C ;\ 
 
 1 
 
THniv>er9ft of Pennsylvania 
 
 WOODROW WILSON S 
 POLITICAL IDEALS 
 
 AS INTERPRETED FROM HIS WORKS 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM WILEY HOLLINGSWORTH 
 
 t\\ 
 
 A THESIS 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 
 IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
 
 THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 PRINCETON 
 1918 
 
IOAN STA< 
 
 CONTEXTS 
 Preface v 
 
 Chapter I, Beginning and Early Development of Gov 
 ernment I 
 
 Chapter 1 1, Constitutional Government 6 
 
 Chapter III, Democracy 14 
 
 Chapter IV, Sovereignty 19 
 
 Chapter V, Liberty 23 
 
 Chapter VI, Leadership 35 
 
 Bibliography 48 
 
 657 
 
r 7? 
 
 657 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Woodrow Wilson had been a careful student and successful 
 teacher of History and Politics for more than a quarter of a 
 century before he came into public life. Although he has 
 written extensively in both of these fields, little is known of 
 his political thought and its place in political philosophy. 
 Therefore, it seems proper to present an analysis of his po 
 litical views in order that his profound influence on American 
 political life may be more fully appreciated. 
 
 There is an intimate connection between the principles of 
 Wilson s political philosophy and his statesmanship and leader 
 ship. In order to emphasize that thought, the first four chap 
 ters and part of the fifth have been devoted to an outline of 
 his political thought and the remainder of the thesis to the ap 
 plication of these principles. It is too early to judge of his 
 leadership in the Great War but as to his domestic policies 
 there is sufficient evidence upon which to form a reasonable 
 conclusion. 
 
 In this dissertation I have shown: 
 
 First, that Wilson s presentation of constitutional govern 
 ment is unique both in definition and analysis. He has ap 
 proached the subject from the point of view of the object of 
 government. Thus he defines a Constitutional Government as 
 one which adapts its powers to the interests of the people 
 and safeguards the rights of the individual. 
 
 Second, that he has presented the principles of a modern 
 democracy, not a theoretical but a practical democracy, as 
 based on experience and political development; and has dem 
 onstrated that liberty in the final analysis is the proper func 
 tioning of a democracy. 
 
 Third, that he has pointed out with his characteristic clear 
 ness the paramount importance of leadership in the successful 
 operation of government, as opposed to form of organization 
 which most writers emphasize. 
 
 The first chapter, dealing with the origin of government, is 
 not an essential part of the political philosophy of Woodrow 
 Wilson, but it is included for the sake of completeness and 
 
because he has nowhere in his writings or speeches repudiated 
 his early views of the origin of government and the state as 
 presented in his text-book, "The State," published in 1889. 
 At that time the patriarchal theory of the origin of government 
 prevailed with political writers. As he himself admits he 
 adopted this view from Sir Henry Maine. There has since 
 developed a school of writers who questioned this theory, 
 claiming that the conclusions of Sir Henry Maine were not 
 based on adequate data. Among these are L. H. Morgan and 
 J. F. McLennan who advocate the priority of the matriarchal 
 and group units over the patriarchal in political organization. 
 Professor George E. Howard in his "A History of Matri 
 monial Institutions," an elaborate work of three volumes, pub 
 lished in 1904, shows that neither of these theories can be uni 
 versally true, but that local conditions must have very largely 
 determined the form of the primitive unit of organization. 
 The works of McLennan and Morgan were doubtless well 
 known to Mr. Wilson when he first wrote "The State," but 
 the work of Howard possibly was not considered by him in 
 his last edition of the "The State" which appeared in 1904, the 
 year of the publication of Howard s work. At any rate, Wil 
 son has not modified the view adopted from Maine in 1889. 
 
 The source material used in the preparation of this study is 
 indicated in the footnotes and in the appended bibliography. 
 The matter there listed has been carefully examined, and 
 where it seemed that its contribution to Wilson s philosophy 
 was significant it has been referred to in footnotes. No at 
 tempt has been made to consider all the views of others upon 
 the acts and writings of Wilson, but the leading authorities 
 who have written intimately of Wilson s career have been 
 consulted. 
 
 The writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to Pro 
 fessor James Curtis Ballagh of the University of Pennsylvania, 
 whose untiring interest, patient direction and stimulating sug 
 gestions made possible the writing of this dissertation. 
 
WOODROW WILSON S POLITICAL IDEALS AS IN 
 TERPRETED FROM HIS WORKS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 BEGINNING AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF GOVERNMENT 
 
 Wilson is a firm supporter of the patriarchal theory of the 
 origin of government. He accepts this theory because it af 
 fords the most satisfactory explanation of the intimate con 
 nection the origin of government must have had with the 
 early history of the family. In the patriarchal family the 
 father was the soufce of all authority and exercised govern 
 mental discipline. Such discipline would scarcely be possible 
 where a clearly defined blood-relationship was lacking. A 
 rigidly defined blood-relationship was the basis of organiza 
 tion and therefore of authority. "In every case, it would 
 seem, the origination of what we should deem worthy of the 
 name of government must have awaited the development of 
 some such definite family as that in which the father was 
 known, and known as ruler. Whether or not the patriarchal 
 family was the first form of the family, it must have furnished 
 the first adequate form of government." 1 Therefore it may 
 be assumed that "The family was the primal unit of political 
 society, and the seed bed of all larger growths of govern 
 ment." 2 The individuals that constituted these earliest com 
 munities were not individual men, but were individual fami 
 lies; and the organization of these families, whether singly or 
 in groups, furnished the ideas in which political society took 
 its root. The members of each family were bound together 
 by kinship. The father was supreme and his authority had 
 
 1 Wilson, The State, 13; cf. Maine, Ancient Law, 122; Sidgwick, 
 Development of European Polity, Chaps. 11-111; Jenks, History of 
 Politics, Chap. Ill; Freeman, Comparative Politics, Lecture II. For a 
 critical treatment of this theory, see McLennan, The Patriarchal 
 Theory. For general discussion see Garner, Introduction to Political 
 Science, 114-119; Gertell, Problems in Political Evolution, 84-87. 
 
 Wilson, The State, 13; Fowler, City State of Greeks and Romans, 
 Chap. II. 
 
for its sanction the fact that he was regarded as the fountain- 
 head of the common blood-relationship. Any man outside 
 this closely organized group of kinsmen was an alien and an 
 enemy. 
 
 When society grew from the family to the larger group, the 
 gciis or House and to the still larger group, the Tribe, and 
 finally to the commonwealth, kinship was still the bond that 
 united the people. 3 In this natural widening and broader de 
 velopment, there came a time when there was no grandfather, 
 great-grandfather, or other patriarch to maintain society in 
 domestic oneness; but it would not separate. The extinct 
 authority of the actual ancestor was replaced by the authority 
 of some selected elder, the oldest living ascendent of the 
 group, or the one most capable. Here were the materials of 
 a complete body politic held together by the old fibre of actual 
 kinship. 4 
 
 Another practice which prevailed among the earliest com 
 munities was that of adoption, which \vas a "ready, and im 
 memorial fiction," but to the thought of that time it seemed 
 no fiction at all. 5 The adopted man or family, as the case 
 might be, was as truly a part of the community as if "natural- 
 born." "In this development kinship and religion operated as 
 the two chief formative influences. Religion seems in most 
 instances to have been at first only the expression of kinship. 
 The central and most sacred worship of each group of men, 
 whether family or tribe, was the worship of ancestors. At the 
 family or communal altar the worshipper came into the pres 
 ence of the shades of the great dead of his family or race. 
 To them he did homage ; from them he craved protection and 
 guidance. The adopted man, therefore, when received into 
 the hallowed communion with the gods of the family, accepted 
 its fathers as his own, and took upon himself the most solemn 
 duties and acquired the most sacred privileges of kinship. So, 
 too, of the family adopted into the gens, or the gens received 
 into the tribe. The new group accepted the ancestors by ac 
 cepting the worship of the adopting House or community. 
 Religion was thus quite inseparably linked with kinship. It 
 may be said to have been the thought of which kinship was 
 the embodiment. It was the sign and the seal of the common 
 
 Maine, Ancient Law, 128; Jcnks, Hist, of Politics, 19. 
 
 4 Wilson, The State, 14. 
 
 5 Hearn, The Aryan Household, 27, 104. 
 
blood, the expression of its oneness, its sanctity, its obligations. 
 He who had entered into the bonds of this religion had, there 
 fore, entered into the heart of kinship and taken of its life- 
 blood. His blood-relationship was thus rendered no fiction 
 at all to the thought of that day, but a solemn verity, to which 
 every religious ceremonial bore impressive witness." 6 
 
 The results of such a system of life and thought were most 
 momentous. The ancestor of the primitive man became a god 
 of undying power whose spirit lived to bless or to curse. 7 To 
 depart from the practices of these potent ancestors was to run 
 in the face of the deities. Precedent was under such circum 
 stances imperative. "Precedent of course soon aggregated 
 into custom such custom as it is now scarcely possible to 
 conceive of a supreme, uniform, imperious, infrangible rule 
 of life which brought within its inexorable commands every 
 detail of daily conduct." 8 
 
 This reign of stiff customary law was long and decisive; 
 the family was a despotism, society a routine. "Superstition 
 strengthened every cord and knot of the network of obser 
 vance which bound men to the practice of their fathers and 
 their neighbors." 9 Among all races the tendency has been for 
 custom to become fixed in a crust too solid ever to be broken. 
 The majority of mankind has either remained under the tyr 
 anny of this inexorable custom or has advanced only to a 
 caste system where the reign of unchanging hereditary classes 
 has crystallized society into fixed strata. In other words 
 among the peoples of the world, stagnation has been the rule, 
 progress the exception. 10 
 
 How did it come about that some men % progressed while 
 most did not? "In the first place, it is not probable that all 
 the groups of men in that early time had the same customs. 
 Custom was doubtless as flexible and malleable in its infancy 
 as it was inflexible and changeless in its old age. In propor 
 tion as group separated from group in the restless days of the 
 nomadic life, custom would become differentiated from cus 
 tom. Then, after first being the cause, isolation would be 
 come the natural result of differences of life and belief. A 
 family or tribe which had taken itself apart and built up a 
 
 Wilson, The State, 11$ ; cf. Hearn, The Aryan Household, 105, 107. 
 
 T Hearn, The Aryan Household, 39. 
 
 Wilson, The State, 15-16. 
 
 Ibid., 16; Jenks, History of Politics, 22. 
 
 10 Maine, History of Institutions, 232. 
 
 3 
 
practice and opinion all its own would thereby have made it 
 self irrevocably a stranger to its one-time kinsmen of other 
 tribes. When its life did touch their life, it would touch to 
 clash, and not to harmonize or unite. There would be a Tro 
 jan war. The Greeks had themselves come, it may be, from 
 these very coasts of Asia Minor; the Trojans were perhaps 
 their forgotten and now alien kinsmen. Greeks, Romans, 
 Celts, had probably once been a single people ; but how unlike 
 did they become!" 11 In this clash and competition of customs, 
 the most serviceable prevailed. But as on the one hand con 
 tact and competition between the customs of different groups 
 meant the most serviceable would survive and the result would 
 be progress, just so on the onther hand, isolation meant stag 
 nation. The world is full of instances of isolation and accord 
 ingly abounds in stagnated nationalities. The great caste na 
 tions are examples. 12 
 
 It is easy to imagine that there was a rapid and striking 
 change in the customs of the races which migrated and com 
 peted in the West. Not only was there the factor of the pre 
 dominance of the best custom but also the potent factor of a 
 change of scene and circumstance. The Greeks may be re 
 garded as a type of the transformation that took place in 
 those early days. They came down to the sea from Asia 
 Minor and gradually worked their way across to what became 
 their permanent home. And they reached this country changed 
 men, more adventurous, more skillful, and with a broader 
 vision of life. Not only the changes of circumstance and the 
 exigencies of new conditions of life, but also the conquests 
 necessarily incident to those days of migration must have 
 wrought changes to the conquerors as well as to the con 
 quered. 18 
 
 There must also have been among the less successful races 
 a powerful tendency toward imitation of their more success 
 ful neighbors and rivals. But however powerful this impulse 
 toward imitation as between group and group, in times of mi 
 gration and conquest, there was offered these pioneers oppor 
 tunity and inducement for individual initiative. With indi 
 vidual initiative permitted a voice, the soil was made fertile 
 
 "Wilson, The State, 18. 
 
 "Hobhouse, Social Evolution and Political Theory, 163-164; Bage- 
 hot, Physics and Politics, Chap. II. 
 "Wilson, The State, 21. 
 
for the change of institutions, and consequently change in the 
 constitution of government. It is likely that in the selection 
 of a chieftain of the race, a distinct element of choice of 
 election must have crept in at a very early period. The 
 oldest male of the hitherto reigning family was no longer 
 chosen as of course, but the wisest or bravest. It was even 
 open to the national choice to go upon occasion altogether out 
 side this succession and choose a leader of force and resource 
 from some other family." 14 Although the group continued to 
 be regarded as a family, the head of this huge complex family 
 ceased to be natural and became political. The state at last 
 had come to dominate the family. "It often fell out that a 
 son, absolutely subject to his father in the family, was by 
 election made master of his father outside the family, in the 
 state." 15 
 
 Enough has been said to indicate "how custom crystallized 
 about the primitive man; how in the case of the majority of 
 mankind it preserved itself against all essential change; how 
 with the favored minority of the race it was broken by war, 
 altered by imperative circumstances, modified by imitation, and 
 infringed by individual initiative ; how change resulted in pro 
 gress; and how, at last, kinsmen became fellow-citizens." 18 
 
 "Ibid., 23; cf. Jenks, History of Politics, 36. 
 
 15 Wilson, The State, 23. 
 
 16 Ibid., 23-24. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 Wilson assumes that Government has passed through^four ^ 
 stages and forms of development. A first stage in which the 
 go ve rmrienMva slib^olute jiiaste r and tlie people veritable sub- 5/i 
 jects; a second in which the government was master not be- 
 but by virtue of insight and fitness to 
 
 Jead; a third in which both force and fitness had failed the 
 government and it found itself facejo face with the leaders of 
 the people, a period of agitation and sure signs of great 
 change; and a ipn&h in which the leaders of the people be 
 came. the_j^vernment_,and the development was complete. 1 
 
 The first stage, when the government was absolute master 
 is one at which there is among the people no consciousness of 
 a community of interest, no feeling of oneness, no idea of a 
 common purpose ; they know no interest of their own op 
 posed to the interest of the government, or if they do, it is 
 vague and unreal, and they know no means of realizing their 
 wish a mass speechless and powerless politically. The gov 
 ernment may be said to have been master in the early Ger 
 manic feudal nation which occupied the European field after 
 the break-up of the Roman Empire and in the developed feudal 
 nation for example, France under Louis XIV; and also in 
 the nations which have been conquered by some foreign mili 
 tary class or race who have retained their hold upon them by 
 organized force, as in China and Russia. A population which 
 is ruled by a limited class who are its conquerors is apt to 
 stand still until its polity rots, as in Russia. The nation which 
 is most likely to linger until it stagnates is the caste nation; 
 some irresistible force coming from the outside seems neces 
 sary for relief from the crust of inexorable custom. A mili 
 tary nation is too full of stir to stand still long in its first stage 
 of development. 2 
 
 This first stage is a stage of social development ; the second 
 
 1 Constitutional Government in the United States, 28. 
 * Constitutional Government in the United States, 28-29. 
 
stage when the ruler was leader as well as master is a stage 
 of political development. In the first stage "society is asleep, 
 is unformed, inorganic, without self-consciousness and with 
 out knowledge of its own interest and power. What is lack 
 ing is the birth of a national consciousness and self-knowl 
 edge." When the second stage comes the nation has become 
 aware of itself; there is a feeling of the community of inter 
 est, a national consciousness. A nation at this stage is led by 
 a self-constituted leader, but a leader and statesman who is a 
 suitable embodiment of the nation, as was the case of Eliza 
 beth in England and Frederick the Great in Prussia. It is 
 too early in the development of the nation for it to express 
 itself in men chosen from its own ranks. 3 
 
 When a nation develops to that stage where it has a na 
 tional consciousness, it is no easy matter, in fact, it is next to 
 impossible for a government not derived from the people to 
 retain a sympathetic comprehension adequate for leadership. 
 Events take place which stir up common convictions amidst 
 all ranks and kinds of men. The nation passes into the third 
 stage that of agitation when it is a struggle between the 
 leaders of the people and the irresponsible self-constituted 
 rulers to determine which will shape the policies and direct 
 the government. It is at this stage when average men begin 
 to know their rights and demand political recognition. Spokes 
 men and leaders arise as a matter of course and whether the 
 struggle is short or long, the result will finally be essentially 
 the same; "the people s leaders themselves will take control 
 of the government as they have done in England, in Switzer 
 land, in America, in France, in Scandinavia, and in Italy, and 
 as they will yet do in every other country whose polity ful 
 fils the promise of the modern time." There is established a 
 new understanding between the governors and the governed. 
 Agreements to new practices, which are new institutions, are 
 made; and the nation enters the fourth stage that stage in 
 which the people s chosen leaders are the government. 4 
 
 When this final stage is reached, the people know their in 
 terests, their political force, and are actually accustomed to 
 choosing and following their own leaders as the natural thing. 
 The leaders of the people take charge of the government and 
 the form of government that is likely to result is either the 
 
 Constitutional Government in the United States, 30-35. 
 4 Constitutional Government in the United States, 36-40. 
 
parliamentary English form or the American Presidential 
 form. 6 
 
 \YiIson calls this fourth stage that of constitutional govern 
 ment. But why does he call a government in this stage of de 
 velopment constitutional? Is a constitutional government one 
 that is conducted according to the provisions of a written con 
 stitution? If so, look at the governments of the United States, 
 of Japan, and of Mexico, and select a representative type. If 
 the government of England, which has no written constitution, 
 is regarded as the most famous of all constitutional govern 
 ments, what shall we say about Turkey? With these facts 
 before one, it is only too obvious that in order to get a clear 
 understanding of what constitutes a constitutional government, 
 the term constitutional must be defined. No one has yet de 
 fined it quite so concisely as has Wilson himself. "A consti 
 tutional government is one whose powers have been adapted to 
 the interests of its people and to the maintenance of individual 
 liberty." 6 It is a government conducted upon the basis of a 
 definite understanding between those who are to submit to it 
 and those who are to conduct it, an understanding between 
 the people and their own chosen leaders; a government that 
 has always in view the general welfare and especially the safe 
 guarding of individual liberty. The general welfare is assured 
 and the liberty of the individual is guaranteed by virtue of the 
 fact that the government is conducted by the people through 
 their leaders. 
 
 "The object," he says, "of constitutional government is to 
 bring the active, planning will of each part of the government 
 into accord with the prevailing popular thought and need, and 
 thus make it an impartial instrument of symmetrical national 
 development; and to give to the operation of the government 
 thus shaped under the influence of opinion and adjusted to the 
 general interest both stability and an incorruptible efficacy." 7 
 In other words the object of constitutional government is the 
 maintenance of a proper adjustment between the power of the 
 government and the privilege of the individual. And since 
 government is a living, growing organism, is a part of life 
 and, with life, must change both in its objects and practices 
 there is but one thing that will remain constant, that is, the 
 
 8 Ibid, 40. 
 
 Const. Govt. in U. S., 2. 
 
 T Ibid., 14. 
 
opportunity for adjustment. Whatever institutions and prac 
 tices, legal or extra-legal, assist in the realization of the ob 
 jects of constitutional government are necessary to such a 
 system; and those institutions and practices which do not so 
 assist, or which serve it imperfectly, should be dispensed with 
 or improved. The history of constitutional government has 
 been an experimental search for the best means by which to 
 effect these nice adjustments. 8 
 
 Keeping in mind that a constitutional government is one 
 conducted on the basis of a definite understanding between those 
 who administer it and those who obey it, it is obvious that, 
 for a people to have such a system of government, that people 
 must constitute a community. A community may be defined 
 as a body of people who have a distinct consciousness of com 
 mon ties and interests, a common manner and standard of life 
 and conduct, and a practised habit of union and concerted ac 
 tion in whatever affects it as a whole. 9 Certainly no people 
 that is not clearly conscious of common interests and of com 
 mon standards of life and happiness, and which has not a 
 common purpose, can come to any agreement with its gov 
 ernment ; and no people which has not a habit of union and 
 which is not capable of the most concerted action can secure 
 itself against the breach of such an agreement if it exists. 10 
 There must be a common thought, common interests and a 
 common purpose in order to reach an agreement with the gov 
 ernment; and in order to enforce this agreement with the 
 government, the people must present a solid front. 
 
 Not all communities having a constitutional government 
 will have the same form of governmental organization. No 
 two people can be expected to succeed by the same means un 
 less those means equally suit their character and stage of de 
 velopment. Every community has its peculiar institutions and 
 practices, and these institutions must be the expression of its 
 training and experience. 11 But whatever the polity may be, 
 it should be such as will attract the best characters into the 
 public service an^ inspire in the individual the habit and spirit 
 of civic duty. 12 
 
 Constitutional government is the one form of government 
 
 8 Const. Govt. in U. S., 14. 
 Ibid., 26, 51. 
 
 10 Ibid., 26. 
 
 11 Atlantic Monthly, vol. 87, p. 289. 
 
 12 Ibid., vol. 90, p. 733. 
 
that exalts the individual and throws him upon his own re 
 sources, 1 thus giving the best opportunity for and insuring 
 the highest degree of individual self-development, which is 
 itself the ultimate object of society. 14 The government trusts 
 him to sec and seek his own rights. He is not a ward of the 
 government but his own guardian. Such an attitude presup 
 poses both intelligence and independence of spirit on the part 
 of the individual, and such a system stimulates intelligence 
 and creates independence of spirit. The fact, that he is re 
 quired to seek his court and know his remedy is all that is 
 necessary in addition to his natural impulses and desires to 
 give him the attitude and habit of a free man. 15 This point is 
 further emphasized by the fact that the officers of the govern 
 ment, especially in the United States and England, which are 
 the countries that have reached the most advanced stage in 
 constitutional development, 16 have no authority except such 
 as they derive from the law, from the regulations agreed on 
 between the government and those \vho are governed. An 
 officer who violates the law transgresses the very fundamental 
 presumptions of the system and thereby becomes a law 
 breaker, enjoying no privileges or exemption. 17 Thus from 
 the very outset of modern constitutional history it has invari 
 ably been recognized as one of the essentials of constitutional 
 government that the individual should be provided with some 
 tribunal to which he could resort with confident expectations 
 of there securing justice, not only as against other individuals 
 but also justice against the government itself a perfect pro 
 tection against all violations of the law. 18 
 
 Constitutional government is distinctly a government of 
 law. This does not mean that constitutional government is 
 one of law and not of men. For no matter how they are 
 constituted, governments are always governments of men, and 
 no part of any government is any better than the men to 
 whom that part is intrusted. "The guage of excellence is not 
 the law under which officers act, but the conscience and intel 
 ligence with which they apply it, if they apply it at all. The 
 
 18 Const. Govt. in U. S., 19. 
 
 14 The State, 633. 
 
 1 Const. Govt. in U. S., 19. 
 
 UAn Old Master and other Political Essays, 118. 
 
 l f Const. Govt. in U. S., 20. 
 
 "Ibid., 16-17. 
 
 IO 
 
courts do not escape the rule. So far as the individual is con 
 cerned, a constitutional government is as good as its courts; 
 no better, no worse. Its laws are only its professions. It 
 keeps its promises, or does not keep them, in its courts. For 
 the individual, therefore, who stands at the centre of every 
 definition of liberty, the struggle for constitutional govern 
 ment is a struggle for good laws, indeed, but also for intelli 
 gent, independent, and impartial courts." 19 
 
 Another point that is central to this discussion, is that of 
 the atmosphere of a constitutional government. Public opin 
 ion is the atmosphere of all governments but peculiarly true is 
 this as regards a constitutional government. Opinion is the 
 air from which it takes its breath and vigor. 20 An irresponsi 
 ble government seeks to keep opinion accommodated to the 
 government while a constitutional government is at its best 
 when it accommodates itself to the habit and thought of the 
 nation. A constitutional government is the one form of gov 
 ernment under w r hich institutions that assist in the mainten 
 ance of a proper adjustment between the power of govern 
 ment and the rights of the individual are created by opinion. 
 The breath and life go out of the institutions as soon as they 
 cease to be sustained by the conscious or habitual preference 
 of the people. 
 
 "Every man s thought is pan of the vital substance of its 
 institutions/ 2 With a change in the thought of the people 
 comes change of institution?. Under free government citizen 
 ship is not only a thing of dignity but a thing of tremendous 
 responsibility. "And that will always be the freest country in 
 which enlightened opinion abounds, in which to plant the prac 
 tices of government. It is of the essence of a constitutional 
 system that its people should think straight, maintain a con 
 sistent purpose, look before and after, and make their lives 
 the image of their thoughts." 2 The people become practiced 
 masters of constitutional government when they know their 
 minds and can get representatives to express them. 23 The 
 only absolute safeguards of a constitutional government lie in 
 the character, the independence, the resolution, the right pur- 
 
 10 Const. Govt. in U. S., 17. 
 20 Ibid., 20, 22. 
 
 11 Const. Govt. in U. S., 23. 
 " Ibid., 23. 
 
 Ibid, 222. 
 
 II 
 
pose of the men who vote and who choose the public ser 
 vants^ 4 
 
 How a nice adjustment is to be maintained between those 
 who administer the law and those who obey it is the final im 
 portant point. Not only is this clear undemanding between 
 the g -\ernors and the governed, established in charters and 
 con>t : : .iions, a fundamental prerequisite of constitutional gov 
 ernment, but the agreement and adjustment must be kept up 
 alike in the making and in the execution of the laws, it must 
 be accommodated to each day and generation. According to 
 Mr. Wilson, genuine representative assemblies are the indis 
 pensable means for maintaining this adjustment and the pro 
 cess is common counsel, discussion. Discussion conducted by 
 those who stand in the midst of affairs, at the centre of man 
 agement, where affairs can be looked into and disposed of with 
 full knowledge and authority. Common counsel between those 
 who govern and those who are governed ; those intrusted with 
 the government being present in person, the people by deputy. 25 
 "Constitutional government can be vital only when it is re 
 freshed at every turn of affairs by a new and cordial and 
 easily attained understanding between those who govern and 
 those who are governed. It can be maintained only by gen 
 uine common counsel; and genuine common counsel can be 
 obtained only by genuine representative institutions." 26 His 
 view is that representative assemblies by counsel and criti 
 cism will maintain the proper balance between opinion and 
 power. He says further, that the object of discussion is not 
 that common opinion, the opinion of the street and store 
 should prevail, but that the best opinion should prevail; opin 
 ion created by thoughtful and responsible discussion in parlia 
 ment between authoritative critics and responsible ministers 
 of state. Opinion compounded out of many views in actual 
 contact, a living thing made of the vital substance of many 
 minds, many personalities, many experiences. 27 
 
 He emphatically states that it should not be the function of 
 representative assemblies to conduct the government. Time 
 and time again he points out that their function is common 
 counsel and not the origination and conduct of the business 
 
 *Ibid., 166-167. 
 
 "Atlantic Monthly, vol. 87, p. 291 
 Const Govt in U. S., 222. 
 ** Const Govt in U. S., 105. 
 
 12 
 
of government; their duty is criticism and restraint; to insist 
 on those measures which the nation needs and resist those it 
 does not need. Their original purpose was watchful criticism, 
 counsel that would reveal the whole intention of the govern 
 ment and keep those who conduct it in sympathetic touch with 
 the real feeling and desire of the nation. They were to voice 
 the conscience of the nation in the presence of government 
 and the exercise of authority. To him it is plainly evident 
 that representative bodies, free to criticise and acting with in 
 dependence, uttering the voice of those who are governed, and 
 enjoying such authority as no king or president may question 
 or gainsay, constitute an indispensable part of the institutional 
 make-up of a constitutional government; bur their function is 
 not to conduct the business of government. 2 * 
 
 It is well here to note the importance Wilson ascribes to the 
 federal system in constitutional government. He says that 
 nothing so adds to the vitality of the government, the elasticity 
 of the system as the relationship that exists between the Fed 
 eral and State governments. It is in a, federal state that the 
 highest degree of vitality of its parts is attained. This vital 
 ity is due to the fact that a federal state is composed of "self- 
 originated, self-constituted, self-confident, self-sustaining, ver 
 itable communities." The spontaneity and variety, the inde 
 pendent and irrepressible life of its communities gives to the 
 federal system extraordinary elasticity and vigor w4iich pre 
 serves it from the paralysis that comes sooner or later to every 
 people who look to their central government to patronize and 
 nurture them. Such a political system by. distributing the 
 chief powers of government among the States becomes an ad 
 mirable instrumentality of constitutional understanding and 
 adjustment between popular thought and governmental 
 method, and this system may yet afford the world the model 
 of federation and liberty it may in God s providence come to 
 seek. 29 The federal system affords opportunity for spontan 
 eous political growth instead of forced growth. 
 
 28 Const. Govt. in U. S., 10-14. 
 "Ibid., 50-52, 182-183. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 DEMOCRACY 
 
 Modern democracy derives no support at all from the prac 
 tices of the classical states, nor any countenance whatever 
 from the principles of classical statesmen and philosophers. 1 
 
 The Grecian and Roman democracies, at best, rested upon 
 a privileged class. Slaves abounded; citizenship and even the 
 privileges of the courts of justice were reserved for men of 
 a particular blood and lineage. Those who were in the ranks 
 of privileged citizenship despised those who were not, guarded 
 their rank very jealously against intruders, and used their 
 power as a right singular and exclusive, theirs, not as man, 
 but as Athenians of authentic extraction, as Romans of old 
 patrician blood. 2 
 
 "Modem democracy wears a different aspect, and rests 
 upon principles separated by the whole heaven from those of 
 the Roman and Grecian democrat. Its theory is of equal 
 rights without respect of blood or breeding. It knows nothing 
 of a citizenship won by privilege or inherited through lines 
 of descent which cannot be changed or broadened. Its thought 
 is of a society without castes or classes, of equality of political 
 birthright which is without bound or limitation. Its founda 
 tions are set in a philosophy that would extend to all mankind 
 an equal emancipation, make citizens of all men, and cut away 
 everywhere exceptional privilege. All men are born free and 
 equal is a classical sentence of its creed, and its dream is al 
 ways of a state in which no man shall have mastery over an 
 other without his willing acquiescence and consent. It speaks 
 always of the sovereignty of the people, and of rulers as the 
 people s servants." 3 
 
 Wilson points out that these ideals of democracy bear the 
 touch of the visionary genius of the French mind rather than 
 that of the vigorous and practical genius of the English mind. 
 
 x The State, 581-2. Problems in Modern Democracy, 59. 
 * The State, 582-6. Problems in Modern Democracy, 60. 
 Problems in Modern Democracy, 60-61. 
 
 14 
 
He thus comments : "The truth is that these ideals by which 
 we seek and profess to live were formulated before the dem 
 ocracy of which they speak with so fine a fervor had anywhere 
 come into existence. They were the song which beguiled the 
 infancy of democracy, and like other cradle songs bear the 
 marks of literary genius rather than hard experience." 4 
 
 Such a philosophy of democracy is the dream of French 
 philosophers, it comes not as the result of practice and ex 
 perience. When w r e turn from the speculation of these French 
 dreamers to the sober sentences which philosophers and 
 statesmen of our own race, and our own experience have 
 spoken with regard to liberty and the institutions which make 
 men free, the confusion clears away at once and we have a 
 secure footing alike for thought and action. 5 The French 
 speak of the sovereignty of the people; we speak of the con 
 sent of the governed. Their thought is a dream; ours, ex 
 perience and practice. Theirs the elevations of ecstasy to 
 which revolutionists climb; ours, the level of every day habit 
 and experience of adjusting government to our needs which 
 finds expression in constitutional government. 
 
 Wilson accepts the English philosophy of democracy, and it 
 is well to present here a summary of that before turning to 
 another aspect of the subject. In his direct style he says, 
 "Democracy is the antithesis of all government by privilege. 
 It excludes all hereditary right to rule, whether in a single 
 family or in a single class or in any combination of classes. 
 It makes the g^n^rjl_welfaj^^f_^pciety the end and object of 
 law, and declares that no class, no aristocratic minority, no 
 single group of men, however numerous, ^however capable, 
 however enlightened, can see broadly enough or sufficiently 
 free itself from bias to perceive a nation s needs in their en 
 tirety or guide its destinies for the benefit of all. The^cqnsent 
 of the governed must at every turn check and determine the 
 action of tTTose who make and execute the law." 8 
 
 In the preceding chapter it was observed that government 
 passes through four stages of growth before completing the 
 development. The fourth stage, the one in which the leaders 
 of the people took charge of the government, is the stage of 
 
 Iliid., 62. 
 
 5 Problems in Modern Democracy, 62. Cf. Chapter II. 
 
 roblems in Modern Democracy, 63. Cf. N. A. Review, vol. 186, 
 p. 37. The New Freedom, 72. War Speech, Apr. 2, 1917. 
 
 15 
 
constitutional government. A constitutional government was 
 defined as one whose powers are adapted to the interests of 
 its people and to the maintenance of individual liberty. It 
 was further stated that such a government is conducted upon 
 the basis of a definite understanding between those who are 
 to submit to it and those who are to conduct it. In this fourth 
 stage the people are accustomed to select from their own ranks 
 their leaders who are to give expression to the popular will. 
 It is a long way from the fir.st stage when rulers were abso 
 lute, to the fourth and last when the leaders of the people be 
 came the government. 
 
 As constitutional government is a stage in political develop 
 ment so is democracy a stage in political development. Dem 
 ocracy is a grade of constitutional government, it is the high 
 est grade, it is the last and most advanced stage of constitu 
 tional development. Constitutional government at its best is 
 democracy. 7 
 
 Democracy is not a form of government but a stage of 
 political development. It is a stage of development that is 
 reached after long discipline and political training which has 
 prepared a people by gradual steps for self-government, for 
 assuming entire control of their government. 8 A democracy 
 is a people that has ideals and can translate them into action; 
 a people who can translate these ideals into political practices 
 and institutions that will serve them in their every day life; 
 a people whose ideals are the standards of their government. 9 
 Democracy cannot be had by adopting a certain constitu 
 tion or by accepting certain institutions or practices but it 
 comes as a result of trained capacity and aptitude for public 
 affairs. A democracy is a community capable of self-govern 
 ment. In speaking of the American democracy Wilson says 
 it came as a result of our political experience; an immature 
 people could not have had it. It came like manhood as the 
 fruit of youth. 10 
 
 It might be well to point out here that, "It is a deeply 
 significant fact, therefore, again and again to be called to mind, 
 that only in the United States, in a few other governments be- 
 
 T Const. Govt. in the U. S., "ii-^2. Problems in Modern Democracy. 
 
 63. 
 
 An Old Master and other Political Essays, 114-18. Const. Govt. 
 in the U. S., 52. The New Freedom, 231. 
 
 Address at Independence Hall, July 4, 1914. 
 
 10 An Old Master and oilier Political Essays, 116. 
 
 16 
 
gotten of the English race, and in Switzerland, where the old 
 Teutonic habit has had the same persistency as in England, 
 have examples yet been furnished of successful democracy of 
 the modem type." 11 
 
 What form or system of government will a community 
 capable of self-government, that is, a democracy, establish for 
 itself? It is a fact ever to be kept in mind that democracy is 
 the result of political growth, it is a stage in that growth when 
 a people become capable of self-government. It is not so 
 much the form of the government that a people has that 
 counts; but the main thing is their capacity and aptitude for 
 conducting whatever government they are heir to as a result of 
 their historical development. Mr. Bryce went to the core of 
 the matter when he said that the American people would 
 make any form of government work. What he meant was 
 that it is not a matter so much of the details of organization ; 
 the all-important fact is that the American people have the 
 political capacity and training to make any kind of constitu 
 tional government work and serve them. In line with this 
 thought is Mr. Wilson s statement that governments are after 
 all governments of men, they are good or bad as the men who 
 conduct them are capable or incapable. And whether they will 
 be capable or not depends on whether the people know their 
 own minds and are capable of choosing competent public 
 servants. 12 The system of government or polity which a 
 democracy has depends upon the history and tradition 
 of that particular country; it depends upon the peculiar so 
 cial, economic and political conditions of that people. That 
 is the explanation of the differences in polities of England, 
 United States and Switzerland. Each people must use the 
 instruments of government which they have become accus 
 tomed to by training and practice. Each country will have its 
 own peculiar institutions and practices ; such institutions and 
 practices as will assist the people in the realization of the ob 
 jects of government. Since the practices ana institutions of 
 a people are an expression of their training and experience, 
 no two people may be expected to succeed by the same means 
 unless these means are equally suited to the character of both 
 people. 13 
 
 11 An Old Master and other Political Essays, 118. 
 11 Const. Govt. in the U. S., 17, 165. 
 " Atlantic Monthly, vol. 87, p. 289. 
 
 17 
 
From the foregoing it must not be concluded that the form 
 and character of the government of a democracy is not of 
 capital importance. As already indicated, in order for there 
 to be self-government, there must be a constitutional system, 
 that is, the government must be conducted upon the basis of 
 a definite understanding between the government and the 
 people. The right of the individual must be defined and guar 
 anteed by specific safeguards, the authority and functions of 
 those who rule must be limited and determined by unmistak 
 able custom or explicit fundamental law. Those who conduct 
 the government must be responsible to the people. So it is 
 plain that both capacity for self-government and adequate in 
 stitutions and forms based on certain well defined principles 
 : of constitutional government are indispensable to a democ 
 racy. The consent of the governed must at every turn check 
 and determine the action of those who make and execute the 
 laws. A modern democracy is a government subject to system 
 atic popular control. 1 * A people who are capable of self-gov 
 ernment may not be a self-governing people because they do 
 not have the institutions and organs with which to take charge 
 and conduct the government. This is the case with Germany. 
 The German government is not a constitutional government, 
 and therefore not a democracy, although the people are cap 
 able of self-government. The government is not the leaders 
 of the people and responsible to the people but it is an irre 
 sponsible military group, an autocracy. On the other hand, 
 forms and institutions without capacity will not make a dem 
 ocracy. No form of government would make of Mexico a 
 democracy. They have not had the requisite discipline and 
 training and experience for self-government. 
 
 " Problems in Modern Democracy, 65. 
 
 18 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 SOVEREIGNTY 
 
 Sovereignty is the highest political power in the state; it is 
 the power to select the policy of the nation, propose, formu 
 late, and modify its laws, determine its relations with other 
 nations, and its place of leadership in the world. In short, 
 sovereignty is the power to determine and execute the policy 
 of the government. 1 
 
 Wilson thus rejects thelegal conception of sovereignty vvbich 
 defines sovereignty as unlirmte d powei\ To"lriis Wilson says, 
 "There is nol unlimited power, except the summation of all 
 powers. Our legal theorists have sought unlimited sovereignty 
 by a process of summation; have made it consist in the com 
 bined forces of the community. Sovereignty, if it be a defi 
 nite and separable thing at all, is not unlimited power; is not 
 identical with the powers of the community. It is not the gen 
 eral vitality of the organism, but the specific originative power 
 of certain organs. Sovereigns have ahvays been subject in 
 greater or less degree "tjTjthe community ; have always been 
 organs of the state; have never been the state itself. But 
 they have been sovereigns none the less ; they and not the com 
 munity over which they presided." 2 
 
 Legally speaking sovereignty in England rests with Parlia 
 ment and Parliament has unlimited legislative power. "What 
 ever an Act of Parliament prescribes is law, even though it 
 contravenes every principle . . . recognized before the passage 
 of the Act as inviolable. Such is the theory. T-fce well known 
 fact is, that Parliament dare do nothing that will even seem 
 to contravene principles held to be sacred in the sphere either 
 of constitutional privilege or private right. Parliament is 
 master, can utter valid commands, only so far as it interprets, 
 or at least, does not cross, the wishes of the people. Its actual 
 
 1 Old Master, Si ; Problems in Modern Democracy, 65. 
 
 * Old Master, 80; See Treitschke Politics, vol. I, 22 , Blackstone, 
 Commentaries on the Laws of England, Chase s ed., 14; Story, Com 
 mentaries on the Constitution of the United States, vol. I, sec. 207. 
 
 19 
 
power is not a whit broader for having a free field in law, 
 so long as the field in which it really moves is fenced high 
 about by firm facts." 3 Eyen the power of the Czar of Russia 
 was not unlimited in fact as was so sternly revealed by the 
 receniT^evolution. As much might be said also of the Sultan 
 of Turkey. Sovereignty, therefore, as ideally conceived in 
 legal theory, nowhere exists. 
 
 And, too, W^on refuses to accept the doctrine of Popular 
 Sovereignty.^ The people accept or reject measures, but do 
 noL-propose^thcmj the people approve and reverse policies of 
 the government, but do not originate or execute them. The 
 people pass judgment or give sanction but they do not direct 
 or suggest. 4 
 
 "Sovereign power is the higher L-pAlit^al po\ vp r of the state, 
 lodged in active organs, for the purpose of governing. Sov 
 ereign power is a positive thing; control is a negative thing. 
 .Power belongs to government, is lodged in organs of initiative ; 
 control belongs to the community, is lodged with the voters." 5 
 Sovereignty is not IT thing ^bf consent and approval, but a 
 thing of initiative and action. Tfeose whom tiie_j3gflple^jciiopse 
 to conduct the government exercise sovereignty, they deter 
 mine and execute the policy of the government, subject al- 
 ways to the consenL_ajid approval the control of^ die peo 
 ple., "Questions of government are infinitely complex "ques 
 tions, and no multitude can of themselves form clear-cut, 
 comprehensive, consistent conclusions touching them. Yet 
 without such conclusions, without single and prompt pur 
 poses government cannot be carried on." T 
 
 Wilson locates sovereignty in the law-making body. "It is 
 never easy," says Wilson, "to point out in our complex mod 
 ern governments the exact organs in which sovereignty is 
 lodged. On the whole, however, it is always safe to ascribe 
 sovereignty to the highest originative or law-making body of 
 
 The State, 599-600. 
 
 4 Old Master, 85-86; Even when the Initiative or Referendum is 
 employed as in Switzerland, it is merely a small group of the most 
 progressive citizens submitting a proposition to the mass of voters for 
 approval or rejection. This is not popular initiative or popular origi 
 nation; Old Master, 74-75. See Boutny, Etudes, Politiques, 52. Rous 
 seau, Social Contract, Harrington s Trans. 36, 137. 
 
 Ibid., 90. 
 
 Problems of Modern FXmocracy, 64 65. 
 
 T Old Master, 130. 
 
 20 
 
the state the body by whose determinations both the tasks, 
 to be carried out by the Administration and the rules to be 
 applied by the courts are fixed and warranted. 8 It is the law- 
 making body that "transmutes selected tendencies into stiff 
 and urgent rules. ... It determines which tendencies shall be 
 accepted, which checked and denied efficacy. It forms the 
 purposes of the state, avoiding revolution if it forms them 
 wisely and with a true insight." 9 
 
 The federal state is no exception to this rule. Wilson says, 
 "The constituent act the manner in which the government 
 was created can, I conceive, have nothing to do N with our 
 analysis of the matter. The way in which a federal state came 
 into existence is immaterial to the question of sovereignty. 
 Originative life and action, the characteristic attributes of 
 sovereignty, come after that. The constituent act creates a 
 thing capable of exercising sovereignty." 10 
 
 In a federal state then, as well as in a unitary state, sov 
 ereignty is located in the law-making body. In conformity 
 with this statement, he says with regard to sovereignty in the 
 United States, "The whole energy of origination under our 
 system rests with Congress. It stands at the front of all gov 
 ernment among us ; it is the single affirmative voice in national 
 policy. First or last, it determines what is to be done. The 
 President, indeed, appoints officers and negotiates treaties, but 
 he does so subject to the yes of the Senate. Congress or 
 ganizes the army, organizes the navy. It audits, approves, 
 and pays the expenses. It conceives and directs all compre 
 hensive policy. All else is negation/ 11 Again he emphasizes 
 the predominant position of Congress. "Government lives in 
 the origination, not in the defeat of measures. The President 
 obstructs by means of his No ; the houses govern by means 
 of their Yes. He has killed some measures that are dead; 
 they have given birth to all policies that are alive." 12 
 
 At the time the above was written, the President was a 
 "constitutional" executive; that is, an executive in the sense 
 of the framers of the Constitution. He was not expected to 
 lead Congress. But since that time, the President "has be- 
 
 8 Ibid., 90-91. 
 Ibid., 95-96. 
 
 10 Ibid., 92-93. 
 
 11 Ibid., 148-149. 
 Ibid., 168. 
 
 21 
 
conic the leader of his party ami the guide of the nation in 
 political purposes, and therefore in legal action." 1 Today as 
 leader of his party, he is the leader of Congress in legislative 
 action and the dominant figure in determining the policy of 
 the government. 
 
 " Const. Govt. in U. S., 60. 
 
 22 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 LIBERTY 
 
 The history of constitutional government in the modern 
 world is the history of political liberty. It ivas the determi 
 nation to secure political liberty that brought forth Magna 
 Carta; it was political liberty for which the American colon 
 ists were seeking when the immortal Declaration of Inde 
 pendence was drawn up. In fact, all that men have striven 
 for in the reform of government has been political liberty. 
 
 In his peculiarly concise manner, Woodrow Wilson in one 
 sentence, epigrammatic but pregnant with meaning, defines po- 
 litical liberty as "the right of those who are governedTb 
 
 "adjust. the government to their o\\ fl needs and Tnferests/**"^ 
 
 Then in order for a people to be free, they must have the 
 right to adjust the government to their needs and interests. 
 In other words, to a free people, the government must be an 
 instrumentality to be used by them for administering to their 
 needs and interests. This definition of political liberty ob 
 viously implies two things. First, that the people have the 
 machinery with which to adjust the government to their own 
 needs and interests ; and second, that the people have the abil 
 ity to use this machinery in making the adjustment. If a 
 people have not the machinery and the ability to use it they 
 are not a free people. This machinery for the maintenance of 
 political liberty consists in the first place of a definite formu 
 lation of the rights of the individual that is, the rights of 
 the individual against the community or its government such 
 as is contained in the Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights at 
 tached to the American constitution ; in the second place, an 
 assembly, representative of tjje people and not of the govern 
 ment, a body whose function is to criticise, restrain, and con 
 trol the government; in the third place, a government or ex 
 ecutive subject to the laws; and finally, there must be a judi 
 ciary with substantial and independent powers, secure against 
 all corrupting or perverting influences on the one hand and 
 
 1 Const. Govt. in U. S., 4. 
 
 23 
 
against the arbitrary authority of the government itself on 
 the other. 3 This is a summary of the institutions, that is, the 
 machinery, necessary for the adjustment of the government to 
 the needs and interests of the people. 
 
 As to the other point implied in that definition of political 
 liberty, that is, the ability to use the machinery in making the 
 adjustment, it may be said that liberty is not something that 
 can be created by a document. 3 According to Woodrow Wil 
 son, political liberty comes in the course of constitutional de 
 velopment; with constitutional government. The machinery 
 required for a constitutional government is that which is nec 
 essary for making the government serve the people. The 
 ability required of a people to operate a constitutional govern 
 ment is also required of a people to secure political liberty. 
 . Not only is the above named machinery necessary for a people 
 to be free but that people must be able to use the machinery. 
 The people must know what their needs and interests are and 
 must be able to choose competent representatives who will ex 
 press these in law ; representatives who by their helpful criti 
 cism and common counsel with those in charge of the govern 
 ment shall effect such a policy as will serve the interests and 
 foster the happiness of the people. 
 
 The highest degree of liberty is enjoyecl_J2v_that people 
 ivhich |s capable of sel f -go vernmen t, that is. by a democracy. 
 The political liberty of a people is limited only by their ca 
 pacity to make the government an instrumentality for serv 
 ing their needs and interests. The machinery and ability to 
 handle it are both indispensable. The people of Germany have 
 the capacity to make the adjustment but lacking adequate 
 machinery, they are not a free people. Even if the govern 
 ment of Germany in many instances serves the people, they 
 are not a free people because they have neither the right 
 legally nor the power, which is supplied by the proper ma 
 chinery, for adjusting the government to their needs and in 
 terests. 
 
 Wilson seeks to emphasize the absurdity of thinking that 
 liberty can be created by a document and laid away as a com 
 pleted work. To him, liberty is a principle of life. 4 For in- 
 
 * Const. Govt. in U. S., f 
 
 Old Master, 115. Mere Literature and other Essays, 198. Atlantic 
 
 Monthly, vol. 90, p. 728. Address at Independence Hall, July. 4, 1914. 
 
 *01d Master, 115. 
 
stance he says, "The ideals of liberty cannot be fixed from 
 generation to generation; only its conception can be, the large 
 image of what it is. Liliejrj^jlxed in unalterable law would 
 be no liberty__al_all. Government is a part ot lite, and, witfT 
 life, it must change, alike in its objects and in its practices; 
 only-this principle must remain unaltered this principle ol 
 jiberty f .that^tbcrcnuist be the freest right and opportunity of 
 adjustment/ Looking at trifs phase bFfTFe subject more^frp" 
 rectly, he continues, "Political liberty consists in the best prac 
 tical adjustment and understanding between the power of the 
 government and the privilege of the individual ; and the free 
 dom to alter the adjustment is as important as the adjustment 
 itself for the ease and progress of affairs and the contentment 
 of the citizen." 6 
 
 This understanding must be maintained by law, by statutes 
 that are enforced; if either the individual or the government 
 can disregard the understanding, there is license and not 
 liberty. 7 
 
 Wilson makes it unmistakable that.libertxJj^^O"^ f O fo p 1 nJ 
 dividual.^ It is an individual right, not a communal right. 
 With him the individual stands at the very centre ot every 
 definition of liberty. He says in part that "the individual is 
 indisputably the original, the first fact of liberty. Nations are 
 made up of individuals, and the dealings of government with 
 individuals are the ultimate and perfect test of its constitu 
 tional character. A man is not free through representative 
 assemblies, he is free in his own action, his own dealings with 
 the persons and powers about him, or he is not free at all. 
 There is no such thing as corporate liberty. Liberty belongs 
 to the individual, or it does not exist." 8 
 
 It is plain that this view of liberty is quite in harmony with 
 Wilson s idea of the proper attitude of government toward the 
 individual; he is thrown on his own resources, he is expected 
 to see and seek his own rights, attain the highest degree of in 
 dividual self-development, become intelligent and independent, 
 and his natural impulses and his capacity fo&e adjusting the 
 government to his needs make him a free man, but always free 
 as an individual. 
 
 Const. Govt in U. S., 4. 
 
 Ibid., 5. 
 
 T North American Review, vol. 186, p. 27. 
 
 Const. Govt. in U. S., 16. 
 
 25 
 
Then the conclusion is th.it political liberty is a right that 
 belongs to the individual. It is the "nliyj J M 1 " 1ir> nmcf 1yyo 
 this right j^iirnnjvpji by ft bilLnL-Jft t S ^ * s lne individual 
 who must seek vindication of his 
 individuals 
 
 chojaiin^; it is the individual who must make his interests and 
 needs felt by the government; in short, it is the jnclividuals 
 who are citizens of a country, who must adjust the govern 
 ment to their needs and interests. . f. 
 
 The fret people are those who ar^_^e2aj^cdjto_Jiaji^^^r 
 their government and make it serve their needs and interest^ ^ 
 Besides training and~experience, thepeople need an organiza 
 tion of government that is as simple as efficiency will admit. 
 They must have a system that will readily attract the ablest 
 men into public service and a polity that will stimulate in 
 each citizen a wholesome national pride. It may be said that 
 the freest government is the one which, by virtue of its or 
 ganization and adaptability to the experience and training of 
 the people, lends itself most readily to the service of the peo- 
 pie. 
 
 Political liberty goes even beyond the right merely of ad 
 justing an already constituted government to the needs and in 
 terests of the individual. Wilson unreservedly subscribes to 
 the principle that governments are instituted for the common 
 benefit, protection, and security of the people; that of all the 
 forms of government, that is the best which produces the 
 greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectu 
 ally secured against the danger of maladministration. And 
 the further important point which is sought to be emphasized 
 here is that, at any time a form of government proves inade 
 quate for serving the needs and interests of the people, the 
 people have the inalienable right to reform, alter, or even 
 abolish that government and institute in its place such a form 
 of government as will serve them and promote their happiness 
 and safety. 9 Free men always have "the right to determine 
 whether die government they live under is based upon such 
 principles or administered according to such forms as are 
 likely to effect their safety and happiness." 10 
 
 Not only must the people have the machinery and institu 
 tions of a constitutional government and be able to use them, 
 
 9 Const. Govt. in U. S., 4. Speech to Congress, Dec. 7, 1915. 
 
 10 Const. Govt. in U. S., 4. 
 
 26 
 
and also the inalicnablcrightjp alter and even abolishthat gov- 
 
 _euirncnt if it does not serve the interests and promote" the Jiaj)- 
 
 <^sense> the people must actively and energetically exercise this 
 
 right of adjusting the government to their needs and interests. 
 
 No people who neglects or refuses to exercise this right is free. 
 
 Butjbovv are the people to exercise this right? They. can 
 not make the adjustment directly but must_do it through 
 their chosen leaders who select the policy of the nation, pro- 
 pose, formulate, and modify its laws and determine its rela 
 tions with other nations and its place of leadership in the 
 world. 11 Freedom is obtained by the jiroggr nper^tiogjof _the 
 government. Although a people may T>e the most law-abiding 
 and law-directed nation in the world, law has not yet at 
 tained to such efficacy among any people as to frame, or ad 
 just, or administer itself. Law may restrain but it has no 
 positive action. Government is action, but it is something 
 more vital than that ; it is or should be a body of men with a 
 common task and purpose. 12 
 
 Constitutional government is one which adapts its powers 
 to the interests of the people and safeguards the right of the 
 individual. Such a government is a free government; a peo 
 ple that has such a government is a free people; such a gov 
 ernment conducted by able and conscientious leaders is demo 
 cratic, such a people is a democracy. 
 
 Liberty is the goal of constitutional and of democratic gov 
 ernment. A people is free when it can express itself in men 
 who are chosen from its own ranks and who are the embodi 
 ment of that people s will. These leaders must be the official 
 spokesmen of the nation or state as the case" may be, and 
 therefore responsible to the people. There is no one point 
 made more emphatic throughout Wilson s writings than that 
 for a people to secure the proper adjustment of their govern 
 ment to the needs of their daily life and development and 
 thus be free, not only good laws are necessary but good lead 
 ers are indispensable. 
 
 These leaders must be free to formulate and carry out such 
 policies as the needs of the people demand. The government 
 cannot do this when it is the instrument of a particular class. 
 
 11 Problems in Modern Democracy, 66-67; Old Master, 129-38; Const. 
 Govt. in U. S., 54-66. 
 "Old Master, 136; Const Govt. in U. S., 56-7. 
 
 27 
 
A government will be free only when all individuals have equal 
 access to it. No country can be free as long as it has the view 
 that government is the business of a particular class as dis 
 tinguished from the great mass of men. The vitality of a 
 nation docs not depend upon the determination of the policy 
 of the government by a few but it depends upon whether the 
 policy of the government is the expression of the will of the 
 entire nation. And no one class or group can understand the 
 interests of the whole people. Wilson makes it plain that 
 there is no such thing in a democracy as a particular class or 
 group as distinguished from the mass who are peculiarly fitted 
 to take care of the great body of people; freedom exists only 
 where the whole people take care of the government. 13 
 
 The natural foe to_liberty is an irresponsiblegoverning 
 group who arc using the government to serve theirUwn selrish 
 ends, and it matters very little whether that irresponsible group 
 is a military autocracy, or a moneyed aristocracy, the. result 
 will be essentially the same in the end. Therp wj|| hp granny 
 and not freedom. 14 
 
 There must be publicity of governmental action and free 
 dom of opinion. Public opinion is the atmosphere of a con 
 stitutional government. The work of the government is the 
 work of the public and should be open to the view of the 
 public. Publicity is the sure antidote for insidious influences 
 both in legislation and in administration. This can be had 
 only where all the people have access to the government on 
 equal footing, and the government is by the many instead of 
 by a class or a group. 15 
 
 It is a fundamental thing in a democracy and is essential to 
 freedom that all men shall be on equal footing and have equal 
 opportunity in self-development, equal chance to exercise mas 
 tery over their own fortunes. This cannot be the case when 
 only one group has the ear of the government and shapes the 
 policy of the government to its own interests. 
 
 It is on these fundamental principles of liberty in a dem- 
 
 13 The New Freedom, 54, 72, 144, 201, 274, 2. 3 8 ( 291 ; Speech at \York- 
 ingman s Dinner, New York, Sept. 4, 1912; Speech at Associate 1 
 Advertising Clubs, Phila., June 29, 1916. 
 
 14 Sec the above references; War Speech, Apr. 2, 1917. 
 
 "At National Press Club, Washington, D. C, Jan. 30, 1911; At 
 City Club Meeting, St. Louis, Dec. 28, 1910; Commercial Club Din 
 ner, Portland, Ore., May 18, 1911; At Jersey City Commission Plan 
 Meeting, July 14, 1911. 
 
 28 
 
ocracy, that is these principles, namely, that in onler for a 
 people to be free that people must have a government which 
 takes its orders from all the people and not from a particular 
 group, and that government should so accommodate itself to 
 the life of the people as to afford equal opportunity to all 
 men on an equal footing, it is on these that Wilson has acted 
 in his public services. 
 
 What Wilson did in New Jersey was to dislodge the politi 
 cal bosses who were backed by certain strong interests of that 
 state and the nation and to restore the government to the 
 people. He did it by exercising the function of his office in 
 a purely constitutional manner, as he understands it and de 
 fines the term. A government to be constitutional, according 
 to Wilson, must exercise its powers to the interest of the 
 people, and a government, says Wilson, is the men who con 
 duct the public affairs of a community. 
 
 The separation of the executive and legislative functions 
 under the constitution of the state has the effect in New- 
 Jersey as well as in all other states of leaving the legislature 
 leaderless. The governor, who is held responsible for admin 
 istering the law, and therefore, supremely alive to the need for 
 legislative changes and reforms, has no direct means of laying 
 his views before the legislative body except through the in 
 effective medium of a written message. The legislature has 
 no constructive leadership. The legislature is controlled by 
 a party caucus and dominated by groups representing various 
 material interests, and directly susceptible to the vigorous 
 lobbying of individuals and corporations intent on securing 
 some profitable concession or effecting the defeat of regulative 
 and restrictive legislation. Especially was this the situation 
 in New Jersey in 1910, and no matter which political party 
 controlled the government, the result was always the same. 
 The Governor was keenly aware of this situation and was pre 
 pared to meet it in an effective way. 
 
 Wilson, from the. very beginning of his study of politics, 
 has had a very definite conception and conviction of what are 
 the proper functions of the executive^and the legislature. 
 There has never been any doubt in his mind on this point. It 
 is the duty of the executive to formulate and execute the 
 policies of the government, to lead in proposing legislation, 
 and therefore stand sponsor for all needed laws. In short, 
 the executive is the government responsible for the conduct 
 
 29 
 
of the nation or stale s business. It is the duty of the legis 
 lature to consult with the government in order to apprise it 
 of the opinion of the nation or state with regard to what the 
 government is planning or doing; the legislature should criti 
 cise and restrain, should in>ist 0:1 those measures which the 
 nation or state needs and resist those it does not need; by 
 such counsel it can reveal the whole intention of the govern 
 ment and keep those who conduct it in sympathetic touch with 
 the real feeling and desire of the people. The legislature 
 should be an organ of control over the government in behalf 
 of the people. The executive should formulate the policies of 
 and conduct the government subject to the control of the legis 
 lative body, but the latter should never conduct the govern 
 ment. 16 
 
 Furthermore he said during the campaign for governor that 
 if he was elected he would take that to mean that he had been 
 chosen leader of the party in power and the responsible rep 
 resentative of the whole people in the conduct of the govern 
 ment. To his party was committed the conduct of the gov 
 ernment of the state by a mandate from the people to carry 
 out a certain program. His party had assumed responsibility 
 for the performance of this great task; he, being the head of 
 that party, very properly and promptly assumed legislative 
 leadership. 
 
 When the caucus met to determine what action should be 
 taken on the measures proposed by the new leader, not only 
 were the various interests and the corporations represented but 
 the people of New Jersey were represented by a man who 
 meant what he said, a man who had a program and a dogged 
 determination to see that it was carried out. It was carried 
 out, and it was carried out in the spirit which he had just pre 
 viously enunciated when it appeared that the political bosses 
 were planning to disregard the mandate of the people: "Ab 
 solute good faith in dealing with the people, an unhesitating 
 fidelity to every principle avowed, is the highest law of politi 
 cal morality under a constitutional government." 17 At last 
 the people of New Jersey had secured access to their govern 
 ment, it was freed from the privileged interests and restored 
 
 u Const. Govt. in U. S., 11, 14, 15, 24, 102-3, 222; Atlantic Monthly, 
 vol. 87, p. 291. 
 
 11 Public Statement in Campaign against Ex-Senator James Smith 
 of New Jersey, Jan. 5, 1911. 
 
 30 
 
to the people. Wilson, in carrying out this program, was not 
 a boss or a dictator but the spokesman and leader of all the 
 people of New Jersey who backed him with their confidence 
 and moral strength. 
 
 This program which freed the people of New Jersey from 
 boss rule and gave them a greatly increased measure of lib 
 erty was translated into legal form by the passage of the fol 
 lowing measures: The Election Reform Bill, The Employers 
 Liability Bill, The Public Utilities Commission Bill, The Cor 
 rupt Practices Act, and the Anti-Trust Bills known as the 
 Seven Sisters. 
 
 When Wilson became President, he found the situation in 
 the nation very similar to that in New Jersey, differing only 
 in intensity and magnitude. He found a situation which con 
 travened every article of his political philosophy. The govern 
 ment took its orders from the big interests, public opinion had 
 no effective access to the government^ life was hard for the 
 average man, equality of opportunity was a myth; there was 
 no inducement for the small business man to ma&e investments 
 or venture out into any enterprise in competition with the 
 trusts and monopolies, in short the government was the in 
 strument of the great trusts and monopolies of the country. 
 These powerful concerns stood between the people and their 
 government ; it was no longer a government based on the con 
 sent of the governed but was a government of the few by the 
 few for the few. It was a constitutional government only in 
 name. Under such a system the vitality of the nation had 
 reached the minimum. 18 
 
 /. So it was natural that Wilson should declare war on privi- 
 / lege and vested interests. These combinations were prevent- 
 l ing the freedom of individuals and the progress of societ} 
 \- which are the fundamental objects of government. 
 
 He came before Congress in person with a comprehensive 
 and deliberately concerted program that had for its purpose 
 the divorcing of the government from the trusts and monopo 
 lies and the emancipation of the people from the fetters im 
 posed by these great commercial and financial interests. The 
 measures enacted for the overthrow of this tyranny of special 
 privilege lowered the tariff wall, curtailed the power of the 
 
 18 The New Freedom is an elaborate discussion of the situation in 
 the United States and the best means of restoring the government to 
 the people. 
 
 31 
 
trusts, stabilized finance and opened up new paths of access to 
 credit by a broad measure of currency reform. 
 
 Another phase of the legislative program of President Wil 
 son may be designated as Labor and Social reform. Every 
 quality in the character of Woodrow Wilson makes him a 
 social reformer. He has always spoken out unhesitatingly for 
 any changes or adjustments in society which will enhance the 
 progress and welfare of the people. Every piece of social 
 and labor legislation passed under his leadership in Congress 
 is heartily in harmony with the very principle of liberty. Lib 
 erty in the last analysis is nothing more nor less than the 
 proper functioning of a democracy. For a democracy to func 
 tion properly there must be something besides a government 
 organization, there must be the emancipation of the generous 
 energies of the people. This is accomplished by giving to the 
 people a chance to make a living and an opportunity to be 
 self-sustaining and self -developing: by humanizing industry- 
 through the direct action of law guaranteeing protection 
 against dangers and compensation for injuries; guaranteeing 
 sanitary conditions, proper hours, the right to organize, and 
 guaranteeing to the working man that his labor is not a com 
 modity or article of commerce but is a part of his life. 
 
 The attempt to vitalize and invigorate the nation by giving 
 to the average man a chance is what has been sought by the 
 passage of the long list of social reform measures. The 
 Underwood Tariff Act, The Federal Reserve Act and the 
 Clayton Anti-Trust Act contributed in no little part in effect 
 ing this result; but the measures which were to have for 
 their single purpose this object were The Seaman s Act, The 
 Child Labor Act,-The Rural Credits Act and The Adamson 
 Railway Act. The object of these great measures is to re 
 lease the vital energies of the people and allow the people to 
 assert themselves as free men, to put all men on as nearly 
 an equal footing and afford as nearly an equal opportunity 
 for all as the complex relations of modern society will per 
 mit, and thus encourage individual effort, elevate human en- 
 deaver and promote the happiness of the mass. 
 
 Liberty, the highest principle of democracy, has been the 
 impelling force that has guided Woodrow Wilson in his for 
 eign relations as well as in his domestic program. He has 
 clung to it with religious fervor, it has been the goal toward 
 which he has steadily marched in all his public services. 
 
This high principle of democracy was put to the supreme 
 test by the Mexican situation. There was the cry of Ameri 
 can concessionaires for intervention in Mexico to secure their 
 ofttimes fraudulently acquired interest on the one hand, and 
 on the other, besides American principles which were at stake, 
 there was an enslaved, oppressed people struggling for free 
 dom. The issue was plain. He said, "Human rights, national 
 integrity, and opportunity as against material interests, that is 
 the issue we have to face." 19 To him the proper course was 
 perfectly clear. He holds it as a fundamental principle of 
 democracy and constitutional government, the very essence of 
 political liberty that every people shall determine its own 
 form and character of government. "It is none of my busi 
 ness, and it is none of your business, how long they take in 
 determining it. It is none of my business, and it is none of 
 yours, how they go about the business. The country is theirs, 
 the government is theirs, and the liberty, if they can get St 
 and God speed them in getting it! is theirs, and so far as my 
 influence goes, while I am President, nobody shall interfere 
 with it. 
 
 "Haven t the European nations taken as long as they wanted 
 and spilled as much blood as they pleased in settling their af 
 fairs? Shall we deny that to Mexico because she is weak?" 20 
 
 Wilson meant to see to it that the United States did not 
 deprive the people of Mexico of a chance to establish a con 
 stitutional government just merely to allow a few foreign 
 concessionaires to use this government to intervene and set 
 up another Diaz despotism for their interests. He did not in 
 tervene ; to intervene was the practical thing but not the right 
 thing to do. "\Ve dare not turn from the principle that mo r- 
 
 ;ality and not expediency is the thing that 1 "must guide us, and 
 ^aT we will nevercorKlflrie miqutEy because r it is~mosr o)n- 
 venient~TcT^6~so7 rfl So he did not do the expedient thmgEut 
 the thing xvhll h "the intefestsjot humanity dictated. Although" 
 he had a storm of severe criticism to meet, he has* stood by his 
 principles firmly, unswervingly, and triumphantly. 
 
 Mr. Wilson s policy in dealing with the Philippine Islands 
 in their program for independence, with Colombia with regard 
 to the Panama situation, with China with regard to the Six 
 Power Loan, were all based on this principle of democracy. 
 
 19 The Southern Commercial Congress, Mobile, Oct. 27, 1913. 
 
 20 At Indianapolis, Jan. 8, 1915. 
 
 21 So. Com. Cong., Oct. 27, 1913. 
 
 33 
 
Wilson has always stood on the jmnciplc that the cntcr- 
 
 enterprise of humanity. It should 
 
 _ 
 
 tc the ideal of government to serve humanity, to elevate so 
 ciety and to advance civilization hy making the people free. 
 This he had successfully done in the United States. So when 
 the irresponsible German government sought to destroy the 
 institutions of liberty, set aside the safeguard against tyranny, 
 gradually established through ages of persistent struggle by 
 the human race seeking freedom; in short, when Germany 
 sought permanently to menace civilization, Wilson did not 
 broaden the horizon of his political philosophy but merely ex 
 tended the scope of its application so that he might cooperate 
 with the other nations of the earth against "this natural foe 
 to liberty." He says, "We are glad ... to fight for the ulti 
 mate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples. 
 The German peoples included ; for the rights of nations great 
 and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their 
 way of life and obedience. The world must be made safe for 
 democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foun 
 dations of political liberty." 22 
 
 Wilson is no provincial ; but is a democrat with a vision as 
 broad as humanity, his spirit craves political liberty for the 
 human race an indispensable requisite for the undictated de 
 velopment of the peoples of the earth, for a sound society, for 
 a wholesome well-rounded civilization and a lasting peace. 
 
 ** In Speech, Apr. 2, 1917 ; cf. Letter to Russia, June 9, 1917, and 
 letter in reply to Pope s Peace Proposals, August 27, 1917. 
 
 34 
 
w 
 
 LEADERSHIP 
 
 "A living people needs not a master but a leader." 1 A na- 
 tion must express itself in men, that is, in^eajlerSi^ 
 
 ig_irnj)cr son a t ed_jj.ojjcjes . Whether the government will 
 HeTgood or bad, is determined jjyi the character and fitness of 
 the men who conduct it. TfGood laws and excellent mechan-7 1 
 / /jsm of action in charters and constitutions are necessary but-] 
 /L leaders are indispensable to the successful operation of any 
 government. 2 
 
 It is impossible for government to operate without leader 
 ship and if this leadership is not supplied from within the 
 government, it must be supplied from without. Wilson, speak 
 ing to the point on this matter, says, "It may be laid down as 
 a political maxim that wjien the several cJiiejjHgajQs.jpJ_gov- 
 ernment are separated by organic law, and offset against each 
 other in jealous seclusion, no common legaljauthority^ set over 
 them, no necessary cpmmunity_pf_ jntezest subsisting among 
 them, no common origin or purpose dominating them, they 
 must of necessity, if united at all, be united Jxy ; pressure from 
 without; and they must be united if government is to proceed. 
 They cannot remain checked and balanced against one an 
 other ; they must act, and act together. They must, therefore, I 1 
 of their own will or of mere necessity obey an outside master. 3 
 
 It is very apparent that "Wilson 4 making a. plea iorj.\yo 
 things: the cooperation of mevarious organs of government 
 toward a single end; and for responsible leadership. The co 
 operation of the organs of the government can be secured 
 by lodging leadership in some one organ of the government; 
 and responsible leadership may be had only through official 
 leaders, that is, "leaders who can be held immediately respon 
 sible for the action and policy of the government, alike upon 
 its legislative and upon its administrative side." 4 
 
 1 Const. Govt. in U. S., 34. 
 
 Atlantic Monthly, vol. 90, p. 733; Const. Govt. in U. S. 17; Old 
 Master, 134. 
 
 * Const. Govt. in U. S., 211. 
 4 Address to the Virginia Bar Association, March 3-5, 1897. 
 
 35 
 
With the mechanical theory of checks and balances, Wilson 
 has no patience. In fact he says, "The trouble with this theory .// 
 is that government is not a machine, but a living thing ... 
 It is mocnfieJ by its^nviroiimcnt. necessitated by its tasks, 
 shaped to its functions byjthe sheer pressure of life. No liv- ( 
 ing thing can have its organs offset against each other as 
 checks and live. On the contrary, its life is dependent upon 
 their quick cooperation, their ready response to 
 
 of instinct or intelligence, their amicable community of pur 
 pose. Government is not a body of blind forces; it is a body 
 of men . . . with a common task and purpose. Their cooperation 
 is indispensable, their warfare fatal. There can be no suc 
 cessful government without leadership or without the inti 
 mate, almost instinctive, coordination of the organs of life 
 and action. This is not theory, but fact, and displays its force 
 as fact, whatever theories may be thrown across its track." 5 
 To this same point, he says, "Leadership and control must be 
 lodged somewhere ; the whole ^ajt_p^^tatesrnanship is the art 
 of bringing Jhe several parts of government into effective co 
 operation Jforjhe accomplishment of particular_cgjnrnon ^ ob^ 
 
 If leadership must be lodged in some one organ of the gov 
 ernment, which shall it be ? Shall it be that organ which for 
 mulates and executes the policy of the government, the ex 
 ecutive, or shall it be the organ which controls the government 
 or executive by counsel and discussion in behalf of the people, 
 that is the legislative body? Wilson makes it very definite, 
 as has already been pointed out, that it is never the proper 
 function of representative assemblies to conduct the govern 
 ment, but that the selection of the policy andjhe__conduct of 
 the government is the natural function 
 
 From the foregoing it is reasonable to conclude that Wilson 
 believes : first, that a theory of checks and balances has dem 
 onstrated its impracticability in the successful operation of 
 government. Second, that in order for_agovernment to oper 
 ate successfully there must not only^e^Te^xIeT^jrFut tHeTe 
 must be responsible official leadership. Third, that responsi- \ | 
 ble leadership must" be lodged in one of the organs of govern 
 ment; in that organ which^plaiis"and executes the policy of 
 the government, thejexecutive organ. 
 
 Const Govt. in U. S. f 56-57. 
 Ibid., 54. 
 
In turning from these general observations on leadership 
 to Wilson s actual leadership as Governor of New Jersey and 
 as President of the United Stales, his attitude toward politi 
 cal parties must be noted. 
 
 He makes it plain that for the United States to have respon- 
 sible leadership, it must have a real party government. The 
 policy of the party in power must be the policy of the govern 
 ment, the leaders. oJLthe .party, must be_thejeaders,in. forming 
 
 H " -, y^*~ ff ^ *~ fc^ -*K_ \J ^C- 
 
 /the policy and conducting the ^oyernment^.tlie_hea^LojL4he 
 paTty r musl"5e~the responsible head of thej[oyeffln35h rT ~This 
 isuie only means of getting rid of the in^sp_gnsjble__rx)litical 
 boss in this country. The rise and development of the boslf is 
 noT unnatural nor is it due to any political disease in society. 
 / "As a matter of fact," says Wilson, "the whole thing is just 
 as normal and natural as any other political development. The 
 part that the party has played in this country has been both 
 necessary and beneficial, and if bosses and secret managers 
 are often undesirable persons, playing their part for their own 
 benefit or glorification rather than for the public good, they; 
 are at least the natural fruits of the tree. It has borne fruitj 
 
 /\/^ -^- /u^- 
 
 good and bad, sweet and bitter, wholesome and corrupt, but it\ 
 is native to our air and practice, and can be uprooted only byj 
 an entire change of system." 7 
 
 In the United States the party_bossjs__select j>ub1i_jjffiaals 
 and dictate the policy of the government but are not responsi- 
 ble to anyone because they are outside of the governmental 
 ^organization. This is peculiarjojhe American system. Wil 
 son says, "Under every other system of government which is 
 representative in character and which attempts to adjust the 
 action of government to the wishes and interests of the peo 
 ple, the organization of parties is, in a sense, indistinguishable 
 from the organs of government itself. Party finds its organic 
 lodgment in the national legislative and executive themselves. 
 The several active parts of the government are closely united 
 in organization for a common purpose, because they are under 
 a common direction and themselves constitute the machinery 
 of party control. Parties do not have to supply themselves 
 with separate organs of their own outside the government and 
 intended to dictate its policy, because such separate organs 
 are unnecessary. The j^espon sible organs j^f .goyprnnipnt are 
 
 Ibid., 210. 
 
 1 - -H ( < 
 ( * 
 
 37 
 
The_action^of opimon_iippn_ __ 
 
 also the avowed orans of 
 
 ~TT~tlicre is to be responsible leadership and direction in the 
 nation s a flairs, the head of the party in power must be the 
 head of the government, he must stand sponsor for all legis 
 lative changes, aiul must be the responsible and official spokes 
 man for the nation. When a man is chosen by a party as its 
 candidate for the governorship of a state or for the presidency 
 of the nation, that should mean that he has been chosen the 
 party leader in that state or in the nation as the case might 
 be. And he should be the head and spokesman for the govern 
 ment, the conduct of which has been committed to his party. 
 
 In lectures at Columbia University in 1908, Wilson spoke 
 with what would almost appear to be prophetic vision of what 
 the presidency should be and would be in the future. Speak 
 ing of the Resident s position of leadership, he said, "He,!/ . / , 
 canno_t ^sca^ejbejngjthjejead^er of his party exce^JbjLJncarjac- ft 
 ity and lack p^pej;sjDnaJLlorce,_because he is at once the choice |J vu 
 of the party-and. the nation. He is the party nominee, and 
 the only party nominee for whom the whole nation votes. 
 Members of the House and Senate are representatives of lo 
 calities, are voted for only by sections of voters. . . . There 
 is no national party choice except that of President. ]^o one( 
 else represents the people as a whole, exercising a national 
 choice ; aruT in as inu cTT^s~rns~st ri c tly executive duties are in 
 fact subordinated, so far at any rate as all detail is concerned, 
 the President represents not so much the party s governing 
 efficiency as its controlling ideals and principles. He is jiot , 
 so much part of its organi_za^ri^s j^s_yjtajjink of connection * 
 with the tlmiking^riation. <^Te_c^n_dpjTiinat~rits party by being 
 sgokesman_for thej-eal sentiment and purpose of the country, 
 by gi vmg^d[rectip^ to^b^imon7 by givingjhe country at once 
 the information^ andT the "statemejUs of policy which will &= 
 able it toform its judgments alike of parties andj>f_merL 
 
 "For he is also the political leader of the nation, or has it 
 in his choice to be. The nation as a whole has chpsen him, 
 and is conscious that it has no other political spokesman. His 
 is the only national voice in affairs. Let him once win the 
 
 f flip rnnntry, aiKl nn 
 
 force can withstand^ him, no/combination 
 
 overpower him. His position takes the imagination of the 
 
 Ibid., 211-212. 
 
 38 
 
country. lie is the representative of no constituency, but of 
 the whole people. When he speaks in his true character, he 
 speaks for no special interest. If he rightly interprets the 
 national thought and boldly insists upon it, he is irresistible; 
 and the Country never feels the zest of action so much as when 
 its President is of such insight and calibre. Its instinct is 
 for united action, and it craves a single leader. It is for this 
 reason that it will often prefer to cITbose a man rather than a 
 
 party. A President whom it trusts can not onlyleacl 
 form it to his own views." 9 
 
 Then according to Wilson, the President should be the 
 spokesman of the nation, not only in suggesting new and 
 needed legislation but he must interpret the will of the coun 
 try with regard to any new problem touching the interest of 
 the people at home or abroad. He must also form and ex 
 press the opinion of the nation by keeping himself in constant 
 touch with what the people are doing, with what they are 
 enduring and what they are needing. Just what is the func 
 tion of a leader may be made clear by the following quotation : 
 "Leadership, I take it, is a task of suggestion^) f adaptation. 
 
 _jiing^ o fjthought and the Hevjsjng oj^ means/ 1 " " 
 
 Wilson went to the core of the matter when he said, He 
 must be Prime Minister, as much concerned with the guidance 
 of legislation as with the just and orderly execution of the 
 law; and he is the spokesman of the nation in everything, 
 even the most momentous and most delicate dealings of the 
 government with foreign nations." 11 
 
 To the argument that it is not in harmony with the prin 
 ciples of the Constitution for the President to assume the po 
 sition of leader in the conduct of the government, Wilson 
 says, "There can be no mistaking the fact that we have grown 
 more and more inclined from generation to generation to look 
 to the ?re^^n^^t^_^ifjjng_jarj^e in our complex system, 
 the leader both of his party and of the nation. To do so is_not 
 jnconsistent with_lhe actual provisions of the Constitution ; 7t 
 is only incqnjistejai^Yitl^ theory of its mean- 
 
 in^an^rTntention. The Constitution contain^ no theories. It 
 
 Ibid., 67-68. 
 
 10 Address at Governors Conference, Frankfort, Ky., Nov. jy, 1910; 
 see also parts of speeches to Stevens Institute Alumni, Hoboken, X. 
 J., Feb. 8, 1911, and at Tariff Exhibit, New York, Sept. 9, 1912. 
 
 11 Letter to A. Mitchell Palmer, Feb. 13, 1913. 
 
 39 
 
is as practical a document as Magna Carta." 12 In this same 
 spirit lie again says, "The Presidents who have not made 
 themselves leaders have lived no more truly on that account 
 in the spirit of the Constitution than those whose force has 
 told in the determination of law and policy . . . the Consti 
 tution of the United States is not a mere lawyers document: 
 it is a vehicle of life, and its spirit is always the spirit of the 
 age." 1 
 
 Wilson let it be known during the gubernatorial campaign in 
 New Jersey that if he was elected governor, he would not 
 only be leader of his party but the spokesman for the govern 
 ment and the leader in legislation. He came to the Presidency 
 at the head of a great national party which had pledged itself 
 to carry out a far-reaching legislative program. He announced 
 that, as head of this party, he would be leader in the execution 
 of that program. He has certainly made good his promises. 
 The promised program has been carried out and it has been 
 carried out under his successful legislative leadership. 
 
 To make vital, vigorous and effective his leadership of Con 
 gress, he not only did the dramatic thing of appearing before 
 Congress with a message, but his message was a program of 
 legislation, a message in which he recited the need for and an 
 outline of the proposed legislation. By this act, he excited the 
 imagination and gained the calm admiration_of the _countr y_at 
 larg. AncPmore "importanT~than tKII7~was the fa~ct thaT~he 
 J:ame before Congress with only one <or_twp_jtejTis__al_a^jirne 
 for legislative action. In this way the public was abh 
 low him with intelligent attention and Interest, which was 
 ^practically unknown before in an American Congress., 
 
 It is interesting in view of what has been said to note not 
 only the tact with which he begins his address to the first joint 
 meeting of both Houses, but the frank and unhesitating way 
 in which he asserts that leadership to which the position of 
 President of the United States entitles him. 
 
 "I am glad indeed," says Wilson, "to have this opportunity 
 to address the two Houses directly and to verify for myself 
 the impre>sion that the President of the United States is a 
 person, not a mere department of the government hailing Con 
 gress from an isolated island of jealous power, sending mes 
 sages, not speaking naturally and v.ith his own voice that he 
 
 12 Const. Govt. in U. S., 60. 
 
 13 Ibid., 70. 
 
 40 
 
is a human being trying to cooperate with other human beings 
 in a common service. After this pleasant experience I shall 
 feel quite normal in all our dealings with one another." 14 
 
 This departure from the_traditionaj practice of sending 
 to CongresT^anongTiresome, complicated, written message was 
 received by the people with positive approval. THey regarded 
 it more or less as somewhat of a deliverance from the usual 
 and characteristic chaos and unirUeTIigible procedure in a 
 leaderless Congress. Feeling that hi , "leliclership was recog 
 nized and conceded by those both in and out of Congress, he 
 appeared before Congress the second time with much in 
 creased assurance as is indicated by this statement: "I have 
 come to you as the head of the Government and the responsi 
 ble leader of the party in power, to urge action now, while 
 there is time to serve the country deliberately and as we 
 should, in a clear air of common counsel." 13 
 
 Most of the important laws passed under his leadership 
 have been briefly noted in Chapter IV together with their gen 
 eral intent. But it is in place here to emphasize the fact that 
 Wilson jit no time has shown any desire whatever^ to shirk the 
 r,espoiisib il i ty^r~tedeTshJr He has hacTThe keen political 
 insight and sagacity to see that the enormous size of the 
 Unjted_ jtatesjiccessita_tes tjie exercise ojj:>e_r^uas]ve_po\ve^r by 
 a dominant mind in Jhe shaping of popular judgments, and 
 that the President is the one person about whorrTa definite 
 national opinion is formed and is, therefore, the one person 
 who can form opinion by his own direct influence and act upon 
 the whole country at once. So he is the one person who 
 should assume responsibility, to speak and act for the whole 
 people. President Wilson has acted upon this conception of 
 his office and any duty that comes within this broad compass 
 of official service, he has unhesitatingly assumed responsibility 
 for its direction and execution. 
 
 Congress as the national representative assembly would be 
 a very effective body as the organ of public opinion to consult 
 with the administration and keep the government in sympa 
 thetic touch with the needs and interests of the people, but it 
 has chosen^ to_bc^ part of the administration. It stands alone 
 among the legislative~bo3Ies oTtho vuilu in so doing. And 
 in its attempt to be a part of the governing organ it has so 
 
 14 Address to Congress, Apr. 8, 1913. 
 
 15 Address to Congress, June 23, 1913. 
 
 41 
 
completely neglected its real and vital function of discussion 
 and counsel that it is n^> longer seriously regarded as a repre 
 sentative chamber speaknigThe \viTI of thejnation. So natur 
 ally the people have turned to the one source for suggestion, 
 direction, iftid leadership to the President. 
 
 It is singularly important to know that upto the time Wood-/;. /* 
 row Wilson came into public life he cither was not interested j 
 in the foreign affairs of the United States, or was less mtcr 
 ested in tlusjield of our~publicjife_than in the institutions_ano 
 operation of the government at home. He had spoken of the 
 principles upon which we should act in our relations with the 
 Philippine Islands, always insisting that we deal with them in 
 the true spirit of our institutions; that we should give them 
 a constitutional government based upon justice and intended 
 distinctly for their good and not for our aggrandizement. 16 
 And it is interesting to see that this was still his attitude when 
 he became President and had to deal with these people. 17 
 
 Woodrow Wilson^s greatest achievements arejiqt thejegis- 
 lative enactments upon tariff, currency, and trusts, however 
 Important these may be; but they are his contributions to 
 sound jnternatignal policies and conduct. He has lost no op- 
 portunity when discussing foreign affairs to emphasize the 
 high principles for which America stands and to impress upon 
 the people the fact that the United States was founded to 
 serve mankind and should adhere with renewed vigor and_de- 
 vo5ontp__tjus loTty^purpose^ He has macleit plain that the 
 
 that the United States wishes 
 
 nothing thatT>eTongs~lo another nation, to serve mankind is 
 her aim. 
 
 In dealing with Mexico, Latin America, and China, Wilson 
 reversed the policy of his predecessors. With regard to Mexi 
 co he spoke of the obligation of the United States government 
 in the protection of American interests, but first with him was 
 the obligation to Mexico herself. He meant to give the Mexi 
 can people a chance to set up a constitutional government, and 
 he was determined that nothing should turn him from this 
 course. It was only under such a government that these 
 people would be content and have peace. And the time it 
 
 7 
 
 "Const, ^iovt. in U. S., 52-53: Atlantic Monthly, vol. 90, p. 731. 
 
 17 Message to the Citizens of the Philippine Islands, Oct. 6, 1913. 
 Address at Swarthmore College, Oct. 25, 1913, and at Independence 
 Hall same/day. 
 
took them to establish such a government was not a matter 
 that he felt called upon to determine. "The peace, prosperity, 
 and contentment of Mexico, * said Wilson, "means more, much 
 more, to us than merely an enlarged field for our commerce 
 and enterprise. They mean an enlargement of the field of self- 
 government and the realization of the hopes and rights of a 
 nation with whose best aspirations, so long suppressed and 
 disappointed, we deeply sympathize." 18 Again at Indianapolis 
 in 1915 he emphasized his friendship for the Mexican people 
 and his determination to see that their liberties, such as they 
 might be, were not menaced by the government of the United 
 States for the foreign concessionaire interests. He said, "Now 
 there is one thing I have got a great enthusiasm about, and 
 that is human liberty. ... I hold it as a fundamental prin 
 ciple, and so do you, that every people has the right to de 
 termine its own form of government; and until this recent 
 revolution in Mexico, until the end of the Diaz reign, eighty 
 per cent of the people of Mexico never had a look in in de 
 termining who should be their governor, or what their gov 
 ernment should be. Now, I am for the eighty per cent. It 
 is none of my business and it it is none of your business, how 
 long they take in determining it. It is none of my business 
 and it is none of yours how they go about the business. The 
 country is theirs. The Government is theirs. The liberty, if 
 they can get it, and God speed them in getting it, is theirs. 
 And so far as my influence goes t while I am President nobody 
 shall interfere with them." After pointing out that the coun 
 tries of Europe have taken all the time "they wanted and 
 spilt as much blood as they pleased in settling their affairs," 
 he said "shall we deny that to Mexico because she is weak? 
 No, I say ! I am proud to belong to a strong nation that says : 
 This country, which we could crush, shall have just as much 
 freedom in her own affairs as we have. If I am strong, I 
 am ashamed to bully the weak. In proportion to my strength 
 is my pride in withholding that strength from the oppression 
 of another people. I know . . . that that is the sentiment 
 of the American people." 19 So it is evident that Wilson pro 
 posed to establish peaceful friendly relations between the 
 United States and Mexico by showing Mexico that the United 
 
 18 Address to Congress, Aug. 27, 1913 ; see also Speech at Southern 
 Commercial Congress, Oct. 29, 1913. 
 
 19 Address at Indianapolis, Jan. 8, 1915. 
 
 43 
 
States was a friend that could be trusted, and that the liber 
 ties and rights of the Mexican people should not be menaced 
 by the concessionaire interests of America using the govern 
 ment as a collecting agency. He has stood firm on the con 
 viction that a country has a right to live its own independent 
 life. Although for a while this policy with regard to Mexico 
 seemed destined to failure, it now appears that it was the 
 wisest course available. For we are at peace with Mexico 
 today, a time when it is essential that we throw the whole 
 strength of the nation into the struggle for existence. Any 
 other policy than the one adopted by Wilson could hardly have 
 produced such fortunate relations between the two countries. 
 This same policy of friendship and mutual advantage was 
 adopted toward all the Latin American States with equal 
 success. 
 
 Mr. Wilson refused to encourage the American bankers in 
 participating in the Six Power Loan to China because such a 
 policy might lead to an interference in the political affairs of 
 China. The responsibility for such a possible result was ob 
 noxious to the principles on which the American government 
 rests. He stated that the people of the United States were in 
 terested in China, especially on account of the recent awaken 
 ing. And, too, the United States was interested in trade rela 
 tionships, but "our interests are those of the open door a door 
 of friendship and mutual advantage. This is the only door we 
 care to enter/ 20 At no time was \Vilson willing to foster 
 Airie rican trade and commercial enterpri se at_ _the_expense_o 
 the politicaLJntegrity o f another country, and particularly 
 was this the case if that country was weak and needed the 
 fcelp of the United States. 
 
 It is too early yet to form judgment on Wilson s leadership 
 in the great war i*ut it may be truthfully said that the United 
 States was^never neutral with respect to the European situa 
 tion. Woodrow Wilson saw almost from the beginning that 
 it was not only a war between great European powers but 
 was primarily a war bet\veen_twp great ideals autocracy and 
 ^democrac^. llFlrneaht to see that the issue was clearly drawn, 
 thaFTKepeojile should see__clearly for what they w_quldjbe 
 "callec[ u^onjoj^ght. He had this in mind when he advocated 
 a league of nations to preserve peace and when he asked the 
 belligerents to state terms upon which they would deem it 
 
 *> Statement of President Wikon, March 18, 1913. 
 
 44 
 
possible to make peace. 21 He JidcLjhjaJLJmted_ States aloof 
 until such_jioblc and vital_rights and princjples_liaiOcen_so 
 futElessly violated that all men of all ranks in the United 
 States could afford to fight f6"~vTncIicate them. His proposals 
 for a league to enforce peace were"not intended for service 
 before the great war was over. Then after peace was made, 
 a union of nations to prevent the disturbance of the world s 
 peace for an object which the world s opinion does not sanc 
 tion, should be ready to serve mankind. He meant to see that 
 such a plan should be before the minds of the people in ample 
 time for discussion and crystallization. 
 
 In boldly cutting loose from the policy of isolation from 
 European affairs, Wilson did the unusual thing but that is 
 characteristic of his leadership. It is not a matter of consis 
 tency of means with him, but the all important thing with him 
 has been consistency in his purpose to serve humanity. His 
 vision of the service that the United States can render is lim 
 ited only by her capacity and opportunity to render that service. 
 
 The ruthless GgrmajL submarine warfare was a war against 
 humanity. Ciyilizationjwas at stake, theTnghts of man were 
 in the balance, political liberty was threatened. 
 
 Under the leadership of Woodrow Wilson, the United 
 States entered the Great War for the purpose of serving hu 
 manity. Not for acquisition of territory, not for self-aggrand 
 izement, not for material gain of any kind whatever, but for 
 "democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to 
 have a voice in their own government, for the rights and lib 
 erties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by 
 such a concert of free people as shall bring rjeace and safety 
 to all nations and make the world itself at last free. 23 And 
 it is inspiring to believe that under the leadership of Woodrow 
 Wilson leadership that has for its object justice, humanity 
 and peace we will win. 
 
 No one can rightly judge Wilson s leadership without know 
 ing the interest and faith he has in the average man. Speak 
 ing of the puqx>se~Q^axejTimejrt he said, "There is no cause 
 half so sacred as the cause of the people. There is no idea 
 half so uplifting as the idea of the service of humanity. There 
 is nothing that touches the springs of conscience like the cause 
 of the oppressed, the cause of those who suffer, and we give 
 
 21 Speech to the League to Enforce Peace, May 27, 1916; Note, 
 State Department, to the belligerent nations, Dec. 18, 1916. 
 * 2 War Speech, Apr. 2 t 1917. 
 
 45 
 
not only our sympathy but our justice, our righteous action 
 for them . . . the thought that moves me is that government 
 is an enterprise of mankind." 23 
 
 The vitality and vigor of a democracy depends upon the 
 rank and file of the people. It is not the genius of a small 
 class that determines the wholesome and vital character of a 
 nation but the genius which springs up from the rank of the 
 unknown mass. This is the genius that renews the youth and 
 energy of a people. The real wisdom of human life is com 
 pounded out of the experience of ordinary men. 24 
 
 The man whose judgment will tell you what is going on 
 is the ordinary man who is in the struggle." 25 "I would rather 
 hear what the men are talking about on the trains and in the 
 shops and by the firesides than hear anything else, because 
 I want guidance, and I know I could get it there." 28 
 
 Again emphasizing his faith in the great mass of people, he 
 said, "We should believe in the capacity of a free people to 
 see their own interest and follow it when told the truth and 
 given leave to choose disinterested counsellors." 27 And to the 
 same point he affirms, "I believe, as I believe in nothing else, 
 in the average integrity and average intelligence of the Ameri 
 can people." 29 
 
 To Wilson the most important thing in determining the suc 
 cessful operation of a government is good leadership. And 
 he has a very definite idea where to fiiid_tliatjeadership. "If 
 you want^ajeader. don t go into_the circle where everything 
 is established, but go among the people. In every crisis Ameri- 
 ca will find its leaders there. You must not look to any 
 special class, but to the~general class." 29 "What America has 
 vindicated above all things else, is that native ability has noth 
 ing to do with social origin." 30 
 
 The only man who is fit to speak for a people or a nation is 
 the man who has genuine sympathy with the mass of men and 
 
 "Speech at Madison Square Garden, Oct. 31, 1912. 
 
 "Flag Day Speech, June 14, 1915. Speech to New York Press Club, 
 June 30, 1916. The New Freedom, 76, 290. 
 
 * The New Freedom, 80. 
 
 ** Address to World s Salesmanship Congress, Detroit, July 10, 
 1916; See The New Freedom, 64. 
 
 ** The Spirit of Jefferson, Princeton Alumni Weekly, Apr. 28, 1906. 
 
 * The New Freedom, 64. 
 
 Speech to Alumni Association of Williams College, Feb. 5, 1909. 
 
 * Speech at Berea College Meeting, Washington, D. C, Feb. 24, 1915 
 
who has a real insight into their daily lives, their needs, and 
 opportunities. 81 
 
 In his leadership Wilson has attempted to make a constitu 
 tional government, a democracy, function in the most effective 
 and serviceable way. He has brought the active, planning 
 will of each part of the government into accord with the pre 
 vailing popular thought and need, and has thus made it an 
 impartial instrument of national development and expression. 
 He has given to the operation of the government thus shaped 
 by his leadership under the influence of public opinion and 
 adjusted to the general interests of the people both stability 
 and incorruptible efficacy. *He has by his strength of person 
 ality, character, conviction and practical idealism, introduced 
 a new element into leadership both at home and in foreign af 
 fairs that element is humanity. 
 
 81 Letter from President Wilson to Democrats in New Jersey, March > 
 1918: The New Freedom, 83. 
 
A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WOODROW WIL 
 SON, INCLUDING 
 Bibliographies, 
 Books by Woodrovv Wilson, 
 Articles and Miscellaneous Addresses, 
 Messages and Addresses to Congress, 
 Messages and Addresses to New Jersey Legislature, 
 Authorities. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHIES 
 
 American Historical Association. Annual report for 1892. 
 (A partial bibliography of Mr. Wilson, pp. 299-300.) 
 
 Sewanee Review, Feb., 1895, vol. 3, pp. 172-188. The work 
 of a Southern scholar. (Ancestry, biography, and bibli 
 ography of Mr. Wilson.) 
 
 American Academy of Political and Social Science. Annals. 
 Mar., 1903, vol. 21, p. 294. (List of published writings 
 of Mr. Wilson since 1895.) 
 
 Critic, June, 1903, vol. 42, pp. 510-511. Edwin M. Norris. 
 Some Writers of the Princeton Faculty. (Sketch and 
 select bibliography of Mr. Wilson, pp. 510-511.) 
 
 An^Essay Towards a Bibliography of the Published Writings 
 and Addresses of Woodrow Wilson, 1875-1910. By Har 
 ry demons, Reference Librarian. Princeton. The Li 
 brary of Princeton University, 1913. 
 
 Johns Hopkins University Circular. New series, 1915, No. 
 io. December, 1915. Publications of members and grad 
 uates of the departments of history, political economy, and 
 political science, 1901-1915. Wilson, Woodrow, pp. 102- 
 
 IIO. 
 
 An Essay Towards a Bibliography of the Published Writings 
 and Addresses of Woodrow Wilson, 1875-1910. By 
 George Dobbin Brown, Reference Librarian. Princeton. 
 The Library of Princeton University, 1917. 
 
 BOOKS BY WOODROW WILSON 
 
 An Old Master and Other Political Essays. New York, 
 
 Charles Scribner s Sons, 1893. 
 Congressional Government. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin and 
 
 Company, 1879, *&85- 
 Constitutional Government in the United States. New York, 
 
 Columbia University Press, 1908. 
 
 48 
 
The Real Idea of Democracy, A chapter in Problems in 
 Modern Democracy, pp. 57-67. Philadelphia, Booklovers 
 Library, 1901. 
 
 Division and Reunion. New York, Longmans, Green and 
 Company, 1893. 
 
 Free Life, The, A Baccalaureate Address at Princeton Uni 
 versity, June 9, 1907. New York, T. Y. Crowell and 
 Company, 1908. 
 
 George Washington. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1897. 
 
 A History of the American People. New York, Harper and 
 Brothers, 1902; 5 vols. 
 
 Leaderless Government, Annual Address before the Virgin 
 ia Bar Association, 1897. Richmond, James E. Good 
 Printing Company, 1897. 
 
 Mere Literature and Other Essays. Boston, Houghton, Mif- 
 flin and Company, 1896. 
 
 New Freedom, The. New York, Doubleday, Page and Com 
 pany, 1913. 
 
 The State. Boston, D. C. Heath and Company, 1889. 1904. 
 
 When a Man Comes to Himself. New York, Harper and 
 Brothers, 1901. 
 
 ARTICLES AND MISCELLANEOUS ADDRESSES BY 
 WOODROW WILSON 
 
 Cabinet Government in the United States. International Re 
 view, Aug., 1879, vol. 7, pp. 146-163. 
 
 Committee or Cabinet Government? Overland Monthly, Jan., 
 1884, series 2, vol. 3, pp. 17-33. 
 
 The Study of Administration. Political Science Quarterly, 
 . June, 1887, vol. 2, pp. 197-222. 
 
 Democracy and Efficiency. Atlantic Monthly, Mar., 1901, vol. 
 87, pp. 289-299. 
 
 When A Man Comes To Himself. Century Magazine, June, 
 1901, vol. 62, pp. 268-275. 
 
 Edmund Burke and the French Revolution. Century Maga 
 zine, Sept., 1901, vol. 62, pp. 784-792. 
 
 The Ideals of America. Atlantic Monthly, Dec., 1902, vol. 
 90, pp. 721-734. 
 
 The Spirit of Jefferson. Princeton Alumni Weekly, Apr., 28, 
 
 1906, vol. 6, no. 29, pp. 551-554- 
 
 The Author and Signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 North American Review, Sept., 1907, vol. 186, pp. 22-23. 
 Politics. (1857-1907.) Atlantic Monthly, Nov., 1907, vol. 
 
 100, pp. 635-646. 
 Ideals of Public Life. Princeton Alumni Weekly, Nov. 27, 
 
 1907, vol. 7, no. 10, pp. 160-162. 
 
 The Centenary of Abraham Lincoln. Princeton Alumni 
 Weekly, Feb. 17, 1909, vol. 9, no. 19, pp. 296-298. 
 
 Civic Problems; Address delivered Mar. 9, 1909, at the an 
 nual meeting of the Civic League of St. Louis. Prince- 
 
 49 
 
ton Alumni Weekly, Mar. 17, 1909, vol. 9, no. 23, p. 359. 
 The TaritY Make-Believe. North American Review, Oct., 
 
 1909, vol. 190, pp. 535-556. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland as President. (Address delivered Mar. 18, 
 1910.) National Democratic Club, New York. Annual 
 dinner on the birthday of Grover Cleveland, March 
 eighteenth, nineteen hundred and ten, at the club house. 
 n.p., (1910), PP. 29-34. 
 
 Living Principles of Democracy. Harper s Weekly, Apr. 9, 
 
 1910, vol. 54, pp. 9-10. 
 
 Hide-and-Seek Politics. North American Review, May, 1910, 
 vol. 191, pp. 585-601- 
 
 Speech at meeting of Federation of Democratic Clubs in Penn 
 sylvania held at Harrisburg, June 15, 1911. Congres 
 sional Record, 62d Cong., 2d sess., v. 48, app. 519-520. 
 
 True Americanism. Philadelphia North American, July 5, 
 1911. 
 
 For Government by the People. Harper s Weekly, Dec. 9, 
 
 1911, V. 55: 20. 
 
 Speech of Governor Wilson accepting the Democratic nomi 
 nation for President of the United States. 62d Cong. 
 2d sess. Senate Doc. 903. 
 
 The New Freedom: a call for the emancipation of the gener 
 ous energies of a people. (Page & Company, 1913.) 
 Compiled by W. B. Hale from the stenographic reports 
 of the author s campaign speeches. 
 
 The New Freedom appeared first in the World s Work, 
 Jan.-July, 1913, v. 25: 252-264, 421-430, 540-551, 628- 
 640; v. 26: 59-68, 182-189, 302-309. 
 
 Letter to A. Mitchell Palmer relative to the presidential term. 
 Dated Feb. 5, 1913, in the Congressional Record, and 
 Feb. 13, 1913, in The New York Times. Congressional 
 Record, 64th Cong., ist sess., v. 53: 12620. 
 
 Celebration of the rededication of Congress Hall. Congres 
 sional Record, 63d Cong., ist sess., v. 50: 5809-5810. 
 63d Cong., ist sess. House Doc. 272. 
 
 President Wilson on the United States and Latin America. 
 Address before the Southern Commercial Congress at 
 Mobile, Ala., Oct. 27, 1913. (Boston, World Peace Foun 
 dation, 1913. Pamphlet series, v. III.) 
 
 President Wilson on his Foreign Policy. World s Work, 
 Oct. 1914, v. 28: 485-494. 
 
 Address at Indianapolis, Ind., Jan. 8, 1915. Congressional 
 Record, 63d Cong., 3d sess., v. 52: 1279-1282. 
 
 Address delivered at the first annual assemblage of the League 
 to Enforce Peace, May 27, 1916. Congressional Record, 
 64th Cong., ist sess., v. 53, 8854, and app. 1069-1070. 
 
 In Our First Year of the War, Messages and Addresses to 
 Congress and the People, March 5, 1917, to January 8, 
 1918, by Woodrow Wilson, ^President "of the United 
 ^States. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1918. 
 
 50 
 
/President Wilson s Great Speeches and other History Making 
 Documents. Chicago, Stanton and Van Vliet Company, 
 
 1 9 I 7- 
 
 Wit and Wisdom of Woodrow Wilson, Extracts from Public 
 Speeches by Richard Linthicum. New York, Doublcday, 
 Page and Company, 1913. 
 
 MESSAGES TO CONGRESS BY PRESIDENT WILSON 
 
 Inaugural Address delivered at the Capitol, Mar. 4, 1913. 
 
 (New York) Priv. print. (The Scribner Press) 1913. 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of 
 Congress at the beginning of the first session of the Sixty- 
 third Congress, Apr. 8, 1913. Congressional Record, 63d 
 Cong., ist sess., v. 50: 130. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, June 23, 1913. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 
 ist sess., v. 50: 2132-2133, and pp. 2142-2143. 
 Mexican Affairs. Address delivered at a joint session of the 
 two houses of Congress, Aug. 27, 1913. Congressional 
 Record, 63d Cong., ist sess., v. 50: 3803-3804. Also pp. 
 3825-3826. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Dec. 2, 1913. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 
 2d sess., v. 51: 43-45- Also pp. 74-76. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Jan. 20, 1914. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 
 2d sess., v. 51 : 1962-1964. Also pp. 1978-1979. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Mar. 5, 1914. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 2d 
 sess., v. 51 : 4312-4313. Also p. 4346. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Apr. 20, 1914. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 
 2d sess., v. 51 : 6908-6909. Also p. 6925. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Sept. 4, 1914. Congressional Record, 63d Cong., 
 2d sess., v. 51: 14712-14713. Also pp. 14738-14739. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Dec. 7, 1915. Congressional Record, 64th Cong., 
 ist sess., v. 53: 95-100. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Apr. 19, 1916. Congressional Record, 64th Cong., 
 ist sess., v. 53: 6421-6422, and 6448-6449. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Aug. 29, 1916. Congressional Record, 64th Cong., 
 ist sess., v. 53: J3335- I 3337, and 13361-13363. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Dec. 5, 1916. New York Times, Dec. 6, 191 6,j p. 3. 
 
 Address delivered to the Senate of the United States, Jan. 22, 
 1917. Independent, Feb. 5, 1917, v. 89: 224-225. 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con- 
 
 51 
 
gross, Feb. 3, 1917. Independent, Feb. 12, 1917, v. 89: 
 
 257- 
 
 Address delivered at a joint session of the two houses of Con 
 gress, Feb. 26, 1917. Independent, Mar. 5, 1917, v. 89: 
 396. 
 
 ADDRESSES AND MESSAGES TO THE NEW JERSEY 
 LEGISLATURE BY GOVERNOR WILSON 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 20, 1911. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, p. 397. 
 
 Message to the Legislature of New Jersey, Mar. 20, 1911. 
 Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, p. 401. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 31, 1911. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, pp. 602-603. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Apr. 4, 1911. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, pp. 639-640. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Apr. 12, 1911. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, pp. 768-770. 
 
 Message to the Legislature of New Jersey, Apr. 19, 1911. 
 Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1911, pp. 975- 
 97. 
 
 Message to the Legislature of New Jersey, Feb. 26, 1912. 
 Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 261- 
 262. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 14, 1912. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 569-570. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 25, 1912. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, p. 814. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 25, 1912. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 814-816. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Mar. 28, 1912. Jour 
 nal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 940-941. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Apr. 2, 1912. Journal 
 of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 997-998. 
 
 Sixteen veto messages to the Senate of New Jersey, Apr. 2, 
 
 1912. Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, pp. 
 998-1010. 
 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, Apr. n, 1912, Journal 
 of the Senate of New Jersey for 1912, p. 1031. 
 
 Second annual message to the Legislature of New Jersey, 
 Jan. 14, 1913. Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 
 
 1 9 1 3. PP- 7-* 7- New York Times, Jan. 15, 1913, p. 24. 
 Farewell speech to the New Jersey Senators, Trenton, Jan. 
 
 28, 1913. New York Times, Jan. 29, 1913, p. 7. 
 Message to the President of the Senate of New Jersey, trans 
 mitting the report of the employers liability commission, 
 Feb. n, 1913. Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 
 
 I9I3> P- 159- 
 
 Message to the Legislature of New Jersey, transmitting the 
 report of the commission of seven on the consolidation 
 
 52 
 
of state agencies, Feb. 18, 1913. Journal of the Senate 
 
 of New Jersey for 1913, pp. 273-274. 
 Statement to the New Jersey Legislatore on anti-trust laws, 
 
 Trenton, Feb. 20, 1913. New York Times, Feb. 21, 1913, 
 
 p. 12. 
 Message to the Senate of New Jersey, announcing resignation. 
 
 Undated. Journal of the Senate of New Jersey for 1913, 
 
 Feb. 25, p. 413. 
 Message to the Legislature of New Jersey. Undated. Journal 
 
 of the Senate of New Jersey for 1913, Feb. 25, pp. 413- 
 
 414. 
 
 AUTHORITIES 
 
 Ford, H. J., Woodrow Wilson, the Man and His Work. 
 New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1916. 
 
 Harris, H. W., President Wilson, from an English Point of 
 View. New York, Frederick A. Stokes and Company, 
 1917. 
 
 Robinson, E. E. and West, V., The Foreign Policy of Wood- 
 row Wilson. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1917. 
 
 " -7 J 
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