible position in that 
 vicinity. I accordingly dismounted my troop and de 
 ployed on the ridge, sending my horses into the valley 
 between the two ridges before described. At the same 
 time I directed the eight civilians to occupy the round 
 knoll on my left and ordered Trimble "to take care of 
 my right." 
 
 Having made these dispositions, being under fire at 
 the time, I told Theller to take command of the line 
 and then proceeded to consider the situation. I found the 
 citizens well posted on the knoll on my left which not 
 only protected my line, but the led horses in the valley 
 between the two ridges before described. I then started 
 for the right of the line to observe the conditions there, 
 and, if possible, borrow a trumpet, as I discovered in 
 making the deployment that mine had been lost. The 
 necessity for one in action needs no explanation. When 
 about three-fourths of the way to Trimble's position, I 
 became aware of something wrong, and saw that the 
 citizens had been driven off the knoll and were in full 
 retreat and that the Indians were occupying their 
 places, thus enabling them to enfilade my line and con 
 trol the first ridge. The line on the left was already giving 
 away under the galling fire. 
 
 Being too far away to charge and retake the hill, my 
 only alternative was to fall back to the second ridge. 
 Galloping down to the line and, having no trumpet, I 
 directed the word to fall back to be passed along the 
 
u6 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 line. Seeing the order in process of execution, I then 
 went to Trimble for a trumpet. I found he was in the 
 same plight as myself; namely, without a trumpet, and 
 had only time to note that he occupied a high point on 
 the right of the ridge and that some of his men were 
 dismounted, when a commotion among my led horses 
 showed that the left of my line had broken, and the men 
 were in a mad scramble for their horses. I only had 
 time to tell Trimble that if we could not hold this posi 
 tion, we must find one more easily defended, when I 
 rushed to the left to head off those men who had gotten 
 their horses, and endeavor to establish a new line. 
 
 The men on the left, seeing the citizens in full retreat 
 and the Indians occupying their places and the right 
 falling back in obedience to orders, were seized with 
 a panic which was uncontrollable, and then the whole 
 right of the line, seeing the mad rush for horses on the 
 left, also gave way and the panic became general. I 
 have never seen anything to equal it except when the 
 Eighth Corps were jumped out of their beds by Gordon's 
 men, October 19, 1864, at Cedar Creek. 
 
 To stem the onrush was simply impossible. I did 
 everything in human power to halt and reform my 
 line, but no sooner would one squad halt and face about 
 than the other, just placed in position, would be gone. 
 The panic soon extended to H Troop which disin 
 tegrated and melted away. It was on this second or rear 
 ridge that I made my most desperate efforts to reform 
 my line, but in vain. From that time on there was no 
 organized fighting, but the battle was confined to halt 
 ing first one squad and then another, facing them about 
 and holding the position until flanked out. In this way 
 we retreated up the low ground to the right of the road. 
 
 When nearing one of the trails leading up the bluff 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 117 
 
 on the side opposite the road, I saw to my rear a num 
 ber of men occupying a point that looked as though it 
 might be successfully defended, at least for a time, pro 
 vided I could reach it before the men again retreated. 
 My horse failed to respond to any further urging, and 
 feeling that everything depended upon my reaching 
 that point quickly, I jumped off and asked one of my 
 men to carry me on his horse, which he did. When I 
 dismounted, I called to Trimble, who was some way to 
 the rear, to halt a squad of men near by and place them 
 on a point indicated by me. This he did, at the same time 
 telling me that one of the citizens told him that there 
 was a better place to defend higher up. I then turned to 
 a sergeant of H Troop, who had a little squad of men 
 on another point, and told him to hold it until I could 
 place some men on the trail to command it and our 
 position. Having done this, I found that the other men 
 were already going to the rear. Being dismounted, I 
 could exercise no control over them. 
 
 I then, with the few men left, made my way up the 
 bluff, keeping under cover as much as possible and 
 avoiding the trail until near the summit, part of the men 
 halting to fire while a portion kept on to repeat this 
 maneuver in turn. The Indians were all the time pressing 
 us hard, but were a little more wary, as our ascending 
 position gave us a little better command of the lower 
 positions. As we came into the trail near the summit, I 
 caught a loose horse which I rode the rest of the day. 
 
 When we reached the summit the Indians were al 
 ready coming up the trail, and also making their way 
 around on the ridge that I have heretofore mentioned 
 as being on my extreme right, and running parallel with 
 the road. I saw Trimble some distance away, too far 
 to make myself heard, but motioned him toward the 
 
n8 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 road which we went down, and up which I believed 
 Parnell and Theller to be working their way, but evi 
 dently was misunderstood. I then turned to the right 
 (late left) with the few men I had, and made my way 
 to the head of the canon just as Parnell emerged with 
 about a dozen men. Our united squads made about 
 twenty-eight. 
 
 We had only time to acknowledge each other's pres 
 ence when the Indians were upon us and we were obliged 
 to continue our retreat, fighting and in the same dis 
 order, our men being still too panicky to be depended 
 upon, until we reached Johnson's Ranch, two or three 
 miles from the summit. Here was a rocky knoll that I 
 thought might be defended, so I halted and dismounted 
 the men. But discovering the Indians crawling down to 
 kill our horses, I gave the order to mount, and as we had 
 an open prairie to cross we were at last able to keep the 
 Indians off. Parnell with the H Troop men deployed 
 on the firing-line while I kept mine closed up and ready 
 to reinforce him should it be necessary. 
 
 Once a large party of Indians charged us but, finding 
 they could not stampede our small party that we now 
 had well in hand, they gave up the pursuit. Soon we 
 reached a fence around which the road ran. They also 
 made an attempt to cut us off from the road by reaching 
 the fence ahead of us. This, however, I observed in time 
 to frustrate by charging them with my small squad. 
 From here we continued on to Grangeville, where I 
 waited for General Howard with reinforcements. 
 
 Parnell received a " Brevet " and a " Medal of Honor " for his most 
 gallant conduct on this day, both of which he fully deserved. C. T. B. 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 119 
 Memorandum by Capt. E. S. Farrow 
 
 (late United States Army), to Accompany Colonel 
 Perry's Account 
 
 With daylight, Perry's command began the descent 
 of the rugged canon following a horse-trail, by a long 
 and tortuous descent, to the rolling country at the bot 
 tom of the canon. 
 
 A few individuals were seen stirring at the Indian 
 camp, well down in the canon. Ollicut's quick eye soon 
 caught sight of Colonel Perry's command and soon, with 
 Joseph and White Bird, with the aid of an immense 
 field-glass, a part of their careful preparation for war, 
 every movement of the troops and those of the friendly 
 scouts, Jonah and Reuben, watching on the distant and 
 commanding hill nearer the Salmon River, were care 
 fully noted. 
 
 Joseph then gave his orders for the first battle. The 
 women, children, and plunder were prepared to be taken 
 across the swift Salmon if necessary, while Mox-Mox 
 would look after the herd and supply fresh horses if 
 required. White Bird and his braves were to turn the 
 troops when they got to a certain ridge. Joseph and a 
 hundred warriors were near by, lying in wait behind the 
 rocks. Every Indian was ready to mount, and quietly 
 awaited the attack of the soldiers. 
 
 Lieutenant Theller and a detachment of eight men 
 were in the lead, followed by Colonel Perry and his com 
 pany and a small party of volunteer citizens, with Cap 
 tain Trimble's company about fifty yards farther to the 
 rear, all proceeding in column of fours. As the column 
 approached two small " Buttes," the Indians appeared 
 
I2O Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 "in skirmish order/' in an irregular line, White Bird 
 executing a flank movement to the left, while absolute 
 resistance was made to any further advance of the 
 troops. The air was full of noise and smoke many of 
 the horses became wild and unmanageable, while many 
 Indians were pressing up to higher ground to the right 
 of the troops. 
 
 In a few moments the battle was lost, and only by 
 the magnificent coolness of Colonel Perry and the quick 
 cooperation of his good officers was it possible to com 
 mence a retreat. Several futile attempts were made by 
 the panic-stricken troops to hold high ground among 
 the rocks, along the line of retreat; but the Indians were 
 too quick. Horses were galloping without riders, men 
 were falling while the Indians passed along faster and 
 faster, gaining the trails up the flanks of White Bird 
 Canon, which trails they knew well. 
 
 In many places, where the trail became steep and 
 narrow, there were desperate struggles for life, as shown 
 by the location of the bodies of the men who had fallen, 
 one after another. Defeated, and losing their brave 
 officer Lieutenant Theller, the men made every effort 
 to gain the top of the canon ridge. Here Perry and Par- 
 nell succeeded in rallying the remnant left, and beat a 
 rapid retreat to Mount Idaho, closely pursued and 
 fought by the Indians to within four miles. 
 
 More than one-third of the command, including Lieu 
 tenant Theller, was killed and left on the field. Joseph, 
 Ollicut, and White Bird, with their chosen warriors, 
 pushed forward in this pursuit to within sight of Grange- 
 ville, and then withdrew and slowly rode back to W 7 hite 
 Bird Canon to gather up the arms and ammunition and 
 clothing of the destroyed command and to enjoy the 
 first animating thrill of victory. 
 
The Battle of White Bird Canon 121 
 
 Note by Dr. Brady in justification of Colonel Perry 
 
 As is usually the case after a defeat, Colonel Perry was much cen 
 sured by the press and general public for the disaster at White Bird 
 Canon. In this censure, unfortunately, some of his officers joined, at 
 least by implication. At the close of the war Colonel Perry demanded 
 a Court of Inquiry as to his conduct during the campaign, with par 
 ticular reference to the disaster at White Bird Canon and the skirmish 
 at Cottonwood. In justice to Colonel Perry the opinion of the said 
 court is herewith appended. This report was received with expressions 
 of approval and satisfaction by both the department and division 
 commanders, Generals Howard and McDowell, and effectually dis 
 poses of any charge reflecting in the least degree upon Colonel Perry. 
 I am glad to include it here and thus do justice, even at this late day, 
 to a brave officer. C. T. B. 
 
 OPINION: 
 
 "That up to the time of the fight at White Bird Canon (except that 
 no evidence appears that a suitable quantity of ammunition had been 
 provided in case of an emergency), every precaution that good judg 
 ment dictated was taken by Captain PERRY; that at White Bird 
 Canon the disposition of the troops was judicious and proper, with the 
 exception of leaving his left to be protected by some citizens, possibly 
 unavoidable. That soon after the fight began, this point was abandoned 
 by the citizens in a panic extending to nearly all the troops, who became 
 so disorganized and dispersed as to be unmanageable. 
 
 "That Captain PERRY, after the panic took place, did all in his 
 power to collect and organize the men for a defense, without success, 
 owing partly to the troops not being well drilled in firing mounted; and 
 the Court does not deem his conduct deserving of censure. 
 
 "In regard to the affair at Cottonwood, it does not appear probable 
 that, had Captain PERRY attacked under the circumstances, any great 
 advantage would have been gained, while, by so doing, he would have 
 jeopardized the safety of his supplies of provisions, and more especially, 
 ammunition for the main column of the field. His conduct there ap 
 pears to have been in accordance with the dictates of good judgment 
 and prudence, particularly as the enemy was flushed with success, and 
 a part of his command at least had but recently suffered from a severe 
 disaster. 
 
 "As regards the affair at the Clearwater, he appears to have done all 
 required of him, and all that, under the circumstances, could have 
 
122 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 been reasonably expected of him, the Commanding General being 
 present. 
 
 "It further appears to the Court, from the written statements of 
 some of the officers of the First Cavalry, submitted to the Court, a color 
 ing by insinuations has been given, prejudicial to the conduct of 
 Captain PERRY, unwarranted by the evidence." 
 
 The Reviewing Officer approves the proceedings, findings, and 
 opinion of the Court, excepting this shade of difference: that it does 
 not appear to him, from the evidence, that Captain PERRY is at all 
 answerable for the limited quantity of ammunition on hand at the en 
 gagement of White Bird Canon; neither is it clear that the citizens 
 (volunteers) were misplaced upon his left. Their subsequent conduct 
 could not have been foreseen. 
 
CHAPTER SIX 
 
 The Affair at Cottonwood 
 
 By Brig.-Gen. David Perry,United States Army(Retired) 
 
 I WAS returning July 4th from Fort Lapwai to 
 General Howard's command in charge of a 
 pack-train loaded with ammunition. It had 
 been expected that Captain Jackson's troop 
 of cavalry would reach Lapwai in time to furnish a safe 
 escort. Fearing that the ammunition might be needed, 
 I decided not to wait longer and pushed ahead with a 
 small detachment. No one believed the hostiles to be 
 within striking distance, as the last reports located them 
 in the Salmon River Mountains. Imagine then my sur 
 prise at meeting Whipple's command that afternoon 
 several miles from Cottonwood deployed in two lines 
 with his mountain guns between them. 
 
 Then it was that I learned of the appearance in that 
 neighborhood of a large body of hostiles and the fate 
 of Rains and detachment. It appears that Whipple's 
 scouts reported seeing Indians in the hills back of Cot 
 tonwood where the command lay and in the direction 
 of Lapwai. Orders were immediately given to " saddle 
 up." As soon as they could get their horses, an advance- 
 guard under Rains started off at a gallop. In their eager 
 ness to get away they outstripped by several minutes the 
 
 123 
 
124. Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 command, which was just in the act of mounting when 
 firing was heard in the direction of the advance-guard. 
 Proceeding at a gallop they reached the scene of the 
 firing only to find that the entire detachment had been 
 cut off. 
 
 The Indians evidently had seen them coming, or 
 perhaps which is more likely had prepared for 
 the whole command a trap which was sprung by the 
 advance-guard and which undoubtedly prevented a 
 greater disaster. They had so skilfully secreted a large 
 party that Rains passed through without discovering 
 them. He was thus caught between two lines of hostiles. 
 He at once abandoned his horses and took position by a 
 big boulder out in the open, but undoubtedly command 
 ed on all sides by Indian guns where all were killed. 
 
 After meeting Whipple I assumed command by virtue 
 of seniority and pushed on to Cottonwood, where the 
 positions previously occupied were again taken up. It 
 seems that Whipple knew of my coming, and think 
 ing that the hostiles might know of my whereabouts 
 and of the ammunition and take me in, determined 
 to go to my relief. The hostiles were in communica 
 tion with the reservation, it is believed, and it would 
 have been an easy matter for a runner to have notified 
 Joseph that I had left for the front, and of the size of 
 the detachment with me, about twenty men. 
 
 The place was called Cottonwood Ranch House 
 and Corrals, and was situated close to the open prairie 
 on the road running from Lewiston to Mount Idaho. 
 At this point the road extends through the foot-hills, 
 and the ranch was admirably located for defense, being 
 surrounded by high ground, I might say a succession of 
 hills. I found instructions to wait here for further orders 
 from General Howard. 
 
The Affair at Cotton wood 125 
 
 All the morning of the 5th, the Indians showed 
 themselves at different points, in facty seemed to be all 
 around us. About the middle of the day they made a 
 determined attack upon our position, striking all ex 
 posed places at the same time, thereby exhibiting a 
 much stronger force than we had supposed they pos 
 sessed, estimated at not less than two hundred and fifty 
 warriors. Our positions were so strong that they could 
 make no impression on them, though in some instances 
 they crawled up the hills through the grass to within 
 fifty feet of my men before being discovered. How 
 long the main attack lasted I am unable to recall, 
 but desultory firing continued for some time after the 
 principal force had withdrawn and disappeared from 
 view. 
 
 During the afternoon and after the Indians had gone, 
 my attention was directed to a dust on the prairie, ap 
 parently coming toward us and from the direction of 
 Mount Idaho or Grangeviile. At first we took it to be 
 loose stock (ponies) and then mounted men, but wheth 
 er whites or Indians was the question. Some said one 
 and some another. Being mindful of the trap set for 
 Whipple's command, as before narrated, I was inclined 
 to believe it a ruse on the part of the Indians to draw us 
 out. All doubt, however, was soon dispelled as the In 
 dians attacked the party, which proved to be a company 
 of "home guards" from Mount Idaho. 
 
 I at once rushed my front line down the hill and sent 
 a mounted detachment to their rescue, which drove 
 the Indians off and brought the party in. Their casual 
 ties I do not now recall. Shortly after this the whole 
 hostile "outfit," families, loose stock, etc., debouched 
 from the foot-hills some six or eight miles from my posi 
 tion and started across the prairie at a furious pace in 
 
126 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 the direction of the Clearwater, where General Howard 
 afterward engaged them. 
 
 Captain Whipple estimated two hundred and fifty 
 warriors while my command of about one hundred had 
 a valuable train to guard, so that to pursue them was not 
 deemed judicious. It was now apparent that their hover 
 ing around my camp and their attack was not, as some 
 had supposed, an attempt to capture the train, but to 
 keep us occupied while their families and stock gained 
 the open prairie and prevent our sending out scouting 
 parties, who, in all probability, would have discovered 
 them.* 
 
 * Another evidence of the subtilty and strategic skill of these remarkable Indians. 
 C. T. B. 
 
CHAPTER SEVEN 
 The Salmon River Expedition 
 
 By Maj. and Brev.-Col. W. R. Parnell, United States 
 Army (Retired) 
 
 ON the 24th of June, 1877, seven days after the 
 battle of White Bird Canon, Troop H, First 
 Cavalry, left Mount Idaho by the round 
 about way of Florence for the little settle 
 ment of Slate Creek on the Salmon River. Slate Creek 
 empties into Salmon about six miles above the mouth of 
 White Bird. The Indians were still in camp on the river- 
 bank and had possession of all trails between the two 
 points. 
 
 The march was through the mountains over an old, 
 abandoned trail, obstructed by rocks and fallen timber; 
 and, although it was mid-summer, snow and rain fell 
 almost incessantly during the trip, which was completed 
 at two o'clock on the morning of the 25th. A few men, 
 and many women and children were found at the place, 
 all badly scared, not knowing what moment the redskins 
 might attack them and murder the entire party. But the 
 expected arrival of the troop and that of a volunteer 
 company of citizens from Lewiston relieved all anxiety. 
 We remained at Slate Creek until July 1st and then 
 crossed the Salmon River to join General Howard's 
 
 I2 7 
 
128 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 column in pursuit of the hostiles. After the battle of 
 White Bird General Howard ordered all the available 
 troops in his own department to report to him immedi 
 ately for field duty. In addition to these, troops from the 
 departments of California and Arizona were hurried to 
 the front. 
 
 The Second United States Infantry was promptly put 
 en route by rail and boat from Atlanta, Georgia, to 
 Lewiston, Idaho; and the Fifth and Seventh Infantry, 
 together with the Second and Seventh Cavalry in Mon 
 tana, were prepared to attack the Indians, should they 
 attempt to cross the Bitter Root Mountains, which it 
 was supposed they would do if they could, hoping pos 
 sibly to form a junction with some of Sitting Bull's 
 warriors in the Sioux country, or else escape across the 
 line into Canada. 
 
 After crossing the river the troop joined General How 
 ard's column at Brown's Ranch at the head of Sink Creek, 
 and then commenced a climb of twelve miles up the 
 steep and rugged sides of the Salmon River Mountains. 
 It rained all day and all that night. Several pack-mules 
 were lost overboard! in the steep climb; the ani 
 mals would slip and flounder in the mud, under heavy 
 loads, and in the struggle to get foothold in some par 
 ticularly steep places several lost their balance and went 
 rolling down the mountain side, nearly two thousand 
 feet, with frightful velocity. Of course, there was not 
 much pack and very little serviceable mule left when the 
 bottom was reached. 
 
 The howitzer battery and the infantry and pack-train 
 were obliged to camp about half-way up the mountain; 
 the foot artillery and cavalry troop, who had the ad 
 vance, reached the summit about half past seven in the 
 evening. The pack-train being behind, the artillery as 
 
The Salmon River Expedition 129 
 
 well as the General and staff had to go without bedding or 
 rations until noon the next day. Troop H led their own 
 mules with the command and shared their coffee, hard 
 bread and bacon, as far as it would go, with their less 
 fortunate comrades. Our Fort Walla Walla Post surgeon, 
 George M. Sternberg, now Surgeon-General, was ill and 
 exhausted when he reached the summit. I, therefore, 
 made him turn in under my blankets and canvas for the 
 night, while I joined the large majority under the trees 
 and kept the fire going all night. 
 
 Next day the troop was out scouting. We started at 
 eight o'clock in the morning with our clothing soaking 
 wet from the night's unpleasant experience in the rain, 
 but after a while the sun came out and our garments 
 began to steam and smoke, so- that we were completely 
 dry by the time we returned to camp late in the after 
 noon. We had a sweat bath in the saddle. 
 
 On the 4th the command moved at an early hour, 
 following the trail of the Indians down the Salmon River 
 again, and camped on the river-bank about fifteen miles 
 below White Bird. The Indians had recrossed the river 
 at the point two days before, then moved over to Cotton- 
 wood and Craig's Mountain, and had there ambushed 
 and killed Lieut. S. M. Rains, First Cavalry, and ten 
 or twelve more of Troop L, who had been sent out 
 as an advance-guard of the troop. This occurred on July 
 3rd, the day our part of the command was engaged in 
 dragging their guns and pack-mules up the slippery sides 
 of the Salmon River Mountains. 
 
 The Indians had scuttled their canoes; the General 
 therefore concluded to build a raft to cross the command. 
 Lieut. H. G. Otis, Fourth Artillery, was detailed for this 
 duty. His idea was to take all the cavalry lariats (light 
 three-fifths rope), tie them together, make one end 
 
130 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 fast to a tree and the other to the raft, and then let the 
 current carry the raft near enough to the other side to be 
 able to throw a line from it to the shore. 
 
 When it is understood that the raft was constructed 
 of closely laid twelve inch hewn logs, thirty or forty feet 
 long, pounded by a current of water running not less 
 than seven miles an hour, in a river more than two hun 
 dred and fifty feet wide, there was not much show for a 
 slender rope that was not strong enough to hold even a 
 single log. 
 
 I was detailed to take charge of and swim all the ani 
 mals across. While I was engaged in this particularly 
 interesting yet dangerous duty with fifteen men, naked 
 and mounted on bare-backed horses, I was recalled, for 
 "the raft went down the river, hal-le-lu." * The loss of 
 lariats, alas! required the services of the troop "Affida 
 vit Corps" to square accounts with the Chief of Ordnance 
 and Second Auditor's Office. The failure of the raft was 
 predicted by officers who had years of experience in that 
 kind of business, but the young and inexperienced " sub," 
 who was on his first campaign, knew better. He had 
 worked out mathematically to his own satisfaction at 
 least the positive success of his theory ! 
 
 That afternoon we retraced our steps, crossed the 
 river at White Bird by boats, and camped at Grangeville 
 on the night of the 8th. The next day E, F, H, and L 
 Troops, P'irst Cavalry, marched to the Clearwater to 
 await the arrival of the infantry and artillery. 
 
 On the i ith we crossed the Clearwater, moving down 
 its eastern bank on the high bluffs above the valley. 
 When nearly opposite the confluence of the Cottonwood, 
 the Indians were discovered in force. Their camp was 
 
 * This was the refrain to a song of the campaign composed by some of the officers to 
 the air of "Turn Back Pharaoh's Army." C. T. B. 
 
The Salmon River Expedition 131 
 
 down by the water's edge, but their warriors were scat 
 tered along the slope from base to summit, and fairly 
 well fortified. They numbered about four hundred rifles. 
 It took but a moment to wheel into line, deploy, and 
 open fire on them, and the battle of Clearwater com 
 menced. Troop H was on the right of the line, and 
 took care of that flank as well as guarded a little spring 
 of water at the head of a ravine, the only water we had 
 for the entire command. 
 
 While our pack-train was coming into camp eighty or 
 ninety Indians emerged from the timber on our left and 
 made a daring attack on its center, killing two packers 
 and a few mules, but a quick move of the troop and men 
 from the left of the line drove them off, and the train 
 reached the camp in safety. 
 
 During the afternoon and night and nearly all the next 
 day the fighting continued more or less severely. The 
 Indians were daring in their attacks, sometimes charging 
 our line almost to bayonet distance. When in turn our 
 men would charge down on them driving them from 
 their rifle-pits, and from behind trees and stumps until 
 stopped by the main body. 
 
 About three o'clock in the afternoon of the I2th, 
 Captain Jackson's fine Troop B, of the First Cavalry, 
 was seen in the distance escorting a large pack-train with 
 supplies. The artillery battalion moved out to assist him 
 in case of attack, and after escorting him safely within 
 our lines Captain Miller moved his battalion, together 
 with Troops E and L, First Cavalry, down on the 
 right flank of the Indians and drove them from their 
 position, the infantry and howitzers making it exceed 
 ingly hot for their left and center. The Indians crossed 
 the river and retreated quietly on the other side, and the 
 battle of the Clearwater was ended. 
 
132 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Our loss was, I believe, twelve men killed and two 
 officers and twenty-five men wounded. The Indian loss 
 was unknown, as they carried their dead and wounded 
 with them. 
 
 The cavalry under Captain Perry, the Senior Cavalry 
 Officer present, was ordered to cross the river and pursue 
 the leisurely retreating Indians, but the movement was 
 so dilatory and irritating that General Howard became 
 annoyed and countermanding the order directed the 
 cavalry to aid the fort troops in crossing the river. An 
 opportunity was lost on that occasion for effective cavalry 
 work that was inexcusable. Five troops of cavalry, eager 
 and hoping for such a chance to wipe out the White Bird 
 and Craig's Mountain disasters, were chafing to be or 
 dered into action and avenge the death of their fallen 
 comrades. 
 
 The retreat of the Indians was invitingly deliberate. 
 We should have charged them on that open ground 
 across the river, for ten times their number could not 
 have stopped the onslaught of our men feeling as they 
 did. The survivors of White Bird Canon were especially 
 anxious to show their comrades of the regiment that 
 the disaster of the iyth of June was not their fault; 
 but not until a year later was such an opportunity af 
 forded, when on the 8rh of July, 1878, Captain Bernard, 
 in command of seven troops of the regiment at Birch 
 Creek, Oregon, gave them the post of honor in leading 
 the charge on the Bannock and Pi-ute Indians. 
 
 It is certain that had we vigorously attacked the In 
 dians at that time, the hostiles would never have crossed 
 the Lo-lo Trail, to add many more valuable lives to the 
 already long list of "killed in action." Every available 
 soldier in the Department of the Columbia, California 
 and Arizona was in the field, and we had so far failed to 
 
The Salmon River Expedition 133 
 
 accomplish what two small troops many of them 
 recruits had tried to do but failed at White Bird 
 Canon. It is true that the result of that fight increased 
 the strength of the Indians to three times their number 
 from the reservation and from roving bands along the 
 Snake, Columbia, and Palouse Rivers, but the warlike 
 and fighting element, and the master minds, the leaders, 
 men of ability, shrewdness, and diplomacy, were exclu 
 sively confined to the non-treaty Indians under Chief 
 Joseph, Ollicut, and White Bird, who were the com 
 manders at White Bird Canon as they were during the 
 whole campaign. 
 
 At the "Clearwater" the opposing forces were about 
 equal. If anything the troops had the advantage in 
 numbers as well as position. And yet, strictly speaking, 
 the Indians were not defeated. Their loss must have 
 been insignificant and their retreat to Kamai was master 
 ly, deliberate and unmolested, leaving us with victory 
 barren of results. Their strategy and fighting qualities, 
 whether opposed to two troops of cavalry or to General 
 Howard's command along the Clearwater, or to General 
 Miles' troops in Montana, where they were so largely 
 outnumbered, commanded the attention and admira 
 tion of all. 
 
 On the I3th the command camped on the west bank 
 of the Clearwater, the Indians being in full view on 
 the other side at the Kamai Sub-Agency. On the I5th 
 the cavalry left camp for Durwald's Ferry, about sixty 
 miles down the river. General Howard accompanied the 
 command, his purpose being to cross the ferry and make 
 a detour through the heavy timber, secure a good posi 
 tion in the rear of the Indians, and cut off their retreat 
 over the Lo-lo Trail. This would have been a good move, 
 as the artillery and infantry could have attacked them 
 
134 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 in front while the cavalry opened on them in the rear; 
 they would have been completely hemmed in and must 
 have surrendered or been annihilated. 
 
 The shrewd and wily Indian was not, however, to be 
 caught in such a trap. It was no surprise to many of us, 
 therefore, after we had marched about six miles to be 
 overtaken by a courier with a message "that Chief 
 Joseph had sent in a flag of truce," desiring to see 
 General Howard. 
 
 The troops were ordered to continue the march 
 twenty miles, and then return to Kamai. General How 
 ard returned at once, only to find that Chief Joseph 
 had adopted this ruse to stop the move of the cavalry 
 and give him time to get possession of the Lo-lo Trail 
 and all approaches to it. The cavalry made their forty 
 odd miles march and then returned to Kamai, men and 
 horses weary and jaded. 
 
 On the 1 6th thirty-two Indians, fourteen of whom 
 were men, surrendered. They were part of those who 
 had left the reservation to join the hostiles. Early on the 
 morning of the iyth the cavalry made a reconnaissance 
 over the Lo-lo Trail. We had marched about eighteen 
 miles by file over the narrow trail, which was 
 obstructed by works and fallen timber, when our ad 
 vance was fired on by the Indian rear-guard. One 
 scout was killed and two wounded. On either side of 
 the narrow pathway over the Bitter Root Mountains 
 the trees were so close together that a dog would have 
 found it difficult to get through, so that there was 
 nothing for us to do but return. We had, however, 
 accomplished our object; /. e. 9 to find out the where 
 abouts of the Indians. 
 
 While we were at a halt, the pawing of the horses re 
 moved some leaves and dirt, and exposed a quantity 
 
Group of Nez Perce Warriors 
 
Captain E. S. Farrow, U. S. A. 
 
 Colonel J. W. Redington, 
 U. S. A. 
 
 Captain S. G. Fisher, U. S. A., 
 chief of Bannock Scouts dur 
 ing Nez Perce campaign 
 Group of Officers who Fought in the Nez Perce War 
 
 Colonel C. E. S. Wood, 
 U. S. A., retired 
 
The Salmon River Expedition 135 
 
 of fresh sawdust. Upon investigation we found consid 
 erable of it covered over in a similar manner. We then 
 discovered that many of the trees had been sawed off 
 here and there, near the trail, at a height of three or 
 four feet from the ground, leaving the trees still standing 
 on their stumps and easily supported by the adjacent 
 trees. The marks of the saw were covered over with 
 dirt and bark, and no doubt would have escaped ob 
 servation had we not been stopped by the attack on our 
 advance. We overtook them too soon for their purpose, 
 their object evidently being to let us pass until our rear 
 guard had advanced beyond that point, whereupon 
 some fifty or sixty warriors who were concealed in the 
 timber were to drop the trees across the trail and block 
 our retreat while they would attack us in front and rear 
 from behind the fallen trees, for they had done the 
 same thing some distance ahead. For craft and deviltry 
 the Indian is unequaled.* 
 
 When we returned to Kamai a change of program 
 had taken place. Reinforcements had reached Lewiston 
 and Mount Idaho. The Second Infantry from Atlanta, 
 and some of the Twelfth from California were in camp 
 at Lewiston, and several companies of the Eighth In 
 fantry were at Mount Idaho. Col. John Green with a 
 battalion of the First Cavalry was somewhere in the 
 Salmon River range, en route from Fort Boise. A con 
 centration of troops was ordered at Lewiston, and from 
 there to proceed over the Mullan Road, via Spokane 
 Falls into Montana. Troop H, First Cavalry, and a 
 detachment of infantry and artillery were to remain 
 at Mount Idaho and report to Colonel Green on his 
 
 * This appears to be entirely a legitimate war measure which the soldiers might have 
 practised without reprehension. Why, therefore, couple the ruse with a suggestion of 
 "deviltry" only because it was originated by the Indian ? C. T. B. 
 
136 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 arrival. On the igth these plans were again changed, 
 the removal of the troops from Kamai, except Throck- 
 morton's Battery, induced some of the Indians to re 
 turn, destroy the agency and seriously threaten Throck- 
 morton. General Howard then decided to pursue the 
 Indians over the Lo-lo Trail with the troops who fought 
 at the Clearwater with the exception of two depleted 
 troops, F and H, First Cavalry, which were ordered 
 to report to Colonel Wheaton, Second Infantry, at 
 Lewiston. 
 
 The Lo-lo Trail troops constituted the main column; 
 Colonel Wheaton's command, the "left wing," was 
 ordered to Spokane Falls, and Colonel Green's Cavalry, 
 the "right wing," changed its line of march in the direc 
 tion of Luuhi. 
 
 Our left wing marched to Spokane Falls, where it re 
 mained until August 2 ist and then returned to Lapwai. 
 The hostiles had no idea of taking a back track over the 
 Mullan Road. They were anxious to cross the line into 
 Canada, and were making it exceedingly interesting for 
 the combined forces of Generals Howard and Miles in 
 Montana in their efforts to do so. 
 
 The close of the war in October ended one of the 
 most memorable campaigns in the history of Indian 
 warfare. 
 
CHAPTER EIGHT 
 
 The Battle of the Cleat-water 
 
 By Maj. J. G. Trimble, United States Army, (Retired) 
 
 ON quitting camp at Slate Creek, Oregon, I 
 marched my troop, consisting of thirty en 
 listed men and three officers, to a crossing 
 some miles below the settlement on Salmon 
 River and put them across horses swimming, men and 
 packs by canoe. This movement was in obedience to an 
 order from General Howard to join his immediate com 
 mand in pursuit of the Indians via the Salmon River 
 hills. 
 
 The hostiles had been confronting the General's com 
 mand at the mouth of the White Bird Creek, they, the 
 hostiles, being on the farther side of the river, and the 
 command under General Howard being camped on our 
 battle-field of White Bird Creek. After the General 
 had collected boats, some of which I sent him from 
 Slate Creek, and was prepared for a forward movement, 
 the Indians began a retreat. The troops followed about 
 the third day after the Indians had disappeared from the 
 vicinity of the river. On the first day's march I joined 
 the General's command, and we all proceeded up and 
 over the high bluffs. After a toilsome march of about ten 
 miles the heights were reached and camp was made. 
 
138 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 The infantry did not arrive until after dark and the 
 pack-train not until midnight, some animals being lost 
 en route. 
 
 That night a terrific rain-storm fell upon us. As there 
 were no tents except for the staff all were drenched at 
 daylight. I was ordered to make a reconnaissance, being 
 the only mounted force with the command. My orders 
 were to ascertain which way the enemy's trail led, 
 though that was evident from our camp as it was very 
 broad and resembled the trace of a vast moving popula 
 tion. In fact, their movements showed quite a leisurely 
 march or retreat. Their camps were made at short in 
 tervals and no sign of alarm or hurry was apparent. 
 
 The troops took up the pursuit on the second day after, 
 and made camp in the highlands after a march of about 
 twenty miles. The next day's march brought us to the 
 bluff overlooking the Salmon River again. As the river 
 described a bend hereabouts, the Indians and the troops 
 traversing a chord of the semicircle, it was soon discov 
 ered that the former had again crossed the stream, and 
 though their skill and appliances made that quite easy 
 for them, our utter want of the same rendered it im 
 possible for us to follow, so here we were balked. An 
 effort was made to swim some mounted men over, but 
 without success, as the stream was deep and rapid and 
 nearly the whole command inexperienced in such tran 
 sit. A raft was constructed, but after being loaded and 
 manned, went over the rapids and was lost. Fortunately, 
 no one was lost with it. 
 
 Well, after one night's sojourn by the river side, it 
 was determined to retrace our way and the command 
 started in retrograde. On reaching the head of the 
 canon we were met by a messenger escorted by two 
 friendly Nez Perce Indians. Here the disagreeable 
 
The Battle of the Clearwater 139 
 
 tidings were conveyed to the General that the hostiles 
 had crossed Camas Prairie in our rear, or between us 
 and our base, i. e., Fort Lapwai, and after defeating a 
 force of two troops of cavalry at Cottonwood House were 
 there devastating the ranches and threatening the set 
 tlements. They had also met and defeated a small party 
 of citizen volunteers, captured quite a herd of horses, 
 and, in fact, had the whole country terrorized. 
 
 After making one more camp the command was put 
 in march for our original crossing of the river, and ar 
 riving there in the afternoon were ferried over during 
 the next day. Then we marched up through White Bird 
 Canon over our first battle-field and then on to Grange- 
 ville, near Mount Idaho. It was rather a sad sight to 
 some of us to see the incomplete manner in which our 
 dead had been buried, although I suppose that the heavy 
 rains had washed the earth from the newly-made graves. 
 Some bodies were quite exposed. However, in due course 
 of time all were disinterred and decently buried in the 
 cemetery at Walla Walla, where a handsome monument 
 was erected over them by their comrades of the regi 
 ment. The fund for this memorial, I am pleased to say, 
 was originated and secured principally by the efforts 
 of an enlisted man, my own First Sergeant, Michael 
 McCarthy, who witnessed a number of the victims perish 
 and who came near sharing their fate. 
 
 The General reached Grangeville at dark escorted 
 by my troops and one company of infantry. The next 
 morning a delegation of citizens called upon me and re 
 lated all the occurrences happening in or about the 
 prairie, at the same time asking for guards, protection, 
 etc. Some urgent messengers also arrived from the Clear- 
 water River, who told of the stress of a party of volun 
 teers surrounded by the hostiles, whereupon preparations 
 
140 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 were made for a march in that direction. Meanwhile, 
 three troops of cavalry came up, Perry's, Whipple's, 
 and Winter's. This command had been posted at Cot- 
 tonwood House, distant about twenty-five miles, and 
 were there besieged by the Indians while the latter were 
 crossing the prairie with their immense herds. So on 
 the morrow we set out for the position of the hostiles on 
 the Clearwater, not waiting for the infantry command 
 under Colonel Miller, which had been delayed in cross 
 ing the Salmon River. 
 
 On arriving within a few miles of the hostile camp, a 
 halt was called and camp made, as it was deemed risky 
 to attack the Indians without the infantry and Gatling 
 guns. Here we learned that the volunteers, forty in num 
 ber, who were surrounded, had abandoned their horses 
 to the Indians and retreated on foot at dark. 
 
 The following day everything was prepared for a for 
 ward movement, the infantry and Gatling guns having 
 joined the cavalry. Of course, our advance was well 
 known to the Indians; it could not be otherwise. How 
 ever, contrary to the custom of some hostiles, these, the 
 Nez Perces, showed no disposition to flee, and our de 
 liberate movements only gave them opportunity for 
 greater defense, although I saw no evidence that even 
 this advantage was improved by them. No doubt a 
 peculiar state of feeling took possession of Joseph and 
 his brother. Indeed, I am inclined to believe that he did 
 not expect a serious effort would be made to drive them 
 from his country, or even to coerce him in extremis, for 
 the attack on and the dispersion of Looking Glass's 
 band, which afterward joined his, should have been 
 accepted as war without conditions on our part. 
 
 The command moved out on this, our last march, be 
 fore engaging the hostiles in the following order, namely: 
 
The Battle of the Clearwater 141 
 
 First, the cavalry, four troops, about one hundred and 
 eighty men commanded by Brev.-Col. David Perry; 
 being F Troop, Perry; L Troop, Whipple; H Troop, 
 Trimble; E Troop, Winters, with Lieutenants Parnell, 
 Shelton, Forse, and Knox attached. This command was 
 armed with Springfield carbines and Colt's revolvers. 
 After the cavalry marched the infantry, commanded by 
 Capt. Evan Miles, four companies strong; namely: 
 Burton's, Pollock's, Joslyn's, and Miles', with Lieuten 
 ants Wood, Eltonhead, Duncan, Bailey, and Farrow, 
 about two hundred strong. After the infantry marched 
 the artillery, acting as infantry, commanded by Brev.- 
 Col. Marcus Miller, Fourth Artillery, four companies 
 strong; Miller's, Bancroft's, Throckmorton's, and Rod 
 ney's, about two hundred men. Two Catling guns drawn 
 by horses followed with suitable cannoneers. 
 
 H Troop, First Cavalry, led the advance with six 
 troopers in the extreme front. All were prepared for 
 immediate contact with the enemy. 
 
 To proceed: the command had marched but about 
 four miles when my advance reported the presence of 
 two Indian herders driving stock over the bluffs down 
 the Clearwater River. These men were plainly seen by 
 me and, of course, immediately reported to the com 
 manding officer. Quickly a number of men, or officers, 
 left the main command, which was marching in column, 
 and rode to the edge of the bluff, shortly after reporting 
 that the Indians in the small valley below were in active 
 movement. Their camp was clearly visible with lodges 
 standing, so the Indians were now moving up the bluff 
 to their defenses. 
 
 With the advance, and without any further orders or 
 change of orders, I kept moving forward. The balance 
 of the command moved by the flank to the bluff and 
 
142 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 presently became engaged with the enemy, but they 
 were so hotly assailed by the Indians that they were 
 forced back upon more easily defensible ground. Now, 
 as I quietly proceeded, though with flankers thrown out, 
 I became considerably separated from the main com 
 mand, and meeting no opposition advanced up to the 
 edge of the bluffs, which were then across my front as I 
 approached obliquely from my original direction. I then 
 halted and dismounted my troop, and seeing Indians 
 crossing the river above me, at once divined their object, 
 which was to get in our rear. However, being now out of 
 employment, as soon as I heard the firing in the rear 
 and saw the Indians crossing us, I sent my second sub 
 altern, Knox, to report the condition of affairs and ask 
 for orders. 
 
 In a few moments the lieutenant returned with or 
 ders from Colonel Mason, chief -of-staff, to withdraw my 
 command to the vicinity of the main force. As I was 
 doing this I encountered the whole pack-train, under the 
 escort of Captain Rodney's company, halted on an open 
 mesa, or plain. Rodney informed me that he had no 
 orders and considered his company too small to defend 
 the train, if attacked. I replied that if he wished to move 
 the train back to the vicinity of the main command, I 
 would deploy my troop on foot in his rear and thus 
 afford support, as I suspected that the Indians would 
 soon be all around us in accordance with their usual 
 practice. 
 
 Upon our moving back the train was so attacked, but 
 the hostiles were driven off with a loss of two men and 
 two pack animals on our side. A small detached train of 
 about six or seven animals loaded with the ammunition 
 was also saved. All were moved to the high ground in 
 the rear of the location where the principal fighting was 
 
The Battle of the Clearwater 143 
 
 going on, and Rodney's and my company forming a line 
 in the rear, the whole position was thus defended. 
 
 The other troops of cavalry were, or had been, dis 
 mounted, the horses assembled on the plateau on which 
 the train was halted, and the men became engaged be 
 side the infantry in what was now a defensive fight. 
 Assaults were made on the Indian position which was 
 established in the woods on the edge of the bluff, but 
 each one was repulsed by the hostiles, who finally only 
 engaged the troops at long range, although there was 
 some fierce fighting at times and a dozen or more men 
 were killed with a proportion of wounded. 
 
 I cannot relate exactly what went on in front of the 
 main command as I had our line to guard, though our 
 firing was slight in comparison. Of course, there was the 
 usual excitement of the battle-field, and many could, no 
 doubt, describe things very graphically. Quite a number 
 of the officers present were experiencing their first taste 
 of real war, and very few of the men had been engaged 
 with an enemy prior to this time. However, there were 
 also quite a number who could contemplate the affair 
 coolly and could not notice anything extraordinary either 
 in the resistance of the Indians, the determination of 
 the defense, or the strategy enacted. 
 
 The Nez Perces had on one or two occasions before 
 this shown a very warlike spirit, a considerable general 
 ship and undoubted bravery. The present position to 
 which the troops fell back and on which they main 
 tained themselves was in some respects good, as the 
 ground was higher and sufficiently undulating to make 
 temporary earthworks easy of erection. Furthermore, as 
 the whole line was clear of the timber, any hostile seen 
 emerging therefrom could easily be stopped. But the 
 enemy had the advantage of the river, it being at their 
 
144- Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 back though about a mile below by the trail. The lines 
 were separated about eight hundred yards and extended 
 about half the circle inclosed, though a defense was 
 maintained around the whole. Yet the hostiles, after the 
 assault on the pack-train, did not attempt anything ex 
 cept on the line next the timber where the first fighting 
 took place. 
 
 But we were unfortunate in having no water until a 
 small spring was discovered by one of my men, Private 
 Fowler, who gallantly went forward under considerable 
 fire and filled several canteens which were sorely needed 
 by the wounded. So I may say, without disrespect to the 
 commanding general, that the position taken up was 
 without much regard seemingly to the necessities of a 
 command curtailed in limits. The cavalry horses and 
 pack animals to the number of about three hundred were 
 collected and held in the center of the circumference, 
 and suffered much from want of water. For thirty hours 
 or more they were thus confined. 
 
 Well, the situation at dark was this : The troops were 
 in the circle on the defensive, the Indians in similar 
 manner, though upon a line or nearly so at the edge of 
 the bluff and in the timber. A few were killed and wound 
 ed on both sides. I should think the area absolutely 
 commanded by the hostiles was about twenty miles in 
 every direction; that is, it would be unsafe for any one 
 to venture out of our lines or immediate vicinity. 
 
 When night fell there was almost complete cessation 
 of shooting, and the Indians could be distinctly heard 
 in various forms of expression, sometimes in earnest 
 talk, sometimes in harangue; the chief exhorting the 
 hardy to greater bravery on the morrow and anon re 
 proving the delinquent. Now and then the female voice 
 could be detected in a plaintive wail of mourning, some- 
 
The Battle of the Clearwater 145 
 
 times in low and tremulous unison, then breaking into 
 a piercing cry. Those of us accustomed to Indians in all 
 situations and to our own condition in like circumstances, 
 could readily discern the different phases of their emo 
 tional expressions. The occasion was quite serious in 
 deed. The clear sky, the stillness of the night, added to a 
 feeling of weariness on our part, made the distant sounds 
 strike the ear with an intensely mournful cadence. 
 
 At daylight both sides seemed alert and long shots 
 were given and taken. About sunrise several of the 
 hostiles essayed to discover if any reinforcements were 
 on the way for us. They would shoot out from the tim 
 ber and at top speed gain the trail. This fact required 
 exposure, as each attempt was made a target for the 
 long range rifle of our infantry. I saw one horse shot, but 
 it was astonishing to see the swiftness of their ponies 
 and the savage maneuvers performed by those expert 
 horsemen. 
 
 I could not tell what designs were intended by our com 
 mander. The morning seemed to be taken up in strength 
 ening our defenses, cooking, and the various duties of 
 camp so far as these could be carried on in our situation. 
 About the beginning of the afternoon a dust was des 
 cried in the direction whence we came, or toward the 
 settlements. In due time a herd, or train, perhaps a 
 column of troops, was made out in the distance. All 
 eyes were strained and many memories recalled no 
 doubt the traditional morning watch of "Sister Anne" 
 in Bluebeard's tower, though where additional troops 
 were to come from in that time I, for one, could not 
 guess. However, a well-defined organization was soon 
 espied. It was evidently relief of some kind. Colonel 
 Miller's command was ordered out to meet it. These 
 troops, four companies, marched out with very little 
 
146 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 molestation on the part of the hostiles. They interposed 
 themselves, or rather Colonel Miller marched his com 
 mand between the coming train and the position oc 
 cupied by the enemy, a very pretty movement as we 
 watched it from our greater elevation. Soon the pack- 
 train, as it proved to be, guarded by Captain Jackson's 
 troop, First Cavalry, was under due escort and rapidly 
 approaching. This gallant officer had brought the train 
 from Fort Lapwai, some eight miles distant, safely and 
 courageously into our very invested lines, though how 
 without a fight was certainly singular. 
 
 But now to relate the final act in the drama of "Clear- 
 water." I wish the power of description were given me 
 to recite this fine performance. Colonel Miller, who 
 always takes a prominent position in matters of duty 
 and gallantry on the field, determined that his command 
 should not on this occasion simply "march up hill and 
 down again." He, therefore, conceived a plan either to 
 end the battle then and there, or to test the mettle of his 
 troops to the utmost. After marching in escort, as it 
 were, to the train and apparently returning with it, on 
 reaching a point immediately in front of the Indian 
 barricades, he quickly wheeled his battalions, and form 
 ing line moved forward at double time directly on the 
 works. Soon both sides were engaged in deadly fusillade. 
 
 Simultaneously an advance and charge were ordered 
 and taken up by all the troops on the line confronting 
 the Indian position, firing by volley and in skirmish 
 order. The yelling of the savages and the ever louder 
 shouts of the soldiers soon changed the scenes and 
 sounds from the setting heretofore pervading to wild 
 exclamations and roars of impending strife. 
 
 The redskins were broken and driven fleeing before 
 the same enemy whom they had only the day before 
 
The Battle of the Clearwater 147 
 
 forced back, but who, reinvigorated with the long drawn 
 breath and serious reflection of the past day and night, 
 had come to regard the matter in deadly earnest. The 
 Indians fled down the high bluffs, crossed the river and 
 joined their families. Soon they were seen slowly ascend 
 ing the high hills beyond, though not in stampede. Our 
 Catling guns with my own troop in support moved 
 quickly to a point on the brow and poured in a rapid, 
 but as I suspect ineffective, fire upon the moving tribe 
 and also upon the now deserted village. 
 
 The cavalry were soon mounted and moving down 
 the trail in pursuit, but, owing to a rumor that a body of 
 the hostiles were returning, after crossing the stream, 
 they were ordered to dismount and take up a defensive 
 position under the river-bank quite near the village, 
 where a number of tepee frames were still standing. 
 
 As the main force of our command had to reform and 
 prepare for an onward movement, the dead were to be 
 collected, the wounded cared for, and the animals so 
 long confined to be attended to, the time approached 
 sunset before all was ready for the advance. Consequent 
 ly, when the column had marched down the bluff and 
 crossed the stream, it was decided to move no farther 
 that night, and camp was made. During the evening a 
 number of caches were discovered and much plunder 
 was obtained. 
 
 The Indians here discarded all surplus baggage and 
 household utensils, but, as subsequently transpired, 
 carried off enough to serve their purposes for some 
 months to come. The only living objects that were aban 
 doned by them were about half a dozen crippled horses 
 and one poor aged squaw. 
 
 Our dead were buried on the hill above and the 
 wounded sent under escort of a troop of cavalry back to 
 
148 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Fort Lapwai the next day. The following morning our 
 command broke camp in pursuit of Joseph. I will state 
 some few details which may vary somewhat from other 
 movements against Indians, and may perhaps also throw 
 some light upon the methods and management of the 
 Nez Perce campaign. 
 
 Our generals commanding had arrived at the con 
 clusion that the Nez Perce Indians were no despicable 
 foemen, and in this opinion the troops coincided to a 
 man. At that time the newspapers contained no such 
 encomiums as they displayed when recounting the 
 wrongs suffered by the murderous Modocs, although 
 sufficient information concerning this highly intelligent 
 tribe was extant and their bravery in battle was well 
 established. Before the campaign closed, however, much 
 was written and spoken by our people in the " Far East " 
 in eulogy of their prowess, the generalship of Joseph and 
 the sad fate awaiting his followers, but not until the 
 latter was assured. 
 
 If ever a tribe of aborigines was worthy of fostering 
 and improving side by side with their more powerful 
 brethren of the human race it was the Nez Perces. But 
 no recollection of former service or common ties of 
 humanity could stand before the white man's greed. 
 This is human nature, I suppose, the possession of which 
 attribute is in some cases extolled as a jewel of rich 
 inheritance. 
 
 To resume, it was a lovely sight we beheld on arriving 
 at the heights overlooking the Kamai Valley. The fields 
 belonging to the still loyal bands of Nez Perces were 
 green with grain not yet ripe, the hills beyond clad in 
 spring attire, the beautiful river flowing between, and 
 the Agency buildings shining white in the background. 
 In fact, all nature appeared to bloom with loveliness, and 
 
The Battle of the Clear water 149 
 
 to us, who had not viewed any ripening tillage since the 
 year before, all this cultivation seemed most inviting, 
 especially amid the scenes enacting around us and the 
 warlike prospects ahead. 
 
 Joseph and his warriors, having nothing, passed 
 through and among these possessions of their peaceful 
 brothers. He crossed the river with his own means of 
 transport and took his stand on the bluffs beyond. He 
 also deployed a number of his men on the river-bank, 
 either to dispute its passage or inflict some damage on 
 the troops as they approached. This the cavalry did 
 rather incautiously and receiving several volleys retired 
 in some haste, if not confusion. After a slight skirmish 
 the hostiles retired out of range. 
 
 I may say that here the second act or the second part 
 of the campaign ended, as the troops remained here for 
 some weeks, returned to Fort Lapwai leaving a guard 
 which was my troop returned again, reinforced and 
 refitted, made several scouts here and there, and finally 
 followed the Indian on the Lo-lo Trail after an inter 
 val of about fifteen days from the date of their departure. 
 
 An incident or two connected with our scout on the 
 Lo-lo Trail would rightfully belong to this paper to 
 show the great assistance rendered by the loyal Nez 
 Perces and also the brave spirit manifested by them on 
 many occasions. From the time these Indians signed 
 the treaty they never swerved from their allegiance to the 
 Government, but tilled their land, attended the church 
 and school, and were ever ready to give their services in 
 all matters connected with frontier settlement and the 
 discouragement of turbulent tribes. 
 
 Six of them accompanied us on this occasion and 
 rode well ahead as advance, or flankers. As soon as the 
 "hostiles" were met or discovered, they rushed forward 
 
150 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 to make a parley, but were greeted with a fusillade from 
 the rifle and two were shot, one being killed. Then, in a 
 further attempt, or perhaps retaliation, James Reuben, 
 a very intelligent Indian, was wounded. He made a cir 
 cuit to get into our lines and the timber being quite dense 
 came near being killed before the soldiers recognized 
 him. 
 
 Those of us who still survive that bloody affair will 
 never forget the service rendered by these true Indians, 
 nor the humanity and hospitality shown by their people 
 in this our hour of adversity. 
 
CHAPTER NINE 
 
 The Assembling of the Soldiers and the 
 le of Clearwater 
 
 By Capt. E. S. Farrow, late United States Army 
 I. The Gathering of the Troops 
 
 TROOPS were soon hastening to the scene of 
 trouble from all directions. Captain Whipple, 
 in Indian Valley, near the Wallowa, made 
 forced marches with Company L, First Cav 
 alry. The few troops at Fort Walla Walla and those 
 near Wallula, and all available men from Forts Van 
 couver, Stevens, Canby, Townsend, Klamath, and 
 Harney, were also in motion. The artillerymen about 
 this time returning from Alaska were caught on the wing 
 and turned toward Fort Lapwai. The call for troops 
 was answered from California, Arizona, and even Geor 
 gia, whence came the Second Infantry. 
 
 The most fearful excitement prevailed at this time, 
 and citizens and friendly Indians and their families 
 flocked from all directions to Fort Lapwai for protection. 
 All kinds of rumors as to Colonel Perry's destruction and 
 indiscriminate massacres were flying in to the post from 
 all sources and directions. Lewiston was made the base 
 of supplies and the concentration of troops was actively 
 pushed. 
 
152 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 By June 2ist, eight companies of troops (in the 
 aggregate about two hundred and fifteen men) had 
 arrived at Fort Lapwai, and a small organization of 
 volunteers under Captain Paige had arrived with Cap 
 tain Whipple. The friendly Indians generously supplied 
 a sufficiency of Indian ponies. While preparations were 
 being made for departure to the front, Capt. Evan Miles, 
 with several companies of the Twenty-first Infantry, 
 Capt. Marcus P. Miller, with several companies of the 
 Fourth Artillery, and Captain Winters, with a company 
 of the First Cavalry, by quick movements had arrived 
 at Lewiston. Lieutenant Bomus improvised a mule pack- 
 train and impressed into the service all the transporta 
 tion that could be found available. 
 
 The moment of starting was solemn the Indians 
 were numerous and the air was full of rumors, and the 
 daring messengers, who had skulked through from 
 Colonel Perry to Lapwai, over roundabout and un 
 looked-for paths, largely magnified the dangers. The 
 column consisted of cavalry, infantry, and artillery (on 
 foot), flanked with two Catling guns and an old moun 
 tain howitzer, formerly used as the morning and evening 
 gun at Fort Lapwai, all followed by an unstable pack- 
 train of noisy mules, every animal carrying its maximum 
 load. Every foot of the march over Craig's Mountain 
 was carefully skirmished, the column proceeding at 
 ease, stretched out about a mile. 
 
 The column, under command of Captain Miller, went 
 into camp on the 22nd of June, after the first day's 
 march, at Junction Trail (Mount Idaho and Craig's 
 Ferry Trail). The next morning reveille was sounded 
 at four A.M., and a hard march was made to Norton's 
 Ranch. The next day, June 24th, was Sunday, and 
 was spent in concentrating the forces as far as possi- 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 153 
 
 ble, and ascertaining the then position of the victorious 
 Indians. 
 
 On Monday a brisk movement was made forward, 
 the infantry, bearing off to the right, went to "Johnson's 
 Ranch," where Perry made his stand, when retreating, 
 and enabled his stragglers to close in. General Howard, 
 with the cavalry, deviated to Grangeville and there met 
 the remnants of Perry's command and made provisions 
 for additional supplies. Leaving the cavalry to rest until 
 his return, the General made a hurried visit to Mount 
 Idaho, nearly reassured the trembling, frightened con 
 gregation of people, and ministered to the many who 
 had suffered outrages at the hands of the Indians. 
 
 Camp at "Johnson's Ranch" was broken early the 
 next morning and the column was moved to the head of 
 White Bird Canon, with two objects in view first, to 
 bring Perry's dead, and to reconnoiter to locate Joseph 
 and White Bird. These, with all their warriors, women, 
 children and baggage, were well across the Salmon, and 
 from high sharp-pointed hills were observing every 
 movement of the troops. Joseph had at first intended 
 to give General Howard battle before crossing the Salm 
 on River; but changed his plans, great general that 
 he was, and sought to draw the troops into the vicinity 
 of the "Seven Devils," where they could be more 
 easily cut off from supplies or flanked. Having buried 
 the dead and made a satisfactory reconnaissance, the 
 command gathered, over muddy trails, at the head of 
 the canon, and returned to Johnson's Ranch to camp 
 for the night. 
 
 The troops were quickly gathered near the mouth of 
 White Bird Canon. From the high bluff lying between 
 the forks of White Bird Creek could be seen the ir 
 regular mountain valley held by the Indians beyond the 
 
154 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 restless Salmon. Their sentries and outposts were 
 shouting back and forth. While the troops were con 
 structing rafts and preparing to cross, the Indians 
 came from ravines and hilltops and opened fire. This 
 was merely a ruse to engage the attention of the troops, 
 while the main body of Indians were moving to recross 
 
 ^ 
 
 TRAINS O 
 HEADQUARTERS 
 
 CLEAKVN&TER 
 
 BY CAPT ROBT r FLETCHER.USA 
 
 the Salmon twenty-five miles lower down at Craig's 
 Ferry. 
 
 Chief Looking Glass, in the rear, was now giving 
 trouble. Captain Whipple was sent to the fork of the 
 Clearwater to take him and his band to Mount Idaho. 
 Looking Glass and his band escaped to join Joseph, 
 and Captain Whipple's cavalry proceeded to Norton's 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 155 
 
 Ranch. On the morning of July 3rd, Captain Whipple 
 sent two citizen scouts, Foster and Blewett, in the direc 
 tion of Craig's Ferry in search of indications of the 
 presence of any Indians. Blewett was killed; but Foster 
 returned to camp and reported that he had seen In 
 dians about twelve miles distant, proceeding from the 
 direction of Craig's Ferry. 
 
 Captain Whipple then hastened to send Lieut. S^vier 
 M. Rains, of his company, with ten picked men and 
 the scout Foster to recover Blewett and ascertain the 
 strength of the enemy. The command was soon in 
 motion, and closely followed Lieutenant Rains. Firing 
 was soon heard in the front. A rapid gait was assumed 
 and after traveling two miles Indians were seen in 
 force about half a mile distant; and on approaching 
 nearer, it was found that Lieutenant Rains and every 
 man of his detachment had been killed. This was a 
 terrible disaster. 
 
 At the appearance of Captain Whipple's command 
 the Indians took the back track and soon had the 
 prairies to themselves and leisurely crossed the road 
 between Grangeville and Cottonwood, where Colonel 
 Perry and Captain Whipple had joined forces. At this 
 time Joseph picked up Looking Glass, and his war 
 parties made it very lively for the troops and volunteer 
 detachments at Cottonwood and other points. 
 
 II. The Two Days of Hard Fighting 
 
 The nth of July, the commencement of the Clear- 
 water battle, was a memorable day. Early on this day 
 the troops were moving carefully through rough forests 
 and deep ravines, over ridges and through ravines, to the 
 confluence of the two Clearwaters. About noon the 
 
156 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Indians were in close proximity in several deep ravines, 
 near the mouth of Cottonwood Creek, and were watch 
 ing the approach of the troops. As quickly as possi 
 ble a howitzer and two Gatling guns, mounted by a 
 detachment under Lieut. H. G. Otis, Fourth Artillery, 
 were brought to bear on the masses of the Indians 
 below. 
 
 The Indians lost no time in running their horses up 
 the south fork of the Clearwater, on both sides, and 
 quickly placing their stock beyond range. It was their 
 intention to escape by a canon on the left, leading to 
 the rear, at a small angle with the river. But this was 
 prevented by a quick movement of the howitzer and 
 Gatling guns to a second bluff in that direction, beyond 
 a deep and rocky transverse ravine, almost at right 
 angles to the canon. 
 
 Beyond the second bluff, Joseph and his warriors 
 were quickly dismounted and in position, awaiting the 
 approach of the troops, and lost no time in despatching 
 about forty or fifty mounted Indians to annoy the left 
 flank of the approaching column. At this moment Colo 
 nel Mason, the Department Inspector-General, ap 
 peared, with Burton's and Farrow's companies of 
 infantry, which deployed, stretching off to the right, 
 with Winter's cavalry on his right. All now pressed 
 forward, in open line, under a hail of fire. 
 
 The line of troops was rapidly extended to the left by 
 the cavalry, and to the right by the infantry and artil 
 lery battalions, gradually refusing the flanks until the 
 blufF was entirely enveloped. Four hundred men thus 
 held a line about two and one-half miles in extent. The 
 main pack had passed by this position, but a small 
 train was still on the road near the line of battle. The 
 Indian flankers, by rapid movement, nruck the rear of 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 157 
 
158 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 this train, killed two men and disabled two packs loaded 
 with howitzer ammunition. 
 
 The steep and high banks of the river are roughly cut 
 with numerous most rugged transverse ravines. The 
 Indian camp, from which the hostiles emerged on the 
 approach of the troops, yet hidden from view, was be 
 yond the river, and hundreds of ponies and horses were 
 herded in the ravines near this camp. The warriors, 
 finely mounted, had forded the river under cover of the 
 bluffs and were racing up a transverse ravine, endeavor 
 ing to cut off the trains and stampede the cavalry, then 
 dismounted and on the firing-line. 
 
 From this moment the Indians manifested remark 
 able quickness and boldness, planted sharpshooters at 
 every conceivable point, made terrific charges on foot 
 and on horseback to the accompaniment of savage yells 
 and demonstrations. Many remarkable feats of courage 
 were noticeable throughout the engagement, all calcu 
 lated to encourage the warriors to follow in the bold 
 attempts to turn the flank of the position. All these at 
 tempts were resisted at every part of the line. 
 
 At about four P.M. a spirited countercharge was 
 made by Capt. Evan Miles, commanding the infantry 
 battalion, down into a ravine on the right. Captain Ban 
 croft, Fourth Artillery, and Lieutenants Williams and 
 Farrow, Twenty-first Infantry, were wounded at this 
 time. This was a desperate but successful movement, 
 many Indians were then killed and the ravine was 
 thoroughly cleared of a murderous enemy at short range. 
 A little later, Captain Miller led a second charge near 
 the center, while a demonstration was made on the right, 
 using artillery and infantry, and thus was secured the 
 disputed ravine near Winter's position. Further spas 
 modic charges by the Indians on the left were repelled 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 159 
 
 by Perry's and Whipple's cavalry and Morris's artillery. 
 At dark the Indians still held the only spring or water- 
 supply, in spite of many successful charges made by the 
 troops. 
 
 During the night, additional rifle-pits and barricades 
 were constructed by both the troops and Indians, each 
 party still hopeful of a final victory. Firing was kept up 
 throughout the night, every flash drawing return fire. 
 Under cover of darkness, all available canteens and 
 buckets were filled at the spring, in the midst of flying 
 bullets, and taken to the thirsty men on the firing-line. 
 As promptness and courage had saved the ammunition 
 and supplies, so gallant exposure during the darkness 
 saved the water-supply. 
 
 At daylight of the I2th every available man was on 
 the line. By a magnificent feat, executed with great 
 spirit by Miller and Perry, with Otis's howitzer, the 
 spring of water was captured from the Indians and 
 brought within the lines. This enabled the famished 
 troops on the firing-line to have a taste of coffee, and 
 consequent new life and energy. The artillery battalion 
 was then withdrawn from the lines and held as a reserve 
 force for any offensive movement that might become 
 necessary. 
 
 The firing was rapid throughout the day, the Indians 
 from time to time threatening to force the weaker parts 
 of the line and fighting at very close range. About three 
 P.M. a dust appeared in the distance, toward the South, 
 beyond the Indian position. This proved to be an ap 
 proaching pack-train, escorted by Captain Jackson's 
 company of cavalry. The artillery battalion under 
 Captain Miller was immediately sent out to meet it, 
 and after considerable skirmishing, brought it safely in. 
 Captain Miller, instead of returning with the train and 
 
160 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 reinforcements, marched slowly by the right flank to 
 ward us, and when crossing the Indian line, faced to 
 the left and quickly and rapidly moved in line for nearly 
 a mile across our front, and repeatedly charged the In 
 dians' positions. 
 
 The Indians made a desperate effort, by ferocious 
 charges, to turn his left flank; this, however, failed as 
 Rodney's reserve company in the rear quickly deployed 
 and flanked the flankers. There was a most stubborn 
 resistance at Joseph's barricades for a while, when sud 
 denly the whole Indian line gave way, and the Indians, 
 closely pursued, rushed down the canons and crossed 
 the south fork of the Clearwater. 
 
 The infantry pressed them to the river opposite their 
 main camps and there awaited the cavalry, which 
 slowly worked its way through the ravines, over rocks 
 and down precipices over steep and craggy trails. The 
 Indian camp was taken, after the Indians had hurriedly 
 left it, and were fleeing in all directions up the heights 
 and going to the left of Cottonwood Creek. The Indian 
 camp so hastily abandoned had the lodges still standing 
 filled with blankets, buffalo robes, cooking utensils and 
 plunder of all descriptions. The many dead and wound 
 ed horses in the camp and along the trails leading to it 
 indicated the great damage done by the troops in this 
 desperate engagement. 
 
 General Howard had four hundred fighting men in 
 this two days' engagement, and it is remarkable that 
 only thirteen were killed and twenty-two wounded. 
 The Nez Perces fought with great skill and obstinacy 
 and were more than five hundred strong, not including 
 the squaws or women, who assisted in providing spare 
 horses, and doing all manner of things, while acting as 
 a substantial reserve. 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 161 
 
 III. Letter from Maj. H. L, Bailey, United States Army, 
 Regarding the Battle of the Clearwater 
 
 I believe our present excellent Quartermaster-General, 
 Gen. Charles F. Humphrey, got his Q. M. appointment 
 and later a brevet for gallant services in the battle of 
 Clearwater, July n and 12, 1877, in the Nez Perces 
 Indian War. He was a first lieutenant, Fourth Artillery 
 at the time. He was awarded a medal of honor March 2, 
 1897, for most distinguished gallantry in action at the 
 Clearwater, Idaho, July n, 1877, where he voluntarily 
 and successfully conducted, in the face of a wither 
 ing fire, a party which recovered the possession of an 
 abandoned howitzer and two Gatling guns lying be 
 tween the lines and within a few yards of the Indians, 
 while serving as a first lieutenant, Fourth United States 
 Artillery. 
 
 On the morning of the I2th, General Humphrey and 
 myself found ourselves apparently the only officers on 
 the outer line where the men had dug a line of detached 
 holes or trenches during the night. We were very thirsty 
 and hungry, and the fire from the Indians having slack 
 ened considerably, in their preparations for some new 
 attacks and tricks, we insisted on each other going back 
 to the central rendezvous where General Howard had 
 his headquarters and supplies, to get water or coffee and 
 some bacon. Finally, we drew cuts and I won, taking 
 first turn. I found most of the officers at the head 
 quarters. 
 
 I was given an order to execute upon my return to the 
 long section of line where Humphrey and I had met. 
 
1 62 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 I relieved him and then, alone, walked along the lines 
 some hundreds of yards, getting the men placed at pro 
 per intervals for a grand or general charge to be made 
 later. I had a task, as you may imagine, as many men 
 would run back to the holes or trenches as soon as I had 
 gone a few rods farther along, but I got them into place. 
 Away to the left I found Capt. James A. Haughey, 
 Twenty-first Infantry, and Lieut. F. E. Eltonhead, 
 Twenty-first Infantry (now both deceased), lying flat 
 behind small head shelters with dusty sweat streaks 
 down their faces, dodging bullets. They yelled at me 
 to "get down" as I was "drawing fire." I was careless 
 until two bullets tipped the earth between their heads 
 and my ankles, when I thought it fair to squat till I 
 got away from them again. I left to them the arranging 
 of the men to their left and returned to where I had 
 left Humphrey. 
 
 Later the final, beautiful charge was made, full of 
 interesting details, for which I have not now space. 
 Humphrey was as cool as though at a parade or drill. 
 Col. M. P. Miller (then Captain Fourth Artillery, now 
 Brigadier-General, retired) was also as cool under fire 
 as though taking a summer stroll. The latter was also 
 brevetted for gallant service in this battle. When he took 
 his company to a point where a gap in our line permitted 
 the Indians to climb up the river bluff and enfilade us, 
 he was smoking a short stem pipe which good luck kept 
 the bullets from knocking from his mouth. 
 
 When placed, his men faced so that their backs were 
 toward my company (B, Twenty-first Infantry). It was 
 while I was back at the center for cartridges and hospital 
 men that his men took the men of my company for 
 Indians, all being in the prone position in rocky, grassy 
 ground, and as I was returning the artillery company 
 
The Assembling of the Soldiers 163 
 
 and the infantry company were bobbing up and down 
 firing at each other at a lively rate. 
 
 Lieut. Peter Leary, Fourth Artillery, commissary 
 officer, rushed out with a carbine flourishing in the air, 
 shouting: "Packers to the rescue, packers and scouts to 
 the rescue." I saw and knew the situation at a glance, 
 as I had seen Captain Miller lead his men out, and I 
 passed Leary, rushing between the two lines, yelling: 
 "Cease firing, you're firing into your own men." 
 
 The trouble was quickly ended, though at least one 
 poor man (Winters of my company) always believed 
 his dreadful hip wound was by a friendly bullet. This 
 was during the first day of the battle. It was Captain 
 Jocelyn (now Colonel- General Staff, and I hope soon 
 the next Brigadier-General), who got General Howard 
 to send Captain Miller out to that vital part of our lines. 
 
CHAPTER TEN 
 
 The Battle of the Big Hole * 
 
 By G. O. Shields (Coquina) 
 
 BRAVE old General Gibbon, the hero of South 
 Mountain, was on the war-path. On receipt 
 of General Howard's despatch that the Nez 
 Perces were coming his way, he hastily sum 
 moned Company F, of his regiment, from Fort Benton, 
 and D from Camp Baker, to move with all possible speed 
 to his post. Meantime, he gave orders that Company K 
 and every man that could be spared from Fort Shaw 
 should prepare at once for the field. When Companies 
 F and D arrived there, he took the field at their head, 
 with the troops detailed from his own post, and moved 
 rapidly toward Fort Missoula, crossing the Rocky Moun 
 tains through Cadotte's Pass, carrying a limited supply 
 of provisions on pack-mules. The distance, one hundred 
 and fifty miles, over a rough mountainous country, was 
 covered in seven days, the command reaching Fort 
 Missoula on the afternoon of August 3rd. 
 
 On the 4th, with his command reinforced with Cap 
 tain Rawn's company, and Company G of the Seventh 
 
 *This vivid and dramatic sketch is reprinted, after some slight abridgment, from the 
 book of the same name with the kind permission of the author, and Rand, McNally 
 & Co., the publishers. C. T. B. 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 165 
 
 from Fort Ellis, General Gibbon left Fort Missoula in 
 pursuit of the Nez Perces. His command now numbered 
 seventeen officers and one hundred and forty-six men. 
 A wagon-train was taken from Missoula, wherein the 
 men were allowed to ride wherever the roads were good. 
 
 General Gibbon moved as rapidly as his means of 
 transportation would permit, covering thirty to thirty- 
 five miles per day. In his march through the valley he 
 was joined by thirty-six citizens. Gibbon ascertained 
 that he was covering two of their daily marches with one 
 of his, and the question of overtaking them became, 
 therefore, merely one of time. 
 
 When the command reached the foot of the mountains 
 and learned that the Indians had already crossed, a 
 number of the citizens became discouraged and hesitated 
 about going farther. But the General, appreciating the 
 importance of keeping these hardy frontiersmen with 
 him, besought them to keep on a few days longer. 
 
 He assured them that he was in earnest, and should 
 strike the Indians a terrible blow as soon as he could 
 overtake them. He told the volunteers that they should 
 have an honorable place in the fight, if one occurred; 
 that they might have all the horses that could be cap 
 tured, save enough to mount his command, and that, 
 meantime, his men would divide their last ration with 
 their citizen comrades. This announcement created 
 great enthusiasm among the soldiers and volunteers 
 alike, and the latter at once decided to follow their 
 gallant leader until the Indians should be overtaken, no 
 matter where or when that might be. 
 
 Lieutenant Bradley, with eight men of the Second 
 Cavalry, and all of the mounted volunteers, was now 
 ordered to push on, strike the Indian camp before day 
 light the next morning, if possible, stampede the stock 
 
1 66 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and run it off. If this could be done, and the Indians set 
 on foot, then their overwhelming defeat would be cer 
 tain. Lieut. J. W. Jacobs asked and obtained permis 
 sion to go with Bradley and share in the hazardous 
 undertaking. This detachment, amounting, all told, to 
 sixty men, made a night march across the mountains, 
 while the main command camped at the foot of the 
 divide on the night of the yth, and at five o'clock the 
 next morning resumed the march. 
 
 The road up the mountain, a steep and difficult one 
 at best, was seriously obstructed at this time by large 
 quantities of down timber that had to be cut out or 
 passed around, so that the ascent was very slow and 
 trying to men and beasts. The wagons were but lightly 
 loaded, and by doubling teams and using all the men 
 at the drag ropes, the command succeeded in reaching 
 the summit, a distance of three miles, in six hours, and 
 by the performance of such labor and hardship as only 
 those can realize who have campaigned in a mountain 
 ous country. 
 
 From the summit the road leads down a gentle incline 
 for a mile, when it reaches the head of Trail Creek, and 
 follows down that stream a distance often miles into the 
 Big Hole basin. It crosses the creek probably fifty times, 
 and the banks being abrupt, and the road obstructed 
 in many places by down timber, the progress of the com 
 mand was extremely slow and tedious. 
 
 While ascending the mountain on the morning of the 
 8th, General Gibbon received a courier from Lieutenant 
 Bradley, with a despatch stating that, owing to the 
 difficult nature of the trail and the distance to the Indian 
 camp, he had been unable to reach it before daylight, 
 and that the Indians had broken camp and moved on. 
 Later in the day, however, another courier brought news 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 167 
 
 that they had again gone into camp, after making but 
 a short march, at the mouth of Trail Creek, and that, 
 not deeming it safe to attack in daylight, Bradley had 
 concealed his command in the hills, and was now await 
 ing the arrival of the infantry. 
 
 Upon receipt of this information, Gibbon took his 
 men from the wagons (leaving twenty men to guard the 
 train), gave each man ninety rounds of ammunition and 
 one day's rations, and pushed on on foot, having or 
 dered that the wagons should come up as fast as possible. 
 The gallant General with his faithful little band moved 
 quietly but rapidly forward, but owing to the bad condi 
 tion of the trail, it was nearly sundown when they 
 reached Bradley's camp. 
 
 Bradley informed his chief that he believed the In 
 dians intended to remain in their camp several days, for 
 he had secretly observed their movements from the top 
 of a neighboring hill, and found that the squaws were 
 engaged in cutting and peeling lodge-poles to take with 
 them for use on the treeless plains of the buffalo country. 
 
 On arriving at Bradley' s camp, the men filed into 
 the gulch, ate a scanty supper of hard-tack and raw pork, 
 and without camp-fires or blankets, lay down to rest. 
 Having conferred with Lieutenant Bradley and his 
 scouts as to the best disposition of the proposed attack, 
 General Gibbon ordered his adjutant to call him at ten 
 o'clock at night, and lying down under the spreading 
 branches of a pine-tree, slept as peacefully as a child. 
 
 Lieutenants Bradley and Jacobs did a piece of re- 
 connoitering on this day for which they deserve great 
 credit. Having failed to reach the Indian camp during 
 the previous night, when it would have been safe to 
 undertake to capture or stampede the pony herd; and 
 knowing it would be rash to attempt it in daylight, it 
 
1 68 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 then became important to learn the exact situation of 
 the village, in order that the commanding General might 
 be given the most minute information concerning it 
 when he came up. 
 
 Having secreted his command in the woods, there 
 fore, Bradley sent out scouts in different directions with 
 instructions to proceed cautiously and stealthily about 
 the valley and ascertain, if practicable, the actual where 
 abouts of the Indians. 
 
 In about two hours these men returned and reported 
 numerous fresh signs of Indians in the immediate vicin 
 ity, while one of them, Corporal Drummond he said, had, 
 standing in the timber some distance to the east, heard 
 voices and other sounds that evidently came from a 
 busy Indian camp near by, but, fearing he might give 
 an alarm, he had not gone near enough to the camp to 
 see it. 
 
 Lieutenant Jacobs asked Bradley to let him take 
 Drummond, return to the spot and verify such impor 
 tant information. Bradley replied that they would both 
 go, and, leaving Sergeant Wilson in charge of the camp, 
 both officers started with Drummond on foot. 
 
 They proceeded with the greatest caution a distance 
 of about a mile and a half, when the corporal whispered 
 to Lieutenant Bradley that they were near the place 
 where he had heard the voices. They were surrounded 
 by a thick growth of small pine-trees, through which 
 it was impossible to see to any distance. Moving slowly 
 forward, they soon heard the sound of axes, and in 
 ferred that the squaws were cutting lodge-poles in the 
 very body of the woods they were then in. 
 
 Creeping along with bated breath, on the alert for 
 every sound or sign, fearful lest they should make 
 known their presence to the Indians, bring on a skir- 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 169 
 
 mish, and thus avert the purpose of the General, they 
 scarcely dared breathe. 
 
 They finally caught the sound of voices and stopped. 
 Here the officers held a whispered consultation which 
 resulted in their crawling ahead to a larger tree that 
 stood about eighty paces in front of them. Still they 
 could see nothing of the camp, although the sounds came 
 plainer, and all were impressed with the knowledge that 
 they were treading on the very crest of a volcano, as it 
 were. Jacobs suggested that they climb the tree, arguing 
 that as it was taller than those about it, they might be 
 able to see something interesting from its top. 
 
 To this Bradley readily assented, and leaving their 
 rifles with the corporal and cautioning him to keep a 
 sharp lookout for any possible intruders, both officers 
 climbed cautiously and stealthily into the topmost 
 branches of the pine-tree. When they had gained this 
 position, they halted for a moment in a crouching pos 
 ture, and then, cautiously straightening themselves up, 
 found that they were well above the surrounding foliage, 
 and were thrilled at seeing hundreds of Indian horses 
 quietly grazing in a prairie almost beneath them, for 
 the tree stood on top of a high hill. 
 
 Several herders sat on their ponies in and about the 
 herd, while others lounged lazily on the ground under 
 the shade of neighboring trees. A few hundred yards 
 beyond, they saw the Indian camp where hundreds of 
 warriors were resting and chatting, while squaws were 
 pitching tents, making beds, carrying in poles, and cook 
 ing the noon-day meal. 
 
 A brief look was all these brave officers dared risk, 
 for they feared detection, and hastily lowering them 
 selves to the ground, they lost no time in regaining their 
 own camp. 
 
170 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 171 
 
 A brief despatch was sent off to the General, the re 
 ceipt of which by him has already been referred to, 
 advising him of their discovery, and the remainder of 
 the day was spent in impatient awaiting his arrival. 
 
 At ten o'clock at night the officer of the guard spoke 
 to the General in a whisper, and he arose with the 
 alacrity of a youth who goes forth to the sports of a 
 holiday. The men were called at once, and in whispered 
 orders the line of march was speedily formed. All were 
 instructed to preserve the most profound silence from 
 that moment until the signal should be given to open 
 fire on the enemy, and, under the guidance of Joe Blodgett 
 and Lieutenant Bradley, the little band filed silently 
 down the winding trail, threading its way, now through 
 dark groves of pine or fir; now through jungles of under 
 brush; now over rocky points; frequently wading the 
 cold mountain brook, waist deep, and tramping through 
 oozy marshes of saw-grass; speaking only in whispers; 
 their rifles loaded, eyes peering into the starlit night, 
 and ears strained to catch the slightest sound that might 
 indicate the hiding-place of any lurking foe who might 
 perchance be on an outpost to announce to his followers 
 the approach of danger. 
 
 Five miles were thus stealthily marched without giving 
 an alarm. Then the valley in which the troops had been 
 moving opened out into what is known as the Big Hole, 
 that is, the valley of the Big Hole River. This is a beauti 
 ful prairie basin, fifteen miles wide, and sixty miles long, 
 covered with rich bunch-grass and surrounded by high 
 mountains. In the edge of this valley the soldiers saw 
 the smoldering camp-fires of the enemy; heard the bay 
 ing of his hungry dogs responding to the howls of the 
 prowling coyotes, and saw, by the flickering lights, the 
 smoky lodges of the warriors. The men crept up to 
 
172 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 within a few hundred yards of the slumbering camp, 
 when they again crossed the creek down which they had 
 been marching, and ascended its eastern bluff. Here 
 they encountered a large herd of ponies, some of whom 
 neighed anxiously as the strange apparition filed past 
 them, but luckily did not stampede. 
 
 Down the side of this steep bluff, thickly overgrown 
 with sage-brush, mountain laurel and jack pines; over 
 rocks and through break-neck ravines and washouts, 
 the soldiers and citizens picked their way with all the 
 skill and adroitness of trained hunters, until at last they 
 reached a position overlooking the Indian camp, and 
 within one hundred and fifty yards of the nearest tepees. 
 The camp was pitched on the south bank of the Wisdom 
 or Big Hole River, which is formed by the confluence 
 here of Trail and Ruby Creeks. It was in an open 
 meadow, in a bend of the river, and was partially sur 
 rounded by dense thickets of willows. There were eighty- 
 nine lodges pitched in the form of a V, with the angle up 
 the stream, and below the camp four hundred or five 
 hundred ponies grazed peacefully, tethered to stakes 
 and willows. The Indians had evidently secured them 
 there in order to be prepared, ready for any emergency. 
 The command halted here, and lay down to await the 
 coming of daylight, but not to sleep. 
 
 It was now two o'clock in the morning, and the men 
 suffered with cold, for even the summer nights are cold 
 in these mountains, and they had neither overcoats nor 
 blankets, having left all these with the wagons. The 
 smoldering camp-fires flickered fitfully in the pale star 
 light, and the smoky lodges of the savages presented a 
 most fantastic picture, as the dying lights blazed with 
 ever-changing weirdness upon them. Eagerly the soldiers 
 watched the scene, and with bated breath thought of the 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 173 
 
 awful tragedy that the rising sun would look upon in 
 that now peaceful valley. 
 
 "They have no idea of our presence," said Bostwick, 
 the half-breed scout. "After a while you will see some 
 fires built up if we remain undiscovered." 
 
 Sure enough, in the course of an hour squaws began 
 to come forth from their lodges, and replenish their 
 waning fires. 
 
 As these blazed up they stood about them, jabbered, 
 turned, and warmed themselves, yawned, and then one 
 by one returned to their skin couches and betook them 
 selves again to sleep. And again the soldiers and their 
 citizen allies were left to meditate, and in whispers to 
 commune with each other. 
 
 As soon as it was light enough to see to move advan 
 tageously the little army was again astir; but its move 
 ments were yet as silent as the grave. Under whispered 
 orders and with stealthy tread Sanno's and Comba's 
 companies, deployed as skirmishers, descended the 
 bluff into the valley, groped their way through the wil 
 low thickets, waded the icy river, the water coming 
 nearly to their armpits. Logan, Williams and Rawn, 
 with their companies, were sent to the extreme right 
 to cross and attack the camp near Ruby Creek, while 
 Lieutenant Bradley, with his handful of soldiers and 
 citizen scouts, was sent down the stream with orders to 
 cross and strike the camp lower down. 
 
 As the light increased the troops were advancing 
 cautiously, when an Indian, who had crawled out of 
 his lodge and mounted a horse, rode out of the willows 
 directly in front of Bradley' s men and within a few feet 
 of them. He was en route to the pony herd on the hill 
 side above, and so quietly had the advance been made 
 that even he had not heard or seen the men, and was 
 
174 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 within a few feet of them when he emerged from the 
 thicket of willows. He and his horse were instantly 
 shot down. 
 
 The order had been given : 
 
 "When the first shot is fired charge the camp with 
 the whole line." 
 
 And most eagerly was this order obeyed. Volleys were 
 fired into the tepees, and with an eager yell the whole 
 line swept wildly into the midst of the slumbering camp. 
 The surprise was complete. The Indians rushed from 
 their lodges panic-stricken by the suddenness and 
 ferocity of the attack. They ran for the river-banks and 
 thickets. Squaws yelled, children screamed, dogs barked, 
 horses neighed, snorted, and many of them broke their 
 fetters and fled. 
 
 Even the warriors, usually so stoical, and who always 
 like to appear incapable of fear or excitement, were, for 
 the time being, wild and panic-stricken like the rest. 
 Some of them fled from the tents at first without their 
 guns and had to return later, under a galling fire, and 
 get them. Some of those who had presence of mind 
 enough left to seize their weapons were too badly fright 
 ened to use them at first and stampeded, like a flock of 
 sheep, to the brush. 
 
 The soldiers, although the scene was an intensely ex 
 citing one, were cool, self-reliant and shot to kill. Many 
 an Indian was cut down at such short range that his flesh 
 and clothing were burned by the powder from their 
 rifles. Comba and Sanno first struck the camp at the 
 apex of the V, and delivered a melting fire on the In 
 dians as they poured from the tepees. For a few minutes 
 no effective fire was returned, but soon the Indians re 
 covered in a measure from their surprise and, getting 
 into safe cover behind the river-banks, and in some cases 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 175 
 
 in even the very bed of the stream, opened fire on the 
 soldiers, who were now in the open ground, with terrible 
 effect. 
 
 The fire was especially destructive on the right or 
 upper end of the line where the river made a short bend. 
 As Logan, with a valor equal to that of his illustrious 
 namesake, swept forward, he and his men found them 
 selves directly at the backs of the Indians hidden in this 
 bend, who now turned and cut them down with fearful 
 rapidity. It was here that the greatest slaughter of that 
 day took place. Logan himself fell, shot through the 
 head, and at sight of their leader's corpse his men were 
 desperate. Regardless of their own safety, they rushed 
 to the river-bank and brained the savages in hand-to- 
 hand encounters, both whites and Indians in some cases 
 falling dead or wounded into the stream and being 
 swept away by its current. 
 
 In twenty minutes from the time the first shot was 
 fired the troops had complete possession of the camp, 
 and orders were given to destroy it. The torch was ap 
 plied with a will, and some of the canvas lodges with 
 the plunder in them destroyed, but the heavy dew had 
 so dampened them that they burned slowly, and the 
 destruction was not as complete as the men wished to 
 make it. Many of the lodges were made of skins, and 
 these would not burn at all. 
 
 Though the Indians were driven from their camp 
 they were not yet defeated. Joseph's voice and that of 
 his lieutenants, White Bird and Looking Glass, were 
 heard above the din of the battle, rallying their warriors 
 and cheering them on to deeds of valor. 
 
 "Why are we retreating ?" shouted White Bird. 
 "Since the world was made, brave men have fought 
 for their women and children. Shall we run into the 
 
176 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 mountains and let these white dogs kill our women and 
 children before our eyes ? It is better that we should be 
 killed fighting. Now is our time to fight. These soldiers 
 cannot fight harder than the ones we defeated on Salm 
 on River and White Bird Canon. Fight ! Shoot them 
 down ! We can shoot as well as any of these soldiers." 
 
 Looking Glass was at the other end of the camp. His 
 voice was heard calling out: 
 
 " Wal-lit-ze ! Tap-sis-il-pilp ! Um-til-ilp-cown ! This is 
 battle ! These men are not asleep as those you murdered 
 in Idaho. These soldiers mean battle. You tried to break 
 my promise at Lo-lo. You wanted to fire at the fortified 
 place. Now is the time to show your courage and fight. 
 You can kill right and left. I would rather see you killed 
 than the rest, for you commenced the war. It was you 
 who murdered the settlers in Idaho. Now fight !" 
 
 Thus praised and railed at by turns, the men recov 
 ered their presence of mind and charged back into the 
 camp. The fighting was now muzzle to breast. This 
 deadly encounter lasted for some minutes more, when 
 the Indians again took to the river-bank and delivered 
 their fire with great precision and deadliness on the 
 troops in open ground. 
 
 In the hottest of the fight, Tap-sis-il-pilp was killed. 
 Wal-lit-ze, upon being told of his companion's death, 
 rushed madly upon a group of soldiers and was shot 
 dead in his tracks. Thus did two of the three murderers, 
 who were said to have brought on the war, pay the 
 penalty of their crimes with their own blood. The im 
 plied wish of their chief that they might be killed was 
 realized. 
 
 Before these two men were killed, so says a surviving 
 Nez Perce, an almost hand-to-hand fight occurred be 
 tween an officer and an Indian, 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 177 
 
 The Indian was killed. His sister saw him fall, and 
 springing to his side, wrenched the still smoking revolver 
 from his hand, leveled it at the officer and shot him 
 through the head. The Indian who described the event 
 did not know who the officer was, but every soldier in 
 the Seventh Infantry knows and mourns the squaw's 
 victim as the gallant Captain Logan. Another Indian, 
 named "Grizzly Bear Youth," relates a hand-to-hand 
 fight with a citizen volunteer in these words: 
 
 " When I was following the soldiers through the brush, 
 trying to kill as many of them as possible, a big, ugly 
 ranchman turned around swearing and made for me. 
 He was either out of cartridges or afraid to take time to 
 load his needle gun, for he swung it over his head by the 
 barrel and rushed at me to strike with the butt end. I 
 did the same. We both struck at once and each received 
 a blow on the head. The volunteer's gun put a brand on 
 my forehead that will be seen as long as I live. My blow 
 on his head made him fall on his back. I jumped on 
 him and tried to hold him down. He was a powerful 
 man. He turned me and got on top. He got his hand on 
 my throat and commenced choking me. 
 
 "All turned dark and I was nearly gone. Just then a 
 warrior came up. This was Red Owl's son. He ran up, 
 put his gun to the volunteer's side and fired. The ball 
 passed through the man and killed him. I had my arm 
 around the waist of the man when the shot was fired, 
 and the ball, after going through the volunteer, broke 
 my arm." 
 
 Some of the Indians had, at the first alarm, mounted 
 their horses, and rode rapidly to the hills on either side 
 and to depressions in the open prairies of the valley. 
 From these positions, as well as from the thickets and 
 river-banks, now came a most galling fire, which the 
 
178 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 soldiers were kept busy replying to. Although much of 
 this shooting was at long range it was very deadly, and 
 at almost every crack of their rifles a soldier, an officer, 
 or a scout fell. General Gibbon, Lieutenant Woodruff, 
 and both their horses were wounded by these sharp 
 shooters. 
 
 Gibbon formed his troops in two lines back-to-back, 
 and charged through the brush in opposite directions 
 for the purpose of driving out the Indians who remained 
 there, but they simply retreated farther into the jungle, 
 ran by the flanks of the assaulting parties, and kept up 
 their fire at short range. In this part of the action Lieu 
 tenant Coolidge was shot through both thighs. Lieuten 
 ant Hardin and Sergeant Rogan carried him into a 
 sheltered spot near where the body of Captain Logan 
 lay. 
 
 By this time Coolidge had recovered from the shock 
 of his wounds sufficiently to be able to walk, and, al 
 though weak from the loss of blood, picked up a rifle 
 that had belonged to a fallen comrade and again took 
 his place at the head of his company. While in this 
 enfeebled condition he attempted to wade the river, but 
 getting into water beyond his depth was compelled to 
 throw away his rifle and swim. His failing strength now 
 compelled him to seek shelter and lie down. 
 
 It soon became evident to General Gibbon that it 
 would be unwise to hold his position on the river bottom, 
 where there was no adequate cover for his men, and he 
 reluctantly ordered them to fall back up the hill and 
 take cover in the mouth of a gulch since known as 
 "Battle Gulch." They withdrew through the willow 
 thickets to a position under the hill, gallantly carrying 
 their wounded comrades with them, and then made a 
 push for the timber. It was held by about twenty of the 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 179 
 
 Indian sharpshooters, who were killed or driven from 
 it only at the muzzles of the soldiers' rifles. On the ap 
 proach of the troops these Indians took shelter in a 
 shallow washout, not more than a foot deep and two or 
 three feet wide. Some of them were behind trees which 
 stood beside this trench. 
 
 One had a few large rocks piled about the roots of his 
 tree, and from a loophole through these he picked off 
 man after man, himself secure from the many shots 
 aimed at him at short range by the soldiers. Finally, 
 however, a soldier, who was an expert marksman and 
 cool as a veteran, took a careful aim and sent a bullet 
 into this loophole which struck the rock on one side, 
 glanced and entered the Indian's eye, passing out at 
 the back of his head a veritable carom shot. This tree 
 was girdled with bullets, and the plucky Indian who lay 
 behind it is said to have killed five of the soldiers before 
 the fatal missile searched him out. 
 
 While the main body of troops were clearing out this 
 clump of woods, the valiant band of regulars and 
 volunteers, who had been sent down the river under 
 Lieutenant Bradley to strike the lower end of the camp, 
 now turned and fought their way up through it; through 
 the willow thickets; through the sloughs and bayous; 
 through the windings of the river; killing an Indian and 
 losing a man at every turn, and finally joined the com 
 mand in the woods. 
 
 But the gallant young leader of the band was not 
 there. He had fallen early in the fight; in fact, the first 
 white man killed. He was leading the left wing of the 
 army in its assault on the camp. General Gibbon had 
 cautioned him to exercise great care going into the brush 
 at that point, and told him to keep under cover of the 
 brush and river-bank as much as possible, but the 
 
180 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 brave young man knew no fear and bade his men follow 
 him. One of them called to him just as he was entering 
 a thicket where a party of Indians were believed to be 
 lurking, and said: 
 
 "Hold on, Lieutenant; don't go in there; it's sure 
 death." 
 
 But he pressed on, regardless of his own safety, and 
 just as he reached the edge of the brush an Indian 
 raised up within a few feet of him and fired, killing him 
 instantly. 
 
 The Indian was immediately riddled with bullets, 
 and then the men charged madly into and through the 
 brush, dealing death to every Indian who came in their 
 way, and the blood of many a redskin crimsoned the 
 sod, whose life counted against that of this gallant 
 young officer. Thus he, who had led the night march 
 over the mountains; who had by day, with his comrade, 
 crawled up, located and reconnoitered the Indian camp, 
 and sent the news of his discovery to his chief; who had 
 on the following night aided that chief so signally in 
 moving his command to the field and in planning the 
 attack; who had gallantly led one wing of the little army 
 in that fierce charge through the jungle and into the 
 hostile camp, had laid down his noble life, and his com 
 rades mourned him as a model officer, a good friend, a 
 brave soldier. 
 
 Soon after the assault was made on the camp a 
 squad of mounted warriors was sent to round up the 
 large herd of horses, some fifteen hundred in number, on 
 the hillside, half a mile away, and drive them down the 
 river. General Gibbon saw this movement and sent a 
 small party of citizen scouts to turn the horses his way 
 and drive the herders off. A sharp skirmish ensued be 
 tween the two parties, in which several whites and In- 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 181 
 
 dians were wounded, but the Indians being mounted 
 and the citizens on foot, the former succeeded in round 
 ing up the herd and driving it down the river beyond 
 the reach of Gibbon's men. 
 
 During the progress of the fight among the tepees, 
 the squaws and young boys seized the weapons of slain 
 warriors, and from their hiding-places in the brush 
 fought with, the desperation of fiends. Several instances 
 are related by survivors of the fight, in which the she 
 devils met soldiers or scouts face to face, and, thrusting 
 their rifles almost into the faces of the white men, fired 
 point blank at them. Several of our men are known to 
 have been killed by the squaws, and several of the latter 
 were shot down in retaliation by the enraged soldiers 
 or citizens. 
 
 A scout who was with Bradley states that, while they 
 were fighting their way up through the willows, he 
 passed three squaws who were hidden in a clump of 
 brush. Knowing their bloodthirsty nature, and that 
 several of his comrades had already been killed by 
 this class of enemies, he was tempted to kill them, but 
 as they seemed to be unarmed and made no show of 
 resistance, he spared them and passed on. 
 
 Two days later, however, while out with a burial 
 party, he found these same three squaws all dead in 
 their hiding-place. One of them now had a Henry rifle 
 in her hands, and beside another lay a revolver with 
 five empty shells in the cylinder. He thought they had 
 recovered the weapons from slain bucks after he passed 
 and, opening fire on some soldier or scout, had met the 
 fate to which their conduct had justly subjected them. 
 
 All through the fierce struggle on the river bottom, 
 officers fought shoulder to shoulder with their men; 
 some of them with their own rifles, some with rifles 
 
1 82 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 recovered from killed or wounded comrades, and some 
 with revolvers. Even General Gibbon himself who, 
 by the way, is an expert rifle shot from his position on 
 the bluff, devoted all his spare moments to using his 
 hunting-rifle on the skulking redskins, and more than 
 one of them is said to have fallen victim to his deadly 
 aim. 
 
 Lieut. C. A. Woodruff, his adjutant, dealt shot after 
 shot into the foe, as he rode from point to point, 
 carrying the orders of his chief. Captains Comba, Wil 
 liams, Browning, and Sanno used their Springfields 
 with telling effect and put many a bullet where it would 
 do the most good. Lieutenant Jacobs was as swift as an 
 eagle in search of his prey, and, with a revolver in each 
 hand, dashed hither and thither hunting out the mur 
 derers from their hiding-places and shooting them down 
 like dogs. 
 
 Lieutenants Jackson, Wright, English, Van Orsdale, 
 Harden, and Woodbridge were all at their posts, and 
 none of them lost an opportunity to put in a telling 
 shot. Lieut. Francis Woodbridge was the youngest offi 
 cer in the command, then a mere boy but a few months 
 from West Point, yet he was as cool as any of the vet 
 erans and displayed soldierly qualities that endeared 
 him to every one who participated in that day's work. 
 
 Captain Rawn was at all times in the thickest of the 
 fight, and was admired alike by officers and men for the 
 alacrity with which he shared in every danger. His con 
 duct in that fight gave the lie to the carpers who had 
 accused him of cowardice in the affair in Lo-lo Canon. 
 In short, every officer, every enlisted man, and every 
 citizen volunteer, fought as though the responsibility of 
 the battle rested solely with him, and all acquitted them 
 selves most nobly. 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 183 
 
 As soon as the command abandoned the camp, the 
 Indians reoccupied it, and under the fire of the sharp 
 shooters, hauled down several of their tepees; hastily 
 bundled together the greater portion of their plunder; 
 packed a number of horses with it, and, mounting their 
 riding ponies, the squaws and children beat a hasty 
 retreat down the valley, driving the herd of loose horses 
 with them. They had hot work breaking camp, and 
 several of them and their horses were killed while thus 
 engaged. Two of Joseph's wives and a daughter of 
 Looking Glass were among the slain, who were believed 
 to have been killed at this time. 
 
 When the command retired into the timber, the In 
 dians followed and surrounded them, taking cover along 
 the river-banks below, and behind rocks and trees on 
 the hillsides above. The men dug rifle-pits with their 
 trowel bayonets and piled up rocks to protect themselves 
 as best they could, and a sharpshooting fight was kept 
 up from this position all day. At times the Indians' fire 
 was close and destructive, and here Lieutenant English 
 received a mortal wound. Captain Williams was struck 
 a second time, and a number of men killed and wounded. 
 
 Two large pine-trees stand on the open hillside some 
 four hundred yards from the mouth of the gulch. Behind 
 one of these an Indian took cover early in the morning, 
 and stayed there until late in the afternoon. He proved to 
 be an excellent long-range shot, and harassed the troops 
 sorely by his fire until a soldier, who had crawled up the 
 gulch some distance above the main body, and who was 
 equally expert in the use of his rifle, got a cross-fire on 
 him and finally drove him out. He went down the hill on 
 a run and took refuge in the willows, but with one arm 
 dangling at his side in a way that left no doubt in the 
 minds of those who saw him that it was broken. 
 
184 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 A large number of Indians crawled up as close to the 
 troops as they dared, and the voices of the leaders could 
 be heard urging their companions to push on. A half- 
 breed in the camp, familiar with the Nez Perce tongue, 
 heard White Bird encouraging his men and urging them 
 to charge, assuring them that the white soldiers' am 
 munition was nearly gone. But he was unable to raise 
 their courage to the desired point, and no assault was 
 made. The troops held their ground nobly, wasting no 
 ammunition, and yet returning the fire of the savages 
 with coolness, accuracy, and regularity; and from the 
 number of dead Indians and pools of blood found on the 
 hillside the next day, learned that their work here had 
 not been in vain. 
 
 During the afternoon of the 8th the wagon-train and 
 howitzer had been brought down to within five miles of 
 the Indian camp, parked, and fortified by Hugh Kirk- 
 endall, the citizen wagonmaster in charge, aided by the 
 few men who had been left with him as train-guard. 
 
 An amusing incident occurred that night, and yet one 
 that came near costing Kirkendall his life. Among the 
 men left with the train was William Woodcuck, Lieu 
 tenant Jacob's servant. He was armed with a double- 
 . barreled shot-gun and ordered to take his turn on guard. 
 
 During the still hours of the night the wagonmaster 
 was making the "rounds" to see if the men were en the 
 alert. As he approached William's post the latter called 
 out to him to halt; and without waiting to learn whether 
 his challenge had been heeded, blazed away at the in 
 truder, whom he took to be a prowling redskin. The 
 charge of buck-shot tore up the ground and cut down the 
 brush about the wagonmaster, but fortunately none of 
 them hit him. William showed himself to be a vigilant 
 sentry, but a poor shot, and it is supposed that he will 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 185 
 
 never hear the last of "Who goes there? bang!" 
 while there is a survivor of the expedition. 
 
 At daylight on the morning of the 9th three non 
 commissioned officers and three men started to the 
 front with the howitzer under the direction of Joe 
 Blodgett, the scout. They succeeded in getting it up to 
 within half a mile of the scene of action a little after 
 sunrise. They took it across Trail Creek and up on the 
 bluff, where they were in the act of putting it in position 
 to open fire, when a body of about thirty mounted In 
 dians saw it, and ascertaining that only a few men were 
 with it charged with the intention of capturing it. Two 
 of the soldiers who were with the piece became panic- 
 stricken and fled when they saw the Indians coming, 
 and did not stop until they reached the settlement a 
 hundred miles away, where they spread the news that 
 Gibbon's whole command had been captured and mass 
 acred. So far as is known, this is the only instance in 
 which cowardice was shown by any man in the command. 
 
 The remaining four men stood bravely by the gun, 
 however, loaded and fired it twice at the assaulting 
 party, and then, as the Indians closed around it, used 
 their rifles on them. When they saw that they could not 
 successfully defend the piece, they threw it off the 
 trunnion and retreated. Corporal Sayles was killed and 
 Sergeants Daily and Fredericks wounded at their posts. 
 The horses that were hauling the piece were both shot 
 down. Private Bennett, the driver, was caught under one 
 of them in its fall, and pretended to be dead until the 
 Indians withdrew, when he took out his knife, cut the 
 harness, and then prodding the animal, which was still 
 alive, made it move sufficiently to release him, and he re 
 treated and reached the wagon-train, where Sergeants 
 Daily and Fredericks also arrived later in the day. 
 
1 86 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 The Indians, finding the howitzer useless to them 
 selves, took the wheels off the trunnion, hid them in the 
 brush, and, taking a pack-mule that had been brought 
 up with the howitzer and which was loaded wjth two 
 thousand rifle cartridges, returned to their camp. 
 
 The loss of the cannon was a serious blow to the 
 command, for, could it have been gotten into position 
 and held, it could have done excellent service in shelling 
 the Indians out of their strongholds, whence they so 
 annoyed the troops. The piece could not consistently 
 have been more strongly guarded, however, than it was, 
 for every available man was needed in the assault on the 
 camp. The loss of the two thousand rounds of rifle 
 cartridges also weakened the command seriously, for 
 it compelled the men to reserve their fire all day, in 
 order to make the supply taken into the action with 
 them hold out. Had this extra supply reached them, 
 they could have killed many more Indians during the 
 day than they did. 
 
 Meantime the fight continued to rage at the mouth of 
 the gulch, with varying fortunes and misfortunes on 
 either side. Late in the afternoon a smoke was seen 
 rising from beyond the brow of the hill below Gibbon's 
 position, and the cry went forth that the Indians had 
 fired the grass. A wind was blowing the fire directly 
 toward the beleaguered band, and all were greatly 
 alarmed. The General had feared that the Indians would 
 resort to this measure, for he knew it to be a part of 
 the Nez PerceV war tactics, and he believed that they 
 intended to follow up the fire and assault his men while 
 blinded by the smoke. Yet he was not dismayed. He 
 urged his men to stand firm in the face of this new 
 danger. 
 
 "If the worst comes, my men," said he, "if this fire 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 187 
 
 reaches us, we will charge through it, meet the redskins 
 in the open ground, and send them to a hotter place than 
 they have prepared for us. " 
 
 The fire burned fiercely until within a few yards of the 
 intrenchments, and the men were blinded and nearly 
 suffocated by the smoke. But again the fortunes of war 
 were with the beleaguered band, for just before the 
 fire reached them the wind shifted squarely about, came 
 down off the hills from the west, and the fire, blown 
 back upon its own blackened embers, faltered, and died 
 out. At this lucky turn in their fortunes the soldiers 
 cheered wildly, and the Indians cursed savagely. 
 
 The men had left the wagons in the forenoon of the 
 previous day with one day's rations, but in the charge 
 across the river many of their haversacks had been 
 filled with water, and the scant supply of food that re 
 mained in them was destroyed. Others, more fortunate, 
 had divided their few remaining crackers with their 
 comrades who were thus deprived, so that all were now 
 without provisions and suffering from hunger. 
 
 The gulch in which they had taken cover was dry 
 and rocky, and as the August sun poured his scorching 
 rays upon the men they suffered for water. True, the 
 river flowed within a few hundred yards of them, but 
 the man who attempted to reach it did so at the risk of 
 his life, and there were no more lives to spare. Not until 
 nightfall did the commanding officer deem it prudent 
 to send out a fatigue party for water. Then three men 
 volunteered to go, and under cover of darkness, and of a 
 firing party, they made the trip safely, filling and bring 
 ing in as many canteens as they could carry. 
 
 The men cut up Lieutenant Woodruff's horse (which 
 the Indians had conveniently killed within the lines), 
 and as they dared not make camp-fires, devoured full 
 
1 88 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 rations of him raw. The night was cold, and again the 
 men suffered greatly for' bedding. The Indians kept 
 firing into the woods occasionally, even after dark, so 
 that the soldiers were unable to rest. Once or twice they 
 charged up almost to Gibbon's lines and delivered 
 volleys on the men, but were speedily repulsed in each 
 case by a fusillade from the intrenchments. 
 
 General Gibbon had heard nothing from his wagon- 
 train since leaving it, and the fact that mounted parties 
 of Indians were frequently seen passing in his rear made 
 it extremely dangerous to attempt to pass to or from it. 
 Indeed, he feared the train had been captured, for it 
 was but lightly guarded, and during the night he started 
 a runner to Deer Lodge for medical assistance and 
 supplies. This man, W. H. Edwards by name, succeeded 
 in making his way out through the Indian lines under 
 cover of darkness, and walked or ran to Frenche's 
 Gulch, a distance of nearly sixty miles, where he got a 
 horse, and made the remaining forty miles during the 
 following night, arriving at Deer Lodge on the morning 
 of August nth. 
 
 On the morning of the loth a courier arrived from 
 General Howard, informing Gibbon that he (Howard) 
 was hurrying to his assistance with twenty cavalrymen 
 and thirty Warm Spring Indians. On being questioned 
 as to the supply-train, this courier reported that he had 
 seen nothing of it, which statement greatly increased 
 the fear of the men that it had been captured and de 
 stroyed. 
 
 Later in the day, however, a messenger arrived from 
 the train, bringing the cheering news that it was safe. 
 The Indians had menaced it all day, but the guard in 
 charge of it had fortified their position and fired upon 
 the savages whenever they came in sight with such tell- 
 
The Battle of the Big Hole 189 
 
 ing effect that the latter had made no determined at 
 tack. Howard's messenger had passed the train in the 
 night without seeing it. 
 
 Early on the morning of the loth Serg. Mildon H. 
 Wilson, of Company K, with six men was sent back 
 to bring up the train, and later in the day Captain 
 Browning and Lieutenant Woodbridge, with twenty 
 men, all of whom had volunteered for the service, were 
 sent to take charge of it. They met the train on the way 
 in charge of Sergeant Wilson, and with it succeeded in 
 reaching the command just at sundown, bringing the 
 blankets and provisions so much needed by the men. 
 
 This detachment performed a hazardous and meri 
 torious piece of work in thus rescuing and bringing up 
 the train, for large parties of Indians were still scouting 
 through the woods and hills watching for opportunities 
 to cut off any small body of troops who might be found 
 away from the main command and with whom they 
 might successfully contend. 
 
 In the face of this danger, Browning and Wood- 
 bridge, with their few supporters, marched nearly ten 
 miles through the swampy, brush-lined ravine, and 
 succeeded in moving the train over roads that were well- 
 nigh impassable under the most favorable circumstances. 
 The wagons had to be literally carried over some of the 
 worst places, the mules having all they could do to get 
 through without pulling a pound. 
 
 As soon as the train had been safely delivered to the 
 command, General Gibbon asked for a volunteer mes 
 senger to go to Deer Lodge with additional despatches, 
 fearing that Edwards might have been killed or cap 
 tured en route, and Sergeant Wilson, the hero of so 
 many brave deeds, promptly volunteered for this 
 perilous service. He started at once, rode all night, 
 
1 90 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and reached his destination only a few hours behind 
 Edwards. 
 
 The last party of Indians withdrew about eleven 
 o'clock on the night of the loth, giving the soldiers a 
 parting shower of bullets, but it was not known until 
 daylight on the morning of the i ith that all had really 
 gone. 
 
 From the time the last shots were fired, as stated, all 
 was quiet, and the men got a few hours of much-needed 
 rest, such as it was, for they had slept but two hours in 
 the past forty-eight. The fight was over; the enemy was 
 gone. The sun that rose on the morning of the nth 
 shone brightly over as beautiful a valley as the eye of 
 man ever beheld, and the blackening corpses that lay 
 strewn upon the field were the only remaining evidences 
 of the bloody tragedy that had so lately been enacted 
 there. 
 
CHAPTER ELEVEN 
 
 The Battle of Camas Meadows* 
 
 By H. J. Davis, formerly Sergeant Second Cavalry, 
 United States Army 
 
 DURING the memorable campaign against 
 the Nez Perce Indians, in the year 1877, 
 there were many stirring incidents that have 
 never been given to the public, and notably 
 among these is the Camas Meadow fight of Capt. Ran 
 dolph Norwood's Company L, of the Second Cavalry. 
 In the early part of the summer we had assisted the 
 Fifth Infantry, under Col. Nelson A. Miles, in round 
 ing up and capturing the remnant band of Cheyenne 
 Sioux, under Lame Deer, and bringing them into the 
 cantonment at the mouth of Tongue River. Shortly 
 after arriving there, Gen. W. T. Sherman and staff, 
 and the General's son, Thomas, came up the Yel 
 lowstone on a tour of inspection, and we were ordered 
 to escort them to Fort Ellis, which was our home sta 
 tion. Arriving there, a portion of the company was 
 detailed to accompany our distinguished visitors on a 
 trip of sight-seeing to the Yellowstone Park. They had 
 scarcely departed when despatches arrived telling of 
 a disastrous engagement of Col. John Gibbon's troops 
 
 * By kind permission of the Journal of the Military Service Institution. 
 IQI 
 
192 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 with the Nez Perces at Big Hole Pass, something like 
 one hundred and sixty miles away; saying he was in 
 desperate circumstances and in danger of annihilation, 
 and ordering us to hasten with all speed to his relief. 
 
 Our company was depleted, by various details, to 
 about fifty men, and with this force we started within 
 the hour, which was already late in the day. Virginia 
 City, sixty miles, was made on the night of the following 
 day; the next ninety miles were made without halt, ex 
 cept for coffee for the men and short rests for the horses. 
 It was a tedious ride; all day, all night and all day again, 
 the steady plod, plod of the horses broken at night by 
 the occasional smothered exclamation or oath of some 
 trooper who had dropped asleep and nearly fallen from 
 his horse. 
 
 On the second night out from Virginia City we went 
 into camp late, moved early the following morning, 
 and had not been on the road long before we met a 
 wagon and travois train bringing wounded from the 
 battle-field. They told us that they had been soundly 
 whipped, with great loss, and that the Indians, unable 
 to dislodge them, had, after a three days' siege, departed, 
 taking a southeasterly course and following the main 
 range of the Rocky Mountains. 
 
 They would, without question, have killed or captured 
 every man of Gibbon's force, had they not been apprised 
 of a large force of soldiers coming from the West. This 
 was Gen. O. O. Howard's command, consisting of two 
 companies of the First United States Cavalry, two or 
 three batteries of the Fourth United States Artillery, 
 and the Twenty-first United States Infantry. The ar 
 tillery was equipped as infantry. This force we joined, 
 and then began a stern chase which proved to be the 
 traditional long chase. 
 
The Battle of Camas Meadows 193 
 
 Our course was the same as the Indians had taken. 
 But with our heavier impedimenta the best we could do 
 was to keep from fifteen to twenty miles behind them. 
 We crossed to the south side of the main range, and for 
 seven nights we slept booted and spurred. We were 
 following the trail, which, after crossing the mountains, 
 led through a good grazing country, and from the nu 
 merous carcasses of cattle which lined the trail we knew 
 that the Indians were well sustained. An interesting 
 fact, to those not acquainted with Indian ways, is that 
 these dead steers were disemboweled and the bulk of 
 the internal arrangements had disappeared, while the 
 loins, rump, and, in fact, all choice parts, from a white 
 man's point of view, had not been disturbed. 
 
 The trail was easily followed, as it was from fifty to 
 one hundred and fifty feet wide, and the vegetation was 
 almost entirely obliterated by the tramping of their 
 several hundred ponies and the dragging of scores of 
 travois poles. At their halting-places we found many 
 freshly made graves, showing that their wounded list was 
 rapidly growing smaller. We also noticed, at such resting 
 spots, numbers of conical piles of pony droppings, 
 evidently built by hand, which our scouts told us were 
 constructed by the young bucks to show their contempt 
 for us. 
 
 When we struck Camas Creek, General Howard 
 decided to give the men and horses a chance to rest, 
 as our march had been arduous, and the Indians seemed 
 about to strike for the headwaters of Snake River, and 
 from there enter the then almost wholly unexplored 
 Yellowstone Park. We camped on the east bank of 
 Camas Creek, on open ground. Opposite, and above 
 the camp, the creek was fringed with cottonwoods and 
 alders, and below, the banks were clear and the stream 
 
194 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 flowed over a natural meadow to "The Sink" a few 
 miles below, where it disappeared. The creek was lit 
 erally alive with trout from twelve to twenty inches long, 
 and offered the finest sport I have ever seen. With only 
 a small portion of the men fishing, enough were taken to 
 feed the entire command. In the immediate vicinity of 
 that camp ground there is now a company, with a capi 
 tal of two hundred thousand dollars, engaged in raising 
 trout for market, and they supply Ogden, Salt Lake 
 City, and even San Francisco; the waters are ideal for 
 the purpose. At night guards were posted, and a picket 
 post was established some five hundred yards up 
 stream, near the creek and on a rocky knoll, and two 
 at other points. The mule herd was turned loose to graze 
 in the space between the camp and the principal picket 
 post mentioned above. 
 
 Some of the men slept under the wagons and others 
 pitched shelter tents; I chose the latter method, and 
 with Private Monaghan for a "bunky" was soon in a 
 state of "innocuous desuetude." Either our pickets fell 
 asleep or the Indians were very astute, for during the 
 dark half hour that generally precedes daylight we 
 were awakened by a disconcerting concert of demoni 
 acal yells and a cracking of rifles, while the whizzing of 
 bullets could be heard well overhead. Every one was 
 out in a minute, and all we could see was a magnified 
 imitation of a swarm of fireflies flittering in the alders 
 as the rifles spoke; while the tramping of hundreds of 
 hoofs added to the din. 
 
 We had no sooner sent them "a Roland for their 
 Oliver" than the fireflies ceased winking, and, except 
 the noise we were making ourselves, nothing could be 
 heard but receding hoof-beats and faint yells, as the 
 enemy returned from whence they came, taking with 
 
The Battle of Camas Meadows 195 
 
 them, as a souvenir, about one hundred and fifty mules, 
 our pack-train. Our company horses had pulled one 
 picket-pin, and had them milled 'round and 'round and 
 twisted themselves into a grotesque puzzle. 
 
 Orders came quickly for the three companies of 
 cavalry to saddle, pursue and try to recapture the pack- 
 train. One company of the First Cavalry was to make a 
 detour to the right and the other to the left, and our 
 company was to follow the trail. The morning air was 
 extremely chilly and crisp and the horses rank, so that 
 what was an orderly gallop, at first, soon developed 
 into a race. After half an hour of this we approached a 
 ridge, which was the first roll of the foot-hills. The first 
 ones to make the summit of the ridge suddenly stopped 
 and then quickly returned to the foot; as the rest of us 
 came up we soon learned that the Indians had made a 
 stand just over the ridge. 
 
 We dismounted, and the Number Fours, each holding 
 four horses, being unable to fight, left about thirty-five 
 of us to meet the Indians. Crawling to the top we saw a 
 line of dismounted skirmishers, standing behind their 
 ponies, on open ground and about a thousand yards 
 away. We deployed along the ridge and for twenty 
 minutes or so exchanged shots with them with but little 
 damage on either side, as the range was long for our 
 Springfields and longer for their Winchesters. 
 
 Lieutenant Benson of the Seventh Infantry, who was 
 attached to our company for the day, standing up for 
 an instant, just at my side, received a bullet which en 
 tered at the hip-pocket and went out at the other, having 
 passed entirely through both buttocks; this, while we 
 were facing the enemy, caused us to realize that we had 
 no ordinary Indians to deal with, for, while we had been 
 frolicking with the skirmishers in front, Chief Joseph 
 
196 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 had engineered as neat a double flank movement as 
 could be imagined, and we were exposed to a raking 
 fire coming from right and left. 
 
 The horses had been withdrawn, more than five 
 hundred yards, to a clump of cottonwoods; and when 
 we turned around there was no sight nor sign of them. 
 For a brief period there was a panic, and then we heard 
 the notes of a bugle blowing "Recall" from the cotton- 
 wood thicket. The race to that thicket was something 
 never to be forgotten, for a cavalryman is not trained 
 for a five hundred yard sprint. Luck was with us, how 
 ever, and no man was hit in that mad race for safety. I 
 had a horse's nose-bag slung over my shoulder contain 
 ing extra cartridges, and a bullet cut the strap and let it 
 fall to the ground. A hero would have stopped, gone 
 back and recovered that bag, but not I. 
 
 We all reached the horses and found the place an 
 admirable one for defense; it was a sort of basin, an acre 
 or so in extent, with a rim high enough to protect our 
 horses, and filled with young cottonwoods in full leaf. 
 It was oval in shape, and we deployed in all directions 
 around the rim. For two hours it was a sniping game and 
 our casualties were eight. The Indians crawled very 
 close, one shooting Harry Trevor in the back at about 
 fifteen feet, as we knew by the moccasin tracks and 
 empty shells found behind a rock after the engagement. 
 Poor Trevor's wound was mortal as was that of Sam 
 Glass, who was shot through the bladder; a bullet hit 
 Sergeant Garland's cartridge-belt and drove two car 
 tridges from it clear through his body; his wound never 
 healed and he blew out his brains a few years later. Will 
 Clark had his shoulder partly torn away by an explosive 
 ball; Sergeant Wilkins, a head wound, and Farrier 
 Jones, a "busted" knee; a citizen attache, a bullet 
 
The Battle of Camas Meadows 197 
 
 through the foot, and the lieutenant, wounded as told 
 above. This was the amount of damage done to us, 
 and what we did to the Indians we never knew, as they 
 retreated in good order taking their dead or injured 
 with them, after they found they could not dislodge 
 us. Three dead ponies and some pools of blood were all 
 the records we found of their casualties. 
 
 The real hero of the occasion was Sergeant Hugh 
 McCafferty, who climbed a cottonwood tree, and in 
 short range of every Indian and only concealed by the 
 foliage, kept us posted on their movements by passing 
 the word to a man stationed under the tree. For this act 
 he was given a certificate of merit and a medal by Con 
 gress. It should have been mentioned that we recovered 
 twenty mules that were dropped by the Indians about 
 midway between the camp and battle-ground. The 
 others were never retaken, but were worn out or died 
 before the final surrender of the few survivors to Colonel 
 Miles. 
 
 We took up the trail the next day, after our wounded 
 had been started for the post under escort. I could never 
 understand how those two companies of the First Cav 
 alry could have missed the Indians and gotten entirely 
 out of touch with us, when we started together and we 
 were fighting within half an hour and kept it up for 
 nearly three hours. More could be told of our chase 
 through forest and canon, over mountains and across 
 gorges, where wagons had to be let down almost per 
 pendicular walls by hand, for two hundred feet. But 
 that is another story. 
 
CHAPTER TWELVE 
 
 Story of Bugler Brooks 
 
 By Col. J. W. Redington 
 
 United States Scout and Courier in Campaigns Against 
 Hostile Indians in the Pacific Northwest* 
 
 MORN amid the mountains, cold's the hour 
 before the dawn; also dark. So it was that 
 autumn night on Camas Meadows, away 
 up in Idaho, under the sentinel shadows 
 of the great peaks of the Three Tetons. 
 
 How still the cavalry camp, with its tired troopers, 
 snatching what sleep they can before beginning another 
 day's pursuit of Chief Joseph's hostiles. 
 
 A shot ! Another ! A dozen ! A regular rattling volley ! 
 
 A bugle blast Brooks' bugle, always musical, now 
 
 stirringly imperative in its call to arms the cool, firm 
 
 orders of Major Jackson and, above all, the Indian 
 
 yells of defiance to the entire white race. 
 
 And all in the chill, intensified darkness that pre 
 cedes the dawn. Shots in all directions. 
 
 Very suddenly had the hostiles attached the sleeping 
 soldiers and cleverly stampeded the pack-mules grazing 
 within the lines. Carefully, in columns of fours, personal 
 ly conducted by Joseph, had they advanced toward the 
 
 * From Sunset Magazine by permission of the author. 
 
 198 
 
Story of Bugler Brooks 199 
 
 watchful picket, and in the uncertain starlight made 
 him think they were Bacon's troopers returning. But 
 answering not his challenge, they received the contents 
 of his carbine. 
 
 A few Indians had skilfully crept in between the sen 
 tries, and mingling with the mules, had removed the 
 hobbles from the bell mares. The sentry's shot, the 
 shrill signal yell, the buffalo robes flaunted in their 
 faces and the herd made a wild dash for freedom. 
 
 It lay in the course shaped by the Indians. 
 
 Strenuous seconds now, with only a few of them 
 consumed while General Howard and Lieutenants 
 Fletcher, Wood and Howard rolled out of their blankets 
 and arranged for pursuit. Decamped had the hostiles, 
 with the hundred mules they were after, and the bullets, 
 in darkness sent, found few the marks their senders 
 meant. 
 
 There was no stuttering in the hurry-up calls that 
 came from Bugler Brooks, and the mountain spurs and 
 neighbor canons caught up the notes and echoed and 
 reechoed them as only canons can. 
 
 How realistic it all was ! And how the horses of the 
 Montana volunteers, commanded by Captain Clark, 
 now United States Senator, went wild and dashed away 
 to join the stolen mules. And how Jackson, the veteran 
 of many wars, talked to his horses, plunging at the picket 
 rope, and quieted them down. 
 
 Boots and saddles ! and away went the troopers of the 
 dashing Norwood, Carr, Sanford, Jackson and Bendire, 
 and in an hour they were in a hot engagement with 
 double their number of Indians. They recaptured half 
 the stolen stock, but the frantic animals broke away and 
 dashed back into the enemy's lines. 
 
 No amateurs at war were these Nez Perces. Their am- 
 
200 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 buscade was a success, and it soon became a case of the 
 troopers holding their own. And when the day's battling 
 was over and Lieutenant Benson and the rest of the 
 wounded had had their misery eased as much as was 
 possible away out there in the then wilderness, there 
 was one dead. 
 
 That was Bugler Brooks. 
 
 When the boy, for he was scarcely more than that, 
 was shot out of his saddle, he tried at once to spring 
 up on to his feet again, but only succeeded in getting 
 to his knees. His horse, a very intelligent animal, went 
 back to his fallen master, nickered, and edged up 
 alongside of him. Brooks caught the stirrup strap and 
 tried to lift himself back into the saddle, but just then 
 death came. The horse whinnied and champed and 
 stood around Brooks, plainly urging him to remount. 
 It was a snap-shot scene that did not last long, but was 
 quite pitiful while it was passing.* 
 
 The heroic rescue under a fierce fire of his slender and 
 suddenly lifeless form, by Major Jackson, eventually 
 brought that officer a medal of honor from Congress. 
 Boy that he was, full of life and enthusiasm, it seemed 
 singularly sad that fate had selected him to fill the shal 
 low trench scooped out by his comrades. 
 
 Brief was the service read by Colonel Mason, touch 
 ing the remarks by General Howard, heavy the hearts of 
 those who stood by. And as the little mound was round 
 ed up and the farewell volleys rang out on the evening 
 
 * Just after the youngster died, Charles Gibbons shot an Indian, and his body came 
 rolling down from the rocks above. It was thought that that Nez Perc was the one who 
 had shot Brooks, so Gibbons was called the Long-Haired Avenger. He had not had a 
 chance to cut his own hair for several months, as the butcher-knife he packed in his boot 
 had become pretty dull from slicing hard-tack. Please remember, Doctor, that on those 
 rough campaigns the cavalry did not carry any cheese-knives (sabres), and the officers 
 carried no swords (or toad-stickers). It was tough service on the horses, and every ounce 
 taken off of them counted big. J. W. R. 
 
Story of Bugler Brooks 201 
 
 air, the setting sun slanted its shadowing shafts against 
 the soaring summits of the Snake River sentries, the 
 Three Tetons, the wondrous western clouds took on 
 their fairy forms and tints of rose and amber and purple, 
 the stars let down their hanging lamps, and the rising 
 autumn moon saw soldiers resuming the stern realities of 
 wicked war, with Trumpeter Sembower sounding the 
 calls. 
 
 Miles from human habitation, what a lonely place it 
 was to bury the boy. How tender the termination of the 
 camaraderie. And how would weep the mother who 
 tended his infant footsteps could she have seen through 
 the shadows that shroud the to-morrow, and viewed the 
 ending of the life she gave. 
 
 With such sacrifices have Western trails been blazed. 
 
 Alone with nature and nature's God Bugler Brooks' 
 grave will remain for many a year, but the Bannock 
 women will come to dig the camas and the cowse 
 among the near-by knolls, and superstitiously point out 
 the mound to their little ones. And every winter, with 
 its deeper snows, will surely bring a spring, with mead 
 ow-larks' sweetest songs, and every early June these 
 mountain glades will be fragrant fields of beautiful blue 
 blossoms of the camas, and the wild timothy and the 
 red-top will dip and wave in the summer breezes, and 
 the lupine and fire-pink will illume the smiling slopes. 
 
 And later on, some day, the settler will come, and the 
 district school, and the teacher will tell her little pupils 
 the tradition of the lonely grave. While down the spectral 
 aisles of thought, the termination of whose windings we 
 do not know, will come glintings of day through the 
 darkness, arc lights of heaven in the dusk, and on the 
 far-off morn the resurrection morn the reveille 
 bugle-call of Brother Trumpeter Gabriel will find 
 
202 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 young Brooks among the good and true, in his faded 
 blouse of blue, ready to join his scattered comrades of 
 the gallant old First Cavalry, with Colonel Jackson at 
 the head of the column, his favorite bugler again at his 
 elbow, and riding along with their troops General 
 Boutelle, and Captain Bendire, and Lieutenant Bacon 
 and Major McGregor, and Col. John Green, and 
 Captain Winters, and Colonel Parnell, and Major 
 Trimble, and Captain Forse, and Colonel Bernard, and 
 Majors Pitcher and Wainwright, and Sergeants Mc 
 Carthy and Burkett and Wooten and Hanvey, with 
 Col. Rube Robbins and Capt. S. G. Fisher leading on 
 as chiefs of scouts, and the rest of the veteran troopers 
 who put in the best years of their lives paving the way for 
 the prosperous civilization that now blesses the Pacific 
 Northwest. 
 
CHAPTER THIRTEEN 
 
 The Seventh Cavalry at Cafion Creek 
 
 By Theodore W. Goldin 
 
 THE winter of 1876-77, following the " Little Big 
 Horn" campaign, was spent by the Seventh 
 Cavalry very quietly in posts along the Mis 
 souri and vicinity, resting, reorganizing and 
 awakening to a realizing sense of what the previous 
 season's campaign had meant to us. Early in the winter 
 rumors reached us that the regiment was to take the 
 field in the early spring, so that when orders reached 
 us in early April for eleven troops of the regiment to 
 move out under Colonel and Brev. Maj.-Gen. Samuel 
 Sturgis, we were not at all surprised. 
 
 On April 3Oth eleven troops of the regiment were re 
 united a short distance below Bismarck, and on May 2nd 
 w r e took up our line of march for Fort Buford. Owing to 
 the early season and the incessant rains our progress was 
 slow and practically void of incidents of interest to the 
 general reader. After a brief halt in the vicinity of Bu 
 ford we were ferried across the river, and in the weeks 
 that followed spent the time in scouting the valley of 
 the Yellowstone, remaining not far from the canton 
 ment at Tongue River. 
 
 From time to time rumors reached us of an uprising 
 
 203 
 
204 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 of the Nez Perces in Oregon. This did not cause us any 
 uneasiness, as the scene of war was too far removed, 
 apparently, to bring it within the limit of possibilities 
 of our being called upon to participate in the campaign 
 against them. 
 
 We were therefore somewhat surprised one pleasant 
 afternoon, while we were enjoying a somewhat lazy 
 existence along the banks of the Yellowstone some 
 twelve miles from Miles City, to hear "Officer's Call" 
 sounding from headquarters, followed a few moments 
 later by the " General. " We rushed out of the quarter 
 master's tent where we were on guard to see every tent 
 in the regiment down and the men packing up with 
 orders to march at once for the Tongue River canton 
 ment. On arriving there with the wagon-train about 
 midnight, we learned that the Nez Perces had eluded 
 General Howard and were making their way across 
 the divide, and that eight troops of our regiment were 
 to take the field, the remaining three troops, A, D, 
 and K, being left at the cantonment under General 
 Miles. Our destination was the old Crow Mission away 
 up on the Stillwater. 
 
 With five days' rations in our wagons we broke camp 
 the following morning and pushed ahead up the valley 
 of the Yellowstone, passing on the way our old camp 
 where General Custer's fatal march began the pre 
 ceding summer. The following day a courier overtook 
 us from Tongue River with the news that the steamer 
 on which were our extra rations was hard aground on the 
 Yellowstone, with no immediate prospect of getting up 
 until there was an improvement in the stage of the 
 water. This raised serious complications, as by this 
 time we only had about one day's rations in the wagons. 
 Lieutenant Fuller had already started for Fort Ellis 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 205 
 
 and Bozeman, Montana, to arrange to have rations and 
 forage forwarded to us from there, and Lieutenant 
 Varnum, regimental quartermaster, with his orderly and 
 chief clerk, had pushed on ahead of the command to 
 intercept the steamer at Terry's Landing, expecting 
 there to unload sufficient rations to carry us to the 
 Mission. 
 
 A hurried consultation was held, and couriers sent 
 forward to overtake the quartermaster, in order that he 
 might make such other arrangements as seemed possible 
 under the circumstances. He lost no time in pushing 
 forward a courier to Fort Custer and we secured from 
 that post a supply of flour, but no hard bread and no 
 forage to speak of. Leaving one troop to bring forward 
 such rations as were secured, the balance of the com 
 mand pushed forward to the Mussel Shell River where 
 we overtook them a couple of days later. While here 
 we learned that General Gibbon had run up against 
 the Nez Perces near Big Hole, Montana Territory, and 
 had been quite roughly handled. With this news we 
 pushed forward as rapidly as possible for the Mission. 
 
 The ride, particularly on our last day's march, was 
 a very interesting one, the country was new to us and 
 the scenery most beautiful, indeed. Leaving a detach 
 ment at the crossing near the mouth of the Stillwater 
 the balance of the command marched on to the Mission. 
 The following day a small wagon-train arrived at the 
 crossing, but to our regret we found they had nothing 
 but forage for our command. Loading up with this we 
 rejoined the command at the Mission and spent several 
 days resting, fishing, and becoming acquainted with the 
 Crows. 
 
 After remaining here several days a detachment was 
 sent back to the crossing to meet a wagon-train reported 
 
206 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 to be on its way from Fort Ellis, and again we were 
 doomed to disappointment; not a pound of rations, 
 nothing but corn and oats. During the absence of the 
 train the command had left the agency, and crossed 
 the Red Rock. There we were at last overtaken by the 
 wagon-train in the vicinity of Clark's Fork, and orders 
 were at once issued placing the command on half 
 rations as we did not know when we were likely to see 
 anything of the missing supplies. 
 
 Leaving Clark's Fork we marched toward the moun 
 tains, passing through the valley of the Stinking Water, 
 and finally went into camp under the lee of Old Heart 
 Mountain on the middle branch of Clark's Fork. Here 
 we rested for a day, spending the time between fishing 
 and manufacturing our limited supply of flour into 
 biscuit, not knowing how soon we might have to make 
 a hurried dash after the enemy. 
 
 While we were resting at the Mission, General Sturgis 
 had hired a couple of prospectors and sent them into the 
 mountains ahead of us with instructions to report to 
 him in this vicinity. Hearing nothing from them the 
 general became anxious and two scouting-parties, under 
 Lieutenants Hare and Russell respectively, were ordered 
 out to scout the vicinity of our camp and locate the 
 prospectors, if possible. After their departure the re 
 mainder of the command spent the day in fishing, 
 writing letters or scaling the adjacent peaks. 
 
 In company with Mr. Dubray, the civilian clerk in the 
 quartermaster's department, some of us started to make 
 the ascent of Heart Peak. Just as we reached the base 
 of the peak, Dubray called attention to a thin, curling 
 cloud of smoke arising apparently from the summit. We 
 were somewhat surprised at this, but finally decided 
 that it must come from a fire started by some of our 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 207 
 
 people who had started earlier in the day to make the 
 ascent. Thus disposing of the matter we sought a con 
 venient place and began the ascent. 
 
 After a half hour's hard climbing we came out on the 
 face of the mountains some distance above the camp, 
 and sat down to rest and smoke. We were just about to 
 proceed when our attention was attracted to a con 
 siderable dust cloud moving rapidly down the valley. 
 Unslinging our field-glasses, it took but a moment to 
 decide that it was a party of horsemen. A few moments 
 later we discovered another dust cloud still farther to the 
 right, again caused by mounted men. A careful ex 
 amination satisfied us they were soldiers, undoubtedly 
 our scouting-parties. Judging from the way they rode 
 that there was something in the wind, we at once aban 
 doned our idea of scaling the peak and made our way 
 back to camp as rapidly as possible. 
 
 Both details had reached the camp before we did, and 
 on our arrival we found the officers clustered around the 
 tent of the Colonel, and we had only barely reached head 
 quarters when the "General" sounded, followed a 
 moment later by "Officer's Call" to bring in those 
 who were fishing and mountain climbing. Orders were 
 issued to pack everything not absolutely necessary in the 
 wagons, which were to return to the agency and await 
 further orders. In the rush of preparation, we had no 
 time to make inquiries as to the reasons for this sudden 
 move, and it was after eleven o'clock, when we went into 
 camp again and I found myself on guard, that we 
 learned the reason for our haste. 
 
 After leaving us in the morning, the party under 
 Lieutenant Hare pushed ahead up the valley without 
 seeing anything out of the ordinary. Some distance above 
 the site of our present camp they suddenly came upon 
 
208 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 fresh pony tracks and evidences of a recent struggle, and 
 a few moments later discovered the body of one of the 
 prospectors, stripped and bristling with arrows, stretched 
 dead on the hillside. All around him were ample evi 
 dences of the recent presence of Indians. 
 
 Pausing for a few moments to give him as decent a 
 burial as circumstances would permit, some of the de 
 tachment scattered and began searching the adjacent 
 territory. A few moments later a loud "halloo" from 
 down near the banks of the stream sent the whole party 
 scurrying in that direction. There they found one of the 
 sergeants bending over the still breathing body of the 
 second prospector. Stimulants were speedily adminis 
 tered, and in a short time the man had so far recovered 
 as to be able to tell his story. 
 
 It seems that after leaving the Mission he and his 
 partner had pushed in to the foot-hills and mountains 
 for several days without discovering any signs of Indians. 
 They had turned back for the purpose of rejoining the 
 command and had just forded the little creek on which 
 the detachment was now gazing, when, without a 
 moment's warning, they were fired upon from an am 
 bush. His partner was killed early in the fight, and a 
 few moments later he, too, was forced to succumb, 
 grievously wounded. For some unknown reason the 
 Indians made no effort to find him, but jumped on to 
 their ponies and hurried away up the valley. He said 
 that he only caught a glimpse of two of them, and that 
 he was sure they were Nez Perces; that it seemed al 
 most certain that the main body could not have been 
 at any great distance. 
 
 After hearing the story, Lieutenant Hare at once 
 determined to return to the command and report. 
 There was no possible way of taking with them the 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 209 
 
 Wounded prospector in his enfeebled condition; so, 
 after dressing his wounds as best they could, they car 
 ried him down near the banks of the creek, erected a 
 temporary shelter, and leaving him well supplied with 
 water and such food as they had, the command swung 
 into the saddle and made for camp in a hurry. 
 
 The second detachment under Lieutenant Russell, 
 after leaving camp, followed for several miles the same 
 general direction taken by Lieutenant Hare's column, 
 then branching off to the right, they pushed their way 
 up into the foot-hills, scouting in and out among the 
 valleys and peaks, but without discovering any traces of 
 the enemy. They had about determined to return when 
 one of the scouts, who had crawled to the top of a little 
 ridge beneath which they had halted for a moment, 
 called to Lieutenant Russell. The lieutenant crept 
 cautiously to the scout's side, together with one or two 
 of the veteran sergeants. Peering over the divide they 
 discovered, not more than a couple of miles away, a 
 large herd, apparently, of ponies. Judging from what 
 they could see the herd had been driven down to water 
 and was then returning up one of the countless ravines, 
 or canons, with which the hillsides were seamed, urged 
 on by a dozen or more half-naked Indian boys. 
 
 There appeared to be no thought of danger in the 
 minds of the herd boys, for no apparent effort at con 
 cealment was made. For some time the soldiers watched 
 them; in fact, until the herd had disappeared up the 
 canon, then they scrambled down, clambered into their 
 saddles and made a hurried dash for the command. 
 This, then, was what had routed us out of our pleasant 
 camp and sent us wandering through the darkness into 
 the foot-hills, at least this was the story told us by one 
 of the sergeants who had accompanied the scouting- 
 
2io Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 party. It was evident that somewhere in the hills ahead 
 of us there was, or had been, a considerable body of 
 Indians, and without doubt our efforts were now to be 
 directed to rounding them up. 
 
 While we had been listening to this story of the scout, 
 we had allowed our pipe to go out, and knocking the 
 ashes from the bowl we stowed the pipe away, told 
 the men not on post to go to sleep, and leaning up 
 against a stump we began to think over the story we had 
 heard, and were just putting on our belts preparatory 
 to making the rounds of the picket posts. 
 
 " Bang, bang, bang !" 
 
 "What the devil was that?" 
 
 " Bang, bang, bang !" 
 
 "There it goes again !" 
 
 An instant later and the officer of the day dashed past, 
 scurrying and stumbling through the darkness in the 
 direction of the shots. In a moment the whole camp was 
 astir, the voices of the first sergeants could be heard 
 calling out: 
 
 " Fall in there lively, men. " 
 
 The stable guard and some of the men previously in 
 structed hurried about among the horses, quieting and 
 securing them against a stampede. A hasty dash through 
 sage-brush and over boulders brought the officer of 
 the day and the sergeant of the guard to one of the most 
 distant of the outposts, where they found the corporal 
 in charge and his men, carbine in hand, stretched on the 
 ground and peering grimly into the darkness. 
 
 In response to the query, "Who fired that first shot ?" 
 one of the men, a veteran of a dozen campaigns, rose 
 to his feet and said: 
 
 "I did, sir." 
 
 "What was it you fired at ?" was the next question. 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 211 
 
 The old soldier hesitated for a moment and then re 
 plied that he could not tell for certain, but that it looked 
 very much to him like a mounted man. He further re 
 ported that he had gone on post at twelve o'clock and 
 for some time walked up and down, but that it finally 
 occurred to him that the country in his front was, or 
 might be, much lower than his post, so that any one 
 approaching from the outside could discover him be 
 fore he could even hear or see him. With this thought in 
 mind he hunted up a convenient sage-bush and squatted 
 down behind it. 
 
 Just how long he had been in this position he could 
 not say, but all at once he heard a sharp sound as of 
 metal striking against a rock somewhere out in his 
 front. Reaching back he woke up the corporal, who 
 crept to his side and the two listened intently. Suddenly 
 they both heard the sound again, apparently closer than 
 at first. The men on this outpost were all wide-awake by 
 this time and all heard the sound not only once but sev 
 eral times, each time nearer than before. He was just 
 thinking about challenging when right in front of him, 
 apparently not twenty yards away, he caught sight of a 
 dark moving object. He challenged and fired almost at 
 the same instant. The corporal and one of the men of 
 the guard saw it and fired, too. When the smoke cleared 
 away they could see nothing, but could hear what sound 
 ed like hoof-beats off to their right, but before they had 
 time to challenge again three shots were fired from the 
 next post to them. 
 
 There was no use to make a search at this time, so 
 the officer of the day returned to camp and quietness 
 again reigned. With the first rays of the coming day 
 light the officer of the day and his non-commissioned 
 officer of the guard accompanied by a couple of Crow 
 
212 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 scouts crept out to the front of the post from which the 
 shot was fired, and sure enough, not thirty yards from 
 the post they found the tracks and could follow them 
 around the line of bluffs until they became intermingled 
 with horse and mule tracks in the rear of our camp. 
 
 Leaving camp early the following morning we soon 
 reached the place where the wounded prospector had 
 been left. He was as comfortable as could be expected. 
 Here we slackened girths and allowed our horses to 
 graze while the surgeons redressed the poor fellow's 
 wounds. Some of the men busied themselves in building 
 a rude travois or stretcher on which he could be trans 
 ported, to the Mission, for it was the Colonel's deter 
 mination to push ahead and attempt to overhaul the 
 enemy. There were several prospectors with our party, 
 and in their charge we left their wounded comrade. Half 
 an hour later he passed rearward past our line and was 
 on the back trail while we recinched our saddles, filled 
 our canteens and advanced into the mountains. 
 
 That night we made our camp in a broad valley sur 
 rounded on every side by towering hills. Early the fol 
 lowing morning we were in the saddle and away, and 
 about noon we in the advance were surprised at dis 
 covering wheel tracks apparently leading farther into 
 the mountains. They were evidently made by a two- 
 wheeled cart of some sort ! At a loss to understand the 
 presence of a wheeled vehicle of any kind in this wilder 
 ness we pushed, rolled, stumbled and clambered over 
 a spur of the divide, slid down on the other side, wan 
 dered in and out among the valleys for an hour or two 
 and suddenly came upon a broad beaten trail, apparently 
 not many hours old. 
 
 We followed this trail as fast as the exhausted con 
 dition of our horses would permit, and that night went 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 213 
 
 into camp in a grove of scrub pines at the very top of the 
 range and right alongside the trail. Daybreak the next 
 morning found us in the saddle, and all day long we 
 clambered up one side of a mountain only to slide down 
 the other. The trail was growing fresher every hour and 
 we lost all sense of fatigue and hunger in the excitement 
 of a prospective fight. 
 
 Late in the afternoon the trail landed us at what 
 seemed to be a veritable "jumping-off place." On all 
 sides of us were towering mountains; in our front a deep, 
 precipitous canon, leading apparently into the very 
 bowels of the earth. But down there lay the trail and 
 down there we were bound to go, so swinging from our 
 saddles, we grasped our bridle reins, and slipping, sliding 
 and stumbling we made the dangerous descent and 
 finally reached what appeared to be the bottom. There 
 before us winding in and out beneath the overhanging 
 cliffs was the now narrowed trail. On we went and half 
 a mile further to our utter surprise we came upon an 
 abandoned government horse, the saddle marks scarcely 
 dry on his back. There was only one solution of this: 
 General Howard was in close pursuit of the Indians, 
 and his command had passed through this "devil's 
 doorway" only a short time ahead of us. An hour later 
 we emerged from the mountains about three miles above 
 our old camp at Heart Mountain. 
 
 It was verging on twilight, and after a half hour's 
 march down the valley we sighted a large fire. Fifteen 
 minutes later General Howard rode up to our column, 
 talked for a few moments to our Colonel, and then our 
 command swung off to the left of the trail and we were 
 soon in camp. After our very frugal supper we sought 
 the camp of the other command, and from some of the 
 scouts we learned that the Indians were supposed to be 
 
214 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 at least fifty miles ahead of us, apparently fleeing for the 
 British Possessions, and that the horses of General 
 Howard's command were so badly exhausted that he 
 had almost determined to abandon the chase. We knew 
 our old Colonel was hopping mad that the savages had 
 outwitted him, and as we returned to camp we heard 
 the old veteran, with many an explosive adjective, de 
 clare that he would overtake those Indians before they 
 crossed the Missouri River if he had to go afoot and 
 alone. He wound up his impromptu oration with an 
 order for reveille at half past three and an advance at 
 five o'clock. 
 
 We were not long in making up our minds that we 
 were in for some, hard times, but, soldier-like, with the 
 prospect of a fight ahead, we didn't care. In fact, we were 
 glad of the chance to get at Joseph's band. During the 
 night General Howard selected from among his troops 
 such men as were best mounted and attached to them a 
 battery of mountain howitzers, or a "jackass" battery 
 as we were wont to call them, arid ordered them to push 
 forward with us. 
 
 Half past three found us up and stirring. We swal 
 lowed our cup of weak coffee and a couple of flapjacks, 
 tightened our belts a hole or two, and "hit the trail." 
 Hardly were we in the saddle when it began to rain, 
 not a good hard rain, just a miserable drizzle, drizzle, 
 drizzle. But the Colonel's blood was up and on we went, 
 hour after hour, with only the briefest halts to allow our 
 horses a breathing spell. Morning merged into afternoon, 
 afternoon into evening, evening into darkest night, and 
 still we marched. About three o'clock the preceding 
 afternoon we caught a last glimpse of General Howard's 
 detachment several miles in our rear. Nine o'clock, ten 
 o'clock, eleven o'clock, and still no signs of a camp. 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 215 
 
 Almost twelve o'clock and the old Colonel swung him 
 self from the saddle with the remark: 
 
 "Well, men, we will camp right here. " 
 
 Five minutes later our horses were unsaddled and 
 picketed out in the deep grass and we started a fire at 
 the foot of a cottonwood log, wrapped ourselves in our 
 wet blankets with our feet to the fire and tried to sleep. 
 As we dropped into a doze we heard the adjutant 
 say: 
 
 "Sixty miles since five o'clock, pretty good for played- 
 out horses. " 
 
 At daybreak the camp was astir, the men were stiff 
 and tired, rations were mighty scarce, and the men not 
 in the best of humor. Making the best of it, however, 
 we saddled up, and half an hour later we followed the 
 Indian trail across the ford, halted on the bank and 
 threw ourselves on the ground, where the sun soon 
 thawed us out. 
 
 A few moments later word was passed down the line: 
 
 "Unsaddle where you are and put your horses on 
 lariat." 
 
 So the chase was over; the Colonel had given up. 
 Springing to their feet, the men began to unsaddle. 
 In fact, some of the companies were already leading out 
 to herd when we heard a shout from the lower end of 
 the camp. Looking up we saw Pawnee Tom, one of our 
 best scouts, coming down the valley at a wild gallop, 
 yelling " Indians ! Indians !" at the top of his voice. 
 
 Just in the rear, although apparently some distance 
 down the valley, we could see a huge column of smoke 
 rolling skyward. In an instant all was excitement. 
 Officers and men were on their feet, horses were hurried 
 back from the herds, saddles were thrown on, and in a 
 very few moments the first and second battalions under 
 
216 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Otis and Major Merrill, respect 
 ively, were hurrying off down the valley. 
 
 Pausing only long enough to see that our pack-train 
 was ready, the third battalion under Captain Benteen 
 sprang into saddle, and taking a direction almost at 
 right angles with that taken by the other two, we were 
 all racing madly away for the front. Apparently by in 
 tuition, Captain Benteen divined that the Indians were 
 making for what was known as Canon Creek. 
 
 Ten minutes' ride and we popped over the top of the 
 divide, and there, sure enough, were the Indians. They 
 seemed to be bunched together a mile or two away, and 
 were pushing forward as fast as they possibly could for 
 the mouth of the canon. It did not take an expert 
 strategist to decide that unless we reached the canon in 
 advance of them, they would escape us entirely. Slacking 
 only long enough to close up his command, Captain 
 Benteen moved forward, flankers were thrown out to 
 ward the bluffs and the race was on in earnest. 
 
 On we went at a mad gallop. The Indians seemed to 
 divine our purpose and redoubled their efforts. For a 
 few moments it was doubtful which would win. An 
 instant later and our flankers were assailed with a mur 
 derous fire from the bluffs, and we realized that an ad 
 vance-party of the Indians were in the canon ahead of 
 us. The fire was so fierce that our men were compelled 
 to draw away from the hills and rejoin the main body 
 of the battalion. It was apparent, now, that our only 
 hope lay in heading off the main body, which was by 
 this time dangerously near the entrance to the pass. 
 
 On we galloped and a little later, sheltered from the 
 enemy on the bluffs, we were dismounting in a deep 
 ravine. Our loss so far had been only two men. Leaving 
 our horses in charge of the horse holders, we scrambled 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 217 
 
 up the bank, deployed as skirmishers and were soon 
 hotly engaged. In the meantime, so far as we could see, 
 the other two battalions, as dismounted skirmishers, 
 were moving up the valley, keeping up a running fight 
 with the Indians. Just about this time up came Lieu 
 tenant Otis with his "jackass" battery. Pushing well 
 out to the front he opened fire on the enemy, apparently 
 doing considerable damage. By this time the first and 
 second battalions had joined us and the fight was raging 
 fiercely, the Indians gradually drawing into the canon 
 in spite of our efforts to restrain them. The first and 
 second battalions had been pushed out toward the hills, 
 and from the incessant firing in that direction we knew 
 they had their hands full. 
 
 A flank movement was ordered and the men of the 
 third battalion hurried to their horses, mounted and 
 moved out of the sheltering ravine. Urging their tired 
 steeds into a gallop they pushed up the valley at right 
 angles with the old line of battle and toward a narrow 
 canon, the plan being apparently to push through this, 
 swing around to the right, and then cooperate with the 
 other battalions in checking the advance of the enemy 
 into the canon. Strange to say not a shot was fired 
 at us. 
 
 On we went at a swinging gallop and in a few mo 
 ments entered the mouth of the canon and were just at 
 its narrowest part when, without an instant's warning, a 
 dozen or more rifle-shots rang out from the cliffs on our 
 right, and the bullets zipped madly past our ears and 
 buried themselves in the banks on the farther side of the 
 canon. We at the head of the column put spurs to our 
 horses and were soon out of range. 
 
 For a short time the men in the rear, taken unawares, 
 came near losing their heads j in fact, one or two of the 
 
218 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 recruits did make a mad dash for the shelter of a ravine, 
 but Captain French coming up with M Troop checked 
 any disorder, and with a mad cheer the men rushed 
 up the steep hillside, some mounted, some dismounted, 
 in a wild effort to reach the enemy. The head of the 
 column soon rejoined the charging lines, and a few 
 moments later we stood on the top of the plateau, but 
 not an Indian was in sight. 
 
 We remained here for a few moments to regain our 
 breath and permit the men to bring up their horses from 
 below. To our unbounded surprise, when we "took 
 stock" of our casualties, we found that, aside from one 
 man severely wounded and one horse killed and another 
 stampeded, no damage had been done. 
 
 Reforming ranks, we moved cautiously across the 
 plateau where, leaving our horses, we crept forward 
 through the grass and sage-brush until we could peer 
 down into the valley below us. In a ravine some three 
 or four hundred yards from where we were we could 
 see some thirty or forty Indians huddled together, evi 
 dently in a conference of some sort. To bring our car 
 bines to the front, draw bead on the nearest savage and 
 blaze away was but the work of an instant. When the 
 smoke cleared away all we could see were two flying 
 Indians galloping madly down the valley, their moc- 
 casined heels playing a lively tattoo on their ponies' 
 ribs. Down in the ravine we could see a number of 
 inanimate forms and struggling ponies, showing that 
 our aim had not been altogether faulty. 
 
 Our horses were now brought up, and with skirmishers 
 thrown forward and well out on either flank we made 
 our way cautiously down the steep hillside. Scarcely 
 were we in the valley when the Indians again opened 
 file on us from the bluffs on the opposite side of the 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 219 
 
 valley and rendered our position open to decided ob 
 jections. Moving up the valley some distance we dis 
 mounted behind the shelter of a projecting ledge and 
 engaged the enemy whenever opportunity offered. 
 
 Being desirous of ascertaining more regarding the 
 movements of the Indians a non-commissioned officer 
 and a couple of men were instructed to creep to the top 
 of the bluffs and secrete themselves as best they could, 
 keep a sharp lookout for the enemy and report any 
 decided advance. Very reluctantly, apparently, the men 
 turned their horses over to their comrades, and, carbine 
 in hand, left the shelter of the friendly ridge, and dodg 
 ing, creeping and running they made their way across 
 the narrow valley and clambered up the sides of the 
 steep bluff. 
 
 It was now late in the afternoon, and the chill Sep 
 tember winds were whistling across the bleak hilltops 
 in a manner suggestive of warm fires and overcoats. 
 Sheltered from sight by a friendly rock or two the men 
 crouched there in the cold, every eye intently scanning 
 the surrounding country for a sign of the approach of 
 the enemy, every nerve on the alert for the faintest in 
 timation of danger, and though an occasional redskin 
 could be seen on the distant hilltops and an occasional 
 bullet would go whizzing past or flatten itself on the 
 rocks in front of them, the enemy did not seem disposed 
 to make a closer acquaintance. 
 
 Soon the sun sank behind the adjacent hills; a few 
 moments later the bugles sounded the "Recall," and the 
 men of the battalion were hurrying to their horses. The 
 way the little detachment slid down the hill to join them 
 might not have been strictly tactical, but it accomplished 
 the desired result. Half an hour later we were in camp 
 near the first and second battalions. We unsaddled 
 
22O Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and tried to make out a meal on the scrapings of our 
 haversacks, but the results were far from satisfactory. 
 Over at the hospital the surgeons were busy at their 
 tasks, and the camp was soon quiet and peaceable. 
 
 We had learned that there was to be an advance in 
 the morning, so that we were not surprised when at 
 half past four a large detachment of Crows, who had 
 joined us during the night, saddled and soon disap 
 peared up the canon. In a short time the camp was 
 astir, and leaving our wounded in care of General 
 Howard's division, which was to remain behind, we 
 went up the valley in the wake of the Crows. For a mile 
 or more our way lay up the gradually narrowing valley, 
 then the trail turned abruptly to the right and soon 
 disappeared midst the gullies, ravines and canons with 
 which the hillsides were seamed. The farther we ad 
 vanced, the more clearly we realized that it would have 
 been utterly impossible for us to have forced our way 
 through here against even fifty well-armed Indians. 
 The narrow trail surrounded by overhanging ledges, 
 flanked by deep gorges, towering peaks and bottomless 
 gullies, made a passage almost impassable in face of a 
 determined enemy. 
 
 After an hour or so of hard climbing, the summit 
 was reached, and before us, stretching away for miles, 
 was the broad, rolling prairie. Far away on the horizon 
 we could catch an occasional glimpse of the Crows, who 
 were apparently eager for a fight. All through the long 
 afternoon we pushed forward with scarcely a halt. 
 Shortly after noon a courier came back with word that 
 our allies were engaged with the enemy some miles 
 ahead. Our jaded horses were spurred on, a gleam shot 
 across the bronzed faces of the troopers as their car 
 bines were swung within easy reach. But it was no use, 
 
Seventh Cavalry at Canon Creek 221 
 
 our horses were not equal to the strain, and after a few 
 miles were suffered to resume their old gait. 
 
 Late in the afternoon we came up with our Crows, 
 who with some Shoshones and Bannocks of Howard's 
 command, had kept up a running fight with the enemy 
 most of the day, and several scalps and a considerable 
 number of ponies attested the fact that they had not 
 had entirely the worst of it. 
 
 Tired out and hungry, we at last went into camp on 
 the banks of a small creek. Our rations were exhausted 
 and none in sight; still men must eat to live, but what ? 
 Evidently the men were not long in making up their 
 mind. A visit to a neighboring ravine, two or three 
 muffled shots, a rush of soldiers, and fifteen minutes 
 later hundreds of tiny camp-fires were blazing along the 
 banks, and the men with much joking and laughter were 
 making themselves acquainted with good grass-fed 
 pony steaks and rib roasts. Terrible ! Well, perhaps it 
 would seem so now, but at that time we thought we had 
 never tasted sweeter meat. 
 
 The following morning we made a breakfast on the 
 remainder of our pony meat, and after a hard day's 
 march went into camp on the banks of the Mussel Shell. 
 Our stock of pony meat was exhausted and that night we 
 made a supper on "choke cherries" and the red, tart 
 "buffalo berries" which lined the banks of the river in 
 every direction. Hungry, tired and discouraged, it was 
 not a good-natured crowd to say the least, but officers 
 and men were on an equal footing. As time went on 
 conditions did not improve at all. For several days we 
 pushed ahead on the trail until we reached a point where 
 it divided into innumerable smaller trails and there, so 
 far as our regiment was concerned, the pursuit was aban 
 doned and the command headed for Carroll on the 
 
222 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Missouri River, to replenish our supplies from the boats 
 that had succeeded in making their way to that point. 
 Scarcely had we reached this point when news came 
 that the Indians had crossed the Missouri at or near 
 Cow Island and were advancing to the British line as 
 fast as their ponies could take them. Leaving behind 
 all dismounted men and men with unserviceable horses, 
 the regiment was put across the river and hurried off 
 on the trail of the enemy. General Howard's command 
 was rushed on board waiting steamers and pushed up the 
 river for the purpose of following the trail of the Indians 
 wherever it might lead. 
 
CHAPTER FOURTEEN 
 
 Anecdotes of Chief Joseph taken from 
 
 the New York Sun of September 
 
 24, 1904 
 
 WITH the death of Chief Joseph, the famous 
 leader of the Nez Perces, the United States 
 has lost its most celebrated Indian. Joseph, 
 since the death of Red Cloud and Sitting 
 Bull, has been the most discussed American Indian. 
 He was the last of the great warrior chiefs. Descendant 
 of a long line of fighters, chieftain, since early manhood, 
 of the Nez Perce tribe, and followed with constant de 
 votion by his dwindling people, Chief Joseph was the 
 last Indian leader who dared to put up a real fight 
 against civilization; and in his desperate Waterloo he 
 put up a fight that gave Gen. Nelson A. Miles and Gen. 
 O. O. Howard all they could do to nab him and crush 
 him till he grimly buried the hatchet. Chief Joseph it 
 was who, when the United States took away the reser 
 vation given him and his people by grant, brandished a 
 defiant fist and after years of peace dragged the Govern 
 ment into one last fierce struggle between red and white, 
 and the old chief came out of it blue, but silent. When he 
 took up the cause of his little band again it was with the 
 diplomacy of a vanquished man, beaten by a civilization 
 which finally landed him in a half-dollar show at Madi 
 son Square Garden. This was a year ago, after New 
 
 223 
 
224. Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 York society had fondled the old chief without awakening 
 in him any enthusiasm. Now that Chief Joseph is dead, 
 the mantle of his diluted power falls to his son, Flo-Cut, 
 of a generation which knows little of the old-time warfare. 
 
 Red Cloud, perhaps, was the most famous of latter- 
 day Indians. From the time of Red Cloud's death Jo 
 seph typified the Indian nation, for he was the last of 
 the really great chiefs. No one knows how old he was, 
 but he is believed to have approached fourscore. He 
 died near Spokane, in the little reservation set by for his 
 tribe after his Waterloo in the Bear's Paw Mountains, 
 in the Yellowstone, in 1877. 
 
 For twenty-five years Chief Joseph stayed among 
 his people quietly, living peacefully in the reservation 
 mapped out for them near Spokane, and making only 
 one long journey away, when he visited New York at the 
 time of the Grant celebration in 1897. To General Miles, 
 who afterward became his close friend, and who always 
 calls him "The Napoleon of Indians," Joseph had said: 
 "From where the sun now stands I fight no more 
 against the whites." And his word was kept. 
 
 But a little over a year ago the Indians grew suspicious 
 of the near-approaching homes of the whites, and the 
 old chief, stung by the fear of another order to " move 
 on," journeyed to Washington to petition the President 
 to regrant them the Wallowa Valley in Oregon. But 
 official deeds of right and the long unquestioned holding 
 of property by white settlers in the Oregon Valley made 
 intricate difficulties loom up on the legal horizon, and 
 Chief Joseph finally dropped his plea. It is thought 
 that General Miles, his victor and his champion, was 
 chiefly instrumental in persuading the old chief that he 
 and his people would be safe in their Washington home, 
 where he died Thursday, September 22, 1904. 
 
Anecdotes of Chief Joseph 225 
 
 The chief's first visit to New York, in 1897, was in the 
 nature of a tribute to the man who had granted his tribe 
 the reservation afterward wrested from them. Joseph 
 had gone to Washington on business, and General Miles 
 suggested to him that he go to New York and join the 
 Grant celebration. The old chief, however, was too 
 poor to take the additional trip, though he said he 
 would like to, and when he did come it was as the 
 guest of Colonel Cody, or, as he was invariably known 
 to the chief, Buffalo Bill. 
 
 Chief Joseph participated in the parade at the dedica 
 tion of Grant's Tomb, and at this time much discussion 
 was caused by a report that he had refused to ride near 
 General Howard. In line with the talk caused by this 
 alleged action there was a revival of the controversy in 
 regard to the amount of credit relatively due to Miles 
 and Howard for the victory over the chief in the Yel 
 lowstone so many years before. 
 
 While in New York on this visit the big chief stayed 
 at the Astor House, and he appeared there in full regalia, 
 shortening the breath of the less outre guests. He wore 
 his enormous head-dress, his most astonishing mark of 
 distinguishment, and it caused more craning of Astor 
 House necks than anything else about him. Joseph, 
 however, wasn't at all daunted, and had his own opinion 
 about some New York arrangements of the head, though 
 he didn't say anything to indicate this until one after 
 noon in an Indian exhibition camp in South Brooklyn, 
 where he had gone to rest after he had looked at New 
 York till he was tired. 
 
 Here he was visited by a young woman who was dressed 
 to impress and had a store of slated questions to ask. 
 
 "Did you ever scalp anybody ?" she inquired. Chief 
 Joseph pondered a moment and then turned to the 
 
226 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 interpreter. "Tell her," he said, pointing at the combi 
 nation aviary and garden on her head, "that I have noth 
 ing in my collection as fine as that. " 
 
 When he returned to New York again he took a trip 
 to the Fifth Avenue Hotel with two or three of his ad 
 mirers and had his first experience with a modern bar. 
 A fat whisky glass was procured and filled to the brim. 
 The chief, with his usual taciturnity, lifted the glass and 
 swallowed its contents with one wonderful gulp. 
 
 When, a year ago, he came East for the second time, 
 he was entertained at the White House and also in the 
 Washington home of General and Mrs. Miles, and a 
 little later he came on to New York. His utter taciturnity 
 always made it impossible to know whether he was 
 pleased with anything or not, but his voluntary trip to 
 the metropolis on this visit seemed to indicate that he had 
 enjoyed his first experience. Now he was made a tem 
 porary pet in society, and later astonished his enter 
 tainers by consenting to join Cummins's Indian Con 
 gress and Life on the Plains during that show's exhibition 
 at Madison Square Garden. After it was over he re 
 turned to his reservation, and remained on it till he ex 
 changed it for the happy hunting-grounds. 
 
 Chief Joseph was famous for his face and figure. He 
 was tall, straight as an arrow and wonderfully hand 
 some, his features being as clear-cut as chiseled marble. 
 He never spoke a word of English, but some of his say 
 ings, translated, have become famous. He used to say: 
 "Look twice at a two-faced man"; "Cursed be the hand 
 that scalps the reputation of the dead"; "The eye tells 
 what the tongue would hide " ; " Fire water courage ends in 
 trembling fear"; "Big name often stands on small legs"; 
 "Finest fur may cover toughest meat"; "When you get 
 the last word with an echo you may do so with a squaw. " 
 
PART II 
 The Modoc War 
 
CHAPTER ONE 
 
 In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 
 
 A Tragedy of the Far Northwest 
 By Dr. Brady 
 
 THE most costly war in which the United States 
 ever engaged, considering the number of op 
 ponents, occurred in the winter of 1872-73 in 
 the lava-beds of Oregon. Fifty Modoc * In 
 dians, under the leadership of one Kientpoos com 
 monly known as Captain Jack, held that pedregal 
 against overwhelming numbers of regular soldiers upon 
 whom they inflicted defeat after defeat with little loss 
 to themselves. They were not captured until treachery 
 had played its maleficent part. To understand this tre 
 mendous drama a knowledge of the first act is essential. 
 
 In September, 1852, an emigrant train, comprising six 
 ty-five men, women and children, was making its way 
 northward into the lake region of southern Oregon. 
 
 The California-Oregon trail led between Lower Kla- 
 math and Tule Lakes. Huge bluffs several hundred 
 feet high approached nearly the shore of Tule Lake, 
 leaving a narrow road between the cliffs and the water. 
 There the emigrant party mentioned was overwhelmed 
 by Modoc Indians led by old Schonchin. The Modocs 
 
 * According to some etymologies, the word means a stranger. 
 229 
 
230 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 closed both ends of the trail and attacked from the bluffs. 
 The settlers fought bravely, but to no avail. Those not 
 killed were captured and tortured to death with every 
 device of savage malignity. One man, desperately 
 wounded, and left for dead, escaped to tell the tale. Two 
 girls of twelve and fourteen were spared. The massacre 
 of Bloody Point long remained a ghastly memory on the 
 frontier. 
 
 This affair was the culmination of a series of unpar 
 alleled atrocities. The magnitude of this latest massacre, 
 however, begot stern determination for revenge. One 
 Ben Wright, a man of influence and standing in Cali 
 fornia, led a body of volunteers in pursuit of the Modocs. 
 The Indians eluded him, and he was unable to bring 
 them to a stand in order to crush them. Failing that he 
 resorted to a stratagem which was treachery of the 
 deepest dye. He sent messengers to the Modocs with 
 propositions of peace. They agreed to his proposition, 
 that Schonchin and his principal warriors should meet 
 the settlers for a peace conference at a point on the shore 
 of the lake across from Bloody Point, both sides being 
 unarmed. There was to be an armistice, each party was 
 to come and go freely, unharmed of the other. It is al 
 leged that Wright mixed strychnine with food which he 
 prepared for a peace feast, hoping to poison the whole 
 party. Two reasons are given for the failure of this en 
 terprise. One, the Modocs refused to eat; two, the 
 strychnine proved to be innocuous.* 
 
 At any rate, out of conflicting stories one thing is clear. 
 
 Some forty-six Modocs attended this conference. 
 Schonchin was kept from it by illness, but his sub-chiefs 
 and principal men were present. Wright's men were 
 
 * Perhaps the person who sold it may have tricked the purchaser, being unwilling 
 to further such wholesale assassination. 
 
Attack on Modoc Camp by Major Jackson First Blow 
 
Colonel John Green, U. S. A. Colonel W. H. Boyle, U. S. A. 
 
 General Oscar F. Long, U. S. A., 
 retired. 
 
 General George H. Burton, 
 Inspector General, U. S. A., 
 retired. 
 
 Officers of the Modoc War 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 231 
 
 armed, the Modocs were not. Giving a signal, Wright 
 whipped out his pistol and shot the nearest Indian dead. 
 In five minutes after the firing began forty-one guests 
 of this Red Abencerrages feast lay dead. Five escaped, 
 among them the younger brother of the chief, named 
 Schonchin John. 
 
 It is true the Modocs had been guilty of numberless 
 outrages. They had waged war in a cruel and unjusti 
 fiable manner, from the civilized standpoint, although 
 quite in consonance with their savage customs. The 
 settlers were justly exasperated, yet there was no excuse 
 for the ineffable treachery of assassination under a flag 
 of truce. Yet public opinion, highly wrought as it was, 
 fully sustained Wright and his men. The chief murderer 
 was acclaimed a popular hero and was subsequently 
 made Indian Agent for having shown that he pos 
 sessed qualities which enabled him to deal successfully 
 with the red men, I presume ! He was killed by the In 
 dians a few years later. 
 
 The lesson was a severe one to the Indians. The power 
 of the Modocs was broken. They remained defiant, but 
 their capacities for further mischief were greatly im 
 paired. They remembered the transaction, however, and 
 it bore bitter fruit in the end. 
 
 In 1864 a treaty was made with the Modocs by which 
 they agreed to go upon the reservation, which had been 
 set apart for the La-la-kes, or Klamaths, and themselves. 
 The treaty was not ratified by the United States Senate 
 until 1869. One or two minor alterations were made in 
 it before the ratification, and the Modocs saw in these 
 changes an excuse for complying with its provisions. 
 The main body of them under old Schonchin finally 
 accepted the treaty and went on the reservation. Cap 
 tain Jack, one of the head chiefs, with a band numbering 
 
232 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 about a score of warriors with their women and children, 
 Curly-headed Doctor, one of his sub-chiefs, Hooker 
 Jim, and others, with small groups of followers, proved 
 recalcitrant. They were finally induced to go on the 
 reservation, there to meet with bitter persecution from 
 the malicious and overbearing Klamaths who greatly 
 exceeded them in numbers. 
 
 Jack protested to the Indian agents who, instead of 
 requiring the Klamaths to leave the Modocs in peace, 
 moved them from one part of the reservation to another. 
 This happened several times until the Modocs finally 
 grew desperate. They refused to stay on the reservation 
 any longer and migrated to their old home in the Lost 
 River region, a country teeming with game and fish. 
 Having accepted the treaty they had no right there, of 
 course, and the section was rapidly filling with settlers 
 who resented their presence. But they had been hardly 
 dealt with; the Government had given them no protec 
 tion on the reservation. They had been moved from 
 pillar to post, and had never remained long enough in 
 one stay to make a crop even the poor crop of the 
 Indian. Wherever they had been sent the Klamaths 
 had followed them and had made life a burden for 
 them. No other reservation was proposed to them. They 
 naturally went back to the land of their fathers. 
 
 It cannot be denied that they were a drunken, dis 
 solute, disreputable lot. Just a sordid, squalid, degraded 
 band of homeless, wretched Indians. They frightened 
 the women and children, and worried and annoyed the 
 settlers, although there is no evidence that they resorted 
 to open violence. The situation, however, was plainly 
 impossible. Something had to be done. 
 
 The commander of the Department was Gen. Edward 
 S. Canby, a soldier of forty years' experience, distin- 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 233 
 
 guished in three wars, familiar with Indian affairs, 
 well-disposed toward his red brethren, a just and 
 upright man of the highest qualities. The matter could 
 not have been committed to better hands. Asserting that 
 the Modocs had been unjustly and harshly treated, he 
 deprecated the employment of force against them. He 
 hoped to effect a settlement of the difficulties by peace 
 able methods. In spite of every effort the trouble grew, 
 until it culminated in a formal request from the local 
 Indian Agent upon Maj. John Green of the First Cav 
 alry, who commanded at Fort Klamath, made at the 
 instance of the Interior Department, that the Modocs 
 be put on the reservation, "peaceably if you can, forcibly 
 if you must. " Major Green despatched Capt. James 
 Jackson with some forty troopers to Jack's camp on 
 Lost River, a few miles above Tule Lake. 
 
 Jackson had orders to arrest Captain Jack and several 
 of his companions for the murder of an Indian medi 
 cine-man whom Jack had shot on the reservation be 
 cause he had failed to cure the chief's ailing children 
 a summary way to pay a doctor's bill ! Jack and 
 Schonchin John with fourteen men and their women and 
 children were encamped on the west side of the river, a 
 deep, rapid stream some three hundred feet broad. On 
 the other side were Hooker Jim and Curly-headed 
 Doctor, with fourteen warriors and others. Twelve 
 citizens had been apprised of Captain Jackson's move 
 ment, and they came down on the east side to intercept 
 any Indians who might retreat across it, thus cooperat 
 ing with the soldiers. Leaving Fort Klamath on the 
 morning of November 28, 1872, after a hard all-night 
 march through a pouring rain, Jackson reached the 
 Indian camp at daybreak on the morning of the 2Qth. 
 
 In his own expressive language he "jumped the 
 
234 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 camp. " The Indians, unsuspicious, knew nothing of his 
 presence until they were ordered to surrender. They 
 all came out of their tepees except Jack, and a parley 
 began. The soldiers ordered the Modocs to disarm. One 
 particularly bold savage, named Scar-faced Charley, 
 whose father had been killed by the whites lassoed 
 and hung before his son's eyes refused to give up his 
 weapon, and others followed his example. Jackson or 
 dered Lieutenant Boutelle to take a squad of men and 
 arrest him. Boutelle started toward the Indians and the 
 battle began. It is asserted that Scar-faced Charley fired 
 first, but it is probable that the officer and the savage 
 fired simultaneously. At any rate, the soldiers poured 
 in a volley, the Indians snatched up their guns and re 
 turned it, and then ran to the hills seeking concealment 
 in the timbers and undergrowth on the bank of the river, 
 from which they stoutly engaged the soldiers. 
 
 At the first shot Captain Jack came out of his tent and 
 took charge of the defense. Meanwhile, the citizens en 
 gaged the party on the other side of the river and were 
 badly worsted. Captain Jackson lost one man killed and 
 seven wounded. Three citizens were shot down. In all 
 fifteen Indians were killed, some of them being women 
 and children. After fighting for about an hour, Jackson 
 became convinced of the impossibility of whipping the 
 Indians with his small force. Boats were at hand and 
 the troops withdrew across the river. Leaving his wound 
 ed under a strong guard at Crawley's Ranch, Jackson re- 
 crossed, found the Indians gone, burned their camp and 
 retired. Meanwhile, Hooker Jim's band had also escaped. 
 
 Jack retired post-haste to the lava-beds. He molested 
 no one on his retreat. Hooker Jim and his followers 
 killed everybody they met, in all some seventeen set 
 tlers. They did not molest any women. After this bloody 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 235 
 
 raid they joined Captain Jack in the lava-beds. Col. 
 Frank Wheaton, commander of the district, repaired to 
 the scene of the action at once. The nearest available 
 troops (detachments of the First Cavalry andTwenty-first 
 Infantry) were sent to him together with two companies 
 of Oregon militia and one from California. In all, his 
 force numbered over four hundred men. 
 
 On Hot Creek, an affluent of Lower Klamath Lake, 
 another band of Modocs dwelt. Some of these broke 
 away and joined the defiant in the lava-beds, so that 
 Jack's force was increased to fifty warriors and about 
 one hundred and fifty women and children. They were 
 well supplied with ammunition and food. They boasted 
 that with the natural advantages of the lava-beds they 
 could whip a thousand soldiers, a statement which was 
 literally true, but which was laughed to scorn at the time. 
 The fight they put up, whatever be their character, 
 awakened the admiration of the world. 
 
 These lava-beds are among the most peculiar natural 
 formations on the continent. They are a mass of volcanic 
 debris included in a territory about eight miles long and 
 four miles wide. The formation is thus described by 
 Captain Lydecker of the United States Engineers, who 
 surveyed and mapped it. 
 
 "They present the appearance on first view of an 
 immense sage-bush plain, with no obstructions to easy 
 movement in every direction. A closer examination, 
 however, develops the fact that the plain is broken at 
 irregular intervals by sections of low, rocky ridges. The 
 ridges are not isolated, but occur in groups, and form a 
 perfect network of obstructions, admirably adapted to a 
 defense by an active enemy; they seldom rise to a height 
 often feet above the bed, and are, as a rule, split open at 
 the top, giving thus continuous cover along their crests." 
 
236 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Transversal crevices furnished excellent communica 
 tion through which the Indians were enabled to pass 
 from one ridge to another without the least exposure. 
 Only a few of these cross passages and unseen posi 
 tions, sufficient to satisfy the requirements of free com 
 munication, were left open by the Indians in that series 
 of ridges which made up "Jack's Stronghold/' The 
 rest were in all cases blockaded by rolling in heavy 
 stones. 
 
 The Modocs were familiar with every foot of it. None 
 of the soldiers and few of the settlers had ever entered 
 it; certainly, none of them had explored it. The ridge 
 formation was not continuous. It broke out in spots 
 separated by wide open places comparatively level, al 
 though the ground was everywhere terribly rocky and 
 uneven. These open places, however, were cut up by 
 deep, impassable ravines and pitted with holes or pock 
 ets. There was no way to tell the existence of a ravine 
 or pocket, until one stood on the very brink of it. 
 
 During the campaign there were numerous small 
 skirmishes for the description of which space is lacking. 
 On the morning of January 17, 1873, a heavy fog lying 
 low on the pedregal, the first effort at dislodgment 
 began. The troops started out gleefully, shouting that 
 they would have "Modoc steak" for breakfast. "A 
 more enthusiastic, jolly set of regulars and volunteers 
 I never had the honor to command. If the Modocs will 
 only try to make good their boast to whip a thousand 
 soldiers all will be satisfied," wrote Colonel Wheaton, 
 two days before. 
 
 The soldiers fought all day and scarcely saw a Modoc. 
 They stumbled blindly forward over rocks, ranging in 
 size from a cobble to a church, with points like needles 
 and edges like razors. From the most unexpected places 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 237 
 
 would come a spit of fire, followed by the crack of a 
 rifle or musket. Somebody generally received the bullet. 
 The soldiers fired volleys at the ridges and did not hit a 
 single Indian. Their courage was of the highest order. 
 They scrambled forward over the rocks, blazing away 
 at every rifle flash, fearlessly exposing themselves, 
 traversing impassable ravines, in a desperate endeavor 
 to come at close quarters with the enemy, and all to no 
 avail. The Modocs had made good their boast! 
 
 When evening came the troops withdrew to their 
 camps on the shores of the lake they had attacked 
 the stronghold from both sides utterly discomfited, 
 with a loss of nine killed and thirty wounded. The in 
 fantry battalion under Major Mason lost nearly one- 
 fourth of its strength, the loss among the volunteers was 
 Trifling. Captain Perry and Lieutenants Kyle and Rob 
 erts were wounded. If the Modocs had been better shots 
 the loss would have been vastly greater. Thereafter, 
 Colonel Wheaton stated that he would require at least a 
 thousand men with mortars and other artillery to dis 
 lodge the little Modoc band from its position. He and 
 other experienced officers declared that they had never 
 seen a position so thoroughly defensible, so impossible 
 of successful attack, as the lava-beds. The soldiers, no 
 longer cheerful, were in a state of complete exhaustion. 
 Their shoes were cut to ribbons, their uniforms in rags, 
 their ammunition expended, their spirits depressed by 
 the hardships and struggles of the long and fruitless day. 
 Wheaton had done his best with the means at his com 
 mand. Neither he nor his men had dreamed of the 
 difficulties of the situation. 
 
 He was superseded, however, and Col. A. C. Gillem, 
 First Cavalry, was ordered into the field. Reinforce 
 ments were hurried to him until the thousand men 
 
238 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 required were present. General Canby then took com 
 mand in person. It was thought best, before proceed 
 ing further, to try the effect of negotiations. A Peace 
 Commission was created charged with their conduct. 
 From a humanitarian standpoint there can be no ques 
 tion as to the propriety of this course. To the Indian an 
 offer to negotiate is a confession of weakness. The 
 Modocs concluded that the white soldiers were afraid of 
 them. 
 
 The United States demanded that the Indians go back 
 on the reservation and that the men, headed by Curly- 
 headed Doctor and Hooker Jim, who had killed the 
 settlers after Captain Jackson's unsuccessful "jump" 
 of the Modoc camp, should be surrendered for trial as 
 murderers. It is true they had shot down inoffensive men, 
 yet the first act of hostility had come from the soldiers 
 and the little band of settlers who had attacked them on 
 Lost River. Jack had not participated in this slaughter, 
 yet to have given up these men would have been a lasting 
 disgrace in his eyes. He refused to surrender them, 
 naturally. He demanded a complete amnesty and the 
 withdrawal of the troops as his conditions of peace. He 
 professed willingness to go upon the reservation, but he 
 wanted to choose his own. Several localities that he sug 
 gested were regarded as impracticable. Finally, he pro 
 posed the lava-beds. Such a thing could not be thought 
 of. The United States was not ready to name any definite 
 reservation. They offered to place Jack and his people 
 on Angel Island in San Francisco Bay, and thereafter 
 to transport them to some suitable reservation as might 
 be desired. 
 
 Jack promptly refused this proposition. The Lost 
 River country was his home and he wanted to stay there. 
 For one thing the wily chief was playing for time. The 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 239 
 
 negotiations were terribly protracted. Meanwhile, he 
 had tried in vain to induce the other Indians to join 
 forces with him, especially the main body of the Modocs 
 on the reservation under old Schonchin. Failing in that, 
 he was inclined toward peace, ultimately, if he could get 
 it on his own terms. The majority of his warriors were 
 clamorous for war. Boston Charley professed to be able 
 to make medicine which would protect the Modocs from 
 the soldiers' bullets. He pointed out the fact that none 
 of them had been killed in the recent attack as proof of 
 his claims. Jack was a man of much native shrewdness 
 and he realized what the end of the little handful of 
 Indians would be. He stood out for a settlement as best 
 he could. There were scenes of intense dramatic interest 
 in the lava-beds. Finally, the warriors put a woman's 
 hat and shawl on their chief and called him a squaw. 
 This insult, and his inability to agree upon anything 
 definite with the commissioners, broke down his de 
 termination. He tore off the offensive garments and de 
 clared that if the band wanted war they should have it 
 with a vengeance. 
 
 The first step resolved upon was the murder of the 
 commissioners and the commanders of the soldiers. The 
 commission had been variously constituted at different 
 times, but at present included General Canby, whose 
 function was of an advisory nature; Colonel Gillem; the 
 Rev. Dr. Eleazer Thomas, a Methodist minister, a man 
 of the deepest piety and widely known as a friend of the 
 Indians; the Hon. A. B. Meacham, formerly an Indian 
 Agent, who was also famed for his just treatment of these 
 very Modocs who knew him well, and Mr. L. S. Dyer, 
 another Indian Agent of character and standing. 
 
 The Modoc stronghold was in the center of the north 
 line of the lava-beds, about three-quarters of a mile from 
 
240 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 ^\WHEUOTX.> jf ta 
 
 Sin aT < 
 
 a.</)or>cni_.oou-<-' 
 
 rH *<V O TJ IO VO *L 80 <?\ 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 241 
 
 Tule Lake. Jack had roughly fortified his position by 
 joining several ravines by rudely made stone walls, and 
 by filling some of the exits and entrances with huge 
 boulders, rolled into the crevices with prodigious labor. 
 
 On the east side of the lava-beds near the lake front, 
 about two miles from the stronghold, Major Mason's 
 men were posted. About the same distance on the west, 
 General Canby had his headquarters with the main 
 body under Colonel Gillem. About three-quarters of a 
 mile from headquarters the peace tent had been pitched 
 under the shadow of a bluff, a short distance from the 
 lake shore. Meacham and others had visited Jack in the 
 lava-beds during the negotiations, and various Modocs 
 had returned these visits to Gillem's and Mason's camps. 
 There had been a rather free exchange of courtesies and 
 calls. 
 
 After he had decided upon treachery, Jack requested 
 that the five commissioners with Riddle, a squaw-man, 
 who had married a Modoc woman named Toby, and 
 who acted as interpreter, should meet an equal number 
 of the Modocs at the council tent for final conference, 
 both parties to come unarmed. The meeting was agreed 
 upon, but before it took place it was reported from the 
 signal-station on the bluffs back of Gillem's camp, from 
 which the peace tent was in full view, that, in addition 
 to the six Modocs who were of the council party, some 
 twenty armed warriors were concealed in near by ravines. 
 The commissioners refused to go to the meeting. They 
 were not surprised at this evidence of bad faith. 
 
 Undeterred by this another meeting was arranged 
 under the same conditions. So confident was Riddle, an 
 unusually intelligent man, that treachery was intended, 
 that he remonstrated personally with each member of 
 the commission. Meacham and Dyer agreed with him 
 
242 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 that the meeting should be declined, and urged the two 
 officers and Dr. Thomas to refuse it. General Canby 
 realized the danger. He did not doubt that the Indians 
 desired to murder the commissioners. He did not be 
 lieve, however, that they would be so short-sighted as to 
 commit an act which would inevitably bring summary 
 punishment upon them. In any event he felt that it was 
 his duty to leave no stone unturned to bring about a 
 peaceable solution of the difficulty. In this conclusion 
 Dr. Thomas agreed. He said the whole matter was in 
 God's hands and that, if necessary, he would go alone to 
 the meeting. 
 
 Meacham was chairman of the commission. Since 
 the others looked at it in that way, he bravely decided 
 against his better judgment and agreed to go. He felt 
 that without its chairman the conference would be a 
 failure. It was his duty to accompany the others; his 
 honor would not permit him to withdraw from danger 
 that they were willing to face. Like considerations in 
 fluenced Dyer. Therefore, the meeting was arranged for 
 eleven o'clock on the morning of April n, 1873. 
 
 Riddle demanded that the commissioners go with 
 him to the 'bedside of Colonel Gillem, who was too ill 
 to go with them, and he there made a formal protest. 
 He, too, would have backed out except for an unwilling 
 ness that any man should say that he was afraid to go 
 where other men went. 
 
 Jack had sent two Indians, Bogus Charley and Boston 
 Charley, to make the final arrangements. Dr. Thomas 
 had entertained these Indians at his tent the night be 
 fore. Piloted by them, he and General Canby on foot 
 started for the peace tent. A short distance behind them 
 Meacham, Dyer, and Riddle followed on horseback 
 with the faithful Toby. The signal-station reported that 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 243 
 
 there were no warriors concealed in the vicinity and 
 that the only persons present were Jack and five other 
 Indians and that they had no rifles with them. These 
 Indians were Schonchin, Black Jim, Hooker Jim, Ellen's 
 Man and Shacknasty Jim.* 
 
 A fire had been built and stones piled around to form 
 a council ring. It was noticed that the tent was between 
 the council ring and the signal-station on the bluffs, 
 concealing the council from the observation of the offi 
 cers. The commissioners, to their great dismay, at 
 once saw that the Indians were armed with revolvers. 
 Beneath coats and shirts which they wore, the butts of 
 the weapons were plainly visible. But two of the com 
 missioners were armed. Before they started Meacham 
 had suggested that each of the commissioners carry a 
 concealed weapon. 
 
 General Canby and Dr. Thomas positively refused. 
 Each had given his word of honor to come unarmed and 
 that word he would not break. They pointed out that 
 the suspicions of the Indians were highly excited and 
 that the least evidence of bad faith would probably re 
 sult in breaking off the negotiations. Mr. Meacham 
 then proposed that in case affairs looked threatening 
 they should immediately agree to any propositions made 
 by the Indians in order to get away. General Canby and 
 Dr. Thomas again refused. They declined to promise 
 anything which they could not perform. Dr. Thomas 
 said, " I will be a party to no deception under any cir 
 cumstances; this matter is in the hands of God." Gen 
 eral Canby said, "I have dealt with Indians for thirty 
 years. I have never deceived an Indian and I will never 
 
 * The curious names of these Modocs were given them by white men for various trivial 
 reasons: Jack was called Captain because of a fondness for brass buttons and uniforms, 
 Hooker Jim had worked for a man named Hooker, Boston Charley was very light 
 colored, like the "Bostons," i. e., the soldiers, etc. 
 
244 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 consent to it to any promise that cannot be fulfilled." 
 Meacham and Dyer gave up after that. Before they 
 started some one gave each of these two a small der 
 ringer pistol, single shot, which they slipped in their 
 pockets. 
 
 General Canby passed cigars to the savages and then 
 the speech-making began. The council was short, but 
 full of excitement. The Indians were insolent in their 
 behavior and extravagant in their demands. In spite of 
 the endeavor of the commissioners so to group them 
 selves that they were mingled with the Indians they 
 found the Modocs gathered on one side of the fire and 
 themselves on the other. During the council another 
 white man approached, but at Jack's request he was 
 sent back. At one period Hooker Jim got up and took 
 Mr. Meacham's overcoat from the pommel of his saddle 
 and put it on with an insulting remark. Thinking to 
 pacify him, Meacham gave him his hat also with a care 
 less jest. 
 
 Everybody knew now what were the intentions of the 
 Indians. There was nothing then to be done but brave 
 it out. No one exhibited the least sign of fear. After 
 perhaps an hour's conference the demands of the In 
 dians culminated in a peremptory request for the im 
 mediate removal of the soldiers, which was proffered by 
 Schonchin John. Captain Jack had withdrawn from the 
 council fire a moment or two previously. He came back 
 just as Schonchin John finished his speech and Canby 
 rose to reply. The General's answer was a prompt, un 
 qualified negative. The soldiers were there and there 
 they would stay until the thing was settled one way or 
 the other. Schonchin John again began speaking vehe 
 mently. Before he had finished two Indians, Barncho 
 and Sloluck, suddenly appeared from the cover of the 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 245 
 
 rocks, each with his arms full of guns. At this Jack 
 stepped from behind Dyer's horse, pistol in hand. He 
 spoke one guttural word, "At-tux!" (All ready!) and as 
 he did so snapped the pistol in Canby's face. The re 
 volver missed fire. The General started toward the 
 Modoc, but Jack recocked the pistol with the barrel al 
 most touching the old soldier and pulled the trigger. 
 The bullet struck Canby under the eye. Dazed, he 
 staggered back. 
 
 Dr. Thomas had been kneeling on one knee, his 
 hand on Meacham's shoulder. He had just made an 
 eloquent plea for peace. Boston Charley deliberately 
 shot him through the breast. Schonchin shot Meacham 
 while the others opened fire upon Dyer and Riddle. 
 To each Indian had been apportioned a victim. Dyer 
 had risen and was standing some few feet away from 
 the fire. He and Riddle ran for their lives, hotly pursued 
 by the Indians. Bullets cut the air about them. One 
 grazed Dyer. Hooker Jim drew near to him. His pur 
 suit was checked by a shot from Dyer's derringer. He 
 and Riddle succeeded in escaping. Meacham snapped 
 his pistol at Schonchin, wounding him slightly. He 
 was instantly shot by half a dozen Indians, receiving five 
 wounds. 
 
 Canby was shot 'twice more, once by Ellen's Man. 
 Toby was knocked over by the butt of Sloluck's rifle 
 and would have been killed had it not been for a 
 threat of Scar-faced Charley, who said that he would 
 shoot the first man who touched her. He was attached 
 to Toby for some reason and was watching the scene 
 from a hiding-place in easy range. General Canby had 
 gone but a short distance when he was shot dead. Dr. 
 Thomas, unable to move, raised himself on one arm, 
 and put out his hand in faint protest, exclaiming: 
 
246 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 "Don't shoot again, Charley. I am a dead man 
 already." 
 
 "Damn ye," returned the Indian, who spoke Eng 
 lish, "may be you believe next time what squaw tell 
 you. " He shot the dying man again and again until life 
 was gone. 
 
 The Indians stripped Canby, Thomas, and Meacham, 
 and Boston Charley started to scalp the latter who was 
 thought to be dead. He had made a long cut in the head 
 and prepared to tear away the scalp when Toby, to 
 whom Mr. Meacham had been very kind, raised her 
 self from the ground where she had been lying trem 
 blingly awaiting her doom, and shouted with quick wit, 
 "Soldiers are coming!" The murderers fled instantly 
 to the lava-beds. The tragedy was over.* 
 
 While all this was going on another band of Indians 
 had approached the camp of Colonel Mason on the east 
 side and had requested a parley with him. The officer 
 of the day, Lieut. Walter Sherwood, met them with 
 
 * In writing about the Modoc War I hope you will not get the two Thomases mixed. 
 The other Thomas was Dr. Thomas, the Methodist preacher from Petaluma, who had 
 been appointed a member of the Peace Commission of which Meacham was chairman, 
 and who was butchered at the council tent. He made the mistake, in the absence of the 
 chairman, of promising a committee of Modocs that the commission would go out and 
 hold a talk with them the next day. Toby Riddle, the Modoc wife of Frank Riddle, 
 warned them that they were to be killed, and from what I have heard from soldiers I 
 should judge that Meacham did all he could to prevent the commission going out. When 
 Meaeham was superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon and Washington, he issued 
 an order compelling all white men living on reservations with squaws either legally to 
 marry them or get off the reserves. This resulted in Toby being made a legal wife and 
 she always felt grateful to Meacham for it. Everybody said she made a good wife. She 
 saved Meacham from being completely killed. 
 
 They used to illustrate the strength of commissary whisky in the army by telling that 
 when Dr. Cabiness, contract surgeon and a very brave man, was reviving Meacham with 
 the whisky, the latter refused to take it and said that he was a teetotaler and had taken 
 the pledge. Cabiness replied, "Damn it, if that's the case, pry his teeth apart and pour 
 canteen and all down him," which was done as nearly as possible. That kind of whisky 
 is said to have had sufficiently strong reviving qualities to set equestrian statues of 
 General Jackson cavorting around single-footed on their pedestals. NOTE BY J. W. 
 REDINGTON. 
 
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Modoc War Major Thomas's Command Defeated in 
 Lava Beds 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 247 
 
 Lieut. W. H. Boyle. The Indians opened fire upon 
 them at once. Sherwood was mortally wounded and 
 Boyle escaped by the skin of his teeth. The plan had 
 been for the Indians to kill all the commissioners and 
 ranking officers in the belief that by so doing the sol 
 diers would withdraw and their freedom would be 
 achieved. 
 
 The cowardly attack on Lieutenant Sherwood was 
 signaled from Mason's camp to the station on the bluff. 
 Scarcely had the message been received when the officers 
 there discovered that the peace commissioners had been 
 attacked. Scrambling down the bluffs they burst into 
 Colonel Gillem's tent with the dire news. The sound 
 of the firing had been heard throughout the camp. The 
 soldiers, without orders, sprang to arms, yet there were 
 moments of unaccountable delay. The advance was not 
 made promptly. There was some question as to Gillem's 
 course later on. Finally, the several companies and troops 
 went forward on the double quick. Sergeant Wooten, 
 with twenty men of K Troop, First Cavalry, led the ad 
 vance without orders. They arrived too late, of course. 
 There was nothing to be done but bring back the dead 
 bodies and the wounded Meacham. His life was de 
 spaired of, but he finally recovered. 
 
 It was plain now to every one that the Modocs must 
 be subdued at whatever cost. Colonel Gillem and Ma 
 jor Mason attacked the lava-beds on the I4th. There 
 were three days of fierce fighting exactly of the character 
 of Wheaton's battle. This time the soldiers were re 
 inforced by several mortars, which finally got the range 
 of Jack's Stronghold and threw shell after shell into it. 
 One of the shells did not explode. The Indians seized it 
 and, their curiosity excited, tried to open it and find out 
 what it was. One Indian attempted to draw the plug 
 
248 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 with his teeth. The shell blew up and killed several of 
 the Indians. Convinced that his lair had become un 
 tenable on account of the artillery, Jack withdrew. For 
 three days he had been cut off from the lake which was 
 his only water-supply, the lava-beds being as dry as a 
 bone. 
 
 The troops had surrounded the place, and on the 
 morning of the ijth they moved forward to the final 
 attack. There was some skirmishing by a rear-guard 
 of Modocs, but the soldiers at last rushed the ridges 
 that had been so gallantly defended against such heavy 
 odds. They found the place deserted. An underground 
 passage connected with the distant ravines had afforded 
 the Modocs a way of escape. They were still some 
 where in the maze of the lava-beds, but just where no 
 one knew. The troops had lost eight killed and seventeen 
 wounded. They found the bodies of three men and eight 
 women in the Modoc stronghold. ' 
 
 On the 2ist of April a party of soldiers with fifteen 
 Warm Spring Indians, auxiliaries, eighty-five in all, un 
 der the command of Capt. Evan Thomas, with Lieuts. 
 Albion Howe, Arthur Cranston, G. M. Harris, all of 
 the Fourth Artillery, and Lieut. T. F. Wright of the Sev 
 enteenth Infantry, with Act.-Asst. Surg. B. G. Semig, 
 was sent to the lava-beds to discover the location of 
 the Indians. They were instructed to proceed cautious 
 ly and to avoid an engagement. These soldiers were 
 from the Twelfth Infantry and the Fourth Artillery, 
 the latter being used as infantry in the lava-beds and 
 sometimes as cavalry in the open country, in this cam 
 paign. 
 
 They proceeded carefully with skirmishers thrown 
 out on both sides, the Warm Spring Indians far on the 
 flanks. By this time the soldiers had conceived a whole- 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 249 
 
 some respect for their antagonists which almost amount 
 ed to fear. The ground was admirably adapted for sur 
 prise, and it was with difficulty that the flanking parties 
 could be kept to their proper distance. They were con 
 stantly shrinking in toward the main body. They were 
 not molested in their advance, however, and at noon 
 halted for dinner. 
 
 They had stopped at the base of a sand-hill in com 
 paratively open ground, with lava-beds several hundred 
 yards distant on either side, and were quietly eating when 
 a rifle-shot from one of the ravines, which two men had 
 been directed to reconnoiter, gave the alarm. This shot 
 was followed by a volley from the hidden enemy and a 
 number of men fell. The officers, the non-commissioned 
 officers and some of the veteran privates coolly ran to 
 cover to some of the pits and ridges before mentioned 
 and returned the fire. The sand-hill in front was charged 
 by a detachment which occupied it, only to find that it 
 was commanded by another hill to which the unseen 
 enemy had retired. The place was a regular death-trap, 
 and the Modocs got on both sides of the soldiers and 
 coolly shot them down. The plain was alive with fire. 
 
 A panic took possession of some of the men, a panic 
 which is remembered with shame by the Army of the 
 United States to this day. Half of them turned and fled 
 headlong, abandoning their officers and their braver 
 comrades who disdained to fly. Every officer was killed 
 or mortally wounded except the surgeon, who was des 
 perately wounded in two places. The total loss was 
 twenty-two killed and eighteen wounded. The cowards 
 who fled reached the camp in safety. The Warm Spring 
 Indians were scouting at the time, and being mistaken 
 for Modocs by the troops, they were unable to succor 
 them. These all escaped. Fortunately for some of the 
 
250 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 wounded who remained on the field, the nature of the 
 ground was such that the Modocs could not come at 
 them. They were found still alive by the rescuing party, 
 which reached them from the main camp late in the 
 evening. The Modocs had but twenty-one men in the 
 field. None of them was hit.* 
 
 In the meantime Col. Jefferson C. Davis, a brilliant 
 and energetic old soldier with a distinguished record, was 
 appointed to the command with instructions to prose 
 cute the campaign vigorously until it closed. He restored 
 Colonel Wheaton to his place at once. He also set about 
 restoring the somewhat shattered morale of the soldiers. 
 He reorganized the troops, brought up supplies and re 
 inforcements, and prepared to force the fighting. 
 
 The Indians finally separated, roughly speaking, into 
 two bands. A portion remained with Captain Jack and 
 the rest under Hooker Jim, and others withdrew. By 
 a series of scientific and gradual approaches, by occupy 
 ing the lava-beds just as the Indians had done, General 
 Davis constantly tightened the cordon around the 
 Modocs. The situation of the Indians had become ex 
 ceedingly difficult. They had been forced away from 
 their water-supply ; their provisions and ammunition 
 were running low; they were practically surrounded 
 in the lava-beds with little hope of escape. Dissen 
 sions arose, as was natural in a body so loosely coher 
 ent and comprised of so many diverse and mutually 
 
 * General Davis thus comments on the battle in his report: 
 
 "An error was made by the officer in command in not pushing his skirmish-line 
 further to the front and on the flanks before halting, but this mistake could have been 
 easily and quickly remedied had the men, as a few did, stood by the officers and obeyed 
 orders. This they did not do. The result was conspicuous cowardice on the part of the 
 men who ran away, and conspicuous bravery and death on the part of the officers and 
 men who stood. The lesson taught by this affair is that a great many of the enlisted men 
 here are utterly unfit for Indian fighting of this kind, being only cowardly beef-eaters. 
 My recommendation is, however, that they be kept here, trained, and made to fight. I 
 shall take such steps while here as I think will insure this training." 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 251 
 
 independent elements. Finally, they decided to leave 
 the lava-beds. 
 
 On the morning of the loth of May Hasbrouck's 
 light battery of the Fourth Artillery, mounted as cavalry, 
 and two troops of the Fourth Cavalry were encamped on 
 Sorass Lake on the west side of the pedregal. The In 
 dians, who seemed to have temporarily reunited, made 
 an attack upon this force. Captain Jack, clad in General 
 Canby's uniform, led a company of thirty-three Modocs 
 in a charge on the camp, while a detachment was absent 
 for water. They succeeded in stampeding the horses and 
 mules and for a time things looked serious. Hasbrouck, 
 however, rallied his men, checked the advance, and, by 
 a series of brilliant charges directly upon the lines the 
 Modocs had established in the surrounding hills, cleared 
 them out of the country, killed one man and most 
 important of all captured twenty-four pack-animals, 
 carrying most of the Indians' ammunition, all with a 
 loss of but two killed and seven wounded. This was the 
 first clean-cut defeat the Modocs had sustained, and 
 proved conclusively that they could not fight the troops 
 in the open. 
 
 After this the differences between the two parties of 
 Modocs became permanent. They separated, left the 
 vicinity of the lava-beds, and fled. A vigorous advance 
 all along the line disclosed the fact that the Indians had 
 abandoned their stronghold and were at last in the open. 
 A hot pursuit was instituted in every direction. The 
 first large party, numbering about a hundred, was cap 
 tured on the 22nd of May after some hard marching, but 
 Jack and his immediate following were still in the field. 
 
 Davis determined to use the leaders of the first party 
 to effect the capture of the remainder. These Modocs 
 saw the game was up and were willing to save their own 
 
252 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 lives by betraying the others. Hotly pursued by the 
 soldiers, who were guided by the traitors, the remaining 
 Modocs were gathered up in little bunches here and 
 there, and on the ist of June Jack was captured in 
 Willow Creek Canon by Captain Perry's troop. He had 
 been literally run to earth by the cavalrymen. As he 
 came out of the canon and surrendered his gun, he sank 
 to the ground exhausted, with the remark that his legs 
 had given out. 
 
 General Davis made preparation to hang Jack and 
 the other murderers of the commissioners out of hand. 
 He was stopped by an order from Washington, and 
 after considerable discussion as to the legality of the 
 proceedings, upon the opinion of the Attorney-General, 
 Captain Jack, Schonchin, Boston Charley, Black Jim, 
 Barncho, and Sloluck were ordered for trial before a 
 military commission. Hooker Jim, Bogus Charley, and 
 Shacknasty Jim turned State's evidence. Ellen's Man 
 had been killed. The charge was violation of the laws 
 of war, attacking a peace commission under cover of a 
 flag of truce. The prisoners were not represented by 
 counsel. As Jack remarked, they had been unable to 
 obtain any. The trial was fairly conducted, neverthe 
 less. The testimony of the witnesses, both white and In 
 dian, was strong against the prisoners. The captives 
 asked these witnesses no questions. They called a few 
 witnesses to the stand in their turn, and these only with 
 the apparent object of establishing the fact that the 
 Klamaths, their hereditary enemies, had urged and in 
 cited them to war, and had furnished the weapons and 
 supplies to enable them to carry it on, all of which may 
 possibly have been true, but none of which was material. 
 
 Jack made a speech, pitiful in its futility, in which he 
 brought out one point that hostilities had commenced 
 

 In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 253 
 
 by Captain Jackson's attack on his camp on Lost 
 River. Jack also stated that the Modocs who had be 
 trayed him and turned State's evidence were the very 
 Modocs whom he had refused to surrender at the be 
 ginning of the war, and if he had done so there would 
 have been no trouble. It was also shown that these men 
 were the most guilty and that it was their insistence in 
 their desperation which had induced him and others to 
 commit the murders. 
 
 In closing, the Chief Advocate specifically acquitted 
 the prisoners of any participation in the murder of the 
 citizens after Captain Jackson's attack. The verdict was 
 guilty, and the punishment death by hanging. 
 
 Peace societies and earnest, intelligent, but misguided 
 individuals, some of them of great eminence, all over 
 the country, pleaded with the Government for a suspen 
 sion or commutation of the sentence. Public agitation 
 rose to fever heat. The Government, however, declined 
 to interfere and stood firm in the case of the greater 
 culprits. 
 
 It was shown that Barncho and Sloluck were merely 
 tools of the others. President Grant, therefore, commut 
 ed their sentences to imprisonment for life, but that was 
 all. In the case of the other four the sentence was car 
 ried out with due solemnity and all the forms of the law 
 at ten o'clock in the morning of Friday, October 3, 1873. 
 
 They were hanged in full view of the Klamaths and 
 their own women and children, who, from the stockade 
 in which they were confined, saw all that happened. The 
 prisoners met their death with calm fortitude. A wail of 
 anguish rose from the stockade, in which even the 
 stoical Klamaths joined when the trap was sprung and 
 the men swung in th^e air. Justice had had her innings. 
 The murder of the great general and of the devoted 
 
254 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 missionary had been avenged. The dignity of the United 
 States had been upheld. 
 
 It was right that Jack should die, but what might he 
 not have said had he possessed the fluent tongue of 
 some of his race, as he stood on that scaffold, looking 
 southward toward that point where but twenty-one 
 years before, when he was scarcely fourteen, Ben 
 Wright had violated a flag of truce in the same way as 
 that for which he was being punished, only to receive 
 reward and promotion thereafter from his fellow-citi 
 zens ? What must Schonchin John, who had escaped 
 from that catastrophe, have felt as the noose was placed 
 about his neck ? 
 
 The history of the Modocs thereafter is unimportant. 
 To the number of thirty-four men who had been in the 
 lava-beds, five other men who had joined them, fifty-four 
 women and sixty children, they were translated to a 
 reservation at Baxter Springs, Kansas. To-day a hand 
 ful survives. 
 
 In the war the Modocs lost twelve killed, four exe 
 cuted, one a suicide all warriors, and an unknown 
 number of women and children. The total loss of the 
 white settlers and soldiers was one hundred and sixty- 
 eight, of whom eighty-three were killed. The cost of the 
 war was over half a million dollars. They say it takes 
 a ton of lead to kill one soldier in battle: to put down 
 these fifty Modocs about twelve hundred men were em 
 ployed. Each Modoc accounted for three men and cost 
 the United States Government over ten thousand dol 
 lars before he was himself killed or captured a fear 
 ful price, indeed. 
 
 Insignificant people they were, but in their brief hour 
 they managed to stamp themselves on the pages of his 
 tory. The name of Captain Jack will not be forgotten, 
 
In the Land of Burnt Out Fires 255 
 
 and the defense of which he was the central figure, in 
 spite of his treachery, together with the desperate cam 
 paigning of the soldiers in the land of burnt out fires, is a 
 story that will long be related. With all his faults, the 
 rude Modoc chief had some of the high qualities that 
 go to make a man. We can bury his vices in his un 
 marked grave and remember his virtues and his wrongs. 
 
 Note on the present status of Modocs furnished by the Department 
 of the Interior. 
 
 This office is in receipt of your communication of the loth instant, 
 in which you state you are anxious to know the present status of the 
 Modocs who were translated from California and Oregon to Baxter 
 Springs, Kansas, in 1873; and you ask if these Indians are still at 
 Baxter Springs, and if they still retain their tribal existence. You 
 further inquire as to their number and their temporal condition. 
 
 The Modoc reservation embraces a tract of land about two and 
 one-half miles square, and is situated about one and one-half miles 
 northeast of the Quapaw Agency. It was formerly a part of the Shaw- 
 nee Reservation and contained in round numbers about 4,000 acres, 
 equally divided as to timber and prairie land. The reservation was 
 obtained for them by agreement with the Eastern Shawnees, made 
 June 23, 1874, which was confirmed and ratified by Congress in an 
 Act approved March 3, 1875 (18 Stats. 447): 3,976 acres were allotted 
 to sixty-eight Indians, 8 acres being reserved for church and cemetery 
 purposes, 2 acres for a school, and 24 acres were set aside as a timber 
 reserve to supply timber to allottees living on the prairie. 
 
 The last annual report of Mr. Horace B. Durant, Superintendent 
 of the Seneca Indian Training-school (address at Wyandotte, Indian 
 Territory), and in charge of the Modocs, gave the following statistics 
 concerning the Indians under consideration: 
 
 Population 54 
 
 Males 25 
 
 Females 29 
 
 Males over eighteen 17 
 
 Females over fourteen 16 
 
 Males under eighteen 8 
 
 Females under fourteen 13 
 
256 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Children between six and sixteen n 
 
 Number of allotments 68 
 
 Acres in each allotment 48 
 
 Indians of one-half Indian blood and over .... 40 
 Indians of less than one-half Indian blood .... 14 
 Living out of the Agency, inclusive of children in non- 
 reservation schools 15 
 
 Males over eighteen who are farmers ..... 4 
 
 Children in non-reservation schools I 
 
 Children attending all other schools 5 
 
 He further reported that all of the Modocs wore citizens' clothes and 
 that all were engaged in civilized pursuits and were living in very poor 
 houses of mainly one room each and with dirt floors. 
 
 From the above you will see that the Indians practically no longer 
 sustain their tribal relations, they having received their allotments of 
 land in severalty; that they all wear citizens' clothes and that they are 
 still near Baxter Springs. 
 
CHAPTER TWO 
 
 The First Blow 
 
 Jackson's Expedition* 
 
 f~ "^HE Modoc Indians belong generally to the 
 races known as "Digger Indians" -from 
 living largely upon esculent roots which the 
 
 JL squaws dig, dry and cache for winter subsist 
 ence, but they are much superior to the average 
 Digger Indian, and are more nearly allied in character 
 and by intermarriage to the "Rogue Rivers," a 
 warlike tribe, now about extinct, inhabiting at one time 
 the western slope of the Cascade Mountains in Oregon. 
 
 Schonchin was chief of the tribe when the treaty 
 was made with the Klamaths, Modocs and Yainaskin 
 Snakes, by which these tribes, for the consideration of 
 fered by the Indian Bureau, agreed to live upon the 
 Klamath Reservation, then just established. 
 
 The Indian title to the Lost River and Tule Lake 
 country was thus extinguished, and the land thrown open 
 to settlement. 
 
 The Klamath Reserve proving to have a much colder 
 climate than the Modocs were accustomed to, and the 
 Klamath Indians, their ancient foes, taunting them 
 
 * Abridged from the account of the war by Col. James Jackson, U. S. A. (Retired), 
 in The United States Service Magazine, July, 1892, by permission of the publisher. 
 
 2 57 
 
258 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 with living on " their " land, catching "their" fish, and 
 killing "their" game, the Modocs became discontented. 
 
 The governing chief, "Old Schonchin," with a large 
 part of the tribe, got as far away from the Klamaths 
 as he could, and lived up to the terms of the treaty; but 
 the restless and desperate spirits of the tribe, under the 
 leadership of the Indian afterward widely known as 
 "Captain Jack," and John Schonchin, a brother of the 
 hereditary chief, left the reservation and returned to the 
 Tule Lake basin, declaring that they would live in 
 their old home and nowhere else. 
 
 It is with this band of desperadoes that history has to 
 deal when treating of the Modoc War, though subse 
 quently to the breaking out of hostilities they were 
 joined by the Hot Spring and Rock Modocs, making a 
 fighting force of about one hundred and twenty war 
 riors. Many of these Indians were what would be called 
 "half-civilized." A number of them had been born and 
 reared near the outlying California settlements, and 
 had worked for white men on their ranches and cattle- 
 ranges. 
 
 They dressed like the frontier white men, talked 
 some English, and were familiar with the ways of white 
 people, including all their vices. 
 
 They were well armed with breech-loading and other 
 rifles, which, by constant practice at game and water 
 fowl, they had learned to handle with skill and precision. 
 The settlers in the country thrown open to settlement 
 by the treaty soon began to complain of Captain Jack's 
 band of desperadoes, charging them with killing cattle 
 and abusing the settlers' families when their men were 
 absent. 
 
 The Indian Agent of the Klamath Reserve made 
 repeated efforts to induce them to return to the 
 
The First Blow 259 
 
 reservation; but every effort was met with contemp 
 tuous refusal and the declaration that they would fight 
 rather than leave their present location. 
 
 The home of these Modoc Indians was in a district 
 of country just east of the Cascade Mountains and lying 
 on both sides of the boundary line between Oregon and 
 California: a rocky, broken, sage-brush region containing 
 a number of alkaline lakes, some fertile valleys, and a 
 few mountain streams, but covered for the most part by 
 volcanic scoria. 
 
 Their principal habitat was the valley of Lost River 
 and the basin of Tule Lake, into which the valley opens. 
 
 The rivers and lakes abounded in fish and were the 
 resort of vast numbers of water-fowl; game was plenti 
 ful in the adjacent mountains, the bunch-grass was 
 luxuriant, the climate mild, snow seldom fell and never 
 remained long in the valleys. Taken altogether it was 
 a paradise for nomadic Indians. 
 
 At the southern extremity of Tule Lake basin was a 
 district of country known as the "Lava-Beds," which 
 at the outbreak of hostilities was, to the white man, a 
 terra incognita, being for miles each way a confused 
 jumble of lava, which had in some prehistoric period 
 rolled down the slopes of volcanic peaks on its eastern 
 border, and, lashed into furious foam and toppling 
 waves by the obstructions in the lake valley, had 
 apparently while at the height of the disturbance 
 solidified into a hard, blackish rock, honeycombed by 
 bursting air bubbles, caught in the lava flow, leaving a 
 surface over which no white man ventured of his own 
 accord, and whose intricate passages and cavernous 
 retreats were known only to this tribe of Indians and the 
 mountain-lion as he stalked them in search of prey. The 
 ocean breakers as they dash on a rocky coast, suddenly 
 
260 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 petrified in all the wildness of their fury, would give 
 some idea of the character of a portion of this lava sur 
 face and induce a realizing sense of the difficulty of 
 carrying on military operations in such a country. 
 
 Along a mile or more of the lake front, the molten 
 lava had poured over the abrupt and irregular bluffs, 
 forming, as it cooled, a rock-wall whose almost vertical 
 face was impossible of direct ascent. On the crest of 
 this wall the lava, in cooling, had broken away from the 
 horizontal flow, forming a deep crevice which in an ir 
 regular line followed the indentations of the lake shore 
 and, curiously enough, made almost as perfect a defen 
 sive work as a military engineer could have laid out. 
 
 There was no part of this abrupt rocky glacis that 
 was not covered by a line of fire from the natural rifle 
 trench, while at the angles masses of rock had fallen for 
 ward, forming lunettes, covering the receiving lines and 
 affording loop-holes or windows through which all ap 
 proaches could be observed, and serving as admirable 
 picket or lookout stations for a defending force. 
 
 Where the line of crevice had been broken through, 
 or failed to give sufficient defense, the Indians had 
 supplemented it with a double wall of broken lava, 
 carried to and around the caves used for sleeping pur 
 poses, affording a continuous channel of unexposed 
 communication from one flank to the other, complet 
 ing and making impregnable, against a small force, 
 this Modoc stronghold. 
 
 In the fall of 1872 the settlers in southern Oregon pro 
 cured an order from the Interior Department for the 
 removal of Jack's band to the Klamath Reservation, 
 "peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary." The Su 
 perintendent of Indian Affairs, Mr. Odeneal, visited 
 their village and tried to induce them to comply with 
 
The First Blow 261 
 
 the orders he had received, but failed in his attempt; 
 and while negotiations were still pending, but with no 
 uncertainty as to the result, turned the matter over to 
 the military authorities, sending his agent, Mr. Ivan 
 Applegate, to Fort Klamath to request the commanding 
 officer there, at that time Col. John Green, Major 
 First Cavalry, to send a force to the Modoc camp to 
 compel their compliance with the orders from the De 
 partment of the Interior, and insisting upon it that only 
 a "show of force" (about twelve or fifteen men was 
 mentioned) was necessary to accomplish the object. 
 
 Colonel Green directed Major Jackson to take all 
 available men of his troop (B, First Cavalry) and pro 
 ceed by forced march to the Modoc camp, and induce 
 them to comply with the orders given by Superinten 
 dent Odeneal, or, failing in this, to arrest the leaders. 
 
 Major Jackson with thirty men, and accompanied 
 by Lieut. F. A. Boutelle and the post surgeon, Dr. H. 
 McEldery, who had volunteered to go with the com 
 mand, was soon on the march. 
 
 Mr. Ivan Applegate, in the capacity of interpreter, 
 and a few citizens joined the column while en route. 
 These citizens were detached at the ford on Lost River 
 to take post at Crawley's Ranch to protect the family 
 there and prevent an attack on the rear of the troops, the 
 ranch being situated between the two Modoc villages or 
 camps, which were about a half-mile apart on opposite 
 sides of Lost River, a deep, sluggish stream with abrupt 
 banks, that could be crossed only by boat. 
 
 Marching continuously day and night, the troops 
 arrived at the Modoc village about daylight and formed 
 line among the tepees, taking the Indians completely 
 by surprise. Had they been undoubtedly hostile there 
 would have been no Modoc War. The chiefs and leaders 
 
262 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 were called for, particularly Captain Jack, but he did 
 not put in an appearance, and, so far as is known, took 
 no part in the subsequent fight. Some of the sub-chiefs 
 gathered around and the orders of the Indian Superin 
 tendent were explained by the commander of the troops 
 to such Indians as could understand English, and to all 
 of them by Mr. Applegate, who visited both villages to 
 carry out his instructions. 
 
 The time given to parleying was used by the Indians 
 to recover from their surprise, and to get ready for the 
 resistance which they had previously determined upon. 
 While some talked to gain time, the boldest spirits dis 
 appeared in their tepees and soon came out painted, 
 stripped to the buff, and carrying from one to three 
 rifles. 
 
 The interpreter, after using every effort to persuade 
 the tribe of the folly of resisting United States authority, 
 gave it up, and, convinced that no compliance with the 
 orders of the Indian Superintendent could be obtained, 
 so informed Major Jackson. 
 
 It was then determined to carry out the second part of 
 the instructions before alluded to and " arrest the leaders." 
 
 A squad of the best known warriors having taken 
 position near some tepees about thirty yards in front of 
 the line of dismounted cavalrymen, seventeen men in 
 skirmish order, Lieutenant Boutelle was directed to 
 advance some men from the left and secure these Indians. 
 
 At the order to move forward all of the Indians aimed 
 their rifles at the line and one of them fired, apparently 
 at Lieutenant Boutelle. 
 
 The troops instantly returned the fire, pouring volley 
 after volley in and through the tepees, behind which the 
 Indians had taken cover, and from which they were rap 
 idly firing at the soldiers. 
 
The First Blow 263 
 
 This fire beginning to weaken the line, a charge was 
 ordered, which drove the Indians from cover of the 
 tepees into the surrounding brush and left in the village 
 only a few squaws bemoaning their dead and wounded. 
 
 The Indians continuing the fire from distant cover, a 
 line of pickets was thrown around the captured camp, 
 in such shelter as could be found or improvised, while 
 the wounded were being cared for by the surgeon and 
 then transported across the river, by canoe, to Crawley's 
 Ranch. 
 
 This done, an advance was ordered, when the owner 
 of the ranch came galloping up on the other side of the 
 river, imploring assistance to protect his family and the 
 wounded men at his house from a threatened attack 
 on that side of the river, the citizens stationed there 
 having left to notify the settlements of the breaking out 
 of hostilities. He was told to hold the place at all haz 
 ards, and the troop, carrying its dead, moved quickly up 
 the river to the ford, Lieutenant Boutelle with a small 
 skirmish-line protecting the rear and keeping the In 
 dians at a respectful distance. 
 
 The command arrived at the ranch in time to prevent 
 any catastrophe there. 
 
 The Indians lingered around until sundown, burned a 
 few haystacks and then retired to the "rock fort," which, 
 they had told the settlers, was to be their refuge and 
 stronghold. 
 
 What this "rock fort" was no one knew, further than 
 that it was a place in the lava-beds which Jack had boast 
 ed he could hold against any number of white men, and 
 where he had cached the possessions of the tribe and a 
 sufficiency of dried roots and jerked beef to last his 
 people a year. 
 
 Thus commenced the Modoc War. 
 
CHAPTER THREE 
 
 Major Boutelle's Account of His Duel 
 
 with Scar-faced Charley in the 
 
 First Engagement 
 
 By Maj. F. A. Boutelle, United States Army (Retired) 
 
 IN the latter part of November, 1872, Mr. Odeneal, 
 Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the State of 
 Oregon, appeared upon the scene and sent word to 
 Captain Jack of the Indians that he was at Link- 
 ville and to meet him there. Jack not responding, he was 
 informed that Odeneal would be at Lost River two days 
 later to talk to him. Instead of making preparations for 
 his suggested meeting he despatched Mr. I. D. Apple- 
 gate to Fort Klamath asking that troops be sent to move 
 the Indians. 
 
 Mr. Applegate arrived at Fort Klamath about five 
 o'clock in the morning of November 28th, and was 
 brought by the sergeant of the guard to my quarters, I 
 being Officer-of-the-Day. He told me his errand and 
 asked if I thought Colonel Green would send troops. 
 I told him to make himself comfortable until later as I 
 knew Colonel Green would not send troops, that he had 
 been informed if troops were used enough men should 
 be sent to place the result "beyond peradventure. " 
 
 264 
 
Duel with Scar-faced Charley 265 
 
 About eight o'clock, I was amazed at receiving or 
 ders from Major Jackson to make ready for a trip to 
 Lost River; that we were ordered to move the Modocs. 
 Soon after I was called to the adjutant's office to prepare 
 an order for the move. When the command was ready, 
 or about half after eleven, I met Colonel Green and 
 took occasion to call attention to the copy of General 
 Canby's letter to the commanding-officer, District of 
 the Lakes, which had been furnished him for his guid 
 ance, and to suggest to him that there was no reason to 
 believe these Indians would not fight, and that the com 
 mand he was sending was, in my judgment, altogether 
 inadequate just enough to provoke a fight in fact. 
 His reply was: 
 
 "If I don't send the troops, they (the citizens of 
 Klamath Basin) will think we are all afraid. " 
 
 The command, consisting of Maj. James Jackson, 
 First Cavalry, in command, Asst.-Surg. Henry Mc- 
 Eldery and myself, both of us being second lieutenants 
 at that time, and thirty-five enlisted men, followed by 
 five other enlisted men with pack-train, left Fort Kla 
 math about noon in a cold rain and sleet-storm. We 
 arrived at a point near Linkville in time to cook supper 
 and feed the animals. Here the Major found Superinten 
 dent Odeneal and had a talk, the character of which I 
 cannot relate. As soon as possible after supper we were 
 in the saddle and en route to the Modoc camp. We were 
 accompanied a part of the way by a party of citizens, 
 who next morning engaged the Indians on left bank of 
 Lost River. 
 
 The heavy roads made the ride an unusually hard one, 
 and when daylight appeared it found a very tired lot of 
 soldiers about to attempt a very disagreeable task. We 
 halted about a mile from Jack's camp, dismounted to 
 
266 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 adjust saddles. I took off my overcoat, saying to Major 
 Jackson that if I was going into a fight I wanted my 
 deck cleared for action. Most of the men, seeing my 
 movement and hearing my remark, followed suit, not 
 withstanding the fact that the temperature had fallen 
 and that the wet coats were partly frozen. We strapped 
 the coats on the cantles of our saddles. Mounted again, 
 we rode at a rapid rate and came into the Indian camp 
 before many were out of bed. An Indian who was out 
 fishing saw us crossing and ran down the river-bank 
 crying: 
 
 "Soldiers! Soldiers!" 
 
 Soon after our arrival Scar-faced Charley crossed the 
 river in a canoe and as he came up the bank of the river 
 fired a shot. He told me after the surrender that it was 
 an accidental discharge. I believed him. 
 
 As soon as we were formed in the Modoc camp 
 Major Jackson, through Applegate, who knew the In 
 dians individually, attempted to summon Captain Jack; 
 but could neither get a talk with, nor a sight of, the chief. 
 While these attempts at parley were going on, the In 
 dians, under the influence of Scar-faced Charley and 
 others, were undoubtedly preparing for combat. Apple- 
 gate saw that there was trouble brewing as fast as pos 
 sible. Scar-faced Charley had withdrawn to one end of 
 the camp and was talking in a very excited manner with 
 a number of other Indians. He had one rifle in his hand 
 which he waved defiantly, and three or four lay on the 
 ground at his feet. 
 
 Major Jackson finally rode over to me and said: 
 "Mr. Boutelle, what do you think of the situation ?" 
 "There is going to be a fight," I replied, "and the 
 sooner you open it the better, before there are any more 
 complete preparations. " 
 
Duel with Scar-faced Charley 267 
 
 He then ordered me to take some men and arrest 
 Scar-faced Charley and his followers. I had taken the 
 situation in pretty thoroughly in my mind, and knew 
 that an attempt to arrest meant the killing of more men 
 than could be spared if any of the survivors were to es 
 cape. I was standing in front of the dismounted men of 
 the troop. I called out to the men, "Shoot over those 
 Indians"; and raised my pistol and fired at Scar-faced 
 Charley. Great minds appear to have thought alike. 
 At the same instant Charley raised his rifle and fired at 
 me. We both missed; his shot passing through my cloth 
 ing over my elbow. It cut two holes through my blouse, 
 one long slit in a cardigan jacket and missed my inner 
 shirts. My pistol bullet passed through a red handker 
 chief Charley had tied around his head; so he after 
 ward told me. There was some discussion after the 
 close of the war as to who fired the first shot. I use a 
 pistol in my left hand. The track of Scar-faced Charley's 
 bullet showed that my arm was bent in the act of firing 
 when he fired. We talked the matter over, but neither 
 could tell which fired first. 
 
 The fight at once became general. Shots came from 
 everywhere, from the mouths of the tepees, from the 
 sage-bush on our left, from the river-bank and from the 
 bunch of braves in which Scar-faced Charley was at 
 work. As soon as I had time to see that I had missed as I 
 supposed I fired another shot at Charley, at which he 
 dropped and crawled off in the bush. Just then an In 
 dian dropped on his knees in the opening of a tepee a 
 few yards from our right and front and let slip an arrow 
 at me. This I dodged and the subsequent proceedings 
 interested him no more. 
 
 The men of the troop were tired as well as exhausted 
 by the ride of fifty-six miles in a terrible storm; and when 
 
268 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 the firing had knocked out eight of the twenty-three 
 men in action, the line began to give way. I saw that to 
 retreat meant death, and calling on the men to charge, 
 we rushed right at the main body. We were white and 
 they were red. There was the almost invariable result. 
 The dark skin gave way. 
 
 We had the camp and everything in it, women and 
 children included. It was believed by all that we had 
 killed very many Indians; so many that there would be 
 no further resistance if the women and children were 
 permitted to go to the men. This was allowed and the 
 camp destroyed. 
 
 As soon as the fight was over, Major Jackson crossed 
 the wounded over the river and sent them to Crawley's 
 Ranch about half a mile beyond. About the time this 
 work was accomplished a messenger came flying from 
 Crawley's Ranch with the information that the Indians 
 were making a demonstration upon that point. 
 
 I failed to mention that the party of citizens who ac 
 companied us from Linkville had had a brush with a 
 small party encamped on the left bank of the river below 
 Crawley's Ranch and had not been successful. The river 
 was not fordable at this point. Major Jackson then took 
 all sound men except about ten left with me and started 
 for a ford seven miles up the river where he crossed and 
 came down the other bank of the river to Crawley's 
 Ranch. 
 
 As soon as the Indians, who had retreated to the foot 
 hills, saw Jackson leave me with a small party they came 
 on and made a futile attack. They had had enough and 
 did not want any more. I followed Jackson, reaching 
 Crawley's Ranch late in the afternoon with the dead 
 strapped on horses. 
 
 A dreadful mistake had been made; yes, more than 
 
Duel with! Scar-faced Charley 269 
 
 one, but I shall not treat of matters previous to the 
 attempt to move the Indians. In the attempt the greater 
 sin lies at the door of Mr. Odeneal, who would not 
 trust his precious skin to a council on Lost River; but 
 preferred treacherously to send troops with guns in 
 place of an agent of the Indian Department with an 
 olive branch. He was sadly mistaken in believing that 
 the Indians would not fight. He was dealing with des 
 perate men. When the troops were sent " a boy was sent 
 to the mill. " The heroes of the so-called outbreak do 
 not diminish with years. I believe Superintendent Oden 
 eal still lives. If he failed to send any word to the settlers 
 on the north side of Tule Lake that troops were coming, 
 he has more to think of than I should care to have. Of 
 such failure he was freely charged in those dreadful 
 days. 
 
 You may in your work have seen a book written by 
 A. B. Meacham, at one time Superintendent of Indian 
 Affairs for the State of Oregon. I do not know where 
 he got the information upon which he based his de 
 scription of the first fight with the Modoc Indians. I 
 remember seeing it years ago and that he represents me 
 as advancing upon Scar-faced Charley, uttering vile and 
 insulting epithets. I did not move forward a foot when 
 I received Major Jackson's order to disarm the party, 
 but commanded the men to fire and fired myself. I did 
 not address a word to an Indian that morning. Mea 
 cham attempted to get an account from me and was re 
 ferred to Major Jackson's official report. Hence his in 
 sults to me. Meacham made the battle last three hours, 
 and that we were whipped. Rot! It did not last much 
 more than so many minutes. We drove the Indians 
 across the sage-bush plain and burned their tepees. 
 Left when called to the other side of the river for the pur- 
 
270 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 pose of protecting our wounded and citizens threatened 
 by Indians from camp on left bank of river. 
 
 The citizens who attacked the Indian camp on the left 
 bank of Lost River were there without order or authority, 
 and had no more right for their attack than if it had been 
 made on Broadway, New York. The Indians, who re 
 pulsed them and afterward made such dreadful killing, 
 were called treacherous murderers and were indicted in 
 the Oregon courts, Scar-faced Charley, among others, 
 who I have ample reason to believe was on our side of 
 the river. 
 
 In contrast with the action of this civilized party may 
 be noticed the "brutal" conduct of some of Jack's peo 
 ple who saw two cow-boys, whom they knew, approaching 
 their assemblage. They went out to meet them, telling 
 of the occurrences of a few hours previous, and advising 
 them to go away while they were at war with the soldiers, 
 as they did not want to hurt them. 
 
 Of the fight in the lava-beds chapters might be 
 written by the participants in explanation of why so 
 many men were not able to dislodge so small a number 
 of Indians. The newspapers frequently asked why some 
 officer experienced in such work was not sent to com 
 mand. There was no officer experienced in such work; 
 he did not live. 
 
 The popular impression of the Modoc was that he 
 was a dreadful savage, a wild Indian. As a matter of fact, 
 all of them wore white men's clothing. Nearly or 
 quite all had cut off their hair, and many were in the 
 habit of working for the neighboring stockmen or farm 
 ers. Nearly all understood English and many spoke it 
 as well as many white men. As an instance : I had en 
 camped just across Lost River from Jack's camp a few 
 months before the war, and had talked enough with the 
 
Duel with Scar- faced Charley 271 
 
 Indians to recognize Bogus Charley's voice. In the early 
 morning of January lyth, as the two lines, one on each 
 side of the stronghold, were closing in on the Indians, 
 I heard a voice calling out to Colonel Bernard's com 
 mand: 
 "Don't shoot this way. You are firing on your own 
 
 men." 
 
 Colonel Bernard commanded "Cease firing/' and was 
 surprised to hear me bawl out: 
 
 "Look out, Colonel Bernard, that is Bogus Charley 
 talking!" 
 
 Bogus talked a great deal, and when on April 1st I 
 told people that at last Bogus Charley was dead, I was 
 rallied a good deal and asked how I knew. I replied that 
 I had not heard him and knew he could not keep his 
 mouth shut. It transpired that Bogus had left the Mo- 
 docs the night before the investment and could not get 
 back. 
 
 As an indication of the disposition of the Modocs, with 
 relation to learning the ways of the white men and not 
 asking for assistance from the Government provided 
 they were allowed to remain on Tule Lake, in one of the 
 peace talks Bogus Charley offered as proof or reason 
 why he should want a cessation of hostilities that he 
 had "lost his whole winter's work." 
 
CHAPTER FOUR 
 
 The Initial Shot 
 
 A Civilian's Description of the First Battle of the 
 Modoc War * 
 
 By Ivan D. Applegate 
 
 PERHAPS few places on earth, of like area, 
 have cost so much in blood and treasure as 
 Klamath land, and yet it may be worth the 
 price, dear as it was, for it is one of nature's 
 brightest gems. The native possessor held it with a 
 tenacity which compels us to admire his patriotism, his 
 reverence for the land of his ancestors, while we dep 
 recate the methods of his warfare. As he would put it : 
 "Here is the dust of my fathers. Better for me to die 
 here than to be removed to any other country. If I die 
 here I go down to dust with my father and my people. 
 If I die in some other land I shall be lost forever. " 
 
 The Modocs stood as bloody sentinels along the line 
 of the emigrant road. As far back as 1852 they began 
 the work of ambush and slaughter, and Modoc land was 
 for a quarter of a century the scene not only of savage 
 treachery and cruelty, but of heroic deeds and tragic 
 incident. Weary immigrants toiling onward toward the 
 
 *From the souvenir edition of The Klamath Fall 5 Express, January 10, 1895. 
 
 2/2 
 
The Initial Shot 273 
 
 setting sun no record tells how many were here 
 sacrificed almost on the very threshold of their land of 
 promise. 
 
 Later, when the enterprising white man, having seen 
 and appreciated this land of green meadows, silvery 
 lakes and crystal streams, determined to possess it, 
 brave settlers, representing that hardy race of men and 
 women who have led the hosts of civilization across the 
 continent, planted settlements here; but a band of about 
 three hundred renegade Modocs, under the leadership 
 of Captain Jack, renouncing the authority of brave old 
 Schonchin, the rightful chief, inaugurated a reign of 
 terror throughout the lake country. 
 
 During the summer of 1872 many petitions were for 
 warded through the Indian Department, asking the au 
 thorities at Washington to order the removal of Captain 
 Jack's band from the vicinity of Tule Lake, their ancient 
 home, to the Klamath Reservation, and to keep them 
 there. Orders were finally received by the Superinten 
 dent of Indian Affairs in Oregon, Hon. Thos. B. Oden- 
 eal, to secure their removal, peaceably if possible, but 
 by force if necessary. 
 
 On his arrival from Salem, Mr. Odeneal, having by 
 messenger called upon the Modocs to return to the reser 
 vation without avail, determined to place the matter in 
 the hands of Capt. James Jackson, of the United States 
 Army, an officer of well-known discretion and courage. 
 At noon, on the 28th day of November, 1872, Captain 
 Jackson, with thirty-five men of Company B, First 
 United States Cavalry, left Fort Klamath and arrived 
 at the pioneer town of Linkville at a little after dark. 
 Here he met Superintendent Odeneal and received in 
 structions as follows: 
 
 "When you arrive at the camp of the Modocs, re- 
 
274 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 quest an interview with the head men and say to them 
 that you did not come to fight or to harm them, but to 
 have them go peaceably to Camp Yainax on Klamath 
 Reservation, where ample provision has been made for 
 their comfort and subsistence, and where, by treaty, 
 they agreed to live. Talk kindly but firmly to them, and 
 whatever else you may do, I desire to urge that if there is 
 any fighting let the Indians be the aggressors. Fire no 
 gun except in self-defense, after they have first fired up 
 on you. I. D. Applegate will accompany you as my rep 
 resentative; will also act as guide and interpreter." 
 
 During that dark rainy night we made our way 
 from Linkville down the Klamath Valley toward the 
 stone bridge on Lost River, where Captain Jack was 
 encamped on the west side of the river. About a third 
 of his forces, under Hooker Jim and the Curly-headed 
 Doctor and some other of his trusty lieutenants, were 
 encamped on the east side of the river near the Den 
 nis Crawley cabin. 
 
 We found it very difficult in the darkness to make our 
 way through the heavy sage-brush, foj we had to leave 
 the road in order to avoid being discovered by the wily 
 Indians who, doubtless, were observing as closely as 
 possible every movement. We followed along the foot of 
 the chain of hills west from Lost River, and at daylight 
 we were about one mile west of the Modoc camp, 
 which was at that point on the river-bank where Dan 
 Colwell's residence now stands. 
 
 The company was formed into two platoons, and we 
 rode directly through the village and halted upon the 
 river-bank, facing the encampment. As we came near 
 the river, Scar-faced Charley, who had crossed just be 
 fore we came up, fired at us from the other side of the 
 river, shouting at the same time to arouse the sleeping 
 
The Initial Shot 275 
 
 Indians. In a moment there was great excitement and 
 commotion. 
 
 As soon as the men were dismounted and advanced 
 in line, standing at order arms in front of the horses, 
 I was directed to enter the camp to see Captain Jack 
 and inform him of our friendly mission and assure him 
 that no harm was intended, but that he would be re 
 quired to remove with his people to the reservation. 
 Going from camp to camp I was not able to find Cap 
 tain Jack. 
 
 As I came out of one of the huts I saw Scar-faced 
 coming up the river-bank. As he passed Major Jackson, 
 who was still mounted, the Major ordered him to halt, 
 at the same time drawing his revolver. To this Scar- 
 faced paid no attention, but came on into the village, 
 all the time haranguing his people and demanding that 
 they fight to the death; telling them that if they would 
 be quick enough they could kill every soldier without 
 the loss of a man. With an oath, he rushed past me 
 and went into Bogus Charley's tent, and in a moment 
 both Scar-faced and Bogus appeared with their guns 
 drawn, and called to the women and children to 
 throw themselves flat on the ground. Then I knew they 
 were going to fire upon us. I immediately started 
 toward our men saying, "Major, they are going to 
 fire ! " 
 
 At this, the Major ordered Lieutenant Boutelle, who 
 stood in advance of the line, to take four men and arrest 
 the two Indians who had guns in their hands. As Bou 
 telle stepped forward with the four men, the two Indians 
 fired. The warriors in the camps and in the heavy sage 
 brush in the rear of the village fired almost simulta 
 neously. Then all was din and commotion; men were 
 falling in the line, the riderless horses were dashing here 
 
276 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and there and kicking among us, but instantly came the 
 order from the brave Major, "Fire!" 
 
 The attack was so sudden and desperate, the Modocs 
 rushing onto us with demon-like yells, that the men were 
 forced back a step or two, and it seemed for a moment 
 that the thinned line would yield and break. But im 
 mediately came the order "Forward!" and it was like 
 an inspiration. The men sprang forward, under the 
 leadership of the brave Boutelle, delivering a deadly 
 fire, and the Indians were forced back. 
 
 Scar-face d's first shot struck Boutelle's revolver, dis 
 abling it, and cutting through the sleeve of his blouse, 
 passed through the clothing on his right shoulder. Scar- 
 faced was knocked down by a bullet which cut through 
 the handkerchief he had tied around his head, and 
 Watchman, Captain Jack's most daring lieutenant, fell, 
 riddled with bullets, almost at our feet. Boutelle's calm 
 ness saved us. Speaking to the men coolly and con 
 fidently, he led the charge into and through the village, 
 driving the Indians out, advancing his skirmish-line 
 far beyond into the heavy sage-brush. 
 
 O. C. Applegate, who was to take charge of Captain 
 Jack's band in case they came onto the reservation, 
 rode from his station at Yainaxon November 28th, reach 
 ing Linkville (Klamath Falls) late in the evening. Super 
 intendent Odeneal informed him of the movement on 
 foot and requested him to be present to assist in securing, 
 if possible, a peaceable removal of the Modocs. With 
 the Klamath scout, Dave Hill, and five trusty citizens, he 
 forded Lost River near the Lone Pine that night and 
 reached the Crawley cabin, near Hooker Jim's camp, 
 about daylight on the morning of the 2Qth, finding there 
 Messenger Brown of the Indian Department, Dennis 
 Crawley, Dan Colwell and a few other citizens. When 
 
The Initial Shot 277 
 
 daylight revealed the presence of the cavalry in Captain 
 v Jack's camp, Hooker's men made a rush for their canoes, 
 evidently to reinforce Captain Jack, but were prevented 
 by the citizens. The object of the authorities was ex 
 plained to the Indians, and a few of them were in the act 
 of giving up their arms when the firing began at Cap 
 tain Jack's camp. 
 
 Instantly the Modocs fired on the citizens and a fierce 
 fight at close range took place, so that, looking across 
 the river during the fight with Captain Jack, we could 
 see another battle going on almost opposite to us. Two 
 citizens, Jack Thurber and William Nus, were killed 
 and Joe Penning was maimed for life, and the Indians, 
 securing their own horses, which were near at hand, 
 escaped to the long rocky ridge east of where the Frank 
 Adams' farm is now located; while the citizens rallied 
 at the Crawley cabin. 
 
 Captain Jack, with most of his best and most des 
 perate men, had made good his escape, though at the 
 time both he and Scar-faced were reported among the 
 killed, even by the prisoners. We had lost Sergeant 
 Harris, killed, and as nearly as I can remember, six 
 men were mortally wounded, and several others pain 
 fully though not dangerously hurt. Among the Indians 
 killed were Watchman and We-sing-ko-pos, leading 
 warriors, and Black Jim, Long Jim and Miller's Charley 
 were among the wounded. The loss on our side amount 
 ed to fully a third of the military force then in the field, 
 and was quite sufficient to disable Captain Jackson's 
 small force for the time being. 
 
 After the fight Captain Jackson sent his wounded 
 across the river in a canoe, Dave Hill being the oars 
 man; Surgeon McEldery and a few more as a guard 
 were also taken over and the men were conveyed to the 
 
278 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Crawley cabin. The remaining troopers mounted their 
 jaded horses and, as there was no ford in the vicinity, 
 hastily rode up toward the Stukel Ford seven miles 
 distant. Before arriving, at the ford word reached them 
 that Jack and his infuriated men had renewed the fight. 
 Looking toward Tule Lake great volumes of smoke 
 could be seen arising from burning buildings. Dashing 
 through the rapid ford, the poor horses seemed to real 
 ize the awful situation as they put forth renewed effort 
 down the river with utmost speed on the east side, and 
 soon the cavalry rode onto the ground where the citizens 
 and Hooker's men had so lately fought, but the wily 
 savage was already wreaking vengeance on the inoffen 
 sive settlers, beyond the ridge on the plains at the head 
 of Tule Lake. 
 
 The butchering and devastation on Tule Lake had 
 already begun, and eighteen settlers were added that 
 day to the long list of Modoc victims. 
 
 On that fateful day, a few miles below the scene of the 
 fight, a mule team was seen coming toward the Boddy 
 residence, but no driver held the reins. Mrs. Boddy se 
 cured, unhitched and stabled the team. Very uneasy, 
 she called to her married daughter, Mrs. Schira, and 
 hastily the two women started toward the woods where 
 the men had gone that morning to their accustomed 
 work. They had not gone far when they saw the Indians 
 not far away and heard the awful war-whoop. Soon 
 they came upon the stripped and mutilated body of 
 Mr. Schira, and soon after those of Mr. Boddy and his 
 older son. 
 
 The younger boy who had been on the plain below 
 herding sheep could not be seen, and the sheep were 
 wandering at will among the sage. The heroic but horror- 
 stricken women knew that all were killed; that nothing 
 
The Initial Shot 279 
 
 remained for them but to seek their own safety in flight, 
 to hide themselves among the juniper and mahogany, 
 in the almost trackless and, to them, unknown woods. 
 Struggling onward, they knew not whither, only that 
 they felt that they were going away from a sad and 
 awful scene, soon night settled upon them among the 
 mountain solitudes. As they shivered amid the snow and 
 strove to look down through tears of burning anguish 
 toward the mutilated forms of dear ones and upon deso 
 lated homes, what tongue could tell, what pen depict 
 the poignancy of their grief ? 
 
CHAPTER FIVE 
 
 Reminiscences by Maj. J. G. Trimble, 
 United States Army, (Retired) 
 
 I. The Kind of Country They Marched Over 
 
 SHOULD an officer stationed in Oregon receive 
 an order about the 25th of December to march 
 his company three hundred miles to take part 
 in an Indian war, both he and his men would, 
 most likely, consider the same a very cool proceeding. 
 And they did. Now, this is about the distance from 
 Camp Harney to the Modoc country. Our instructions 
 were "light marching order," instead of comfortable 
 wagons where one could stow a tent and numberless 
 blankets. However, what comforts or necessaries could 
 be taken along were piled upon those unfortunate mules 
 and off we went. 
 
 The snow lay pretty deep at home, but we launched 
 out into the great prairie, which resembled one huge, 
 fleecy cloud, and in imagination the effect was the same 
 as riding on the unsubstantial sky which possessed al 
 most as much sustaining power. We plodded on through 
 the virgin whiteness, never before disturbed by foot or 
 hoof, and at the day's end dismounted to sleep in its 
 folds. The old campaigner does not, however, take such 
 a desolate view of the situation. 
 
 280 
 
Reminiscences by Major Trimble 281 
 
 Instantly, on halting, the great sage-brush plant is 
 lighted; no shivering over a few green boughs or satu 
 rated logs dug from the wet, but a veritable can of kero 
 sene. This great source of comfort in the winter wilder 
 ness grows to the height of six feet or more, bearing 
 branches some inches in thickness and a stock fully 
 half a foot in diameter, all oily and odorous. One bush 
 is sufficient to thaw the benumbed feet and limber the 
 aching joints. Then a pile can be gathered for the cooks 
 and the fire by night. And in the same dreary neighbor 
 hood grows the red willow fringing the springs ; this adds 
 an intensity to the heat more than enough for all pur 
 poses. 
 
 Thus we moved on day by day, varying the monotony 
 by an occasional dousing in slightly frozen streams, 
 climbing the rugged bluffs, skirting the shallow lakes, 
 winding over the great alkali plains that are even in 
 summer white as snow. At the end of one hundred and 
 fifty miles we ascended the mountain ridge that in 
 closes old Camp Warner. 
 
 Now we quitted the sage-brush and the wind-swept 
 valley for the somber solitude of the forest. Here the 
 snow lies deeper, and our tired and panting animals 
 must be lightened and shown the way. Here our spare 
 grain sacks of "chicken gunny" are brought into ser 
 vice for foot-covering; and unlucky is he who fails to 
 secure a supply of these air-letting stockings, the coarse 
 ness of the texture preventing the melting of the snow 
 on the foot. 
 
 Now is our camp cheered by the fires from the pine, 
 fir and juniper, and we linger long at night beside the 
 fragrant heat. The hungry horses champ the scanty 
 supper from the canvas nose-bag, threshing their icy 
 tails and glancing with knowing looks at the accustomed 
 
282 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 blaze. The isolated sentinel moves cautiously among 
 them or seeks shelter beside the convenient tree. The 
 storm rages far overhead, and the air is filled with 
 glistening diamond-like particles. The great forest 
 monarchs bend and crack in the blast, ever and anon 
 with a shiver discharging their overladen tops. At last 
 fatigue claims rest. So, scooping the snow from the 
 frozen ground on which we scatter a few hemlock 
 boughs, all stretch themselves beside the smoldering 
 logs in chilly slumber. This is the oft-repeated picture 
 of our bivouac. 
 
 In the dark, cold morning after rather superficial 
 ablutions, the frozen lash-ropes are thawed, the packs 
 adjusted and we move out, but do not mount; horses 
 will wade through snow two feet deep by alternating 
 the lead, but beyond that man must break the way. So 
 on we go, up and down the mountain, plunging some 
 times armpit deep, dragging our unwilling beasts and 
 often stopping to rescue a comrade or his horse from 
 total submersion. The blazes on the trees are quite in 
 distinct, the storm battening the snow far up on the 
 weather side. The fairy-like track of the snowshoer can 
 be sometimes sighted through the timber. He is our 
 mail-carrier in these parts. Lightly equipped with let 
 ter-bag and staff, he skims quietly past the pine open 
 ings, up and over the ridge, and disappears. He is sel 
 dom met by the weary traveler blundering along the 
 heavy trail, who casts envious glances at the beautiful 
 mark which impresses him as the sign of some subtle, 
 hidden motor. Still on we trudged and finally descended 
 the long mountain side into Goose Lake Valley. Now 
 we embarked upon the ice, and a full day's journey was 
 made over the bosom of this beautiful lake. 
 
 Again our route took us through the sage-covered 
 
Reminiscences by Major Trimble 283 
 
 knolls and into a valley where the snow lay even deeper 
 than before. A cabin was spied on the hillside like a 
 black blur on the snowscape. Here the cattle-men were 
 hibernating through the cold snap, their nearest neigh 
 bor being fifty miles away. Thence on through the sleet 
 and storm, until at the end of two long weeks we halted 
 beside the Agency of the Klamath. After a short rest at 
 this point, we again mounted and plunged into the 
 forest-covered spurs of the Sierras. And so we went on 
 for fifty more miles till Lost River was found. The main 
 command joined and the campaign began. 
 
 II. The Kind of Country They Fought In 
 
 The great lava-bed where the desperate Modoc In 
 dians took refuge is situated in northeastern California, 
 on the extreme verge of the State. In extent it is about 
 five miles by three and a half and covers an area of fif 
 teen hundred acres, where the lava plain is well defined, 
 although the lava country extends for many miles far 
 ther, even to Pitt River and Goose Lake. The McLeod 
 range of mountains bound the upper or southern side, a 
 beautiful timbered range, on the highest peaks of which 
 the snow remains throughout the year. Directly at the 
 base of these mountains stand the rows of Lava Buttes 
 or extinct craters, red, grimy, and uncanny to behold. 
 
 The plain from these descends by gentle inclination 
 to the lake, a body of water some twenty miles in length 
 by a mile or two in width, varying in extent and depth 
 as the conformation of the land gives scope. The general 
 side of approach is bounded by a line of almost precipi 
 tous bluffs covered with grass, except where rough over 
 hanging ledges of rock crop out, barring all passage or 
 confining the trail to one particular route. The eastern 
 side presents an apparently open way through slightly 
 
284 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 undulating knolls; but the country is so broken and 
 strewn with boulders and blocks of stone that no very 
 easy access is to be had even on that side. 
 
 Standing on the highest eminence, the eye can scarce 
 ly traverse or take in the whole area of this blighted 
 region. An elevated ridge, or series of upheavals, ex 
 tends completely through the center from lake to moun 
 tain, and in the center of this ridge are located the caves 
 or strongholds selected as the best defense by the In 
 dians. Into these the animals which provided subsist 
 ence during the siege were driven and slaughtered. 
 
 Notwithstanding the sterility of this section as a whole, 
 abundant and luxurious grass is to be found struggling 
 through the cracks and crannies of the rock; sage-brush 
 and greasewood abound which would supply the needs 
 of many men for many months. The one thing lacking, 
 when the lake is guarded by an army, is water; and this 
 it was that practically caused the abandonment or change 
 of quarters by the Modocs as the warm weather ap 
 proached. 
 
 The troops marched for the first time into the lava- 
 bed from a distance of about ten miles and descended the 
 bluffs by a trail a mile or more in length through a dense 
 fog. Very few of the soldiers knew what such a spot 
 resembled or what it was. No wonder then that they 
 should be defeated where every step was obstructed by 
 blocks of slippery lava the size of houses, and pits or 
 pot-holes the depth of mining-shafts; where the foe 
 could fire from the right, the left, above and below. Even 
 subterranean passages, leading from cave to cave, facili 
 tated attack and rendered retreat a certainty. The only 
 counterpart to such a battle-ground in the annals of our 
 Indian fighting was the Everglades of Florida, and there 
 the forces were equally stubborn and alert. 
 
Reminiscences by Major Trimble 285 
 
 The dead victims of the effort to dislodge them were 
 bestowed in five different graveyards; and so uncertain 
 was life throughout the campaign that many reflected 
 only upon what part of the sulphurous domain their 
 bones would be cast. Four and five separate and dis 
 tinct days of battle were expended against the rocky 
 fortresses; but the general ignorance of the country, the 
 lack of woodcraft and knowledge of Indians, as well as 
 bad management of troops due to inexperience brought 
 only disaster, discouragement and humiliation. Finally 
 superstition, the want of cohesion, and treachery among 
 themselves scattered the savages and made them an 
 easy prey to the constantly increasing command sur 
 rounding them. The soldiers worked hard and with 
 stood much exposure, tramping through the snow and 
 lava with bandaged feet quite often, as the glassy lava 
 and scoria beds cut through shoe and leather as through 
 paper; sleeping at night on the bare rock, and frequently 
 this latter comfort was denied, when anticipated alarm 
 or the night of travel required many of their number to 
 be afoot. A long dreary winter! And for what ? To drive 
 a couple of hundred miserable aborigines from a deso 
 late natural shelter in the wilderness, that a few thriv 
 ing cattle-men might ranch their wild steers in a scope 
 of isolated country, the dimensions of some several rea 
 sonable-sized counties. 
 
CHAPTER SIX 
 
 The Killing of the Commissioners 
 
 By Major Trimble 
 
 f "^HERE were a great many tragical and pa 
 thetic happenings in the lava-beds during the 
 Modoc War in 1873. ^ n ^ act > a ^ occurrences 
 . <Bt were tinged more or less with diabolism. 
 Now these matters acquired in the minds of every one 
 the feeling just expressed by reason of the hesitancy 
 with which the campaign was prosecuted. At least, that 
 is my own humble opinion. The mail-carriers were kept 
 busy and the wires were kept warm conveying every 
 word spoken and every movement undertaken in the 
 vicinity of the seat of war to Washington, and from 
 Washington to the Peace Commissioners; and every 
 thing that leaked out from their deliberations found its 
 way to eager newspapers, and was there rehashed, re- 
 colored and fed to the community at large. So each and 
 every actor felt as though a great drama in many acts 
 was being played, each one startling the audience more 
 than the one previously. First it was war, then peace, 
 then council, then murder, then war again. Such veering 
 and hauling was never before experienced by landsman 
 or sailor. 
 
 General Canby and his colleagues had twice before 
 
 286 
 
The Killing of the Commissioners 287 
 
 put their lives in jeopardy; but on the fateful morning 
 of their last attempt the very sky was ominous of im 
 pending disaster. Talk had been going on the night be 
 fore, and very early in the morning an occasional swarthy 
 Modoc could be seen flitting through the uncomfortable 
 camp, while men and officers gathered into little groups 
 discussing the possibilities. When the commissioners 
 emerged from the General's tent the snow was falling, 
 and the wind swept dismally across the rocky fastnesses. 
 One experienced officer remarked to me that the party 
 was wrong in going to meet the Indians on that day. 
 His utterance struck me with prophetic force. So an 
 other and myself repaired at once to the signal-station 
 to watch, if possible, anything occurring at the council 
 ground. 
 
 To retrace a little, when the commissioners were 
 fully prepared to start for the council tent, situated by 
 the lake side and distant but half a mile, it was notice 
 able that General Canby was dressed in his full uniform, 
 wearing his high black felt hat with gold cord. His ap 
 pearance was both handsome and dignified. He doubt 
 less expected this to be a culminating assembly, when 
 the Modocs would either submit to the will of the au 
 thorities or become outlaws in reality. Rev. Dr. Thomas 
 walked by the General's side, a position he always 
 held both in conference and in camp. Mr. Meacham 
 was mounted on the fleet old race horse belonging 
 to John Fairchild and he seemed very proud of his 
 mount. Agent Dyer followed with his particular charge, 
 the Indian woman Toby, and "her man," a white man 
 by the way. This Indian woman had exhibited through 
 out the morning great perturbation, as, from hints 
 dropped by hostile visitors on the night before, she 
 feared the very treachery that followed. In fact, she had 
 
288 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 given a solemn warning of what would happen. How 
 ever, the General, who was chief, had passed his word 
 that the meeting would take place at the hour appointed; 
 and he intended to keep it at all hazards, fondly hoping 
 that the vexatious matter would be ended to the credit 
 of the Government and in justice to the savage. General 
 Canby was a man of the highest personal honor and 
 courage. 
 
 After the departure 01 the commission, Dr. McEldery 
 and I immediately climbed up the steep bluff overlook 
 ing the distant scene and took a stand quite near the 
 signal-officer, Lieutenant I. Q. Adams, First Cavalry, 
 who, with his sergeant, had been keeping watch since 
 early dawn. After observing a little desultory flagging 
 from Colonel Mason's camp, distant four miles across 
 the lava-beds, Lieutenant Adams sprang up in great ex 
 citement, and gave the glass to the Doctor, with strict in 
 junctions to keep it on the council tent while he read a 
 most important message from Mason. Then, seizing the 
 flag from the soldier, he began an energetic series of 
 wig-wag motions. Then he told us the result of his com 
 munication with the station at Colonel Mason's camp. 
 
 He said that Lieutenant Sherwood had been shot by 
 the Modocs, and that Major Boyle had narrowly escaped 
 being shot also ! It happened that these officers had left 
 their camp but a few moments before to hold a parley 
 with the Indians, though at long range, and as the latter 
 had no doubt decided to begin war that day, they se 
 lected these two as the first and most convenient vic 
 tims. Well, after this sad message had been confirmed 
 by a few more signals, the Lieutenant resumed the 
 glass. We were naturally filled with foreboding for the 
 General and his brave companions. 
 
 Almost in a moment he announced an unusual stir 
 
The Killing of the Commissioners 289 
 
 at the tent. I will mention here that Adams was a most 
 expert signal-officer, having been quite prominent in 
 that capacity during the War of the Rebellion. Keen 
 of eye and very attentive to duty, he rendered most im 
 portant service throughout this war from the very be 
 ginning. 
 
 The words just referred to were scarcely uttered when 
 we all heard firing at the tent, though very faintly, and 
 in a moment the Doctor, who was very keen-sighted, 
 saw the tall form of the General stagger out into the 
 open and fall. Lieutenant Adams jumped to the edge 
 of the bluff and called out to the camp below: 
 
 "They are firing on the commission!" 
 
 All were astir in a moment. I ran down and as 
 sembled my troop, dismounted, and started without fur 
 ther order for the scene. Others were as quick to form 
 and move at double time, but alas, the distance of 
 half a mile in the lava-beds was as hard to traverse as 
 five times that on ordinary ground. When the troops, 
 consisting of nearly the whole force, arrived on the 
 scene the massacre had been accomplished. 
 
 The General and his faithful friend and co-laborer, 
 Dr. Thomas, lay dead some little distance in the rear or 
 toward our camp. Mr. Meacham was discovered bleed 
 ing from several wounds, though alive. He had made a 
 strong effort to escape, though his horse, which I pre 
 sume he intended should aid him if required, had been 
 taken off by the murderers. The arrangement of the 
 council caused him to be separated from this resource. 
 Agent Dyer escaped by the aid of his little pistol, a ruse 
 he had practised in violating the treaty or obligation 
 that all parties should meet unarmed. I do not believe 
 there will ever be another such covenant. The woman 
 Toby and "her man" Riddle were unhurt, though at 
 
290 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 the fatal moment at hearing the watchword of Jack, 
 "At-tux" (all ready), she sprang to avert the demon's 
 will, but in vain. For her faithful service during this 
 war, through peril and in hardship endured, a pension 
 was given her which she enjoyed until her death some 
 years later. 
 
 Our large camp under the great cragged bluffs was 
 that night a house of mourning. Officers took turns in 
 watching the dead form of their commander day by 
 day, until his honored remains were carried on the 
 shoulders of some twenty or more stalwart veterans up 
 the rocky, winding trail, and deposited in the ambulance 
 which conveyed them away to other friends and civiliza 
 tion. Thereafter several other bodies traversed the same 
 dismal journey, conveyed in the same manner and 
 equally the victims of the Modocs' wrath. 
 
 MEMORANDUM OF THE ASSASSINATION MADE BY MAJOR BIDDLE, 
 ANOTHER EYE-WITNFSS. 
 
 I was sitting in the signal-station with the signal-officer when the firing commenced 
 on the other side of the lake. The signal-officer ran down to report it and asked me to 
 watch the tent where the meeting took place. I saw a commotion and the commissioners 
 and General Canby try to escape, and two Indians pursuing him and firing at him till 
 he fell. I saw them go up to him, I thought to scalp him, but they did not; just took 
 his clothes a portion of them. I could not identify the Indians through the glass, so 
 could not be a witness at the trial. 
 
CHAPTER SEVEN 
 
 The First and Second Battles in the Lava- 
 Beds, and the Capture of Captain Jack 
 
 By Brig. -Gen. David Perry, United States Army 
 (Retired) 
 
 THE Modocs were a small band of Indians, 
 located on Lost River, Oregon. Lost River 
 empties into Tule Lake, which lies partly in 
 California and partly in Oregon. These In 
 dians, numbering about seventy-five or eighty adult 
 men capable of bearing arms, were camped near the 
 mouth of the river, and bordering on the lake. They 
 traded back and forth to Yreka, California, and many 
 could speak a little broken English. So far as I could 
 learn they were entirely peaceful, and, according to 
 tradition, their ancestors for many generations had in 
 habited that region. This, however, was not included 
 in the Indian Reservation; therefore this small band of 
 Indians must be removed from the home of their child 
 hood, the land of their ancestors, that the white man 
 might possess it. To this the red men demurred and it 
 was, therefore, decided to send Jackson's troop of the 
 First Cavalry from Fort Klamath, Oregon, by a sudden 
 and stealthy march at night, surround them at daylight, 
 and move them forcibly on to the reservation they hated. 
 
 291 
 
292 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 To the Indian Department this apparently seemed an 
 easy matter. How easy subsequent events show. 
 
 Jackson made the attempt and appeared before the 
 astonished Indians on the morning of November 29, 
 1872. The latter, evidently considering this treatment a 
 declaration of war, opened fire upon the troops and then 
 fled to the lava-beds. They had undoubtedly considered 
 this emergency and were prepared for it. 
 
 The lava-bed was of irregular shape, estimated 
 roughly to be thirty-five miles north to south and twenty- 
 five east to west, and washed by Tule Lake on north 
 east and east side. In the lava-bed were a number of 
 extinct volcanoes, all of which had at some time assisted 
 in distributing this enormous amount of lava. Most of 
 it was of a dark color about the same as the Indians, 
 and appeared like a solid molten mass suddenly cooled. 
 There were many caverns and fissures, undoubtedly 
 known to the Modocs, as I shall hereafter designate 
 these Indians. There was only one trail over which 
 animals could be taken, traversing the lava-bed from 
 northwest to southeast, but animals might be taken 
 around the edge of the lake, although exceedingly rough. 
 This scoria, or lava, had hardened in undulations or 
 waves, some of them reminding one of the waves of the 
 Atlantic on the Jersey coast, could they be caught and 
 held rigidly as you observe them coming in, one after 
 the other. These, as can readily be seen, formed admi 
 rable natural defenses, the Modocs retiring from one 
 crest to another as the troops advanced, and invariably, 
 from their concealed position, inflicting loss. 
 
 At this time I was stationed at Camp Warner, Oregon, 
 about one hundred and fifty miles from the lava-beds. 
 The news of Jackson's fight and orders to proceed at 
 once with my troop to his camp reached me by courier 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 293 
 
 about December 2, 1872. Upon my arrival, I found 
 Bernard with his troop First Cavalry already there, he 
 having gone from Britwell, California. And Major John 
 Green (affectionately designated by his younger officers 
 as Uncle Johnnie), than whom no braver man ever wore 
 the uniform. v 
 
 By this time it became certain that we were confronted 
 with no easy task, and troops were ordered in from all 
 near-by garrisons, including about one hundred Oregon 
 militia, reinforced by a major and a brigadier-general 
 from the same State, who looked upon the whole affair 
 as a sort of picnic. In the meantime, Bernard, with his 
 own and Jackson's troop, had been ordered to the south 
 end of the lake to prevent the Modocs leaving the lava- 
 beds by that route. Lieutenant-Colonel Wheaton (brevet 
 Major-General) had arrived from Warner and assumed 
 command and moved our camp from the mouth of Lost 
 River to Van Bremmer's Ranch, about ten miles far 
 ther west, as being more accessible, both as a rendezvous 
 for troops and for supplying them, as everything had to 
 be shipped via Yreka, California. 
 
 All being in readiness, it was decided to attack the 
 Modocs on the iyth of January, 1873. Bernard was to 
 move up the trail along the lake, leaving his horses in 
 camp, and traveling at night, capture the Indian stock 
 (ponies) grazing on the lake front. In this he was suc 
 cessful. After that and simultaneously with our attack 
 of the Modoc position on the west, he was ordered to 
 strike them from the east. What was afterward known 
 as "Jack's Stronghold" was near the lake and about 
 midway between the east and west attacking points. 
 
 We moved out the afternoon of the i6th and made a 
 dry camp that night about one mile from the bluff at the 
 north end of the lava-bed. This bluff was very steep 
 
294 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and high, undoubtedly putting a stop to the further flow 
 of lava in that direction; but by erosion there was quite 
 a space grass-covered at the bottom, large enough to 
 enable us later to put our whole command, much in 
 creased, in camp there. The command on the north side 
 consisted of a battalion of infantry under command of 
 Major Mason, my troop of cavalry, and the Oregon 
 militia, the whole under command of Colonel Wheaton. 
 We moved soon after daylight, the infantry taking the 
 head of the column, the cavalry following, and the Ore 
 gon militia bringing up the rear. 
 
 Before the fight it had been a joke around camp that 
 "there wouldn't be enough Indians to go round." As 
 I stood on the bluff and gazed out above the lava-bed 
 that morning, it conveyed the impression of an immense 
 lake. A mist or fog hung over it, so dense that nothing 
 transpiring therein was visible, while about us at the 
 top of the bluff all was clear. To see the column go half 
 way down and then disappear from view entirely was, 
 to say the least, uncanny and might have suggested the 
 words of Dante's "Inferno," "All hope abandon, ye who 
 enter here." 
 
 But I did not have time to indulge in fancies inspired 
 by the sight of disappearing troops, as my turn to 
 move soon came, closely following the infantry which 
 deployed so soon as the descent was accomplished, their 
 left vesting on the lake. I deployed my troop on the right 
 of the infantry, and the militia in turn took position on 
 my right. These dispositions had not been completed 
 when the Modocs opened fire upon us, and the first man 
 hit was a militiaman who was on the way to his position, 
 passing in rear of my line. At the same time we could 
 hear the reports from Bernard's guns, showing that he 
 was attacking as directed. 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 295 
 
 In this way we pushed or worked along for perhaps 
 a mile, the men screening themselves as well as possible. 
 No Indians could be seen; they, of course, were much 
 scattered in order to contest the advance of our whole 
 front, the troops being much more numerous than the 
 Modocs. The Indians would lie behind the crest of the 
 waves, before mentioned, their black faces just the color 
 of the lava; and, after firing, retreat to some other crest, 
 where the same thing was repeated. They never exposed 
 themselves for an instant, and the first warning the 
 troops would have of their proximity would be the 
 cracking of rifles and the groan of a comrade, with per 
 haps a glimpse of curling smoke as the fog lightened. 
 
 Knowing as they did every crevice and fissure through 
 which to escape detection after each shot, it can readily 
 be seen what obstacles the troops had to overcome in 
 order to make any progress at all. These conditions 
 continued, with the exception of the fog, which gradu 
 ally lightened and finally disappeared throughout all the 
 fighting of that day in the lava-beds. 
 
 We made but little further progress, and being much 
 annoyed by the fire directly in my front, I ordered a 
 charge by that portion of my line most exposed to it, 
 when greatly to my surprise I found running along my 
 entire front an enormous chasm absolutely impassable, 
 so far as I could ascertain. Just then some of my men 
 called out that they had found a way down into the 
 chasm, at which the men nearest broke to the right and 
 left and entered this gorge. On joining them, I found 
 that the Modocs had evidently anticipated this very 
 move and prepared for it. They had it completely cov 
 ered by their rifles, and had it not been for the fact that 
 at the mouth of the gorge stood an enormous boulder, 
 I and my party must have been annihilated. 
 
296 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 To get out of our predicament I called to one of my 
 men, who had been stopped at the entrance, to hurry to 
 Colonel Green, explain the situation, and ask him to 
 order the infantry to make a demonstration in front of 
 the Indians, in hopes that it would relieve the pressure 
 on my position. This was done and I got back to my 
 line with comparatively small loss. 
 
 We were now close enough to Bernard's right to call 
 him, and found that he had made no greater progress on 
 that side than we had on ours. By this time it must have 
 been between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, and 
 I heard Colonel Green, who was in command of the 
 firing-line, call to Bernard that he was going to connect 
 with his (Bernard's) right. This meant moving by our 
 left flank along the lake and in front of Jack's Strong 
 hold, which, of course, the Modocs would resist desper 
 ately as, in the event of our seizing it, they would be cut 
 off from water. And this they did, and with such effect 
 that our line, moving by the flank, was cut in two, 
 part of my troop and the militia remaining on the west 
 side. At this time the firing by the Modocs was so fierce 
 and deadly that the whole command was forced to lie 
 prone. I don't remember any order to that effect. None 
 was needed. And the Modocs held us there until dark 
 ness permitted our escape. 
 
 During all this day's fighting I did not see an Indian, 
 and I don't recall that any one else did, though they 
 called to us frequently, applying to us all sorts of derisive 
 epithets. It was at this point that our greatest number 
 of casualties occurred. I was wounded about four P.M., 
 having raised myself upon my left elbow to look at a 
 man who had just been killed. A shot at my head missed 
 that, passed through my left arm and into my side. 
 
 That night we retreated to Bernard's camp on the 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 297 
 
 south side of the lake, about twenty miles from the scene 
 of the fight, over a rough trail through the lava. General 
 Wheaton, with the remnant of the command on the 
 west side, returned to the main camp at Van Bremmer's 
 Ranch. Colonel Green was obliged to march around 
 the east side of the lake, in order to join General Wheat 
 on, and this he did with as little delay as possible. We 
 who were wounded were sent to Fort Klamath, about a 
 hundred miles distant, which we reached at the end of 
 the third day. 
 
 It was now realized that to subdue the Modocs a much 
 larger force would be necessary, and troops were rushed 
 to the scene from all available points; but, before any 
 thing more could be done by the military powers, the 
 Washington authorities decided upon a peace com 
 mission to treat with these Indians, a great mistake at 
 this time, as any one should have realized the utter 
 futility of attempting such a thing with a savage foe 
 flushed with victory. After hostilities have actually be 
 gun, the only way to treat with an Indian is to first 
 "thrash" him soundly, which usually has the effect of 
 rendering him amenable to reason. 
 
 While these negotiations were being conducted my 
 wounds healed, and I was permitted to rejoin my com 
 mand at Van Bremmer's Ranch, the date I am unable 
 to state. Shortly after this General Canby, the Depart 
 ment Commander and President of the Peace Commis 
 sion, concluded that it might have a better effect upon 
 the Indians to inject a little display of force into their 
 deliberations, so he moved his whole command into the 
 lava-beds, Bernard taking up his old position on the 
 east side, from where he made his attack January ijth, 
 and we with all the other troops camping at the foot of 
 the bluff heretofore described. Our signal-station was 
 
298 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 far enough up the bluff to command a view of every 
 thing in our front and communicate with Bernard. 
 
 It was no unusual thing, when flagging to the other 
 command, to see an Indian appear on the top of Jack's 
 Stronghold and mimic with an old shirt or petticoat the 
 motions of our flags. From the signal-station close watch 
 was kept on the tent where the Peace Commissioners 
 were to meet Captain Jack and the other Modocs on 
 that nth of April, 1873. I neglected to state that, in the 
 meantime, the command on the east side had been much 
 strengthened and Major Mason given command. 
 
 Two or three days previous I had been detached to 
 escort the body of a brother officer to Yreka, and re 
 turned the afternoon of the nth, and at the top of 
 the bluff heard the sad details of the massacre of 
 the Peace Commission. ... I have always thought, 
 as these Indians could have had no animosity against 
 General Canby, nor hoped to kill off all the soldiers, 
 that they believed, if they could kill the Big Chief and 
 incidentally as many of the lesser lights as possible, that, 
 like a savage force whose leader had been killed, the 
 balance would become demoralized, disintegrate and 
 disappear. On no other theory can I account for such 
 base treachery. 
 
 Of course all hopes or wishes for peace were now aban 
 doned and preparations made for the coming struggle. 
 The exact date I cannot recall, but think it was the I4th 
 of April. I left camp at two A.M. with two troops of 
 dismounted cavalry and three days' cooked rations. I 
 marched about half-way to Jack's Stronghold and waited 
 for the balance of the command, infantry and artillery, 
 the latter as infantry, except a detachment that had a 
 section of cohorn mortars. This command did not leave 
 camp until eight A.M., and soon as they arrived were 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 299 
 
 put into position much the same as January lyth, but 
 this time, owing to our numerical superiority, we were 
 able to make greater progress and by night had them 
 closely pressed, though unable to dislodge them. 
 
 Then our cohorn mortars were put into position and 
 dropped shells into their camp all night long at fifteen 
 minute intervals. The firing by the Indians continued 
 all night, and several times they tried to stampede our 
 lines by fierce assaults; but in every instance without 
 success, though their firing was incessant. The next day 
 we succeeded in closing in a little more, and that night 
 the mortars continued the same as the night before, viz: 
 throwing shells into Jack's camp every fifteen minutes, 
 while the Indians continued firing more furiously than 
 ever, accompanied by demoniacal yells which made the 
 scene one never to be forgotten by those who heard it. 
 
 Just before daylight the firing by the Indians slack 
 ened, and about the same time some of our advanced 
 lines were enabled to gain ground, and about ten o'clock 
 we discovered that the stronghold had been abandoned. 
 One reason was that we had cut them off from water, and, 
 also, the mortars rendered their stronghold untenable. 
 As I remember, by noon of the third day not a trace of an 
 Indian could be discovered. They had vanished com 
 pletely and were lost to us among the vast caverns of the 
 lava-beds which they knew so well. During the three 
 days just described our men were killed going back and 
 forth to our camp, so that if anything was needed a 
 large escort had to be sent. 
 
 The following extract from a letter of mine, written 
 April 17, 1873, well describes our condition: 
 
 "The great event of the campaign has been accom 
 plished, viz: the driving of Jack from his stronghold. 
 The fact of our remaining on the line day and night 
 
300 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 convinced him that we had come to stay. The infantry 
 and artillery are camped in the stronghold. Bernard 
 and Jackson have gone around on the east side, while I 
 go the west side of the lava-beds, so that in the event 
 of the Modocs trying to get out, we can cut them off. 
 I can't write more to-night as I am very tired and have 
 to be in the saddle at daylight. I have not washed nor 
 combed my hair for three days. It's no pleasant thing 
 to live in the rocks for three days and two nights with 
 now and then a bite of cold food, and an incessant fire 
 on the line all the time. " 
 
 The cavalry as indicated above made the entire circuit 
 of the lava-beds without finding any trace of the In 
 dians, and close watch was kept in every direction to 
 prevent their escape. No further fighting occurred until 
 the 26th of April, but during the intervening time specu 
 lation was rife in camp as to the exact locality of the 
 Modocs. That they had not left the lava-bed was cer 
 tain. How they procured water was a mystery never 
 solved satisfactorily. Once in a while a moccasin track 
 would be reported and the locality closely watched, but 
 no reappearance was ever reported. 
 
 On the 25th of April it was decided to make a recon 
 naissance into the lava-beds in an effort to locate the 
 Indians. The command was to be composed of foot 
 troops, infantry and artillery. Captain Thomas of the 
 latter arm sought and obtained the command, consist 
 ing of sixty or seventy men and six officers, including 
 the doctor, as follows: Captain Thomas, Lieutenants 
 Howe, Cranston, Wright, Harris, and Dr. Semig. The 
 command left camp at seven A.M., and about noon 
 signaled back that they had struck the Indians. We 
 could distinctly hear firing, and with a glass make out 
 a portion of the troops. There did not appear to be any 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 301 
 
 *F*m^;p:^^'^.. , >mm 
 
 LOCATION or JACKS 
 
 JN TSB IMA BEDS 
 
 FROM SKETCH BY CAPT A J LYDECKER. US-A 
 CREVICES - NATURAL RIFLE PITS 
 ROCK BREASTWORKS PUT UP BY INDIANS 
 
302 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 hard fighting, and everybody in camp supposed that 
 Thomas could easily take care of himself, if unable to 
 inflict any punishment upon the Indians. 
 
 About three P.M. some stragglers and wounded men 
 made their way into camp and said the command had 
 been ambushed and cut off. Colonel Gillem immediately 
 despatched all the available men in camp under com 
 mand of Colonel Green to the assistance of Thomas. I did 
 not accompany the command, owing to trouble with my 
 wound that interfered with my walking. We did not 
 anticipate anything serious, but supposed Thomas had 
 probably taken up a strong position, and waiting for 
 darkness, would make his way back to camp. During 
 that night quite a number of stragglers came in, and in 
 the morning Colonel Green signaled that they had found 
 the bodies of Thomas, Howe and Wright, Harris and 
 Semig, the last two both wounded. Cranston they were 
 unable to find. Colonel Green returned the morning of 
 the 28th with the dead and wounded. They had been 
 without sleep or rest for two nights and a day, part of 
 the time in a pelting rain. 
 
 It now seemed that the only thing to do was to wait 
 until, compelled by starvation, the Indians would be 
 obliged to leave the lava-beds. There was no more fight 
 ing until the Indians struck Jackson's command as they 
 were leaving the lava, but of this I can give no account 
 as to date or particulars of fight. 
 
 The events above narrated bring me to the capture 
 of Captain Jack. When the Indians left the lava-beds, 
 Colonel Green took up the pursuit with all the cavalry 
 that he could quickly get together. My squadron being 
 too far away, I did not participate. However, General 
 Davis, who had succeeded General Canby in command 
 of the Department, decided to move his headquarters 
 
Battles in the Lava-Beds 303 
 
 to Applegate's Ranch on the east side and in the direc 
 tion the Modocs had taken. We had just gotten into 
 camp at Applegate's when the General sent me word that 
 the Modocs had surrendered, but that Captain Jack 
 and his family and a few followers had escaped, and for 
 me to take my squadron and endeavor to effect his 
 capture. I started at once and taking a few Warm Spring 
 Indians, whom I knew to be good trailers, started to cut 
 the main trail. This was some time after noon, and about 
 sundown I struck one trail of Colonel Green's command, 
 and knowing that I could accomplish nothing by follow 
 ing that went into camp. 
 
 During the night I made up my mind that Jack in 
 tended going back to the lava-beds where he could 
 conceal himself indefinitely, so at daylight I took the 
 back track and before noon my scouts reported squaw 
 tracks traveling in the same direction as ourselves. I 
 have neglected to state that my squadron consisted of 
 my own and Captain Trimble's troop of the First Cav 
 alry. About the time that these tracks were reported we 
 were marching parallel to a deep gorge that lay on our 
 right and impassable for animals except at a few cross 
 ings, and, coming upon one of these, directed Trimble 
 to cross to the opposite bank. Soon after my scouts sent 
 me word that the tracks led into the ravine. I then de 
 ployed my company, under my lieutenant, and went 
 ahead with my interpreter and found that the ravine 
 turned to a sharp angle to the left. 
 
 I had reached the bank and stood on a ledge project 
 ing well out, watching my scouts who had crossed and 
 were intently discussing some signs they had discovered, 
 when one of them suddenly ran back and said they had 
 found squaw tracks that had gone out there and thence 
 ran back to the ravine, probably had seen Trimble. Just 
 
304 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 at this time I saw on the opposite bank of the ravine and 
 about a hundred yards to my left an Indian dog suddenly 
 appear at the top of the ravine, and just as suddenly an 
 arm appeared and snatched the dog out of sight. I then 
 knew that the coveted prize was mine. In the meantime 
 my men lined the bank. 
 
 Jack and his family were secreted in a little cave near 
 the top of the ravine and within point blank range of the 
 ledge on which I stood. I told my scouts to ask Jack if 
 he would surrender, and to come out if he desired and 
 give himself up. He replied that he would surrender, but 
 requested time to put on a clean shirt before making his 
 appearance. This I granted and sent word to Trimble 
 to come up and receive him and conduct him back to the 
 crossing where I would join him. I then took Jack and 
 his family back to headquarters and turned him over to 
 General Davis together with his rifles.* 
 
 Thus ended the terrible Modoc War where so many 
 valuable lives were sacrificed, and which I always be 
 lieved might have been avoided by a little judicious 
 handling of these Indians at the outset. 
 
 For his gallantry in this campaign Captain Perry was recom 
 mended for a well-earned brevet. C. T. B. 
 
 * It was quite pathetic, during the scout, to discover the means and maneuvers of 
 this small band of fugitives to elude capture. They had with them the infant daughter of 
 the chief, by whose tiny footprints, pattered on the earth, the trailers made sure of their 
 game. While the small party took refuge in the canon and sought to make preparations 
 for further flight, one poor deformed henchman, with devoted loyalty, stood guard upon 
 the height. A small white cloth on which was spread some freshly cured camas root, 
 drying, claimed his attention for a moment, or it may be that the pangs of hunger over 
 came his watchfulness, for in his moment of inattention he was surprised and captured 
 almost with gun in hand. Now, trembling with fright and unspeakable anguish, he was 
 made to disclose the proximity of his master, who, upon his sentinel's repeated summons, 
 returned the hail and came forth a captive, to return no more." Memorandum by 
 Major Trimble. 
 
CHAPTER EIGHT 
 
 The Disaster to Thomas' Command 
 
 By Major Boutelle 
 
 I HAVE always considered the disaster to Major 
 Thomas' command as one of the saddest in our 
 military history. It was a small affair, but so 
 senseless and unnecessary, and such a waste of a 
 good life. 
 
 About a week or ten days after the last fighting in the 
 lava-beds, which resulted in the expulsion of the Modocs 
 and their retreat to a point near what was known as the 
 Land Butte and Black Ledge, Major Mason's com 
 mand, consisting in part of the troop with which I was 
 serving, was in bivouac in "Jack's Stronghold." About 
 eleven o'clock in the morning, as nearly as I can re 
 member, my attention was attracted to men looking in a 
 southerly direction, or toward the butte, soon to be made 
 historic. I ran over to where Major Mason was standing, 
 field-glass in hand, and asked him what was the excite 
 ment. He replied that he understood that General Gil- 
 lem had sent out a party of about sixty under command 
 of Major Thomas to ascertain if howitzers could be 
 placed on the butte for the purpose of shelling Jack's 
 camp located near by. I asked Mason if he thought 
 General Gillem had believed that Thomas could reach 
 
 35 
 
306 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 the butte without a fight, and if he dreamed that he 
 would be able, with a handful of inexperienced men, to 
 make successful work against a party which had kept 
 our whole command busy. The Major shook his head 
 and replied, "Too bad." 
 
 Puffs of smoke from guns indicated that a fight was on. 
 
 About two in the afternoon a signal message from 
 Gillem's camp, or headquarters of the expedition, con 
 veyed the information that disaster had befallen Thomas 
 and ordered out a relief party. At the same time a party 
 was also ordered out from Gillem's camp. The several 
 detachments joined en route and proceeded as fast as 
 possible through the lava-bed, until it was thought we 
 were in the vicinity of the place where Thomas was last 
 seen. All firing had ceased several hours before. We 
 found nothing and, darkness coming on, we went into 
 camp, first piling rocks about the position we selected 
 for defense from a night attack, and prepared to wait 
 until dawn, when we could see to resume our search. It 
 would have been suicidal to have gone blundering aim 
 lessly through the lava-beds at night and our fate would 
 have been worse than that of Thomas. Strong guards 
 were posted and the rest of us tried to get some rest for 
 the work of the next day. 
 
 Between eleven o'clock and midnight eight men, six 
 of whom were wounded, stumbled into our line, bringing 
 the appalling information that Thomas and nearly all 
 of his officers were dead, and the enlisted men of his com 
 mand nearly all dead or so badly wounded that they 
 were helpless. The men said that they could guide us to 
 the party. The troops were at once called to arms. The 
 wounded men were directed the nearest way back to 
 Mason's command, and with the two unhurt men from 
 Thomas' command we moved forward. 
 
Disaster to Thomas' Command 307 
 
 About an hour before daylight the guides were obliged 
 to admit that they were lost and they could not tell where 
 to look for Thomas. Again we halted and began the 
 work of throwing up rock breastworks against a possible 
 attack. While this work was in progress the gray of the 
 morning appeared, and I thought I would look around in 
 front of our lines and see if I could find anything in 
 dicating that the troops we were looking for had been 
 there before us. A similar idea seemed to have occurred 
 to Sergeant Boyle of the command. As we were cautious 
 ly moving forward over the broken ground, the natural 
 tendency caused us to approach each other, so that at 
 the same time we came upon the most heartbreaking 
 sight it has been my fate to behold. 
 
 The terrein was of irregular lava-rock ridges between 
 which the decomposed rock had formed fertile soil, over 
 grown by very large sage-brush. In the bottom of one of 
 these little depressions under the sage-brush, some little 
 distance from our second halting-place, were Major 
 Thomas, dead, Lieutenant Howe, dead, Lieutenant Har 
 ris, mortally wounded, and Acting-Assistant Surgeon 
 Semig dangerously wounded, together with a number of 
 enlisted men, all dead or wounded. 
 
 The fearful ordeal through which these poor fellows 
 had passed shot down in the morning, lying all day 
 without food, water, attention, or protection from the 
 cold, with the horrible fear of impending death at the 
 hands of the Indians had so thoroughly imbued 
 them with the one idea, that while they heard us within 
 a hundred yards of them, piling rocks and talking, 
 they had no thought but that we were Indians preparing 
 for their slaughter as soon as light should enable them 
 to pick off their victims. Their relief when the survivors 
 recognized us can scarcely be imagined. 
 
308 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 I sent Boyle back to the command which was at once 
 brought to the front, and the work of succor and search 
 was begun. The Modocs were in plain sight while we 
 were thus engaged; but made no demonstration, prob 
 ably thinking that Mason's entire command was there. 
 
 The search for the survivors continued all day. Lieu 
 tenant Wright (Colonel Tom) was discovered with a 
 few of his men some distance to the left of Thomas. 
 All were dead. Cranston could not be found at first. 
 His body, with the bodies of half a dozen enlisted men, 
 was found some time after to the left and front. 
 
 This useless sacrifice was one of the most sickening 
 errors of the whole Modoc fracas. General Gillem has 
 been justly blamed for sending an inexperienced man 
 in command of such an expedition. The experience of 
 the past few weeks should have indicated to him that 
 it was not proper to send any small party anywhere in 
 the lava-beds. It is true that Thomas, a distinguished 
 veteran of the war, had never seen any Indian service 
 and lacked that kind of experience, but experience in 
 hell, even with the fire out, was rare. Nobody on earth 
 had ever had any such experience previous to our first 
 attack with the Indians in the stronghold. 
 
 It was afterward learned that Thomas had found no 
 signs of Indians up to the time of the attack, and was 
 resting his command and taking luncheon when he was 
 surprised by a withering fire coming from the rocks in 
 almost every direction. He attempted to make disposi 
 tion of his force, but, seeing his party rapidly falling and 
 that there was no hope of escape, coolly remarked that 
 he supposed that where they were was as good a place to 
 die in as any other, and so fought out the losing battle 
 to the end. He died, as did many other brave fellows, 
 sacrificed to the blunders of Odeneal and others. A 
 
Disaster to Thomas' Command 309 
 
 lovelier character or a braver heart probably never 
 graced the army of the United States than Major Evan 
 Thomas, Fourth Artillery, twice brevetted for gallantry, 
 at Gettysburg and, I think, at Fredericksburg. 
 
 The sight of dead men was not new to me. In my ser 
 vice during the Civil War I had seen them by the acre, 
 but the sight of the poor fellows lying under the sage 
 brush dead or dying and known to have been uselessly 
 slaughtered was simply revolting. 
 
 In the midst of all the horrors, I recall something 
 awfully ludicrous. As I discovered that Semig was liv 
 ing I exclaimed: 
 
 " Hello, Doctor, how are you ? " 
 
 "Oh," he replied, "I am all right, Captain, but I am 
 so d d dirty." 
 
 I asked him if he was hard hit. He replied that he 
 guessed that he was. With one hand, not disabled, he 
 pointed to his shoulder and exclaimed: 
 
 "My shoulder here is busted and my heel down there 
 is all split to hell." 
 
 I opened his shirt, and seeing the track of the bullet 
 across his chest, I told him that he was as good as three 
 quarters of a man at least, that his shoulder was not 
 dangerous, though serious, and that with the loss of a 
 few inches of his leg, he would be able to go on all right. 
 He looked up with a half credulous grin and said: 
 
 " Boutelle, do you think I'm a d d fool ? I'm a 
 
 doctor." 
 
 I was right. He lived for years, having had that heel 
 amputated. 
 
 All that day we were engaged in our search and mak 
 ing preparations for going out as soon as darkness would 
 conceal our movements. Meanwhile, signal communica 
 tions had been established with Gillem's headquarters, 
 
310 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 and Assistant-Surgeon McEldery, with a dressing-case 
 and such articles of comfort as he could carry upon his 
 splendid shoulders, had made his way out and was ad 
 ministering to the wounded, upon whom, knowing that 
 they were comparatively safe, the dreadful reaction had 
 set in. Added to the horrors of the day was an absence 
 of water. There was none nearer than Tule Lake, except 
 a spring supposed to be in the possession of the Indians. 
 The pleadings of some suffering from peritonitis, the 
 result of intestinal wounds, were dreadful and continu 
 ous. When it ceased we knew what had occurred. They 
 were dead. 
 
 As soon as it was dark the command was put in 
 motion for a return to Gillem's camp about four or five 
 miles distant mark the distance ! I was placed in 
 charge of the stretchers to carry the wounded. I had 
 three reliefs, one to carry on the stretcher, one to carry 
 the guns of those bearing the wounded, and one resting. 
 I hardly know how to describe what followed. The 
 command was a good one, as good as any in existence, 
 well-officered, ready to fight and fight well, but what 
 they had seen and endured was too much for human 
 endurance. Added to the horrors of the situation, a bitter 
 storm of sleet and rain came down in torrents, freezing 
 as it fell. In a short time an overcoat would stand alone. 
 
 You write me that you purpose writing history. The 
 history of this night's work would not be complete with 
 out an account of the entire demoralization of good men. 
 The night was as black as a wolf's mouth. Very little of 
 the time could you see your hand before your face. As 
 soon as darkness fell most of the enlisted men of the 
 command were in a state of complete demoralization. 
 My stretcher party, knowing that they could not be 
 detected, joined the mob working its weary way toward 
 
pq 
 
 OJ 
 
 OH 
 
 u 
 
 V) 
 
 ~s 
 
 (U 
 
 H 
 
Colonel H. C. Hasbrouck, 
 U. S. A. 
 
 Colonel James Jackson, 
 U. S. A., retired 
 
 Captain O. C. Applegate, 
 
 U. S. A. General Jeff C. Davis, U. S. A 
 
 Group of Officers who Fought in the Modoc War 
 
Disaster to Thomas' Command 311 
 
 a beacon kept burning for our guidance on a bluff near 
 Gillem's camp, with the one idea of getting back ! Of 
 ficers stormed, commanded and pleaded. Do not under 
 stand that there was any insubordination, for there was 
 not. As a stretcher party became exhausted, anybody 
 nobody knew whom, for no one could see was seized 
 and placed on the handles. I firmly believe that a few 
 shots from the Indians would have caused the entire 
 abandonment of the wounded in a wild race to camp. 
 
 After several hours of this kind I concluded that my 
 muscle was worth more than my authority and I dropped 
 beside the moving mass. As I caught the outlines effaces 
 against an occasional glimpse of light in the sky, I called 
 aside three men of my troop. When I had my third man, 
 I said to them: 
 
 "You see the utter demoralization here! I want you 
 to stay with me and we four will carry off one wounded 
 
 man." 
 
 This they cheerfully did, and we happened to get hold 
 of the stretcher bearing Lieutenant Harris of the Fourth 
 Artillery, whom we carried the remainder of the night 
 and until we reached Gillem's camp, about an hour after 
 sunrise. We were from about seven o'clock in the evening 
 until half-past six in the morning making four or five 
 miles ! 
 
 Such looking faces as the dawn revealed are seldom 
 seen. Eyes seemed to have receded a half inch and 
 around all were dark circles. Several times I heard one 
 man say to another: 
 
 "I wonder if I look as you do!" 
 
 As you need embellishment for your book perhaps a 
 relief from the gruesome tale will be in order. 
 
 During the War of the Rebellion a young Irishman 
 by the name of Geoghegan enlisted in the army and 
 
312 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 soon won his way to a commission and was assigned to 
 a sword with the Tenth Infantry, in which Lieutenant 
 Harris was at that time serving. The two soon became 
 friends. Geoghegan's heart was light, strong and good. 
 His habits were convivial and he in time found that he 
 had become addicted to too great use of whisky. Rather 
 than bring disgrace upon himself or the army, he re 
 signed. Hearing of the Modoc outbreak he enlisted under 
 the name of Sutherland and was assigned to the troop 
 with which I was serving. He was one of the men selected 
 to assist in carrying on a stretcher and in so doing helped 
 carry off Harris, his old-time and dearest friend, who 
 died without knowing whose tender hand had been so 
 careful to keep him tucked up on his shoulders. Years 
 after, when Sutherland (Geoghegan) had been dis 
 charged, and had reestablished himself as one of the 
 first citizens of the State of Washington, a member of 
 the Legislature, Receiver of the Land Office, and so 
 on, he told me that part of the story which I had not 
 known. 
 
 Before blaming the men for the demoralization de 
 scribed, one should consider that the command rested 
 in Jack's Stronghold, which afforded no comfortable 
 resting-place, the night before the movement. All the 
 night following it was searching for the Thomas party, 
 all the next day engaged in collecting the dead and 
 wounded and caring for the latter, and that night carry 
 ing off the wounded in one of the worst storms I have 
 ever seen. The nervous strain was too great for ordinary 
 endurance. 
 
 It is often remarked that army and navy officers fre 
 quently appear much older than they are. The unthink 
 ing and the ignorant sometimes charge it to idle or dis 
 solute habits. They are probably much like other men 
 
Disaster to Thomas' Command 313 
 
 in their habits, but the others seldom have such ex 
 periences. 
 
 It may be thought that such accounts of demoraliza 
 tion as I have given you might well be omitted. I do not 
 think so. Under too trying circumstances the best of 
 men may fail, and it may help a little in their chagrin 
 that others have done the same, and that it was not cow 
 ardice or a lack of enduring nerve. 
 
 The foregoing you will have to edit.* You have facts 
 for a good chapter. I have just read what I have written, 
 and told my wife what I had been doing and that I did 
 not like my work. She suggested that she would read 
 it to me and perhaps it would sound better. I told her I 
 could not stand it, but would send it to you. 
 
 I inclose a rough outline of the scene of the Thomas 
 massacre. It is probably quite a good bit out on direc 
 tions. The meanderings of the lake shore are not at 
 tempted. 
 
 If anybody again writes me if I know anything of our 
 Indian campaigns, I'll tell them I don't. I have never 
 written for publication and am too old to learn. 
 
 * I would not think of altering the Major's graphic and thrilling description. No 
 imagination could better describe that ghastly midnight retreat in the bitter storm with 
 the helpless wounded. No wonder the old soldier looks old after such an experience as 
 this and the others set forth in this volume. C. T. B. 
 
CHAPTER NINE 
 
 Carrying a Stretcher through the Lava- 
 Beds 
 
 Major Trimble's Account of the Return of the Thomas 
 Relief Party 
 
 ABOUT the most saddening, as well as the 
 most fatiguing, experience which happened 
 in my career as a soldier in connection with 
 the above, took place at the lava-beds during 
 the Modoc Indian War, 1873. The brave Capt. Evan 
 Thomas, Fourth Artillery, and his small command had 
 just been massacred or dispersed, and the relief under 
 the command of Col. John Green, having arrived on 
 the ground late in the evening, drove off the few re 
 maining hostiles, and wearily awaited the approach of 
 day to commence the search for the bodies of the slain 
 and wounded. 
 
 Early in the morning these were found, presenting 
 different forms of anguish and distortion, some in the 
 position of desperate defense, others prostrate in figures 
 of dire helplessness, and quite a number yet alive, but 
 in the agony of painful wounds. All were soon gathered 
 in, some to be informally interred, others attended with 
 the means at hand and prepared for transit to the camp. 
 As the sun disappeared from sight on this sorrowful 
 
 3H 
 
Carrying Stretcher thro' Lava-Beds 315 
 
 day, and the dusk was thickening over us, the order of 
 march was announced, carrying parties told off, and the 
 nine stretchers with their bleeding occupants placed in 
 column. Only a few miles of journey lay before us, 
 but these were miles of rock, precipice and chasm; and 
 as we took up the march, black and swiftly gathering 
 clouds began to discharge their bucketfuls of wrath, and 
 with short notice all were soon drenched and shivering 
 in our thinly covered pelts. The Warm Spring Indians 
 in charge of the famous scout, Donald McKay, took the 
 lead, and in the order by file we moved forward. 
 
 The hostiles, who had been confronting us all day, 
 toward evening showed in considerable numbers on the 
 ridge near by, apparently close, but from the nature of 
 the country far beyond reach. They lit their signal fires, 
 and danced about them in glee; and some, suspecting a 
 movement on our part, had posted themselves between 
 us and our destination, there to intercept and annoy. 
 
 Our movements were slow, the head of the column 
 frequently halting, and those at the stretchers calling 
 often for relief, as the poor sufferers had to be lifted over 
 high rocks and across gulches. They were jarred and 
 shaken terribly and frequently had to be adjusted in 
 position. Not a sound was heard except those made by 
 the fall and shifting of the great black boulders, as they 
 were displaced to clear the trail, and the occasional 
 groans from the wounded. 
 
 We had progressed about half a mile when the wild 
 braying of our two released pack-mules, stumbling past, 
 disclosed our movements to the wily Modocs. Quickly 
 some two or more rifle shots broke the stillness, and as 
 before arranged, all on our side promptly took the posi 
 tion of squat. This was the only demonstration from the 
 Indians, and we soon resumed the march. 
 
316 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 The darkness had now become so intense that each 
 man had constantly to tap the shoulder of his comrade 
 in front in order to keep the direction and avoid being 
 left entirely behind. Soon the halts became so frequent 
 as to give rise to the fear among many of our being dis 
 covered at daylight weary, unprepared and struggling 
 with our helpless burdens. About midnight the rain 
 changed to snow, and the wind from a gentle breeze to 
 keen and cutting storm. All had now served many times 
 at the stretchers and ready volunteers were sought in 
 vain; details were made by orders, and repeateid and 
 vociferated orders at that; many, from a slight feeling of 
 panic and uncertainty, slyly shifting the labor to those 
 more resolute and manly. 
 
 The peculiar state of feeling of the whole had been 
 very much wrought upon of late by the numerous dis 
 asters and doleful events just transpired; such as the 
 treacherous killing of our esteemed commander, Gen 
 eral Canby, and his colleague, Rev. Mr. Thomas. 
 Would that I could command language to describe these 
 two great characters martyrs to duty in the strictest 
 sense. After gentle remonstrance from loving subor 
 dinates, they went forth, their lives in their hands and 
 the cause of humanity uppermost in their hearts. Be 
 sides, we had the three days of hard and unsuccessful 
 battle, and the several murders and killing in the region 
 adjacent to the lava-beds. Each stretcher required the 
 work of six strong and feeling men, and in this duty the 
 officer fully shared the labor imposed upon the soldier; 
 none more willingly than our veteran colonel. 
 
 After climbing, stumbling and tramping, until the 
 first rays of the coming day appeared, we reckoned our 
 journey but half accomplished, and the sun had mount 
 ed high as we halted across the famous stronghold of 
 
I 
 
 Carrying Stretcher thro' Lava-Beds 317 
 
 Captain Jack, luckily for us then deserted. Now was the 
 extent of the great lava-bed disclosed to us under these 
 circumstances, the row of black lava buttes towering 
 grimly in the distance, resembling huge red ovens gone 
 out of business. Aided by the storm in the air and our 
 own abject feelings, amidst this chaos of nature one 
 could almost discover in imagination a resemblance to a 
 scene in the drama of the "Inferno," substituting the mis 
 ery of cold for the torture of heat. There were only lack 
 ing the little black Modocs to represent the demons; 
 and again in imagination I think these were supplied. 
 
 What a weird and woebegone sight we presented! 
 The want of proper water for the past thirty-six hours, 
 the scant food and scantier clothing, and the chilling 
 storm had blanched every cheek. Add to this the heavy 
 coating of snow on the head and shoulders of each, the 
 many bandaged heads and limbs, and sadder than all 
 else, our racked and tortured charges, whose pallid 
 faces now became visible as they lay resigned to any 
 event, and you have a picture none could forget. We 
 reached the main camp all alive at eight o'clock A.M., 
 thus consuming thirteen honest hours in traversing a 
 distance of five miles. The wounded comrades were 
 quickly placed under skilful treatment, and all but three 
 finally recovered. 
 
 One circumstance, in my opinion, contributed not a 
 little to this disaster; that was the certain knowledge 
 by the Indians of the approach of the command, even 
 from the beginning of the march. From the high sand 
 butte behind which they were intrenched the glistening 
 gun-barrels, reflected on the black vitreous lava, dis 
 tinctly marked each movement. Some of us, who took 
 post at the signal-station, easily traced the troops up to 
 the very moment of contact, and afterward almost each 
 
318 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 individual movement, though no firing could be heard. 
 A reconnaissance to find the enemy had to be made in 
 daylight, and the hostiles with knowing, snake-like 
 maneuvers and clinging moccasins could always antici 
 pate the soldiers. 
 
 Lieut. George Harris, Fourth Artillery, was one of 
 the wounded found upon the field and carried across 
 the lava-beds. The Lieutenant bore his great suffer 
 ing manfully, being one of the least complaining. His 
 wound was through the body, very severe, and as it 
 transpired, mortal. He was tenderly cared for in a good 
 wall tent pitched for the purpose, and his mother tele 
 graphed for, at least informed as quickly as possible 
 of his condition. 
 
 This refined and delicate lady, past middle age, lost 
 not a moment after getting the painful despatch, but 
 taking train to San Francisco from her home in Phila 
 delphia journeyed day and night until reaching the 
 terminus of railroad transportation at Redding, Cali 
 fornia; thence she came on without rest by stage-coach, 
 ambulance or spring wagon to the vicinity of the high 
 bluffs which bound the lava country; thence by saddle 
 mule down the boulder strewn trail until the camp was 
 reached and her darling boy clasped in tender embrace. 
 
 I was on duty some distance from the main camp when 
 my attention was called to a strange object traveling 
 down the trail, and which could not be made out prop 
 erly until a gray lace streamer floating behind estab 
 lished the fact that it was a lady's veil ! Only a mother's 
 devotion could have withstood such a journey, and the 
 good Lord seemed to have held the ebbing life of her son 
 in His own powerful keeping until her arrival. She was 
 thus enabled to soothe his dying moments, to be rec 
 ognized by him and remain by his cot side until the 
 
Carrying Stretcher thro' Lava-Beds 319 
 
 last. His death occurred just twenty-four hours after 
 she arrived. The body was inclosed as fittingly as the 
 circumstances would allow and carried to the hilltop, 
 where it was placed, I believe, in the same conveyance 
 that had brought the dear lady from the frontier to the 
 Modoc stronghold, and borne thence to its last resting- 
 place near his native city. I was told that Mrs. Harris 
 was a sister or relative of Bishop Mcllvaine, the once 
 eminent Bishop of Ohio. 
 
CHAPTER TEN 
 The Last Fight of the Campaign 
 
 From the Report of Brig.-Gen. H. C. Hasbrouck, 
 United States Army (Retired) 
 
 I MARCHED from Redding, California, my Bat 
 tery B, Fourth Artillery, being equipped as cavalry, 
 under the command of Captain John Menden- 
 hall, Fourth Artillery, April 19, 1873, and arrived 
 at Promontory Point, April 28th. April 2Qth marched 
 under Captain Mendenhall to Captain Jack's old 
 stronghold in the lava-beds. May Jth I left the strong 
 hold in command of my own battery and Troops B 
 and G, First Cavalry, and arrived at Peninsula Camp, 
 May 8th. May Qth, under verbal instructions of the 
 Department Commander, marched to Sorass Lake in 
 command of my battery, Captain Jackson's Troop B, 
 Lieutenant Kyle's Troop G, First Cavalry, and Warm 
 Spring Indian scouts under Donald McKay, Act.- 
 Asst.-Surg. J. S. Skinner, medical officer. Camped at 
 the lake with the cavalry and Indians, and sent the 
 battery to camp in the timber about one mile to the 
 southeast. May joth was attacked by the Modocs just 
 before daylight. Their main line occupied a line of 
 bluffs about four hundred yards distant, and a smaller 
 party soon took possession of a lower line about two 
 
 320 
 
Last Fight of Campaign 321 
 
 hundred yards nearer. Outposts had been established 
 the night before upon the higher bluffs, but the Modocs 
 succeeded in getting possession without their knowl 
 edge. The horses were stampeded by the first volley and 
 Indian yells and ran through the camp in every direc 
 tion. Under the personal supervision of Captain Jackson, 
 the men who were asleep in their blankets got their arms 
 with steadiness and alacrity. I directed Lieutenant Kyle 
 to take a portion of his Troop G and recover the herd, 
 and Lieutenant Boutelle to order the battery up at once. 
 
 A few minutes after the first shot was fired I ordered 
 a charge, and the nearer line of bluffs was quickly car 
 ried. Capt. James Jackson, First Cavalry, led the right, 
 and First Lieut. H. M. Moss, First Cavalry, the left 
 of the charging party which was dismounted and com 
 posed of B Troop and part of G Troop. After a 
 short pause the high bluffs were carried and the Modocs 
 pursued with as much rapidity as possible for about 
 four miles, when further pursuit was abandoned. 
 
 At the commencement of the action I directed Donald 
 McKay to send his Indians, who were mounted, one 
 half to the right and one half to the left. They were 
 soon on the flanks and endeavored to gain the rear of 
 the enemy, but his retreat was so rapid that they were 
 unable to do so. When the battery arrived at the foot of 
 the bluffs, the men were dismounted and sent forward 
 through the rough lava rocks, but our line had advanced 
 so quickly that they did not arrive on the firing-line until 
 after the fighting was over. 
 
 Lieut. F. A. Boutelle, having delivered his message 
 to the battery, joined the charging party just as the 
 higher bluffs were taken. I would have continued the 
 pursuit but for the want of water. It was expected to find 
 some at the lake, but it had dried up and none could be 
 
322 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 obtained, though wells had been dug the night before. 
 The officers and men had no water issued to them this 
 day. I had but twenty gallons and that was reserved for 
 the use of the wounded of whom there were twelve. The 
 horses were all recovered by night. 
 
 For list of officers and men who particularly distin 
 guished themselves, I respectfully refer to my report to 
 the Cavalry Command, Modoc Expedition; and for the 
 list of killed and wounded, to the report of Act.-Asst.- 
 Surg. J. S. Skinner to Chief Medical Officer, Modoc 
 Expedition. 
 
 The Modocs left one warrior dead on the field. They 
 abandoned a number of ponies, a lot of blankets, fixed 
 ammunition, and loose powder and bullets which I 
 turned over to the Warm Spring Indians. Just after 
 sundown, the wagons sent for having arrived, the 
 wounded were transported to Peninsula Camp with 
 Lieutenant Boutelle in charge of escort, and the rest of 
 the command marched to Promontory Point, the near 
 est place to water and the supposed position of the 
 Modocs. 
 
 May i ith. Sent despatch to Department Headquarters 
 that I believed the Modocs were near Sandy Butte in 
 the lava-beds, and as the country in that direction was 
 impracticable for mounted troops, asked authority to 
 turn in horses at Peninsula Camp. 
 
 May 1 2th. Turned in horses to Peninsula Camp and 
 marched on foot to Sandy Butte and found Modocs in 
 strong position there. Donald McKay was obliged this 
 day to relinquish command of Warm Spring Indians 
 and be sent back to go into hospital. 
 
 May 1 3th. Visited Major Mason, Twenty-first Infan 
 try, whose command had camped the night before about 
 <hree miles north of the butte. 
 
Last Fight of Campaign 323 
 
 May I4th. Arranged with Major Mason plan of 
 attack for the next day. In the afternoon of the I4th an 
 Indian scout reported to me that he thought the Modocs 
 had fled. First Lieut. J. B. Hazleton, Fourth Artillery, 
 with twenty-six men, all of whom had volunteered for 
 the purpose, advanced through the stronghold and con 
 firmed the report. 
 
 May I5th. Followed the trail about eight miles and 
 found that it led in a southwest direction; returned to 
 Sandy Butte that evening. 
 
 May 1 6th. The horses for the command came up just 
 after sundown. Act.-Asst.-Surg. J. E. Fallen reported 
 to-day. 
 
 May i yth. Followed trail with command mounted 
 and found it led along the Ticknor road and afterward 
 branched off toward Antelope Springs. Met Captain 
 Perry, First Cavalry, with his squadron half-way to 
 Van Bremmer's. My men who had had no water all day 
 received a small supply from him. Went into camp at 
 Van Bremmer's. 
 
 May 1 8th. Captain Perry marched to Antelope 
 Springs. I was to march to ford on Butte Creek, and the 
 next day the two commands were to march toward each 
 other in the valley of the creek until they united; While 
 on the march to the ford I found the trail of Indians 
 going up the hill opposite Van Bremmer's. I sent Captain 
 Jackson to follow it with a troop of cavalry while I 
 moved slowly down the road with the rest of the com 
 mand. Very soon some shots were heard and I ordered 
 B Troop and the Warm Spring Indians to join Captain 
 Jackson at a gallop. When we joined Captain Jackson, 
 I found him in hot pursuit of the Modocs who were 
 the Cottonwood or Hot Creek branch of that tribe. They 
 were pursued along the top of the hills opposite Van 
 
324 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Bremmer's Mountain about eight miles, to a point near 
 Fairchild's Ranch and at as fast a gait as the very diffi 
 cult ground permitted. Two bucks and three squaws 
 were killed, the latter through mistake, and a number 
 of squaws, children, ponies, blankets, etc., were cap 
 tured. 
 
 Beside the rocks there were many juniper trees which 
 afforded good places for hiding. Had the ground been 
 more open many more would have been killed or taken. 
 The Indians were now so much scattered and the horses 
 so exhausted that the pursuit was stopped and the com 
 mand camped at Van Bremmer's. Captain Jackson was , 
 distinguished in this affair for his gallantry and sound 
 judgment. Lieutenants Moss, Boutelle, and Kyle led 
 their men ably and gallantly. Acting Assistant-Surgeon 
 Skinner, the efficient medical officer of the command, 
 rode in advance with the line officers. All the men, as in 
 the previous affair at Sorass Lake, did their duty. A 
 message to Lieutenant Hazleton, commanding Battery 
 B to remain in the road with the pack-train, until he 
 should receive further orders, was incorrectly delivered 
 by the orderly to whom it was intrusted, and the Battery 
 continued its march to Butty Creek and did not return 
 to Van Bremmer's until the iQth. 
 
 May I Qth. Marched to Fairchild's Ranch and 
 sent twenty men under Lieutenant Boutelle to escort 
 mail-carrier, who reported to me he had been fired 
 on while making his way to Tule Lake and forced 
 back. 
 
 May 2Oth. Command was saddled and about to re 
 sume march in search of the Modocs, when Mr. Fair- 
 child told me that he had learned from one of the cap 
 tured squaws in our possession that the Modocs were 
 tired of fighting and wanted to surrender uncondition- 
 
Last Fight of Campaign 325 
 
 ally, and that they were on their way to give themselves 
 up when we attacked them on the i8th. I sent out the 
 squaw to tell the Indians to come in and give themselves 
 up, and made her distinctly understand that the surren 
 der was to be unconditional. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 i 
 
 GENERAL CUSTER AGAIN 
 
 My discussion of the Little Big Horn Campaign * called forth a 
 number of interesting comments. Most of the critics who have written 
 to me have agreed with my conclusions. The other day there came to 
 me from Fort William McKinley in the Philippine Islands a letter and 
 an article on Ouster's last fight. The letter corrects some minor errors 
 in my account, and I therefore insert it in full. I also insert, with the 
 permission of the distinguished author, the complete account of the 
 battle which he has prepared with so much care, and which was verified 
 in every particular by so eminent an officer as Colonel Benteen and 
 others who participated. 
 
 Any and every contribution to the literature of this the most dis 
 astrous and most famous of the Indian battles of the United States 
 Army is of great value and certain of a welcome. Hence the propriety 
 of inserting it here. 
 
 It is followed by a memorandum by Colonel Ewert, with comment by 
 General Godfrey on the fight of August nth on the Yellowstone, in 
 which Ewert makes the point that Custer intended to disobey orders 
 on this occasion also. Both Godfrey and Varnum deny this, and I think 
 it is probable that Colonel Ewert is confusing a camp rumor with a 
 positive order. 
 
 One of the most famous of Indian fighters, civilians, that is, known 
 as Yellowstone Kelly has furnished me with a brief sketch of one of 
 the skirmishes in Miles' final campaign against Crazy Horse, that 
 of Wolf Mountain. It is also appended not only from its intrinsic 
 interest, but because it is typical of hundreds of little affairs which 
 took place every day during these Indian wars. C. T. B. 
 
 * In the preceding volume of this series, " Indian Fights and Fighters." 
 329 
 
330 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Headquarters, Thirteenth Infantry, 
 Fort William McKinley, Rizal, P. I. 
 
 October 8, 1906. 
 MY DEAR DOCTOR: 
 
 I have read with much interest your "Indian Fights and Fighters," 
 especially that portion of it which relates to the Custer Fight, and 
 "Miles' Great Campaigning," as I was one of the junior 2nd Lieu 
 tenants of that grand organization, the Fifth Infantry, during those 
 stirring days, 1876-80. 
 
 I first saw the "Custer Field" in the spring of 1877, visiting it with 
 some of the officers of the Second Cavalry, who had been with Gib 
 bon's command. For years thereafter I collected material, pictures, 
 notes, etc., with a view to writing a history of the fight, but it was 
 not until 1893 that I got down to actual work. My account is a 
 "mosaic," a compilation, pruned down again and again. My first 
 paper was over 100 type-written pages. 
 
 In 1894 it was my great good fortune to be ordered to Fort McPher- 
 son, Ga., near Atlanta. Colonel Benteen was then living near there, 
 and every Sunday for over three months he and I would go over my 
 work, until it reached its present form, when he pronounced it "the 
 best paper extant on the Custer Fight." This was in 1895. That 
 winter I read the paper to the regiment, as an illustrated lecture, 
 presenting the views, 150 of them. Afterward the lecture was 
 delivered twice in Atlanta many times in Buffalo, N. Y. at 
 Wheeling, W. Va., and at other places. (Copy forwarded herewith 
 which please return, remembering that it was completed in 1895.) 
 
 My original papers have been lost in one of my boxes which dis 
 appeared from my "plunder" during the moves which came to us in 
 1898 and subsequent years. 
 
 In your book you fail to mention having received any assistance 
 from Gen. Chas. F. Roe, now Maj. Gen. N. G. of New York. Lieu 
 tenant Roe was with Gibbon's command at the time of the fight, 
 and always claimed to "have something up his sleeve" pertaining to 
 the campaign. 
 
 Mayhap be was the mysterious person of the affidavit referred to by 
 General Miles. I say "mayhap." I know nothing. It is hardly con 
 ceivable that General Miles would refuse to state who his informant 
 was unless he desired to protect him, and in the case of an enlisted 
 man or interpreter or scout, he would hardly have kept silence so long. 
 I merely mention this as a possible contingency. 
 
 Now a few remarks regarding your article in "The Last of Custer," 
 
Appendix 331 
 
 page 243, II: "Benteen moved off westward." This is misleading. 
 The general tendency of the Little Big Horn is northwesterly at that 
 portion near the battle-field, and from there to its mouth. Benteen was 
 ordered to the "left," which would carry him more to the east or south. 
 (See map of Montana.) Near the bottom of the page you say "he 
 . . . struck into the valley of the Big Horn. " He never got near the 
 "Big Horn." The whole operation was in the valley of the "Little 
 Big Horn," or "Greasy Grass." 
 
 Of course these points are not material, but as a matter of history 
 should be made as correct as possible. 
 
 In 1886, at the reunion of the survivors of the Seventh Cavalry on 
 the Custer Battle-field, when Gall gave his version of the story, stand 
 ing at the foot of the Custer monument, facing up the Little Big Horn 
 River, I was present, and heard his description. I made copious notes 
 at the time, but these notes were lost with the rest of my original papers 
 pertaining to the fight. 
 
 On page 233 you speak of Reno as moving down a creek called 
 "Reno's Creek." This is wrong. The creek is called "Benteen" or 
 "Sundance" Creek. (See map opposite page 230.) 
 
 The country between the line on map " Custer' s Route" and the 
 river is impassable for horses, and almost so for footmen, therefore 
 Custer had to either go forward before striking the village, or else 
 turn back and cross where Reno did. Notice on the map that he never 
 got within rifle distance of the Indian village. 
 
 Again on page 230 I think your "time" is wrong. Gall stated, by 
 pointing, that the sun was nearly overhead when Custer and his im 
 mediate command was annihilated, and that this particular part of the 
 fight lasted much less than an hour, probably not over half an hour. 
 Another thing the Indians say is that many of the soldiers were pulled 
 from their horses, that the horses were unmanageable, and that the 
 soldiers had to use both hands to hold them in, pulling and jerking 
 the reins, and sawing the horses' mouths from side to side. 
 
 Another story they tell is that some of the men with gray horses 
 tried to get away, and that the dismounted soldiers on the hill fired 
 into them to try and make them come back. Of course this latter story 
 was never told in public. 
 
 Now, my dear sir, having bored you enough I will close but I have 
 one request to make, and that is, if you ever find out the truth of the 
 "Affidavit" spoken of by General Miles that you let me know. I agree 
 with you perfectly, as you will see from my manuscript written in 1895, 
 that Custer disobeyed his orders in spirit and in fact; but one thing I 
 
332 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 disagree with, and that is that in my opinion Reno and his whole com 
 mand would have been wiped out if he had ever pushed his first attack 
 "home" as the saying is. The village extended full three miles down 
 the valley teeming with warriors, young boys and young women. Few 
 old people and few children were in the village, and if Reno had 
 charged into this mass no one man would have lived to either get 
 through or to get back. 
 
 One of Custer's men, so the Indians say, got away on his horse 
 down the Little Big Horn, and the chase was given up, but the Indians 
 chasing him watched to see where he would go. After a little he stopped, 
 placed his revolver to his head, and blew his brains out. The Indians 
 then caught his horse. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 WM. H. C. BOWEN, 
 Lieut. Col. 1 3th Inf. 
 
 II 
 
 OUSTER'S LAST FIGHT 
 Compiled by Lieut. Col. Wm. H. C. Bowen, U. S. A. 
 
 Gen. George A. Custer graduated from the Military Academy in 
 1861, going immediately to the front. He was a young man of indomi 
 table pluck, and although of the lowest military rank, he soon proved 
 himself so able and willing that within a year he was a captain and 
 aide-de-camp; and within another year he had raised himself to the 
 rank of Brigadier General of Volunteers. In 1865 he was promoted 
 Major General, and served as such until mustered out early in 1866. 
 At the reorganization of the Army in 1 866 four cavalry regiments 
 were added to it, the Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth, and Custer 
 was gazetted to the Seventh, as Lieutenant Colonel. 
 
 The regiment, under Custer's command, saw much active service 
 against Indians in Nebraska, Kansas, and Indian Territory during 
 the next two years; after which it went South until 1873, when a part 
 of it was moved to Dakota, taking station at Fort Abraham Lincoln 
 (opposite Bismarck, North Dakota). A part was at Fort Rice, Dakota, 
 and a part did not come from the South until just before the expedi 
 tion started. 
 
 For some years previous to this there had been troubles of various 
 
Appendix 333 
 
 kinds with the Sioux Indians and kindred tribes. In 1866 Forts C. F. 
 Smith, on the Big Horn River, Montana, and Phil Kearney, on the Little 
 Piney, Wyoming, had been established to open and protect a wagon- 
 road from a point near the then western limit of civilization, to the 
 rich mines and splendid grazing lands of western Montana. The 
 Indians, owning the country through which the road ran, protested. 
 They did not care to have any white men in their country; they did 
 not wish to have any soldiers near there. They had no wish for civili 
 zation. Game was plenty; the great plains were covered with buffalo, 
 elk, deer and antelope. The climate was suited to their habits, and they 
 were contented. Who can blame them ? That whole section of country 
 was a "Garden Spot," and to one who knew it in those days the love 
 of the Indian for it is no wonder. If the "white man" could have been 
 kept out, it would still be a paradise for the hunter; but Providence had 
 other ends in view. The adventurous white man could not be kept 
 back for long; gold was discovered in the "Black Hills," and what can 
 keep a white man from gold ? Nothing. Indian protests and orders 
 from the Government availed nothing. Adventurers would go into the 
 forbidden country, and of course some of them were killed by the right 
 ful owners. These killings called for reprisals, and before long the Gov 
 ernment found itself with an Indian war on its hands. 
 
 In 1874 and 1875 General Crook, from the Department of the Platte, 
 with headquarters at Omaha, Nebraska, and troops, including the 
 Seventh Cavalry from the Department of Dakota, made incursions 
 into the Indian country, embracing Wyoming, Dakota, and Montana, 
 and lost some men^ but there was no general fight. The Indians 
 hostile to the Government by this time amounted to thousands, and 
 the President, Generals Sherman and Sheridan, and others in au 
 thority, had many consultations as to the best methods of bringing 
 these Indians to terms. The question had passed beyond the power 
 of moral suasion; nothing but force would do. 
 
 So, early in 1876, General Crook started against these disaffected 
 Indians, composed of the different tribes of the Sioux, the Northern 
 Cheyennes, etc. He struck them near the head waters of the Rosebud 
 River, and suffered a severe check, if not a defeat. At any rate, he found 
 that nothing short of several thousand troops would be sufficient to 
 teach the Wards of the Nation the lesson needed. Placing his command 
 in a strong camp he waited for reinforcements. General Terry, with the 
 Seventh Cavalry and an infantry force, was to come in from the north 
 and east. General Gibbon, with the Seventh Infantry and a battalion 
 of the Second Cavalry, was to come from the west, while General 
 
334 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Crook's reinforced command was to close in from the south. If these 
 several commands had moved in unison the Indians would have 
 been hemmed in and surrounded without possibility of escape, but 
 such was not to be the case. 
 
 The country in which all these movements were to take place was 
 at this time absolutely a terra incognita an unknown country. No 
 white guides could be found, because white men had never been over 
 the ground. For the same reason there were no reliable maps of this 
 region. All was guesswork, consequently there could be no unity of 
 movement. 
 
 On May i/th General Terry's command left Fort Lincoln for the 
 hostile camp, wherever it might be found, situated somewhere in the 
 West, hundreds of miles distant. In order to subsist this command in 
 an uninhabited country, a large pack-train, a wagon-train of over 
 one hundred wagons, besides ambulances, were required. This wagon- 
 train carried thirty days' rations and forage, extra ammunition, tents, 
 cooking utensils, bedding, hospital supplies, etc., etc. A steamboat 
 had been sent up the Yellowstone River with extra supplies, and to act 
 as a base of supplies. 
 
 A day's march covered from ten to forty miles, generally averaging 
 perhaps twenty miles, and determined in great measure by the re 
 quirements of wood, water and grass; wood for fires, for of course no 
 wood could be carried by the wagons; water for both men and animals; 
 grass for the grazing of the animals. 
 
 There were approximately about 1,500 animals which had to be 
 cared for, in addition to the men. A campaign against Indians meant 
 something more than marching and fighting. It meant also providing 
 against starvation and sickness, and required much forethought and 
 preparation on the part of the commander and his staff-officers. 
 
 Reveille was generally sounded from 4:30 to 5 o'clock A.M., 
 and by 6 o'clock the command was usually on the march. Camp was 
 made about 2 o'clock P.M., sometimes a little earlier, seldom much 
 later, for time was needed in which to give the animals their much- 
 needed grazing. 
 
 On May 29th the command reached the Little Missouri. On the 
 3Oth General Custer and four troops scouted up this stream for 
 twenty miles or more, but found no recent Indian signs. On the 3ist 
 the crossing of this stream took place. The command lay in camp 
 June ist and 2nd, on account of a snowstorm. On or near the Little 
 Missouri was the place where it was expected that first signs of the 
 bostiles would be found; but as the scout of Custer, just referred to, 
 
Appendix 335 
 
 had been barren of results, the Indian village must be looked for far 
 ther south or west, somewhere in the region covered by the Big Horn, 
 Little Big Horn, Rosebud, Tongue and Powder Rivers, all of these 
 streams heading in the Big Horn range of mountains. 
 
 On June 8th Terry's and Gibbon's columns joined each other near 
 the mouth of Powder River. Gibbon reported no recent "signs" 
 north of the Yellowstone, which proved conclusively that the whole 
 body of Indians must be within the country just referred to. Now, if 
 all went well, they would be caught between two fires, Crook on the 
 south, Terry and Gibbon combined on the north. They could not 
 slip through to the west on account of the Yellowstone River. They 
 might get away to the east and go back to their reservations, but this 
 was not likely without a fight. Now as to their numbers. 
 
 About one third of the whole Sioux Nation, including the Northern 
 Cheyennes and Arapahoes, were present at the battle, estimated, in 
 cluding women and children, at between twelve and fifteen thousand; 
 one out of four is a low estimate in determining the number of warriors 
 present. (Every male over fourteen years of age may be considered a 
 warrior in a general fight, such as was the battle of the Little Big 
 Horn.) Also, considering the extra hazards of the hunt and expected 
 battle, fewer squaws would accompany the recruits from the agencies. 
 The minimum strength of their fighting men may then be put down as 
 between 2,500 and 3,000, with probabilities that they were nearer 4,000. 
 Frank Grouard, General Crook's chief scout, estimated the fighting 
 strength of the camp at 9,000 all armed with latest improved firearms, 
 Winchesters mostly. 
 
 The principal warrior chiefs of the hostile Indians were: "Gall," 
 "Crow King," and "Black Moon," Uncpapa Sioux; "Low Dog," 
 "Crazy Horse," and "Big Road," Ogalalla Sioux; "Spotted Eagle," 
 Sans-Arc-Sioux; "Hump" of the Minneconjous; and "White Bull," 
 "Little Horse," and "Lame Deer," of the Cheyennes. To these be 
 long the chief honors of conducting the battle, of whom, however, 
 "Gall," "Crow King," and "Crazy Horse" were the ruling spirits 
 in the fight. 
 
 But, you say, what of "Sitting Bull" ? I thought he was the chief, 
 the ruling spirit over all, the head man. I will tell you. 
 
 There were a number of Sioux Indians under Sitting Bull, known as 
 hostiles, who never went to an Agency, except to visit friends and rel 
 atives (for the greater number of Indians at this time were collected 
 at agencies, where they were partly fed and clothed by the Government, 
 but were allowed to leave, on pass, for the purpose of hunting, visiting, 
 
336 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 etc.). They, the hostiles, camped in and roamed about the buffalo 
 country. Their camp was the rendezvous for the Agency Indians, when 
 they went out for their annual hunts for meat and robes. They com 
 prised representatives from all the different tribes of the Sioux Nation. 
 Many of them were renegade outlaws from the agencies. In their visits 
 to the agencies they were usually arrogant and fomenters of discord. 
 Depredations had been made upon the commerce to the Black Hills, 
 and a number of lives taken by them or by others, for which they were 
 blamed. 
 
 The authorities at Washington had determined to compel these In 
 dians to reside at the agencies, hence one reason for the Sioux War of 
 1875-76. This was also known as an Interior Department war. In 1875 
 the Interior Department sent runners to the hostiles, telling them to 
 come in or "we will bring you in." The Indians, feeling themselves 
 extremely strong, were very arrogant, and replied: "We know the way 
 in; if we don't come in, you come out and fetch us; we'll be here when 
 you come; we'll wait for you. " 
 
 Sitting Bull (Ta-tan-ka I-yo-tan-ka), an Uncpapa Sioux Indian, 
 was the chief of the hostile camp; he had about sixty lodges of followers 
 on whom he could at all times depend. He was the host of the hostiles, 
 and as such received and entertained their visitors. These visitors gave 
 him many presents, and he was thus enabled to make many presents in 
 return. All visitors paid tribute to him, so he gave liberally to the most 
 influential, the chiefs, i. <?., he "put it where it would do the most 
 good." In this way he became known as the chief of the hostile Indian 
 camp, and the camp was generally known as "Sitting Bull's Camp." 
 
 Sitting Bull was a heavy-set, muscular man, about five feet eight 
 inches in stature, and at the time of the battle of the Little Big Horn 
 was forty-two years of age. In council his views had great weight, 
 because he was known as a great medicine man. He was a chief, but 
 not a warrior; he was a diplomat, but not a soldier. A short time pre 
 vious to the battle he had "made medicine," and had predicted that 
 the soldiers would attack the Indians, and that the soldiers would all 
 be killed. He took no active part in the battle, but, as was his custom 
 in time of danger, remained in the village, or on a hilltop near it, 
 "making medicine." Personally, he was regarded as a great coward 
 and a very great liar, "a man with a big head and a little heart." 
 (Left the camp in such a hurry that he left one of his twins behind.) 
 Frank Grouard, General Crook's chief scout, a white man who 
 was captured by the Sioux and who lived with them for six years, 
 says that Sitting Bull was a brave warrior, that he would not ask or 
 
Appendix 337 
 
 order a man to go where he would not lead, etc. This may have been 
 true, but the concensus of opinion seems to be as I first stated. 
 
 The command passed the remains of a lodge where a "Sun dance" 
 had taken place, about June 5th. This was always a ceremony of great 
 importance to the Indians. 
 
 On June loth Major Reno, Seventh Cavalry, was detached from 
 the command with six troops of the Seventh Cavalry, to scout up the 
 Powder to the Little Powder, thence over to Mizpah Creek, from 
 Mizpah to Pumpkin Creek, down the latter to the Tongue River, 
 thence down the Tongue to the Yellowstone, where he would again 
 join Terry with the balance of the command. 
 
 Now a few words in regard to the feelings, the personal feelings of 
 the two senior officers of the Seventh Cavalry against their chief, Gen 
 eral Terry. As early as May 8th, in St. Paul, Minnesota, and near the 
 headquarters of the Department Commander, Custer said to a brother 
 officer, referring to the coming campaign, in words to this effect: "It 
 is my purpose to cut loose from Terry at the first opportunity, and make 
 my operations independently of him. I got away from Stanley" (this 
 referring to a campaign undertaken in a previous year, 1873), " and I 
 will be able to swing clear of Terry." But unfortunately this remark 
 of Custer's was not reported to Terry until after his return from the 
 campaign. Wasn't this a breach of discipline ? If Custer had these 
 feelings it is possible that Reno shared them, for instead of carrying 
 out his orders for the scout as just given, in direct violation of instruc 
 tions he bolted straight for the Rosebud, which he struck near its 
 mouth. He found a trail about three weeks old and followed it for a 
 short distance, and then returned without having accomplished his 
 mission, which was to ascertain whether there were any Indians on 
 the head waters of Powder River, Tongue River, etc. 
 
 On June igth General Terry received the news of Reno's discovery 
 of the Indian trail. On the 21 st he had a conference on board the 
 steamboat "Far West," at which were present, besides himself, Gen 
 eral Gibbon, General Custer, and several of the staff. 
 
 The Indian encampment was believed to lie to the north of the 
 Big Horn Mountains, east of and near the Big Horn River, in the valley 
 of the Little Big Horn River. The immense snow-fields of the Big 
 Horn Mountains fill all these streams, and during the hot days of early 
 summer a great volume of water pours down them. The incline of the 
 bed of the Big Horn is so great that when the channel is full, as it 
 usually is in the month of June, the stream is practically impassable. 
 It is thus seen that the Indian position could only be approached 
 
338 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 from the north or east. If a concentrated attack was made from the 
 north, a line of escape was left open to the eastward. General Terry's 
 plan was for Ouster's column, which was the strategic one of his com 
 mand, to occupy this eastward line and so cut off escape in that direc 
 tion before the Indians were disturbed, while Gibbon's column closed 
 in from the north. In order to effect this "combined movement" and 
 secure joint action as speedily as possible, it was very important that 
 Gibbon should be informed of the situation from the head of Tulloch's 
 Fork, and of Custer's discoveries and consequent movements. 
 
 General Custer was ordered with his regiment to follow the trail 
 discovered by Reno a certain distance, then branch off toward the 
 head waters of the Little Big Horn, locate the Indian village if pos 
 sible, and be in the valley of the Little Big Horn on 'June 26th, when he 
 would be joined by the rest of the command as soon after that date as 
 possible. Terry with the balance of the command was to follow the 
 Yellowstone to or near the mouth of the Big Horn, thence up its valley 
 to the mouth of the Little Big Horn, where he would be not later than 
 the night of the 26th. Note carefully the date, June 26th. Custer was 
 also ordered to send scouts down Tulloch's Fork, and communicate 
 with Terry, if possible. Special men, selected for the purpose, were 
 detailed from Gibbon's command with this end in view, but were not 
 used. Why ? Because Custer had his own aims, intentions and objects 
 to attain. He never intended to wait for Terry and Gibbon to come up; 
 he hoped to strike the Indians and whip them without assistance. He 
 wanted all the glory there was to be gotten out of it for himself alone; 
 he even went so far as to refuse to take along the battalion of the 
 Second Cavalry, which was a part of Gibbon's command. His desire 
 was to get away by himself, to become his own master, to obey his 
 own personal instincts only. 
 
 Noon of the 23rd General Custer mounted and started up the Rose 
 bud, followed by the command. Eight miles out they came to the first 
 of the Indian camping places. It certainly indicated a large village and 
 numerous population. There were a great many " wickiups" (bushes 
 stuck in the ground with the tops drawn together, over which they 
 placed canvas or blankets). These were the temporary shelters of the 
 transients from the agencies. During the day three of these camping 
 places were passed through, and halts were made at each one. Every 
 body was busy studying the age of pony droppings and tracks and 
 lodge trails, and endeavoring to determine the number of lodges. 
 These points were the all-absorbing topics of conversation. Camp was 
 made about 5 o'clock, having marched about fifteen miles. 
 
Appendix 339 
 
 June 24th the command passed a great many camping places, all 
 appearing to be of nearly the same strength. 
 
 The march during the day was tedious; many long halts were made 
 so as not to get ahead of the scouts, who seemed to be doing their work 
 thoroughly in front, but giving no attention to the right, toward 
 Tulloch's Fork, which was a great mistake and a direct violation of 
 orders. About sundown camp was made; distance marched about 
 thirty-five miles. Orders were given to be in readiness to move again 
 at 11.30 P.M., and the march would be taken up, as Custer was anxious 
 to get as near the divide as possible before daylight. 
 
 A little after 2 A.M., June 25th, the command was halted to await 
 further tidings from the scouts; distance marched about ten miles. 
 Part of the command unsaddled to rest the horses. After daylight some 
 coffee was made, but it was almost impossible to drink it; the water 
 was so alkaline that the horses refused to drink it. Some time before 
 8 o'clock, General Custer gave orders to be ready to march at 8 
 o'clock, and gave information that scouts had reported that they had 
 discovered the locality of the Indian villages or camps in the valley of 
 the Little Big Horn, about twelve or fifteen miles beyond the divide, 
 but that he, Custer, didn't believe a word of it; that he had looked 
 through their glasses and could see nothing. Just before setting out on 
 the march, Custer, " Bloody Knife" (the Ree scout), and several other 
 scouts, and a half-breed interpreter were squatted in a circle having a 
 talk, after the Indian fashion. The scouts were doing the talking, and 
 seemed nervous and disturbed. Finally "Bloody Knife" made a re 
 mark that Custer could not seem to understand, and he asked in his 
 usual quick, brusque manner, "What's that he says ?" The interpreter 
 replied, "He says we'll find enough Sioux to keep us fighting two or 
 three days." Custer smiled and remarked, "I guess we'll get through 
 with them in one day." 
 
 The column started promptly at eight o'clock, and marched uninter 
 ruptedly until 10.30 A.M., when it halted in a ravine; distance marched 
 about ten miles. 
 
 It will be noticed that from noon on the 23rd to 10.30 on the 25th 
 about eighty-one miles had been covered. 
 
 Little sleep and no rest to speak of had been possible for either man 
 or animals. Was this a fit condition with which to commence a des 
 perate fight ? No, a thousand times no. If a commander ever needs 
 fresh men and fresh animals, it is at the beginning of an attack on an 
 Indian village. No tired, sleepy, hungry, thirsty men are wanted at 
 such a time. 
 
340 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Captain Varnum, Seventh Cavalry, has something to say about this 
 march. I quote his own words: 
 
 "We got into camp about dark, and I was skirmishing for grub, being 
 pretty well tired out. Custer came to our camp (the scouts') and sat 
 down, holding a confab in the brush with the Crow scouts. Custer 
 then explained to me that the Crows said that on the divide between 
 the Little Big Horn and the Rosebud there was a high hill with a Crow's 
 nest in it, where the Crows went when they tried to steal horses from 
 the Sioux; that when it became daylight they could tell by the rising of 
 the smoke whether there were Indians on the Little Big Horn or not. 
 He wanted some intelligent white man to go with these Crows and get 
 from them what they saw, and send word back to him. I told him I 
 supposed that meant me, and it ended in my going. I took with me 
 Charles Reynolds, Mick Bouyer, five Crows and eight or ten Rees. 
 Custer said he would move at n o'clock at night; I was to go at 9. He 
 would go to the base of the mountains where I was to be, and I was 
 to send him a note as early as possible of what I learned. I got to the 
 Crows' nest about 2.30 A.M. on the 25th, and about twenty-five miles 
 from where I had left Custer. I threw myself down and fell asleep; but 
 in about three-quarters of an hour I was waked up. It was then just day 
 light. The Indians (Crows) wanted me on the bluff above us. I scram 
 bled up. I saw the two tepees, spoken of so often, on the branch down 
 which we went to fight. The Indians tried to show me an immense 
 pony herd in the valley of the Little Big Horn. I couldn't see it. They 
 told me to 'look for worms.' In fact my eyes were pretty sore anyway. 
 I had ridden about seventy miles without sleep, and my eyesight was not 
 very good for long range. I sat down and wrote a despatch to Custer, 
 and sent it off at about 4.45. Before the Rees left with the message, 
 however, the smoke of some of Custer's camp-fires was seen about ten 
 miles off, possibly not so far. The Crows were angry at Custer for allow 
 ing fires under the circumstances. Custer got my message at about 8 
 o'clock and started soon after, and the dust of his column could be 
 plainly seen as soon as he did so, though not his troops." 
 
 It is seen that the most ordinary precautions against discovery were 
 not taken, and indeed the advertisement of his approach was sufficient 
 to excite the indignation of his scouts. 
 
 The Little Big Horn River, or the "Greasy Grass" as it is known to 
 the Indians, is a rapid mountain stream, from 20 to 40 yards wide, 
 with a pebbled bottom, but abrupt, soft banks. The water at the 
 ordinary stage is from two to five feet in depth, depending upon the 
 width of the channel. The general direction of its course is northeast- 
 
Appendix 341 
 
 erly down to the Little Big Horn battle-field, where it trends north 
 westerly to its confluence with the Big Horn River. The other topo 
 graphical features of the country which concern us may be briefly 
 described as follows: Between the Little Big Horn and the Big Horn 
 Rivers is a plateau of undulating prairie; between the Little Big Horn 
 and the Rosebud are the Little Chetish or Wolf Mountains, a broken 
 country of considerable elevation, of high precipitous hills and deep 
 narrow gulches. The command had followed the trail up a branch of 
 the Rosebud to within, say, a mile of the summit of these mountains 
 which form the divide. Not many miles to the right was the divide 
 between the Little Big Horn and Tulloch's Fork. The creek that 
 drained the watershed to the right and front is now called Sundance, 
 or Benteen's Creek. The trail, very tortuous, and sometimes danger 
 ous, followed down the bed and valley of this creek, which at that 
 time was dry for the greater part of its length. It was from the divide 
 between the Little Big Horn and the Rosebud that the scouts had dis 
 covered the smoke rising above the village, and the pony herds grazing 
 in the valley of the Little Big Horn, somewhere about twelve or fif 
 teen miles away. 
 
 Here we find Custer and his command within sight of the Little Big 
 Horn, and nowhere near so far to his left as he had been ordered to 
 feel, thirty-six hours ahead of time. Not only this, but his presence had 
 been discovered by the enemy. Why has he not communicated with 
 Terry ? Why has he not used the scouts sent for this purpose ? Why 
 has he made a night march, a march of torture to man and beast ? I 
 answer: "For his own personal and selfish ends." He had no wish, 
 no desire to cooperate with the other commands. Of course he wished 
 to whip the Indians, but his wish was to do it himself; to have assist 
 ance from no one. If there was to be any glory or reward to come from 
 this affair, Custer, and Custer only, was to be benefitted. 
 
 Of course, if the plan had been carried out, Custer, at the expected 
 time, the 26th, not the 25th, would have found himself nearly in 
 contact with the enemy. 
 
 A well-matured plan, based on reasonable conclusions from known 
 facts, contemplating the cooperative action of two bodies of troops, 
 intending to bring them into joint action at a specific date and place, 
 the purpose explained not alone in the written orders, but in full con 
 ference of all the commanders, is defeated by the failure of one 
 column to carry out its assigned share, and this failure not caused by 
 unforeseen conditions found to exist by its commander while in its 
 execution, but because he followed the trail directly, which he was cer- 
 
342 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 tainly "desired/* if not actually forbidden, NOT to do, and arrived at 
 the point of cooperation thirty-six hours in advance of the appointed 
 time. 
 
 In this there was wilful and direct disobedience, and there was hardly 
 less culpable neglect of duty in the fact that no attempt was made to 
 send to Terry, whose position was known and easily reached, one word 
 of information that the whole plan of the march of that column was 
 changed and that it would be on the appointed ground on the morning 
 of the 25th, instead of the afternoon of the 26th. 
 
 Before quitting this feature of the case, let us see how General Gib 
 bon put himself on record on this subject. In transmitting the map of 
 his itineraryist from Fort Shaw, M. T., November 6, 1876, he writes 
 as follows : 
 
 "So great was my fear that Custer's zeal would carry him forward 
 too rapidly, that the last thing I said to him when bidding him good- 
 by, after his regiment had filed past you when starting on his march, 
 was, 'Now, Custer, don't be greedy, but wait for us.' He replied 
 gaily, as with a wave of his hand he dashed off to follow his regiment, 
 'No, I will not.' Poor fellow! Knowing what we do now, and what an 
 effect a fresh Indian trail seemed to have had upon him, perhaps we 
 were expecting too much to anticipate a forbearance on his part which 
 would have rendered cooperation of the two columns practicable. 
 
 "Except so far as to draw profit from past experience, it is perhaps 
 useless to speculate as to what would have been the result had your 
 plan, as originally agreed upon, been carried out. But I cannot help 
 reflecting that in that case my column, supposing the Indian camp to 
 have remained where it was when Custer struck it, would have been the 
 first to have reached it; that with our infantry and Catling guns we 
 should have been able to take care of ourselves, even though numbering 
 about two thirds of Custer's force, and that with 600 cavalry in the 
 neighborhood, led as only Custer could lead it, the result to the In 
 dians would have been very different from what it was." 
 
 Crook had had a "check" but no massacre, and even the remainder 
 of Custer's column was able to hold out against the victory-flushed In 
 dians until Terry and Gibbon came up. Then, notwithstanding the 
 fact that this latter force numbered but 400 men, and the Indian 
 force was practically untouched, they incontinently fled. Is it not 
 easily conceivable that, had Gibbon and Custer been acting together, 
 as Terry had planned, the force would certainly have had no check, 
 much less an overwhelming disaster, if indeed it failed of a signal 
 victory ? Even if Custer's whole body of troops had been together, it 
 
Appendix 343 
 
 is most probable that no such disaster could have occurred. Indeed, 
 it is well established that, at the inception of Custer's attack, the In 
 dians began packing up and preparing to fly, some of them actually 
 leaving the field; and possibly the signs of this purpose, which Custer 
 could easily observe from the high hills he was on, led him to believe 
 that the village was in full flight, and prompted his hasty and disas 
 trous attack on the village from the north. Let us be charitable and 
 tHlnk so, at any rate. 
 
 It may not be out of place here to quote what the late Lieut. Gen. 
 P. H. Sheridan has said officially on this subject: 
 
 "Had the Seventh Cavalry been kept together it is my belief it 
 would have been able to handle the Indians on the Little Big Horn, 
 and under any circumstances it could have at least defended itself; 
 but separated as it was into three detachments, the Indians had 
 largely the advantage, in addition to their overwhelming numbers." 
 
 Custer made a forced march and hejd to the Indian trail instead of 
 moving still southward, and this brought him on the night of the 24th 
 near to the position he ought to have occupied on the morning of the 
 26th, and at least thirty-six hours before Gibbon could possibly be 
 expected to be in place. The fact that Custer did not have any new 
 information concerning the hostile Indians when he began forcing the 
 pace is put beyond question by Captain Varnum, his chief of scouts. 
 
 We now come to the fight, and I take my account from Captain 
 (then Lieutenant) Godfrey, who commanded Troop K, a part of Ben- 
 teen's battalion; from Benteen himself; from Colonel Goldin, late 
 a private in the Seventh Cavalry; from Gall, one of the principal In 
 dians in the conflict; from Colonel Hughes, late aide-de-camp to 
 eneral Terry; and from other sources. 
 
 It was well known to the Indians that the troops were in the field, 
 and a battle was fully expected by them; but the close proximity of the 
 column was not known to them until the morning of the day of the 
 battle. Several young men had left the hostile camp on that morning 
 to go to one of the agencies in Nebraska. They saw the dust made by 
 the column of troops; some of their number returned to the village 
 and gave warning that the troops were coming, so that the attack was 
 not a surprise. 
 
 Just before starting on the last stage of the march which ended 
 in the fight, troop commanders were ordered to make a detail of one 
 non-commissioned officer and six men to accompany the packs; to in 
 spect their troops and report as soon as they were ready to march; 
 
344 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 that the troops would take their places in the column of march in the 
 order in which reports of readiness were received, and that the last one 
 to report would escort the pack-train. This was an order already in 
 force, but was reiterated. 
 
 The inspections were quickly made and the column was soon en 
 route y Benteen in advance, as he was first to report. The command 
 passed the last dividing ridge between the Rosebud and Little Big Horn 
 valleys a little before noon. The regiment had already been divided 
 into battalions, I under Major Reno, 3 troops, i under Colonel 
 Benteen, 3 troops, and Custer himself, 5 troops, and pack-train, i 
 troop. 
 
 Benteen's column had already moved out and was several miles 
 away when the rest of the regiment started. 
 
 Major Reno's battalion marched down a valley that developed into 
 the small tributary to the Little Big Horn, now called Sundance, or 
 Benteen's Creek. The Indian trail followed the meanderings of this 
 valley. Custer's column followed Reno's closely and several hundred 
 yards to the right, and the pack-train followed them about nine miles 
 behind. Benteen's battalion was ordered to the left and front, to a line 
 of high bluffs about three or four miles distant. Benteen was ordered to 
 send word if he saw anything to Custer, but to pitch into anything he 
 came across; if, when he arrived at the high bluffs, he could not see 
 any enemy, he should continue his march to the next line of bluffs, and 
 so on, until he could reach the Little Big Horn Valley. He marched over 
 a succession of rough, steep hills and deep valleys. The view from the 
 point where the regiment was organized into battalions did not dis 
 cover the difficult nature of the country, but as it advanced farther the 
 terrane became more and more difficult and more forbidding. 
 
 The horses were greatly jaded by the climbing and descending, 
 some getting far to the rear of the column. Benteen very wisely deter 
 mined to follow the general direction of the rest of the command, and 
 he got into their trail just in advance of the pack-train. During this 
 march on the left he could occasionally see the battalion under Custer, 
 distinguished by the troop mounted on gray horses, marching at a 
 rapid gait. 
 
 Some time before getting on the trail Benteen came to a water hole, or 
 morass, at which a stream of running water had its source. He halted 
 the battalion and watered the horses. Just as he was leaving the water 
 hole the pack-train was arriving, and the poor thirsty mules plunged 
 into the morass in spite of the efforts of the packers to prevent them, 
 for they had not had water since the previous evening. A burning tepee 
 
Appendix 345 
 
 was passed, fired presumably by the Indian scouts of the command, 
 in which was the body of a warrior, who, as was afterward learned, 
 had been killed in the battle with Crook's troops, on the Rosebud, on 
 the i /th of June. 
 
 The battalions under Reno and Custer did not meet any Indians 
 until Reno arrived at the burning tepee; here a few were seen. These 
 Indians did not act as if surprised by the appearance of troops; they 
 made no effort to delay the column, but simply kept far enough in ad 
 vance to invite pursuit. Reno's command and the scouts followed them 
 closely, after he received orders "to move forward at as rapid a gait 
 as he thought prudent, and charge the village afterward, and the whole 
 outfit would support him. " This order was received when Reno was 
 about five miles from the Little Big Horn River. His battalion moved 
 at a trot to the river, where he delayed about ten or fifteen minutes, 
 watering the horses and reforming the column on the left bank of the 
 stream. Reno now sent word to Custer that he had everything in front 
 of him and that the enemy was strong. Custer had moved off to the 
 right, being separated from Reno by a line of high bluffs and the river. 
 Reno moved forward in column of fours about half a mile, then formed 
 the battalion in line of battle across the valley, with the Indian scouts 
 on the left; after advancing about a mile farther, he deployed the 
 battalion as skirmishers. In the meantime, the hostiles, continually 
 reinforced, fell back, firing occasionally, but made no decided effort 
 to check Reno's advance. The horses of two men became unmanage 
 able and carried them into the Indian camp. The Indians now de 
 veloped great force, opened a brisk fire, mounted, and made a dash 
 toward the foot-hills on the left flank where the Ree scouts were. The 
 scouts ignominiously fled, most of them abandoning the field alto 
 gether, and never stopped until they reached the supply camp at 
 Powder River, nearly 170 miles to the rear. 
 
 Reno, not seeing the "whole outfit" within supporting distance, 
 disobeyed his orders to charge the village; he dismounted his com 
 mand to fight on foot. The movements of the Indians around the left 
 flank and the flight of the scouts caused the left to fall back until the 
 command was on the defensive in the timber, and covered by the bank 
 of the old river-bed. Reno's loss thus far was one wounded, and the 
 two who had been carried into the Indian camp by the runaway horses. 
 The position was a strong one, well protected in front by the bank and 
 fringe of timber, somewhat open in the rear, but sheltered by timber 
 in the bottom. Those present differ in their estimates of the length of 
 time the command remained in the bottom after they were attacked 
 
346 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 in force. Some say "A few minutes," others "about an hour." While 
 Reno remained there his casualties were few. The hostiles had him 
 nearly surrounded, and there was some firing from the rear of the 
 position by Indians on the opposite bank of the river. One scout, 
 "Bloody Knife," was killed close to where Reno was, and directly 
 afterward Reno gave orders to those near him to "mount and get to 
 the bluffs." This order was not generally heard or communicated; 
 while those who did hear it were preparing to execute it, he counter 
 manded the order, but soon after he repeated the same order, "to 
 mount and get to the bluffs," and again it was not generally under 
 stood. Individuals, observing the preparations of those on the left, 
 near Reno, informed their troop commanders, who then gave orders 
 to mount. Owing to the noise of the firing and to the absorbed attention 
 they were giving the enemy, many did not know of the order until 
 too late to accompany the command. Some remained concealed until 
 the Indians left, and then came out. Four others remained until night 
 and then escaped. Reno's command left the bottom by troop organi 
 zation in column. Reno was the foremost in this retreat or "charge" 
 as he termed it in his report. The hostile strength pushed Reno's re 
 treat to the left, so he could not get to the ford where he had entered 
 the valley, but they were fortunate at striking the river at a fordable 
 place; a pony trail led up a funnel-shaped ravine into the bluffs. Here 
 the command got jammed and lost all semblance or organization. The 
 Indians fired into them, but not very effectively. There does not ap 
 pear to have been any resistance, certainly no organized resistance, 
 during this retreat. 
 
 Lieut. Donald Mclntosh was killed soon after leaving the timber, 
 Dr. DeWolf was killed while climbing one of the bluffs a short 
 distance from the command. Lieut. B. H. Hodgson was wounded in 
 the leg, and his horse was killed. He took hold of a comrade's stirrup 
 and was carried across the stream, but soon afterward was shot again 
 and killed. During the retreat, Private Davern, Troop "F," had a 
 hand-to-hand conflict with an Indian; his horse was killed; he then 
 shot the Indian, caught the Indian's pony, and rode to the command. 
 
 Reno's casualties thus far were, 3 officers and 29 enlisted men and 
 scouts killed; 7 enlisted men wounded; and i officer, i interpreter, 
 and 14 soldiers and scouts missing. Nearly all the casualties occurred 
 during the retreat and after leaving the timber. The Ree scouts, as 
 already stated, continued their flight until they reached the supply 
 camp at the mouth of the Powder; the Crow scouts remained with the 
 command. 
 
Appendix 34.7 
 
 We will now go back to Benteen's battalion. Not long after leaving 
 the water hole, a sergeant met him with an order from Custer to the 
 commanding officer of the pack-train to hurry it up. The sergeant 
 was sent back to the train with the message; as he passed the column 
 he said to the men, "We've got 'em, boys." From this and other re 
 marks it was inferred that Custer had attacked and captured the 
 village. 
 
 Shortly afterward the command was met by an orderly, bearing this 
 message, signed by Colonel Cooke, Adjutant: "Benteen, come on. 
 Big village. Be quick. Bring packs," with the postscript, "Bring 
 packs." The column had been marching at a trot and walk, according 
 as the ground was smooth or broken. Firing was heard; the valley 
 was full of horsemen riding to and fro in clouds of dust and smoke, 
 for the grass had been fired by the Indians, to drive the troops out and 
 cover their own movements. On the bluffs to the right was seen a body 
 of troops, and they were engaged. But an engagement appeared to be 
 going on in the valley, too. Owing to the distance, smoke, and dust, it 
 was impossible to distinguish if those in the valley were friends or foes. 
 Benteen ordered his battalion to dismount and deploy as skirmishers 
 on the edge of the bluffs overlooking the valley, and his timely arrival 
 probably saved Reno's command from annihilation, for very soon 
 after this the Indians withdrew from the attack. 
 
 Benteen's battalion was ordered to divide its ammunition with 
 Reno's men, who had apparently expended, but probably lost, nearly 
 all in their personal possession. 
 
 While waiting for the ammunition pack-mules, Major Reno con 
 cluded to make an effort to recover and bury the body of Lieutenant 
 Hodgson. At the same time he loaded up a few men with canteens to 
 get water for the command; they were to accompany the rescuing 
 party. The effort was futile; the party was ordered back after being 
 fired upon by some Indians who doubtless were scalping the dead near 
 the foot of the bluffs. 
 
 At this time there were a large number of horsemen, Indians, in the 
 valley at least 1 ,000, says Benteen. Suddenly they all started down 
 the valley, and in a few minutes scarcely one was to be seen. During 
 this time the questions were being asked: "What's the matter with 
 Custer, that he doesn't send word what we shall do ?" "Wonder what 
 we are staying here for ?" etc., thus showing some uneasiness; but 
 still no one seemed to show great anxiety, nor did any one feel any 
 serious apprehension but that Custer could and would take care of 
 himself. Some of Reno's men had seen a party of Custer's command, 
 
348 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 including Custer himself, on the bluffs about the time the Indians be 
 gan to develop in Reno's front. This party was heard to cheer, and 
 seen to wave their hats as if to give encouragement, and then they dis 
 appeared behind the hills, or at any rate, escaped further attention 
 from those below. It was about the time of this incident that Trumpeter 
 Martini left Cooke with Custer's last orders to Benteen. 
 
 During a long time after the junction of Reno and Benteen, firing 
 was heard down the river in the direction of Custer's command. All 
 were satisfied that Custer was fighting the Indians somewhere, and 
 the conviction was expressed that "our command ought to be doing 
 something or Custer would be after Reno with a sharp stick. " 
 
 Captain Weir and Lieutenant Edgerly, after driving the Indians 
 away from Reno's command on their side, heard the firing, became 
 impatient at the delay, and thought they would move down that way. 
 Weir started in person, without orders and without permission, to take 
 a survey from the high bluffs to the front. Edgerly seeing Weir going 
 in the direction of the firing, supposed it was all right and started down 
 the ravine with the troop. Weir from the high point saw Indians in 
 large numbers start for Edgerly, and signaled for him to change his 
 direction, and Edgerly went over to the high point, where they re 
 mained, not seriously molested, until the remainder of the troops 
 marched down there. He was, however, soon attacked in force, and 
 Benteen moved forward with the rest of his battalion and rescued him 
 from his perilous position. 
 
 McDougall came up with the pack-train, and reported the firing 
 when he reported his arrival to Reno. It was twenty minutes past four. 
 It was about this time that thirteen men and a scout named Hender 
 son rejoined the command; they had been missing since Reno's fight 
 from the bottom; several of them were wounded. These men had lost 
 their horses in the stampede from the bottom, and had remained in 
 the timber; when leaving the timber to rejoin they were fired upon 
 by five Indians, but they drove them away and were not again 
 molested. 
 
 It was about half past two when Benteen joined Reno. About 5 
 o'clock the command moved a short distance down toward Custer's 
 supposed whereabouts, intending to join him. The advance went 
 as far as the high bluffs, where the command was halted. On the left 
 of the valley a strange sight attracted their attention. Some one re 
 marked that there had been a fire that scorched the leaves of the bushes, 
 which caused the reddish brown appearance, but this appearance was 
 changeable. Watching this intently for a short time with field-glasses, 
 
Appendix 349 
 
 it was discovered that this strange sight was the immense pony herds 
 of the Indians. The number of ponies in this camp at this time is 
 estimated at from 30,000 to 50,000. 
 
 Looking toward Ouster's field, on a hill two miles away was seen a 
 large assemblage. At first the command did not appear to attract their 
 attention, although there was some commotion observable among 
 those nearer to its position. Occasional shots were heard, most of 
 which seemed to be a great distance off, beyond the large group on 
 the hill. While watching this group, the conclusion was arrived at that 
 Custer had been repulsed, and the firing was the parting shots of the 
 rear-guard. The firing ceased, the groups dispersed, clouds of dust 
 rose from all parts of the field, and the horsemen converged toward 
 Reno's position. The command was now dismounted to fight on 
 foot. 
 
 Weir's and French's troops were posted on the high bluffs and to the 
 front of them; Godfrey's troop along the crest of the bluffs next to the 
 river; the rest of the command moved to the rear to occupy other points 
 in the vicinity, and to take a good defensive position. At this time 
 Weir's and French's troops were being attacked. The led horses were 
 sent to the main command. The fire in a short time compelled the In 
 dians to halt and take cover, but before this was accomplished a sec 
 ond order came to fall back as quickly as possible to the main com 
 mand. Having checked the pursuit the retreat was begun, slowly at 
 first, but keeping up the firing. After proceeding some distance the 
 men began to group together and to move a little faster and faster, 
 and the fire slackened. This was pretty good evidence that they were 
 getting demoralized. The Indians were being heavily reinforced, and 
 began to come from their cover, but kept up a heavy fire. The line 
 was halted, the men were made to take their intervals, and again drove 
 the Indians to cover; then once more began the retreat. The firing of 
 the Indians was very heavy; the bullets struck the ground all about; 
 but the "ping-ping" of the bullets overhead seemed to have a more 
 terrifying influence than the "swish-thud" of the bullets that struck 
 the ground near by. 
 
 The Indians, having taken possession of all the surrounding high 
 points, opened a heavy fire; they had in the meantime sent a large force 
 up the valley, and soon the troops were entirely surrounded by the 
 enemy. It was now about 7 o'clock P.M. The firing continued until 
 nearly dark (between nine and ten o'clock). 
 
 Of course everybody was wondering about Custer, why he did 
 not communicate by courier or signal. But the general opinion 
 
35 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 seemed to prevail that he had been defeated and driven down the 
 river, where he would probably join General Terry, and with whom 
 he would return to Reno's relief. Quite frequently, too, the ques 
 tion, "What's the matter with Custer ?" would evoke an impatient 
 reply. 
 
 It has been previously noted that General Custer separated from 
 Reno before the latter crossed the Little Big Horn under orders to 
 charge the village. Custer's column bore to the right of the river. A 
 ridge of high bluffs and the river separated the two commands, and 
 they could not see each other. On this ridge, however, Custer and staff 
 were seen to wave their hats, and heard to cheer just as Reno was 
 beginning the attack; but Custer's troops were at that time two miles 
 or more to his right. It was about this time that the trumpeter was sent 
 back with Custer's last orders to Benteen, the last white man from 
 Custer's column. 
 
 When Reno's advance was checked and his left began to fall back, 
 Chief Gall started with some of his warriors to cut off Reno's retreat 
 to the bluffs. On his way he was excitedly hailed by "Iron Cedar," 
 one of his warriors, who was on the high point, to hurry to him, that 
 more soldiers were coming. This was the first intimation the Indians 
 had of Custer's immediate column; up to the time of this incident they 
 had supposed that all the troops were in Reno's attack. Custer had 
 then crossed the valley of the dry creek, and was marching along 
 and well up the slope of the bluff forming the second ridge back 
 from the river, and nearly parallel to it. The command was march 
 ing rapidly in column of fours, and there was some confusion in the 
 ranks, due probably to the unmanageableness of some excited 
 horses. 
 
 The accepted theory for many years after the battle, and still persisted 
 in by some writers, was that Custer's column had turned the high 
 bluffs near the river, moved down the dry (Reno's) creek, and at 
 tempted to ford the river at the lowest point of these bluffs; that he 
 was there met by an overpowering force and driven back; that he then 
 divided his battalion, moved down the river with the view of attacking 
 the village, but met with such resistance from the enemy posted along 
 the river-bank and ravines that he was compelled to fall back, fighting, 
 to the position on the ridge. The numerous bodies found scattered 
 between the river and ridge were supposed to be the first victims of the 
 fight. I am now satisfied that these were the men who either survived 
 those on the ridge, or attempted to escape the massacre. 
 
 The Indians state that; Custer's column was never nearer the river 
 
Appendix 351 
 
 or village than his final position on the ridge. On the battle-field, in 
 1886, Chief Gall indicated Ouster's route to me, and it was on the high 
 ridge east or back of the field. 
 
 The ford theory arose from the fact that there were found there 
 numerous tracks of shod horses, but they evidently had been made 
 after the Indians had possessed themselves of the cavalry horses, 
 for they rode them after capturing them. No bodies of men or 
 horses were found anywhere near the ford, and these facts are con 
 clusive to my mind that Custer did not go to the ford with any 
 body of men. 
 
 As soon as Gall had personally confirmed Iron Cedar's report, he 
 sent word to the warriors battling against Reno, and to the people in 
 the village. The greatest consternation prevailed among the families, 
 and orders were given for them to leave at once. Before they could do 
 so, the great bodies of warriors had left Reno and hastened to attack 
 Custer. This explains how Reno was not pushed when so much confu 
 sion at the river crossing gave the Indians every opportunity of anni 
 hilating his command. 
 
 Not long after the Indians began to show a strong force in Custer's 
 front, Custer turned his column to the left and advanced in the direction 
 of the village to near a place marked as a spring, halted at the junction 
 of the ravines just below it, and dismounted two troops, Keogh's and 
 Calhoun's, to fight on foot. These two troops advanced at double time 
 to a knoll, now marked by Crittenden's monument. The other three 
 troops, mounted, followed them a short distance in their rear. The led 
 horses remained where the troops dismounted. When Keogh and Cal- 
 houn got to the knoll the other troops marched rapidly to the right; 
 Smith's troop deployed as skirmishers, mounted, and took position on 
 a ridge, which, on Smith's left, ended in Keogh's position (now marked 
 by Crittenden's monument), and, on Smith's right, ended at the hill 
 on which Custer took position with Yates and Tom Custer's troops, 
 now known as Custer's Hill, and marked by the monument erected 
 to the command. Smith's skirmishers, holding their gray horses, re 
 mained in groups of fours. 
 
 The line occupied by Custer's battalion was the first considerable 
 ridge back from the river, the nearest point being about a mile from it. 
 His front was extended about three-fourths of a mile. The whole village 
 was in full view. A hundred yards from his line was another but 
 lower ridge, the farther slope of which was not commanded by this 
 line. It was here that the Indians under Crazy Horse, from the lower 
 part of the village, among whom were the Cheyennes, formed for the 
 
352 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 charge on Custer's hill. All bodies of Indians had now left Reno. Gall 
 collected his warriors, and moved up a ravine south of Keogh and Cal- 
 houn. As they were turning this flank they discovered the led horses 
 without any other guard than the horse holders. They opened fire upon 
 the horse holders, and used the usual devices to stampede the horses 
 that is, yelling, waving blankets, etc.; in this they succeeded very 
 soon, and the horses were caught up by the squaws. In this disaster 
 Keogh and Calhoun probably lost their reserve ammunition, which 
 was carried in the saddle-bags. Gall's warriors now moved to the foot 
 of the knoll held by Calhoun. A large force dismounted and advanced 
 up the slope far enough to be able to see the soldiers when standing 
 erect, but were protected when squatting or lying down. By jumping 
 up and firing quickly, they exposed themselves only for an instant, 
 but drew the fire of the soldiers, causing a waste of ammunition. In 
 the meantime Gall was massing his mounted warriors under the pro 
 tection of the slope. When everything was in readiness, at a signal 
 from Gall the dismounted warriors rose, fired, and every Indian 
 gave voice to the war-whoop; the mounted Indians put whip to 
 their ponies, and the whole mass rushed upon and crushed Calhoun. 
 The maddened mass of Indians was carried forward by its own 
 momentum over Calhoun and Crittenden down into the depression 
 where Keogh was, with over thirty men, and all was over on that 
 part of the field. 
 
 In the meantime the same tactics were being pursued and executed 
 around Custer's Hill. The warriors, under the leadership of "Crow 
 King," "Crazy Horse," "White Bull," "Hump," and others, moved 
 up the ravine west of Custer's Hill, and concentrated under the shelter 
 of the ridges on his right flank and back of his position. Gall's bloody 
 work was finished in a few moments, and the annihilation of Custer 
 was accomplished; the frightful massacre was completed. 
 
 Smith's men had disappeared from the ridge, but not without 
 leaving enough dead bodies to mark their line. About twenty-eight 
 bodies of men belonging to this troop and other organizations were 
 found in one ravine near the river. Many corpses were found scat 
 tered over the field between Custer's line of defense, the river, and in 
 the direction of Reno's Hill. These, doubtless, were of men who had 
 attempted to escape; some of them may have been sent as couriers 
 by Custer. This part of the fight only lasted thirty or thirty-five 
 minutes. (One, however, escaped blew out his own brains; sixteen 
 escaped to the mountains, were followed and killed.) 
 
 There was a great deal of firing going on over the field after the 
 
Appendix 353 
 
 fight, by the young men and boys riding about and shooting into the 
 dead bodies; the heads of most of the dead were crushed in, and 
 pounded almost to a jelly by the stone hammers in the hands of the 
 squaws, who thronged to the scene of carnage as soon as the last soldier 
 was dead, for the purpose of mutilating the dead bodies and of securing 
 plunder, of which there was plenty. 
 
 This all happened on Sunday, June 25th. On Monday morning, 
 long before light, the Indians began again their attack on Reno's 
 position. During the night the troops had been busy throwing up in- 
 trenchments, securing water, attending to the wounded, etc., etc.; 
 so when the attack was begun on Monday they were far better pre 
 pared for it than might have been supposed. The fighting was fast 
 and furious, so far as the use of ammunition was concerned, but there 
 were comparatively few casualties. The fighting lasted until nearly 
 noon. In the meantime the Indians had fired the grass and the timber, 
 and nothing could be seen at any distance on account of the smoke. 
 Shortly after the firing ceased the smoke lifted sufficiently to show the 
 whole camp filing past Reno's beleaguered hill, with strong bodies on 
 flank and in rear, to protect the column from possible charges by the 
 soldiers. It took the camp from five to eight hours to march past. One 
 can well imagine from this the number of souls present in this, the 
 largest camp known of on the American continent. 
 
 The rest of the day was given up by the troops to attending to ex 
 hausted nature, making better security for another possible attack, 
 etc., for it seemed hardly possible that the victory-flushed host of 
 hostiles would leave this handful of soldiers, after having made such a 
 successful fight the day before. 
 
 Tuesday morning, June 27th, the command enjoyed the pleasure 
 of a square meal, and had stock properly cared for. The commanding 
 officer seemed to think the Indians had some "trap" set, and required 
 the men to hold themselves in readiness to occupy the pits at a mo 
 ment's notice. Nothing seemed determined, except to stay where they 
 were. Not an Indian was in sight, but a few ponies were seen grazing 
 down in the valley. 
 
 About 9.30 A.M. a cloud of dust was observed several miles down 
 the river. A white man soon came up with a note from General Terry, 
 addressed to General Custer, dated June 26th, stating that two of the 
 Crow scouts had given information that Ouster's column had been 
 whipped and nearly all had been killed; that he did not believe their 
 story, but was coming with medical assistance. The scout said that he 
 could not get to the lines the night before, as the Indians were on the 
 
354 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 alert. Very soon after this Lieutenant Bradley, Seventh Infantry, 
 came to the lines, and reported the death of Custer and 196 men. The 
 shattered remnants of the command were simply dumfoundered. This 
 was the first intimation it had had of his fate. It was hard to realize; it 
 did not seem possible. 
 
 General Terry and staff and officers of General Gibbon's column 
 soon after approached, and their coming was greeted with prolonged 
 cheers. 
 
 During the rest of that day all were busy collecting effects and des 
 troying surplus property. The wounded were cared for and taken to 
 the camp of the Montana column. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th, three days after the fight, the troops 
 left the intrenchments to bury the dead of Custer's command. The 
 morning was bright, and from the high bluffs they had a clear view 
 of Custer's battle-field. They saw a large number of objects that looked 
 like white boulders scattered over the field. Glasses were brought into 
 requisition, and it was announced that these objects were dead bodies. 
 Captain Weir exclaimed, "Oh, how white they look!" 
 
 All the bodies except a few were stripped of their clothing. Nearly 
 all were scalped or mutilated, but there was one notable exception, 
 that of General Custer, whose face and expression were natural; he 
 had been shot in the temple and in the left side. Many faces had a 
 pained, almost terrified expression. It is said that Rain-in-the-face, a 
 Sioux warrior, has gloried that he had cut out and eaten the heart and 
 liver of one of the officers. This I can hardly believe, for Benteen 
 told me that when Rain-in-the-face saw Custer's body, he went to 
 it, shook the right hand of the poor dead body, and said, "My poor 
 friend." It was this same Rain-in-the-face that prevented Custer's 
 body from being mutilated. Other bodies were mutilated in a dis 
 gusting manner. The bodies of Dr. Lord and Lieutenants Porter, 
 Harrington and Sturgis were not found, at least not recognized. After 
 ward bodies taken for all but Harrington were recognized, for the 
 Army Register of 1877 reports only his as missing. 
 
 The clothing of Porter and Sturgis was found in the village, and 
 showed that they had been killed; 212 bodies were buried on the 
 Custer field. The killed of the entire command was 270, including 5 
 civilians, relatives, newspaper reporters, and I scout, Charley Rey 
 nolds; and of wounded there were 52. The only living thing found on 
 the Custer battle-field was Comanche, a troop horse, who was and 
 still is cared for by the regiment. He is never ridden, but is always led 
 out to all parades of the regiment. 
 
Appendix 355 
 
 Godfrey concludes his narrative thus: 
 
 "The question has often been asked, 'What were the causes of 
 Custer's defeat ?' I should say: 
 
 " First : The overpowering numbers of the enemy and their unex 
 pected cohesion. 
 
 " Second : Reno's panic rout from the valley. 
 
 " Third: The defective extraction of the empty cartridge shells from 
 the carbines. " 
 
 Personally, I disagree entirely with the Captain in his con 
 clusion, and give my own views as follows : 
 
 The causes of Custer's overwhelming defeat were: 
 
 First: Disobedience of orders in bringing on the fight thirty-six 
 
 hours ahead of time. 
 Second: Separating his command into four columns, neither of 
 
 which was within supporting distance of each other. 
 Third: His failure to believe that the Indians would make a bold 
 
 attack. 
 
 Custer's force was abundant to have enabled him to obey his or 
 ders. 
 
 It was not ample, as Terry had foreseen, to meet a contingency not 
 contemplated, and which could not have arisen had his orders been 
 adhered to. We need go no farther than the story of what occurred 
 after the annihilation of Custer to make it perfectly clear that his force 
 was ample for all that he was instructed to do. This may be very 
 briefly stated. Reno's attack was a miserable failure, ending in a dis 
 orderly rout and a scramble for the hills, where the cool head and 
 noted courage of Benteen saved the two battalions from a disaster 
 even greater than had occurred to Custer. 
 
 After sweeping Custer's five troops from the field, and encouraged 
 by the victory over Reno in his attack on the upper part of the village, 
 the Indians swarmed down upon the now assembled force in almost 
 overwhelming numbers, evidently confident that it was a question of 
 only a short time when it too would have to submit to the fate which 
 had befallen the other. But it was not to be. Benteen was there; the 
 remnant held its own, without water, without rest, without sleep, until 
 
356 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 Gibbon's command came in sight, when the whole Indian force aban 
 doned the field. 
 
 The gist of the plan for the campaign, as already stated, was to 
 direct the movements of the two columns (Gibbon's and Ouster's) in 
 such a way that if the Indians fled they could not escape to the south 
 east without being driven upon Crook; they could not go to westward 
 because they were already near the eastern bank of the Big Horn 
 River, and the eastern boundary of the territory of the Crow Nation, 
 with whom they were in open hostility; northward they would be met 
 by Gibbon, and the Big Horn Mountains lie to the southward, in 
 which they could not have maintained themselves for any considerable 
 time if they once permitted themselves to be cooped up in them. 
 
 If they made a stand, the purpose is clearly set forth in Terry's 
 report; Custer was to keep on the southward (after determining where 
 the trail led), for the double purpose of intercepting flight if it should 
 be attempted, but above all so to maneuver his strategic column as to 
 give time for Gibbon's column to come up. This plan was founded on 
 the belief that the two columns might be brought into cooperating 
 distance of each other. Or, as Gibbon states in his letter of November 
 6th, previously referred to : 
 
 "I saw Custer depart on the 22nd, with his fine regiment fully im 
 pressed with the conviction that our chief aim should be to so move 
 that whatever force might be on the Little Big Horn should not escape 
 us. And it was fully understood between us that to give my troops time 
 to come up, and to guard against escape of the Indians to the south, he 
 should keep constantly feeling to his left." 
 
 The Indians had given ample proof in the affairs with Crook that 
 they would make a good, stand-up fight. They were in numbers, as 
 Gaul expressed it in my hearing, "like the grass that comes up in the 
 spring." They were well armed, and had plenty of ammunition. Fight 
 they would, and fight they did, inflicting a defeat which our army will 
 never forget. 
 
 I close with a remark made by Sitting Bull while in the British 
 Possessions, and referring to Custer's attack: "They tell you I mur 
 dered Custer. It is a lie. I am not a war chief. I was not in the battle 
 that day. His eyes were blinded that he could not see. He was a fool and 
 rode to his death. He made the fight, not I." 
 
Appendix 357 
 
 NOTE BY GENERAL GODFREY 
 
 In reading over the testimony of Interpreter Girard, I notice he 
 makes the important statement that Ouster's orders to the scouts were 
 that they must follow any trail that led to the left, no matter how small. 
 This was on the night march, June 24th. To show further care in this 
 matter, Varnum states that at a halt on the march of the 24th, I re 
 ported to the General that I had seen a small trail leading to the left 
 some miles back on the trail, but had only followed it far enough to 
 see that it led up a ravine some distance. He was asked if the scouts 
 had made any report of it. On learning that they had not, the General 
 was angry at the neglect to investigate by the scouts and he ordered 
 Varnum to go back and investigate and report at once. It was found 
 that it led up the ravine some distance, then over the prairie and then 
 down into the valley to the main trail again. The incident had escaped 
 my memory. This shows that there was no intention of letting the 
 Indians escape by the left flank. 
 
 Ill 
 
 LETTER FROM COLONEL EWERT REGARDING 
 
 GENERAL CUSTER 
 DEAR DR. BRADY: 
 
 I have read your articles in "Indian Fights and Fighters" with 
 much interest, which may be expl ined by the fact that I served out 
 West in the regular army 186 -70; 1871-76 and 1878-83; the first 
 period in the Thirty-sixth and Seventh Infantry in Wyoming and 
 Utah; the second in the Seventh Cavalry in Tennessee, Dakota and 
 Montana, and the third in the Fifth Infantry mounted on Indian 
 ponies a part of the time), in Montana and Dakota. 
 
 The articles relating to the Seventh Cavalry are, of course, of para 
 mount interest, as I was personally acquainted with nearly every 
 officer and enlisted man in the regim nt, and was with the com 
 mand in both 1873 an( ^ J 8/4 expeditions. 
 
 I write this letter to inquire why you elaborate the little skirmish of 
 August 4, 1873, an d foil to mention the all-day fight of August nth 
 on the Yellowstone three miles below the mouth of the Big Horn, in 
 which Lieutenant Braden was severely wounded, and Tuttle, Troop 
 E, killed ? Custer left Stanley on the evening of August 8th, with ten 
 
358 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 troops of his regiment, to follow a large, well-defined trail of about 
 600 Sioux hostiles. We rode all night and (excepting two short 
 rests) all day on the Qth. On the evening of the gth we arrived on the 
 north bank of the river and found the trail leading into the stream. 
 Indian scouts, swimming across, established the fact that the hostiles 
 had crossed to the south bank and thence, as General Custer believed, 
 over into the Valley of the Big Horn. 
 
 On the morning of the loth Custer forded a small branch of the 
 river on to a good-sized sand bar with the entire command, and from 
 there endeavored to float our rations and ammunition across on a raft 
 built during the previous night. The swift current prevented the raft 
 reaching the south bank, although every exertion was made to have 
 it do so, so that finally Custer ordered the troops back to their camp 
 of the previous night. Now, it was understood in the command that 
 General Stanley had positively instructed General Custer not to cross 
 the river under any circumstances, yet here, in spite of this positive 
 order the subaltern, on August loth, endeavored by all the means at 
 his command to disobey the superior. I mention this to show that your 
 deductions as to deliberate intent to disobey Terry in 1876 had a 
 parallel in 1873, with General Stanley. 
 
 While trying to cross the Yellowstone on the loth approximately 
 1,200 Indians were lying in the bluffs on the other side, no doubt 
 imploring the Great Spirit to permit us to cross over, as the exter 
 mination of our command, thus hemmed in between the bluffs and 
 the river, would have been mere play for the Reds. The Indians, be 
 lieving that we had abandoned the plan of crossing, attacked us at 
 daybreak on the morning of the nth. We were now fighting on the 
 defensive, all the men being hid under the face of the bluff, and in 
 firing only required to expose head and shoulders, and yet, in spite of 
 this advantage, we were kept busy and never out of danger of ultimate 
 defeat, until about four o'clock P.M., when General Stanley arrived 
 with his infantry and a 3-inch Rodman. Then the Indians ran for the 
 Big Horn Valley and disappeared from our view for the remainder 
 of the summer. 
 
 I was First Sergeant in H Troop (Captain Benteen's) and left the 
 Seventh April loth, 1876, my term having expired, so that I was not 
 "in at the death" in June, 1876. 
 
 I have always believed that General Custer never mentioned the 
 battle on August nth very much on account of the narrow escape we 
 had from the fate which later overtook the regiment on the Little Big 
 Horn. If, as you say, you are writing history, the above statement of 
 
Appendix 359 
 
 facts may be of assistance in correctly setting forth the occurrences 
 during the Yellowstone Expedition of 1873. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 THEO. EWERT. 
 
 GENERAL GODFREY'S COMMENT ON GENERAL EWERT'S LETTER 
 
 MY DEAR DR. BRADY: 
 
 As to Colonel Ewert's letter, I presume that he was there because he 
 relates particulars that indicate he was present. But his troop was not 
 there. He belonged to Benteen's troop which was left at the stockade 
 near the Glendive. Major C. A. Varnum has just joined at this post, 
 and I showed him Ewert's letter and asked if he remembered anything 
 about the so-called order to Custer forbidding him to cross the Yellow 
 stone under any circumstances as claimed by Ewert. We did make 
 every effort to cross the river, but without avail. There were no In 
 dians confronting us to hamper our efforts. They did not discover our 
 presence until early the next m rning, when an Indian came to the 
 river just opposite our bivouac to water his horse; almost at the same 
 time one of our men went down to the river for water and saw the In 
 dian. The Indian turned his horse quickly and rode away. It was some 
 little time before any body of Indians came to make the attack. 
 Neither Varnum nor myself has any remembrance of the order that 
 Ewert mentions so positively, and we both think that it was a camp 
 story. J. F. Weston, Commissary General U. S. A., then a lieutenant 
 in the Seventh, made heroic efforts to carry a line to the opposite shore, 
 but the current was too swift. The morning of the nth the river had 
 fallen very much. But the Indians coming to us made it unnecessary to 
 cross, in fact kept us very busy. Lieutenant Braden was wounded on 
 the nth as you state, not on the 4th as in the record as published in 
 the Journal. 
 
 We did not think that we were in any great danger of massacre on 
 the nth. It is true that one troop, French's, which was on the down 
 stream side across the valley was being pushed pretty hard when 
 Stanley's column came in sight and the Indians cleared his front. The 
 center had pushed them back some distance. Dismounted skirmishers, 
 then three troops charged and drove them about a mile, halted for a 
 few minutes, did some firing across a narrow deep canon and then 
 we got orders to charge and pursue, which we did for about five miles; 
 i. e., above the mouth of the Big Horn. Our orders were not to cross 
 the Yellowstone, and this may be the foundation of the camp story of 
 Ewert. E. S. GODFREY. 
 
360 Northwestern Fights and Fighters 
 
 IV 
 
 MEMORANDA ON THE WOLF MOUNTAIN 
 CAMPAIGN, MONTANA, 1877* 
 
 About Jan. 3, 1877, the command went into camp near Wolf Moun 
 tain, Tongue River, close to a canon. I was still in the saddle contem 
 plating with a pained aspect the appearance of the army wagon that 
 contained the scouts' plunder and bedding, which as usual had been 
 overturned in one of the numerous crossings of Tongue River, when 
 General Miles called to me and directed me to take my party of scouts 
 and go up the river some distance and watch out for Indians. 
 
 We had passed, the day before, the freshly abandoned camp of a 
 large force of Indians, who were still in the vicinity. 
 
 Proceeding a mile up the canon of the Tongue, we turned to the 
 left, and from a point of bluff found an excellent lookout that was 
 sheltered by a large cedar tree. 
 
 From this point we presently observed some Indians traveling down 
 the valley; on nearer approach observing them with glasses, they ap 
 peared to be squaws. It was evident to me that they were either 
 ignorant of the recent removal of the Indian camps from that vicinity, 
 and the proximity of the troops, or that the Indians were up to some 
 scheme. 
 
 As they neared our place of concealment, I saw that there were sev 
 eral women and a boy. I at once turned to the Indian scouts and 
 warned them not to touch them. We rode down a gulch and quietly 
 approached them. They stopped and commenced to cry. We made 
 signs to them not to be afraid and motioned them to move on in the 
 direction of our camp. They appeared to be Cheyennes and could 
 not or would not talk Sioux. 
 
 They were taken to headquarters, and there being shortly there 
 after an alarm of Indians up the valley, we struck out again in that 
 direction. 
 
 This time the Indian scouts did not follow us. The party numbered 
 five, as follows: the three Johnsons, Tom LaForge and myself. The 
 Indians were seen in the distance, and when we had attained the 
 point where the squaws were found, ten or fifteen Indians showed 
 themselves behind a little rise of ground awaiting our approach. We 
 immediately charged them and that is where we made a mistake. 
 
 The Indians were resting their guns on their crossed gun sticks, and 
 
 * See page 326, et seq., " Indian Fights and Fighters." 
 
Appendix 361 
 
 when within some sixty yards, some forty or fifty of them who had 
 been concealed, rose up and delivered their fire as we circled and 
 returned the volley. The poor marksmanship of the Indians alone 
 saved us from extermination. Tom La Forge's horse was shot under 
 him, and for this reason we took position near by in a small clump 
 of scrub oak. 
 
 The firing then became general, the hostiles soon enclosing us on 
 three sides. Our Indian scouts who had followed us took position about 
 three hundred yards below; one only, the "Bannock," riding coolly 
 through the fire to join us. I remember that he joined me in scaling 
 a bank that overlooked our position, and together we drove off five 
 Indians who were crawling to reach the brow of the bank. They were 
 not fifteen yards away, and disappeared before we could get in a shot. 
 We fired at a party riding across the flat and had the satisfaction of 
 knocking one off his horse. 
 
 They made it so hot for us here that I was forced to rejoin my com 
 panions in the oak grove. The " Bannock," however, concealed himself 
 in the grass and did good execution during the engagement. This In 
 dian did not know what fear was. 
 
 By this time the command had become aware of our predicament 
 and a detachment under Lieutenant Hargous, of the Fifth, had been 
 sent to help us out. The approach of this force and the fire of the 
 field Napoleon gun which sent a shell directly over us drove the In 
 dians or seemed to from our front, and about dusk we took advantage 
 of the lull and " got out of there." 
 
 Over 100 Indians were opposed to us. At the first fire one Indian 
 was knocked down, another was struck from his horse in the fight that 
 followed; but from the peculiar tactics and mode of fighting of these 
 people it is impossible to tell if others were hit. All of my party were 
 good shots and trained frontiersmen. 
 
 The next morning the Indians were all around us and a very pretty 
 fight followed which lasted all day. 
 
 L. S. KELLY. 
 
 (Yellowstone Kelly.) 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX 
 
 ADAMS, Lieut. I. Q., First 
 Cavalry, signal officer, 
 288 
 
 Antelope Springs, 323 
 Applegate, Ivan D., agent, 261; 
 fails to persuade Modocs of 
 futility in resisting U. S. au 
 thority, 262; orders military to 
 enforce compliance and thus be 
 gins the Modoc War, 263; his 
 story of first battle, 272-279; 
 acts as guide and interpreter, 
 274 
 
 Applegate, O. C., makes forced 
 march to intercept Modocs, 277 
 Applegate's Ranch, 303 
 Appendix, 329 et seq. 
 Army and Navy Journal, 76 
 "At-tux," watchword of Modoc 
 chief to begin massacre, 290 
 
 B 
 
 TDACON, Lieut., marches to 
 
 seize Thacher's Pass, 29 
 Bailey, Maj. H. L., 141; his note 
 on battle of Clearwater, 161- 
 
 i6 3 . 
 
 Bancroft, Lieut., 141; wounded at 
 
 Clearwater, 158 
 Bannocks, friendly Indians, 221 
 Barncho, imprisoned for life, 253 
 
 Battle of the Big Hole, 164-190; 
 
 of Camas Meadows, 191-197; 
 
 of Clearwater, 17-18; of the 
 
 Lava-Beds, 291-304; of White 
 
 Bird Canon, 90-111; N. Y. 
 
 Herald's account of, 108-110; 
 
 Gen. Perry's account, 112-118 
 Bear's Paw Mountains, Chief 
 
 Joseph meets his Waterloo at, 
 
 224 
 Benteen, Capt., at Canon Creek, 
 
 216; mentioned, 329 
 Bernard, Capt., 132; at the lava- 
 beds, 293; captures Indians' 
 
 ponies, 293 
 Bibliography, 365 
 Biddle, Maj., his note on murder 
 
 of commissioners, 290 
 Big Hole, Battle of, 164-190 
 Black Jim, executed for murder 
 
 of peace commissioners, 252 
 Bloody Point, massacre of, 230 
 Blow, the first, 258. 
 Boddy, Mrs., her ghastly find, 
 
 278; her escape and wander 
 ings, 279 
 Bogus Charley, 242; turns State's 
 
 evidence, 252; his ruse, 271 
 Bomus, Lieut., improvises a mule 
 
 pack train, 152 
 Boston Charley, medicine man, 
 
 239; shoots Dr. Thomas, 245; 
 
 hanged, 253 
 
 365 
 
366 
 
 Index 
 
 Boutelle, Lieut. F. A., in attempt 
 ing to arrest Scar-faced Charley 
 precipitates fight, 234; story of 
 his duel with latter, 264-271; 
 captures Modocs' camp, 268; 
 describes disaster to Major 
 Thomas's command, 305-313; 
 tells of terrible ordeal of the 
 survivors, 307; says massacre 
 was useless sacrifice, 308; awful 
 retreat to Gillem's camp, 310 
 
 Bowen, Lieut.-Col., Thirteenth 
 Infantry, letter to Dr. Brady 
 on Little Big Horn campaign, 
 330-332; Ouster's last fight, 332 
 
 Boyle, Maj., narrowly escapes 
 being shot, 288 
 
 Bradley, Capt., in Big Hole fight, 
 
 24 
 
 Brady, Dr. C. T., 3; note justify 
 ing Col. Perry, 121 ; in the Land 
 of Burnt Out Fires, 229-256; 
 Gen. Custer again, 329; receives 
 letter from Fort William McKin- 
 ley on Custer's fight, 329; from 
 Col. Ewert regarding Custer, 
 357-358; Gen. Godfrey's com 
 ment on Ewert's letter, 358-359 
 Browning, Capt., rescues supply- 
 train, 189 
 
 Bugler Brooks, story of, 198 
 Butler, Gen., Law Chief, 73 
 Butty Creek, Battery B at, 324 
 
 OABINESS, Dr., his remark 
 when Meacham refused 
 
 whisky, 246 note 
 Camas Meadows, Battle of, 191- 
 
 197 
 
 Camp Warner, Ore., Col. Perry 
 at, 291 
 
 Campaign, The Last Fight of the, 
 320-325 
 
 Canby, Gen. Ed. S., Department 
 Commander, 232; his heroic 
 resolution, 243; his reply to in 
 solent demands of Indians, 244; 
 shot in eye by Capt. Jack, 245; 
 killed by Ellen's Man, 245; his 
 murder avenged, 254; his ap 
 pearance, 287 
 
 Canon Creek, the Seventh Caval 
 ry at, 203 
 
 Captain Jack (Kientpoos), Modoc 
 chief, 229; retires to the lava- 
 beds, 234; refuses Angel Island 
 for reservation, 238; grossly in 
 sulted, resolves to murder com 
 missioners and officers, 239; 
 captured by Capt. Perry's troop, 
 252; ordered to trial by military 
 commission, 253; found guilty 
 and executed, 253; character 
 and fame of, 255; Perry's story 
 of his capture, 291304; map of 
 his cave, 301 
 
 "Chicken Gunny," foot-covering, 
 281 
 
 Chief Joseph. See Joseph, Chief 
 
 Clearwater, Battle of, 15-18; 
 Maj. Trimble's story of, 1 37-150 
 
 Comba, Capt., in Big Hole River 
 fight, 24 
 
 Commissioners, killing of the, 
 286-290 
 
 Cottonwood, The Affair at, 123- 
 126 
 
 Country They Marched Over, 
 The, 281 
 
Index 
 
 367 
 
 Cow Island, 34 
 
 Cranston, Lieut. Arthur, in panic 
 at lava-beds fight, 248; accom 
 panies Capt. Thomas, 300 
 
 Curly-headed Doctor, Modoc sub- 
 chief, 232 
 
 Custer, Gen., Again, 329 
 
 F\AVIS, H. J., 79; describe! 
 "^^ battle of Camas Meadows, 
 
 191; his comments on fight on 
 
 lava-beds, 250 note 
 Davis, Col. Jefferson C., succeeds 
 
 Gen. Canby in command, 250; 
 
 prosecutes vigorous campaign 
 
 against Modocs, 250251 
 "Digger Indians," Modocs a 
 
 branch of, 257 
 Dreamer (Too-hool-hool-suit), his 
 
 hatred of whites, 85; arrested, 
 
 88 
 Dreamers, the, Chief Joseph 
 
 strongly influenced by, 8 1 
 Drummond, Corporal, 168 
 Duel between Maj. F. A. Boutelle 
 
 and Scar-faced Charley, 267 
 Duncan, Lieut., in Battle of 
 
 Clearwater, 141 
 Dyer, Mr. L. S., 239; escapes 
 
 from Captain Jack, though 
 
 wounded, 245 
 
 ITCKESTROM, Lieut., 37 
 ^ Edwards, W. H., 188 
 Ellen's Man, one of Captain 
 Jack's warriors, 243 
 
 Eltonhead, Lieut., 141 
 
 English, Lieut., 182; his death, 
 
 183 
 
 Ewert, Col. Theo., letter to Dr. 
 Bfady regarding Gen. Custer, 
 357-358 
 
 pAIRCHILD'S RANCH, 324 
 Fallon, Act.-Asst.-Surg. J. 
 
 E., 323 
 
 Farrow, Capt. E. S., describes 
 the Lo-lo trail, 20-21; How 
 ard's march through the Yel 
 lowstone country, 31-33; note 
 to Perry's account of battle at 
 White Bird Canon, 119-122; 
 his story of the battle of Clear- 
 water, 151-163 
 
 First Cavalry (Jackson's troop) 
 ordered to move Modocs off of 
 old reservation, 291; at Capt. 
 Jack's stronghold, 320 
 
 Fish, Gen., 71 
 
 Fletcher, Capt. R. H., 97; plan of 
 the battle of Clearwater, 154; 
 map of the battlefield, 157 
 
 Flo-Cut, son of Chief Joseph, 
 224 
 
 Forse, Lieut., 141 
 
 Fort William McKinley (Philip 
 pines), 330 
 
 Fourth Artillery, panic-stricken 
 at battle of lava-beds, 248; 
 Battery B, under Qen. Has- 
 brouck, 320 
 
 French, Capt., checks panic, 218 
 
 Fuller, Lieut., 204 
 
3 68 
 
 Index 
 
 /^EOGHEGAN (Sutherland), 
 
 ^-^ pathetic story of, 311-312 
 
 Gibbon, Gen. John, surprises the 
 
 Indian camp, 23-25; his account 
 
 of the battle to Gen. Howard, 
 
 26-28; his fear of Ouster's zeal, 
 
 342 
 
 Gilbert, Lieut., 33, 36 
 
 Gillem, Col. A. C. (First Cavalry) 
 supersedes Col. Wheaton, 237; 
 signals news of disaster to Maj. 
 Thomas's command, 306 
 
 Godfrey, Gen. E. S., 36-37; note 
 to Col. Bowen's summary of 
 Custer campaign, 356; his com 
 ments on Col. Ewert's letter, 
 358-359; causes of Custer's 
 defeat, 354~355 
 
 Goldin, Theodore W.,the Seventh 
 Cavalry at Canon Creek, 203- 
 222 
 
 Goose Lake Valley, 282 
 
 Grant, Pres., commutes sentences 
 of two murderers of peace com 
 missioners, 253 
 
 Green, Maj. John, 80; orders 
 arrest of Capt. Jack, 233; 
 affectionately called "Uncle 
 Johnnie," 293; finds dead 
 bodies of several officers, 302; 
 pursues Capt. Jack, 302 
 
 H 
 
 pi ALE, Capt., his exclamation, 
 L * 34; killed at Snake Creek, 
 
 37 
 Hare, Lieut., 207-208 
 
 Hare, Rev. W. H., D.D., intro 
 duction to Chief Joseph's story, 
 44-48 
 
 Harris, Lieut. G. M., at fight on 
 lava-beds, 248; wounded, 318; 
 his mother informed, 318; her 
 long and difficult journey to 
 reach his bedside, 318; his 
 death, 319 
 
 Hasbrouck, Gen. H. C, Fourth 
 Artillery, rallies his troops and 
 defeats the Modocs, 251; his 
 report of last fight, 320-325; 
 attacked by Modocs, 320; at 
 tacks them on their way to sur 
 render, 324; demands uncon 
 ditional surrender, 325 
 
 Hayt, E. A., one of the com 
 missioners, 71-73 
 
 Hazleton, Lieut. J. B., Fourth 
 Artillery, advances on Indian 
 stronghold, 323 
 
 Hill, Dave, Klamath scout, 276 
 
 Hooker, Jim, one of Capt. Jack's 
 warriors, 232; escape of his 
 band, 234; turns State's evi 
 dence, 252 
 
 Howard, Gen. O. O., with Chief 
 Joseph at Fort Lapwai, Idaho, 
 6-8; comments on strategy of 
 Joseph, 14; defeats Indians on 
 banks of the Clearwater, 17-18; 
 his summary of the campaign, 
 18; reviews campaign ending 
 in Chief Joseph's surrender, 
 40-43; comments on Joseph's 
 narrative, 76-89 
 
 Howe, Lieut. Albion, in fight at 
 the lava-beds, 248 
 
 Humphrey, Gen. C. F., his gal- 
 
Index 
 
 369 
 
 lantry at battle of Clearwater, 
 161 
 Hush-hush-cute, Chief, 94 
 
 IDAHO, Chief Joseph con- 
 demns retreat from, 19 
 
 Im-mut-too-yah-lat-lat. See Jo 
 seph, Chief 
 
 Imnaha Valley, hunting-grounds, 
 84 
 
 Indian names spelled variously, 4 
 note; never spares his horse, 22 
 
 Indian Xenophon, Joseph called 
 the, 40 
 
 Indians, the Nez Perces, epic of, 
 3 
 
 J 
 
 "TACK'S STRONGHOLD," 
 J 236 
 
 Jackson, Col. James, 131; his 
 expedition, 257263; in fight at 
 the lava-beds, 321; in hot pur 
 suit of Modocs, 323; his gal 
 lantry, 324 
 
 Jacobs, Lieut. J. W., in battle of 
 Big Hole, 165 
 
 Jocelyn, Capt., 163 
 
 Johnson, Capt., 70 
 
 Joseph, Chief, leader of the Nez 
 Perces, 6-13; ambushes How 
 ard's cavalry, 29-30; repulses 
 Maj. Ilges, 35; surrenders to 
 Gen. Miles, 38; his pathetic 
 message to Gen. Howard, 38; 
 sent prisoner to Fort Leaven- 
 worth, 40; his own story, 48-75; 
 map of his retreat, 49; anecdotes 
 
 of, 223-226 ; meets his Waterloo, 
 224; visits New York and par 
 ticipates in Grant celebration, 
 224; called the "Napoleon of 
 Indians," by Miles, 224; dies 
 in Washington, 224; guest of 
 " Buffalo Bill," 225; entertained 
 by Gen. and Mrs. Miles, 226; 
 his famous sayings, 226 
 
 TZ" ELLY, L. S., scout, note on 
 Wolf Mountain campaign, 
 
 Kientpoos. See Captain Jack 
 Kirkenendall, Hugh, his narrow 
 
 escape from death, 184 
 Klamaths (La-la-kes), share res 
 
 ervation with Modocs, 231 
 Klamatb Falls Express, The, 272 
 
 note 
 
 Knox, Lieut., 141 
 Kyle, Lieut., wounded, 237 
 
 T AND of Burnt Out Fires, In, 
 *^ 229 
 
 Lava-beds, the, scene of Modoc 
 war, 234-236; map of, 240; 
 fight at, 248; panic of Fourth 
 Artillery at, 249; a terra in 
 cognita to white men, 259; first 
 and second battles of, 291; 
 carrying a stretcher through 
 the, 314 
 
 Lawyer, Indian orator, 53 
 Leary, Lieut. Peter, 162; rallies 
 the packers and scouts at 
 Clearwater, 163 
 
370 
 
 Index 
 
 Little Big Horn, Custer's defeat 
 
 at, 332 
 Logan, Capt., 24; his heroic death, 
 
 175 
 Looking Glass, Chief, 15; his 
 
 death, 28-29 
 Lost River region, old home of 
 
 Modocs, 232, 291 
 Lydecker, Capt. (U. S. Engineers), 
 
 describes lava-beds, 235 
 
 M 
 
 V/f ASON, Col., 142; his great 
 loss of men, 237; attacks 
 Capt. Jack's stronghold, 247; 
 forces him to retreat, 248; sig 
 nals news of Lieut. Sherwood's 
 death, 288, 322 
 
 McCafferty, Sergt. Hugh, 197 
 
 McCarthy, Sergt., 12 
 
 McEldery, Dr., sees Gen. Canby 
 fall, 289; succors wounded at 
 Maj. Thomas's massacre, 310 
 
 McKay, Donald, at lava-beds 
 fight, 321; sent to hospital, 
 322 
 
 McNiel, Gen., 72 
 
 Meacham, Hon. A. B., peace 
 commissioner, 239; resolves to 
 meet Capt. Jack in conference, 
 242; his story of first fight 
 refuted by Maj. Boutelle, 269; 
 shot by Schonchin, 245 
 
 Mendenhall, Capt. John, 320 
 
 Miles, Capt. Evan, 141; his 
 spirited charge, 158 
 
 Miles, Gen. Nelson A., 35; sur 
 prises Indians near Snake Hill, 
 36 
 
 Miller, Maj. M. P., 17; leads 
 charge, 158 
 
 Modoc War, The, 227 et seq.\ 
 most costly war U. S. Govern 
 ment ever waged, 229; Modocs' 
 loss in, 254; its awful cost, 254 
 
 Modocs migrate to Lost River 
 region, 232; flee from lava-beds, 
 251; note on present status of, 
 255-256; popular misconcep 
 tions of, 270; their base treach 
 ery explained, 298 
 
 Monteith, Indian agent, 82 
 
 Mortars, cohorn, Indian strong 
 hold shelled with, 299 
 
 Moss, Lieut. H. M., in fight at 
 lava-rocks, 321 
 
 Moylan, Capt., 36 
 
 N 
 
 XTEZ PERCES WAR, 3-223; 
 
 epic of, 3; Indians, Gov. 
 
 Stevens negotiates treaty with, 
 
 3-4; map of their reservation, 5 
 
 Norwood, Capt. R., hero of Ca- 
 mas Meadows, 191 
 
 o 
 
 /^JDENEAL, Thos. B., Super- 
 ^"^ intendent of Indian Affairs, 
 
 260; his costly error, 269 
 Old Joseph, head of Lower Nez 
 Perces, refuses to sign treaty 
 with U. S. Government, 4; 
 speech of, 4 
 
 Ollicut, Joseph's brother, 82 
 Otis, Lieut. H. G., 129; in battle 
 of Clearwater, 156; his "jack 
 ass" battery, 217 
 
Index 
 
 DARNELL, Maj. W. R., his 
 gallant charge, 12; describes 
 Battle of White Bird Canon, 
 90-111; rewarded for gallant 
 conduct, 118 note; the Salmon 
 River Expedition, 127-136 
 
 Peninsula Camp, Fourth Artillery 
 stops at, on way to seat of war, 
 320 
 
 Perry, Brig.-Gen. D., 9; describes 
 Battle of White Bird Canon, 
 112-118; the Affair at Cotton- 
 wood, 123-126; wounded in at 
 tack on Modocs, 237; extract 
 from letter on his condition, 
 299-300; brevetted for gallan 
 try, 304 note 
 
 Promontory Point, Gen. Has- 
 brouck arrives at, 320 
 
 TRAINS, Lieut. S. M., killed at 
 Craig's Mountain, 129 
 
 Rawn, Capt. C. C, commander at 
 Fort Missoula, 22-23 
 
 Red Cloud, most noted of latter- 
 day Indians, 224 
 
 " Red Napoleon of the West," the, 
 Joseph called, 40 
 
 Redding, Cal., Battery B, Fourth 
 Artillery, marched from, 320 
 
 Redington, Col. J. W., 198; his 
 story of Bugler Brooks, 198-202 
 
 Riddle, squaw-man, warns peace 
 commissioners of treachery, 
 241; escapes from Jack's mur 
 derous attack, 245 
 
 Roberts, Lieut., wounded at fight 
 
 of lava-beds pedregal, 237 
 Rodney, Capt., 141-142 
 Russell, Lieut., 209 
 
 OALMON RIVER EXPEDI 
 TION, the, Maj. Parnell's 
 story of, 127-136 
 
 Sandy Butte, in the lava-beds, 322 
 
 Sanno, Capt. J. M. J., 24; his 
 map of Big Hole River battle 
 field, 170 
 
 Sayles, Corporal, death of, 185 
 
 Scar-faced Charley, resists arrest, 
 234; saves life of Toby, 345; 
 his duel with Maj. Boutelle, 
 264-271 
 
 Schonchin, Modoc chief, over 
 whelms emigrants, 229; escapes 
 death, 230; shoots Hon. Mr. 
 Meacham, 245; hanged, 253 
 
 Schonchin, John, Schonchin 's 
 brother, escapes massacre, 231 
 
 Second Cavalry, 36 
 
 Seventh Cavalry, 33; at Canon 
 Creek, 203-222 
 
 Semig, Surg. B. G., reconnoitres 
 lava-beds, 248; seriously wound 
 ed at Thomas's massacre, 302; 
 his grim humor, 309 
 
 Shacknasty Jim, 243 note; turns 
 State's evidence, 252 
 
 Sherman, Gen., 82, 192 
 
 Sherwood, Lieut. Walter, mortally 
 wounded, 247; news of his 
 death signaled to Col. Mason's 
 camp, 288 
 
372 
 
 Index 
 
 Shields, G. O. (Coquina), story 
 of the Big Hole fight, 164-190 
 
 Shoshones, under Gen. Howard 
 at Canon Creek, 221 
 
 Shot, the initial, 272 
 
 Sitting Bull joined by White Bird, 
 
 37 
 Sloluck, in massacre of peace 
 
 envoys, 245; sentenced to life 
 
 imprisonment, 253 
 Sorass Lake, 320 
 Spaulding, Rev., 51-52 
 Stern berg, George M. (Surgeon- 
 General), 129 
 Stevens, Gov. Isaac I., negotiates 
 
 treaty with Indians, 3 
 Stickney, Col., 71 
 Stinking Water River, 32-33 
 Sturgis, Col., defeats Indians at 
 
 Canon Creek, 34, 203 
 Sun, N. T., anecdotes of Chief 
 
 Joseph in, 223-226 
 
 nPAP-SIS-IL-PILP, rushes to 
 his death, 176 
 
 Theller, Lieut., 9; his death, 13 
 
 Thomas, Rev. Dr. Eleazar, 239; 
 determines to meet Indians un 
 armed, 243; shot by Boston 
 Charley, 245 
 
 Thomas, Capt. Evan (Fourth 
 Artillery), reconnoitres lava- 
 beds, 300; disaster to his com 
 mand, 305; his coolness in face 
 of death, 308; sacrificed to 
 blunders of Agent Odeneal, 
 308; his character, 309 
 
 Throckmorton, Lieut., 141 
 
 Toby, knocked in head, 245; saves 
 Mr. Meacham from being 
 scalped, 246; fears treachery, 
 287; receives pension from 
 United States Government, 290 
 
 Too-hul-hul-sote, Indian orator, 
 under arrest, 7-8; released, 
 58-59 
 
 Trimble, Maj., 9; his story of 
 Battle of Clearwater, 137-150; 
 his reminiscences, 280-285; 
 company ordered to march 300 
 miles; describes killing of peace 
 envoys, 286-290; arrives too 
 late to prevent massacre, 289; 
 on capture of Indians, 304 note; 
 story of return of Thomas relief 
 party, 314-319; gives cause of 
 Thomas disaster, 317 
 
 Twenty-first Infantry, at battle 
 near lava-beds, 235 
 
 Tule Lake, centre of Modoc 
 stronghold, 241; massacre of 
 settlers at, 278 
 
 U 
 
 TJM-TIL-ILP-COWN, in Big 
 
 Hole River fight, 176 
 United States Service Magazine, 
 the, 257 
 
 \fAN BREMMER'S Ranch, 
 near scene of Lost River 
 fight, 293; Gen. Wheaton's re 
 treat to, 297; Gen. Hasbrouck 
 goes into camp at, 323 
 
 Van Orsdale, Lieut., 182 
 
Index 
 
 373 
 
 Varnum, Capt,, Seventh Cavalry, 
 his comment on Ouster's march, 
 340 
 
 W 
 
 VyALLOWA VALLEY, 
 United States gives In 
 dians permission to remain in, 6 
 
 Wal-lit-ze, killed, 176 
 
 War, Modoc, the, 227; first battle 
 of, 272 
 
 Warm Spring Indians, allies of 
 whites at lava-beds fight, 249; 
 mistaken for Modocs at this 
 fight, 249 
 
 Watchman, Modoc warrior, death 
 of, 276 
 
 Wheaton, Col. Frank, 136; in 
 Lost River fight, 235; and 
 "Modoc steak," 236; super 
 seded by Col. Gillem, 237 
 
 Whipple, Maj., 14 
 
 Whisky, commissary, anecdote of 
 strength of, 246 note 
 
 White Bird, influential Nez Per- 
 ces chief, 6; his escape, 37 
 
 White Bird Canon, Battle of, 10- 
 13; plan of battle, 93; descrip 
 tion of battle, 90-1 1 1 ; map of, 
 103 
 
 Williams, Capt., 24; wounded, 
 
 158 
 
 Wilson, Serg. Mildon H., 189 
 
 Winters, Capt., 152 
 
 Wood, Col., 17, 24; describes sur 
 render of Chief Joseph, 38-39 
 
 Woodbridge, Lieut., 182, 189 
 
 Woodcuck, William, amusing in 
 cident relating to him, 184 
 
 Woodruff, Lieut., wounded, 178 
 
 Wooten, Sergt., First Cavalry, 
 recovers bodies of slain com 
 missioners, 247 
 
 Wright, Ben, his despicable 
 stratagem, 230; destroys Modoc 
 power, 231; killed, 231 
 
 Wright, Lieut. T. F., Seventeenth 
 Infantry, at lava-beds fight, 248 
 
 VENOPHON, Indian, Chief 
 
 J\> 
 
 Joseph called the, 40 
 
 YELLOW BULL, 69-70 
 
 Yellowstone Kelly. See 
 Kelly, L. S. 
 
 Yellowstone Park, Joseph's march 
 through, 30; Capt. Farrow de 
 scribes march through, 31 
 
 THE END 
 
THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS 
 GARDEN CITY, N. Y.