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 essHZio
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES.
 
 EASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 LIYES 
 
 AECHBISHOPS OF YORK. 
 
 THE REV. W. H. DIXON. M.A., 
 
 CANON RESIDENTIAHY OF YORK, ETC. 
 
 EDITED AND ENLAEGED 
 
 BY 
 
 THE REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A., 
 
 SECRETARY OF THE SURTEE8 SOCIETY. 
 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 LONDON : 
 LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, AND ROBERTS. 
 
 1863.
 
 LONDON : 
 
 MITCHELL AND SON, PRINTERS, 
 
 WARDOUK STREET, W.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 When a work like tlie present emerges from tlie press, a work 
 long-promised and long-delayed^ on wliicli the toil of many 
 years lias been lavished, the reader may naturally wish to know 
 somewhat of its origin and progress, and it is only right, in 
 this instance, that his curiosity should be gratified. These 
 explanations may be appropriately prefaced by a short account 
 of the beginner of these biographical annals, to whose industry 
 and judgment the present volume is intended to be a memorial. 
 
 William Henry Dixon was the son of Henry Dixon, vicar of 
 Wadworth, in the deanery of Doncaster, and was born at that 
 place in the month of November, 1783. His mother was the 
 half-sister of the poet Mason, who basked for many years in 
 the favour of the family of Darcy at the neighbouring rectory 
 of Aston, which he has immortalized in his verse. The estates 
 of that well-known writer came into Mr. Dixon^s possession, 
 together with some literary treasures of much interest and 
 value, including several volumes in the beautiful handwriting 
 of Gray. These have now foimd a resting-place in the minster- 
 library at York. 
 
 Mr. Dixon received his education at the grammar-schools at 
 Worsbrough and Houghton-le-Spring. In 1801 he was matri- 
 culated at Pembroke college, Cambridge, and in January, 1805, 
 he graduated in arts. In 1807 he entered into orders, and 
 with the curacy of the pleasant village of Tickhill he began his 
 clerical career in the diocese of York, with which he was con- 
 
 o 
 
 i.m 1Q99
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 nected during the remainder of his life. Throughout the 
 whole of Yorkshire there were few clergymen more useful than 
 Mr. Dixon, and none, perhaps, more generally beloved. He 
 passed through all the grades of clerical life, and did his duty 
 in each, whether he was acting as a parish-priest or a canon, or 
 in the weightier and more delicate position of adviser to the 
 primate, for he was domestic chaplain to two archbishops. For 
 many years he was a prebendary of Ripon, but he gave that 
 office up in 1852, and he held also, in succession, the perpetual 
 curacy of Mappleton, the vicarage of Wistow and curacy of 
 Cawood, the vicarage of Topcliffe and the rectory of Sutton-on- 
 the-Forest. At the time of his decease he was prebendary of 
 Weighton and a canon residentiary at York, rector of Etton, 
 and vicar of Bishopthorpe. In the last-mentioned position he 
 was brought frequently into daily contact with the primate, who 
 had the greatest confidence at all times in his wisdom and dis- 
 cretion. 
 
 In his private life no one merited or won more universal 
 respect and regard than Mr. Dixon. Gifted with ample means, 
 and with a heart as open as his purse was large, he was never 
 appealed to in vain, and he rejoiced to do good. In almost 
 every parish in which he laboured he left behind him some 
 substantial token of his munificence, and in everything that he 
 did he exhibited the considerate kindness and the courteous 
 demeanour of a Christian gentleman. His unobtrusiveness 
 made these points in his character more observed and valued, 
 for he was singularly modest and retiring, and yet when from 
 the necessities of station he was brought prominently before 
 the public eye, he never shrank from doing his duty in a posi- 
 tion to which he was naturally averse. The refinement of his 
 manners threw a charm over everything that he said and did. 
 Nearly ten years have passed away since his decease, but even 
 now there is no one in York who does not speak of Mr. Dixon 
 ynih an honest warmth of feeling which is beyond the suspicion 
 of affectation. An almost universal homage is still paid to his
 
 TREFACE. VU 
 
 courtesy and goodness. In this brief tribute to his character 
 the writer can only give the echo of the popuhir voice. It is a 
 matter of deep regret to him that he never even saw the gentle- 
 man of whom he is now speaking, and whose literary labours 
 it has been his privilege to take up and enlarge. 
 
 In the glorious choir at York, surrounded by carving and 
 colours such as no other Christian temple can exhibit, a pious 
 hand has erected a memorial of brass, enriched with the cun- 
 ning workmanship of the graver, to an uncle and a nephew. 
 Upon it the names of William Mason and William Dixon are 
 inscribed^ although neither of them is sleeping in that sacred 
 dust over which you walk. One is resting in a neighbouring 
 graveyard, the other is lying in " Aston^s secret shade," which 
 he loved so well. Yet in the noble fane at York, in which they 
 were both sometime dignitaries, how appropriately are these 
 two kinsmen commemorated and connected ! That shrine in 
 which they worshipped gave to each of them of its inspiration. 
 It evoked Mason^s verse, and the choir of the cathedral and its 
 music were almost his chief care : it induced Dixon to recount 
 and recall the great deeds of those who had ruled and minis- 
 tered in that sanctuary of which he was so proud. 
 
 The worthies and the annals of the church of York have at 
 all times excited an unusual amount of attention. Putting 
 aside many historical works of a general interest and bearing in 
 which the capital of the North and its ecclesiastical superiors 
 are mentioned very frequently and fully, there are many pieces 
 which are specially devoted to the Fasti of that cathedral. 
 From the writings of Beda and Alcuin we may learn the history 
 of Paulinus and Cliadd, of Egbert, Albert, and the Eanbalds, 
 but we have separate and distinct lives of as many as five of the 
 early primates, Wilfrid, St. John of Beverley, Oswald, Thiirstan, 
 and St. William. In the twelfth century the famous chronicler, 
 Symeon of Durham, addressed a brief but interesting letter to 
 Hugh, the dean of York, in which he gave him a short account 
 of the archbishops up to his day, and about the same time, or
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ;i littU- later, the poet, Hugh de Sotevagina, wrote down the 
 lives of the first four primates after the Conquest, and his work 
 is as yet unpublished. The historians of the chiu'ch of Hexham 
 rei'ord many interesting particulars relating to the archbishops 
 and the eathedral of York, with which they were officially 
 conneetcd. In the fourteenth century, Thomas Stubbs, a Do- 
 minican friai', compiled his well-known clironicle containing the 
 biography of the heads of the Northern province from its 
 foundation to the eiul of the reign of Edward III., and this 
 was subse([uently continued by an unknown hand to the period 
 of the Reformation. In addition to this there is more than 
 one poem in which the glories of the church of York are described 
 in lively verse, ascending from the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury until the mists of antiquity conceal all historical informa- 
 tion but that which suggests itself to the imagination of the 
 enthusiastic bard. After the Reformation there is a long pause 
 in the annals of York, broken only by the biographies of the 
 Northern archbishops which occur in the great work of Godwin, 
 by Ilacket's delightfid life of archbishop Williams, and a work 
 by another hand on the same theme. Towards the close of the 
 ^seventeenth century we come to a man of whom no Yorkshire- 
 man ought to speak without respect and admiration, James 
 Torre, the York antiquary. 
 
 He was a scion of a good Yorkshire family, and in his zeal 
 for antiquity he was not unworthy of the county which was the 
 mother of Roger Dodsworth and many other scholars of repute 
 and fame. His powers of application must have been pro- 
 digious, for although he was but a middle-aged man when he 
 died, he had filled scores of folio volumes with materials for 
 history, biography, and genealogy, all written in that curiously 
 mmute hand which was one of the characteristics of the literaiy 
 men of that age. The nerves and the heads of those who are 
 now living shrink from the very thought of what persons like 
 Prynne, Dugdale, Dodsworth and Torre could elFect and endure. 
 I do not think that James Toitc of York was inferior in appli-
 
 PREFACE. IX 
 
 cation to any of the scholars that have been mentioned. If we 
 form our estimate of him merely from the three or four volumes 
 of his manuscripts which are preserved at York in the registry 
 of the dean and chapter, we can see that he Avas a man of ex- 
 traordinary powers. In the space of three or four years he 
 literally made an abstract of most of the official documents in 
 the registers of the archbishops and the chapter. The succes- 
 sion of clergy in every living in the diocese, up to the time in 
 which he lived, is given as far as he could ascertain it. Tlie 
 testamentary burial of e^^ery person of importance, all instru- 
 ments and deeds connected with endowments of livings and 
 chantries are mentioned, and in many instances church notes 
 are added besides. These are some of the contents of these 
 wonderful volumes. 
 
 The most extraordinary, however, of them all, is that which 
 is specially devoted to the minster at York. There is in it a 
 history of the church from the earliest times ; there is a perfect 
 survey of the fabric, all the glass is described, every monument 
 is measured and drawn, and its inscription and decorations are 
 given in the most minute way, by which many things are pre- 
 served which have long since disappeared. The endowments of 
 the church are all given : there is even an abstract of the leases. 
 There are full lists of the parsons, vicars, and chantry-priests. 
 But the greatest wonder in the volume is that part which may 
 appropriately be called the Fasti of the Cathedral. It is a list 
 of all the archbishops, deans, dignitaries and canons of the 
 church to the time in which Torre lived ; all their preferments 
 in the diocese are specified ; the exact dates are given, with 
 references for each statement, but here, as a general rule, the 
 compiler ends. These things are merely the diy bones of a 
 skeleton, but each is in its proper place, and Torre has left to 
 others the more difficult and laborious task of clothing them 
 with flesh and blood. He has made the framework of the Fasti 
 himself, and in doing that he has accomplished a great deal. 
 
 Torre died at a comparatively early age, and little has been
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 since (lone to illustrate the biography of the dignitaries of the 
 minster. His lists appeared witli a few additions in the M^orks 
 of Le Neve and Browne Willis, and the Fasti Ecclesice Angli- 
 ca/ue have been still more improved in the reeent edition by 
 Mr. T, I). Hardy. The antiquary, Francis Drake, wrote the 
 lives of the archbishops and published them in his Eboracum, 
 but they contain little information of any novelty or value, and 
 tluy are disfigured in several places by those caustic remarks of 
 which that historian was too fond. There are memoirs also of 
 archljisliop Sharpe and of several of the later primates, but the 
 Fasti of the industrious Torre still occupy the first position in 
 importance. They are not free of course from errors of omission 
 and commission, — the character of the work precludes the pos- 
 sibility of that — but on the whole these unrivalled collections 
 arc marvellously exact. 
 
 iVIr. Dixon's connection Avith the church of York, the taste 
 for letters which he inherited, and the natural bent of his own 
 mind, induced him many years ago to turn his attention to the 
 manuscripts of Torre, and the history of the minster and its 
 officers. As he was unable to decipher the mediaeval hands, he 
 took the greater interest in the more modern period, and with 
 much industry and perseverance he drcAV up a volume which he 
 entitled, " Fasti Eboracenses ; or, A catalogue of the Members 
 of the Cathedral of York from the Great Rebellion to the pre- 
 sent time." These are written in a stout folio of five hundred 
 and fifty pages, drawn up with much care, and illustrated with 
 information derived from many persons and sources. The work 
 is by no means a dull and dry catalogue of names, but it con- 
 tains numerous extracts from printed books, and many facts 
 which could only have been ascertained by personal enquiry, and 
 with much trouble and research. 
 
 I'or many years Mr. Dixon confined himself to the limits 
 wlucii have just been mentioned, but at the suggestion of the 
 late learned and amiable Archdeacon Todd, he subsequently de- 
 termmed to take a wider range, and to attempt the biographies
 
 PREFACE. XI 
 
 of the worthies of the minster from the very earliest times. 
 This extension of his subject seems to have suggested to ^Ir. 
 Dixon another method of arranging his materials. In the first 
 portion of his work he had marshalled the dignitaries in regular 
 succession under the offices which they occupied ; in the latter 
 he adopted a purely chronological order, with no regard to 
 offices at all, and at the head of each century lie placed a short 
 essay on the general history of the church during that period. 
 This plan was an intelligible and a good one, but the great 
 length to which the lives of the primates alone have extended, 
 has rendered its rejection necessary. Between the first and the 
 second portion of Mr. Dixon^s work there is no comparison in 
 value and importance. The latter part (in point of time the 
 earlier) was commenced far too late in life to present any appear- 
 ance of the industry and research which are apparent in the 
 other, and which would have been evident to a great extent in 
 this if a longer career had been vouchsafed to INIr. Dixon. As it 
 was, through the aid of the manuscripts of Torre, he had laid 
 down a pretty substantial framework for his book. From the 
 same invaluable collection he had derived many notices of the 
 livings and offices which each dignitary enjoyed, and he had 
 added, besides, some extracts of his own from other sources. 
 There was no attempt, however, at composition, and for the 
 most part Mr. Dixon^s collections for the mediaeval portion of 
 the Fasti are little more than a bare catalogue of names and 
 dates. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Dixon^s lamented decease, which occurred in 
 the month of February, 1854, his widow, acting under the 
 advice of Mr. Canon Harcourt and the late Dr. Raine, resoh cd 
 to prepare for publication the Fasti Eboracenses as a memorial 
 to her husband. In compliance with his father^s wishes, the 
 charge of the work was undertaken by the editor, who was at 
 that time a mere stripling as Avell in years as in literary experi- 
 ence. Neither he nor any one else who was interested in the 
 book had at that time any idea of the real extent and weight of
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 tlic burden wliich lie was fastening to his shoulders. It was 
 obvious, in whatever light the undertaking was regarded, that 
 much toil and research would be required from the editor. In 
 what form his labours were to be connected with those of his 
 predecessor was not so evident. Dr. Raine, in the first instance, 
 was of opinion that ]Mr. Dixon^s manuscript should be made use 
 of as a text, and that the additions of the editor should appear 
 in the form of notes, but he soon discovered that this arrange- 
 ment was impossible, as it would be mere folly to have ten and 
 often twenty or thirty lines in note-type to illustrate only one of 
 text. Mr. Harcourt, by whose advice, together with that of 
 Dr. Raine, the editor has been guided in any case of diJBBculty, 
 at Mrs. Dixon^s request, stated from the very first that Mr. 
 Dixon^s manuscript should merely be used as a foundation on 
 which the work should be constructed. At all events the general 
 understanding was that what was wrong should be struck out, 
 and what was wanting added. To do all this was a very weighty 
 and serious office. No one, I believe, was at tliat time conscious 
 of the toil that it would entail, least of all the writer of these 
 words. 
 
 Ten years liave almost passed away since this resolution was 
 arrived at, and the present volume at least will shew that the 
 editor has tried in all honesty and honour to adhere to it. These 
 ten years have brought great changes to him as well as to others. 
 Tliey have removed from his sight one in particular, whose 
 memory he can never dwell upon with aught but love and re- 
 verence, who before his decease had begun to look with some 
 regret and fear upon the labour entailed by the work which he 
 had counselled the editor to u^ndertake. Those fears, however, 
 have been happily belied, and the hopes and aspirations that 
 ever accompanied them, as the writer humbly trusts, would not 
 have been entirely disappointed, had his sire been spared to look 
 upon this volume. The old words, Spai'tam nactus es, have 
 been continually in the editor's mind, and he has been animated 
 throughout his work by a wish, and why should he be ashamed
 
 PKEFACE. XUl 
 
 to own it ? tliat lie might do some little honour to the name of a 
 father of M'liom his ehiklren have so much reason to be proud. 
 But the editor has been upheld throughout his labour by a 
 higher motive still. He was requested to add to and correct Mr. 
 Dixon^s manuscript, supplying as far as he could whatever was 
 deficient; a commission as unlimited as the labour which it 
 necessitated. He accepted it voluntarily and cheerfully in its 
 fullest and widest sense, and in its fullest and widest sense, as a 
 matter of duty, he has endeavoured to fulfil it. He felt at all 
 times that he could not conscientiously do otherwise, and in 
 spite of labour which, in one word, has been tremendous, in 
 spite of sacrifices as severe as they have been various, in spite 
 of several very heavy discom'agements, under w^hich many would 
 have shrunk and fainted, he has persevered in doing his duty by 
 his work. He could never have done so if he had not been 
 strong in body and stout in heart, and he cannot be too grateful 
 to One wdio orders and sustains both, that his health has been 
 uninjm*ed, and his resolution, although sometimes sorely tried, 
 still buoyant and undaunted. 
 
 The whole of the present volume has been written by the 
 editor, and nineteen-twentieths of the materials have been col- 
 lected by him. It was his wish to have issued the two volumes, 
 in which the lives of the archbishops are to be comprised, at 
 one and the same time, that the second, in which Mr. Dixon^s 
 work will be more apparent, should appear contemporaneously 
 with the first, which the editor, owing to the paucity of the 
 materials collected for it, has been obliged to winte himself; 
 but, at the request of Mrs. Dixon, the first volume has been 
 issued without its intended companion. The editor has also 
 been desired by the same lady to write or re-write the Avhole of 
 the second volume. It will not be necessary, however, for him 
 to do that entirely. Mr. Dixon's own collections for the later 
 portion of his work will save the editor much trouble and re- 
 search, and the public before long wall have an opportunity of 
 fully estimating the merits of an undertaking which, but for
 
 XIV PREFACE. 
 
 Mr. Dixon, would never have been begun, and which is offered 
 up as a memorial to his industry and judgment, not less sincere 
 and lasting, it is to be hoped, because so much of it has been 
 constructed by an alien, although a friendly, hand. 
 
 The perusal of this volume will shew the reader that this is 
 not a woi'k that has been hastily or carelessly constructed, and 
 will at once explain the delay in its appearing, although it 
 contains the lives of only forty primates. Many, however, will 
 be surprised when they are told that the editor has made con- 
 temporaneously, in behalf of the Fasti, collections, on the same 
 scale, for the biography of some seventeen hundred other per- 
 sons, extending over a period of tvvelve centuries, and compris- 
 ing, among the very greatest men in the Church and State, three 
 hmidred English and foreign bishops, three popes, and at least 
 sixty cardinals. It is not too much to say that almost the whole 
 range of the history, biography, and topography of England, 
 and, in part, of other countries, has been ransacked for these 
 Fasti. This, as every student knows, could not be done without 
 great labour. He is aware, also, that for mediaeval biography 
 mediaeval documents and annals must necessarily be examined, 
 and that few have the inclination, still fewer the ability, to have 
 recourse to them. Some may, perhaps, smile when the editor 
 tells them that he has given up nearly a whole year to daily toil 
 among original evidences in the public offices to make his work 
 as complete as possible. New matter is what is wanted in these 
 days, and that can only be derived from repositories like these. 
 We wish also to hear of new men — not of persons like Wolsey 
 and Cranmer, to whose biography there are perhaps few additions 
 of any importance to be made ; but of bishops like Thurstan and 
 Thoresby, Bek, Skirlaugh, Hatfield and Langley. We want to 
 know what they did and how they worked, who were the officers 
 and clergy that were under them, what was the discipline of the 
 chm'ch in their day, the state of the monasteries, the private 
 and public life of the parish priests and canons. At present we 
 know almost nothing about our early church history and bio-
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 graphy, and for the simple reason, that men will not take the 
 trouble to seek for information where alone it ean be found. In 
 preparing the Fasti the editor has made an honest, although 
 very imperfect, attempt to fill up and supply a manifest defect, 
 and he has not shrunk from the drudgery which the nature of 
 his work required. He may ventui^e to say with bishop Hackct, 
 " I drew the knowledge of those things of most moment which 
 I shall deliver from the spring-head, and I trust in God that 1 
 have incorporated them into this frame with integrity .^^ In 
 these days of book-making, one work with a loud-sounding title 
 succeeds another, repeating the old errors and the old conclu- 
 sions, which the absence of new evidence prevents the writers 
 from discarding. All that they can do is to put the old mate- 
 rials in a new and a more pleasing setting, although this is not 
 often the case. The book is the old dish served up again, the 
 " cramhe repetita," against which the great Roman satirist shot 
 his arrow. 
 
 No one is more sensible of the great defects of this work 
 than the writer. What exertions can be worthy of so noble and 
 so grand a subject ! The editor's sensations are like those of 
 the scholar who comes into a vast library, or of a person who 
 finds himself suddenly introduced into the presence of a great 
 multitude of men. The one regards himself as a dot or an unit 
 in such a concourse, the other sees what a pigmy he is in genius 
 when he gazes on those ponderous tomes which express the 
 thoughts and the feelings and the deeds of the almost forgotten 
 dead. The editor is well aware of the grandeur of his theme, 
 although he has not risen to the high level on which it ought to 
 have been placed. He does not believe that he has gathered 
 together a third of the information which may be discovered 
 about many of the primates whose lives he has been bold enough 
 to attempt, and of this volume one third, perhaps, will be 
 found to be incorrect. The very nature of the work precludes 
 the possibility of complete accuracy and exactness, and if the 
 writer had waited for them, his labours would never have been
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ready for the press. It is a great thing to lay a foundation for 
 futui-e research, and to give people something to correct. It is 
 a matter of deep regret to the editor that so few of the national 
 documents, especially the Close and Patent Rolls, are in the 
 hands of the public. He is well aware that they may destroy 
 many of his conclusions, and supply facts of which he is com- 
 pletely ignorant; but he must throw himself in this respect 
 on the consideration of others. All will allow that he has not 
 shrunk from toil, and he has been equally anxious to avoid harsh 
 criticism and controversy. Of conrse he has not refrained from 
 expressiiig his opinion about men and things, but he has en- 
 deavoured to make his way by stating what he believes to be 
 the truth, and not by shewing where others are in the wrong. 
 He is so well aware of the hidden fires that are smouldering 
 under his own feet, that he has no wish to evoke them by 
 censui*ing or attacking others. 
 
 One great difficulty that the writer has been obliged to con- 
 tend with is this, that this work is restricted to a certain limited 
 space, and he has thus been unable to do full justice either to 
 his subject or himself. The strong hand of compression will be 
 apparent in every page of this work. The life of more than one 
 primate, were it fully entered into, would form a volume of itself. 
 On account of this want of room many things have necessarily 
 been omitted ; facts have been stated, but the conclusions to be 
 drawn from them have been left to others, and many critical 
 remarks upon difiicult and disputed points have been abbreviated 
 or abandoned. But with all this compression the lives of the 
 archbishops alone will occupy the space which was intended at 
 one time to be filled by the whole Fasti of the cathedral ; and 
 with these lives, to be completed, it is expected, in another 
 volume, this Avork will come to a termination. The reader will 
 not be introduced to those many hundreds of other dignitaries, 
 aljout whom such a mass of information has been collected. It 
 would require ten or twelve volumes like the present to do jus- 
 tice to their biography, and the annals of the archiepiscopate
 
 PREFACE. XVU 
 
 must not be ruthlessly curtailed. It is with no little regret 
 that the editor is obliged to throw aside five-sixths of the mate- 
 rials which he has gathered together, especially as a third 
 volume, comprising the lives of the deans, sub-deans, chancellors, 
 precentors, treasurers and archdeacons of York, would not only 
 constitute the history of the cathedral to which the biography 
 of its remaining members could easily be appended, but it would 
 also disclose a vast body of information about many good and 
 great, although hitherto unknown, dignitaries, which would be 
 of gi'cater novelty and interest than that which is now laid 
 before the public. It would be a matter of much concern to 
 the editor to see the subject continued on a scale less extensive 
 than the present, but flesh and blood, somehow or other, cannot 
 but shrink from the thought of the labour which such an under- 
 taking would require, although in this case it would be merely 
 the construction of an edifice out of the materials that have 
 already been collected. It is certain, however, whatever people 
 may say or think, that until the Fasti of one cathedral or diocese 
 are exhausted in the way that has been suggested, we can know 
 but little of the true history of the English Church. At present 
 we are only catching at straws and pursuing shadows. We 
 want to see what the ecclesiastics of other days believed and 
 did, how they lived and wrote and died. At the present time 
 we scarcely know their names. 
 
 This book professes to be nothing more than biograph3% It 
 is not the history of the English Church or of any part of it. It 
 has nothing to do with what are called '' the times " of the arch- 
 bishops or of any of them, — that vague and unsatisfactory term 
 which is almost invariably the title of a bad book. It has 
 simply to do with the men themselves with whom the work 
 professes to deal, and collateral information is brought in only 
 with the intention of setting off their characters and history. 
 This book is addressed ad clerum rather than ad populum, to 
 the bees and not the butterflies. It is written to bring out 
 truth, and not to please fancy or prejudice, or merely to attract 
 
 b
 
 XVm PREFACE. 
 
 the popular eye. Too many sacrifices have been made to these 
 already, and scholars who are worthy of better things have been 
 frightened by the bugbear of popularity. Popularity of course 
 must have its due Avcight in the mind of every one, reader or 
 student, and it is but folly for the scholar to kick against the 
 jn-icks by professing to despise it, but it must not be everything. 
 If this is to be a book of reference, — and it can scarcely expect 
 to rise to that dignity, — why should it be made a bad one, 
 merely to gratify the taste that shrinks from dry details. This 
 is an enquiring age, and what it wants are new facts from which 
 new conclusions may be drawn. The true gold of literature and 
 learning is far below that surface on which too many in these 
 days are content to work. In quest of that gold the editor has 
 not been ashamed to dig, and he has tried to do so in an honest 
 and a kindly spirit. He is well aware that the main reason 
 why people shrink from early biography and history is, that they 
 cannot realize those times, they cannot think and feel as the 
 men of those days thought and felt, of whom they know so little. 
 You may see their portraits, if you wish, in the memorials that 
 they have left to us. You may trace out the finer features of 
 their character in their works, and rise up a better man than 
 you sat down. The editor would fain hope that he has sojourned 
 not altogether in vain among those great and holy men with 
 whom he has endeavoured to surround himself, that he has 
 drawn their true portraiture, and ascribed to them thoughts and 
 words and deeds that are not unworthy of them. His labour 
 has shewn to him, and he trusts to others also, that in those 
 ages which many pass by as unenlightened and uninteresting, 
 there were learning and true greatness, and a spirit of devotion 
 and self-sacrifice of which few in these days can fully and pro- 
 perly conceive. Men like these belong not to one party, but to 
 all, and they are England's noblest and greatest sons. Their 
 very presence seems to act as an inspiration in the places which 
 they once haunted. Who can enter the glorious fane of York 
 without feeling this, although he is a stranger to its history and
 
 PREFACE, XIX 
 
 its fortunes? A kind of sacred influence seems to hang around 
 you there, a legacy to tlie present from the past. Associations 
 throng around you, for great things have been done within those 
 walls. Roman emperors walked over this ground when as yet 
 this temple was not. It was here, in the dayspring of Chris- 
 tianity, that the Northumbrian monarch stood with Paulinus 
 at the font, and made vows and promises which he was not 
 long spared to keep. On this sacred site was the church of 
 which Wilfrid was the founder, lovingly enshrining in its heart 
 the little chapel which had witnessed the baptism of the king. 
 Recollect that Bede was in it twelve centuries ago, and that in 
 this place were the home and the school of Alcuin, of which 
 he spoke with true filial gratitude and enthusiasm among the 
 Paladins of Charlemagne. Kings and nobles have stood where 
 you now stand, and many of the princes of Northumbria, Norse- 
 men, and mighty men of renown, are sleeping beneath your 
 feet. What sights and scenes have these time-honoured walls 
 beheld ! They have seen, speaking only of more recent events, 
 and what I may call only modern days, they have seen the 
 areat king; surrounded bv his court when St. William^s bones 
 were placed in a new tomb. They have looked upon the 
 minions and the reprovers of his unwarlike son, Lancaster and 
 Bohrm, Clare, Argentine, Gaveston and Despenser. They have 
 seen the marriage of Edward III. to Philippa of Hainault. 
 They have witnessed the triumphant progress into the North of 
 the victor at Agincourt, that he might pay his orisons at the 
 shrine of the great saint at Beverley who had given him, as he 
 thought, his victory. They have seen the mutilated remains of 
 Harry Hotspur laid at last in the cold earth, and the presence 
 of Richard III. and his youthful son, on a day of short-lived 
 triumph, among his rejoicing Northmen. This is the transept 
 which Walter Gray erected, and there in it he is reposing under 
 that high-towering tomb. That is the monument in which 
 Scrope's bleeding corpse was laid, and there on the screen is 
 the image of the cruel king who slew him, still bearing upon its
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 face a puerile token of tlie disgust which his injustice aroused, 
 and almost by his side is his unhappy grandson's statue, to 
 which the foolish and impassioned Lancastrian in after days paid 
 a fruitless worship. No one can look on that nave and on that 
 glorious window, the finest perhaps in the whole world, without 
 thinking of the great primate who filled it with those glowing 
 colours which, after the lapse of five centuries, look down upon 
 you with a softer and a more solemn light, and then go into the 
 choir, and forget Thoresby if you can. Stone and marble and 
 glass are voiceful there, and they tell you with one tone of the 
 good deeds of him who, with no memorial but themselves to 
 preserve his name, is sleeping in front of that eastern window 
 before the old altar of St. ISIary, which he once reared, and 
 which he loved so well. 
 
 In conclusion, the editor must acknowledge, and he does so 
 with pleasure and gratitude, the aid which he has received from 
 others during the progress of his work. Many a helping hand 
 has been held out to him, and he has met with much sympathy 
 which he cannot easily forget. To the Dean and Chapter of 
 York he is under the deepest obligations : he has had unrestrained 
 access to all the raunimeuts they possess, as well as to theii* choice 
 library; and from the chapter- clerk, C. A. Thiselton, Esq., he 
 has received far more than merely formal courtesy, the unvary- 
 ing attention and kindness which have extended over many 
 years. To ^lessrs. Hudson and Buckle he is equally grateful 
 for the readiness and the pleasure with which they have allowed 
 him at all times to consult the records in. the archbishop's 
 registry, without which permission this volume would have 
 been comparatively worthless. 
 
 The editor's most sincere thanks are due to Mr, Canon 
 Harcom-t, one of the greatest promoters of literature and science 
 that York has ever known. If it had not been for him, this 
 work would never, perhaps, have appeared in its present form, 
 and he has been at all times most desirous, not only to smooth 
 away any difficulties which may have arisen in the writer's path,
 
 PREFACE. XXI 
 
 but to give, what has been still more valued, many a kind word 
 of encouragement and advice. The editor is also wishful to 
 express his acknowledgments to Archdeacon Churton for his 
 assistance, which few are as competent and none more willing to 
 bestow. He cannot but feel that the lives of the archbishops 
 of York would have proceeded from Archdeacon Churton^s pen 
 m^ore appropriately than from his own, and that no one could 
 do greater justice to the worthies of a cathedral among whom 
 he himself occupies so high a place. 
 
 It would be impossible for the editor to enumerate and 
 thank, as he could wish, all those who have helped him in his 
 work. He cannot, however, pass over the Rev. William Stubbs, 
 J. R. Walbran, Esq., and W. H. D. Longstaffe, Esq., who have 
 afforded valuable assistance in securing the accuracy of this 
 volume ; nor must he omit two tried and always kind friends, 
 Robert Davies, Esq., and the Rev. John Lees, who have been 
 good enough to examine every sheet as it issued from the 
 press, and to render aid and counsel with a readiness and a 
 pleasure which he cannot prize too highly. 
 
 It is painful to speak of those who are not, but it would be 
 unjust to pass those by who took no little interest in the progress 
 of a work, the completion of which they have not been per- 
 mitted to behold. To none would the sight of this volume have 
 afforded more sincere gratification than to two beloved kinsmen, 
 scholars themselves of repute and fame, who have gone into the 
 new country, and the writer^s fondest recollections are centred 
 in a father and an uncle. But there are others, also, now no 
 more, whom the editor cannot forget. From Joseph Hunter, 
 Esq., the historian of South Yorkshire, he received at all times 
 an almost parental kindness, and the aid which a master of his 
 art is so pleased to render to the son of an old fellow-labourer 
 in the great cause of letters, when he adopts his father's tastes 
 and manifests a desire to make them hereditary. Of the Rev. 
 Charles Wellbeloved the writer can only speak and think with 
 affectionate regard, and he will always remember one who at
 
 Xxii PREFACE. 
 
 an age, whicli few are permitted to reach, retained unimpaired 
 the wisdom of tlie constans atas, together with the warm zeal 
 and l)U()yancy of youtli. Nor must the editor pass by the late 
 Archbishop Musgrave. lie will ahvays be deeply sensible of 
 the considerate sympatliy of the late primate, and of his over- 
 flowing kindness, of which he was frequently the recipient. 
 
 Tlie writer must also express the great obligations he is 
 luider to the printer, Mr. Mitchell. He does not think that 
 any house in London could prepare more creditable proofs than 
 those which jNIr. Mitchell has submitted to him. 
 
 J. R. 
 
 YOKK, April 25, 1863.
 
 REFERENCES AND AUTHORITIES. 
 
 The editor, for several reasons, has not placed his references 
 at the end of each life, but has appended them to the fact to 
 which they especially refer. Their number may perhaps be 
 reprehended, but the writer has wished to put in each note an 
 exhaustive list of the authors who have mentioned the particular 
 circumstance to which it refers. The reader may not, perhaps, 
 have access to every work that is referred to, but when many 
 authorities are given, it will be in his power, if he wishes to do 
 so, to test the accuracy of the narrative by examining at least 
 one of them. 
 
 Exact references have been given to everything but the 
 manuscripts at York. Any fact can be found without difficulty 
 in the registers of the archbishops, which are arranged chrono- 
 logically, and divided into archdeaconries, etc. Into the Act- 
 books of the Dean and Chapter it is not so easy to enquire. 
 Torre^s fanciful titles, if given here, would only bewilder the 
 enquirer, and a new system of lettering must be adopted when 
 they pass, as they soon will, through the binder^s hands. 
 
 Where there is a variety of editions of the same work, it 
 will be necessary to mention those which the editor has made 
 use of. This will assist the reader and facilitate investigation. 
 
 Alcuini Opera. 2 vols. FoL, 1777. 
 
 Baronii Annales. 11 vols. Fol., 1589, and the Continuation, 3 vols. Lyons, 
 1678. 
 
 Beda, ed. Smith, Fol., Cambridge, 1722. 
 
 Dugdale's Monasticon. The new edition. 
 
 Foedera. The new edition. 
 
 Florence of Worcester. 4to, London, 1592. The continuation from the new 
 edition by the Engl. Historical Society. 
 
 Peter Langtoft. £d. Hearne. The reprint. 
 
 Chron. de Mailros. Ed. Bannatyne Club. 4to, Edinb., 1835. 
 
 William of Newburgh. Ed. Hearne. 2 vols. 8vo, Oxon., 1719. 
 
 Matthew Paris. Ed. Wats. Fol., London, 1681. 
 
 Chron. Petrib. Ed. Giles. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, HLstoria Anglise. Fol., Basilese, 1556. 
 
 Savile's Scriptores post Bedam. Fol. London, 1596. 
 
 Saxon Chronicle. Ed. Ingram, 4to. London, 1823. 
 
 Triveti Annales. 8vo, Oxon., 1719. 
 
 AVendover. Ed. Giles, 2 vols. 12mo.
 
 A LIST OF THE LIVES CONTAINED IN THE PRESENT 
 VOLUME. 
 
 1. 
 2. 
 3. 
 4. 
 5. 
 6. 
 7. 
 8. 
 9. 
 10. 
 11. 
 12. 
 13. 
 14. 
 15. 
 16. 
 17. 
 18. 
 19. 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 23. 
 24. 
 25. 
 26. 
 27. 
 28. 
 29. 
 30. 
 31. 
 32. 
 33. 
 34. 
 35. 
 36. 
 37. 
 38. 
 39. 
 40. 
 41. 
 42. 
 43. 
 44. 
 
 Paulinus . 
 Chadd . 
 
 WlLFEID I. 
 BOSA 
 
 John . 
 Wilfrid II. . 
 Egbert 
 Albert . 
 Eanbald I. 
 Eanbald II. . 
 
 ■\VULFSY 
 WlGMUND 
 "WrLFERE . 
 
 Ethelbald 
 Redewald . 
 "Wulstan I. . 
 Oskytel 
 Ethelwold . 
 Oswald 
 Adulph . 
 Wulstan II. 
 Alfric . 
 
 KiNSIUS 
 
 Aldred . 
 Thomas I. . 
 Gerard . 
 Thomas II. . 
 
 Thurstan 
 Henry Murdac 
 
 AViLLIAM 
 
 Roger de Pont l'Eveque 
 Geoffrey Plantagenet 
 Walter de Gray 
 Sewal de Bovill . 
 Godfrey de Ludham 
 Walter Giffaed . 
 
 AViLLIAM DE WiCKWAINE 
 
 John Romanxjs 
 Henry de Newark . 
 Thomas de Coebridge . 
 William de Greenfield 
 William de Melton 
 William la Zouche . 
 John de Thoresby . 
 
 A.D. 627—633 
 
 A.D. 664—669 
 
 A.D. 669—709 
 
 A.D. 678—705 
 
 A.D. 705—718 
 
 A.D. 718—732 
 
 A.D. 732—766 
 
 A.D. 766—782 
 
 A.D. 782—796 
 
 A.D. 796—812 
 
 A.D. 812—831 
 
 A.D. 837—854 
 
 A.D. 854—895 
 
 A.D. 895 
 
 A.D. 928—930 
 
 A.D. 931—956 
 
 A.D. 956—972 
 
 A.D. 972 
 
 A.D. 972—992 
 
 A.D. 992—1002 
 
 A.D. 1002—1023 
 
 A.D. 1023—1050 
 
 A.D. 1050—1060 
 
 A.D. 1060—1069 
 
 A.D. 1070—1100 
 
 A.D. 1101—1108 
 
 A.D. 1108—1114 
 
 A.D. 1114—1140 
 
 A.D. 1147—1153 
 
 A.D. 1143—1154 
 
 A.D. 1154—1181 
 
 A.D. 1191—1207 
 
 A.D. 1216—1255 
 
 A.D. 1256—1258 
 
 A.D. 1258—1265 
 
 A.D. 1265—1279 
 
 A.D. 1279—1285 
 
 A.D. 1286—1296 
 
 A.D. 1296—1299 
 
 A.D. 1300—1304 
 
 A.D. 1304—1315 
 
 A.D. 1317—1340 
 
 A.D. 1342—1352 
 
 A.D. 1352—1373 
 
 pp. 35 — 46 
 
 pp. 47 — 55 
 
 pp. 55—83 
 
 pp. 83—84 
 
 pp. 81—92 
 
 pp. 92—94 
 
 pp. 94—100 
 
 pp. 100—106 
 
 pp. 106—109 
 
 pp. 109—111 
 
 p. Ill 
 pp. 111—112 
 pp. 112—113 
 p. 113 
 p. 114 
 pp. 114—116 
 pp. 116—117 
 
 p. 118 
 pp. 118—128 
 pp. 129—131 
 pp. 131—134 
 pp. 134—137 
 pp. 137—138 
 pp. 138—146 
 pp. 146—158 
 pp. 158—163 
 pp. 163—170 
 pp. 170—210 
 pp. 210—220 
 pp. 220—233 
 pp. 233—251 
 pp. 251—279 
 pp. 279—295 
 pp. 295—299 
 pp. 300—302 
 pp. 302—317 
 pp. 317—327 
 pp. 327—349 
 pp. 349—353 
 pp. 353—361 
 pp. 361—397 
 pp. 397—437 
 pp. 437—449 
 pp. 449—494
 
 FASTI EB0RACENSE8. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 The history of the archiepiscopate of York commences with the 
 mission of Paulimis. The lamp of truth begins at that time to 
 shed abroad its full light, althoixgh several centm-ies had passed 
 away since it was first kindled. An enquiry into the origin and 
 progress of the Northern Church will be a necessary and appro- 
 priate introduction to the biography of its leaders. This, how- 
 ever, must be made in the briefest and the most summary man- 
 ner, and I shall not pui'sue it after the arrival of the Norman 
 conqueror. 
 
 It is not easy to sa.y to whom we are indebted for the first 
 preaching of Christianity in Britain. No one has as yet given 
 any satisfactory solution of this doubtful point, and the bigotry 
 of contending partizans has enveloped it in additional obscurity. 
 It seems evident that there was in the British church an Eastern 
 as well as a Western element ; indeed it is quite possible that 
 Judaic traditions had been brought to England before the birth 
 of the Redeemer. The Eastern origin of the inhabitants of these 
 islands, the frequent visits which they received from Asiatic 
 merchants, could not fail to make the Britons more or less ac- 
 quainted, at a very early period, with the truths of Christianity, 
 and there are traditions which such a supposition can alone ex- 
 plain. We must either take it for granted that Greek forms 
 and opinions, the Grsecanitas of which Mabillon speaks, were 
 at one time the tenets of the universal church, a point which 
 mil not be readily conceded, or that there was some direct 
 communication at a very early period between Asia and Britain, 
 which originated those peciiliar variations from Roman disci- 
 pline and ceremonial that were once rife in England. However 
 this question may be settled, it is equally certain that Chris- 
 tianity Avould flow into this country from the Eternal City. It is 
 very probable that our little group of islands, which were so
 
 2 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 well kno^u at Rome for their fertility, their mineral wealth, 
 and the valour and independence of their inhabitants, would be 
 honoured with a special visit from some of the early propagators 
 of the fiiith ; but, even if they had never reached our shores, 
 v>e may be sure that the truths which they inculcated every- 
 where, with such energy and success, would come to Britain 
 soouer or later from the eraporiiim of the world. The early 
 Christians shunned neither the camp nor the forum ; every place 
 and profession was thronged with converts to the tnie faith, and 
 we may be certain that there would be many of them in this 
 country, in attendance upon the imperial court, or in the ranks 
 of the Roman armies. Wherever there were Christians they 
 would have their assemblies and congregations, and they would 
 proljably imitate, as far as possible, the example of their bre- 
 thren at Jerusalem, where " all that believed were together, and 
 had all things comraon.^^ 
 
 From little beginnings a church would gi^adually be esta- 
 blished. I do not mean to say that Clu^stianity would at once 
 become the national faith ; very far from it ; but still it is re- 
 markable that we find no trace of any opposition being made to 
 the new creed by the professors of the native religion. Into no 
 country could Christianity be introduced with greater chances 
 of success. It would soon encounter Druidism, and it does not 
 appear that the meeting produced any angry collision. The 
 I^astern origin of both creeds, the sacred mystery that enveloped 
 them, the retired lives of their teachers, would disarm the sus- 
 picions of even the gifted critic. A kind of alliance seems to 
 have been made between Christianity and Druidism, and, as is 
 generally the case, the new and more active religion stepped 
 before long into the place of the old. It became, in this way, 
 more or less the national faith. Securing the favour of the na- 
 tive princes, and encoimtering little opposition, if any, from 
 the Druids themselves, the Christian religion got possession of 
 their holy places and consecrated them to a more exalted wor- 
 ship, Bangor, a name appropriated to several ancient monas- 
 teries, signifies " the great circle," thus connecting the place at 
 once Avith Druidical Avorship and Druidical remains, and shewing 
 liow Christianity had occupied or superseded them. And on 
 other occasions the Christians in Britain have displayed a similar 
 a(h-oitness. As soon as they gained the good opinion of the 
 ruhng i)0wers, they have quietly taken possession of the holy 
 places of the lately recognized creed, keeping a firm hold of their 
 new position, but, nevertheless, disarming criticism and conei- 
 hatnig public opinion, by adopting, to a certain extent, all that 
 \vps good and politic in the preceding svstem. It was one of 
 the pieces of advice which Gregory gave to Augustine, that he
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 3 
 
 should use the temples of the Roman deities, and in this respect 
 that sagacious prelate only followed the example of Arcadius 
 and Honorius. A little purification was enjoined, and tlien 
 these heathen shrines might be dedicated to (iod. The catlie- 
 dral chm-ch at Canterbmy occupied the site of a Roman temple, 
 so did old St, PauFs and Westminster Abbey. The crypt of 
 the monastery at Hexham exhibits workmanship of very great 
 antiquity.*^ 
 
 It must have been a great boon to the Saxons to have cities 
 ready built for them, as the Britons had too great a regard for the 
 Romans to destroy their works. Beda speaks with admiration 
 of the memorials of their skill and energy that were standing 
 in his time, temples, aqueducts, and bridges ; but how grand 
 they must have been nearly three centmies before his day, Avhen 
 the Saxons ftrst arrived. They had all their public buildings 
 ready, a mighty step towards civilization for a nation that was 
 ignorant of everything but Avar. They were sheltered from 
 their foes by Roman bulwarks ; they could sleep, if they chose, 
 in Roman houses ;* they could pray, when they had learned the 
 value and the need of prayer, in a Roman temple. It was from 
 these edifices that the Saxons themselves learned how to build. 
 What is now called Saxon architecture is only a rude imitation 
 of the work of Roman masons. Nor were the Saxons indebted 
 to Italian art merely for the shrines in whicli they worshipped 
 — it gave them also the sacred vessels for the sanctuary. In 
 the ancient Ritual of the church of Durham, and in the Ponti- 
 fical of Egbert, archbishop of York, there are special forms of 
 prayer for the consecration of vessels that were found in heathen 
 places. This tends to shew that every nook and cranny in the 
 Roman cities and camps has been ransacked long ago for hid 
 treasure. And that the Saxons carried off everything of value, 
 the paucity of the Roman remains discovered at the present 
 day is a sufficient proof. No one who examines the seals that 
 
 " There are no remains of this an- of remarkable interest. They occiijiy 
 tiquity in York. The minster stands the highest ground \^dthin the city. Is 
 within the old Roman camp, but there this the hill on which the earliest bishop 
 is nothing to shew that it either occu- that visited Eburacum set up his tent, 
 pied the site, or was constructed out of and which, after the fashion of our spi- 
 the remains, of any heathen temple. ritual ancestors, w:is crowned at once 
 The old name of Christ's Church, was with a Christian temple ? There are 
 the church of the Holy Trinity in the precedents for such a step, and the sup- 
 king's court. What king ? Did it ])osition will explain a name about 
 stand within the precincts of the palace which there has been some doubt, 
 of the monarchs of Northumbrian The * The Saxon remains which have 
 recent restorations of the two church<!S been occasionally discovered in Roman 
 upon Bishophill, disclosed some very camps in the North of England, seem to 
 early fragments of masonry and sculp- shew that these places were inhabited 
 ture, and the two buildings, as they after the departure of their builders, 
 stand at present, exhibit several features
 
 4 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 rirc appended to the earliest charters ean fail to see how many 
 of them are impressions of Roman gems. The seal of the great 
 monastery of Durham is a remarkahle instance. On the one 
 part is the well-known cross of St. Cnthhert, but on the other, 
 now lost, the monks Avished to represent the head of their bene- 
 factor, king Oswald, so they graved upon a rim of brass the 
 legend. Caput Osivaldi Regis, and fastened to it in the centre 
 a tine gem, the spoil of some Roman camp, a magnificent head 
 of Jui)itcr Tonans ! 
 
 We cannot accept unreservedly the statement of Beda, that 
 Britain was first converted to Christianity by missionaries who 
 \\cre sent from Rome by Eleutherius at the request of the 
 British chieftain Lucius, about the year a.d. 180. It is plain 
 that glimpses of the truth must have previously reached these 
 islands, however vague and uncertain they might be. It was 
 prol)ably the Avish for some more definite and accurate teaching, 
 suggested perhaps, as Dr. Lappenberg observes, by the differ- 
 ences of opinion between the followers of the Eastern and the 
 Western ceremonials, that tempted Lucius to send to the bishop 
 of Rome for his assistance and advice. With the advent of this 
 mission the British episcopate is said to have commenced. 
 How it was distributed and an'anged it is impossible to say. 
 Tlic traditionary account asserts that there were twenty-eight 
 prelates, one for each of the greater British cities, who occupied 
 tlie position of the Roman flamines. Over them were three 
 presidents. 
 
 The cities which were governed by an archbishop were 
 London, York, and Caerleon-upon-Usk, or the City of the 
 Legions. What the duties or the exact rank of these high 
 officials were Ave are not informed, only Ave are told by William 
 of NcAvbiu'gh that there was no archbishop, that is in the sense 
 of a later age, in the early British clim-ch. York is the only 
 city of the three that has preserved its ancient honours, and 
 one of its mediaeval chroniclers has proudly recorded — 
 
 " Deficimit reliquse, primo frustrantur honore, 
 Ast Eboracensis sola manet stabilis !" 
 
 The origin of Eburacum is concealed in the mists of antiquity. 
 Far be it from me to dwell upon the fables of which the chroni- 
 clers of the past ages were so fond. I shall leave to them the 
 glories of king Ebrauc, and the prestige of a city which was 
 the seat of a monarch at least twelve centuries before the advent 
 of Christianity ! Eburacum may be satisfied Anth a humbler 
 and yet a nobler origin. It is from the pages of the Roman 
 amialist that Ave must learn the story of its grandeur. It is 
 not probable that the Roman armies were well acquainted with
 
 INTRODUCTORY CIIAPTF.R. 5 
 
 Ehuracnm before the expedition of Ag^'icola into the North, 
 which took place towards the close of the first ccntnry after 
 Christ's birth. There the great captain would discover, what 
 the name imports, an ancient Celtic city. Could we see the 
 place as the intrepid Italian then beheld it, we should be loth 
 to dignify it with such a title. There would be before us a col- 
 lection of dirty hovels crowded together within an enclosed 
 space, and a population of half-naked and painted barbarians 
 living among their flocks and herds, and surrounded on all sides 
 by wild-wood and water. But wretched as Eburacum must then 
 have been, it could never have been so great under the lloman 
 rule had it been of little consequence before. The Romans 
 knew well how wise it was, in a strange and savage country, to 
 take possession of a place of antiquity and note ; where, prob- 
 ably, there was the only market in the district, and towards 
 which all the forest paths converged. Here they could have a 
 rendezvous for their armies in the North, and a direct commu- 
 nication with the ocean by the waters of the Ouse. It is scarcely 
 possible to exaggerate the importance of Eburacum during the 
 greater part of the first three centuries after Christ's birth. It 
 was one of the most important places, if not the capital, of 
 lloman Britain, and as Britain became more potent in the 
 comrcils of the Empire, so did Ebiu'acum become one of the 
 greatest cities in the great Roman world. It is probable that 
 every emperor who visited this island took up his abode in that 
 city, and when he was absent the legate was the occupant of 
 the imperial palace. Two emperors, Severus and Constantius 
 Chlorus, died within its walls. Two claimants of the purple, 
 Carausius and Allectus, were connected with the district, and 
 the former is said to have been nominated Imperator at Ebu- 
 racum. How magnificent must have been the city v/hich was 
 thus connected with stirring incidents and men of enterprize 
 and energy ! Thronged it would be with that noble soldiery 
 which was as yet invincible, and filled with all the hixury and 
 pomp that nestle about a palace or a court. Fortifications of 
 the most massive character were around it, and within Avere 
 public buildings, as fair and as grand as those which Italian 
 architects had reared beneath the softer skies of their own de- 
 lightful country. The historian, in a later age, when he gazed 
 upon tlieu' ruins, accustomed though he was to more striking 
 outlines and more delicate forms of beauty, could rebuild in 
 fancy the shattered fabrics of Eburacum, and say proudly to 
 himself that the noble city must indeed have been another 
 Rome.'' With what amazement would the Briton look upon 
 
 ' Richard of Cirencester tells us that two lloman municipia in Britain. 
 Verulainium and Eburacum were the Alcuin, in his poem Be Sanctis et
 
 6 FASTI EHORACENSES. 
 
 the magnificence that Alcuiu admired. The very sight of such 
 grandeur -woukl captivate the simple-minded savage^ and in the 
 fascinating hixury that encircled and ensnared him, Eburacum 
 would be to him/ as his conquerors desired, a second Capua. 
 
 It may be safely assumed that there Avas a Christian con- 
 gregation' at Eburacum ])resided over by a bishop, if indeed the 
 episcopate were established at that time in Britain, which there 
 is no reason to doubt. How the good seed that was brought 
 from Rome ripened to the harvest it is impossible to say. 
 Among the Romans themselves it is not probable that the new 
 creed experienced less success than it met with at their hands 
 in other countries ; nay, it is likely enough that they would look 
 upon it Avith greater favour, as they were here removed from all 
 those dangerous fascinations of place and form that attracted 
 them in other lands to their idol-v/orship. Among the Britons 
 it would be the more readily accepted, as it chimed in Avith their 
 traditions from the East, which must have been cherished even 
 by those Avho had no intercourse A\dth the merchants from Asia 
 or from Gaul. However this may have been, it is evident that 
 Christianity obtained a sure footing in this country whilst it was 
 in the possession of the Romans. We know, also, that its pro- 
 fessors Avere for a long time mimolested.*^ The persecutions that 
 desolated the adjacent continent, and gave to the church of 
 Lyons many a noble martyr, never reached these shores. There 
 is no record of Severus, an apostate from Christianity and an 
 active opponent clseAvhere of the true faith, raising his hand 
 against any believer in Britain, although he w^as for some time 
 a resident in the island. The Romans were more tolerant here 
 than they were in Italy and Gaul. They w^ere less secm-e, and 
 consequently had less time to spend in religious controversies. 
 Perhaps the Britons Avere so attached to the Christian faith that 
 the Romans did not dare to i-uffle them. Perhaps the British 
 church was so insignificant that it was entu'cly overlooked. 
 
 In the great persecution of Diocletian which began in the 
 year 29 1, the British Christians w^ere not spared, and the 
 emperor Avould not be disposed to favour the island on account 
 of its recent revolt. The care of this country was at that time 
 
 Pontificilus eccl. Ebor., says that the likewise in Torke, named also Victrix, 
 
 Romans built the cit3^ of the legion Victoria, or altera Homa 
 
 Ut foret emporium tcrrse commune marisque; (because of the beautie and fine build- 
 
 Kt fiei-et ducibus secura potentia rogni, ' ing of the same), I mvselfe can partlie 
 
 Et dwus imperii, terronine hostiiibus amis : witnesse, that have seene and often had 
 
 Jssset ab extreme venientibus hospita portu ^,f fi,„,^ -e u„++^ + *• 
 
 Navibus oceano, etc. i' v 01 tuem ; it better testimonie were 
 
 wanting." 
 Harrison, in his Description of JBri- <> "Susceptam fidem Brittani usque 
 
 tain, speaking of Eoman treasures, in tempora Diocletiani principis invio- 
 observes, " What store hath beene seene latam integramque quieta in pace ser- 
 of them in the citie of London,— and vabant." Beda
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 7 
 
 entrusted to Constantms Chlonis^ one of Diocletian's associates 
 in the empire. When the order for the persecution was com- 
 municated to him, Constantius was probably at York. Eusebius 
 in his laboured panegyric upon his son, Constantino the (ircat, 
 would lead us to believe that the wishes of Diocletian Avere dis- 
 regarded, and that Constantius was most liberal and tolerant in 
 his views and conduct. Beda, however, a more trustworthy 
 authority, gives us a very different account. He tells us of the 
 number of the martyrs and confessors that there were at that 
 time in Britain — how the chiu'ches were thrown doA\ii, and the 
 trembling believers were obliged to flee for refuge to the deserts 
 and the mountains. And yet, in spite of all this cruelty and 
 intolerance, the great Saxon historian speaks of Constantius as 
 "vir summse mansuetudinis et civilitatis,'"' and Theophanes 
 bestows upon him the flattering epithet of ')(piariav6(ppQ)v, thus 
 justifying, to a certain extent, the praises of Eusebius. He 
 was, in all probability, the imwilling executor of the wishes of 
 Diocletian, and, like Obadiah, could spare when he was ordered 
 to destroy. And this is the more probable from the fact, that 
 when he became a free agent he embraced that faith against 
 which, in bygone years, he had been compelled to set his face. 
 When Diocletian put off the purple in 305, Constantius divided 
 the empire with Galerius. He then professed himself a Chris- 
 tian. The desolated churches were rebuilt, the sacred ceremonial 
 was restored, and the joyous worshippers emerged at length from 
 their hiding-places in the forests and the mountains.'' There 
 was peace at last for the scattered and affrighted flock, but after 
 reigning for a few months the peace-maker was removed from 
 it, and his ashes were laid to rest in the city of Eburacum. 
 The first of his two consorts is still remembered for her virtues 
 and her sufferings. She is said, on very slight authority, to 
 have been a British lady, and it was this belief, together with 
 the memory of her excellence, that caused three churches in 
 ancient York to be dedicated to the sainted lady whose husband 
 died within its walls, the good empress Helena. 
 
 The fame of the mother and the sire pales before the merits 
 of the son, for to whom does the Christian church owe a deeper 
 debt of gratitude than to Constantino the Great ? The state- 
 ment that he was born in Eburacum rests upon no better 
 authority than the assertion of the English ambassadors at the 
 councils of Basle and Constance in the beginning of the fifteenth 
 
 ' "At ubi turbo persecutionis quieAit, structas, basilicas sanctorum martyrum 
 
 progress! in publicum fideles Christi fundant, 'jonstruunt, perficiunt, ac 
 
 qui se tempore discriminis silvis ac dc- veluti, victricia signa passim jjropalant, 
 
 sertis abditisve speluncis occulcrant, dies festos celebrant, sacra mundo corde 
 
 reuovant ecclesias ad solum usque de- atque ore conficiunt." Beda, i., 8.
 
 8 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 century ; but it Avas in Eburacum that some period of his early 
 lite must have been spent, and it was in Eburacum that he was 
 saluted as imperator. At that time he was not a Christian, but 
 soon afterwards he deliberately adopted his father's faith. 
 I'Aiscbius tells us that he was influenced by the good example of 
 his sire, and any Englishman may be proud to think that the 
 faith of one of the great regenerators of the heathen world may 
 have been strengthened, if not kindled, by the sight of the piety 
 and fervour of the imperial household,, and the Christian con- 
 gregations in Ebm'acum. 
 
 We should natm'ally expect that Constantine through his 
 connection with our island would take some notice of its church, 
 and, accordingly, we find that three British bishops, including 
 one from the city of York, were present at the coimcil of Aries 
 in A.D. 314. The same episcopate was also represented at the 
 councils of Nicsea, Sardica, and Ariminium. And from the 
 accounts that are preserved of the deliberations at these sacred 
 meetings we may gather that the British bishops were thoroughly 
 catholic and orthodox. They were not afraid, also, of standing 
 up for the faith when it was imperilled by the machinations of 
 heretics. Against the Arians they took so decided a part that 
 they are mentioned with honour by Athanasius; and Hilary, 
 writing from his place of banishment to the bishops of Germany 
 and Britain, says of them, " Gratulatus sum in Domine incon- 
 taminatos vos et illsesos ab omui contagio detestandse heresios 
 perstitisse.^' 
 
 Tradition has handed down to us the names of several of the 
 early bishops of Yoi^k, for, as Weever observes, " I finde a suc- 
 cession of British archbishops long before the time of Paulinus." 
 The evidence on this point is very scanty and unsatisfactory, 
 and there is no possibility of acquiring any accurate informa- 
 tion. 
 
 A person of the name of Tam-inus is said to have been 
 bishop of York in the beginning, apparently, of the second 
 century, and to have suffered martyi'dom. A clerical error is 
 the origin of this statement. Taminus was not "episcopus 
 Eboracensis," but "Ebroicensis," i. e., of Evreux in France, with 
 which place his name is still honourably comiected. He must 
 l)c expunged therefore from the Fasti of the English Chmxh, as 
 with Fidler, we must be "conscientiously scrupulous not to 
 take or toucli a thread which is none of our own." 
 
 Archbishop Ussher mentions an assertion made by a chronicle 
 of York in 1160, to the efl'ect that Fagan was the first bishop of 
 l^buracum. Fagan is said to have been one of the Clmstian 
 missionaries who were sent from Rome by Eleutherius. If 
 Fagan really presided over the cliurch of York, Lucius must
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 9 
 
 have been kin": of the same city, an honour which the metrical 
 chronicle of Ebm-acum ascribes to him when it says, 
 
 " Sanctus Faganus, collega suus Damianus 
 Eegem cum populo niundificant lavacro. 
 Templo mundato, consecrate, reparato, 
 Metropolis sacra conditur ecclcsia." 
 
 The temple which was thns purified is stated by the })oet to be 
 the shrine in which king Ebrauc and his descendants had observed 
 their pagan rites for twelve hundi'cd years, and Avliich, on the 
 ari'ival of the Roman missionaries, had been given up to Christ. 
 The whole statement is probably fabulous, and the assertion that 
 Lucius appointed Theodosius to the see of York rests only upon 
 the authority of Harrison's description of Britain which is pre- 
 fixed to the well-knowTi chronicle of Holinshed. 
 
 For the name of Eborius, who is stated to have been present 
 at the council of Aries, in a.d. 314, as '' episcopus de civitatc 
 Eboracensi, provincia Brittannia,'' there is somewhat stronger 
 evidence. Aries was one of Constantine's councils, and we must 
 remember that we may expect to find British bishops associated 
 with an emperor who was almost a Briton himself, and that of 
 all those prelates he would, we should think, be most of all dis- 
 posed to invite a bishop of Eburacum. The presence of Eborius 
 is mentioned in an ancient catalogue of those present of very 
 fail" authority. The name is so closely akin to that of the city 
 over which he presided that we cannot consider it to be the 
 same that he usually bore. He had, in all probability, some 
 uncouth British name which was changed by the Roman officers 
 at the council for one more euphonious which bore a special 
 reference to the city which he represented; so that Eborius 
 Episcopus may be considered to be the same as Eboracensis 
 Episcopus. A grave doubt, however, is thrown upon the con- 
 nection of Eborius with York, as in another list of those who 
 were at Aries he is said to have presided over a different city in 
 the province of Byzantium. 
 
 The next name that we find in connection with the see of 
 York is Sampson, or St. Sampson as he is generally called, 
 and it seems probable that he was actually the bishop of that 
 place. He is said to have lived in the fifth centmy. The 
 metrical chronicle of Y^ork asserts that Sampson was bz'ought to 
 Eburacum by king Aurelius, who rebuilt the ehm'ch which the 
 Angles had destroyed, and made Sampson its ruler. It is by 
 no means easy to discern the track of real history among the 
 mists of fable ; but it is probable that Ijeforc the Saxons obtained 
 full possession of Ebm"acum they had plunderc;d and injured 
 the city in some of their flying excursions, and that the British
 
 10 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 chieftains recovered it for a time, and restored what had been 
 destroyed or changed. The life of St. Sampson has been more 
 than once written/ but the account that is given of the saint is 
 by no means clear and satisfactory. We are told that he was a 
 native of Glamorganshire, and a student in the monastery of the 
 celebrated Iltutus. Here he made such progi'ess that in course 
 of time he became the president of the house, and as years 
 passed on, after various changes, he was induced by king Am'clius, 
 or Ambrose, to become bishop of Eburacum. It is not probable 
 that he held that office long. We are told that he was driven 
 out of the city by the Pagans, and that he fled to St. David's 
 and became the bishop of that see. But even here there was 
 no rest for him. A dreadful plague that was ravaging Wales 
 obliged him, much against his will, to cross the seas into 
 Brittany, where he became archbishop of Dol. At that place 
 Sampson died and was interred. This is the sum and substance 
 of the accounts of St. Sampson. They aboiuid, however, with 
 conflicting statements into which there is no necessity to enter. 
 It is probable that he was at York, and, singularly enough, there 
 is a church in that city dedicated to him; the only one, I 
 believe, in England of which he is the patron. 
 
 The old chronicler of York, relying upon the fabulous account 
 of Geoffi'ey of Monmouth and Wendover, mentions another 
 bishop of the name of Pyramns or Pyrannus. The legend about 
 him runs as follows. The famous king Arthur, the last tower 
 of British strength, Adsited York one Christ-tide after the de- 
 parture of St. Sampson and his clergy, and grieved at finding 
 tlie holy places desolated and the churches half consumed by 
 the fires which the Pagan invaders had kindled, he ordered them 
 to be restored, and made Pyramus, his chaplain, bishop of the 
 city. Although the whole of this story is probably fabidoiis, 
 we can well imagine what a struggle there would be in the North 
 beti\'een the Britons and the Saxons. The latter were heathens, 
 and would studiously desecrate the holy places of their enemies, 
 in many of which, for centm'ies, worship of some kind or other 
 must have been paid. The sacrilegious invasion of a time- 
 honoured shrine Avould make the Briton sorrow over the injury 
 as deeply as the pagan Roman would bemoan the loss of the 
 tutelary deities of his household. There are probably the germs 
 of truth in the traditions that have been mentioned. They give 
 us a vague and indistinct pictm^e of confusion and change. 
 York must have been lost and recovered several times before 
 
 f One life, by an anonymous author, was written by Balderic, archbishop of 
 
 has been pubhshed by Mabillon in his Dol, in the twelfth century. I have 
 
 Beneihciine Ads. There is another in thought it unnecessary to go minutely 
 
 the Bibholheca Floriaeensis. A third into the subject.
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 11 
 
 the Saxons won it, and we may be sure that as often as the 
 Britons reg;ained their lost position they Avould re-estal)lish the 
 religion which their enemies had despised. At last the torrent 
 of invaders became so strong that it swept them ont of York for 
 ever. The last British bishop is said to have been Tadiocus, 
 and when he saw the hostile armies poiunng in he joined 
 Theonus, bishop of London, and fled for his life to Wales.^ 
 After this time the names Welsh and British are identical. 
 Thenceforward for a gloomy century there is deep night hanging 
 over the North, and it lasted until Paulinus dispelled the dark- 
 ness by rekindling the old light in the new kingdom of 
 Northumbria. 
 
 Of the condition and extent of the British church it is im- 
 possible to speak with certainty. Some are disposed to think 
 that the absence of any early memorials of Christianity is a token 
 of its insignificance or nonentity. The argument, however, 
 proves too much. By the same course of reasoning you might 
 shew that the neighbouring establishments in Gaul, and the 
 seven Asiatic chui'ches themselves, had no existence. Every 
 relic of the faith that illumined these in the earliest ages has 
 disappeared, but who can say that the sacred light had not once 
 shone ? The accordant testimony of the fathers chimes in with 
 the narratives of our own chroniclers and the voice of tradition, 
 when they assert the zeal, the sufferings, and the piety of the 
 old British church. It is painful and yet cheering to be obliged 
 to trace the progress of Chi'istianity by heresies and persecutions. 
 Melancholy although they are, they can still pui*ify and ennoble. 
 Diocletian was, in one sense, as great a benefactor to England 
 as Constantine the Great. The British Church had its bishops, 
 who were stalwart champions of the faith ; it had its confessors 
 and its martyrs. Chrysostom tells us that there were British 
 versions of the Bible. We know that heretical teachers found 
 their way to this island ; their very presence shews that there 
 was something to corrode. But what real and satisfactory pro- 
 gress could any church make when change and violence were on 
 every side of it ? Its bishops could only be missionary bishops, 
 and we know from the records of the council of Ariminium that 
 they had no regular endowment. Its clergy could only work 
 ineffectively, if they worked at all, when their lives were en- 
 dangered by the inroads of foreign marauders and the petty 
 warfare of the native chieftains. Organization woidd be impos- 
 
 «■ The following passage is a fair Arohipontificum T.idiarus sedis Ehorum, 
 
 STmnlp of ihc nipt-vifnl phroniplp of Ultiraiis ex liritonuiii Krntibus ille fuit. 
 
 ^mple 01 llie meincai cnroniCie OI Corpora Sauctomra.simul omnia vasasacrorum, 
 
 York, from which it is taken. Cunctas ros rcUquas transtulit ille saeras. 
 
 " Turbatis rebus Archipresul Tadiacus, Expulsi ni-itonesnomeii patriamquerelinquunt, 
 
 Ecclesiae sedera deserit et patriam 
 
 Dicti Walk'iises uoiniiie bai'bario."
 
 12 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 Bible, and we cannot be surprised therefore at the existence of 
 that deterioration of morals and manners among the clergy 
 which Gildas so strongly reprehends. Discipline alone could 
 ])revent this, and how was it to be enforced ? Life was to be 
 first protected and secured. As the wave of Pagan violence 
 broke slowly over Britain, the ministers of Christ fled as it drew 
 near them ; they rested not till they were behind a barrier which 
 the waters could not penetrate or overthrow — the secluded val- 
 leys and the moimtain fastnesses of Wales. 
 
 In Wales the trembling fugitives were secure : there was an 
 asylum for them in that noble province which has so frequently 
 been the home of freedom and independence. The cradle of 
 Christianity in Britain was destined to be its sanctuary. The 
 earliest glimmerings of the sacred light illumined the country of 
 St. David. The Asiatic merchant, who braved in his little bark 
 the perils of the seas^ foimd in that land the descendants of 
 those Cimmerians who, restless like himself, had sought for a 
 new home beneath another sun, and he would boast himself of 
 the same lineage, and recognize a kinsman in the host that en- 
 tertained him. Between the Welsh and the Asiatic churches 
 there was a marked similarity, and time did not obliterate the 
 resemljlance but increased it. When Constantino had ascended 
 the imperial throne, and after his decease, the news was brought 
 out of the far East to Britain, how the pious Helena and her 
 illustrious son had decorated the holy places in Palestine, and 
 erected shrine after shrine to commemorate Him whose divine 
 presence had consecrated that land, and from every corner of 
 the West there were pilgrims setting forth to visit those hallowed 
 abodes of which such great things Avere spoken. There were 
 holy men in the East already, whose love and labom-s had added 
 to its renown, if any supplement were needed. The sight of the 
 pillar on which Simeon had watched and died was enough to 
 tempt the devout Briton across the storm-swept seas. With 
 what delight would he listen to the fervid eloquence of Chrysos- 
 tom ! With what reverence would he gaze on Jerome in his 
 cell at Bethlehem ! Every city and hamlet had its associations 
 and its memories. Some holy presence that had ennobled it 
 seemed to linger in it still. There was another lesson, also, 
 which the British pilgrims would learn during their sojourn in 
 the East. All along their route they would observe the retreats 
 for pious and self-denying men that were springing up around 
 tlicm. Here was a cavern in which some impassioned zealot 
 was striving to obliterate, by solitary penance, the ofl'ences of 
 the past. Here a band of devotees had crowned some frowning 
 precipice with their tabernacle, where their only companions 
 were the raven and seagull, croaking and screaming as they
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 13 
 
 swooped tlirough the clear blue air above the foaming breakers. 
 They could see the fearless inmates of these awe-inspiring shrines 
 as they descended from their home among the clouds down the 
 face of that insulated peak which raised them out of the Avorld 
 beneath, and then their thoughts would jiass away to their 
 own wild fatherland, and they would long for such sanctuaries 
 there Avhich the spoiler could never reacli, where the world- 
 worn sinner could strive to forget the past, and the pious enthu- 
 siast could muse in lowly pride upon the perfections of Him 
 who is the God of the hills as well as of the valleys, and securely 
 devise some great scheme of love and laboiu' to enhance, if pos- 
 sible. His glory. They came home and erected in their OAvn land 
 the great monastery of Bangor, which was once the residence of 
 above 2000 monks. There is no trace of it remaining now : 
 
 " Tantuin rcvi longiaqua valet mutare vetustas." 
 
 Blit shortly before the Reformation you could mark the decaying 
 walls looking down upon the " sacred Dee.^^ 
 
 It w^as this great sanctuary that fed the streams of Chris- 
 tianity which watered Wales and Ireland. In the beginning of 
 the seventh century it was divided into seven portions, each of 
 them containing at least 300 monks who supported themselves 
 by manual labour. In this and in other points there was a 
 striking similarity between the British monks and those in the 
 Thebais of ^gypt and other parts of the East. The positions 
 chosen for the monasteries and the habits of their inmates were 
 identical. The learned Selden, no mean authority, speaks of 
 the Alexandrine rule being introduced into Britain at a very 
 early period, and Rudburn says that in the second century 
 Fagan and Dervan filled the church of Winchester with monks 
 professing the rule of St. Mark. William of Malmesbiuy 
 asserts that the monastery of Glastonbirry, the origin of which 
 is encircled with Eastern traditions, was governed after the 
 ^Egyptian fashion. The Culdees of lona always looked up to 
 St. John as their founder. These, assuredly, are signs and 
 tokens of a very early connection with the East. 
 
 Between Wales and Ireland, the British and the Scottish 
 tribes, there would at all times be a direct communication. 
 Ireland is said to have been converted by St. Patrick who was 
 sent from Rome. It is most probable, however, that the Chris- 
 tian faith had reached that country before the time of that saint, 
 and Mabillon himself confesses that the peculiarities of the 
 British church, in spite of better teaching, were dominant in 
 early times in Ireland. My readers miist not be led away by 
 the ingenious and fallacious arguments of modern partizans, and 
 imagine that these peculiarities involved any material diflference
 
 14. FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 in doctrine. There was nothing of the kind. In faith they 
 were as firmly united as they were in the great councils in the 
 fourth century ; the only discrepancies were in comparatively 
 trivial points of disciplhie and form^ and the persistence of the 
 Britons and Scots was mainly nourished and kept up by their 
 old feeling of national independence. It would be idle, however, 
 to deny that between the Roman and the old Welsh, Irish, and 
 Scottish chm-ches there were many differences in form and dis- 
 cipline. St. Bernard, in his life of Malachy, bishop of Connor, 
 gives strong evidence on this point. The monasteries which he 
 describes as existing in Ireland followed the same rule that was 
 observed in Wales. The peculiarities which that rigid dis- 
 cii^linarian censured may be briefly enumerated. In the first 
 place, as a general rule, there sc^ms to have been a secular and 
 a married clergy resvdting in the evils of worldly-mindedness ; 
 and, as at Armagh and St. Andrew^s, in an hereditary sacer- 
 dotage, the greatest bane by which any chm'ch can be afflicted. _ 
 Another, and a famous, point of difference was in the manner 
 of observing Easter, to which allusions will be subsequently 
 made. In the mode of administering baptism, in the form of 
 the tonsure, in the celebration of matrimony and episcopal 
 ordination,'' there were also variations. The Scottish people, 
 also, gave no tithes or firstfruits, and they neglected or despised 
 confession and the rite of confirmation. Several of these 
 peculiarities may be traced to other countries than our own, and 
 there is no one point that has been alluded to which would 
 make the Briton or the Scot either a heretic or a schismatic in 
 the full sense of those terms. 
 
 The name generally ascribed to the early devotees in these 
 islands was Colidei or Culdees, the origin of which is involved 
 in some little obscurity. It is probably equivalent to Cultores 
 Dei. By them Wales, Ireland, and Scotland, were in the earliest 
 times, to a great extent, overspread. In their observances and 
 rubrics they were guided by the traditions of their spiritual fore- 
 fathers, and it was the feeling of ancestral and national pride 
 that tempted them to despise the invitations to full conformity 
 M ith the church catholic which were so frequently held out to 
 them. To the Culdees the early Christian memorials in Ireland 
 and Scotland are, in all probability, to be ascribed. We owe to 
 them that delicate interlacing work, itself of Eastern origin, by 
 which the earliest crosses and manuscripts are adorned. In 
 working with their own hands they shewed to others the utility 
 of labom' ; they became the patrons of industry and agriculture. 
 
 * The Culdees have actually been terianism ! It is unnecessary to allude 
 held forward, by modern Scottish further to such absurd and unfounded 
 writers, as the originators of Presby- statements.
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15 
 
 In this manner tliey were the promoters of civilization as well 
 as of religion. That the system of the Culdees was a popular 
 one is shewn by the success that attended it. Its professors 
 were, socially, hut little different from those around them. 
 There was nothing in it that baffled imitation; it so nearly 
 resembled Druidism that it seems to have supplanted it. It 
 taught the people useful and necessary arts, whilst, at the same 
 time, it raised their thoughts to higher and better things. It 
 did its work. It was just the system to attract the attention 
 and the sympathy of a rude and ignorant people ; but something 
 more decisive and more refined would be necessary for the social 
 and religious advancement of a more civilized nation. A body 
 of secular clergy like the Culdees would have but little influence 
 there. 
 
 It was in the middle of the sixth century after Christ's birth 
 that the Culdee Coliunba passed over from Ireland to lona, and 
 planted there a little colony of holy men, which growing in in- 
 fluence and numbers, exercised in after years such a mighty in- 
 fluence over the kingdom of Northumbria. This was not the 
 first visit that Christian missionaries had paid to Scotland. I 
 shall say nothing of the journey of the abbot Regulus from 
 Greece with a few of the relics of St. Andrew. We are told 
 that some of those who escaped from the persecution of Dio- 
 cletian fled for safety to Mona and Albania — the Isle of Man 
 and the southern part of Scotland ; and at the close of the same 
 century, the fourth, Ninias or Ninian, as he is called, preached 
 the Gospel in "that district, and erected a church of stone, the 
 first that had been seen in that country, at Candida Casa, or 
 Whithern, in Galloway. Thus there were believers in Scotland, 
 and thirty or forty years after this. Pope Celestinus sent Pal- 
 ladius to be their fu'st bishop. But it is to St. Columba and his 
 followers that the credit of evangelizing Scotland is to be espe- 
 cially ascribed ; and the home that they selected for themselves, 
 with the leave of king Connal, was the island of Hii or Icolm- 
 kill, better known in these days by its more modern name of 
 lona, or the Island of the Waves. 
 
 Close to the western shores of Scotland lies that solitary 
 island, hallowed still by the noblest associations that any Chris- 
 tian sanctuary can boast of. A thousand years have passed 
 away since the Culdees were there, but their great leader and 
 his followers are not yet forgotten. The ruins that you see 
 aroimd you are the remnants of the shrine Avhich a foreign 
 order of monks erected, and not of that in which Columba 
 prayed. But still at lona you never think of the Cluniac but 
 of the Ciddee ! You are treading upon holy ground. This is 
 the cradle of the Christianity of the North ; and here, beneath
 
 IQ FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 vour feet, are the sea-kings sleeping! Rob it of its associa- 
 tions, and there is nothing to attract you to that island. It 
 could be no selfish motive that drew Columba over the storm- 
 swept channel to a place like that. A nobler impulse led him 
 there than tlie quest of pleasure or the promptings of wayward- 
 ness or caprice. It was the love of God that guided the bark 
 of that apostolic brotherhood to their sanctuary in the sea. 
 Tlie memories of the happy past, the thoughts of others who 
 were loving and praying for them in the home that they had 
 deserted, could not Avean them fi'om their high resolve. The 
 winds might howl around the frail tabernacle that they had set 
 up, the spray miglit di'ench them through and through, but 
 they remembered that they had devoted themselves to Him 
 " whose way is in the sea," and they cared not for the tempest 
 or the waves. Here they could pass away in peace, without a 
 dread of that dissolution for which they had made a lifelong 
 preparation ! Here they could train themselves in deep seclu- 
 sion for a higher reach in holiness, or meditate upon new victo- 
 ries over the unenlightened hearts that were beating with no 
 love for them upon the adjacent continent ! If the Pagan held 
 out to them a friendly hand, they could reach him in a few 
 minutes in their little boat. If that hand were threatening de- 
 struction, the timid evangelists could flee again to their old 
 home across the protecting water. 
 
 How peaceful and liow happy must have been the life of 
 that devoted brotherhood in their sanctuary at lona ! Every 
 day had its varied occupations, and in each there^ was a charm. 
 Without, there were their nets and boats, for the sea was their 
 meadow and their tillage. Within, there were the voices of 
 supplication and praise, rising heavenwards even in the watches 
 of the night — the sacred page rich with some divine story — the 
 class room ^vith the little knot of pupils to listen and to learn. 
 Brighter and brighter shone the holy flame that was kindled 
 at lona, and to distant shores Avas its radiance diffiised. There 
 wevG not wanting intrepid evangelists to carry it with them 
 among the rock-bound Hebrides ; they were not afraid of en- 
 countering even the icebergs of the Baltic and the seas that 
 rolled arovmd the shores of Iceland. A halo of sanctity hung 
 around Columba and his isle. The abbats who succeeded him 
 were the greatest ecclesiastics in the North. 
 
 Whilst the lamp of truth was thus burning in the North, as 
 well as in Ireland and in Wales, there was thick darkness hang- 
 ing over Northumbria and the other provinces of England. 
 The Saxons did not even tolerate Christianity, and its professors 
 fled in terror as they drew near. It was to"^ convert them that 
 the pious Gregory sent forth Augustine, encouraged by the fair
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 17 
 
 youthful faces of some natives of Deira or Yorkshii*e that he 
 saw in the slave-market at Rome. The history of that mission 
 and its success need not be dAvelt upon here. A few years after 
 the arrival of Augiistine, Gregory addressed to him a letter in 
 which he recommended him to make York a metropolitan sec, 
 with twelve sufii'agans under it. This is quite enough to shew 
 the importance of that city more than twelve centuries ago. 
 As a personal compliment to Augustine he was to have control 
 over the new see and its prelates during his life ; but his suc- 
 cessors were to inherit no such authority, and the question of 
 precedence was to be determined by priority of election. And 
 to shew that the new episcopate Avas to be invested with the 
 power of a metropolitan, it was to receive a pall from Rome 
 without which no one coidd have suffragans under him. 
 
 Some time elapsed before any opportunity occurred of 
 attempting to carry this scheme into effect, as Northumbria 
 was dark with pagan idolatry, which the Culdees of lona, strange 
 to say, seem not to have endeavoui'ed to remove. The enterprize 
 was undertaken in the beginning of the seventh century by the 
 missionary Paulinus, who was made the first primate of North- 
 umbria. Of his laboui's and their fruits I have elsewhere given 
 an accoimt. But the question may be asked, and it is a very 
 interesting one, how is the great success of Paulinus to be 
 accounted for ? Even under the teaching of an apostle, converts 
 did not rush into the arms of the church by tens of thousands. 
 It may be said, and plausibly too, that the people did but follow 
 the example of their monarch ; but it is observable in the con- 
 version of king Edwin and Coifi, the high priest, that they were 
 guided to a great extent by the popularis aura. Why, let me 
 ask, should the people be favourably disposed towards Chris- 
 tianity? I can scarcely believe that an intolerant rule, even 
 though it lasted for eighty years, could have obliterated every 
 trace of a religion which seems to have had a strong hold on 
 the North before the Saxons reached it. Wilfrid, at a later day, 
 strove to recover as many of the holy places of the Britons as 
 he could trace, and if there were traditions then, would they 
 not be much stronger when Paulinus was at his work ? Chris- 
 tianity had been the religion, it may be conceived, of the de- 
 feated party, a,nd would it be forgotten by the remnant ? It is 
 a most curious circumstance also that the Pseudo-Nciniius as- 
 cribes the conversion of Edwin and his subjects, not to Paulinus, 
 but to Rum the son of Urien. Urien was a well-knoAvn British 
 chieftain who had struggled long and stoutly against the Saxon 
 usurpation. Can his son, after his father's fall, have gone to 
 Rome and become a priest, assuming on that occasion the 
 Latin name of Paidinus, by which we know him ? What person 
 
 c
 
 18 FASTI EBORACEXSES. 
 
 more likely to be sent by Gregory from Rome to the country 
 of his birth ? What person more likely to be ordered by Hono- 
 rius into the North to evangelize a people that had suffered and 
 bled Avith his sire ?' If these suppositions are correct the suc- 
 cess of Paidinus is a matter of no sm-prise. His career, how- 
 ever, as a missionary was a short one, for it ended with the 
 death of Edwin in 633. The land was scarcely ready for the 
 seed when the sower was taken away. 
 
 With what cui'iosity must the Culdees in the North have 
 watched the progress and the fortimes of Paulinus ! The novelty 
 of the euterprize and the zeal of the missionary could not fail 
 to interest them. There is no record of any meeting, or of any 
 intercourse between them. The interview between Augustine 
 and the Welsh Christians had been anything but satisfactory. 
 The Britons regarded the Saxons with the bitterest animosity. 
 Charity was forgotten in the memory of national wi'ongs. Be- 
 fore there could be any cordiality there were many injuries to 
 be Aviped out. Even after their conversion, Beda boldly says 
 that the Britons set the Saxons at nought, and treated them 
 like Pagans. It is sad to think that Cadwalla, the Cumbrian 
 prince, who drove Pavdinus out of his diocese and slew Edwin, 
 was a Christian in name. The Irish prelate, Dagan, refused to 
 eat bread or to come under the same roof with archbishop Lau- 
 rence, and we can easily imagine that a little of the same feel- 
 ing Avould actuate the Culdees of lona, when, whilst they were 
 active in every other direction, they made no attempt to convert 
 the Saxons in Northumbria. A more favom'able opportimity 
 for missionary exertion was soon offered to them, and under 
 different auspices. The year after Paulinus left the North, Os- 
 wald ascended the Northumbrian throne, and he had been con- 
 verted to Christianity whilst he sought protection across the 
 Tweed. Accordingly, when he became king, he longed to 
 propagate his recently acquired creed, and he sought for that 
 purpose the assistance, not of Paulinus, who was in Kent, but 
 of the Culdees from lona. A missionary of the name of Cor- 
 raan was the first person who was sent into Bernicia, but he 
 could make no progress with the rude inhabitants of the district, 
 and he returned to lona to give a piteous account of his mission, 
 and to discourage the efforts of any fiitm-e evangelist. He 
 seemed to be quite unaware that the fault had been in himself 
 rather than in the natives, and that a little more tact and pa- 
 tience might have effected a conversion which he now considered 
 to be impossible. Another inmate of the same monastery, of 
 the name of Aidan, was listening whilst Corman told to his 
 
 ■■ This ha-s been pointed out for the first time bj' Mr. Hodgson Hinde.
 
 INTRODUCTOKY CHAl'TKll. 19 
 
 brethren the story of his own failnrCj and lie criticized the me- 
 thod and the plan that Gorman had adopted with so much wis- 
 dom and judgment, that he was himself prevailed upon to take 
 up the holy cause that had been abandoned, and to ^o forth as 
 a missionary into ISorthumbria. 
 
 The place on which, with the king's permission, he set up 
 his tabernacle was a characteristic one. It still bears the name 
 which the piety of its inmates won for it, the Holy Isle. Rock 
 and sea and sky there were on all sides, enhanced by that dread 
 charm of solitude which captivates the saint. As the evangelist 
 looked towards the south he could see before him king Ida's 
 tower, the Joyeuse Garde of story, crowning the gi'ey clift' of 
 Bambrough, in which his patron was residing, and near them 
 across the angry waters of the frith were the bleak rocks of 
 Fame, which St. Cuthbert has immortalized. Reared he had 
 been himself on another island amid the Avestern seas, and now, 
 mindful of his old home, he chose for his abode in the strange 
 land that he was to convert, a scene that would daily remind 
 him of a place with which he had been long familiar, yea, 
 another Salamis in the bosom of the deep, that was to be con- 
 secrated for ever by grander and holier memories than any 
 earthly victory can evoke. Twice a day did a belt of liA'ing 
 water encircle that little sanctuary ; and Avhen it was migirt, 
 there were the quicksand and the shoal, the scream of the seagull 
 and the curlew. Here there was a safe retreat ; for what spoiler 
 could ventui'e to approach ? Here there was that solitude with- 
 out which no great work for God can be conceived or matm-ed. 
 And in the evening, when the sea mists were away, the devoted 
 bishop could see in the distance the lights in king OswakUs cas- 
 tle, and pray that they might long be fellow-workers in the path 
 of Christian duty. Thankful he might indeed be for such patrons 
 as Oswald and his brother Oswdn, and his spiritual childi'en in- 
 herited the ^'atitude of their sire. When the news was brought 
 to Bambrough of that disastrous field in which Oswin had been 
 slain, the saintly Aidan laid himself down to die, and expired 
 with his head resting upon one of the buttresses of that little 
 chui'ch of wood in which they had w^orshipped God together, 
 and when the monks of Durham enshrined in after years the 
 body of St. Cuthbert, they placed reverently upon his breast, 
 as one of their most precious treasures, the mutilated head of 
 Oswald. 
 
 On the career of Aidan in Northumbria, Beda, who had no 
 partiality for the Scottish school, is eloquently minute. The 
 life of the brethren at lona was imitated at Lindisfarue. Hum- 
 ble, patient, intrepid, Aidan was the very man to win his way 
 with such a monarch and sucli a people. His whole time lAas
 
 0() FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 •riven up to his p-eat work, instruction, prayer, and preaching. 
 Two entire days in cacli week did he pass in abstinence and pe- 
 nance. He visited his diocese on foot, and all his worldly sub- 
 stance was surrendered to the poor. How pleasing it must have 
 l)ecn to see him endeavouring to explain to the rustics, as well 
 as a foreigner could, the promises and the claims of Christianity, 
 uncoutldy it may be, but still with words and gestures that 
 shewed the earnestness of the speaker, whilst, whenever there 
 was any obscurity in what he said, the good king Oswald, who 
 was a listener also, was the intei-preter and explainer. 
 
 " 'Tis a i^icture for remembrance." 
 
 It was not forgotten by the Northumbrians who gazed on it. 
 The simple piety of Aidan, his love and labours, were copied 
 iin])licitly by his successors in his see and the holy brotherhood 
 tliat obeyed them. They acted like a spell upon the warm and 
 uuprejndiced hearts of the people of the North. 
 
 The influence that these men exercised in Northumbria was 
 very great indeed. For thirty years they were paramount within 
 that vast district. The large tracts of land that were given to 
 Aidan and his successors by the kings stood in need of cultiva- 
 tion, the monasteries that they erected required inmates, and, 
 tlierefore, at the instigation of the bishops of Lindisfarne, the 
 Scottish Ciddees came pouring daily into Northumbria, preach- 
 ing and teaching, building churches and occupying religious 
 houses. They penetrated, also, into the southern pro\'inees of 
 Britain. We can trace them in Iceland and in the Baltic. We 
 find them in France and on the Rhine, at Cologne, Wiirsburgh, 
 Ratisbon and Vienna. Those who assert that the Cvddees were 
 despisers of missionary exertion are egregiously misinformed. 
 
 With the churches and ministers of the Culdees there spread 
 at the same time their discipline and ritual, which after the 
 advent of Augustine were subjected to much hostile criticism. 
 The Italian monks could not but dislike those differences in 
 form which separated the native clergy from themselves. All 
 attempts to bring about an amicable arrangement were unsuc- 
 cessful. In vain did Augustine and his successors speak of the 
 vast benefits that would result from imity, how undesirable it 
 Avas that the common voice of Christendom should be set at 
 nought by a little party in an obscure island, but they spoke to 
 deaf ears. Dislike of the Saxons, with whom the foreign mis- 
 sionaries were allied, embittered the opposition of the Culdees ; 
 they clung to their peculiarities with an obstinacy worthy of a 
 better cause. The bitterest controversies in religion are generated 
 by little things. 
 
 As the influence of the Italian missionaries increased, a
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 121 
 
 collision between the two religious parties became unavoidable. 
 Finan^ the successor of Aidan, had a sharp dispute with a 
 Northumbrian of the name of Ronau, Avho denounced the views 
 of his superior in no measiu'ed terms. Soon after this an event 
 occui'red which brought prominently before the people of the 
 North the necessity of miion or compromise. Oswy, the North- 
 umbrian monarchy took for his wife a princess who observed the 
 Roman mode of keeping Easter. Thus, in point of fact, the 
 festival was observed twice in one year in the same court ; 
 whilst the king was celebrating the feast with merriment and 
 joy, the queen was still busy with the fasts and the prayers of 
 Lent, Taking new coui'age at this obvious inconsistency, and 
 aided by the active co-operation of prince Alcfrid and the queen, 
 the Italian party prepared to strike a heaw blow at the system 
 that thwarted them. OsA\y summoned a great council at 
 Streonshal at which the question was to be decided. Tlie 
 result of that meeting is well known. It ended in the triumph 
 of the Roman party, which was completed by a hasty and in- 
 considerate step which bishop Colman then took ; he gathered 
 his Culdees together, and found a refuge eventually in Ireland. 
 Some attempts were subsequently made to recover for them 
 their lost position, and they were temporarily successful. When 
 Wilfrid, at Alcfrid's request, had accepted the bishopric of 
 Deira, and had crossed the seas to receive there the rite of con- 
 secration, Oswy, disliking that step, advanced Chadd to the see 
 of York. The vacancy had been made by the decease of 
 Tuda, who had succeeded Colman. After a brief tenm-e of 
 office, Chadd voluntarily resigned it, and thenceforward no Cul- 
 dee was ever the president of the see of York. All the intel- 
 lect and the energy of the North were, for the future, on the 
 side of Rome. Wilfrid, Benedict Biscop, and Cuthbert, intro- 
 duced the Benedictine rule, or some modification of it, which 
 seems to have worked efficiently for a time. Theodore and 
 Egbert refused to recognize the ordination of the Scottish or 
 British prelates without some proper confirmation of it. Egbert 
 wrote, for the benefit of his clergy, several works on discipline 
 and ceremonials. Eanbald probably introduced into his diocese 
 the Roman service books. In spite of all this organized and 
 continuous opposition, the system of the Culdees was for a very 
 long time not entirely obliterated in Northumbria. The brethren 
 in the monastery at York retained the name of Colidaji, or 
 Culdees, until the time of Henry I. The spii-itual descendants 
 of the old Scottish monks flourished for a long Avliile after this 
 beyond the Tweed, in spite of the war that was being constantly 
 waged against them by the regular orders. The arclibisho])s of 
 York could do but little against them there, although on one
 
 ;>2 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 occasion Thurstan was bold enough to send the prior of Nostell 
 to be bishop of St. Andrew's. He wished, no doubt, to obliterate 
 all traces of the Culdees, but the destroyer found himself in a 
 nest of hornets. 
 
 The ancient title of the prelates, upon whose biogi-aphy I 
 shall soon enter, was merely that of bishop of York, an appella- 
 tion borne by all the presidents of that see between Paulinus 
 and Egbert. The possession of the pall gave them the power of 
 having suffragans under them, and they were then called arch- 
 bishops of the Northumbrians. The two titles were subsequently 
 combined. The right of electing the prelate seems to have 
 rested, according to Alcuin, in the brethren of the monastery of 
 York ; and that distinguished scholar congratulates them upon 
 the possession of that right, and the honest and excellent use 
 that they had made of it up to his time. In the eleventh 
 century the canons rejected Egelric of Peterborough, who had 
 been nominated to the see. The NorthimLibrian monarch seems 
 to have had the poAver of approval, and, on one occasion at least, 
 there was a popidar element in the election. It is curious also 
 to observe that Wilfrid II. and Eanbald I. were marked out for 
 the primacy by their predecessors, to whom they seem to have 
 acted for some time as coadjutors. This step was in all pro- 
 bability taken with the consent of the brethren of the house. 
 For several generations the archbishops were school-masters, 
 having been exalted to the see from the class-rooms in the 
 monastery : after the Conquest, when the power of the state 
 became paramount, they were generally the chaplains of the 
 king. 
 
 Many of the Saxon primates of York were courtiers and 
 statesmen, and their biography is intimately connected not only 
 with the annals of the chui'ch, but with the history of England. 
 Paulinus was a royal chaplain, and left the North in the same 
 suite to Avhich he was first attached. The great Wilftid basked 
 in the smiles of a com't before he suffered fi*om its scorn, and 
 during his whole life he was the favom-ite or the foot-ball of 
 kings. Egbei-t was son and brother to a monarch of North- 
 umbria. Wulstan was an intriguing politician, and played, 
 witli varying success, a very conspicuous part in the perils of 
 his time. Oswald shared with Dunstan the responsibility of 
 advising Edgar, and pushing the scheme of ecclesiastical reform. 
 Adulph was chancellor to the same prince, and Alfric was either 
 the jirompter of some of the wicked deeds of Hardicanute or 
 his tool. Akb-ed, with the exception of earl Godwin, was pro- 
 bably the greatest man in England in his day, and his influence 
 M'lth Edward the Confessor cannot be exaggerated. He steered 
 the Saxon chm'ch successfully through the perils of the Norman
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 23 
 
 conquest, and it was only after his decease that William conld 
 obtain his full ends. The archbishops of York held a very high 
 position among the great men of England. They had a diocese 
 extending from the gates of Lincoln far into the North, and to 
 which another see in the South was temporarily united. They 
 had a mint and other pi^vileges of their own. They were the 
 lords of many a broad acre, and moved about with an almost 
 royal retinue. The number of regal grants which they witnessed 
 shews how frequently they were in the presence of the sovereign. 
 It must not hoAvever be imagined that, although they were 
 thus occasionally occupied, the northern prelates were oblivious 
 of the high calling to which they were especially devoted. It 
 was a duty as well as a necessity for them to conciliate the favour 
 of the great, but public offices and employments did not inter- 
 fere with the ru'gent claims of the flock, or the studies and de- 
 votions of the shepherd. The lives of the northern bishops 
 present to us many a noble trait of piety and zeal. The mis- 
 sionary work of Paulinus and Wilfrid is not yet forgotten. We 
 remember the patience and loyalty of the one, and the self- 
 sacrificing toil of the other. We can see the humble-minded 
 Aidan, unkind to no one but himself, deserting the table of the 
 monarch, and hastening to the crowd that was waiting for the 
 good news from God. Chadd is before us, wandering through 
 his diocese on foot, or prostrating himself in lowliest obeisance 
 amid the roaring of the thunder. We hear St. John observing, 
 " It is more suitable for a bishop to be at his monastery, in at- 
 tendance upon the poor, than revelling at the tables of the 
 wealthy V How noble were the fruits of the labours of the 
 scholar-prelates, Egbert and his three successors : the first, a 
 prince in birth and energy, toiling with his pen as well as with 
 his lips, and all glorious advancers of the cause of Christian 
 education ! A sacred light still encircles the memory of Oswald. 
 In the holy time of Lent, Kinsius went from village to village, 
 preaching and bestowing alms, very frequently with bared feet. 
 But in the midst of all this active employment houi's Avere still 
 found for solitary devotions and solitary penance. Of all the 
 characteristics of our early Christian prelates this is perhaps the 
 most remarkable. Each of them seems to have had an oratory, 
 or some secluded spot, the predecessor of the private chapels 
 of our bishops, to Avhich he could resort. 
 
 " "Wisdom's self 
 Oft seeks to sweet retired solitude." 
 
 Aidan devoted two days in each week to solitary prayer. Cuth- 
 bert ended his life upon that barren island which he had been 
 so unwillina: to desert. Chadd was in his oratory when the hea-
 
 21 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 vcnly messengers arrived to tell him that he was soon to leave 
 it. John, Avho in his earlier years had been a hermit on the 
 Tync, gave up his bishopric at York to watch for his end at 
 l^everloy, and two of his successors, Wilfi'id and Albert, follow- 
 ing his example, devoted the latter portion of their lives to se- 
 clusion and ])ra}er. In a later age, when the light of holiness 
 was less Inight,' there Avcre to be found some good men who in 
 their solitary devotions had not forgotten the practice of Chris- 
 tian antiquity. Archbishop Sharpe is said to have walked very 
 fro(puMitly fi'om Bishopthorpe to Acaster Malbis in the early 
 nu)rning,' and to have knelt down and said his prayers to God 
 in the porch of that little chm'ch. In the grounds of his own 
 palace at Bisliopthorpe he caused a labyrinth, as he called it, to 
 be constructed, and that was his oratory. Thither would he 
 resort many times a day. The book was closed, the friends 
 were left behind, the cabinet of coins was locked, and the de- 
 vout prelate sought the privacy of his cell, to banish the cares 
 of earth and to meditate upon heaven. 
 
 The most influential of all the means by which the North of 
 England Avas evangelized was vaidoubtedly the establishment of 
 monasteries,'^ and the archbishop of York could wield no more 
 effective w capon for the overthrow of paganism and vice. Peo- 
 ple in these days are too apt to depreciate the debt of gratitude 
 which we owe to the early monks. The best interests of church 
 and state were by them nurtui'ed and advanced. The pious de- 
 votee could in the monastery pray and meditate ; the scholar 
 could think and learn ; the world- worn pilgrim could at length 
 repose. Two monarchs of Northumbria, Coenwulf and Eadbert, 
 ended their days in a convent. Within those walls there was a 
 sanctuaiy from the world and the vengeance of the pursuer. 
 The rescued fugitive would there gaze upon a scene as fascinat- 
 ing as it was new. He would witness the dcA'otions of the in- 
 mates in their never-pausing but never-wearying round. He 
 would see the labours of the school-room, shared in by the 
 children of the neighbouring nobles and the instructors of an- 
 other generation. He would visit the library and the scriptorium, 
 and observe the care with which each precious tome was trea- 
 sm-ed up and cojued ; and how music, architecture, painting, and 
 caligraphy had their imitators and admirers. If there had been 
 no monasteries w^e should have had no books, and we should 
 have lost the Latin language, the noblest legacy that antiquity 
 has l)e(pieathed to us. And if we regard monasticism in its 
 effects upon the outer world, we shall soon see how it softened 
 and ennobled it. I pass by the hmnanizing influence of a life 
 
 ■'It is my intention to enter at greater duction to the lives of the Deans of 
 length into this suhjcct in the intro- York.
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 25 
 
 devoted to worship and literary pursuits, and turn to other 
 points in which the monks advanced, if they did not ori2;inatc, 
 the cause of civilization. When they were not enj^ag^ed in the 
 services of the church or cloister they were generally busy Avith 
 some manual employment. There was a saying among the 
 Egyptian devotees that a labouring monk was onlj'^ tempted by 
 one devil, and in the English monasteries there Avcre none to 
 depreciate the usefulness of labour. The inmates Avere regularly 
 trained to it, and even the bishops were obliged to be acquainted 
 with some handicraft. And what they professed and practised 
 themselves they taught to others. One of the reasons for the 
 selection of the desert or the wild-wood as the site of the earliest 
 retreats was undoubtedly the desire to bring the country into 
 cultivation. The founder usually endowed the house with a 
 portion of land sufficient to maintain a certain number of families. 
 Upon it the monks were regularly employed. They tilled and 
 soAved it with their own hands, reclaiming the moor from the 
 heather, and clearing away the wood and water. They chased 
 and killed the wolves, which were then abundant. They hunted 
 and snared their own game, they caught their own fish. Before 
 Wilfrid arrived in Sussex, the inhabitants were ignorant of the 
 gentle art. They won their own hay, and reaped and ground 
 their own corn. Agriculture was thus advanced and commerce 
 followed in its wake. The progress of the early civilization of 
 the North is coincident vrith the growth and influence of the 
 monasteries. How many of these retreats there were in North- 
 umbria prior to the Danish invasion it is scarcely possible to say. 
 Mr. Hodgson Hinde makes out a list of tAventy-onc. The very 
 site of some of them is forgotten. They Avere overthroAvn by 
 the savage men Avhom they tried in A'ain to soften. The situa- 
 tions which the earliest houses of religion occupied are a suf- 
 ficient index of the perils of the times. Many of them Avere 
 on the banks of some stream on which the inmates could launch 
 their little barges and escape from the invader, or in some path- 
 less desert that no stranger could approach. Even in the days 
 of Henry VIII. the royal commissioners were unable to discover 
 the abbey of Blanchland, in the comity of Durham, till they 
 were recalled to the search which they had given up by the 
 tones of the convent-bell Avhich the monks were ringing, too 
 prematurely, for joy at their escape ! The sea Avas the defence 
 of such AAdld and lonely retreats as Lindisfarnc, Tynemouth, 
 Hartlepool and Whitby. It was in a later age, AA'hen peace and 
 law were at last paramount, that the ecclesiastical orders Avcre 
 able, in the sites and construction of their aljodes, to blend toge- 
 ther in one sAveet imion the beauty of nature and of art. Then 
 it was that they deserted the sea-beaten cliff and the little strip
 
 26 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 of green tiu-f among tlie moors for a fairer resting-place, the 
 charmingly seqviestered valleys and the wood-embosomed haughs 
 which are washed by the Coquet and the Wharfe, the Swale 
 and the Rie. 
 
 It is difficult to say at what time the earliest churches in 
 the North of England were erected. Wilfrid, in his oration at 
 the dedication of llipon minster, speaks of the holy places which 
 the British Christians had deserted, and that he succeeded in 
 his attempts to recover some of them seems to be partly evident 
 from the fact, that under the walls of one or two Saxon churches 
 in the North Riding of Yorkshire, human remains, belonging 
 to a very early period, have been disinteiTcd. The church of 
 Whithern in Galloway, a building of stone, is said to have been 
 erected by Ninian in the sixth century, Alcuin, whilst speaking 
 of king Edwin, tells us that he began the minster of York. 
 
 " Ecclesiasque suis fundavit in urbibus amplas." 
 
 The first temple between the Tees and Tweed was that at Lin- 
 disfarne, and to the energy of Aidan and his successors is due 
 the erection of most of the early churches in Bernicia. Their 
 dedications are very suggestive. Several of the houses of God 
 in Cumberland and Westmerland shew the names of Irish and 
 Scottish saints, which were brought into the country by their 
 founders. Brancepeth, in the county of Durham, owes its name 
 not to an idle legend, but to St. Brendan, to whom the church 
 is dedicated. St. Columba presides over Warcop and Topcliffe. 
 At Whitby, the ancient Streonshal, St. Ninian had once a 
 shrine. The name of Patrington in Holderness is derived, not, 
 as Mr. Kemble suggests, from the Patringas, but from the patron 
 saint of Ireland who presides over the chiu'ch ; whilst the neigh- 
 bouring shrine of Winestead, as well as the abbey of Selby, 
 the creation of a later age, are dedicated to St. Patrick^s friend, 
 Germanus, the sainted bishop of Auxerre. All these names 
 seem to point to a very early Christianizing of the country, in 
 all probability by the Ciddees. The chui'ches themselves were 
 of the rudest possible description. They were made of planks 
 of wood, and were thatched with reeds or turf. Stone, if attain- 
 able, seems to have been very rarely used. The perils of the 
 times were a bar to anything like expense or ornament. It is 
 curious also to observe how many of the early chm-ches are on 
 the margin of some stream. One great reason for this pro- 
 pinquity Avas that which induced St. John to take up his abode 
 upon the banks of the Jordan. When the word had been de- 
 livered and received, the preacher and his audience went into 
 the water, and the convert was there admitted a member of 
 that church to which he was eager to belong. As the popula-
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 27 
 
 tion migrated or some enemy approached, the little churcli of 
 wood could easily he deserted or removed, and the minister 
 could retire to some monastery or fastness. His usual abode, 
 in the earliest times, was within the walls of some convent, 
 where he was under the eye of the superior, and svihject to the 
 control of the bishop, and he left it at their bidding to visit 
 his flock in the wilderness, and to officiate in his little fcld-kirk. 
 In coiu'se of time, as peace and order became more firmly esta- 
 blished, parochial arrangements began to be made, and the 
 country was gradually divided into properly-endoAved eccle- 
 siastical districts. The present state of the church in several of 
 the English colonies Avill throw some light upon their progress 
 and formation. In New Zealand and Australia one clergyman 
 has frequently a tract of land thii'ty or fifty miles in circum- 
 ference under his charge. So it must have been in Saxon Eng- 
 land. Those large parishes which are gradually disappearing 
 from Lancashire and Yorkshire owe their size originally to a 
 scanty population and a paucity of teachers. 
 
 In many other ways, also, did the Saxon primates of North- 
 umbria endeavoiu' to advance the spiritual welfare of their 
 charge. The school, the teacher, and the church were not 
 allowed to languish for want of encouragement and support. 
 Proper endowments for them all were gradually made by the 
 wealthy and devout, in addition to the regular contributions of 
 the faithfal. The aiding of the ministry, the maintenance of 
 the fabric and services, and the feeding of the poor, were the 
 objects for which these offerings were made. Over their appro- 
 priation and use the archbishop exercised a salutary supervision. 
 Any defect in discipline or ritual was remedied by his own in- 
 dependent authority, or by the agency of a council. Synods 
 also were occasionally convoked. The personal character of 
 many of the archbishops added strength and potency to their 
 official acts. They were men of piety and learning, of splendid 
 tastes, and com'tly influence. Their munificent gifts to the 
 monasteries must have been copied and admired. The com- 
 mons would gaze with wonder and yet pleasure upon the intro- 
 duction of new arts and treasures, at the glazing, sculpture, 
 painting, and embroidery which they saw l^efore them. The 
 train of masons and artizans by which Wilfrid was accompanied 
 would surely have some good fruits. The Italian music that 
 James and Benedict introduced was not forgotten. The sight 
 of such temples as Hexham and Ripon, Beverley and York, 
 could not fail to produce a marvellous efl'ect and devotion : 
 civilization and taste Avould necessarily be fostered by it. Each 
 familiar shrine would evoke the memory of some once potent 
 name. A holy influence seemed to linger around it still.
 
 28 FASTI ERORACENSES. 
 
 Beauty there was there, and between the creative and the sym- 
 pathetic mind there is a strong bond of imion. Great men 
 U)nf,' since f^one down into silence, who had been reverenced by 
 their contemporaries, woukl sur\ive in the gratitude and for the 
 veal of posterity. The aged and withered staff seemed to 
 l)k)ssom and bear fniit again. 
 
 In spite of all this attention and activity on the part of the 
 Northern primates, it is impossible to say that the church made 
 any marked and efficient progi'css in Northumbria prior to the 
 Conquest. Their labours were practically as fruitless as those 
 of the Danaides. I can scarcely think that the cause of these 
 shortcomings is to be ascribed to the listlessness or opposition 
 of the peojjle. There must have been among them many Pagan 
 usages and traditions such as were reprobated in the time of 
 Eanbald, but the presence of those relics of heathenism did not 
 mar the progress of the church in other districts where they were 
 equally rife. A thoughtful mind will detect several more pro- 
 bable reasons for the failm-e. One is, without doubt, the size of 
 the district which the archbishops professed to moderate. Gre- 
 goiy^s recommendation about the appointment of twelve suffi-a- 
 gans had never been carried out, and the primate, therefore, had 
 a diocese which the intellect and the energies of the strongest 
 man were unable to direct. Good work indeed was begiui, but 
 there were none to foster and encoui'age it. Monasteries sprung 
 up in which, as Beda says, worldliness and vice dressed them- 
 selves in the garb of religion. The archbishop, with his many 
 avocations and his frequent presence at the court, was unable to 
 check this. There were many parts of his diocese which he 
 could rarely, if ever, visit. How could any newly-introduced 
 faith advance when there was such a want of super\dsion and 
 direction? This state of things would not be improved by the 
 feud which was long maintained between the Culdees and their 
 religious opponents. Wilfrid and his party carried the day, 
 and introduced a stricter rule, but his subsequent misfortimes 
 impeded its nurtm-e and its growth. He pulled down the 
 house of his enemies, but could erect little in its room. One 
 system neutralized the other. Christianity, if it is to prosper, 
 cannot long dwell in tabernacles in the wilderness. It must 
 have fixed places, discipline, and rulers. All these were more or 
 less wanting in Northumbria. The church, therefore, kept 
 wavering to and fro like a storm-tossed ship. Practices crept 
 in which Catholicity rejected, and there were none to check 
 them. At the time of the Conquest the canons of Dm^ham,' 
 with the example of St. Cuthbert before them, retained but one | 
 pomt of tlie Benedictine rule which they once observed. Theyi 
 sang the hom-s in a peculiar manner. At Hexham, Whalley,
 
 w 
 
 OLD LEEDS CHANTRIES. 
 
 sends t]u». following additional information 
 
 reply to " B. D." (see Nos. 
 
 X. V. T. 
 
 pectinsj the above, 
 T6-7): — 
 
 ["he fhaiitry at Beeston was founded by Will, de 
 eston, 19th May, 1256. It, is stated that a great oon- 
 tion took place between William de- B«cs-ton and Holy 
 inity, York, concei-ninf^ this chapel, in 1258 (42 Hen. 
 [.).— See Harl. MSS., 797, fo. 8, Brit. Mus.. &c. 
 >f the chantry at Farnlcy, no foundation is shown in 
 Henry YIII. liord Mount«agle was the patron, " with 
 cm the innimb'^nt, (xabricl Croft, rcmaini'th, and 
 i"e<th the same, by Thos. (iibson, liis dejHity." The 
 ome was derived, fixmi lands in Holbeek, &c. 
 h' St. Alary-on-the-Bridge little is known, except that 
 *tood " super pontem de Lecdes." A similar chapel 
 y st-ill be feen at Wakefield, &c. Thoresby states that 
 his time there was a school at Leeds Bridge on its 
 
 V. 
 
 it. Helen's, Holbeek, mentioned in Pope Alexander's 
 Srmation of Ralph Paganell's grant to the Convent 
 Holy Trinity, York, was not the only chantry in that 
 'Hship. Tliere was St. Helen's Chapel, to the site of 
 ich access was gained by St. Helen's bridge, 
 sresby believed that the medicinal well at that place 
 >one of those which in different parts of the country 
 dedicated to St. Helen, and that the chapel had been 
 It in consequence. 
 
 LS to the cha.ntries of our Lady, that in which the 
 wn was placed was founded by the parishioners, July 
 h, 1500. The bandlets on the crown are not found 
 ore the time of Henry YII. Robert Fell was the 
 est at this altar, 27th Henry VIII. The other 
 ■ntry is supposed to have been situated at the east 
 1 of the aisle immediately north from the liigli choir, 
 was founded by the parishioners at the same time, 
 I John Mathew was its priest. The measurements 
 the chantries were 20ft. by 20ft. and 17ft. by 20ft. 
 pectively. With respect to the former, see Harleian 
 .3., 802, Brit. Mus.. &c. 
 
 !,egarding the chantry-donative in the chapel of Hol- 
 k, no foundation is shown in 27th Henry VIII., but 
 m Dyneley was the incumbent, and " useth daily to 
 Mass therein," and is taken from a stipendiary priest, 
 "ing no tithes, and recei^-ing a yearly rent of £4, 
 d by Sir Arthur Darcy, out of the lands of Holy 
 nity, York. — Adam' Alan, chaplain of Holbeek ; will 
 le 9th November, 1434, proved 10th March, 1434-5, at 
 pk. To be buried in churcli at Lecd=. Sir Thos. 
 liell. of Holbeek, priest ; will madu 25rd January, 
 '■. proved 14th April, 1535, at York. 
 
 lotas^c 
 (led. 
 
 YORKSHIRE WORTHIES. 
 IL V. T." continues his Y''orkshire sketches and 
 axkable incidents (resumed in 1,139) : — 
 
 AKCH BISHOP IyOM>i,KY. 
 >ngley Rig-ht Rev. Charles Thomas. D.D.. Bishop of 
 '>n, and eighty-fifth Arcibbishop of York, was bom 
 Fuly, 1790, being the fifth son of John Ijongley, 
 itime Recorder of Rochester. He was educated at 
 '''"'"=to.,SnlY>o],,3.pd^(;iy7^Q)yi,rf:lj, Xi^ford^ \yheje 
 
 to the Frith of Forth on the other. 
 
 kept pace with the growth or cvirtailing of the kingdom, al- 
 though they occasionally asserted and maintained a still wider 
 spiritual empire. These claims^ as will be seen liereafter, were 
 frequently the cause of much controversy and bitterness. 
 
 It was the wish of Gregory that England should be divided 
 
 vrxER. 
 
 29 
 
 obtained. Confes- 
 
 jNIany of the clergy 
 
 > followed their example. 
 
 astical reform. And even 
 
 I smaller, and less subject 
 
 d state of public attairs 
 
 l)i'ovement. AVhat could 
 
 ig against chief, and race 
 
 'il and more gentle airs. 
 
 le, and Norman caused 
 
 Can we Avonder, then, 
 
 lie, and its influence so 
 
 u the spiritual province 
 
 )w so earnestly. Many 
 
 ;h he was, were spent i)i 
 
 lid robbed Northumbria 
 
 iccked the usefulness of 
 
 id Aldred are too well 
 
 ' mournful to turn from 
 
 3 the sufferings of their 
 
 sword. The Danes de- 
 
 (Forthumbria. The Avan- 
 
 are full of thrilling and 
 
 with the body of their 
 
 nd poet. A talisman it 
 
 '^y bore along with them. 
 
 LU'ch depended upon their 
 
 )lace was long denied to 
 
 l)eyond the seas. They 
 
 nd green glades of York- 
 
 of trial that they found 
 
 led crag which they have 
 
 English Sion. " A fair 
 
 t binding charm attaches 
 
 (c Avithin thy walls, oh my 
 till loving child, bids thee 
 
 )rians had in the earliest 
 thumbria, extending from 
 de, and from the Humber 
 The power of the ])relates
 
 28 
 
 FAS! 
 
 t«am?m ike liuKaiSin-e Smicrf" CSS»hpe«aafi— Svnnr.qb 
 Widnes, Wigan. Stockport, St. Helen's, Altrinoham, 
 Barrow. Radoliffo, Millfmt. Birkenhead, Ko^^hdjfc | 
 llomcta, T/mcastcr, and Morecambe — they will domaeljl 
 
 betUr than tlK>y wonW have done had they remain«^i 
 in the York<;hire Senior Competition. They are ij<|t|r 
 •without hopes of winning the oompeiition, and bejt||i 
 placed in the I/ea^rue in the eeaeon of 1902. 4* 
 originally arran^wl, the Rovers will play Swindon a^Hbt 
 on Soptomber 7th, ,St<x?kport. afld Swintou a.t home fi, 
 llnll FaJr week, and Sooth Sliielde away. Shoulii 
 Tluil and Kingston Rovere survive the first rmind e 
 the Xortham ITnion Cup, they will meet in the 
 round on the Rovera' ground at Hull. 
 
 Beauty there ^va.^ there, ;ii 
 ])atl»i'tie mind there is a 
 loiij; sinee f^oiie down into 
 tlieir eontemporaries, won 
 ueal of posterity. The 
 })lossom and bear fmit ag;. 
 In spite of all this attt 
 Nortlieru primates, it is in 
 any marked and effiei( a 
 ('()n(|uest. Their labo.n 
 of the Danaides. I can 
 shortcomings is to be asc 
 of the people. There mii 
 usages and traditions sii 
 Eaubald, but the prescnc 
 mar the progress of the el 
 eciually rife. A thonghti 
 bable reasons for the faih 
 the district Avhieh the arc 
 goiy^s recommendation al 
 gans had never been carri 
 a diocese which the iutell 
 man were unable to direct 
 there were none to foster ; 
 up in which, as Beda sa}> 
 selves in the garb of ]( liu 
 avocations and his freciiu-i) 
 check this. There were 
 could rarely, if ever, visit 
 faith advance when there 
 direction ? This state of 1 
 feud which was long maint 
 religious opponents. Wil 
 and introduced a stricter r 
 impeded its nurture and 
 house of his enemies, but 
 system neutralized the oth 
 cannot long dwell in tabc 
 have fixed places, discipline 
 
 less wanting in Northum ^ - . • ■ - ^^ o «c-. 
 
 wavering to and fro like a storm-tossed ship. Practices crept 
 in which Catholicity rejected, and there were none to cheek 
 them. At the time of the Conquest the canons of Dui'ham, 
 with the example of St. Cuthbert before them, retained but one 
 pouit of the Benedictine rule which they once observed. Thev 
 sang the hom-s in a peculiar manner. At Hexham, Whallev, 
 
 lo ^on'dj -e eawjeq pwe 'xigl ™ ©auep -y^ eiq ^c 
 »H -aapuqccreo 'aSonoD s Surg ptre 'uo^g; q-e spjBAua 
 ptre 'x^fiFH •'^" 'I«^H''S HTB^H ^"^ paa-Bonpa SE.ii 
 •SI raBpiaiiTuiMex^ aj^q.vi 'pieg-aTte^ JBaa 'a<Uoifi^ed<i 
 JO XcTEjno'i^madlisd eip ^}vv. •&S5>n«>0 ^'^'P J^ aSB^oj 
 Qm m 'idisujeg ivsu. -ppgJBa i° »^^'^LV ®M'^ PPM »] 
 'eSpiiquTBO ■33«lloO ^^mij, p •eppsuoq mtof A&a " 
 JO nos ^sapp oqi sBAi aji ■piag^^B^\i J^" •urKpJ<»l 
 -Ma.isT paTiBJ 3ov\d v %-^ -gSLI 'HUl ^^niref ujoq i 
 'ppgqoiq JO doqsrg; 'aa '°M*^f '''^^ '^^^-^ ai^jpsuor 
 
 aiTasxoT dOHSia 
 •3^ '898T Pn« '2981 '9^81 -^o} ..'sMa^ nopn-j 
 pa^EJ^snin,, s^% pun : 8931 "^si; AjTBuaqdj JOj ./ara-l 
 ;u ;£Bpuns ads *uiiq jo :>i-Bj^od puB ^0'^^■i[s l^oiH*! 
 -oiq B joj:" -gi pa^'E '8981 '^.UZ -s^qo^tao pjip »H I 
 'k&reqOuoir-J'si.v,, snoiamnu q'^ija. t 2,981 .. rasiiOTl 
 puB AHimiri aitL,, :298I ..'W«^ ^M'* J° ^f*^l 
 aq-j SaipioH.. pauoifjuaui aq ^bui s^a^qdniBa 
 suonijos paqsqqnd snojaranu siq Saouiv ■i4I'rs| 
 onv i;^ua>>aTsstq JOj 'sjaq'jo ^q :}nq 'qoanqQ ptl 
 -qeis^^^ aqi jo sjequiaai j£q i£[no ?oa 'paoiaa^sa Aij 
 stjAV 'oq oaiqsi[.io\ uj -s-inoq-ei siq papjUMaa q:| 
 frsaoons priuE]fcqns ^q•:^ JOj pa:tqaput sv/a aq sai^il 
 as.->q^ oj puB 'uonisodsip jo ssanqpniJ} puB aaul 
 JO A!;iABns".ii}[nSui's':^q paqsmSui:>si'p sbjs. ojj -a^'I 
 -uioo'pauBA s;i jo'sass^p iiB'q:>!Ai ■jou^noa i^aonbajjl 
 vn'i ]qi3uojq (lUB "ji^nnoo aq^ jo s:p-Bd \[t3 ui jbiI 
 uiiq a[)'Bin "JlJOj^ jo asaaoip aqj in A:puanbosqml 
 •iiodia JO asaooTp aq? ut eeiuapisa.i Hw \ sijj •uoti 
 nut; 'rtijids paao^-qisiq aures aq'} puB •uolJBi'^s^| 
 siionu'oiojKoo aoi'cs ijq; ; saBa/C ia[[jBa siq pasi 
 -■nqi pBq ^cq; j{.io,w siq o; uoi^jOAap ara-BS aq^ p&.il 
 eq aaajj •Jauinng uq; jo q'lBap oq^t uo 'Aanqj 
 JO doqsiqq.ijy "2981 ni pu'i : aABjSsnj^ -xq; jo 
 eq) uo '3[ao-^ jo 'doqsiqx[oay eoiBaeq aqi 
 sjijai jnoj aa^jB pu-B : ./Cqq-BjA;; -JO! 3aq| 
 'iireqjnQ jo doqstg apBin stivv. aq 9gjl 
 •sjVfaX AinaAj Joj X;ii-Bn.iBduit pue x^^ ejuf 
 , pagJBqosip aq qoiqA\ josaijup aqi 'uodty; jo eav,' 
 Xi-viau aqj oj pa^uioddc sbav oq uaqAi 'gggx o\ 6Z<j 
 looqag AvojiBji jo jajsrjin p^aq sbav a^ •japBjj. 
 JO ssauapuaS aq; jo ;,unoooB uo „'aso}X eqj, <. f, 
 -moo siq jfq panBO s^.\v an uo^nj, a^anct) P"^ f'^ 
 B aracoaq puB 'uoitpai^sip x'boiss'b^o q^iq poA
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 29 
 
 and Bcdlington an hereditary saccrdotagc obtained. Confes- 
 sion seems to have been much disregarded. Many of the clergy 
 were married men, and several bishops followed their cxam})le. 
 There was great need indeed of ecclesiastical reform. And even 
 if the diocese of Northumbria had been smaller, and less subject 
 to religious contentions, the troubled state of public affairs 
 wmdd have precluded or retarded improvement. What could 
 Christianity do when chief was Avarring against chief, and race 
 against race ? It required a kindlier soil and more gentle airs. 
 Tlie troubles which Briton, Saxon, Dane, and Norman caused 
 in Northumbria are matters of history. Can avc Avonder, then, 
 that the light of religion was so feeble, and its influence so 
 partial ? Paulinus fled for his life fi'om the spiritual province 
 which he had begun to plough and sow so earnestly. Many 
 years of Wulstan's life, fearless althoiigh he was, Averc spent in 
 exile. The dangers which beset Eanbald robbed Northumbria 
 of Alcuin. The Danish incursions checked the usefulness of 
 OsAvald. The troubles of Wilfrid and Aldred are too Avell 
 knoA\ai to be repeated. It is still more moiu-nful to turn from 
 the disasters which befell the pastors to the sufl^erings of their 
 flocks, and the ravages of the fire and sword. The Danes de- 
 stroyed almost every monastery in Northumbria. The Avan- 
 derings of the monks of Lindisfarne are full of thrilling and 
 romantic incidents. Their pilgrimage Avith the body of their 
 saint has been described by historian and poet. A talisman it 
 w^as dearer far than life itself which they bore along Avith them. 
 The very existence of the Northern church depended upon their 
 safety, and they knew it. A resting-place was long denied to 
 them. They sought for it in vain beyond the seas. They 
 sought for it in vain among the hills and green glades of York- 
 shire, and it Avas very late in their day of trial that they found 
 a sanctuary at last, the wood-embosomed crag which they have 
 crowned AA'ith the gTcy towers of the English Sion. " A fair 
 place^^ indeed it is, and memory^s most binding charm attaches 
 me to that " holy hill.''-' May peace be within thy Avails, oh my 
 nursing mother ! A w^andering, but still loving child, bids thee 
 prosper and be blessed. 
 
 The archbishop of the Northumbrians had in the earliest 
 times the control of the Avhole of Northumbria, extending from 
 the Mersey to the Clyde on the one side, and from the Humber 
 to the Frith of Forth on the other. The poAver of the prelates 
 kept pace with the growth or curtailing of the kingdom, al- 
 though they occasionally asserted and maintained a still Avider 
 spiritual empire. These claims, as Avill be seen hereafter, Averc 
 frequently the cause of much controversy and bitterness. 
 
 It was the wish of Gregory that England should be divided
 
 30 FASTI ERORACENSES. 
 
 into two large provinces ; the Northern to be under the rule of 
 an archbishop, Avho was to act as metropolitan over twelve 
 suffragans. This arrangement was subsequently confirmed by 
 Leo III., but for various reasons it was never carried into effect. 
 The following sees were in existence in Northumbrian or were 
 imder the control of the Northern primate anterior to the Con- 
 quest. 
 
 LiNDisFARNE. The seat of sixteen bishops, beginning with 
 Aidan in 635, and ending with Eardulph. It was then trans- 
 ferred to Chester-le-Street. The first four bishops of Lindis- 
 farne had the sole charge of Northumbria after the flight of 
 Paulinus. 
 
 Hexham. This see was founded in 678, when the diocese 
 of York was divided by Theodore. It had a succession of 
 thirteen bishops, the last of whom was Tydfrith, who died 
 in 821. 
 
 LiNDSEY. Established by Theodore in 678. The seat of 
 the episcopate was probably at Sidnacester or Stow, and Eadhead 
 was the first and the last bishop. Lindsey, although a part of 
 Mercia, was at that time under the rule of the Northumbrian 
 monarch by right of conquest ; it was soon recovered by the 
 Mercians, and Eadhead retired to Ripon. The claim, however, 
 to Lindsey was not surrendered. When the see of Lincoln was 
 established soon after the Conquest, archbishop Thomas asserted 
 that Lincoln, Stow, and a great part of Lindsey belonged to 
 the province of York, and resisted the appointment and the 
 acts of Remigius and his successor, Robert de Bloet, in the 
 most determined way. The primate seems to have been in the 
 right. The dispute was arranged, much against the will of 
 Thomas, by pope Paschalis and William Riifus. Lindsey was 
 to be henceforward a part of the diocese of Lincoln, and the 
 see of York, in the place of it, was to have the abbey of Selby 
 and the monastery of St. Oswald at Gloucester. The bishop of 
 Lincoln became thenceforward a suffragan of Canterbury. 
 
 RiPON. Founded in 679 (?) . Eadhead went there wdien he 
 retired from Lindsey. He was the first and the last bishop. 
 
 Galloway. A see established in 681, the district having 
 been added to Northumbria by Ecgfrith. Trumwin was the first 
 prelate, and he was called the bishop of the Picts. The seat of 
 the episcopate was at Whithern or Candida Casa, where there 
 was a succession of six bishops. Shortly before the year 800 
 Galloway came again into the possession of the Picts, and several 
 centuries elapse before we hear again of Christianity at Whit- 
 hem. 
 
 Chester-le-Street. The bishopric at Lindisfarne was re- 
 moved to this place about 880, and continued here for nearlv a
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 31 
 
 century, when it was taken to Dm'liam. There was a succession 
 of nine hishops at Chester. 
 
 Durham. The series of bishops began here in 990, and is 
 still going on. There has l)een much controversy and wrangling 
 between the sees of Dui'ham and York on the question of unh- 
 jeetion. The bishops of Durham were men of too great influ- 
 ence and spirit to be suffragans to any one, but they ought 
 undoubtedly to have paid ecclesiastical obedience to York. The 
 contest was carried on for a long time Avith varying success, and 
 even at the present day the power of York over Durham is not 
 altogether admitted. The temporal power of the bishops of 
 Durham was greater than that of the archbishops of York, and 
 their appeals to the sovereign were frequently listened to, on tliat 
 accoimt, with the greater favour. 
 
 Glasgow. Magseu and John, bishops of this see, were con- 
 secrated by archbishoj) Kinsius shortly before the Conquest, and 
 acknowledged themselves the suffi-agans of York. Their pro- 
 fession was disoT\Tied by their successors, nay, their very names 
 are excluded from the fasti of the church of Glasgow by Scot- 
 tish AATiters. 
 
 It will be seen that at no period anterior to the Conquest 
 were there more than five prelates within Northumbria. On 
 the arrival of the Normans the archbishop of York had only 
 two suffragans, the bishops of Dm-liam and Glasgow. In 1132, 
 Henry I. established a bishopric at Carlisle, and subjected it to 
 York. Cumberland, Westmerland, and Lancashire, with the 
 adjacent islands, had been a part of Northumbria from the 
 time of Ecgfrith in the seventh century, and were probably 
 visited by the chorepiscopi, or the Scottish and Irish missionary 
 bishops. The see of Sodor and Man was not formally subjected 
 to York until the year 1458, although it had formed a portion 
 of the old kingdom of Northumbria, and had on several occa- 
 sions been connected with York. The see of Chester was 
 founded by Henry VIII., and since that period only two bishop- 
 rics have been erected in the North. The suffi-agans of the 
 archbishop of York at the present day are the bishops of Dur- 
 ham, Carlisle, Sodor and Man, Chester, Ripon, and Manchester. 
 
 With regard to the Scottish bishops and their subjection to 
 York there has been mvicli angry contention. It was undoubt- 
 edly designed in the first instance that the Scottish prelates 
 should be suftragans of York, and before the Conquest such of 
 them as were canonically appointed rendered their obedience to 
 that see. The rest that we hear of were, probably, merely the 
 chorepiscopi. After the arrival of the Normans there seems to 
 have been for some time a desire for unity, and we find the 
 bishops of St. Andrews, Glasgow, Whithern, Orkney, and the
 
 33 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 Isles, recognizing the supremacy of the archbishop of York. A 
 change, however, soon si)rang up. The influence of the Culdees 
 and the chorepiscopi, and their increasing dislike of the English, 
 soon made the Scottish bishops l)reak off their connection with 
 an ecclesiastical head Avhom they never saw in their own 
 country, and from Avhom their own national feelings more and 
 more alienated them. They began to receive consecration at 
 the hands of their brethren at home, and the bishops of St. 
 AndrcAvs began gradually to take the lead. At the commence- 
 ment of the tAvelfth century pope Calixtus urged upon the Scot- 
 tish king and his nobles the duty and the propriety of having 
 their bishops properly consecrated by the metropolitan of York 
 to Avhom they Avere subjected. In 1175 the question was again 
 mooted at the council at Northampton, and the result of the 
 debate was that the bishops and abbats of Scotland rendered 
 their submission to the archbishop. The practice was soon 
 given up, and in the reign of Edward I. pope Alexander took 
 the Scottish bishops imder his protection during the struggle 
 Avith England. The wars which noAV ensued Avere an effectiial 
 bar to the claims of York, and in the fifteenth century the pope 
 formally exempted the Scottish chm'ch from any obedience to 
 an English metropolitan, and made the bishop of St. Andrews 
 primate. The decree Avas Adgorously resisted by the archbishop 
 of York, but the pope told him that no enemy ought to be 
 metropolitan of Scotland. In the following century it was the 
 intention of archbishop Lee to have revived the claim, and to 
 have submitted it to a general council, but the ecclesiastical 
 troubles of the age were an effectual bar to any legislation. The 
 church of Scotland is altogether exempt from any English 
 jurisdiction, but that freedom has been the greatest curse which 
 has befallen it. 
 
 The last point to be remarked upon is the relation that 
 has existed betAveen York and Canterbury, which has not 
 ahvays been of the most amicable kind. The original intention 
 was that the tAvo metropolitans should be entirely independent 
 of each other. When one died the sm-vivor Avas to consecrate 
 his new brother, and until that event took place he was to con- 
 secrate all bishops, croAATi the sovereign were it necessary, and 
 sing high mass before him on the three great festivals. It was 
 intended that the Northern primate should have twelve suffragans 
 under him, and the pall, which he Avas to receive from Rome, 
 Avas to be the title-deed as it Avere of his authority. In position 
 and power the tAvo archbishops were to be exactly equal. 
 
 It Avas not so. For a century after the departiu'c of Paulinus 
 from the North no bishop of York either sought for or obtained 
 the i)a]l. Witliout this he could have no suffi-agans, and he was
 
 INTRODUCTORY CII.M'TKR. 33 
 
 himself in point of fact nndcr the anthority of Caiitcrbiny. It 
 was the absence of the pall from York that accounts for the snc- 
 cessful interference of Theodore with Wilfi'id. Egbert, how- 
 ever, at Beda^s suggestion obtained that privilege which was 
 continued to his successors. The position of the two primates 
 was now equal, although tlie influence of York even then must 
 have been less than that of Canterbury, on account of the few 
 suffragans that it had, and the disasters that fell upon North- 
 umbria. Soon after the Conquest Lanfranc made a successful 
 attempt to subject York to Canterbury. He refused to conse- 
 crate Thomas of Bayeux unless he made his profession of 
 obedience. Thomas, unfortunately, made his submission at the 
 request of the king whose chaplain he was, but the controversy 
 was immediately resumed. The result was unfavourable to 
 York, as the Northern province was formally subjected to Can- 
 terbury at a great sjTiod held in 1073. This decision, how- 
 ever, was as formally reversed by pope Honorius, fifty years 
 afterwards, at the request of archbishop Thurstan, and the two 
 metropolitans were henceforward independent of each other. 
 Peace and amity were not so speedily restored. I shall mention, 
 in their chronological order, the scenes and animosities which 
 this want of friendly feeling occasionally produced. 
 
 These prefatory remarks are merely introductory to the 
 biography with which I profess especially to deal ; and many of 
 the points which have been already briefly alluded to will occur 
 again to my readers in their proper sequence and position.
 
 THE ARCHBISliOrS. 
 
 THE ARCHBISHOPS OF YORK. 
 
 ^]^aulinU|5 was the first missionary from Rome that preached 
 the Gospel in the Saxon kingdom of Northumhria. We are 
 told that he was a Roman by birth/' and this statement is 
 strongly corroborated by Beda^s description of his personal ap- 
 pearance.* The words of the famous historian are thus rendered 
 by a Christian poet : — 
 
 " Who comes with, functions apostolical ? 
 Mark bim of shoulders curved and stature tall, 
 Black hair and yivid eye and meagre cheek, 
 His prominent feature like an eagle's beak, — 
 A man whose stature does at once appal, 
 And strike with reverence." 
 
 On the other hand, however, we have the assertion of the 
 Pseudo-Nennius that it was not Paulinus who baptized king 
 Edwin and the many converts in Bernicia and Deira, but Hum, 
 the son of Urien, who was the well-known opponent of the 
 Saxons in the North.'' Can we identify him with Paulinus, and 
 regard the latter name merely as the Latin title which the mis- 
 sionary assumed when his patronymic was discarded ? If this 
 were the case, Paulinus Avas a Briton. An able historical 
 writer'^ observes that " the following sequence of events is far 
 from improbable : — that on the death of Urien of Reged, and 
 the expulsion of his family from the throne, his son Rum re- 
 tired to Rome, and there entered into holy orders ; that when 
 Gregory was looking about for missionaries to send to Britain, 
 he should gladly avail himself of the services of a Britisli priest 
 highly connected, more especially when we knoAv how anxiously 
 
 " Alcuin de SS., etc., Ebor., apud who says, " Run mapur Bcghen., i.e.. 
 
 Gale, i., 709. PauUnus." 
 
 * ijeda, ii., 16 : " Vir longse staturae, '' Mr. Hodgson Hinde, in the first 
 
 paululum incurvus, nigro capillo, facie volume of the History of Northumber- 
 
 macilenta, naso adunco pertenui, vene- land, 77. It maybe asked, ^\'hy should 
 
 rabilis simul et terribilis aspectu." the son of a British chieftain go to 
 
 ' Gale, i., 117. Lei. Coll., iii., 49, Rome ? 
 
 D 2
 
 3G FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Augustine strove, though without success, to obtain the co- 
 operation of the British clergy in the work of converting the 
 Anglo-Saxons ; lastly, that when the Kentish king had to select 
 from the ecclesiastics about him a chaplain to accompany his 
 daughter into Northumberland, he should make choice of a 
 native of the district/^ 
 
 Paulinus left Italy in 601,' at the bidding of Gregory, whose 
 disciple he is said to have been,/ to labour in the harvest-field 
 of England, where there was a great lack of reapers.^ His 
 companions were persons of repute, and the names of the mem- 
 bers of the party make up, singularly enough, an hexameter 
 
 line* — 
 
 Mellitus, Justus, Paulinus, Eufinianus. 
 
 They bore with them a missive to Augustine, in which Gregory 
 announced his desii'c that York should be a metropolitan see,' 
 with twelve suffragans. Little, perhaps, did Paulinus at that 
 time think that liis own shoulders would be decorated with the 
 pall. 
 
 Many years elapsed before the intentions of the chief pontiff 
 could be can'ied into effect, and during this period Paulinus 
 was, probably, one of the coadjutors of Augustine and Justus 
 in the evangelization of Kent. A wider field of duty was before 
 him — the great Saxon province of Northumbria. 
 
 The monarch of Northumbria between 593 and 617 was 
 Ethelfrith, the slaughterer of the monks of Bangor. He suc- 
 ceeded his father Ethelric on the throne, which properly be- 
 longed to Edwin, his ^vife^s brother. The reign of Ethelfrith 
 was a veiy prosperous one, and yet he Avas by no means free 
 from care. As the brother-in-law, whom his father had wronged 
 in his infancy, grew up to manhood, the " destrictus ensis " 
 seemed to hang over Ethelfi'ith by a more slender thread, and 
 his anxiety aroused the fears of Edvrin, who, trembling for 
 his life, fled at last to the com't of Redwald, king of the East 
 Angles, after he had sought for protection in other kingdoms 
 and other hiding places. Thither, also, do the hate and fears of 
 Ethelfrith pursue him. Bribes are freely offered for the fugi- 
 tive, but without effect, and then comes the more potent threat 
 of war, which induces the timid Redwald to pledge his word to 
 
 ' Saxon Chron., 28. Asser, apud uninteresting compilation. 
 
 Gale, i., 113. Stubbs, col. 1GS7. PI. e Beda, i., 29. 
 
 Wigorn. (232) makes the date 626. '' Beda, i., 29. Hist. Mon. S. An- 
 
 Yita S. Gregorii, apud Mabillon, Acta gust. Cautuar., 96. Anglia Sacra, i., 
 
 SS. ord. S. B., sajc. i., 422. Vita S. 1, 65. Baronii Annales, viii., 147. 
 
 Aug., apud Angl. Sacram., ii., 62. '' Beda, ut supra. Vita S. Augustini, 
 
 J Ric. of Kexham, col. 285. Acta apud Mabillou, Acta SS. ord.'S. B., 
 
 SS. mouse Oct., ex Laur. Surio. The sicc. i., 515. Labbe, Concilia, v., col. 
 
 life of Pauhnus in the Acta SS. is an 1558. Spelmanni Cone, 90.
 
 627 633.] ARCHBISHOP PAULINUS. 37 
 
 the monarch of Northumbria that he would either piit to death 
 or suiTcnder the unfortunate refugee. The news of this decision 
 was brought to the unhappy Edwin by a friend, who promised 
 to shew him a safer place of retreat, but he would not avail 
 himself of his offer. Fortune had been so luikind to him that 
 he cared not now whether she smiled or frowned. Redwald 
 had welcomed him to his halls — why should he question his 
 good faith by fleeing from them? He would stay where he 
 was and avv^ait the end.-^ 
 
 It was night, and the homeless wanderer was seated on a 
 stone bench before the royal palace, musing on his unhappy h)t, 
 and very sad at heart. Suddenly there stands before him in 
 the gloom a wondrous visitor ; his features were unknown, and 
 his attire, like his face, was strange. Who could he be ? 
 
 " Frigidns horror 
 Membra quatit, gelidusque coit formidine sanguis." 
 
 The stranger was the first to speak : " All men are now asleep ; 
 why art thou awake and sitting sorrowlFully in this place T' 
 Edwin gave a hasty answer, deprecating the intrusion upon his 
 privacy ; but the questioner heeded not the angry words, and 
 told him that he knew well the cause of his anxiety. " But 
 what,^^ he said, " would be the reward of him who should banish 
 all thy sorrow, and persuade Redwald neither to injm^e thee 
 himself, nor to give thee up to thy foes V '' Any good that I 
 could do him,^^ was the reply ; and the speaker again resumed, 
 " What reward should be his were he to pledge his word that 
 thou shouldest be restored to thy lost throne, and that thou 
 shouldest become a greater monarch than England has yet 
 seen V " Anything that I could give and do for him to shew 
 my gratitude," was Edwin's bolder and more grateful answer. 
 " If all this is granted to thee," said the mysterious stranger, 
 " and he who now speaks to thee has proved himself a true 
 prophet, wilt thou listen to his words and his advice Avhen he 
 shews to thee a better rule of life than any of thy sires have 
 known before thee ?" " Yea, that I will, in all things," was 
 the reply of Edwin; and then the stranger's hand was laid 
 upon his head^ — an act of authority not likely to be forgotten 
 by the speaker or the promiser,^ — and the striking words fell 
 upon the exile's ear, " When this sign shall come again to thee, 
 recollect then this hour and these words, and delay not to do as 
 thou hast promised." The injunction was scarcely uttered 
 
 i The whole storv is in Beda, ii., 12. Ann. Ben., i., 332, 3. 
 
 Alcuin de SS. Ebor., apud Gale, i., * " Yatis siguum," as Mabillon calls 
 
 "704, 5. Bromton, col. 781. Eoger of it. Cf. iEn., ix., 300. Juv. Sat., vi., 
 
 AVendover, ed. Giles, i., 76. Mabillon, 17. Ovid, Trist., v., 4, 45.
 
 38 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 before the speaker had vanished like a spirit through the gloom, 
 and Edwin, trembling and astonished, found himself alone in 
 the friendly darkness. 
 
 Pauliuus, in all probability, was the stranger who thus spoke 
 and acted, and the whole scene is just such a one as an Italian 
 monk would devise to influence an impressible mind. Redwald 
 was at that time half a Christian, and the missionary would, 
 perhaps, be flitting about the court in the hope of subjugating 
 him entirely to the true faith. The event surpassed Edwin^s 
 most sanguine expectations. The friend who had counselled 
 him to flee had acquainted the queen wdth his determination, 
 and she, in pity for his sufferings, had moved her husband, who 
 had probably been influenced by the mysterious stranger, to 
 take up the exile^s cause. Not only did Redwald protect the 
 distressed fugitive, but he restored him to his lost inheritance, 
 slaying the intruder Ethelfrith in a battle near the sluggish 
 waters of the Idle. 
 
 Thus, in 617, Edwin became the monarch of Northumbria. 
 The words of the mysterious stranger were accomplished, but 
 no one asked him to fulfil his promise, and he thought, no 
 doubt, that it was a spirit that he had seen. The end had not 
 yet come. In 625, Edwin, still a pagan, wooed for his second 
 consort Ethelburga, a daughter of Ethelbert, king of Kent, 
 Avho had been converted by Augustine. Her brother, who was 
 the king, rejected the proposals of the Northumbrian monarch 
 Avith the scornful answer that a Christian virgin could not take 
 to herself a pagan husband. This difficulty was soon met by 
 Edwin. He not only promised to allow* the lady, if she became 
 his wife, to worship God with all her suite, but he professed his 
 readiness to listen to the arguments of Christianity, and to adopt 
 them, if they w^ere deemed irresistible by men of prudence and 
 discretion.' 
 
 The marriage takes place, and Paulinus accompanies the 
 princess as her chaplain, having been consecrated bishop of the 
 Northumbrians by archbishop Justus on the 21st of July, 625,'" 
 to preside over the mission. No one could go into the North 
 with greater chances of success. He knew a token that would 
 
 ' Beda, ii., 9. Stubbs, col. 1687. Gosceline's life of Aui^ustine in the 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 332. Anglia Sacra, ii., 66, T.'^it appears that 
 
 '" Beda, n., 9. Saxon Chron., 32. Augustine paid a visit to York after 
 Flor. Wigorn., 232. Roger of Wen- the massacre at Bangor ! Two of his 
 dover, ed. Giles, i., 74. Chron. S. Cru- miracles are recorded. At the same 
 CIS, apud Wharton, i., 153. Hist. Mon. time he is said to have baptized an ex- 
 b. Aug. Cantuar, 153. Had. deDiceto, traordinary number of converts in the 
 CO .437. Bromton,col.740,80. Stubbs, Swale ! Cf. Smith's Beda for the ex- 
 col. 1687. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., planation of this story. 
 332. Buronii Annales, viii., 268. In
 
 627 633.] ARCHBISHOP PAULINUS. 39 
 
 soften the king's heart when everything else had failed, l)ut 
 that was a resoui'ce not to be lightly or incautiously made use 
 of. The most potent argument was to be the last. In the 
 meantime he could make but little progress. He gained no 
 couA^erts. All that he did was to preserve the queen's suite by 
 his daily teachings and celebrations from the pagan superstitions 
 of the country." 
 
 Neither the arguments of the preacher nor the entreaties of 
 the queen coidd induce Edwin to adopt the Christian faith. 
 But Paulinus was patient and observant. He could read the 
 king's feelings^ and he saw that time alone could change them ; 
 when once converted, he knew that Edwin would act boldly and 
 consistently, and the missionary, grieved and yet hopeful, was 
 waiting for the event. It was precipitated by one or two re- 
 markable circumstances. An unsuccessful attempt Avas made 
 upon the king's life by a minion of a king of Wessex, and, on the 
 same evening, Edwin's queen gave birth to a daughter. The 
 king thanked his gods, but Paulinus poui'ed forth his praises to 
 his Creator, to whose agency he ascribed these two signal 
 favours, with such fervoiu', that Edwin, struck by his earnest- 
 ness, promised that if the God whom Paulinus worshipped 
 would enable him to vanquish the king of Wessex, he would 
 renounce his creed, and, as a pledge of his sincerity, he allowed 
 his new-born daughter to be baptized. Eleven members of the 
 royal household accompanied her to the font." 
 
 The victory was Edwin's, but still the conqueror believed 
 not. He talked about the new faith to Paulinus and his nobles, 
 but he did nothing. A letter arrived from pope Boniface at this 
 juncture, exhorting him to embrace the creed of his wife, but it 
 was ineft'ectual.^ Ethelbui'ga spoke to no purpose. The words 
 of Paulinus were listened to, but rejected. The king was dis- 
 satisfied with himself, for he had made a promise, and he had 
 not kept it. The fear of giving offence deterred him from 
 revealing what were the convictions of his mind. " He durst 
 not entertain truth, a lawfull king, for feare to displease cus- 
 tome, a cruell tyrant."* He was moody and careworn, sitting 
 by himself and musing over what was uppermost in his thoughts.'' 
 The crisis had at length come, and the preacher knew it. Well 
 might he say with Ulysses, — 
 
 « Beda, ii., 12. Stubbs, col. 1687. tized uith the princess. Baronii Ann., 
 
 Malmesbury, apud Savile, 9, a. Ba- viii., 275. 
 
 ronii Ann.,"viii., 269. p Beda, ii., 10. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. 
 
 " Beda, ii., 9. Flor. Wigorn., 232. Cant., 155, 162-3. Bromton, col. 781. 
 
 Chron. S. Crucis, apud Wharton, i., Labbe, Concilia, v., col. 1659. Spel- 
 
 153. Bromton, col. 781. Nennius, apud manni Concilia, 135. Baronii Aim., 
 
 Gale, i., 114, 15. Roger of Wendover, viii., 269. « Fuller's Church Hist., 
 
 i., 76, who sa3's that thirty were bap- book ii., 72. "■ Beda, ii., 12.
 
 40 FASTI EBOKACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 " rj jiiaXa vw'i 
 r/i/wao/iieO' uWrjXivv, kcu Xwioi^' tan r^/ap y^iiv 
 arfi-iaO', a Brj Kal fw'i KeKpvfijxeva I'c^iev air uWwv. 
 
 Alone tlie monarch was wlien Paulinus passed into his presence, 
 and the "svcU-known sign was again made ; the hand was laid 
 upon the head which it had touched twelve years before amid 
 the darkness of the night. " Rememherest thou this ?" said the 
 missionary to the king : Edwin would have cast himself at his 
 feet had he not been prevented ; and then, at last, there sounded 
 in his ea s the tones of a voice no longer unfamiliar to him, 
 " Behold, thine enemies have fallen in the battle ; that is the 
 Lord's gift to thee ; behold, the kingdom that thou didst covet 
 is thine, that hath the Lord given thee likewise ; remember thy 
 third promise, and welcome the faith and the rule of Him who 
 hath done for thee such great things : an earthly throne He 
 hath given to thee already, hearken to His will that I declare 
 to thee, and thou shalt share with Him His kingdom in the 
 heavens."'' 
 
 There was no resisting an appeal like this. The king gave 
 way, and told Paulinus that his wishes coincided with his duty, 
 and that he should become a Christian. He desired, however, 
 to confer with his council before he made any public annoimce- 
 ment of his conversion. To this Paulinus woiild willingly assent, 
 for the subject was not a new one to many members of that 
 assembly. The bias of Edwin would now be known and woidd 
 have its due weight. The opinions of the councillors were taken 
 individually ; and althovigh the king cautiously spoke of the new 
 faith as a " doctrina eatenus inaudita,"'^ the answers that were 
 elicited, if they did not prove that the speakers believed in 
 Christianity, still tended to sIicav that they had no confidence in 
 then' own creed. The speech of Coifi, the pagan high priest, 
 was a very striking one. He said plainly, that in his own reli- 
 gion there was neither merit nor use. He, he observed, had 
 served his gods more faithfidly than others, and what had they 
 done for him ! Coifi took a very utilitarian view of religion in 
 general, but it was the popular one, and the council assented to 
 his Avish to hear more of the new doctrine, and to adopt it if it 
 were approved of. 
 
 Then it was that Paulinus had the opportunity for which he 
 waited so many years. " Exspectate venis !" Eight in front of 
 him, perhaps, was the great idol-temple of Northumbria;" around 
 
 ' Beda, ii., 12. Eoger of Wendover, " Dr. Hook imagines that tlie Council 
 
 '•' ]"• . was lield at York, and describes the ride 
 
 ■♦1 r-u'" ■^^' • ^^ ^'ccome acquainted of Coifi to Godmundham,— the whole 
 
 with '.hristianitv at the court of Red- scene being a pleasing invention. Coifi 
 
 wald. IJeda, n., 13. did not mount the king's horse because
 
 627 633.] ARCHBISHOP PAULINUS. 41 
 
 him were the great men of the provmce eager at length to liear 
 the good tidings which they had so long rejected; tlierc was 
 the monarch, deaf no longer to his entreaties, but a listener and 
 a believer. Well might Paulinus speak with eloquence and 
 fervour, before an audience like that. There is no record of 
 what he said, but he must have spoken with the dignity and the 
 power of an apostle. The result was a most marvellous one." 
 Coifi was the first to renounce his idolatry, and wildly eager to 
 atone for his past blindness, he vaulted, by permission, on 
 the king^s steed, and girding on his sword, rode, lance in 
 hand, to desecrate the idols and the shrine that he had so 
 long revered. When the people saw him on horseback and in 
 arms, as no priest had ever been before him, they thought tliat 
 he was mad. But soon, more vulgi, they Avere carried away by 
 his impetuosity ; they bui'st into the temple and its enclosures, 
 profaning and destroying what they could. All this was done at 
 Godmundham near Market Weigliton, a place which in after 
 years came into the possession of the church of York by the gift 
 of the famous Ulphus. 
 
 This important event occurred, I believe, in the spring of 
 627, and upon Easter day (April 12) in this same year a most 
 striking ceremony was witnessed at York.^ This was the bap- 
 tism of Edwin. A little church or chapel of wood was hastily 
 constructed at the bidding of the king,^ and dedicated to St. 
 Peter, and in it did the monarch become a member of the true 
 faith. Two of his children were baptized at the same time, 
 together with Iffi the son of Osfrid, and many other persons of 
 distinction and royal birth. J' Around that little oratory, which 
 he had so much reason to remember, the grateful monarch, at 
 
 there was any journey to make to the ^ The Ps. Nennius (Gale, i., 115) says 
 
 temple, but simply to shew his contempt that 12000 persons were baptized with 
 
 for the pagan rule that a priest should Edwin in one day, and that for forty 
 
 only ride upon a mare ! days Paulinus " non cessavit baptizans 
 
 " Teinplo, lucisque sacratis omne genus Ambronum, i. e. Ald.-Sax- 
 
 Cornipedes arcentur equi." onum." Roger of AVendovcr, i., 78, 
 
 " Beda, ii., 13. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. goes farther, and says that soon after 
 
 Cant., 163-4. Henry of Huntingdon, there was not one unbeliever left. Be- 
 
 apud Savile, 187-9. Bromton, col. 782. da, ii., 14. Angl.Sacra, i., 153. Rad. do 
 
 Alcuin de SS. etc., Eccl. Ebor., apud Dioeto, col., 438. Bromton, col., 782. 
 
 Gale, i., 706. Stubbs, col., 1688. Lei. Coll., iv„ 69. 
 
 '*' Chron. S. Crucis, apud Wharton, Gaimar, I'estorie des Englcs, apud Mon. 
 
 i., 153. Roger of Wendover, i., 77. Hist. Brit. 777, 9, sa}'s : 
 
 Chron. Cantuar., col. 2230. Flor. Wi- „ lj ,.gis ^dwinc estrcit done reis ; 
 
 gorn. places the baptism in 628. Si prist les Cristiene lei.s: 
 
 '^ Saxon Chron., 33. Hist. Mon. S. Pe Everwic ert : ico savon, 
 
 Aug. Cant., 165. Anglia Sacra, i., 153, ^ u„'^'.^u"^eSor"at, 
 
 The altar at which Edwin was baptized e a Seint Pere la donat. 
 
 was afterwards dedicated to St. Paul. Cf. Ic'st reis fu del linage Kile, 
 
 Alcuin de SS. Eccl. Ebor., and Symeon, ^!^^^^^''- 
 
 col. 113. Paulins out non, Deus mult I'amat.''
 
 42 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the instigation of Paulinus, began to erect a church of stone 
 which he never lived to complete. 
 
 " Euboricse solidis suffulta columnis 
 Nobilis ilia manet celso speciosa decore, 
 Qua statione sacra fuit ille lavatus in unda."- 
 
 It was in the form of a square with the shrine in the middle. 
 However unsightly the latter may have been, we cannot but 
 admire the feeling' which prompted its preservation. Amid the 
 temples and the gorgeous buildings on the Capitoline hill the 
 Romans lovingly preserved the straw-thatched cottage of their 
 founder ; in the*^ ancient church of York you could see the ora- 
 tory of Avood in which the sacred Avater had been poured for the 
 first time upon a monarch of Northumbria. 
 
 A glorious field was now^ opened to Paulinus, and every one 
 was ready to listen and assist. Edwin fixed the seat of his epis- 
 copate at York/ and, at the request of that monarch, pope 
 Honorius rewarded the zeal of the good bishop by the welcome 
 gift of a pallium.* The labom's of the great missionary during 
 his residence in the North must have been prodigious.'^ The 
 kingdom of Edwin stretched from beyond Lincoln and South- 
 well far into the lowlands of Scotland, and the whole of this 
 immense district seems to have been traversed by Paulinus. 
 Tradition has preserved some traces of his footsteps. In North- 
 umberland there is a Paulinas well, and Pallinsburn in the 
 northern part of the same comity is the burn or rividet of Pau- 
 linus. There^ are still ancient crosses with which his name is 
 connected at Dewsbury and Whalley, and there was another 
 near Easingwold in the time of Edward I.'' They were memo- 
 rials, in all probability, of a visit of the archbishop whom the 
 people of Bemicia and Deira had good cause to remember. He 
 moved about with the court, for he was the royal chaplain, and 
 w^herever it halted there was w'ork for him to do. Rarely has 
 any missionary had so successful a career. There were no ora- 
 tories or baptisteries when he begun his work,^ and he needed 
 them not ; for w^herever there was w^ater he could baptize, and 
 he could find a pulpit anywhere. At Adgebrin or Yeavering 
 near the Cheviots he is said to have spent thirty-six days in 
 catechizing the converts and baptizing them in the waters of 
 
 = Alcuin de SS. etc. Eccl. Ebor., apud ' " Per sex annos continues verbum 
 
 Gale, i., 706. " Saxon Chron., 33. DeiinNorthanimbroruniprovinciapre- 
 
 An.<;l. Sacra, i., 153. dicabat." SymeonisEp.de Arch. Ebor., 
 
 * Saxon Chron., 34. Beda, ii., 16, col. 77. 
 17. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cantuar., 170. '' Archgeol. ^liana, n. s., l, 154. Ni- 
 
 Bromton, col. 783. Stubbs, col. 1688. chols' Collect. Topogr., i., 149-54. Wal- 
 
 Labbe Concilia, V., col. 1683. Spel- bran on the Saxon church of Ripon, 70. 
 
 manniConc, 138, 9. BaroniiAnn.,viii., Whitaker's Whalley, 50. Loidis and 
 
 32C. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 336. Elmete, 299. <■ Beda, ii., 14.
 
 627 — 633.] AKCii BISHOP paulinus. 43 
 
 the Glen/ In the province of Deira^ where a great portion of 
 his time was passed, he woukl generally be baptizing at Catterick 
 or Tanfield (Donafield) in the SAvale and Yore.^ It was, doubt- 
 less, at the instigation of Paulinus, that Edwin prevailed upon 
 Eorpwald, king of the East Angles, the son of his old protector 
 Redwald, to become a Christian;* and hence it is that he is 
 traditionally connected with the infant- university of Cambridge.' 
 Hilda first heard of Christianity from Paulinus..'' We hear, also, 
 of the missionary in Lindsey and Nottinghamshire. In Lindsey''^ 
 he was the earliest propagator of Christianity, and Blecca, the 
 prefect or reeve of Lincoln, was his first convert: he erected a 
 church, the predecessor of that glorious temple with which that 
 " sovereign hill " is crowned, and in it, in 627, did he consecrate 
 archbishop Honorius.^ He is said to have fomided the church 
 of Southwell about the year 630,'" and, nearly a century after 
 this, Beda heard from a Lincolnshire abbat a description of the 
 personal appearance of the great evangelist as it was given to 
 him by one who had been baptized by him, wdth many others, 
 in the presence of king Edwin, in the waters of the Trent." 
 
 The support and countenance of Edwin must have been a 
 great aid to Paulinus, but, unfortunately he did not long enjoy 
 them. Cadwal, a British sovereign, aided by the fiery and 
 savage Penda, broke into Northumbria and slew its king in a 
 great battle at Haethfelth or Hatfield Chase in 633." The loss 
 of her protector was a sad blow to the Northern chiu'ch. His 
 bloodstained head was brought to York, and was interred in the 
 porch or chapel of St. Gregory^ within the minster that he was 
 building.* His sufferings and his zeal have enshi'ined his name 
 
 / Beda, ii., 14. Bromtoii, col. 782 ; ' Beda, ii., 16. Sax. Chron., 34. Eo- 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1688. ger of Wendover, i., 78. Anglia Sacra, 
 
 «■ Beda, ii., 14. Archdeacon Cbiirton i, 154. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cantuar., 
 
 (Hist, of Early English Church, 53) 170. Rad.de Diceto, col. 438, Bromton, 
 
 thinks that Donafield was near Don- col. 782. Stubbs, col. 1688. 
 
 caster. I agree with Mr. Hodgson '" Dugdale's Monast., vi.. 1312. 
 
 Hinde in placing it at Tanfield on the " Beda, ii., 16, ed. Smith and Mon. 
 
 Yore. Hist. Brit., 168. n. Lei. Coll., iv., lOO. 
 
 * Beda, ii., 15. Wm. Malmesbury, " Beda, ii., 20. Brointon, (;ol. 784; 
 apud Savile, 14 a. Stubbs, col. 1688. Harpsfeld, 89. Lyfc 
 
 '■ Sprotti Chron., 271, ex Cantelupi of Saynt Werburge, ed. Chethani Soc, 
 
 Antiq. Univ. Cant. Fuller's Ch. Hist., 16. 
 
 bk. ii., 74. '' Beda, ii., 20. Bromton, ut supra. 
 
 i Beda, iv., 23. Roger of Wendover, i., 81. 
 
 * Beda, ii. 16. Saxon Chron., 34. * It was finished by king Oswald. 
 Roger of Wendover,i., 78, Bromton, col. Beda's description of this church is an 
 782; Stubbs, col. 1688. Archdeacon interesting one (ii. 14). "Curavitma- 
 Churton and Dr. Hook speak of Blecca jorem ipso in loco & augustiorom de 
 beingthefounder of the church of Lin- lapide fabricare basilicam, in cujus 
 coin, but Beda's words may bear a medio ipsum quod prius fecerat, ora- 
 ditferent construction. Cf. Hist. Mon. torium includcrctur. Preparatis ergo 
 S. Aug. Cant., 169,and Henr. Hunting- fundaraentis in gyro prioris oratorii per 
 don, apud Savile, 188. Lei. Coll., iv., 69. quadrum ccepit sedificare basilicam. Sed
 
 44 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 ill the calendar/ and few people are perhaps aware that the 
 capital of Scotland is the burgh of Edwin, who shewed his taste 
 by laving the foundations of a city amid the finest scenery in 
 Eui'ope. 
 
 After the death of Edwin it was imsafe for his widow to 
 remain in Northumbrian and as Paulinus had been in her suite 
 ever since she came into the North, it was clearly his duty now 
 to take measures for her protection. He found a ship on which 
 he placed the queen and her family, and with the assistance of 
 Bassus, one of Ed^^dn^s warriors, the party reached the shores of 
 Kent. Here there Avas a hearty welcome for them from arch- 
 bishop Honorius and king Eadbald, the brother of Ethelburga.^ 
 
 The fugitives carried a,way Avith them the treasures of king 
 Edwin, and among them were a cross and chalice of gold which 
 had been used at the celebrations on the altar. Beda tells us 
 that they were preserved in his day in the church of Canterbury.' 
 Paulinus also took with him his pall ; and more than a century 
 elapsed before York was again an archiepiscopal see." One 
 missionary there was who remained behind in the deserted king- 
 dom at the bidding of his leader, and that was James the deacon, 
 who had been the companion of Paidinus during his residence 
 in the North. He resided for some time at Akebargh, James' 
 toAATi, near Catterick in Deira, and was very diligent in teaching 
 and baptizing. But he was especially famous for his great skill 
 in singing and his fondness for the Gregorian tones, which he 
 taught as well as chanted. He is supposed to be buried in the 
 chui'chyard of Hauxwell, and to be commemorated by an ancient 
 cross." 
 
 Such was the termination of the mission of Paulinus into 
 Northumbria. A failure it undoubtedly was, but a failure for 
 which the missionary cannot well be censured. The system 
 that he pursued, or rather his want of system, has been severely 
 criticized. Possibly in the outset he might appeal too strongly 
 to the temporal advantages that would accompany Christianity ; 
 
 priusquam altitudo parietis esset con- Roger of Wendover, i., 81. Hist. Mon. 
 
 summata, rex ipse impia nece occisus S. Aug. Cantuar., 173. Angl. Sacra,!., 
 
 opus idem successori suo Oswaldo per- 155. Higden, apud Gale, i., 207. Rad. 
 
 ficiendum roliquit." Alcuiu (Gale, i., do Diceto^ col. 438. Bromton, col. 784. 
 
 707, 8) gives the following account of Stubbs, col. 1688. Baronii Annales, 
 
 Oswald's church building. viii., 328. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 360. 
 
 " Extruit ecclesias donisque exornat opimis, ' Beda, ii., 20. Bromton, col. 784. 
 
 Vasa miuisteriis prsestans pretiosa sacratis Eoo'Cr of Wendover i 81 
 
 Argento gemmis aras vestivit et auro, iT tj^^o •• oa tj-'\ h'/i o a 
 
 Serica parietibus tendens velamina sacris, , ueaa, U., ^O. tllSl. iVion. &. Aug. 
 
 Auri blateolis pulcre distincta coronis, Cant., 182. Higden, apud Gale, i., 207. 
 
 Sanctaque suspendit variasper tectalucemas." i' Beda ii. 16 20' iii. 26" iv. 2. 
 
 •■ There is an account of St. Edwin, Bromton, col. 785. Arch. JEl., n. s., i., 
 
 king and martyr, in Capgrave's Nova 185. Possibly the word Hawkswell is 
 
 Legenda, 116—20. Jake's-well, iust as Akebargh is Jake's- 
 
 ' Beda, ii., 20. Saxon Chron., 35. bargh. W. H. D. L.
 
 627 — 633.] ARCHBISHOP paulinus. 45 
 
 but was it -wrong to make use of an argument which was inno- 
 cent in itself, and would have great Avcight with the pcojjle of 
 the North ? The power to discover this approach to their hearts, 
 and to avail himself of it, tends to shew that Paulinus possessed 
 discernment as well as tact. When royal favour at last smiled 
 upon him, and a kingdom more than 300 miles in leiigtli l)ccame 
 his field of labour, did he neglect his work ? The evidence of 
 history and the whisper of tradition still tell us that he was not 
 " an unprofitable servant.^' It is idle to suppose that a man, 
 with few fellow-laboui'crs and an immense diocese filled with 
 heathen, could in six years mature what we call " organization." 
 That comes after the rougher work has been done. Before there 
 is any arrangement there must be something to arrange. The 
 word must be first heard and the listeners received into the 
 fold, and then " organization " folloAvs. Paulinus Avas no slug- 
 gard in preaching and baptizing. But when the network of a 
 great religious system might have been advantageously woven, 
 he was, unfortunately, removed. He was no recreant to his 
 duty in following his widowed mistress. Had it not been for 
 her he never would have reached Northumbria at all, and now 
 he was bound to protect her by the most solemn obligations 
 that loyalty and gratitude could suggest. But why did he not 
 return, it may be asked, when Oswald became king ? It must 
 be remembered that it was som.e time before the influence of 
 Oswald extended into Deira. Paulinus was becoming an old 
 man, and would he be wise in returning to a district where 
 security, perhaps, was not firmly re-established ? He would be 
 less able to work than before, and in addition to this, was not 
 the necessity for his return removed to a great extent by tlie 
 exertions of Aidan and the monks of Lindisfarne ? We must 
 remember, also, that James the deacon was still his deputy in 
 Northumbria. Paulinus, however, was not idle after he left the 
 North, and he never shrank from the hard path of duty. His 
 position in the South was, indeed, a humbler one, but, as Fuller 
 charmingly observes, " he minded not whether he went up or 
 down hill, whilest he went on strait in his calling to glorifie 
 God and edifie others ; sensible of no disgrace, when degrading 
 himself from a great archbishop to become a poor bishop. Such 
 betray much pride and peevishness, wlio, outed of eminent places, 
 will rather be nothing in the church, tlien anything lesse tlien 
 what they liave been before."'" 
 
 The bishopric to which the ([uaint historian alludes was that 
 of Rochester, which Paidinus accepted at the request of Ilono- 
 rius and Eadbald.'' We know little, henceforward, of his mis- 
 
 "■ Fuller's Ch. Hist., book ii., 77. Cf. and Harpsfeld, Hist. Angl., 67. 
 "VVm, of Malmesbury, apud Savile, 132 ; ^ Beda, ii., 20. Saxon Chron., 35.
 
 46 
 
 FASTI ERORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 sionary work. He was a great benefactor to the monastery of 
 Glastonbury, rebuilding the church and covering it with lead, 
 and we are told that he lived some time within the walls of that 
 ancient house.!' He died on the 10th of October, 644/ and was 
 interred in the secrctarium or chapter house of the church of 
 St. Andrew at Rochester which king Ethelbert had built." He 
 w^as commemorated by the following epitaph. 
 
 " Sisle gradum, claina, qui perlegis hoc epigramma, 
 Paulinum plora quern subtraxit brevis hora 
 Nobis per funus: de presulibus fuit unus, 
 Prudens, veredicus, constans et firmus amicus. 
 Anni sunt rati Domini super astra regentis 
 Quadraginta dati quatuor cum sex quoque centis."* 
 
 The name of Paulinus was placed in the calendar after his 
 decease, and he became the great patron saint of Rochester.'' 
 Archbishop Lanfranc translated his remains, and deposited them 
 in a silver shrine which he presented to the church, giving at 
 the same time a cross to hang over the feretory.'^ Among the 
 relics in the minster of York were a few of his bones and two 
 teeth.'' The monks of Durham wrote his name in golden letters 
 in their Liber Yitse/ He had never been a benefactor of theirs, 
 for in Beda's day and long after it, there was " nulla cognitio 
 Dunelmi,"^ but they gratefully commended him to God as one 
 of the earliest Christianizers of the North. 
 
 Roger of Wendover, i., 8 1 . Hist. Mon. 
 S. Aug. Cantuar., 173. Rad. de Diceto, 
 col. 438. Stubbs, col. 1688. Reg. Rof- 
 fense, 4. Dugd. Mon., i., 152. Wee- 
 ver's Funerall Mon"- 310. Mabillon, 
 Ann. Ben., i., 360. Gaimar, I'estorie 
 des Engles, apud Mon. Hist. Brit., 779, 
 says, 
 
 "Eadbald li reis bien les recuilli, 
 Mult honora Paulins e joi. 
 Quant arcevesque ue pot estre, 
 Evesque en fit a Roucestre." 
 
 y Wm. of Malmesbury, apud Gale, i., 
 300. Dugd. Mon., i., 3. 
 
 - Saxon Chron., 38. Flor. "VVigorn., 
 237. Anglia Sacra, i., 154, 341. As- 
 serii Ann., apud Gale, i., 144. Hist. S. 
 August. Cant., 182. Roger of Wen- 
 
 dover, i., 87, gives the date 646. Her 
 manni Contracti Chron., apud Canisii 
 Lect. Ant., iii., 234. Baronii Ann. 
 viii., 365. Mabillon Ann. Ben., i. 388. 
 
 " Angl. Sacra, i., 154. Lell. Coll., iv. 
 81. Reg. Roffense, 22. 
 
 * Weever's Funerall Mon*'- 310, 11 
 and Dugd. Mon.,i., 152, from a metrical 
 chron. Archiep. Ebor. inter MSS. Cot- 
 ton. Chron. S. Aug. Cantuar., 182. 
 
 " Malmesburj^ apud Savile, 132. Reg. 
 Roffense, 33. Acta SS, sub. Oct. 10. 
 Capgrave's Nova Legenda SS., 264-5. 
 
 '' Reg. Roffense, 126. 
 
 " Fabric rolls of York minster, ed. 
 Surtees Soc, 151. 
 
 / Publ. by Surtees Soc, p. 7. 
 
 e Flor. Wigorn., 368.
 
 664 — 669.] BISHOP chadd. 47 
 
 ^Tfatltia, or (fTljatltl, for I shall give him the name by Mhich 
 he is generally known, was one of those holy and apostolic men 
 of whom the early church had so much reason to be proud. He 
 was, probably, a native of Northumbria,'' and was the yoimgest 
 of four brothers,' Cedd, Cynibill and Cajlin, all of whom were 
 priests,' the first of them being the bishop of the East Saxons 
 whom he converted to the Christian faith. 
 
 Chadd first became acquainted with the monastic life m Ire- 
 land.* He was, subsequently, an inmate of the monastery at 
 Lindisfarne, and was one of the twelve pupils under the guid- 
 ance and instruction of the venerable Aidan.' He was educated, 
 therefore, in the tenets of the Scottish school which had been 
 brought to that place from lona. 
 
 About the middle of the seventh century, bishop Cedd, by 
 the permission of Ethelward, king of Deira, founded the monas- 
 tery of Lastingham near Kirkbymoorside, in accordance with 
 the Scottish rule.™ The remains of that little sanctuary may 
 still be seen. They are standing on the slopes of a long hill 
 that looks toAvards the North, and the heather creeps up towards 
 its foot as if it were envious of the bright green tru'f that lies in 
 the hollow below the church. Solitary is the village now, and 
 solitary it must have been at all times. In that little shrine are 
 resting the bones of the evangelizer of the East Saxons, and to 
 the cell which once stood near it came the venerable Beda to 
 learn from the brethren of the house how their two first abbats, 
 Cedd and his brother Chadd, had lived and died." 
 
 In the year 664 Cedd" went to his rest at Lastingham, hav- 
 ing previously commended his infant monastery to the charge of 
 his brother Chadd, who succeeded him as abbat.^ Of Chadd^s 
 rule at Lastingham there is very little known. Beda tells us 
 
 * Beda, iii., 23, speaks of Cedd's cus- iii., 23. 
 
 torn " suam, id est Nordanhymbrorum, " The names of the two brothers are 
 
 provinciam revisere," from which Dr. frequently confused, especially by Hen. 
 
 Smith infers, and reasonably enough, of Huntingdon and Bromton. Fuller 
 
 that it was his patria. (Ch. Hist., bk. ii., 83) quaintly observes 
 
 ' Bollandists, Acta SS., March 2, " though it be pleasant for brethren to 
 
 where there is a short account of Chadd live together in unity ; yet it is not fit 
 
 compiled principally from Beda. Cf. by errour that they should be jumbled 
 
 Lei. de Script. Brit., i., 78. together in confusion." 
 
 i Beda, iii., 23. '' Beda, iii., 23. Flor, "Wigoru., 244, 
 
 * Beda, iv., 4. Eddii vita S. Wilfr., Bromton (col. 789) says, that Cedd died 
 apud Gale i., 58. Flor. Wigorn., 246. " tempore mortalitatis," and probably, 
 Higden, apud Gale, i., 186. " therefore, of the great plague, and 
 
 ' Beda, iii., 28. Symeonis Hist. Henry of Huntingdon (Savile 190 a) in 
 
 Eccl. Dunelm., 29. Bromton, col. 788. addition to this makes the incorrect 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 557. statement "cui successit in episcopatu 
 
 '" Beda, iii., 23. Flor. Wigorn,, 239. frater ejus Ceadda." Dugd. Mon., i., 
 
 " Beda, pref. to history. Cf. ibid., 342.
 
 48 FASTI EBOEACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 liow a party of thirty brethren became the inmates of that 
 house, whilst he was tliere, out of love to their old master, 
 Ccdd, Avho had placed them in a monastery in his diocese. 
 The i)criod of their sojourn at Lastingham was but short, as 
 the whole party, with the exception of a little boy, was cut off 
 by a pestilence.* 
 
 The year 664 Avitnessed the great struggle between the 
 Roman and the Scottish parties, and Chadd, doubtless, would 
 be deeply interested in the controversy and its result. He would 
 little think, however, that it would effect so gi*eat a change 
 in his own life and fortunes. The decision of the royal president 
 of the council of Streonshal gave such offence to bishop Colman 
 and the Scottish monks, that that prelate, accompanied by a 
 number of his adherents, retired from Northumbria. This was 
 probably an unexpected triumph to the Roman party, which 
 ■nere strong enough, soon afterwards, to advance their leader, 
 Wilfrid, to the northern primacy. Wilfrid refused to be con- 
 secrated by the British bishops, and on that account, by the 
 permission of Alchfrid, the prince-regent of Deira, he Avent 
 abroad to receive that rite in France. During his absence the 
 Scottish party were not idle. They gained the ear of Oswy, 
 the king of Northumbria. They coidd not forget the injuiy 
 that Wilfi'id had done to them at Streonshal, and the insult 
 that he was now offering to the native prelacy by seeking con- 
 secration in France. They would endeavoiu' to arouse suspicions 
 in Oswy^s mind against his son, Alchfrid, who was only his 
 deputy in Deira. They commented severely upon the injiuy 
 that Northumbria was sustaining by Wilfrid^s prolonged and 
 miaccountable absence.'' Oswy, who, in all probability, had 
 never expected that Colman would desert his see, was influenced 
 by them. He prevailed upon the humble-minded Chadd to 
 leave his cell at Lastingham and to become bishop of his pro- 
 vince.^ With great adroitness he placed the seat of Chadd^s 
 episcopate, not at Lindisfarne or Hexham, but at York. Thus 
 there was no room for Wilfrid. Alchfrid could not introduce 
 a second bishop into Deira, and with Bemicia he had nothing 
 to do.' 
 
 Chadd was thus placed in a position for which, however 
 alien to his disposition, his piety and humility peculiarly fitted 
 him. His appointment would be regarded as a party triumph ; 
 for although Cedd, before he died, renounced the Scottish 
 
 * Beda, iii., 23. i., 173) s^ys that Wilfrid was abroad 
 
 *• Eadmer, "S^ita Wilfridi, apud Acta for three years. 
 SS. ord. S. B. S8PC. tert., i., 203. Eic. ' Stubbs, col. 1689. Fridegodus, 
 
 of Hexham, col. 294. Fuller's Ch. Vita S. Wilfr., apiid Acta SS. ord. S. B. 
 
 Hist., bk. 11., 86. Wright (Biog. Lit., ssec. tert., i., 179. ' Beda, iii. 25, 27.
 
 664 — 669.] BISHOP chadd. 49 
 
 mode of observing Easter," we are told that Cliadd did not re- 
 linquish it." At the request of OsAvy, the bishop-elect went 
 to seek for consecration at the hands of Deusdedit, but on liis 
 arrival in Kent he found that that prelate was in the tomb. 
 What was to be done? Wina bishop of Winchester was at 
 that time the only prelate in England Avho had been consecrated 
 according to the Roman ritual, and to him Chadd went.'" Wina 
 called in to his assistance two of the British bishops who still 
 adhered to their old method of observing Easter, and the cere- 
 mony took place. This was the first occasion on which British 
 and Roman bishops were associated together. I cannot think 
 that there would have been any union even at this period, if 
 the Welsh bishops had not thought that by their assistance 
 they were checking the dreaded and impetuous Wilfrid. In 
 Chadd they knew that they had a brother, and their presence at 
 his consecration was at the same time a tribute of respect to 
 the simplicity of his character and the purity of his life. 
 
 Chadd was now bishop of York, and the spiritual ruler of 
 Northumbria, and he was not unequal to the requirements of 
 that high office. He had none of the restless energy and fiery 
 zeal of Wilfrid, but he surpassed him in all those gentler virtues 
 which should bud and blossom in the true Christianas heart. 
 More congenial to his quiet and retiring disposition woidd have 
 been the pui'ple heaths and the silent woods of Lastingham, 
 but his was a spirit capable of adapting itself to any position, 
 busy or secluded, to which the path of duty guided it. Every 
 ancient \vriter speaks of Chadd with reverence and affection. 
 Gentle he was, and amiable, illustrating by his blameless life 
 the holy rule that he taught others to abide by. The Scrip- 
 tures were his constant study and his guide. In his manage- 
 ment of his diocese, the lives of his old master Aidan and his 
 brother Cedd were his exemplar. There was no place that he 
 did not visit on his missionary journeys. If he passed through 
 the gateway of the hall he did not despise the hovel of the serf, 
 
 « Beda, iii., 26. Flor. Wigorn., 242. 98; Flor. Wigorn., 244; Henr. of 
 
 " Beda, iii., 28. Eddius, Vita S. Huntingdon, apud Savile, 191, J; Ric. 
 
 Wilfr., apud Gale, i., 58. Mabillon, of Hexham, col. 293 ; Bromton, ibid., 
 
 Ann. Ben., i., 478, says, that Oswy sum- 789 ; Gervase, col. 1636 ; Stubbs, ibid., 
 
 moned Chadd out of Ireland, and Col- 1689; Chron.S.Crucis, apud Angl. Sao., 
 
 gan, on that account I suppose, makes i., 155. Rad. de Diceto (col. 439) 
 
 Chadd an Irish saint. Tritliemius calls places the consecration in 665, and it 
 
 Chadd a Benedictine ! (Acta, SS., Bol- must be remembered that Agilbert, by 
 
 landists, Mar. 2). whom Wilfrid was made a bishop, was 
 
 " Asser (Gale i. 146) says that Chadd not promoted to the see of Paris until 
 
 was consecrated in 654. The usual date 665 (Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 478). (,'f. 
 
 is 664, and it is assigned by the follow- Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cantuar., 197 ; and 
 
 ing authorities, Beda, iii., 28; Saxon Eadmer, Vita S. AVilfr., apud Acta SS. 
 
 Chron., 48; Roger of Wendover, i., ord. S. B., ssec. tert., i., 203.
 
 50 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 travelling always on foot from place to place like the holy men 
 of old/ 
 
 It must have been very galling to Wilfrid on his return 
 from France to find himself deprived of his expected see, and 
 one of the Scottish party in his room. It was useless to make 
 any opposition, and he shewed his discretion by remaining quiet 
 in his monastery at Ripon, exercising his episcopal functions in 
 tlic pastorless district of Kent, and elsewhere, whenever his ser- 
 vices Avere required-J- In 669 Theodore came to England as 
 metropolitan, and was soon actively engaged in measures of 
 reform. He paid especial attention to the episcopate, and he 
 Avould soon come into contact with Chadd.^ Chadd, it must be 
 remembered, had no pall, he was only bishop of York ; so that 
 the rule laid down by Gregory about the independence of the 
 two metropolitan sees was not now in force, and Theodore knew 
 that w ell. Indeed, from the power that he seems to have exercised 
 in the North I have actually found him invested with the title of 
 archbishop of York," an honoiu" to which he had no claim. Chadd 
 and Theodore, the Briton and the Greek, meet face to face, and 
 the contrast is a striking one. Both were men of piety and good- 
 ness, but the respect of Theodore for Chadd would be lessened 
 by the idea that he had taken possession of Wilfrid^s see, and 
 that he had been consecrated in an irregular manner.* He 
 hesitated not to tell Chadd what he thought, and possibly, with 
 some asperity. The reply that Chadd made, " humillima voce,^^ 
 was characteristic of the man. " If,^' said he, " I have not been 
 consecrated in due form, I willingly resign my office; I never 
 at any time deemed myself worthy of it, but at my monarches 
 bidding I accepted it, unworthy as I was, for it was my duty to 
 obey him.^^'^ Any latent pique that there was against the 
 speaker in Theodore's mind, must have been driven away by 
 this reply. " The soft answer tiu'neth away wrath." He an- 
 swered, that he ought not to resign his see,*^ but Chadd's determi- 
 nation Avas made. Peace and quiet had been the object of his 
 life, and he would seek them now. He voluntarily gave up his 
 bishopric in favour of Wilfrid,* and returned with pleasure to his 
 old home at Lastingham.'^ 
 
 It has been said that Chadd was removed from his see,^ but 
 
 * Beda, iii., 28. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. ' Beda, iv., 2. Ead. de Diceto, (;ol. 
 Cantuar., 197. Gervase, col. 1637. 439 ; Bromton, col. 789. 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 557. ^ Beda, iv., 2. 
 
 y Beda, iv., 2. Eddius, apud Gale, i., ' Eddius, apud Gale, i., 59. 
 
 58. Bromton, col. 789. / Beda, iv., 3. Flor. Wigorn., 244. 
 
 ' Beda, iv., 2. Eddius, 58, 59. Eadmer, apud Acta SS. ord. S. B. sa>c. 
 
 " Vita S. Cuthberti, apud X Scr., tert., i., 205. Ric. of Hexham, col. 293; 
 
 67, 70. Stubbs, col. 1689. Anglia Sacra, i., 426. 
 
 * Beda, i v., 2. Eddius, apud Gale, i., 59. «• Some writers say that Theodore
 
 664 — 669.] BISHOP chadd. 51 
 
 the whole of Theodore's conduct towards him seems to contradict 
 this assertion, and he had not the power to displace him witliout 
 the consent of Oswy, even if he had had the wish. It would 
 be equally unfair to charge Wilfrid with intrigue because he 
 stepped into Chadd's place. It was only proper that he should 
 succeed him. A man to whom a bishopric had been promised, 
 and who, when he had lost it, had lalioured patiently for tliree 
 years in another and a humbler vineyard, deserved to be thus 
 rewarded. The meekness of Chadd induced him to give way, 
 and is he to be blamed for it ? 
 
 This change took place in 669,^' and Chadd returned to 
 Lastingham. His days, however, were not to end in that 
 secluded monastery. Jarumnan, the bishop of Mercia, died 
 about this time, and Wulfhere, the king of the province, 
 requested Theodore, to whom he was greatly attached, to fill up 
 the vacant see. Theodore, unwilling to consecrate a new bishop, 
 named Chadd/' whom he had never forgotten, to the king, and he 
 mth the assistance of Oswy and the archbishop induced the 
 humble-minded recluse to accept the proffered honom*.-' It was 
 then, in all probability, that yielding to the solicitations of 
 Theodore, Chadd was re-ordained "per omnes gradus ecele- 
 siasticos.'"* The propriety of the step may be questioned, but 
 it shews how anxious Chadd was for peace and unity. 
 
 If the old traditions of the abbey of Peterbrough are true, 
 there was a connection between Wulfhere and Chadd, or his 
 brother Cedd, which easily accoimts for Wulfhere's wish to 
 make Chadd the bishop of the Mercians. The legend says that 
 he was converted by him.' The king had two sons, Wulfade 
 and Rufine. Wulfade was a mighty hunter, and was pursuing 
 
 removedChadd, i.e.,Edclius, 59. Tride- > Beda, iv., 3. Eddius, 59. Eadmer, 
 
 godus, apud Acta SS. ord. S. B. sa?c. ut supra, 205. Bromton, col. 789-90. 
 
 tert., i., 180. Roger of Wendover, i., 99. Gervasius, col. 1638. Lyfe of Saynt 
 
 Wm. of Malinesbury, apud Savile, 147, Werburge, 21. 
 
 I ; Eic. of Hexham, col. 293, and Anglia " To graunt them a bysshop of holy lyvyngo, 
 
 Sacra, i., 65. Eddius, however, in an- To govcme the people by spyrytuall techynge, 
 
 nthpnilapp si v« tint Wilfrirl'^ annniiit- To shewe to his subjectes the ensampleof vertu. 
 
 Diner place, sa\S tnat \\ UlriO s appoiUl ^^^^ ^^ preche and teche the fayth of Chryst 
 
 mentwas made With Chadd sco»se«^. Cf. jhesu." 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 495. * Chadd's re-ordination, or perhaps, 
 
 '' Chadd is said to have been bishop of the completion of his prc\ious cou- 
 
 York for three years. Symeon de Arch. secration, is alluded to in Beda, iv., 2. 
 
 Ebor., col. 78. Stubbs, col. 1689. Rites Eddius, apud Gale, i., 59. Flor. 
 
 of Durham, publ. by Surtees Soc, 43. Wigorn., 215. Gervase, col. 1638. 
 
 ■ Beda, iv., 3. Eddius, 59. Hen. of ' Appendix to Smith's Beda, 745. 
 
 Huntingdon, apndSavile, 191, S. Brom- Gunton's Church of Peterbro', lOl, 
 
 ton, col. 789-90. Eddius .says that etc. Lei. Coll., i., 1, 2. Fuller's Ch. 
 
 Wulfhere promoted Chadd to Lichfield Hist., book ii., 84. Gunton (2, 3) says 
 
 at the request of Wilfrid. Malmesbury that AA'ulfhere was converted b}' Finan. 
 
 (Savile, 148, b) says that Wilfrid aided Lyfe of Saynt Werburge, 40-6. I say 
 
 Chadd to Lichfield, " suffragio suo," al- nothing of the stor}' of Chadd hanging 
 
 hiding probably to some council. his garment on a sunbeam ! 
 
 E 2
 
 52 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 a stag one dav when it led him past the cell in which Chadd was 
 living the life of a hermit. The story is a beautiful one, and it 
 was told in nine of the old mndows in the west cloister at 
 Peterbrough.'" 
 
 " The hart brought Wulfade to a well 
 That was besyde Seynt C baddy's cell. 
 
 " Wulfade askyd of Seynt Chad, 
 Where is the hart that me hath lad ? 
 
 " The hart that hither thee hath brought 
 Is sent by Christ that thee hath bought. 
 
 " Wulfade prayd Chad that ghostly leech 
 The faith of Christ him for to teach. 
 
 " Seynt Chad teacheth Wulfade the feyth 
 And words of baptism over him seyth. 
 
 " Seynt Chad devoutly to mass him dight, 
 And hoseled Wulfade Christy's knight." 
 
 Wulfade induces his brother Rufine to be baptized, and the 
 end is that the brothers were siu'prised by their father in Chadd's 
 cell and were killed by him. Remorse, however, followed, and 
 the penitent sire adopted the faith of his murdered children, at 
 the instance of Ermenilda his queen. 
 
 " Wulfere contrite hyed him to Chad 
 As Ermenyld him counselled had. 
 
 " Chad bade Wulfere for his sin 
 Abbeys to build his realm within. 
 
 " Wulfere endued with high devotion 
 The abbey of Brough with great possession." 
 
 I mention this story merely as a legend, but it is too 
 picturesque to be discarded. It is quite possible that there are 
 in it some shadows of the truth. It is not known at what 
 period of his life Wulf here became a Christian. Chadd may, 
 perhaps, have lived a solitary life in Mercia, and may have con- 
 verted its monarch. At all events, when he became bishop at 
 Lichfield, he had a fast friend in Wulfhere, who gave him a 
 piece of ground, large enough to maintain fifty families, on which 
 he was to erect a monastery at a place called Ad Barue." 
 
 The seat of the bishopric of Mercia was at Lichfield, and 
 Chadd had an immense diocese extending over a great portion of 
 
 "* Destroyed in 1603. Cf. Gunton, billon Ann. Ben., i., 557. Dr. Smith, 
 
 337-8. the learned editor of Beda, thinks that 
 
 " Beda, iv., 3. Flor. Wigorn., 246. Ad Barue may be Barton on Humber. 
 
 Bromton, apud X., Scr. col. 790. Ma- It is, rather, Barrow.
 
 664 — 669.] BISHOP chadd. 53 
 
 the Midland counties." He ruled over it for two years and a 
 half/ and illuminated it with those virtues which distinguished 
 him in the North.? His good deeds and his holy life are not yet 
 forgotten. His joiu'neyings in his diocese were all made on foot, 
 and it was with difficulty that archbishop Theodore, who was 
 struck by his simple piety, prevailed upon him to ride, and 
 helped him to mount his horse with his own hands.'' He might 
 well be proud of such a suffragan as Chadd. 
 
 The story of Chadd's end is given by Beda* with all tliat 
 power of description for which he is so remarkable. He lived, 
 the historian tells us, near his church at Lichfield, and there 
 were with him seven brethren, with whom, when their labours 
 were over, he woidd read and pray. In addition to these seven 
 there was a monk of the name of Ouini.'^ He had been in old 
 days one of the suite of the queen in the court of East Anglia, 
 and having given up all for God when his fortunes were at their 
 height, had gone in the dress of a humble labourer to live with 
 Chadd at Lastingham. Thenceforward there was between him 
 and his master a bond of union that was knit together by 
 common feeling and mutual regard. One day at the end of 
 February, whilst the brethren were at their devotions in the 
 church, and Chadd was in his cell at prayer, Ouini was away from 
 them. Suddenly he heard the sweet voices of a celestial choir 
 " descending as from heaven,^^ and singing as they came. 
 Jubilee there was there, and not a note of sadness. His eye 
 could discern nothing whilst his ear was drinking in the melody. 
 The band seemed to hover around the little oratory in which 
 Chadd was praying ; it entered in, and, after a while, pouring 
 forth a still more glorious burst of music, it passed away as it 
 came, and the strain 
 
 " Then seemed to go right up to heaven and die among the stars." 
 
 As Ouini was musing anxiously on what he had heard, the 
 window of the little cell was opened, and his master summoned 
 him with his accustomed signal. " Haste,''^ he said, " to the 
 church, and call to me my seven brethren, and come with them 
 
 " The title given to him was, " Mer- several traits in the life of the saint 
 
 ciorura et Lindisfarorum episcojuis ;" which are omitted here. 
 
 Lindisfarorum referring to Lindsey. ' In Ely cathedral is a portion of a 
 
 Eeda, iv., 3. Flor. Wigorn., 246. cross which was found in the adjacent 
 
 Gervase, col. 1638. village of Hadenham, bearing the fol- 
 
 p Beda, iv., 3. Anglia Sacra, i., lowing inscription, "+. Lucem tnam 
 
 425-6. Stubbs, col. 1690. Ovino da. Dens, et requiem. Amen." 
 
 "> Eeda, iv., 3. It is supposed that this was the friend 
 
 "■ Beda, iv., 3. Gervase, col. 1638. of Chadd. Ouini was commemorated 
 
 » Beda, iv., 3. Beda's affection and in the Benedictine Martyrulogj^ on 
 
 veneration for Chadd's memory seem to March 11. Cf. Bentham's Ely, 50, 
 
 have been very great. He records 51.
 
 54 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 thyself/^ And when tliey came, he bade them live together in 
 love and holiness, and told them that he should soon leave 
 them. " The sweet stranger that has visited om* brethren has 
 come to me to-day, and I have had my summons. Go, bid the 
 bretlu'en in the chm'ch commend me to the Lord, and let them 
 never forget that they mnst die themselves." Hallowed by his 
 blessing and sad at heart they went upon their errand, but 
 Ouini returned, and prostrating himself at his master^s feet, 
 begged of him imploringly, " Tell me, father, tell me, if I may 
 ask, what melody that was which I heard,-"^ " Heardest thou 
 that ?" said Chadd to him. " I charge thee in the Lord^s name 
 to speak of that to no one before I die. Thou didst hear the 
 voices of the angels bidding me to those joys of heaven that I 
 have loved and longed for always. In seven days they shall be 
 mine, for they shall then come for me." 
 
 " So now I think my time is near. I trust it is. I know 
 The blessed music went that way my soul will have to go." 
 
 Seven days after this prophetic announcement, on the 2nd of 
 March, 672," he was taken to his rest ; and was it a wonder, 
 says Beda, " si diem mortis, vel potius diem Domini laetus 
 aspexit, quem semper usque dum veniret, sollicitus curavit."'' 
 A life like his, hallowed by the practice of every virtue, humble, 
 prayerful, and self-denying, had generated that perfect love of 
 God by which fear is driven out. 
 
 " With as much zeal, devotion, jnetie. 
 He always liv'd, as other saints do die." 
 
 And w^hen his summons came, as Eddius beautifully observes, 
 " tempore opportuno in viam patrum exegit, expectans diem 
 Domini in judicio venturo, ut credidimus sibi mitissimum, sicut 
 dignum est."'" 
 
 They buried him at Lichfield, near the church of St. Mary,^ 
 by the waterside f and when a fairer temple, dedicated to St. 
 Peter, was erected, they enshrined his remains \\dthin it in a 
 feretory of wood. Miraculous powers are said to have belonged 
 to them even in Beda^s days,- and in after ages the renown 
 of Lichfield and its wonder-working shrine was very widely 
 spread." A place was found for Chadd in the calendar, and his 
 day is the 2nd of March.* In the Sarum and Aberdeen brevi- 
 aries there was an ofiice appropriated to him,'" and his life was 
 
 " Beda, iv., 3. Flor. Wigorn., 246. ' Beda, iv., 3. 
 
 Peterbro' Chron., 2. " Hen. Huntingdon, apud Savile, 
 
 " Beda, iv., 3. 191, b. Bromton, col. 790. 
 
 " Eddius, apud Gale, i., 59. * Acta SS., BoUandists, Mar. 2, 
 
 ' Beda, iv., 3. where there is a short life of Chadd 
 
 y Hickesii Dissert. Ep., 118. Lei. compiled principally from Beda, 
 
 Coll., iv., 80. c _A.cta SS.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP AVILFRID. 55 
 
 inserted in the Nova Legenda:' Proud of his having l)een 
 brought up at Lindisfarne^ the monks of Diu-hara inscribed liis 
 name iu golden letters in the Liber Vitce of their church ;'' and in 
 one of the mndows in the Galilee of their cathedral was Chadd's 
 portraiture " in fyne eoidored glass, as he was aceustomcd to 
 say masse, with his myter on his head, and his crosier staft'e in 
 his lefte hand exquisitelie shewed/^-/ At Lichfield a text or 
 evangelistariimi, said to have been Chadd^s, is still preserved.^ 
 
 ^^^^tlfritl, a very great name in the ecclesiastical annals of 
 the North of England. He was, I believe, a native of Northum- 
 bria, and his parents are said to have been persons of some con- 
 sequence and position.'' I pass by the marvels that are said to 
 have attended his birth, which occurred, according to Eadmcr, 
 in 634, but probably, a little earlier. When he was thirteen 
 years of age he was precocious enough to wish to desert his 
 home, and to devote himself to Code's service. The mainspring 
 of this desire was probably the harshness of his step-mother, 
 who was not slow to encoiu'age him in his design. She gave 
 him and his companions everything with which boys would be 
 delighted, arms, horses, and brave attire, all that would set off 
 a comely youth, and produce a favourable impression at the 
 court, for thither would each aspirant after a name bend his 
 steps. Eanfleda was then the queen of Northumbria, and to 
 her notice was Wilfrid introduced. He soon won her favour, 
 for even at that early period of his life Wilfrid seems to have 
 been a courtier. Cudda, an aged and faithfid member of the 
 royal household, retired to Lindisfarne to spend the remainder 
 of his days, and with him the youth was sent. In that secluded 
 monastery the boy became a favourite 
 
 " IncetisEO pietatis ardor 
 Prodidit sese, micuitque primo 
 Flore juventa?." 
 
 He was a zealous and an attentive student. He committed 
 to memory the whole of the Psalms according to Jerome's ver- 
 
 '' Capgrave, 58, 59. Homily, " In natale S. Ceaddoe Episc." 
 
 ' Publ. by Surtees Society, p. 7. (Smith's Cat.) 
 
 / The Kites of Durham, publ. by >> Eddii Vita S. AVilfr., apud Gale, i., 
 
 Surtees Society, p. 43. 44. Wm. of Alalmcsbury, apud Savile, 
 
 «■ Nichol's Literary Anecdotes, i., 86. 147, I. Eadmer, Vita S. Wilfr., apud 
 
 Among the MSS. of Fr. Junius in the Acta ord. S. 13., ill., ssec. i., 198. 
 Bodleian library, 5136, is a Saxon
 
 50 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 sion, together with several other books, and he won the hearts 
 of all by his docility and jijeutleness.' 
 
 Years passed away, and Wilfrid was still at Lindisfarne, but 
 a commandiufj; s])irit such as he possessed could not brook the 
 idea of a life-long exclusion in that solitary island. Ambition 
 was a stranger to those simple hearts that beat around him, but 
 Wilfrid was longing to see more of that world which the holy 
 l)rotherhood had renounced. He had mastered himself, and 
 now he would fain master others. Far away across the angry 
 seas that surrounded him, and beneath softer skies, there was a 
 city of which he would often hear, and a mind like his would 
 never be wearied with the recital of its present and departed 
 
 glories. 
 
 " The city, that by temperance, fortitude, 
 And love of glory, towered above the clouds. 
 Then fell — but, falling, kept the highest seat. 
 And in her loneliness, her pomp of woe. 
 Still o'er the mind maintains, from age to age, 
 Her empire undiminished." 
 
 Everywhere the young scholar would hear with rapture of 
 the light that had radiated in all ages from the eternal city. 
 Oh ! that he could, visit the limina Apostolorum, and behold the 
 hallowed shrines of which such great things were spoken! To 
 Rome, therefore, he resolved, if possible, to go.^^ 
 
 His royal patroness, Eanfleda, encouraged him in his design, 
 glad, perhaps, to rescue her favourite from the hands of the 
 Scottish monks. She sent him to her kinsman, Erconbert, king 
 of Kent, who gave the youth a kindly welcome, and recom- 
 mended him to tarry at his court till he could find companions 
 for his journey. During his stay in Kent he neutralized the 
 effect of what he had been taught at Lindisfarne by learning 
 the Psalms after the fifth edition of the Roman use. Wearied 
 at length with the delay, he set sail from England in 652. He 
 went with a single companion, Benedict Baducing, who is better 
 known by the name of Benedict Biscop."^' 
 
 Lyons was the first place at which the pilgrims halted. A 
 prelate of the name of Dalfinus' is said to have occupied at 
 that time the chair of Irenseus, and in him Wilfrid fomid a most 
 sincere friend. Dalfinus did all he could to induce his guest to 
 
 ■ My authorities for this paragraph degodus, 173, who says that he was in 
 
 are Eddius, ut supra, and AVm. of Kent '-triquadro anno." Eadmer, 199. 
 
 Malmesbury.Stubbs, col. 1690, Eadmer, Stubbs, 1690, Malmesbury, 148. 
 ut supra, 198; and Eridegodus, Vita S. ' Mabillon observes that no such 
 
 AVilfr., apud Acta SS. ord. S. B., iii., prelate as Dalfinus occurs in the Fasti 
 
 srcc, i., 172. of Lyons, and he conjectures, probably 
 
 ■^ Eddius, 41. Beda, v., 19. Eadmer, enough, that the bishop here mentioned 
 
 198. Fridcgodus, 172. William of was Annemundus. Dalfinus' comes was 
 
 Malmesbury, apud Savilc, 148. the brother of Annemundus, and hence 
 
 * Efcda, v., 19. Eddius, 44-5. Fri- the error. Act. Ben. i., 443.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 57 
 
 remain viiili him ; he offered to adopt him as his son — to marry 
 him to his niece'" — to make him governor over a part of (Jaul — 
 but it was all in vain. Wilfrid^s face was set towards Rome ; 
 and to Rome, after a long but necessary delay, did he make his 
 way." 
 
 We can well imagine the enthusiasm with which tlie pilgrims 
 would gaze upon the eternal city. An ardent mind, such as 
 Wilfrid possessed, might indeed think with the poet, 
 
 " I am in Home ! Oft as the morning ray 
 Visits these eyes, waking at once I cr}^ 
 Whence this excess of joy ? AVhat has befallen me ? 
 And from within a thrilling voice replies. 
 Thou art in Eome ! A thousand busy thoughts 
 Rush on my mind, a thousand images ; 
 And I spring up as girt to run a race." 
 
 The piety and earnestness of Wilfrid soon attracted the 
 attention of an archdeacon, of the name of Boniface, who found 
 in the youthful Saxon a ready and intelligent scholar. He 
 taught him the rides and customs of the Roman ritual, and 
 shewed him the correct mode of obser"sdng Easter." He explained 
 thoroughly to him the four gospels, and, pleased with his pupil, 
 he introduced him to the pope, who laid his hand upon the 
 young scholar^s head and blessed him.^ Wilfrid^s attachment 
 to the Scottish system would be on the wane when he left Rome 
 for Lyons, and on his arrival in that city he received the tonsure, 
 after the Roman fashion, from Dalfinus, who completed the con- 
 version which Boniface had begun. ? Wilfrid remained with the 
 good prelate for three years,*" and would in all probability have 
 been his heir, had not his patron lost his life in a persecution 
 raised by Baldhild, the widow of Clovis II.'' The church of 
 Lyons may well glory in its martyrs. Dalfinus was added to 
 the noble list, and Wilfrid was all but suffering with him. 
 "Who is that fair youth that is making himself ready for death?" 
 was the question of the murderers. " A Saxon from Britain," 
 was the reply, and then came the unexpected rejoinder, " Let 
 him go, and touch him not."*^ There was still a great work for 
 the youthful confessor to perform ! 
 
 In 658, after an absence of five years, Wilfrid returned to 
 
 '" A son of Wilfrid is mentioned by Eadmer, 200. Malmesbury, 148. 
 
 Eddius and Frithegode, but he was only » Beda, iii., 25. Eddius, 46. 
 
 an adopted child (61, 85.) ■• Eddius, 46. Stubbs, col. 1690. 
 
 " Beda, v., 19. Eddius, 45. Eadmer, ' There is a difficulty here, as Ba- 
 
 199. Eridegodus, 173. Malmesbury, thildis was a good Christian ; other 
 148. MSS. read Brunichildis. Cf. Mabillon, 
 
 " Beda, v., 19. Eddius, 45. Eadmer, Ann. Ben. i., 413. 
 
 200. Stubbs, col. 1690. Malmesbury, . ' Beda, v., 19. Eddius, 46. Eadmer, 
 148. 200. Eridegodus, 175. 
 
 ^ Eddius, 45-6. Eridegodus, 174.
 
 5S FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 England. Great changes had taken place whilst he was abroad. 
 In Northnmbria Alcfrid was now, mider his father Oswy, the 
 ruler of Deira. His Mend, Coemval, king of the West Saxons, 
 had persuaded him to adopt the views of the Roman party," and 
 it was vnth no little joy, therefore, that Alcfrid heard of the 
 return of Wilfrid. What an opportunity for the dissemination 
 of the opinions which he had adopted ! He begged Wilfrid to 
 come to him, and the missionary was ready enough to obey. 
 Alcfrid did everything to induce him to reside permanently 
 within his kingdom. He became, as it were, his scholar." He 
 gave him lands in East Stanford,"" and, soon after, the monastery 
 of Ripon. Over this house Wilfrid was abbat, and introduced 
 within its walls the Benedictine rule,'' the Scottish monks re- 
 tiring at the accession of their new superior, rather than give 
 up their views. 2^ Wilfrid directed the establishment for at least 
 five years, at the close of which period he was ordained a priest 
 by Agilbert the French bishop of the West Saxons, at the re- 
 quest of Alcfrid, in the monastery of Ripon. ^ 
 
 This event seems to have occurred in 664, a year in 
 which great changes took place in the Northumbrian church. 
 The painful contrast between the Scottish and the Roman party 
 was becoming every day more discernible, especially in the ob- 
 servance of Easter. In the Northumbrian coui't there was, on 
 this point, a most annoying discord. King Oswy, who had been 
 brought up and baptized by the Scottish monks, whose language 
 he also spoke, observed their method of keeping the great festi- 
 val, but Eanfleda his queen, with her suite and Romanus her 
 chaplain, followed the Roman rule. Thus, in point of fact, the 
 festival might be celebrated twice in the same year in the same 
 court, and whilst the one party was full of joy at the arrival of 
 the anniversary of the resurrection, the other might be still 
 observing the fasting and the humiliation of the solemn period 
 that preceded it. Something clearly ought to be done to remedy 
 the scandal and the discrepancy. The Italian party was gaining 
 strength, and resolved to siippress the e\dl against which it con- 
 tended. It had among its supporters the queen and Alcfrid, 
 the regent of Deira, who was under the influence of Wilfrid. 
 Agilbert was ready to give his assistance, for he had been dis- 
 
 "Eddius, 46. " Beda, iii., 25. S. Aug. Cant., 198-9. Preface to Fride- 
 
 Eddius, 46. Eadmer and Fr., ut supra, gode's life of Wilfrid, apud Acta SS. ord. 
 
 lloger of Wendover, i., 96. S. 33., iii. ssoc, i., 170. 
 
 " Beda, v., 19, who gives the date y Beda, iii., 25. Gervasius, apud X 
 
 661. Eddius, 47. Wright, Biog. Lit., Scr., col. 1636. Roger of Wendover, i., 
 
 i., 170. Dr. Haigh thinks that the 96, gives a rather different account, 
 
 place is Stamford, CO. Lincoln. Cf.Arch. -' Beda, iii., 25. Eadmer, 201. Fride- 
 
 M. n. s., i., 161. godus, 176. Wendover, i., 97. Stubbs, 
 
 ' Beda, iii., 28 ; iv., 11. Hist. Mon. col. 1690.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 59 
 
 placed for a while from his see by a Scottish bishoji. K\\\^ 
 Oswy is induced to summon together a comicil at Strconshal 
 to settle, if possible, the points in dispute, and to come to some 
 unity in practice. 
 
 On the one side was Colman the Northumbrian bishop, with 
 his Scottish clergy, the abbess Hilda and bishop Cedd ; on 
 the other, were Agilbert and his priest Agatho, Wilfrid, James 
 the deacon, the fellow-worker of Pauliims, and Romanus. Cedd 
 acted as interpreter between the two parties, as they spoke 
 diflferent languages. 
 
 The arguments made use of and their result are so well 
 known that it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Colman 
 grounded the practice of his party in keeping Easter, on the 
 authority of St. John the Divine and Columba. Wilfrid, the 
 spokesman of the other side, claimed the countenance of St. 
 Peter. Peter, as Wilfrid asserted, was the rock upon which 
 Christ had built his church, and to him had been given the 
 keys of heaven. The argument was a fallacious one, but Oswy 
 was unable or unwilling to see its defects. " Is it true,^^ he 
 said to Colman, " that our Lord said that to Peter ?" Colman 
 could but assent : and then the monarch resumed, " Can you 
 shew that any such authority was given to Columba?^'' He 
 could not say that. " Do you then both agree that Peter re- 
 ceived the keys from our Lord ?" They assented. " If it be 
 so,'' said Oswy, " I cannot gainsay the power of him that keeps 
 the keys, ' for fear (as he said) lest coming to heaven-gate, St. 
 Peter should deny him a cast of his office, and refuse to let him 
 into happiness.' "" The reply, seemingly given half in earnest 
 half in jest, pleased the bystanders, and Colman, to his great 
 disappointment, found himself the loser, it having been arranged 
 at the commencement of the sitting, that the defeated party 
 should alter its practice. The tone of levity Avhich the king had 
 assumed would be more galling, perhaps, to Colman than the 
 adverse decision, and he took a step which in more sober mo- 
 ments he would, probably, regret. He practically contemned 
 the decision of the monarch by which he had promised to al)idc, 
 and, deserting his diocese, retired eventually with his monks to 
 Ireland.* 
 
 W^ilfrid's victory was thus complete ; indeed, it would be far 
 greater than either he or Alcfricl could have possibly antici- 
 pated. The field was now their own. A person of the name 
 of Tuda was appointed to succeed Colman, but he occupied the 
 
 " Fuller's Church History, book ii., 56. Eadmer, 201, 2. Fridegodus, 176, 
 
 85. 7. Flor.Wi(,'orn.,242. SpelmanniCono., 
 
 * An account of the whole confer- 145, etc. Stubbs, 1690. AVendovcr, i., 
 
 ence is given in Beda, iii., 25. Eddius, 97, 8.
 
 GO FASTI EBORACENSES. ' [a.D. 
 
 see for a very short time, and his death caused another vacancy. 
 These changes Avere dangerous, and the Roman party would feel 
 the necessity of vigorous and instantaneous action. They must 
 have a bisliop who would press forward their views with prompti- 
 tude and energy. Wilfrid had won for them the victory at 
 Streonshal ; who was more worthy to be the new bishop ? It was 
 Wilfrid that they chose.'' Eddius tells vis that he was unwilling 
 to accept the office ; but his scruples, which are perhaps magni- 
 fied, were overcome. He objected, however, to be consecrated 
 by ai\y of the native bishops, whom he regarded as schismatics ; 
 and lie requested permission to receive that rite in France. The 
 royal assent was obtained, and Alcfrid sent his favourite across 
 the seas to his old friend Agilbert, who was then at Paris.'^ 
 Wilfrid was consecrated at Compiegne. There was at the cere- 
 mony all that pomp and show of v/hich he was so fond. Twelve 
 bishops were present on that occasion, and they carried their 
 new lirother, with hymns and joyous music, in a golden chair. 
 
 These things were done in 665,* when Wilfrid was about 
 thirty years of age. Everything that he had hitherto taken in 
 hand had prospered. His most ardent aspirations were being 
 realized. His party was victorious, and he was at its head. If 
 strength of intellect and strength of hand could stamp the 
 Benedictine rule on England, he was the man to do it. Little, 
 however, did he think, when he set sail for England, that the 
 cloud was even then gathering over his head which was to 
 darken the remainder of his life. 
 
 His disasters began as soon as he left France. He was 
 caught by a tempest in the Channel, and was dashed upon the 
 coast of Sussex. The savage wreckers rushed to the stranded 
 vessel. A struggle took place in which the priest of the pagan 
 plunderers was slain. Exasperated at this, they assailed the 
 voyagers, who, after four contests in which they sustained some 
 loss, made good their retreat to the ship, which was set afloat 
 by the returning tide. A fair wind carried them, at length, into 
 the port of Sandwich./ After he had landed, Wilfrid woidd 
 soon learn that he had suffered a worse shipwreck than that 
 from which he had just escaped. The see of York was lost to 
 
 ■^ Eddius, 56. Fridegodus, 1V8. Ric. ' Asser (Gale i., 146) makes the date 
 
 of Hexham, col. 293. 654, a manifest error. The Saxon 
 
 "* Beda, iii., 27 ; v., 19. Eddius, Chron. (48) places it in 664. Ead. de 
 
 57. Eadmer, 202-3. Eridegodus, 178. Diceto (439) in 665, and the event 
 
 Wendover, i., 98. Flor.Wigorn., 243. could not have occurred earlier, as 
 
 Ric. Hexham, col. 293. Rad. Diceto, Agilbert became bishop of Paris in 
 
 col. 439. Bromton, col. 789. Gervase, that year. Cf. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 
 
 col. 1636. Stubbs, col. 1690. Hen. 478. The Peterbro' Chron. (2) puts it 
 
 Huntingdon, apud Savile, 191, a. b. in 664. / Eddius, 58. Eadmer, 
 
 Hist. Mou. S. Aug. Cantuar., 193. 203. Fridegodus, 178-9.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 61 
 
 him. His long absence^ had aroused the Scottish party, and it 
 had gained the ear of Oswy. Alcfrid was either dead'' or un- 
 able to assist his old favourite ; the Culdees were again para- 
 mount, and the holy Chadd was now the bishop of Northumbria, 
 Wilfrid must have been deeply mortified when he heard of 
 this news, but he shewed his good sense by shaping himself, 
 with all resignation, to his altered fortiuies. The character of 
 Wilfrid was always most noble in adversity. He is said to have 
 retired to his monastery at Ripon, of which he was still the 
 abbat. 
 
 " Spe meliore manet latebris contectus in illis"' 
 
 is the assertion of his poetical biographer, but I can scarcely 
 believe that he would seek a permanent abode in the ])rovince 
 of his successfid rival. The greater part of his time seems to 
 have been spent in Kent and Mercia, where he exercised his 
 episcopal functions without let or hindrance/ and won the good 
 opinion of all by his piety and zeal.''' 
 
 Thus was Wilfrid employed till Theodore arrived in Eng- 
 land, in 669, and through his means, as has been previously 
 shewn, that active prelate was reinstated in the see of York.' 
 He was now in the position which he had so long coveted, and 
 who could have a nobler or a more responsible charge ? Oswy 
 had extended his kingdom far into Scotland, and the whole of 
 his vast realm was under Wilfrid^ s spiritual superintendence.'" 
 He was not unequal to the duties of his high office. Earnest 
 and energetic he seems to have been at all times, and his efforts 
 were crowned with signal success. Firmly and boldly did he 
 moderate his churches, introducing, wherever he could, the 
 Benedictine rule, or something like it, and multiplying in every 
 direction the clergy and the shrines. He joiumeyed through 
 his diocese, preaching and baptizing. It was a common thing 
 for the presidents of religious houses to make him their heir. 
 Many were the gifts that he received for sacred purposes, and 
 the nobles generally shewed their confidence by entrusting to 
 
 «■ Fridegodus, 179. Ric. of Hex- 204. Fridegodus, 179-80. Stubbs, col. 
 
 ham, col. 294. 1690. 
 
 * Cf. Arch. vEl., n. s., vol. i., a paper * IJcda, iii., 28. Eddius, 58. Ric. 
 by Dr. Haigh, who considers the cross of Hexham, col. 293. Gervasius, col. 
 at Bewcastle to be the monument of 1636. Henr. Huntingdon, a.\nid Sa%ile, 
 Alcfrid, and that he died in 664. He 191, b. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cant., 198. 
 says that the words " Wilfrid preaster" ' Cf. Chadd. Flor. AVigorn., 204. 
 occur on the stone, shewing, as Dr. Eddius, 59. Simeon, col. 78. Brom- 
 Haigh thinks, that Alcfrid died before ton, col. 790. Gervasius, 1636. Stubbs, 
 "Wilfrid was a bishop. I am inchned 1690. Fridegodus, 180. 
 
 to doubt all this. '" Heda, iv., 3. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. 
 
 • Fridegodus, 179. Eddius, 58. Dunelm., 41. Gervase, col. 1638. 
 J Beda, iv., 2. Eddius, 58. Eadraer, Stubbs, col. 1690.
 
 (32 FASTI EBOEACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 him the education of their children." The influence of the 
 Scottish party began quickly to disappear. Many gave in theii* 
 adhesion to the new ride, and those who saw that there was no 
 chance of tlieir own retrn-n to power, retired to those districts 
 Avhere Coluniba was not yet forgotten." 
 
 Temperate and sparing as Wilfrid seems to have been in his 
 personal expenditure,^ he was well aware of the importance of 
 outward forms and beautiful sights and sounds in religious wor- 
 ship. He was wise enough to know what a powerful auxiliary 
 to deep fervoui' and lioliness is to be found in a highly orna- 
 mented temple. It was not for nothing that he had visited the 
 eternal city, and gazed with rapture upon those glorious shrines 
 that were even then there ! What a contrast to the humble 
 edifice of wood and reeds in which he had prayed at Lindis- 
 farne ! Now, happily, he was in a position to raise the religious 
 tone of his diocese by improving and decorating its chui'ches. 
 With the assistance of Eddius and ^ona he taught the Chris- 
 tian worshipper that simple and yet exalting music with which 
 the name of Gregory is immortally connected. The temples, 
 also, in which were heard the voices of the sweet singers, were 
 made more worthy of the chants with which they now re- 
 sounded. Masons, glaziers, and limners, the ministers of civi- 
 lization as well as art, were always in the train of W^ilfrid.* 
 At Hexham, on " the silver Tyne,''^'' arose at his bidding that 
 beautiful shrine, which the Scot afterwards despoiled,'' the 
 " pulchcrrimae habitationes" of which even Alcuin could speak,' 
 and which justified the boast of Eddius and Hexham^s learned 
 prior, that their peer did not exist on this side of the Alps." 
 At York, also, the great renovator was not idle. The church 
 that Edwin and Oswald had erected was greatly in decay, and 
 it grieved the energetic Wilfrid to see the Lord^s house thus 
 desolate and forlorn. A new roof of lead was put upon the 
 minster. Glass was placed in the windows, for the first time, 
 so that the birds coidd no longer fly in and out, and defile the 
 sanctuary within. The walls were covered with plaster, the 
 altar was decorated with appropriate furniture, and means were 
 found to keep the temple continually in repair, and to maintain 
 its ministers." But it was on Ripon that Wilfrid^s choicest gifts 
 
 " Eddius, 62. Eadmer, 207. (Lei. Coll., iv., 108). The author of 
 
 " Beda, iii., 28. p Eddius, 62. the Mirac. S. Wilfr., apud Acta SS. 
 
 « Beda, iv., 2. Eddius, 58. ord. S. B., sscc.tert., i., 230, says that 
 
 "■ Were Cowley living now, he would Wilfrid merely restored an old church, 
 
 alter his epithet. " ab antiquissimis fundata regihus." 
 
 • Chron. de Lanercost, 174-5. Cf. Eddius, 62 ; Eadmer, 208 ; Fridego- 
 
 ' Alcuini Opera, i., 196. Canisii dus, 183 ; Ric. of Hexham, col. 289-94. 
 
 Lect Ant., ii., 405. " Eddius, 59. " Basilica? oratorii 
 
 " The site wa.s given by Etheklroda Pei, officiasemirutalapidea eminebant.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 63 
 
 were showered, for no place was clearer to his heart than that 
 little monastery whieh he had ruled in prosperity and adversity. 
 Eddius speaks with rapture of the shrine that Ripon now be- 
 held, and with which he himself was so intimately connected.'" 
 Of polished stone, it was with its pillars and its porches, a copy, 
 no doubt, of some temple in that famous city that Wilfrid had 
 longed to ^isit amid the solitude of Lindisfarne. Woidd that 
 we could see the precious text that, among other splendid gifts, 
 he bestowed upon his favourite church, written in golden letters 
 upon pvirple vellum, and enclosed in a jewelled case !^ And 
 when all things were completed, the founder resolved that the 
 new shrine should be solemnly set apart for God, and that the 
 feast of the dedication should be observed as in the days of oUl. 
 You might see at that time all the pomp and circimistauce 
 that befitted so high a ceremony, and which Wilfrid was so fond 
 of manifesting and educing. King Eegfrid and his brother 
 Alwin came, with the princes and nobles of Northumbria, the 
 abbats and the various officers who bare rule both in church and 
 state. In the presence of that great concourse did Wilfrid 
 dedicate the church and the altar, vesting it^' with precious 
 coverings of purple and of gold. And then, after the celebration 
 of the eucharist, the consecrator turned himself to the wor- 
 shippers, and, like the great Eastern potentate, declared what 
 great things had been done for God. All the gifts that princes 
 and holy men had made on that day to the church did he recite ; 
 and then, purposely no doubt, he enumerated, as far as he could, 
 the possessions of the British priesthood which had passed into 
 other hands when the Saxons had come in. The lesson which 
 he meant to teach would be obvious to all. "Follow the exam])le 
 that has been this day set you. Give back to us the rightful 
 
 Nam culmina antiquata tecti distillan- Fomice marcebant cataractse dilapidate, 
 
 tia, fenestrfeque apertse, avibus nidi- His ita contuitis, exhnmiit iiicet aiti 
 
 ficantibus iatro et foras volitantibus, ^^^^^'^^^^^^ZX^^^^'"'' 
 
 et parietes mcultse, omni spurcitia Nee minus approperant opicizi eniblcmata 
 inibrium et avium, horribiles mane- proni 
 
 !-,„„+ PriminTi piilTnina porrimta tprii ■^^'^^ incultoB hyalino claudere velo. 
 
 Oanl— ri imum CUimina corrupta xecn Pondus et informes atlantes ferre priorcs 
 
 renovans, artmciose plumbo puro te- Jussitetexpletum:lymphisperfimditurabsis, 
 
 gens, per fenestras introitum avium Albanturque suis lustrata altaria peplis." 
 
 et imbrium vitro prohibuit, per quod „. t^it m tin ai • a 
 
 tamen Intro lumen radiebat. Parietes ^, Z-*^'^!,"/; ^?' ,^?; . ^'^"-""' ^l 
 
 quoque lavans, super nivem dealbavit." ^.f' '- ^^^J'''^ ^i;' ' 
 
 Cf. Eadmer, 205. Lei. Coll., iii., 258. ^^'!T'i-^^- .^n " T ol fMl' iv im n 
 
 mi 1 ■ \- e T? •!„. „,i„„ ;. „^,„ iidduis, 60. IjcI. Loll., iv., 110-11, 
 
 The description of Iridesrodus is new , ,, '. , ,' ,n e 
 
 I o where there is an extract from a life of 
 
 (180)- 
 
 Wilfrid by Peter de Elois, once in the 
 
 " Ecclesiae vero fundamina cassa retustaj, vo«fi-v nt Tf innn 
 
 Culmina dissuto violabant trabe palumbes. M-sirj- <iu -ivipuu. . . 
 
 Humidacontrito stillabant assere tecta: *' Altare Cum bastbus SUlS DominO 
 
 Livida nudato suggrundia parietc passa dedlcailtes." The word hasihus has OC- 
 
 lmbncibusnuilis:piuviiEquacumquevagan- ^asioned some little difTiculty. It is 
 
 Pendula disscissis fluitant laquearia tignis, clcarly an error for vasihtis.
 
 64- FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D, 
 
 possessions of our church, and thus we will employ them/' The 
 striking ceremony was over, and it was followed by a banquet 
 for all comers which lasted for three days and three nights/ 
 
 Wilfrid was now at the height of his prosperity. By the 
 commonalty he was regarded with a kind of adoration. The 
 simple natives would gaze with astonishment upon the tokens, 
 everywhere evident, of his wealth and popularity, the numerous 
 monasteries that he had erected and endowed, the splendour and 
 length of his train when he rode abroad, dressed and armed as 
 if it had been the escort of a king." But there was a Nemesis 
 amid all this prosperity which a little discretion on the part of 
 Wilfrid might easily have appeased. Shrewd and mischievous 
 observers were not wanting who would point out to the monarch 
 of Northumbria the increasing influence of the prelate, greater 
 than any subject ought to possess; they would whisper in his 
 ear that Wilfrid's pomp and magnificence was alien altogether 
 from that humility which was the true master-chord of the reli- 
 gion he professed, and alien, also, from the simple lives of men 
 like Aidan and Chadd, whom he apparently despised. Those who 
 affect greatness are liable to the evils that attend it. 
 
 O TrXovre icai rvpavvL Kai ■re'^^vq 7e')(vq's 
 'Y'7rep(pepov(ra Tt? ttoXv^tjXw /S/w, 
 0<T09 Trap v/iuv o (p06vo<i (pvXaaaeTai. 
 
 The arrow was shot against Wilfrid, and there were many 
 that watched its flight. 
 
 Ecgfrid was the son of Wilfrid's old patron Oswy,* and he 
 seems to have inherited for a while the affection of his father 
 and brother for their favourite prelate. This kindly feeling, 
 however, only lasted for a time. The first consort of Ecgfrid 
 was the princess Etheldreda, the great patron-saint of Ely, and 
 she made and observed a foolish vow of perpetual virginity. 
 ^^ ilfrid had over her, as he had over every one, a very great 
 influence, and Ecgfrid sought his aid in endeavouring to alter 
 the resolution of his wife, promising him almost anything if he 
 could succeed. It was to no purpose. If Wilfrid tried to dis- 
 suade her from her resolve he was imsuccessful ; but from the 
 record of the circumstances wliich Beda gives I cannot but think 
 that he applauded her resolution, and, in the end, after a twelve 
 years' union with Ecgfrid, he permitted her to take the veil in 
 the nunnery of Coldingham.'^ The king could not fail to regard 
 
 ^ Eddius, 60. Fridegodus, 180-1. monarch made a vow to go with him to 
 
 Lei. Coll., IV., 109, 495. Cf. a valuable Eome to end his days, if he recovered 
 
 paper by Mr. AY albran for the Yorkshire from the illness that killed him. Beda, 
 
 Architectural Society. " Eddius, 63. iv., 5. 
 
 * AVilfrid obtained a great influence ' The authorities of this paragraph 
 
 over Oswy before his death. The are Beda, iv., 19. Eadmer, 208. Wen-
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 65 
 
 Wilfrid as Balak did Balaam, " I called tlicc to curse mine 
 enemies, and beliold, tliou hast altogether blessed tliem. I 
 thought to promote thee to great lionom*, but the Lord hath kept 
 thee back from honour.^^ 
 
 The ill-matched couple Avere divorced, and Ecgfrid took for 
 his second wife a daughter of the king of Wessex. She is said 
 to have been a woman of a hasty and impetuous disposition, 
 and there soon sprang up an implacable feud betAveen her and 
 Wilfrid.'^ 
 
 " Quse tantum accenderit i<<nem 
 Causa latet — ■' 
 
 What the cause of that enmity was it is impossible to say, 
 but bitter words must have been spoken, and bitter feelings 
 generated, if we may judge from the result. A little of Chadd^s 
 gentleness might have prevented all this acrimony and conten- 
 tion, but Wilfrid had a very different disposition. Nine years had 
 elapsed since he had stepped into Chadd's place ; now the same 
 hand that placed him in it was to make him a wanderer and an 
 exile, seeking for justice at the hands of a foreign potentate, 
 and finding his decree, after all his trouble, to be but a bruiutn 
 fulmen. 
 
 When this quarrel was at its height in the Northumbrian 
 court, archbishop Theodore was busily engaged with his measures 
 of reform. Much there Avas for him to do, and, aged though 
 he was, he did not shrink from the undertaking. One point to 
 which he especially directed his attention was the subdivision 
 of the English dioceses, for, undoubtedly, they were far too 
 large to be managed efficiently by any one man. He began 
 with the province of Mercia, and then he would look, naturally 
 enough, to Northumbria. How to proceed in this case was a 
 matter of some difficulty. It was undoubtedly to the interest 
 of the southern metropolitan to have as many suffragans as 
 possible, and it was equally desirable to keep the bishop or 
 bishops of Northmnbria subject to the same authority ; but how 
 Avas this to be effected ?* To make several bishoprics in 
 Northumbria Avould add materially to his OAvn power. Pie 
 
 (lover, i., 106. Hist. Eliensis, apud said that Etheldreda 
 
 Gale, i., 510— apud Angl. Sac, i., 598. „ ^^r^^ revcrontly receyred into relygyoii, 
 
 Ric. of Hexham, col. 294. Capgravc's And after the yere of her probaoyon 
 
 Nova Lesenda, fol. cxli. Wilfrid made Professed tlicre was by bysshop Wylfryde; 
 
 her abbess of Ely, and was of great use ^^'^«"-° '^^ ^'"'•''"y *^°"°"'-« «'"^ '"' °" ^y^^' 
 
 in aiding her in arranging her convent '' Eddiiis, 63. Eadmer, 208. Fride- 
 
 and securing its privileges. Cf. Vita S. godus, IBS-l. Hist. Eliensis, apud Angl. 
 
 Etheldreda3, apud Acta SS. ord. S. B., Sacr., i.,598. Simeon, col. 78. llic. of 
 
 sa3C. ii., 747-57. Bromton, col. 791, Hexham, col. 294. Stubbs, col. 1691. 
 
 and Bentham's Ely, 24, 57. In the ' Eddius, 63. Oudinus do Script. 
 
 " Lyfe of Saynt Werburge " (72) it is Eccl, i., 1661-2.
 
 G() FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 might subdiWde that kingdom in virtue of the legantine au- 
 thority, but this was rather a bokl step to take. He might pre- 
 sume upon the absence of the pall at York, for Wilfrid had never 
 received it, and consider Wilfrid as a suffragan of his own, but 
 to do as he wished, and to intnide within Northumbria, he 
 Avould require the consent of the king. And just at the time 
 when that consent was needed it was voluntarily offered. The 
 queen had made her husband Wilfrid's enemy, and the feud was 
 then raging, and Theodore, who was watching his opportunity, 
 rejoiced to find himself invited into Northumbria by its sovereign. 
 
 He went, and the king and he, without consulting Wilfrid, 
 proceeded to subdivide the diocese of Northumbria. The plan, 
 as it was finally arranged, in addition to York, placed a bishop at 
 Lindisfarne, Hexham, and Whitherne./ There is nothing to be 
 said against the policy of extending the episcopate, indeed thei'e 
 is nothing to shew that Wilfrid was in this instance averse to it, 
 but the change was effected in a manner which is liable to grave 
 censure. Decency, to say nothing of law and justice, ought to 
 have suggested to Theodore and Ecgfrid the propriety of con- 
 sulting Wilfrid on a step in which he was especially concerned. 
 It was not to be expected that Wilfrid would submit to such 
 treatment. He went to the two dividers, and demanded of them 
 what he had done to be thus plundered. " We have no fault to 
 find with thee," was the reply, " but we cannot alter what we 
 have done." Disappointed in this manner of the justice that 
 he had demanded, the indignant prelate turned to his last 
 resource ; he made an appeal, which was then for the first time 
 heard before an English sovereign — "appellatus est ad Csesarem" 
 — he referred his cause to the decision of the pope.^ 
 
 There is a fascinating account of his adventures on the way. 
 It reminds us, strikingly, of the Odyssey, and of the varied 
 fortunes of one, who, like Wilfrid, was a visitor at strange 
 
 ^ In the first instance, Eata was over the Picts, and Eadhaed, Lindsey 
 
 placed at Hexham and Eadhaed in being lost to Northumbria, became 
 
 Lindsey, which was annexed to North- bishop of Eipon. Cf. Beda, iv., 12. 
 
 umbria by Ecgfrid. (Saxon Chron., Fridegodus, 184. Wendover, i., 104. 
 
 54, says that Bosa and Eata were first Hist. Mon. S.Aug. Cant., 275. Symeon, 
 
 appointed.) After Wilfrid went abroad Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 44. Rio. of 
 
 Eata seems to have had the charge, for Hexham, col. 294. 
 
 a while, of the whole of Northumbria, «• Beda, v., 19. Saxon Chron., 61. 
 
 except Lindsey, and on that account I Eddius, 63. Eadmer, 209. Fridegodus, 
 
 find him called archbishop of York 184. Simeon, col. 78. Ric. of Hexham, 
 
 O^ita S. EatiJe, Biogr. Misc., Surtees col. 294. Diceto, col. 440. Bromton, 
 
 Soc, 125. Walbran on the Saxon col. 792-3. Gerva.sius, 1638. Stubbs, 
 
 Church of Ripon, 96 d.) Bosa was 1691. Malmesbury, apud Savile, 10, 6. 
 
 soon made bishop of York, and in 680 Hen. Huntingdon, ib., 191, b. Symeon, 
 
 or 681 Eata was translated to Lindis- Hist. Eccl. Dunelm, 44. Chron. S. 
 
 fame, Trumbert succeeding him at Crucis, apud Angl. Sacr., i., 155. 
 Hexham. Trumwin, also, was placed
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 67 
 
 courts, and could adapt himself, with equal readiness, to the 
 inhabitants of the wild lands on which he was driven with his 
 companions by the stormy waters. Both possessed unto the end 
 
 " One equal temper of heroic hearts, 
 Made weak bj' time and fate, but strong in will 
 To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield." 
 
 Wilfrid left the shores of England in 678/ ^nth a large 
 train, regretted deeply by the thousands of monks whom he had 
 left behind him in Northumbria. But, even now, the hatred of 
 his enemies, changing, perhaps, into that fear which is more 
 diabolical than hatred, concerted measm-es for his overthrow. 
 A message had been sent to Theodoric, king of Neustria, 
 desiring him to detain Wilfrid on his journey, and he, with the 
 assistance of Ebruin, his chief minister, prepared to arrest the 
 exile. He escaped from them in a very singular manner. By 
 a most extraordinary coincidence Wilfrid or Winfrid, bishop of 
 Lichfield, was wandering at that time in Neustria. Deceived 
 by the remarkable similarity of name, Ebruin seized upon him 
 and his companions, and most cruelly were they used. Wilfrid, 
 however, escaped from one peril to fall into another. A contrary 
 wind drove him out of his course, and he landed among the 
 savage tribes upon the shores of Fi-iesland.' And here, with 
 that noble and energetic spirit of devotion, to which his own 
 interests were at all times subordinated, he remained till he had 
 taught the heathen natives and their monarch, Adalgisus, the 
 rudiments of the true faith. It was the first time that the 
 saving word had been preached upon the shores of the northern 
 seas. Fuller has beautifully remarked that "as nightingales 
 sing the SAveetest when farthest from their nests, so this Wilfrid e 
 was most diligent in God^s serAdce when at the greatest distance 
 from his own home.^'-^ There was nothing in such a coimtry to 
 tempt ambition or elicit pride. The love of self could never 
 have induced a man like Wilfrid to sojourn in a district like 
 that, and, to his credit be it spoken, at every period of his life 
 when he was required to sm-rendcr personal considerations to the 
 cause of God that sacrifice was willingly made. The princes 
 and the people were baptized by thousands, and they shewed 
 
 * Saxon Chron., 54. Asser, aiuid vitam S. Willibrodi. Mabillon, Ann. 
 
 Gale, i., 146. Flor. Wigorn. (251) Ben., i., 510, who says that Wilfrid, 
 
 makes the date 677. knowing the designs of his enemies, 
 
 '■ Beda, v., 9. Eddius, 64. Eadraer, sailed voluntarily to Friesland. AVillib. 
 
 210. Fridegodus, 185. Alcuin, de Bosschaert de primis veteris Frisisc 
 
 Pont. Ebor., apudGale, i., 713. Wen- Apostolis, ed. 1G50, and Batavia Sacra, 
 
 dover, i., 105. Flor. Wigorn., 252. ed. 1714, p. 24, where there is a short 
 
 Diceto, col. 440. Stubbs, col. 1691. life of Wilfrid drawn up from the 
 
 Chron. Petrob., 3. Mabillon, Acta SS. Acta SS., etc. 
 ord. S. B. ssec. iii., i., 603, prolog, in ' Church Ilistorv, book ii., 88. 
 
 r 2
 
 G8 FASTI EBORACENSES, [a.D. 
 
 their gratitude to their converter by rejecting with scorn the 
 proffered bribes of Ebruin/ who was striving to remedy his 
 en'or which he had at length discovered. 
 
 In the beginning of the spring Wilfrid proceeded on his 
 journey, finding friends at every halting-place. Dagobert, a 
 PVench prince, had not forgotten the hospitable reception that 
 Wilfrid had once given him in England, when he was an exile, 
 and, recollecting that kindness, he gave the wanderer a most 
 hearty Avelcome.^ Having failed to induce Wilfrid to take up 
 his abode in France by offering him the see of Strasburg, he 
 sent him on, with rich presents and bishop Deodatus for his 
 guide, to Berehtar the monarch of the Lombards, who had 
 refused to be a party to the evil designs of Ebruin and Theodoric. 
 From that eom't the pilgrims passed onwards to the eternal city."* 
 
 Five and twenty years had elapsed since the humble scholar 
 from Lindisfarne joiu-neyed into that city of which such great 
 things were told him. At that time he was unknoAATi to every 
 one when he entered it, but now he was escorted on his Avay by 
 kings and princes, and the father of the Christian faithful was 
 expecting the arrival of one of the greatest of the bishops. 
 
 " Quas ego te terras et quanta per sequora vectum 
 Accipio, quantis jactatum, nate, periclis !" 
 
 The story of Wilfrid^s sufferings and labours was known in 
 Rome long before he was there to tell it. Coenwald, the mes- 
 senger of Theodore, had arrived before him, but Agatho and his 
 bishops had turned a deaf ear to his tale. An appeal, the first 
 appeal, from an English bishop to the court of Rome was an 
 event of no slight importance. It gave the pope an opportunity 
 of setting the seal of his authority upon the British chui-ch in 
 what appeared to be a just cause. The decision of the synod 
 was unanimously in favour of Wilfrid. He sat among the 
 bishops who were deliberating against the Monothelites as the 
 representative of his church," and, flattered and honoured by all, 
 he crossed the seas in triumph, bearing with him the papal 
 mandate Avhich authorized the restitution of his see, and hurled 
 against the gainsayers of that bull all the terrors that the court 
 of Rome could wield." 
 
 Wilfrid reached Northumbria, little dreaming, perhaps, of 
 the reception that awaited him. His respect for the authority 
 of Rome was so great that he imagined, no doubt, that every 
 
 * Eddius, 64. Eadmer, 210. Tride- " Beda, v., 19. Wendover, i., 105. 
 
 godus, 185. " Eddius,66-8. Eadmer, 212. Frid., 
 
 ' Eddius,65. Eadmer,21l. Fr.,186. 187. Flor. Wigorn., 252. Diceto, 
 
 "■ Eddius, 65. Eadmer, 211. Fr., col. 441. 13romton, 793. Stubbs, 1691. 
 
 186. Gaimar, I'Estorie des Engles, Labbe, Concilia vi., col. 582. Spel- 
 
 apud Mon. Hist. Brit., 782. manni Cone, 160.
 
 669 — 709.] BISHOP wiLVRii). 69 
 
 one would give way to it. In this he committed an egregious 
 mistake. The independence of the Saxon church was at that 
 time very strongly marked, and Theodore, himself an emissary 
 from Rome, was most active in maintaining it. But among the 
 native princes the idea of submitting to any foreign jurisdiction 
 had never once been mooted. Wilfrid's hulls and letters were 
 treated with derision by the Northumbrian court. Ecgfrid 
 regarded him merely as a rebellious subject. He was cast 
 immediately into prison. His bulls were taken away from him. 
 The reliquary that he had brought from Rome became the play- 
 thing of the queen. Nine months elapsed before the prisoner 
 regained his liberty at the intercession of the abbess Ebba, the 
 king's aunt, and then he was banished from that kingdom with 
 which his name will be immortally connected. Wherever he 
 went the hate of Ecgfrid pursued him. He paused for a while 
 in Mercia with prince Berthwald, but king Ethelred, to serve 
 Ecgfrid, compelled him to depart. The queen of Wessex was 
 the sister of Ermenburga of Northumbria, so there was no 
 sanctuary for him there. It was at length the high privilege of 
 a heathen province to give an asylum to a bishop whom every 
 Christian kingdom had rejected.^ 
 
 It was in Sussex, in 681, that Wilfrid found a sanctuary at 
 last.? He little thought, when on his return from his first joui*- 
 ney he escaped with difficulty from the wild wreckers on that 
 coast, that in after years he Avould find in that country a peace- 
 fid resting-place. Ethelwalch, the sovereign, and his queen had 
 been baptized at the instigation of Wulfhere king of Mercia, 
 and there was a little monastery at Bosham which Dicul, a Scot, 
 had founded. It had but five or six inmates, and neither they, 
 nor the king and queen, had made any converts to the faith 
 which they professed. The adjacent kingdom of Kent had been 
 the first to welcome the message of Augustine, and the light 
 that shone there had radiated to the farthest extremities of 
 England. How strange that Sussex should have been still in 
 darkness ! As Fuller truly observes, " herein it was verified, 
 ' Many that are first shall be last, and the last first.' Yea the 
 Spirit ' which bloweth where it listeth,' observes no visible rules 
 of motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the 
 middle, reacheth to them that are farthest ofl'."'' 
 
 The more difficult the task Avas, the more eager was the 
 great heart of Wilfrid to accomplish it. He threw himself into 
 
 '' Eddius, 71-2. Eadmer, 213-15. i., 713. Wendover, i., 105. Flor. 
 
 Fridesodus, 189. Lei. Coll., iv., 109. Wigorn.,252. Diccio, col. 441. Stiibbs, 
 
 1 Eddius, 72. Eadmer, 216-17. col. 1691. Huntin.>,^don, apud Savile, 
 
 Fridegodus, 191. Beda, iv., 13; v., 19. 191, h. Spelmaiuii Concilia, 178. 
 Alcuin de Pont. Eccl.Ebor.; apud Gale, ' Church History, bk. ii., 88.
 
 70 FASTI EBORACEXSES. [a.D. 
 
 the evangelization of Sussex with the energy of an apostle. The 
 inhabitants of the district were not only heathens, but it seems 
 that they were ignorant of all those arts in which savage tribes 
 are generally adepts. When Wilfrid came among them the 
 land was being desolated by a famine. It was by no means an 
 unusual thing to see the emaciated natives assemble in parties 
 of forty or fifty, and, hopeless for the future, grasp hold of each 
 other's hands,' and throw themselves from the clifls to end their 
 miseries in the sea. At this conjmicture Wilfrid happily arrived. 
 He taught the half-starved sufferers how to fish and pro\-ide for 
 themselves, endeavouring 
 
 " By slow prudence to make mild 
 A ru2£red peofile, and thro' soft degrees 
 Subdue them to the useful and the good." 
 
 Civilization was thus the herald as well as the companion of 
 religion. Gratitude to their benefactor winged his words to the 
 hearts of the natives, and they adopted the faith which he 
 preached to them. On the day of their baptism the windows of 
 heaven were again opened, and the rain descended upon the 
 long barren ground.'' 
 
 Grateful for the sen-ices that Wilfrid had rendered to him- 
 self and his subjects, Ethelwalch give him a piece of land at 
 Selsea.' This was the beginning of an ecclesiastical foundation 
 which was aftemards removed to Chichester. At Selsea Wilfnd 
 immediately erected a monastery, over which he presided for 
 five years, exercising at the same time his episcopal functions in 
 the adjacent country, and gi^-ing the natives a practical lesson 
 on the vice of slavery." In 686 he again reaped the benefit of 
 the courtesy which he had at all times shewn to fugitives and 
 exiles. When Cadwalla, a scion of the royal house of Wessex, 
 was in banishment, Wilfrid had been his friend, and now, when 
 the tide had at length turned in his fortimes, Cadwalla was not 
 forgetful of his former benefactor. By force of arms he took 
 possession of Wessex, Kent and Sussex. He then gave to Wilfrid 
 the bishopric of Wessex and a fouith part of the Isle of Wight, 
 which the energetic prelate brought over to the Chi'istian faith." 
 But the greatest \-ictory of all was the conversion of Cadwalla. 
 The conqueror was a pagan till he became firmly seated on his 
 throne, and then, through policy as well as conviction, he re- 
 
 ' Beda, iv., 3. Eadmer, 217. Brom- ' The credit of evangelizing the is- 
 
 ton, col. 798. Huntingdon, apud Sa- land is, perhaps, to be shared with Wil- 
 
 vile, 1 91, b. frid, bishop of the Mercians, and Eoppa. 
 
 ' Beda, iv., 13. Eddius, 72. Ead- Cf. Beda, iv., 13, 16 ; v. 19. Saxon 
 
 mer, 217. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cant., Chron., 47. Eadmer, 217. Wendover, 
 
 198. Stubbs, col. 1691. Lei. Coll., iv., i., 105. Flor. Wigorn., 256. Hen. 
 
 70. « Beda, iv., 13. Huntingdon, 192. Stubbs, col. 1691.
 
 669 — 709.] BISHOP wilfrid. 71 
 
 solved to embrace that faith wliich the majority of his subjects 
 professed, and of ■which Wilfrid was the preacher. He deter- 
 mined that the pope should baptize him. And to shew that he 
 was impelled by no sordid or common impulse, the youthfid 
 monarch, in the very flush of greatness, had the courage to 
 throw aside his sceptre, and to prepare himself in the seclusion 
 of a monastery for that solemn rite of which he was so soon to 
 be the recipient.'" 
 
 There was one person who woidd observe the progress of 
 Wilfrid with the greatest interest, and that was Theodore. He 
 could not but be struck by the energy and success of his exiled 
 brother. He was too good a man himself to allow any personal 
 feelings to prevent him from admiring so much industry and 
 self-denial. And then, doubtless, a self-accusing thought would 
 flit across his mind that it was through his means that Wilfrid 
 had been excluded from a larger sphere of duty, where he might 
 have done, if that were possible, a still greater work for God. 
 There had been, in all probability, no intercomse between the 
 two since that memorable scene in the halls of Eegfrid. Were 
 they to " go down to the grave in silence," without an attempt 
 at reconciliation, or a single word of kindness and forgiveness ? 
 Theodore was approaching the patriarchal age of ninety, and 
 Wilfrid^s climacteric year was rapidly coming on, 
 
 " Lenit albescens aminos capillus." 
 
 A reconciliation was happily efifected,^ Theodore making the 
 first advances. He was not deterred by the pee^vishness of age 
 from acknowledging his error, and Wiliind, with his heart soft- 
 ened by adversity, was able to forgive. Theodore now shewed 
 the sincerity of his regi'et by many acts of kindness. He woidd 
 fain have nominated his old foe to be his successor in his see, 
 but Wilfrid's thoughts were centred in his own kingdom in the 
 North, and, coiu'teously declining the proffered gift, he begged 
 to be reconciled with the sovereigns who ought to have been his 
 friends. None can better value the blessings of peace than 
 those who have been scathed and seared by discord. Theodore's 
 good offices were immediately at Wilfrid's ser^dces. He restored 
 him to the favour of Ethelred, king of jSIercia, whose king- 
 dom, through Ecgfrid's interests, had been closed to him, and 
 that monarch gave him lands and monasteries, and permitted 
 him to act as a bishop within his province. But Theodore did 
 still more for him. He wi'ote in his behalf to Aldfrid, an ille- 
 
 "Beda, v., 7. Eddius, 72-3. Ead- 594. Smith's FloresEccl. Hist., 126, a 
 
 mer, 217. Fridegodus, 191-2. Won- very badly arranged and badly written 
 
 dover, i., 115. Bromton, col. 799. Hen. work. 
 
 Huntingdon, 193. Baronii, Ann., viii., ^ Eddius, 73. Eadraer, 218.
 
 72 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 •ritimate son of Oswy, who had recently succeeded his brother 
 Ecgfrid on the Northurahrian throne. Aldfrid invited Wilfrid 
 to return into the North. The sees of Lindisfarne and Hexham 
 were at that time vacant, and they were given to Wilfrid, who 
 left them soon afterwards for his old bishopric of York, Bosa, 
 proliably, surrendering the charge to which he subsequently 
 returned.-' 
 
 All these things were done in 68G, and Wilfrid was thus 
 restored to his dignities and honours, and for five years did 
 he enjoy them." But there was to be no rest for him even now. 
 Affliction, alas ! had taught him only a temporary lesson. An 
 insane love of change Im-ed him, a second time, to his fall. What 
 injury has been done to the progress of true religion by men 
 Avho have been thus minded. The conduct of Wilfrid on this 
 occasion was inexcusable. He ought to have been well ac- 
 quainted by this time with the feelings of the native princes of 
 Northumbria, and yet he adopted a course of conduct which 
 would be sure to outrage them. The highest spiritual victories 
 have been won by men of a gentler and a more forbearing tem- 
 perament. He had been but five years in his old diocese when 
 he kindled, for the second time, the flame of contention. He 
 was again shipwrecked by making an attempt to undo every- 
 thing that had been effected during his absence. He wished to 
 recover for the church of York its privileges and possessions, of 
 Avhich it is obscurely said by Eddius it had been deprived. He 
 was desirous of obliterating the see of Ripon, which he would 
 look upon with a jealous eye from its vicinity to York. He was 
 eager, also, to abrogate the constitutions and decrees of his old 
 rival Theodore, made whilst the two prelates were enemies, by 
 which the Northumbrian province had been moderated for some 
 years. King Aldfrid, who was a man of learning and discre- 
 tion, would not assent to the wishes of Wilfrid, and the dis- 
 appointed prelate, who wanted the patient endurance of Paulinus 
 and the gentleness of Chadd, determined to have his own way 
 or nothing. He retired to the Mercian court, where he acted 
 as a bishop, and consecrated iEtla and Suidbert of Friesland.'* 
 
 Actuated by a sincere wish to make peace among his divided 
 churches, Aldfrid, with Berthwald, Avho was now the Southern 
 primate, and the greater part of the English bishops, met in a 
 
 y Beda, iv., 29. Eddius, 7i. Ead- raneoruin Anglorum," and Leicester 
 
 mer, 219. rridcyodiis, 193. Flor. was, probably, the place at which he 
 
 Wigorn., 256. Simoon, Hist. Eccl. Dii- resided. Beda, v., 11. Eddius, 75. 
 
 nelm., 60. Rio. of Hexham, col. 295. Eadmer, 220. Eridegodus, 193. Flor. 
 
 Diceto, col. 441. Stubbs, col. 1691. Wigorn., 258. Ric. of Hexham, col. 
 
 Chron. S. Crucis, apud Angl. Sacr., i., 296. Diceto, coh 441 . Chron. S. Crucis, 
 
 156. Chron.Petrib.,3. -' Beda, v., 19. apud Angl. Sacr., i., 157. Acta SS. ord. 
 
 « AVilfrid became bishop " Mediter- S. B., sjec. tert., i., 242.
 
 669 — 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 73 
 
 great synod at Edwine^s ])atli. Wilfrid, also, was there bv the 
 desire of the council, and after a long debate it was resolved to 
 perpetuate the reg-ulations of Theodore. Wilfrid profcs.sed his 
 readiness to obey the decrees of the synod so long as they 
 Avere in consonance with the canons ; but he boldly, and 
 most injudiciously, asked the deliberators how they could ven- 
 tm'e to prefer the judgment of Theodore to tliat of Agatho, 
 Benedict and Sergius. After considting for a while in private, 
 they endeavoui'cd to persuade him to resign all his offices into 
 the hands of Berthwald, in the hope, as they seemed to imply, 
 of having some compromise effected, but perhaps, as Eddius 
 asserts, to deprive him of everything, and to say that he had 
 given it up. This was a strong step to take, and one which 
 shewed how little confidence they had in Wilfrid. A friend, 
 however, had warned him of their design, and he met their 
 request with the reply that he would bow to the decision of the 
 archbishop, so long as it was not opposed to the rules of the 
 holy fathers. Annoyed at Wilfrid's pertinacity, they began to 
 threaten him, saying, in the end, that he should be deprived of 
 everything save the monastery of Ripon, and that he should not 
 be allowed to go beyond its precincts without the permission of 
 the king. Wilfrid, upon this, broke out into an indignant ex- 
 postulation, which would have come with better taste from other 
 lips. " Was it for this that he had laboured as a bishop for 
 nearly forty years ? Was it for this that he had torn the Scottish 
 system up by the roots, teaching the Northumbrians the correct 
 mode of calculating Easter, and giving them the proper tonsure, 
 the Benedictine rule, and the knowledge of chanting? And, 
 after all this, forsooth, he was to be entrapped into putting his 
 name to a decree Avhich was meant to be his ruin \" Full of in- 
 dignation he made his appeal, for the second time, to the court of 
 Rome. The archbishop and the king were disposed to throw 
 him into prison for this, but the other members of the synod 
 reminded them that as Wilfrid had come among them with a safe 
 conduct he could not honoiu^ably be detained. He was per- 
 mitted, therefore, to depart, and he returned to the court of 
 Mereia, and Ethelred kindly promised to do nothing to his pre- 
 judice till the question in dispute had been arranged at Rome.* 
 To Rome, therefore, did Wilfrid journey when he was 
 above threescore years old. Age, however, could not tame that 
 intrepid spirit. The chm'ch, which he had done so much to 
 serve, drove him out of her commmiion, but he looked for justice 
 at other hands. There were still some at Rome who recollected 
 
 ' Eddius, 75-7. Eadmer, 220-1. Wendover, i., 117. Stubbs, col. IfiOl. 
 Labbe, Concilia, vi., col. 1382-6. Spel- Chron. Petrib., 4 (in 691). 
 manni Concilia, 200. Fridegodiis, 11)5.
 
 74 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [A.D. 
 
 liim when he came there with a splendid retinue and backed by 
 the support of kings. Now, he was in a far humbler guise, but 
 the papal com-t could not but shew their gratitude to so valuable 
 a servant. His accusers had anticipated his amval, but their 
 tale was disregarded. Wilfrid w^as absolved from all blame, 
 and the pope, John VI., wrote an admonitory letter in his behalf 
 to Ethclred and Aldfrid. At Home Wilfi'id must have spent 
 many years. Fain Avould the aged prelate have ended his days 
 in tlie holy citv which he had ^dsited in joy and sorrow. Chris- 
 tian heroes had consecrated it for ever ; men of spiritual prowess 
 who had passed through the fire of persecution before they had 
 won the victory. Glorious shrines were covering the places 
 which had been watered with their blood; and there would 
 AVilfrid, who had passed under the share himself, have been a 
 watcher and a suppliant, willing to copy their death as he had 
 imitated their life, and to pass away, like them, into the presence 
 of the Ineffable One. His bones, however, were to rest in the 
 country of his fathers. The pope and his council desired him 
 to retm-n to England to claim that justice to which he was en- 
 titled. He set his face once more towards England in 703 or 
 701, when he was seventy years of age. The jom-ney was a 
 tedious one, for the old man could not travel rapidly. A very 
 dangerous illness, a shadow of the end, assailed him by the way 
 at Meaux, and his life was with difficulty saved. Acca, one of 
 his companions, who in after years became bishop of Hexham, 
 had a marvellous tale how the archangel Michael shewed him- 
 self to his sick master, and told him that the same mercy should 
 be vouchsafed to him that was granted to Hezekiah, and that 
 four years should be added to his life.'' 
 
 When AVilfrid arrived in England he had an intei-vdew Avith 
 archbishop Berthwald. He was a gentle and a conciliatory 
 prelate, and there was soon peace and amity between them. 
 The letter that AVilfrid had brought to him from the pope could 
 not fail to influence him, and he promised to exert his influence 
 to abrogate the decision of the synod. From Berthwald AVilfrid 
 passed on to the Mercian court, where he found that his old 
 patron Ethelred had become a monk at Bardney. At the sug- 
 gestion of the new sovereign, Wilfrid sent two messengers to 
 Aldfrid to request permission to visit his kingdom, and to bring 
 with him the letters from the pope. The monarcb of North- 
 umbria was obdurate. Not one w ord in any decree would he 
 alter in obedience to a papal mandate, and he refused, hence- 
 forward, to listen to the request of AA^ilfrid. Aldfrid died shortly 
 
 <■ Beda, v., 19, 20. Eddius, 79—83. 297. Fridegodus, 195. 
 
 Eaditer, 222-3. Ric. of Hexham, col.
 
 669 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 75 
 
 afterwards, and the partizans of Wilfrid assert that he shewed 
 his penitence on his death-bed. The throne of Nortlinml)ria 
 was now occupied by Eadulf, and to him, also, did Wilfrid, still 
 longing for his old charge, send his messengers. His hopes, 
 however, were dashed to the ground by the harsh response that 
 if he and his friends tarried for six days within his kingdom, 
 they should lose their lives for their disobedience. With this 
 answer Wilfrid woidd be sorely disappointed, for, expecting a 
 kindly welcome, he had visited his old monastery at Ripon. 
 Two months after this everything was reversed. Eadulf was 
 banished, and Osred, the youthful son of Aldfrid, was on the 
 throne of Northumbria, with Wilfrid for his friend.'' 
 
 The case of Wilfrid woidd soon force itself upon the con- 
 sideration of the yoimg monarch and his council, and a great 
 synod was assembled on the banks of the river Nidd^ to adjudi- 
 cate upon it. Osred was there accompanied by the three bishops 
 of the province (Bosa, John, and Eadfrith) and the abbess 
 Elfleda. Archbishop BerthAvald was also present with the thanes 
 and princes of Northumbria, and Wilfrid was by his side. 
 Berthwald began by reading over the letters of the pope. Very 
 few of the auditors would be acquainted with the language in 
 which they were written, and the archbishop was requested to 
 interpret them. In reply, he said how difficult it would be to 
 do that with exactness, and professed his readiness to give a 
 brief summary of their contents. He had thus an opportunity 
 of softening down, or omitting, all the harsher portions of the 
 letters, which, if properly understood, would have frustrated 
 altogether his sincere wishes for peace. The epistles, as he 
 said, desired that all the ecclesiastics of the province should be 
 reconciled with Wilfrid. The bishops were either to restore to 
 him his churches, or to shew cause to the conti'ary in the Roman 
 court, and excommunication was to be the punishment of their 
 disobedience. The voices of the three interested prelates were 
 at once raised against this decree. They brought forward, on 
 the other side, the solemn decisions of Eegfrid and Aldfrid, 
 alleging that they could not be altered : they quoted, also, 
 against the archbishop, not only the example of Theodore, a 
 prelate sent from Rome, but his own words on a previous occa- 
 sion. This was the crisis of the conference, for not only did 
 the law seem to be against Wilfrid, but Berthwald was, as it 
 were, convicted of inconsistency. The abbess Elfleda now 
 asserted that Aldfrid, on his death-bed, had regretted his treat- 
 ment of Wilfrid, and that he had promised, if his life were 
 spared, to rescind his decree against him and the papal au- 
 
 '' Beda, v., 19. Eddius, 84-5. Ead- Wendover, i., 118. Labbe, Concilia, 
 mer, 223. ^ Eddius, 85-6. vi., col. 1389. Spelmanui Cone, 203.
 
 76 TASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 tliority; and Berclitfrid, the confidential minister of Aldfrid 
 and Ills son, mentioned a vow that his late master had made at 
 Bcbhanhm-j?, wlien tliat fortress was besieged, ty which he 
 pledged himself to restore Wilfrid, should he be victorious ; and 
 he said, authoritatively, "It is the Avill of the king and his 
 council that the wishes of Aldii'id should, in every respect, be 
 adhered to." It was evidently the desire of the powers that be 
 tliat A\'ilfrid should return. The bishops could not fail to see 
 this, and they retired to hold a consultation by themselves. 
 After a long deliberation, in which Berthwald and Elfleda took 
 a part, a compromise was effected. Wilfrid was not, indeed, 
 restored to York, but Ripon and Hexham w^ere given up to him, 
 and the prelates, glad, no doubt, that there was concord and 
 amity at last, gave each otlier the kiss of peace.-^ 
 
 For the second time did Wiifi^d become bishop of Hexham. 
 Many years had passed away since the sainted Etheldreda gave 
 him that little portion of ground by the waters of the Tyne, on 
 which he raised the fair shrine which Eddius describes, and to 
 that temple did the aged prelate at length retiu'n. Once he 
 Avould never have submitted to the compromise that gave Hex- 
 ham to him again, but age and trouble had robbed him of his 
 old fire. Peace he would now seek, for he had had enough of 
 the storms of life. That place of rest was to be his soon, where 
 he would never hear their sound. The shadows of death were 
 already darkening around him. He was attacked by the same 
 complaint which had nearly carried him off as he returned 
 from Rome, but the prayers that the faithful put up for him 
 were heard, and the end Avas not yet. The sickness, however, 
 was not without its admonitory lesson. The aged prelate in the 
 presence of several of the brethren of the monastery of Ripon, 
 which was a private possession of his own, appointed his kins- 
 man, Tathbercht, the ruler of that house, and made the follow- 
 ing disposition of his worldly estate. He divided it into four 
 portions. One share Avas bestowed upon the churches of the 
 Virgin and St. Paul at Rome, the city to which he had never 
 appealed in vain. Another was given to the poor. A third was 
 be(]ueathed to the rulers of his two religious house's at Ripon 
 and Hexham, for the benefit of their monasteries. With the 
 remaining share he rewarded the companions of his sufferings 
 and triumphs, 
 
 " Fortes pejoraque passi 
 Meciun ssepe viri." 
 
 And then, when this necessary duty was dispatched, did he tell 
 
 / Bcda, v., 19. Eddius, 85-6. Ead- ham, col. 296. Stubbs, col. 1691. Ma- 
 mcr, 221. Hist. Men. S. Aut,'. Cant., billon, Ann. Ben., ii., 14-15. Baronii 
 280. Diceto, col. 442. Itic. of Hex- Ann., viii., 652-3.
 
 6G9 — 709.] BISHOP wiLFiuD. n 
 
 his admiring audience that he had another journey yet to make 
 before he traversed the valley of the shadow. Two alibats had 
 arrived to bid him to the iNIercian court, for Coelrcd, the suc- 
 cessor of the faithful Ethclred, begged him to inspect and put in 
 order the monasteries within his kingdom. And he woidd go. 
 Even Avhen the hand of death was chilling him, that undecaying 
 spirit was still ardent when there was any good work to be done 
 for God. The scene among the monks of Ripon reminds us 
 strongly of St. PaiiFs last interview with the Ephesian elders. 
 Wilfrid spoke, indeed, of the possibility of his return, but could 
 they expect that ? He told them also of another more probable 
 contingency to which their hearts would sorrowfully assent. 
 They threw themselves at his feet, and amid theii' prayers and 
 tears he commended them to the Lord. They never looked 
 upon that face again .^ 
 
 To Mercia he joui'ueyed, and set everything in order as the 
 monarch wished. The exertion was too great for his aged frame. 
 He fell sick in the monastery of Oundle, which he had himself 
 established, and there, on the 12th of October,'' 709, did he 
 pass into his rest.^ His "life was like an April-day, often 
 interchangeably fair and foul; and after many alterations, he 
 set fair in fall lustre at last.^^-' For seventy-six years had 
 Wilfrid been a Christian soldier, but he was at length released. 
 The final struggle is over ; the victory complete ; and as the 
 moiu'ners were gazing upon that face now so motionless and 
 still, they fancied that there was around them the sound of 
 rustling wings. Could it have been the spii'its who were bear- 
 ing away their new brother on his homeward journey ? Do 
 they now come for him, and, as Daniel Heinsius beautifully 
 says ; — 
 
 " Circiimque voluti 
 Couceatus edunt varies, aeteruaque funduiit 
 Murmura, sed sensus non admittentia nostros ?" 
 
 A very great man passed away that day, for, in many 
 respects, we may consider Wilfrid as the star of the Anglo- 
 Saxon church. It is not often that we meet with such a com- 
 bination of intellect and energy. He lived in an age when a 
 master-hand was needed, when church reform was especially 
 required. The system of the Culdees was not calculated to 
 make any permanent impression. It wanted discipline and 
 
 B Eddius, 87. Eadmer, 221-5. i., 118. Eio. of Hexham, col. 296. 
 
 * Mabillon, Ann. Ben., ii., 24, makes Eromton, col. 794. Stubbs, col. 1692. 
 
 8th kal. May the day of his death. Hen. Huntincrdon, 193, h. Chron. 
 
 Wendover is in error as to the date. Petrib., 5. Hist. Csenob. Burgensis, 
 
 Cf. i., 118, 130. apud Sj.arke, 13. 
 
 ' Beda, v., 19. Eddius, 78. Saxon i Fuller's Church Historj', bk. ii., 
 
 Chron., 61. Eadmer, 225. Wendover, 9i.
 
 78 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 autlioritv to direct it. The vigorous intelleet of Wilfrid at once 
 detected its defects, and, with the laudable ambition of a man 
 who is conscious of his own powers, he strove to remedy them. 
 It recniircd no little boldness and skill to influence the mind of 
 Oswv, and to ]tull down the supremacy of Colman and his 
 monks. But Wilfrid did all tliis, and effected a reform without 
 which Theodore could have done little, and to Avhich Dnnstan 
 and Oswald, in after years, were greatly indebted for their 
 success, lint AVilfrid had not only a destnictive genius, but he 
 evinced at the same time great constructive and administrative 
 ability. He built up the Benedictine ride upon the ruins of the 
 system of Columba. He brought it in in all its comprehensive- 
 ness, and set every part of its deMcate and varied machineiy in 
 motion — its discipline — its ritual — its accompanying graces of 
 ai-chitccturc and music were all of them attended to. Hexham 
 and liipon are two only of the many monasteries of which he 
 Avas himself the founder. It is no slight honour to have aided 
 the establishment of such abbeys as Ely,* as Evesham^ and 
 Mcdhamstead.'" In doing all this, however, he had no little 
 opposition to contend with. The reformer has always troubles 
 in his path, and Wilfrid, also, experienced them. And in meet- 
 ing them he exhibited the defects in his character. He wanted 
 tcm])er and he wanted judgment. I cannot blame him, as 
 many do, for appealing to the court of Rome, for it was natural 
 enough that he should regard Rome as the head of that mission 
 to England Avhich she had herself so recently established. 
 Rome had, at that time, as much right to moderate the eccle- 
 siastics in England, as we have in these days to give our own 
 ritual and discijjline and ])ishops to heathen territories abroad. 
 And when justice was denied to him at home, to what other 
 arbitrator could he refer his cause? Wilfrid's error was not so 
 much in making these appeals as in the manner in which he 
 made them. He would make no allowance for the feelings and 
 opinions of his opponents. His quick mind could detect what 
 otlu-rs could not see, and he had not the patience to wait till 
 their ])owers of A-ision and apprehension became stronger. He 
 tlms stumbled Avhcre others, with half his intellect, would have 
 succeeded. You may be conscious of your inferiority yourself, 
 1)11 1 it is by no means pleasant to be taunted with it by another. 
 W ilfrid was in this way continually offending national pride, 
 
 * ^V'^J'-^^e 65. 53. Hist. Csenobu Burgensis, apud 
 
 Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., Vita Sparke, 12. Labbe, Concilia, vi., col 
 
 b. L^wirii Ep. Wigorn., 170. 576. Spelmanni Concilia, 181. Lei 
 
 "■ It Ls i.o.s.sible that another WDfrid Coll., i., 5. Gunton's Peterbro', 128 
 
 waa concerned with Medbamstead or Wright's Biogr. Lit., i., 170. Arcba^ol' 
 
 I'eterbro . Saxon Chron., 42, 46, 50, Ml., n..t. i. 163
 
 669 — 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 79 
 
 and provoking contention and dislike. And there is the less 
 excuse for him Avhen we consider the extraordinary influence 
 that he coidd exert^ his winning demeanour and address, and his 
 marvellous powers of fascination. Any one thus higldy endowed 
 ought to manifest a little forbearance and consideration for his 
 less gifted brethren. Glorious indeed is the i)icture of Wilfrid 
 in his prosperity, basking in the smiles of courts, and scattering 
 his treasures with no sparing hand, but, if he had thus lived 
 and thus died, we should never have known him as the evan- 
 gelizer of Sussex and the apostle of the Frisians. The land- 
 scape that is garish beneath the meridian sun, is fairer far 
 beneath the shadows of the cloud, and lovelier still under the 
 cool soft lights of evening. When Wilfrid was in exile, and 
 advanced in years, we may all admire him. We never thiidv of 
 the hasty temper and the imperfect judgment, when we see how 
 his proud spirit coidd humble itself to suit his altered fortmies, 
 and how, when age and sorrow lay heavily upon him, he could 
 devote himself with unconquerable ardour to the great cause of 
 God. That must have been an honest and a noble heart that 
 coidd thus forget the troubles that afflicted it, and biu'n, at such 
 times, oblivious altogether of its own sufferings, with greater 
 love and sympathy for others. These, surely, are some of the 
 signs and the tokens of a Christian hero. 
 
 The aged prelate was not laid in the graAc in his monastery 
 at Oundle. His heart, amid its feeble throbbings, still trembled, 
 like the magnet, towards its beloved North, and they carried 
 his remains, at his own request, to his old home at Ripon." He 
 was entombed, by the south side of the altar," with all the 
 honours of the dead. 
 
 Forty years had passed away since Wilfrid stood before that 
 holy place and consecrated it to God. Little thought he at that 
 solemn festival that his OAvn name would be connected with that 
 work for perpetual generations. That abbey became one of the 
 three great churches in Yorkshire, and it was famous throughout 
 England. The privilege of sanctuary and the right of using the 
 ordeal were among the honours conferred upon it by Athelstan.''' 
 The power of working miracles, which is said to have belonged 
 
 " Beda, v., 19. Saxon Chron., 61. of the old presbyter^y," says Mr. Wal- 
 
 Eddius, 88. Eadmer, 225. Flor. bran, " the shrine of St. "Wilfrid was 
 
 Wigorn., 264. Chron. S. Crncis, apud removed to the eastern extremity of 
 
 Angl. Sacr., i., 157. Eic. of Hexham, the north side of the choir, where 
 
 col. 296. Hickesii, Dissert. Epist., 118. Leland saw it shortly before the lie- 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., ii., 24. formation nnder the arch by the high 
 
 " Beda, v., 19. Wendover, i., 118. altar." Cf. Lei. Itin., viii., 21-2. 
 
 The remains were afterwards translated " reliquiae ejus sub arcu prope magnum 
 
 by archbishop Grey (Walbran's Church aUare nunc sublatse." p Lei. Coll., 
 
 of Tlipon, 96). " After the extension iv., 10, ex libro Petri Blesensis.
 
 HO 
 
 lASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 to AVilfVid in liis life-time, added in after years to the glories of 
 his shrine. His seal was a sovereign specific for the murrain.* 
 His banner went out frequently, as a talisman, to the wars. 
 Many churches were dedicated to God in his name, and there 
 arc few cathedrals that did not possess an altar and a chantry of 
 St. Wilfrid. At Durham, in the beautiful Galilee that bishop 
 Pudscy erected, there was a figm'C of the saint in a window "in 
 fyue coulored glasse, as he was accustomed to say masse, with 
 his myter on his head, and his crosier staffe in his lefte hand."^ 
 Under his feet was an inscription which recorded his titles, 
 among Avhich the monks of Durham would read with no little 
 l)ridc " imo anno rcxit episcopatum Lindisfarnensem.-'^'' Among 
 the relics in the minster of York, there was one of Wilfrid's 
 ai-nis, set in silver, and two texts, or evangelisteria, which had 
 l)clonged to him. In the side of one of them there was a 
 crucifix inserted, and both were richly decorated with gold and 
 silver.* 
 
 There used to be some little controversy with reference to 
 the final resting-place of the remains of Wilfrid. Fuller 
 observes " as he had been a great traveller, when living, so his 
 bones took one journey after his death."' It is said that they 
 Avere removed to Canterbury. One chronicler gives to Dunstan 
 the credit of translating them," but Frithegode asserts that Odo 
 removed them, having found the shrine most grievously neglected 
 when he visited the church." Lanfranc, in after years, deposited 
 them in a splendid shrine.'" The Northerns, however, allege 
 that the remains of Wilfrid II., and not those of his predecessor, 
 were removed into the South.^ Several passages^' are brought 
 forward to shew that the bones of the saint were preserved at 
 Ripon, especially an indulgence of archbishop Grey, in which 
 it is stated that they were then perfect, and that they were 
 exhibited to the worshipping beholders. It may be said with 
 truth that another skeleton might easily be substituted for that 
 of Wilfrid, and that the passages which speak of the bones and 
 
 » Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres., publ. ing that Oswald and Odo have been 
 
 Surtees Soc, Appx., 410. confused. Eadmer says that Oswald 
 
 •• Kites of Durham, publ. by Surtees carried to Worcester the bones of 
 
 Society, 42. Wilfrid's name was in- Wilfrid junior, whom, however, he 
 
 scribed in golden letters in the .Durham calls a saint ! " Eadmer, 227. 
 
 Liber "V \tjc (7). ■»■ A point of some importance in the 
 
 ' Fabric llolls of York Minster, contest for precedence between York 
 
 publ. by Surtees Society, 221-3. Hist. and Canterbury, cf. Eadmer, 226-7 
 
 Mon.de Abuigdon, ii., 47. Anglia Sacra, i., 66, ii., 50, 206. Ger- 
 
 ' Church History, book ii., 94. vasius, col. 1291 and 1301. Bromton 
 
 " ;f\ <^'o"- 1-. 216. col. 863. Higden, apud Gale, i., 266. 
 
 l-.admer, 227. Diceto, col. 455. Malmesbury, apud Savile, 153. 
 
 i.admer tells a similar story of arch- y Lei. Coll., i., 10, iv., 80. John of 
 
 bLshop Oswald, and I cannot help think- Hexham col. 273
 
 6 9 709.] BISHOP WILFRID. 81 
 
 body of the Saint do not prove that they were really liis. One 
 of his arms, it must be remembered, was in tlie treasury of York 
 at the dissolution. 
 
 The epitaph that was Avritten for Wilfrid, and which was set 
 up over his shrine at Ripon, is recorded by Beda.'^ It consists 
 of twenty hexameter lines mentioning his good works, and 
 setting them forth for the imitation of posterity. 
 
 " Wilfridus hie Diagnus requiescit cor})ore prsRsiil, 
 Hanc Domino qui aulam ductus pietatis aiuore 
 Fecit, et eximio sacravit nomine Petri, 
 Cui claves ca3li Christus dedit arbiter orbis ; 
 Atque auro a(; Tyrio devotus vestiit ostro. 
 Quin etiam sublime crucis radiaute metallo, 
 Hie posuit trophseum, necnon et quattuor auro 
 Scribi Evangelii pra^cepit in ordine libros ; 
 Ac tliecam e rutilo his eondignam eondidit auro : 
 Paschalis qui etiam sollemnia tempora cursus 
 CathoHci ad justum correxit dogma canonis, 
 Quem statuere patres, dubioque errore remote 
 Carta suae genti ostendit moderamina ritus : 
 Inque locis istis monachorum examiua crebra 
 Colligit, ae monitis cavit qua3 regula patrum 
 Sedulus instituit : multisque domique forisque 
 Jactatus nimium per tempora longa periclis, 
 Quindecies ternos postquam egit episcopus annos, 
 Transiit, et gaudens caelestia regna petivit. 
 Dona, Jesu, ut grex pastoris calle sequatur." 
 
 The name of Wilfrid was duly entered on the calendar. 
 His feast was appointed to be observed on the 12th of February, 
 and that of his translation on the 24th of April. His depositio 
 or burial was commemorated on October 12th." 
 
 Several works have been ascribed to the pen of Wilfrid, but, 
 apparently, on very questionable authority. Amongst them 
 were the following : — " De Celebratione Paschse, lib. i. Pro 
 Clericorum Tonsiu-a, lib. i. Edicta Pharensis Synodi, lib. i. 
 Epistolse, ad Diversos, lib. i."* 
 
 Few persons have had more biographers than Wilfrid, but 
 hardly any of these seem to have taken a fair and impartial 
 view of his life. Beda, who could have thrown a great deal of 
 light upon his character, is so sparing of information and praise, 
 that I cannot but thirdc that Wilfrid Avas no lavom'itc of his. 
 In Beda's account of the treatment of Chadd there are one or 
 two most remarkable omissions. We are obliged, therefore, to 
 seek for information in the laudatory and highly-coloured works 
 of Wilfridus friends or partizans. Modern writers, for the most 
 
 - v., 19. Eadmer, 228. Flor. « The obituary of the church of 
 
 Wigorn., 264. Higden, apud Gale, i., Durham fixes it on 3rd Oct. Cf. Lib. 
 245. Diceto, col. 442. Lei. Coll., ii., 592, Vila?, publ. by Surtees Society. 146. 
 ex Ann. EUens., with some variations. * Baheus de Script. Brit., cent., i., 86. 
 
 G
 
 82 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 part, liave treated the sxibjcct w ith so much ignorance and party- 
 spirit, that no reliance can be placed upon what they say. 
 
 Tiic first biographer, in time and reputation, is ^Edde, or 
 Eddius Stcphanus, as he is called, the chaplain of Wilfrid, and 
 the great teacher of the Gregorian music. His narrative was 
 drawn up at the request of Acca and Tathbercht. It aboimds 
 M'ith valuable information, and it is one of the most curious 
 l)ieees of l)iography that we possess. It is, of coiu-se, very 
 liighly coloured, but there are many minute touches which bear 
 u])on them the impress of truth and affection. The work has 
 been twice printed : by Mabillon, in his great work on the 
 Saints of the Benedictine order, and by Dean Gale, in his valu- 
 able collection of English historians.'' 
 
 The next in order is Fridegodus, a monk of Dover, who 
 wrote a life of St. Wilfi-id, at the request of Odo, arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, in hexameter verse. Odo carried Wil- 
 frid's remains to Canterbury, and Fridegodus became his bard. 
 His poem is a metrical version of the work of Eddius, given in 
 striking l)ut uncouth language, and full of Graecisms. It is 
 ])i'intc(l by ]\Iabillon.'' Oudinus thinks that Fridegodus was the 
 author of the poem, De Sanctis et Pontificibus ecclesise Ebor., 
 which seems to be properly ascribed to Aleuin by Dean Gale. 
 Mabillon, however, regarded the question as an open one. 
 
 Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, is said to have written a life 
 of Wilfrid in heroic verse.^ Some suppose that it is to be iden- 
 tified with the poem of Fridegodus, but Mabillon observes that 
 the specimen of it cited by Eadmer belongs to a different work. 
 Odo's ])oem is not known to be in existence. A letter of his 
 referring to it is printed in the Anglia Sacra.-^ 
 
 ' Printed by Mabillon, in Acta SS. iv., 154). There was another among 
 
 or<l. S. B., ssec. iv., i., 670—722, from the MSS. of Henry Jones, rector of 
 
 a :MS. in the Cottonian library, which Sunningwell, Berks (Smith's Caf). 
 
 wa,s copied for him by Dean Gale. <' Acta SS. ord. S. B., tert. siec, i., 
 
 Gale gives it himself in his XV. Scr., 171-96; ssec. iv., i., 722-6. Ex. MS. 
 
 vol. i., 40—90, with additions, etc., codice bibl. Corbeiensis in Gallia. There 
 
 from a ^IS. at Salisbury. The MS. is an interesting account of Fridegode 
 
 which both authors made use of is in in Oudinus, ii., col. 467. See Wm. 
 
 the Cottonian Library, Vespasian, D. Malmesbury, apud Savile, 200. Bale, 
 
 VI., but the learned Dean had one de Script. Brit., cent, ii., 32. Vossius, 
 
 of his own (Smith's Cat"). In the 346. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., ii., 24. 
 
 same collection, in Titus, A. 19, there Wright, 433. 
 
 isa short treatise of two folios, "DeOrtu ^ There was a copy of it in the li- 
 
 ct Vita S. Willridi." See Beda, iv. , 2. brary at Glastonbury (Lei. Coll., iv., 
 
 Oudinus, de Script. Eccl., i., col. 1672. 154). Cf. Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., 
 
 Vossius de Hist. Latinis, 278. Cave, ssec. tert., i., 169. 
 
 Hist. Lit, 480. Tanner, Bibl. Angl., / ii., 50. A most pompous and af- 
 
 T f" oo^'^'t',"^;^^- ^^'right, Bibh fected piece of Latinity. Wharton 
 
 i^it., <i-9. Lei. Script., 103. There regards it as the preface to the life by 
 
 was a copy of the life, by Eddius, in Fridegode, but, apparently, without 
 
 the library at Glastonbury (Leh Coll., just cause
 
 678 — 705.] BISHOP BOSA. 83 
 
 Eadmer, the chaplain of archbishop Anselm, dvvv/ up 
 another life of Wilfi'id, founded npon the narratives of preced- 
 ing wi'iters^ and giving only some new miracles. Anselm trans- 
 lated the remains of Wilfrid, and, probably, desired his cha[)laiii 
 to record the merits of a Saint who was now connected witli 
 his church. Eadmer's work has been printed by Mabillon, and 
 by the Bollandists in their Acta Sanctorum.^ 
 
 Leland gives extracts from a life of Wilfrid, by Peter de 
 Blois, archdeacon of Bath, which he found in the vestry at 
 Ripon. This was dedicated to Geoffrey, archbishop of York.'' 
 Gerald Cambrensis, also, wrote verses "in portieu eccl. S. 
 Mariae ab Wilfi'ido episcopo constructa."* There is some 
 account of Wilfrid, and much novel information about Hexham, 
 which is unknown to our Northern historians, in the treatise on 
 the Saints of the church of Hexham, and their miracles, which 
 was drawn up in the middle of the twelfth century by a canon 
 of that house.-' 
 
 ►OSa was one of the five bishops who were educated at Stre- 
 onshal under the abbess Hilda.* Of his history there is very 
 little known. When Wilfrid lost his see in 678, Bosa was one 
 of the persons among whom his vast diocese was divided, and 
 he received for his share the province of Deira, the seat of his 
 episcopate being placed at York.' He was consecrated by 
 Theodore.'" In 685 we find him witnessing a grant of king 
 Ecgfrid," but this charter is generally supposed to be a forgery. 
 There is some doubt as to the length of Bosa^s tenm'c of the 
 
 «■ Acta SS. ord. S. B., ssec. tert., i., Leland (De Script. Brit., i., 92) says 
 
 196-228. Acta SS., 24 Apr. From a that Hilda procured his elevation to the 
 
 MS. in the Cottonian library. See see of York. 
 
 Oudinus, ii., 1072, and seqq. ' Beda, iv., 12. Saxon Chron., 54. 
 
 * Lei. Coll., iv. 109. Wendover, i., 104. Flor. Wigorn., 
 ' Ibid., iii., 114. 252. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. Diinelm., 
 ■' Printed from a MS. in the Bodleian 46-7. Asser, apud Gale, i., 146. 
 
 library, by Mabillou, Acta. SS. ord. Huntingdon, apud Savile, 191 J. Di- 
 
 S. B., ssec. tert., i., 228-46. Other ceto, col. 440. Bromton, ibid., 792. 
 
 notices of Wilfrid may be found in "• Beda, iv., 12. Flor. Wigorn., 
 
 Capgrave's Legenda Nova, 300-7. 252. Vita S. Eatcc inter B^iogr., 
 
 Harpsfeld, 94-6, etc. Bp. Smith's Miscell., publ. by Surtccs Soc, 123. 
 
 Flores Hist. Eccl., 117-18. Lei. de Huntingdon, apud Savile, 191 J. Di- 
 
 Script Brit., i., 103. In Benet Coll., ceto, col. 410. Bromton, ibid., 793. 
 
 Cambr., is a " Vita Wilfredi" (Smith's . Gervasius, ibid., 1638. 
 
 Cat"). At Winchester there is a MS. " Lei. Coll., ii., 517. Trithemius de 
 
 intituled, "Eevelatio Wilfredi, ai'ch. Viris illustr. ord. S. B., lib. iv., cap. 
 
 Ebor." (Ibid.) 6 k App" to Smith's Beda, 782. Ho.sa 
 
 * Beda, iv., 23. Flor. Wigorn., 251. witnes.ses a charter of Ecgfrid in 685 
 Wendover, i., 107. Vita S. Begse, 57. (Codex Dipl., i., 29). 
 
 G 2
 
 84 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 sec of York. It seems probable that he lost his position on 
 'W'iHVid's return in G8G or 687," but he regained it in the course 
 of two or three years, and held it until his death, which occurred 
 in 705.^ The mandate of pope John which required him to 
 meet Wilfrid, and come to some arrangement about the see of 
 York, was therefore useless.* The little that we know of Bosa 
 is \ cry much to his credit. He was the instructor of Acca, who 
 became bishop of Hexham.'" In the life of Eata, Bosa is spoken 
 of as " sanctus et Deo amabilis vir."* Symeon calls him '' sanc- 
 tissimus et Deo dilectus /'' and Florence of Worcester tells us 
 that he was a person " multse sanctitatis et humilitatis."" 
 Alcuin also bestows upon him no ordinary praise. A short 
 extract fi'om his panegyric Avill suffice : — 
 
 " Prsefuit ecclesise venerandus Bosa sacerdos, 
 Condignus gradiii meritis nunc temporis alto, 
 Vir monachus, prsesul, doctor moderatus honestus. 
 Quern divina sacris virtutum gratia sertis 
 Conipserat, et multis fecit fulgescere donis."" 
 
 Bosa ocem's in the calendar as a bishop and confessor. The 
 day set apart for him is Jan. 13.'" 
 
 J 0\}\\, or, as he is generally called, &t So^U of Bcbcrlcg, 
 is said to have been the son of noble parents/ and to have been 
 born at Harpham^' in the East Riding of Yorkshire. In his 
 youth he Avas entrusted to the care of archbishop Theodore/ 
 who educated him, and gave to him his name of John." Sub- 
 sequently he became one of the pupils of Hilda, the abbess of 
 
 " Eddius,apudGale,i.,85-6. Eadmer, 211. Symeon, col. 102. Eic. of Hex- 
 
 apud Acta SS. ord. S. 13., sx'c. tert., i., ham, ibid., col. 297. 
 
 21'J. I'Videgodus, ibid., 193. » Misc. Biogr., publ. by Surtees 
 
 p Dr. Smith, the learned editor of Soc, 123. 
 
 Beda, fixes tlie dat« of his death in 687, ' X. Scr., col. 102, quoting Beda, v., 
 
 ha\ing been misled by AV barton in the 20. " Chron., 255. 
 
 Angl. Sacra, i., 695. The error is cor- " Be SS. et Pont. Eccl. Ebor., apud 
 
 reeled in the app^ (p. 759), by the Gale, i., 718. 
 
 editor's accomplished son. The editor " Acta SS., BoUandists, where there 
 
 of Heda, in the Mon. Hist. Brit., 233, is an uninteresting life of Bosa compiled 
 
 makes a similar blunder. Florence from Beda, etc. Another day is as- 
 
 (255) saj's that he died in 708. The signed to him. Harpsfeld, 147. 
 
 mandate of poi)e John shews that he ^ Stubbs, col. 1692 
 
 wa.s ahve in 703 or 4.' Stubbs, Reg. p Lei. Coll., iv., 100. Acta SS., men.'se 
 
 Sacrum Angl., 4. Maio. 
 
 ' Eddius, apud Gale, i., 82. -- Stubbs, ut supra. Bromton, ibid., 
 
 ' Beda, v., 20. Mirac. S. AVilfr., col. 794 
 
 aj.ud Acta SS. ord. S. B., sa'c. tert., i., <■ Stubbs, col. 1692.
 
 705 718.] BISHOP JOHN OF BEVERLEY. 85 
 
 Streonshal,* " a circumstance," as Fuller observes, " which 
 soundeth something to her honour and nothing to his disgrace, 
 seeing eloquent Apollos himself learned the primar of his Chris- 
 tianity partly from Priseilla."'' He is claimed, also, by the uni- 
 versity of Oxford as her first master of arts.'^ We may conclude, 
 therefore, that he was a person of more than ordinary learning. 
 
 " His light," as his biographer Folcard observes, " Avas not 
 hid under a bushel." He soon began to preach the Gospel to 
 the people. He arrested their attention by his eloquence and 
 learning; and his holy life winged his words to their hearts. 
 At the same time he did not neglect his oavu scholastic studies. 
 Like every person of consequence and ability, he was the centre 
 of a circle of pupils who came to him for instruction. He was 
 an excellent expounder of the Scriptures, and was well versed in 
 history and other subjects.'' Among those who profited by his 
 teaching was the venerable Beda, whom he afterwards ordained.-'' 
 It was no slight honour to have been the master of such a scho- 
 lar, and it was, probably, from John that Beda derived that 
 taste for historical pursuits which has won for him an undying 
 reputation. 
 
 The zeal and learning of John could not fail to attract the 
 attention of the Northumbrian court, and his connection with 
 Theodore would be sure to contribute to his advancement. King 
 Aldfrid was his patron,'' and through his means, in all proba- 
 bility, John succeeded Eata in the see of Hexham. This ap- 
 pointment is enveloped in some mystery, which may, perhaps, 
 be cleared away in the following manner. Eata died, I believe, 
 in the autumn of 686,^ and about the same time Wilfrid retiu'ued 
 into Northumbria, and was allowed to take possession of the sees 
 of Hexham and Lindisfarne, which were then vacant. We know 
 that Wilfrid was only bishop of Lindisfarne for a year,' and we 
 are told that John was consecrated bishop of Hexham on the 
 
 * Beda, iv., 23. Wendover, i., 107. Coll., 129. Fuller (Worthies, ii., 497) 
 
 Vita S. Begse, 57. Folcard (Acta SS.) says of him, " I remember his picture 
 
 calls him the pupil of Elfleda, at in a window in the library at Sali.sbur}', 
 
 Whitby. Stubbs (col. 1692) is also with an inscription under it, allirmin.i? 
 
 wrong in calling John's instructress hira the first master of arts at Oxford." 
 
 Elfrida. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., i., 474, It has still to be proved that there was 
 
 commits an error when he speaks of an university at Oxford at that time. 
 
 John as " AVicciorum Episcopus." ' Folcard, apud Acta SS. Stubb.s, 
 
 ' Fuller's Worthies, n.e., ii., 497. col. 1092. 
 
 '' Caius de Antiq. Univ., Cant, i., / Folcard, ut supra. Triveti Annales, 
 
 106. Acta SS., ut supra, pref. Ilarri- 262. Mabillon, Acta SS., Ord. S.B., 
 
 son's description of Britain, 158. Tvvyni socc. tert.,i., 5.'^6, ex vita Bcdse, perCeol- 
 
 Antiq., Acad. Oxon, 169. Wood's Anti(i. fridum. Lei. de Scrijjt. Brit., i., 116-18. 
 
 Univ. Oxon, i., 28, and Hist. Univ. s Lei. Col., iv.. 100. * Saxon 
 
 Oxon., iv., 37-8. His figure, as a fellow, Chron., 63. llcg. Sacrum Angl., 4. 
 
 was in one of the windows of the chapel ' Beda, iv., 29. Flor. Wigorn., 256. 
 
 at Univ. Coll. Smith's Annals of Univ. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 60.
 
 ^(J FASTI EBOILVCENSES. L^-D- 
 
 25th August, 687 J It may be inferred, therefore, that Wilfrid 
 took possession at that time of the see of York, which was ceded 
 to him, voliiutarily or involuntarily, by Bosa, and that he left 
 tlie northern portion of the ^reat diocese of Northumbria to 
 John and Eadbert. With Hexham John was very well ac- 
 (luaiuted. For some time before he was raised to the see he had 
 li\i'd in an hermitage at Harneshalg or Harneshow, otherwise 
 caikHl P^aglesmonnt, on the Tyne,* so that the field of labour to 
 \\ hii'h he was noAV introduced was by no means unfamiliar to 
 him. He presided over the see for about eighteen years, but 
 we know very little of his labours and his life. At a little village 
 called Carnesbroc, distant a mile and a half from Hexham, on 
 the opposite bank of the Tyne, he consecrated a church which 
 Avas dedicated to St. Michael.^ To it, especially m Lent, John 
 was accustomed to retire to watch and pray in secret. Thither 
 did the needy and the sick resort, and their benefactor did not 
 iicdect them. We have an account of a miracle that John is 
 said to have worked at Carnesbroc.'" 
 
 On the death of Bosa in 705," John was translated from 
 Hexham to York, and Alcuin, when speaking of the new prelate 
 and his appointment, is by no means sparing of his praise. 
 
 " Tntcroa Bosa felioia regna petente, 
 Accipit ccclesiac regimen clarissimus ille 
 Vir pietate, fide, meritis et mente, Joliannes, 
 Ponlificalis apex, priscorum formula patrum, 
 Flumina doctrinse fundens e pectore pure."" 
 
 } The Saxon Chronicle (fi3) is the chronology. 
 
 authority for this date. Cf. ibid., 56. * Lei. Coll., iv., 100. Stubbs (col. 
 
 Dr. Smith, in his edition of Beda, v., 2, 1692) calls the place Arneshange. 
 
 and Richard of Hexham (X Scr., col. Richard of Hexham (col. 291) calls it 
 
 295), say that John became bishop of ErnSshou, and Higden (apud Gale, i., 
 
 Hexham in 685 ; "VVendover (i., 112) ; 247), the oratory of St. Michael or Har- 
 
 Y\oT. Wigorn. (255), and Diceto (col. neshow. Higden and Richard identify 
 
 4H) put tlie !i]>])ointmcnt a year later. the oratory and the hermitage. 
 
 Richard of Hexham (col. 295) and ' Beda, v., 2. Folcard, ut supra. Lei. 
 
 Folcard (Acta SS.) say that John held Coll., iv., 100. Rich, of Hexham, (col. 
 
 Hexham for a year, and they, as well as 292) says that the church of St. Michael 
 
 Bromton (col. 794) and other authori- was begun by Wilfrid and finished by 
 
 lies, .say that he went to York in 686 or Acca. The only church at present dedi- 
 
 7, Bosa being then dead, whereas he cated to St. Michael in the neighbour- 
 
 wa.s alive in 705 (cf. Reg. Sacr. Aug., 4. hood of Hexham is that of Warden. 
 
 Lingard'sAnglo-Saxon-Church,i.,144). There is a village bearing the name of 
 
 Wm. of Malmesbury (Savile, 153) ; St. John's Lee, on the opposite bank of 
 
 Anglia Sacra, (i., 65) ; and Hist. Mon. the Tyne. 
 
 S. Aug. Cant., (279-80) say that John "• Beda, v., 2. Folcard, ut supra. 
 wa.s driven out of Hexham to make " Saxon Chron., 56. Fl. Wigorn., 
 room for Wilfrid. The Anglia Sacra 268. Symeon, col. 76. Ric. of Hex- 
 says that Bosa was expelled from York ham, ibid., col. 296, who says that he 
 also, and Malmesbury says that John was bishop of York thirty-three years. 
 went from Hexham to York, i.e , from " Alcuin de SS., etc., eccl. Ebor., 
 the less to the greater! Mabillon (Ann. apud Gale, i., 722, where there is an 
 r3cn., ii., 24) is quite at fault in the interesting life of St. John in verse.
 
 I 
 
 705 718.] BISHOP JOHN OF BEVERLEY. 87 
 
 Of tlic good work that John did in Yorkshire we have several 
 pleasing memorials. I say nothing of the miraculous powers 
 which he is said to have possessed. It is enough to watch his 
 good example in the ordinai'v path of duty. With king Osi-cd'' 
 he seems to have been a favourite. He joined with that 
 monarch and his nobles^ and in synod assembled they made 
 many wise enactments for the management of the Northumbrian 
 church.* John saw, also, that they were carried into effect, for 
 he was very diligent in visiting his monasteries and attending 
 to the poor. When he was asked to a banquet after the con- 
 secration of Burton clmrch, he uttered the noble sentiment, 
 "Magis episcopum decere ad monasterium redire, et Deo in suis 
 pauperibus servire, quam per domos divitum convivari.^^'' In 
 the midst of his labours he did not neglect the solitary watches 
 and the prayers of the recluse. His own residence in York was 
 adjacent to the church of St. Michael the archangel, and thither 
 he retired at stated periods to humble himself before God.* 
 There would be a charm to him in that familiar name. It would 
 remind him of the little oratory in which he had once prayed by 
 the waters of the Tyne. 
 
 Amid the many duties that waited upon his high office John 
 never forgot the lessons and the example of Theodore. He had 
 always around him a little company of pupils to whom he was 
 the Gamaliel. Beda indeed had left him, and was preparing 
 in his solitary cell the works that we still admire, but there 
 were others now at the feet of his old master. St. Sigga was 
 there, and Herebald, the abbat of Tynemouth in after years, 
 and at this time the companion as well as the pupil of John. 
 Bercthune, another of his scholars, became abbat of Beverley, and 
 narrated to Beda those miracles of the good bishop which the 
 great historian has recorded. Of Wilfrid, the pupil Avho suc- 
 ceeded him in the see, I shall elsewhere speak.'' 
 
 Bale asserts that John was the author of the follomng works. 
 " Pro Luca Exponendo lib. i. HomelicC Evangeliorum, lib. i. 
 Ad Hyldam Abbatissam, lib. i. Ad Herebaldum Discipulum, 
 Epist. i. Ad Audoenum et Bertinum, Epist. ii., et alia.^^" 
 
 It is with Beverley and the East Biding of Yorkshire that 
 the name of John is especially connected. 
 
 " Natale solum dnlcedine cayitos 
 
 Ducit, et immemores nou sinit esse sui." 
 
 p Folcard, lit supra. Lei. Coll. iv., 100. • Folcard. Eromton, col. 791. 
 
 ' and "■ Folcard, ut supra. I believe ' Folcard. Bromton, ut supra, 
 
 that this is the synod which is said to Stubbs, col. 1693. Lei. Coll., iv., 100. 
 
 have been held at Alne in 709, and " Scrijjt. Brit., cent, i., 89. Bale is 
 
 about which there is some mystery and yirobably drawing, as usual, upon his 
 
 doubt. Labbe, Concilia, vi., 1401. Spel- imagination, 
 manni Cone, 215.
 
 88 FASTI EBOKACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 This was the charm that bound him to that district. Among 
 tho woods and lakes witli Avhich it then abounded he foimd a 
 villa^a- of tlic name of Indcrawood, which a later generation 
 changed to IJcverlcy, from the heavers that then sported in the 
 waters of the Hull." At that time, no doubt, it was an oasis 
 among the wild Avoods in which it was embosomed. A little 
 church was there, dedicated to the beloved disciple/ the name- 
 sake of the holy prelate Avho now gazed in rapture upon the scenery 
 aroimd him. Fascinated by what he saw, and a mighty impulse 
 moving him, John became the owner of the place. He added a 
 choir to the existing church, and converted it into a monastery. 
 Seven priests were placed in it with as many clerks. On the 
 south side of the church John erected an oratoiy, which he 
 dedicated to St. Martin, and made into a nunnery. Neither 
 was there any want of permanent endowments. The founder 
 l)ought and appropriated to his monastery lands in Ridings, 
 Welwick, Bilton and Patrington, and stimulated by so good an 
 exam])le, the nobles in the neighboiu'hood most generously 
 assisted him. One gave to him North Burton, and another the 
 manor of AValkington. Churches were erected, and the founda- 
 tions of a great ecclesiastical settlement were laid, of which 
 John had miich reason to be proud.-^ 
 
 This noble Avork was the great effort of John^s life, and it is 
 natural enough that he should be attached to that place which 
 he had honoured and adorned. The affections always nestle 
 around the labour of the head and hand. Dear to John, with- 
 oiit doubt, would be the temples that Wilfrid had erected; 
 Lastingham woidd remind him of the toil and the love of Chadd, 
 and at Streonshal he w^ould muse Avdth affection upon his old 
 instructress, 
 
 " He gathers round him, and revives at will 
 Scenes in his life — that breathe enchantment still." 
 
 But none of these places or scenes would possess the charm 
 that attracted him to Inderawood. It was his own offering to 
 God in the coimtry of his birth. There the aged prelate could 
 say with Cicero, but in a far higher sense, " hie sacra, hie genus, 
 hie majorum midta vestigia, — Quare inest nescio quid, et latet 
 in animo et sensu meo, quo me plus hie locus fortasse delectet." 
 There he could meet with that solitude which the court and the 
 crowded city could never give him. There he could watch over 
 the infant society of which he was the founder, and, at the same 
 
 I \^\ ^°\\"' '•^■' ^^- ' Folcard, apiid Acta SS. Gaimar, 
 
 Lei. Coll., IV., 100. Sanctuar. Du- I'Estorie des Enf,des, apud Mon. Hist. 
 
 nelm. and Beverlac, publ. by Surtees Erit., 783. Lel. Coll., iv., 100-101. 
 
 ^^^•' ^°- Dugdale's Mon., ii., 127.
 
 705 718.] BISHOP JOHN OF BEVERLEY. 89 
 
 time, endeavour to reacli a higher step on the great ladder of 
 perfection. As each succeeding winter left its mark u])on his 
 brow, he would long more and more for the quiet that he had 
 found in his hermitage on the Tyne, and covet that rest which 
 the busy world denied him. 
 
 " For there the soul, released from human strife, 
 Smiles at the little ills and cares of life." 
 
 The desire was irresistible. In 718 he deserted the see of 
 York, which he had occupied since the death of Bosa, and, 
 nominating as his successor his old pupil Wilfrid, he retired to 
 spend his days among the solitude of Inderawood.J' Bercthune, 
 a beloved scholar, was the abbat of the monastery, and by him 
 he was affectionately welcomed."^ For foui' years was the aged 
 prelate an inmate within those walls, and then his prayers and 
 his watchings were concluded. On the seventh day of May, 721, 
 he was called away to his rest." 
 
 He was buried in St. Peter's porch,* within the chm-ch that 
 he loved so well,'^ and from which he is called to this day St. 
 John of Beverley. His remains, like those of St. Chadd, were 
 deposited in a feretory of wood, which was beautifully carved.'' 
 In 1037 he was solemnly canonized at Rome by Benedict IX., 
 and in that year archbishop Alfric removed his bones, and de- 
 posited them in a precious shrine which was radiant with gold, 
 and silver, and jewels.* The care of the pious archbishop was 
 fruitless, for the shrine was, probably, destroyed or lost in the 
 fire by which the church of Beverley was consumed in Sep- 
 tember, 1187. Five years after this John's remains were dis- 
 covered, and deposited in another place. In 1664-, whilst a grave 
 was being dug, the ashes of the Saint were found in a case of 
 
 y Saxon Chron., 56. Flor. Wigorn., says of him, 
 272. Beda, v., 6. Alcuin de SS., etc., 
 
 apud Gale, i. , 724. Folcard, apud Acta " celurki^isfrBeverli ''''°''' 
 SS. Symeon, col. 76. Eic. of Hexham, 
 
 ibid., 296. * Folcard, apud Acta SS., says that 
 
 - Bromton, col. 794. he was buried " in portion S. Joh. 
 
 " Beda, v., 6. Saxon Chron., 63, hav- Evang." 
 
 ing been a bishop thirty-three years, ^^ Beda, v., 6. Saxon Chron., 63. 
 
 eight months, and thirteen days. Wen- Folcard, ut supra. Higden, ajiud 
 
 dover, i., 135. Folcard, apud Acta SS. Gale, i., 247. Eic. of Hexham, col. 
 
 Liber Vitai Dunelm., ed. Snrtees Soc, 296. HickesiiDissert. Ep., 118. Stubbs, 
 
 143, in which St. John's name is en- col. 1693. Lei. Coll., iv., 34, 80. 
 
 tered in golden letters (7). Higden, Dugdale's Mon., ii., 166. Capgravo 
 
 apud Gale, i., 247. Stubbs, col. 1693. and others are wrong when they say 
 
 Bromton, col. 794, who says that he that John Avas buried at Sarum. Cf. 
 
 was bishop of York twenty-three years. Twyni Autiq. Acad. Oxon., 169. 
 
 Chron. Petrib (5) says he died in 722. '' Stubbs, ut supra, col. 1700. 
 
 Lei. Coll., iv., 101. 'Gaimar, I'Estorio ' Stubbs, ut supra. Lei. Coll., iv., 
 
 des Engles, apud Mon. Hist. Brit., 785, 102.
 
 (j() FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 lead, and were re-interred by the order of the archbishop of the 
 day/ Thev were aj^ain broiifrht to lijiht in 1736.^ 
 
 ' A'erv g^'rcat Mas the sanctity of that shrine in the days of 
 old ; many pilj?rimaf(es were made to it, and many miracles are 
 said to have been wrought through the agency of St. John.* 
 ^Vith the exception of Cuthbert of Durham, no Northern Samt 
 was regarded with more veneration than St. John of Beverley. 
 Mystenous virtues are said to have proceeded from his shrine, 
 anil a holy oil to have flowed from his tomb.* The fame of 
 Beverley and its Saint attracted the attention of king Athelstan, 
 who, like David of Scotland, Avas "ane soir sanct for the crown.'' 
 "When he was on his way to Scotland he is said to have gone to 
 Beverley to obtahi the* assistance of St. John, promising his 
 church niany privileges and gifts if he were successful, and 
 leaving behind him his "cultellum"' as a pledge that he would 
 redeem.-' 
 
 " He went to Beverlay 
 And praied to the bishop Jon in fertre wher he lay, 
 That he wild bede his bone, imtille the Trinite, 
 And he suld gyve his kirke franchise and fe, 
 To haf and to holdo als he was kyng leall."* 
 
 The monarch carried with him into Scotland the banner of St. 
 John, and success attended him. I pass over the marvellous 
 story of the sword, which reminds us of the adventure of king 
 Arthur. On his return to England the victor did not forget his 
 promise. He fomided at Beverley a college of secular canons, 
 adding to the old endownnent divers lands in Lockington and 
 Brandesburton.^ He gave it, also, among other rights, the pri- 
 vilege of sanctuary, which the church of Beverley enjoyed until 
 
 f Dugdale's Vis" of Tks., ed. Sur- oil which is now observed to gush from 
 tees Soc, 22, where a long account of the tomb more largely and abundantly 
 the discover}' is given. Thoresby's tlian usual, for the healing of all faith- 
 Diary, ii., 43 i. Anth. a Wood's Life, ful worshippers." The monks of Mean x 
 ed. BHss., liO. Camden's Brittannia, had some of this oil in an ampul. 
 ». c, iii., 325. Poulson's Beverlac, 666. (Poulson's Holderness, ii., 313). Cap- 
 
 «■ Poulson's Beverlac, 681. grave's Nova Legenda. Harpsfeld, Hist. 
 
 * Bcda, v., 2-6. Alcuin de SS. Angl., 147-8, where there is a short 
 
 Ebor., apud Gale, i., 723-4. Wen- account of St. John. Twyni Antiq. 
 
 dover, i., 135. Folcard, Liber Vitoc, Acad. Oxon., 170. 
 
 cd. Surtees Soc, 143. Hist. Mon. S. i Folcard, apud Acta SS. Sanctuar. 
 
 Aug. Cant., 280. Scala Chronica, 6, Dunelm. et Beverlac, ed. Surtees 
 
 210. Ric of Hexham, col. 291-2. Soc, 98. Triveti Annales, 321. Ail- 
 
 Bromton, col. 794. Stubbs, col. 1692-3. red, col. 356-7. Bromton, col. 838. 
 
 liol. Coll., iv., 100, etc Capgrave's Cart. Domus S. Leon. Ebor., MS., 
 
 Nova Legenda SS., 189-91. Cotton., Nero D., iii., ha. Higden, 
 
 ' On June 14, 1413, Archbishop apud Gale, i., 262. Lei. Coll., iv., 
 
 Ken-pe granted an indulgence of 100 100-101. Rymer's Fsedera, i., 771-2. 
 
 days to those who visit the tomb, * Peter Langtoft'sChrou., 29. Chron. 
 
 " which is now very famous, especially Petrib., 28. In 938. 
 
 for the very healthftd supply of sweet ' Acta SS. Lei. Coll., iv., 101-2.
 
 705 — 718.] BISHOP JOHN OF BEVERLEY. 91 
 
 the Reformation.'" The words in which these grants were made 
 have been handed down by tradition : — 
 
 " Als fre make I thee 
 As hert may thenk 
 Or eghe may see." 
 
 I find them mentioned in a confirmation of the privileges of the 
 chm'ch which was made by Henry IV.," and yon may still see 
 them on a tablet in Beverley minster under a portrait of Athel- 
 stan, which it is unnecessary to describe. The canons would be 
 glad to preserve a memorial of the monarch who regarded St. 
 John " as his tutelar Saint,"" and the piety of Athelstan was 
 duly recited in the legend.^ 
 
 The example of Athelstan was copied by other kings who 
 were glad to honour the Saint, and to confirm the chartered pi-i- 
 vileges of his town. Edward the Confessor was a benefactor to 
 the minster. William the Conqueror and Stephen were pre- 
 vented, it is said, by miraculous interference, from plundering 
 its lands, and William became its patron.? John visited the 
 town and added to its privileges, but not without a befitting 
 consideration for his generosity.'' Edward I. carried with him 
 the banner of the Saint, as a talisman, to the wars in Scotland, 
 and made his offerings at the tomb at Beverley on more occa- 
 sions than one.^ Henry IV. came to Beverley and confirmed 
 its priA^leges,' but it was his son, Henry V., who paid the 
 greatest honour to St. John. The victory of Agincoui't was 
 won on the 25th of October, the day on which the translation 
 of the remains of the Saint was commemorated, and the monarch 
 attributed his success to St. John''s intercession." He shewed 
 his gratitude by making a pilgrimage to the shrine Avith his 
 queen." But he did more than this. It was probably at the 
 desire of Henry that archbishop Chicheley wrote, on Dec. 16, 
 1416, to the bishop of London, requesting that in consequence 
 of the great victory, the day of St. John's burial, i. e., the 7th 
 of May, should be observed with due state and ceremony, "cum 
 *regimine chori, ad modum festi unius confessoris et pontificis." 
 
 "' Folcard. Lei. Coll., iv., 101. The ' Liber Garderolw, 27. The king 
 
 register of the sanctuary has been ma^le his offerings at the tomb, " ii1)i 
 
 published by the Surtees Society. S. Joh. prima se])eliebatur." Triveti, 
 
 " Fsedera, viii., 369. Codex Dipl., Ann., 321. Langtoft, ii., 303. 
 
 ii., 186. " Weever's Funerall "Befor Saynt Jon ho woke a nyght or lie 
 
 Monuments, 181. Sanctuar Bev., ed. t'lein nam." 
 
 Surtees Soc, 98. ' FcX-dera, viii., 369. 
 
 /" Triveti, Ann., 321. Lei. Coll., iii., " Fiicdera, ix., 421. Sir Harris 
 
 4. Capgrave's Nova Legenda. Nicolas' ace' of Agincourt, 176. Dugd., 
 
 ? Acta SS. Lei. Coll., iv., 102-3. Men., ii., 166. 
 
 "■ Poulson's Beverlac, 63, 537. " Poulson's Beverlac, 595.
 
 9.2 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 The honours of Oct. 25 ^vcre shared with SS. Crispin and 
 Crispiuian.'" 
 
 A life of St. John has heen written more than once. His 
 jjrincipal biograplicr was Folcard, a monk of Canterbury, who 
 wrote his work in the elevcntli century at the request of Aldred, 
 ar('hl)ishop of York, to Avhom he dedicated his book.* It is 
 pi-iuted in extenso by the Bollandists in their Acta SS., under 
 the 7th of May; ami it may also be found, in an abridged form, 
 with another short life by a nameless author, in the great work 
 of ]\Ial)illou.i' The narrative of Folcard is meagre and unin- 
 teresting, and is evidently the production of a person who knew 
 little of his subject. Subjoined to Folcard^s life is a collection 
 of the miracles ascribed to St. John, some of which were written 
 down by William Kecel, a clerk of Beverley. I believe him to 
 be identical with Asketyll, who is said to have compiled a life 
 of St. John.^ Leland, in his Collectanea, gives extracts from 
 two lives of St. John." The first is that by Folcard. The 
 latter, which is by an anonymous author, is divided into three 
 l)arts, and contains much interesting information. There is a 
 brief accomit of him in Capgrave's Nova Legenda SS.° 
 
 ilfritl d., or Junior, as he is called, to distinguish him 
 
 from his illustrious namesake. He was a favourite pupil of 
 John, who resigned the bishoj)rie of York in his favour, when old 
 age had rendered him unequal to the duties of the office.'' 
 
 "■ FsDdera, ix.,421. Du?d., Mon., ii., Fibroleganus. Wright's Biogr. Lit., i., 
 
 Ifi6. Preface to Folcard's life in Acta 231. 
 
 SS. Lyndewode's Provinciale, fol. 57, = Vossius de Hist. Latinis, 514. 
 
 cd. 1501, and more at lcn;,4h in the " Acta SS. ord. S. Ben., ed. 1734, 
 
 app" to the ed. of 1679, p. 70. socc. iii., i., 410-13. 
 
 ' The tran.script which the Bollan- <• Lei. Coll., iv., 99-104. 
 
 di.><t.s u.*ed, wa.s sent from En>rland by a * Fol., 189-91, ed. 1516. A short 
 
 person of the name of Leander Prichart. ace' in Smith's Flores Hist. EccL, 
 
 Other copies of the MS. are in Eng- 118. Pitseus, 122. My friend, Mr. 
 
 land, viz., inter MSS. Cotton., Faustina Stubbs, informs me that there are some ^ 
 
 B., IV., 156-78. Otho, C. 16, and MS. extracts from an unpublished Ufe of St. 
 
 Harl., 560. A copy \va,s recently sold John among the Wharton MSS., in 
 
 at the dispersion of the Savile MSS. the library at Lambeth, 
 
 for £-81, a very large sum wiien we re- '■ Eeda, v., 6. Alcuin de Pont. Ebor. 
 
 nu-mber the uninteresting character of apud Gale, i., 724. Saxon Chron., 56^ 
 
 the MS., and that it is already in print. Flor. Wigorn., 272. Folcardi, Vita S 
 
 Loland saw a copy in the library of St. Job., apud Acta SS., mense Maio 
 
 Marys, lork (Coll., iv., 37). There is Symeon, col. 78. Stubbs, coh 1694 
 
 another among the Parker MSS., A. who calls him St. John's chaplain. 
 
 ii(l.at). bee \ossms de Historicis Higden, apud Gale, i., 247. Mabillon. 
 
 Lalinis, 377. Oudinus de Script. Eccl., Ann. Ben., i., 474, where he is said to 
 
 "«' A ,V ''"'^- ^,? Script. Brit., i., have been one of Hilda's pupils. Ibid., 
 
 /8, under the uncouth name of Joannes ii., 50. Harpsfeld 148
 
 718 732.] BISHOP WILFRID II. 93 
 
 Before this Wilfrid had been the vice-dominus, or abbas, of tlie 
 monastery at York, the bishop himself being the domiiuis or 
 ruler. Wilfrid gave to the church of York several noble gifts, 
 furnishing the altar Avith sacred vessels, and covering it aiul the 
 crosses with plates of silver gilt. He was munificent, also, to 
 other churches, and he seems to have attended diligently to his 
 episcopal duties.'^ AVilfrid is said to have sanctioned the accusa- 
 tion that was brought against Beda, of promidgating heretical 
 opinions in his treatise, De sex cetatibus mundi, and the historian 
 made against him the counter- charge of indulging to excess in 
 the luxiu'ies of the table.* The words of Alcuin are probably 
 corroborative of the testimony of Beda, when he says, 
 
 " Hos mentes dapibus, illos sed carnis alebat : 
 Hos fovet setheriis, illos carnalibus auget."./' 
 
 The poet, however, speaks in laudatory terms of Wilfrid's 
 energy and goodness. There is some difference of opinion 
 among the historians as to the year in which he vacated the see, 
 but the difficulty is removed by the following passage, which 
 some modern writers have overlooked. 
 
 " At sua facta bonus postquam compleverat ille 
 Pastor in ecclesiis, specialia septa petivit, 
 Quo servire Deo tota jam mente vacaret : 
 Contemplativse seseque per omnia vitse 
 Dans, mundi varias curasque reliquit inaues."«^ 
 
 It thus appears that Wilfrid followed the example of his old 
 master, John, and devoted the last portion of his life to solitude 
 and prayer. He took this step in 732,* the year in which lie is 
 said to have died, but the closing scene was deferred until the 
 29th of April, 744;^ or 745. -^ What the "specialia septa'' were 
 to which he retired it is impossible to say. The dignitaries of 
 York, in after times, asserted that he was interred at Bipon, and 
 that archbishop Odo carried away his remains, and not those of 
 his more illustrious namesake, from that church to Canterbury.* 
 
 "^ Alcuin, apud Gale, i., 724. ed. 1777, vol. i., xvi. 
 
 ' Bedse Epist. ad Ecgbertum, ed. ' Saxon Chron., 67, he havini,' been 
 
 Smith, 306. Vita S. Beda3, inter Acta bishop of York thirt}^ ivinters. Flor. 
 
 SS. ord. S. B., ssec. tert., i., 548. App'' Wigorn., 272. Higden, apud Gale, i., 
 
 to Smith's Beda, 802. 249. jMabillon (Ann. Ben., ii., 21) puts 
 
 ^ Alcuin, apud Gale, i., 725. the depositio of S. Wilfr. (/.e., jun.) on 
 
 s Ibid. Smith's Beda, 315. 8 kal. June. AVendover, i., 145, makes 
 
 * The year in which Egbert came Wilfrid die in 743. 
 
 to the see. Hoveden (Savile, 231) says J Symeon, col. 104. Chron. de 
 
 that Wilfrid died in that year, and he Mailros, 4. Addit. ad Bedam, ed. 
 
 is followed by Mr. Stubbs' in his Eeg. Smith, 224. 
 
 Sacr. Angl. Symeon (col. 78) says that * Anglia Sacra, i., 66. Hist. IMon. 
 
 Wilfrid was bishop for fifteen years. S. Aug. Cant., 281. Malmesbury de 
 
 Hen. of Huntingdon (Savile, 195 b) Pont., apud Savile, 153. 
 
 says for ten. Cf. Prooem. ad op. Alcuini,
 
 Qj^ FASTI EBOKACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 1- admrr. however, maintains that his hones were carried away 
 from Kipon to Worcester hy the celebrated Oswald. 
 
 ~0 tjljfrt was the son of Eata, and a member of the royal family 
 of Nortluimbria. He was fii'st cousin to king Ceolwulf, the 
 " most glorious Ceol^-ulf/' to whom Beda dedicates his history.'" 
 
 " Regali stirpe creatus, 
 Nobilium coram seclo radice parentum."" 
 
 The youthful noble was sent by his father to a monastery to 
 receive his education. After awhile he went to Rome, with his 
 brother Ecgrcd, to extend and complete his studies, and there he 
 was admitted into deacon's orders. His brother ha^'ing died at 
 Rome, Egbert returned into Northumbria.^ 
 
 In 732 Wilfrid resigned the bishopric of York, and Egbert 
 was appointed by Ceolwulf to succeed him.^ The selection was 
 an excellent one. By his learning Egbert was peculiarly fitted 
 for that high office, and his noble blood would add greatly to 
 his influence with the coiu't and people. Soon after he was 
 raised to the see of York, Beda, Avho was now di'awing towards 
 the close of his pilgrimage, wi'ote a long letter to him filled with 
 sensible advice as to the management of his diocese. It gives 
 us an admirable pictiu'c of what, in the opinion of the ^-riter, 
 were the duties of a Christian bishop, and sets vividly before us 
 tlie condition of the Northern chm*ch. 
 
 In the first place, the great historian recommends Egbert to 
 illustrate personal teaching by personal holiness ; to give to study 
 and contemplation the hours that many waste in idle conversa- 
 tion, and to eschew the society of useless and worldly com- 
 panions. He then advises him to ordain a larger number of 
 priests to teach and administer the sacraments in the villages, 
 
 ' Anglia Sacra, ii., 206. The in- with regard to this passage. He makes 
 
 pcription stated that they were the Eata the bishop and not the prince, 
 
 bones of Si. Wilfrid. Wilfrid II. was Mabillon (Ann. Ben., ii., 94) falls into 
 
 never canonized. The evidence is most the same mistake, and so does Mr. 
 
 conflicting, and " adhuc sub judice lis "Wright (Biogr. Brit. Lit., i., 297). 
 
 est." p See Wilfrid's life. The Saxon 
 
 "• Saxon Chron., 66. SjTiieon, Hist. Chron. makes the date 734 (66). Flor. 
 
 Eccl. Dunelra., 83, 84. Wigorn. puts it in 744, " archiepisco- 
 
 " Alcuin de SS. Eccl. Ebor., apud patus insigni sublimatus" (272). Cf. 
 
 Gale, i., 725. Earonii Ann., ix., 110. Wendover 
 
 ' Syraeon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 83. (i., 144) makes the date 743. Addit. 
 
 " A patre Eata in monasterium tra- ad Bedam (Smith, 223) make the date 
 
 ditus est." Dr. Smith, in a note to his 732. 
 edition of Beda, 312, commits an error. 
 
 I
 
 732 766.] ARCHBISHOP EGBERT. 95 
 
 and also to translate the Creed and the Lord's Prayer out of the 
 .Latin into the Saxon tongue, as well for the use of the listeners 
 as for those who officiate in the chnrehes. Beda, in the next 
 plaee, expresses his wash that the episcopate should be extended. 
 There are many places, he says, among the woods and hills of 
 Northumbria, that a bishop has never visited for years, although 
 all are regularly taxed for his support. This disinclination for 
 subdivision was to be ascribed to the pride and avarice of the 
 prelates themselves. Against the evils which necessarily resulted 
 from such a system, there was an adequate remedy in the in- 
 junction of the pious and forecasting Gregory that there should 
 be twelve bishops in the Northern province, and Beda begs his 
 friend to secure for himself the pall, and to obtain the permis- 
 sion of king Ceonwulf to carry this recommendation into eft'ect. 
 Several of the larger monasteries could be converted with ad- 
 vantage into the residence of a bishop. From this point Beda 
 passes on to the corruptions Avitli which these religious institu- 
 tions were filled, and the urgent necessity for reform. They 
 were hotbeds of the grossest vice; no rule or discipline was 
 observed in them, and luxury and excess, of every kind, were 
 rife within their walls. Ever since the days of Aldfrid it had 
 been the common practice, not only of persons of distinction, 
 but of officers of the com-t, to obtain grants of land for tlie 
 purpose of founding a monastery ; and, when it was established, 
 and freed, in this way, from secular jm'isdiction, it was merely 
 converted into the residence of the founder with his family and 
 friends, who had nothing of religion but the cloak. The whole 
 diocese, as Beda said, was fidl of disorder and corruption, and 
 it woidd require all the determination and skill of a bold 
 reformer to suppress them.!? The existence of several of these 
 evils in the Northern province is mentioned with regret in 
 a letter that was addressed to Egbert by the pious and energetic 
 Boniface.'' 
 
 These warnings and suggestions were not lost upon Egbert. 
 His first endeavour was to obtain the pall, which was given to 
 him by Gregory III. at Rome, in 735. He thus became the 
 second archbishop of York. More than a century had cla})sed 
 since Paulinus fled into Kent, carrying his pall with him, and 
 no one since that time had sought for the lost honour, a neglect 
 which was made, in after years, a strong argument for the pre- 
 
 ' Bedse, Epist ad Ecgberctum an- Spelmanni Cone, 232, 237. Tn MS. 
 
 tistitem., ed. Smith, 305-12. Mabillon, Cotton., Vesp. A., xiv., among many 
 
 Ann. Ben., ii., 97-8. Acta SS. ord. of Alcuin's letters, is said to be one 
 
 S. B., soDC. tert., i., 548-9. from Paul the First, " ad Ethberklum 
 
 *■ Bonifacii Epist., apud Bibl. Max. Archiepiscopum et Eadberhtum filiiim 
 
 Patrnm, xiii., 73, 106. Baronii Ann., regis." Cf. Wilkias' Concilia, 1., 
 
 ix., 110. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., ii., 101. 144.
 
 96 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 cctlcncc of Caiiterl)ury, when the famous controversy arose 
 between the two metropolitan sees/ When Egbert thiis became 
 archbishop lie stepped at once into a commanding position, and 
 every bishop in the Northern province was made his suffragan. 
 In 7;38 his hands were still farther strengthened. In that year 
 his brother ]']adbcrt mounted the Northrmibrian thi'one, and the 
 protection of the state was thereby assured to the archbishop. 
 lie could now act with authority and decision. It is impossible 
 to say to what extent he carried out the reforms which Beda 
 and Boniface recommended, but, at all events, it is certain that 
 he was diligent in his duties.^ The books that he wrote shew 
 that he had the interests of his diocese at heart, and if he took 
 so much pains to commit to wri*^ing a system of discipline and 
 ecclesiastical rule, Ave may safely infer that he would do his best 
 to see that they were properly observed. All the works of 
 Egbert seem to presuppose the existence of a regular clerical 
 organization, and as he occupied the throne of Paulinus, with 
 such commanding influence, for above thirty years, he would 
 have time enough to see the system in full play. Alcuin ac- 
 quaints us with his piety and energy." He is said to have been 
 the first prelate who possessed a mint at York." He paid great 
 attention to the services and music of his church, introducing 
 the observance of the liours. He was, also, a benefactor to the 
 fabric of the minster, bestowing upon his cathedral the choice 
 work of the jeweller and the goldsmith, and giving to it figured 
 curtains of silk of foreign workmanship.'" He was, in all pro- 
 bal)ility, the first introducer of the parochial system into the 
 North. His works were of great repute in the Anglo-Saxon 
 church. They comprise a Pontifical,-^ or a series of special oflEices 
 for the use of a bishop, a volume of Excerptiones, or extracts 
 from the Fathers and canons on matters of discipline,-^ a Dialogue 
 
 ' Saxon Chron., 66. Addit. ad 725. Hist. Mon. S. Aug. Cant., 281. 
 
 Bedani, cd. Smith, 224. Chron. de " Da\ies on the York Mint, 3. 
 
 Maiiros, 3. Wcndover, i., 145 (in •" Alcuin, apud Gale, i., 725. 
 
 745) Symeon, col. 100. Stubbs, col. ' Published for the first time by the 
 
 1697. Chron., J. AVallingford, apud Surtees Society, from a MS. in the 
 
 Gale, i., 529. Higden, ibid., i., 249. Imperial Library at Paris, which for- 
 
 Hoveden, apud Savile, 230, J.— "Caeteri merly belonged to the church of Evreux. 
 
 c-piscoi.i inter Paulinum et Egbertum Tt has been reprinted by the monks of 
 
 nichil altius quam simplicis episcopi Solesmes (Sarthe) in their Spicilegium. 
 
 yocabulo anhelaruut." Anglia Sacra, There are some extracts from it in 
 
 1., 66. llist. Mon. S. Aug. Cant., 281. Martene de Ant. Eccl. Kit., t. ii., lib. 
 
 Bonifacii Epist., apud Bibl. Max. ii., c. xiii. The peculiarities of the 
 
 Patrura, xui., 73. Malmesbury, apud Pontifical are pointed out in Mr. 
 
 Savile, 12 h., 153. Maskell's Monumenta Ritualia. 
 
 'Alcuin, apud Gale, i., 723. Addit. * Printed entire in Thorpe's Ancient 
 
 ad I itnitentialc Egberti, in Laws, etc., Law.s and Institutes of England, ii., 
 
 ol England, u., 233-5. 326-42, and, partially, in Wilkins' Con- 
 
 " Alcuin de SS. Ebor., apud Giile, i., cilia, i., 101-12. Labbe, Cone. vi.
 
 735 766.] ARCHBISHOP EGBERT. 97 
 
 de Ecclesiastica Institutione ;- a Confession ale" and a Pieniten- 
 tiale/ the two latter works boinji" in the native as well as in the 
 Latin tongue, and for an ohvions reason. Other treatises are 
 also ascribed to him.'^ Egbert seems to have studied deeply, 
 and to have borrowed much from the "OTitings of his prede- 
 cessors, especially from those of Theodore. Everything that 
 he has done shcAVs that he was a rigid disciplinarian. Some of 
 his rules are severe to an excess, some of his penances arc 
 fi'ightful. His ideal of a faithful Christian must have been 
 something far too high to be attained by frail erring man. 
 And yet we cainiot doubt his sincerity and earnestness. A 
 person who would commit to writing such minute directions for 
 moral conduct and mental control Avas a man of more than 
 ordinary powers. That heart must indeed have been crucified 
 itself before it could thus teach others how to crucify the 
 world. The enemy of all must have been battered down by 
 long vigils and tears in the closet and in the desert. And 
 having won the victory at length, that heart could shew others, 
 yea, all, how to strive and conquer. An ennobled purity seems 
 to envelop it ; it reposes in the still light of holiness, but it is 
 the brightness that siuTOunds an angel. 
 
 There are other reasons, besides his literary labours, which 
 entitle Egbert to the gratitude of posterity. He is said to have 
 been the founder of the celebrated school of York and of the 
 library connected Avith it.'' There was no nobler place of edu- 
 cation at that time in England. The renoAvn of the scholars 
 and their master was mentioned with delight among the Paladins 
 
 col. 1586—1604. Spelman's Cone, bridge. Cf. Wanle}', ii., 109. Leland 
 
 258-80. There is a manuscript in found another in the library at Sarum 
 
 MSS. Harl., 438; another, once be- (Itin, iii. t)2). See Oudinus, ut supra, 
 
 longing to the church of Worcester, and Leland, De Script. Brit., i., 114, and 
 
 in the library of C. C. C, Cambridge. Wright, 305. Fuller (Ch. Hist., bk. 
 
 Cf. Wanley, ii., 109. Mabillon, Ann. ii., 101) is anything but compHmentary 
 
 Ben., ii., 210-11. Oudinus, i., 1796. about the tendency of these works. 
 
 "" Ancient Laws and Institutes of '^ Sc. " Eruditiones Discipulorum, 
 
 England, ii., 87-96. Bedic, Ep. Labbe, lib. i. Homelia; et Lcctioncs, lib. i. 
 
 Concilia, vi., col. 1604-11. Wilkins, i., Ad Eoclesiarum Pastores, lib. i. Ad 
 
 82-6. Leland found a copy in MS. in Zachariam pro Pallio, epist. i. Ad 
 
 the library at Sarum (Itin., iii., 92). Eadbertum fratrem, regem, epist. i. 
 
 There is one in MS. in MSS. Cotton., Ad Atinium diaconum, epist. i^lures, 
 
 Vitelhus, A, xii. See Oudinus, i-, 1796. etc. (15alo, Script. Brit., cent, ii., 
 
 Lei. de Script. Brit., i., 114. 109.) I'itseus, 153-4; a most inaccu- 
 
 ° Ancient Laws and Institutes of rate writsr. 
 
 England, ii., 128-69. There is a copy in '' Iligden, apud Gale, i., 249. Lei. 
 
 MS. in MSS. Harl., 438. See Oudinus. Coll., iii., 259. Alcuini Op., ed., 
 
 '' Ancient Laws and Institutes of 1777, prooem. to vol. i., xvi. Baronius, 
 
 England, ii., 170—239. Extracts from ix., 338. Sraithi Flores Hist. Eccl., 
 
 it, sub nomine Bedsc, in Labbe, vi., 153. There is a long account of Eg- 
 
 col. 1611-19, and Spelman, 281-8. bert's literary labours in Oudinus, i., 
 
 Wilkins, i., 113-44. There is a MS. 1796. Cave, Hist. Lit., 486. Cf. Harps- 
 
 of it in the library of C. C. C, Cam- feld, 148. Lei. Script. Brit., i., 114, 
 
 H
 
 1)8 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of Charlemagne/ Beda, in his cell of Jarrow, rejoiced to hear 
 of the good work which was being done at York, and longed to 
 throw aside the infirmities of age, that he might pay another 
 visit to his illustrious diocesan/ From all parts of Europe 
 youths of noble birth foimd their way to the seat of the Northern 
 jprimacy to be taught by the prince-bishop.^ Egbert himself 
 was the moderator of the school, and Albert was the vice- 
 dominus or abbas, the former giving lessons in divinity, the 
 latter in grammar and in the arts and sciences/' The reputation 
 of one of Egbert's scholars is enough to rescue his name from 
 oblivion. It was no slight honour to have cultivated the tastes 
 and fostered the genius of Alcuin.* 
 
 In the life of Alcuin there is an interesting description of the 
 daily work of his master in the monastery of York whenever his 
 attention was not distracted by weightier and more important 
 matters. The cares of his diocese would occupy of course the 
 first place. " As soon as he was at leisure in the morning he 
 sent for some of the youug clerks, and sitting on his couch 
 taught them successively till noon, at which time he retired to 
 his private chapel and celebrated mass. After dinner, at which 
 he ate sparingly, he amused himself with hearing his pupils 
 discuss literary questions in his presence. In the evening he 
 recited with them the service of complin, and then calling them 
 in order, he gave his blessing to each as they knelt in suc- 
 session at his feet.''-' 
 
 The pen of Alcuin was not dipped in gall when he spoke of 
 his instructor. The verse may haply be uncouth, but it cannot 
 conceal the affection of the writer.^ He tells us of the learning 
 of Egbert, of the suavity of his manner, of his gentleness and 
 goodness. Stern he could be where a rebuke was merited, and 
 yet who was more lo^dng or beloved ? Alcuin could descend from 
 the height to which his own surpassing genius had raised him, 
 and speak of his old teacher Avith the aifectionate humility of a 
 child. That is no slight tie which binds the scholar to his 
 master. It will be long before I forget mine, although those 
 once observant eyes are closed, and that well-remembered voice 
 is still. 
 
 Towards the close of his life Egbert seems to have resigned 
 
 ' Hist. Mon. S. Auf^. Cantnar., 281. 1V77, i., Ixi.-iii. Mabillon, Acta SS. 
 
 Malmesbury.apudSavile, 12, b. Higden, Ord. S. B., sjec. iv., 148. Lei. Coll., hi., 
 
 apud Gale, i., 250. Lei. Coll., iii., 259. 259. Baronii Ann., ix., 338. Lei. de 
 
 / Bedsc Epist. ad Egbertum, ed. Script. Brit., i., 121. 
 
 Smith, 305. i Lingard, i., 98. Vita Alcuini, apud 
 
 ^ Vita Alcuini, procem. ad Op., ed., Acta SS. ord S. B. ssec. iv., i., 149. 
 
 1777, i., Ixi. * Alcuin, ap. Gale, i., 725. Malmes- 
 
 *Lorenz, Life of Alcuin, 9. hmy, apud Savile, 12, J. Mabillon, 
 
 ' Vita Alcuini, proa;m. ad Op., ed., Ann. Ben., ii., 94.
 
 735 — 766.] ARCHBISHOP Egbert. 99 
 
 the management of his school to Albert and Alcuin.' It could 
 be in no better hands. He himself had weightier matters to 
 attend to now. Tranquil must have been his life within the 
 walls of his monastery at York, happier far than if he had tarried 
 in his father's court. And noAV, when the heat of the day was 
 over, there was the contemplation of the future left to him ; 
 there was also the remembrance of the past, and to him in his 
 declining years there would be pleasure in the retrospect. " Est 
 enim quiete, et pure, et eleganter actee aitatis placida ac lenis 
 senectus." Whilst the aged prelate was watching in his cloister, 
 his brother Eadbert was on the Northumbrian throne, and amid 
 the cares of royalty he would envy the peacefalness of that life 
 which the archbishop had adopted. He would see him resign- 
 ing his scholastic duties to prepare himself for a very dift'erent 
 scene ; and then the monarch would muse upon those startling 
 thoughts which a later poet so beautifully moulded into verse. 
 
 " The glories of our birth and state 
 Are shadows, not substantial things ; 
 There is no armour against fate ; 
 
 Death la3's his icy hand on kings : 
 Sceptre and crown 
 Must tumble down, 
 And in the dust be equal made 
 With the poor humble scythe and spade." 
 
 Was he ready for the change which even he was to expect ? 
 He voluntarily laid aside his honours, and, taking the tonsure 
 like his micle Ceonwulf, entered his brother's monastery in 757. 
 to spend with him in quietude and prayer the remainder of his 
 days.'" It was a sight worthy of an exalted age. The remnant 
 of their earthly lives was devoted to Him " who seeth in secret," 
 and ere long they passed into His presence. The archbishop 
 was summoned first, on the 19tli November, 766, having been 
 the ruler over his see for thirty-four winters." His brother 
 followed him on the 19tli August, 768." They were laid side by 
 side in one of the porches or chapels in the cathedral of York.-p 
 
 ' Alcuini opera, ed., 1777., prooera. of Huntingdon, apud Savile, 196, b. 
 
 to vol. i., xxii. Lorenz, Life of Al- Hoveden, ibid., 231, h. Chron. Petrib., 
 
 cuin, 10. Malmesbury de Pont., apud 8. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. Uunelm., 81., 
 
 Savile, 153, b. where he is said to have been bishop 
 
 "■ Saxon Chron., 72, Wendover, i., thirty-two years. Mabillon, Ann. Bon.. 
 
 149. Wallingford's Chron., apud Gale, ii., 210-11. Wendover, i., 151, says 
 
 i., 529. Chron. Petrib., 7. Baronii that Egbert died in 767, and that Ean- 
 
 Ann., ix., 119. bald succeeded him. Addit. ad Bcdam, 
 
 " Some writers say that he was bis- ed. Smith, 224, make the date 766. 
 
 hop thirty-six winters. Sax. Chron., " Saxon Chron., 74. 
 
 74. Flor. Wigorn. (276) gives the 14 p Alcuin, apud Gale, i., 725. Saxon 
 
 Cal. as the day of his death. Symeon, Chron., 66. Malmesbury, apud Savile, 
 
 col. 106. Chron. de Mailros, 7. Hen. 153. S^Tneon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 83. 
 
 n 2
 
 !()() FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Fuller, therefore, is slightly incorrect when he says, " In that 
 age tlie greatest princes and prelates their corpses came no 
 nearer than the church-porch ; though in after ages the bodies 
 of meaner persons were admitted into the church, and buried 
 therein."* I camiot but call to mind the directions which good 
 bishop Hall gave in his last vnW to his executors, " My body," 
 lie savs, "I leave to be interred a^ ithout any funeral pomp, with 
 this only monition, that I do not hold God's house a meet re- 
 pository for the dead bodies of the greatest saints."'' 
 
 J^iX^iXX, who succeeded Egbert in the archbishopric, was the 
 son of parents of influence and rank/ He was educated in the 
 monastery of York, where he was soon regarded as a youth of 
 no ordinary ability. Egbert the prince-bishop was his kins- 
 man, and the ties of blood, which at that time were valued and 
 regarded, would link the two together; but they had another 
 bond of union, afar nobler one than the accident of birth, — in the 
 fascinating tastes Avhich they both cultivated and enjoyed. With 
 what i)leasure and affection would the prelate look down upon 
 the youthful scholar ! Hoav delightful to watch the spreading 
 of those radiant fires of genius which he had himself enkindled V 
 He marked Albert out for a career of usefulness and distinction. 
 He raised him in course of time to the priesthood. He associ- 
 ated him with himself in the charge of his pupils, making him 
 the master of the schools, and also the defensor cleri. It is not 
 exactly known what were the duties of this officer. In all pro- 
 bability he was the abbas or vice-dominus, who has been already 
 mentioned, and, therefore, the superintendent of the clergy 
 within the walls of the monastery, if not beyond them. 
 
 Lei. Coll., iii., 259. Gaimar, I'Estorie apud Savile, 196 h. S^Tneon, De Arch, 
 (les Engles, apud Mon. Hist. Brit., 785. Ebor., col. 78. Stubbs, ibid., 1697. 
 
 " Ecberith Entinc out nun son frcre ; ^H^?'*''?,' -'^"'^- ^^^•' ^ 211,212. 
 
 Arcevesque ert, c gentii ere. Albert s name IS not inserted among 
 
 Ambcdcus gisent, pies a pres, the archbishops of York by Malmes- 
 
 A Everwich, a portices." fcury, nor is it in the Hist. Mon. S. 
 
 1 Church History, book ii., 101. ^^^^- Cantiiar. Hen. Huntingdon in- 
 
 *■ Winstanley's Worthies, 358. ''^^ts his name and then contradicts 
 
 ' For this memoir the poem of Alcuin himself, 
 
 de SS. et Pontificibus Ebor. is the chief Albert consecrated Frithwald bp. of 
 
 authority (Gale, i., 727, etc.) Hexham at York, and Ethelbert to the 
 
 Albert's name is variously spelt. I ^^™® ^^^ ^" '^'^^- Saxon Chron., 73, 76. 
 
 find aim called Ethelbert, Adalbert, Huntingdon, apud Savile, 191 b. 
 
 Edbert and Albert, alias Csena. Saxon ' " Pontifieique comes Ecgbert conjunctus 
 
 Chron., 71. Tl. Wigorn., 276. Liber ^ . =iti''a=«'t. 
 
 Vitce Eccl. Dunelm., 7. Huntingdon, ^"' prnquusr^"'""" ^'"" ^"^' '^'■"
 
 766 782.] ARCHBISHOP ALBERT. 101 
 
 The renown of the school of York was spread at this time 
 through the greater part of Europe. Egbert had l)uilt it up, 
 and it was a triumph to the genius of Albert to be al)lc to in- 
 crease it. It was a noble work that these two illustrious scholars 
 were then doing. Egbert, indeed, when Albert became his 
 assistant, merely gave instruction in the New Testament, but 
 Albert explained the Old Testament, and gave lessons generally 
 in the arts and sciences. He led his numerous scholars into a 
 wide field of learning — grammar, rhetoric, law, poetry, astro- 
 nomy and natui'al philosophy. And not onh* was he the master 
 of such stores of erudition, but he had the happy power of im- 
 parting them to others. He was able at the same time to com- 
 municate and evoke. Wherever there was the slightest ray of 
 genius, however tremulous and feeble, he could detect and 
 strengthen it. His pupils, also, could love their instructor whilst 
 they admired his learning. Fascinating he was and affectionate, 
 with a winning kindliness of manner that entwined itself aromid 
 the hearts of all. There have been many like him since who 
 have sacrificed their very lives for others, and for the sacred 
 cause that they have striven to advance. The busy world has 
 too often marked them only to censure the modest tastes that 
 shnuik from its follies, and to sneer at a disposition which it could 
 neither appreciate nor understand. Neglected or unobserved, 
 those teachers of the young, the thinker and the scholar, have 
 gone down to their graves in silence, liAdng only in the hearts of 
 those who have drunk in from their lips the lesson of their 
 lives. There is a day coming on which men of genius and learn- 
 ing shall emerge from the darkness in which posterity has buried 
 them, to witness a strange cancelling of opinions and reversing 
 of degrees. How often in this world has the fame of a great 
 man been rescued from oblivion by an accident or a chance ! If 
 there had been no Alcuin, we should have known, perhaps, 
 nothing of the toil and work of Albert ! 
 
 Alcuin was Avithout doubt the greatest scholar of his age, 
 and one of the brightest stars in the Anglo-Saxon church. He 
 was a native of York, and a pupil in the school of Egloert. We 
 have already seen how he loved and venerated his master. To 
 Albert he was bound by the closest ties of affectionate regard. 
 He was his companion and his friend as well as his pupil. Alcuin 
 became an assistant in the school," and subsequently, Avlien ele- 
 vated to the see, Alljert appointed him one of the canons of the 
 minster, and raised him to the lionoiu'able and arduous office of 
 magister scholarum. In that position Alcuin won for himself 
 an undying name. The learning and the character of such men 
 
 " Appointed by Egbert. Alcuini Op., 1777, vol. i., proa-m., xxii.
 
 102 
 
 FASTI EnORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 as Sigiilf, Eaubald, St. Liudger and Fridugisus confer immortal 
 honour on Alcuin and York/ 
 
 Not only did Albert devote liis energies to the school-room, 
 but it was lus ambition to leave behind him a splendid collection 
 of books for the benefit of his college. There were some there 
 already which Egbert had collected, but Albert may be called 
 the fomider of that library, although his predecessor had begun 
 it.'" He was anxious that the fruits of his zeal should sundve to 
 generations yet unborn, long after his own lips were silent. 
 Books, as he well knew^, were 
 
 " The only men that speak aloud for future times to hear." 
 
 And he resolved to leave behmd him a noble library for the 
 
 benefit of posterity. This Avould ensm-e to the North of England 
 a continuance of the school for which York was now so famous, 
 for wherever there was a library there would be students, and 
 wherever there was learning the light of religion would never be 
 extinguished. To gather books together in that illiterate age 
 was a" noble enterprize, but Albert was not appalled by the diffi- 
 culty of the undertaking. He threw himself into it with all the 
 ardour of a bibliomaniac. The English collections could not 
 allay his thirst for literatm'c. More than once did he cross the 
 seas with Alcuin for his companion,'' never caring for the perils 
 with Avhich the traveller was beset, if only he could secure some 
 of the precious tomes that he saw for his library at home. Italy 
 was one of the countries that he A-isited, and he wandered among 
 its monasteries and shrines on the same ground which, in a later 
 age, tempted the author of the Philobiblon to desert his monarch 
 and his see. The treasures which fascinated Poggio and Petrarch 
 were as yet imknown, and there Avere no Medici to patronize 
 and commend. Albert had a welcome everywhere, for his repu- 
 tation had preceded him. Fain would they have detained him 
 in Italy to scatter there the rich seeds of learning which were 
 springing up in England, but he would not desert his scholars 
 aiul his school. He came back to York bringing with him the 
 treasures that he had collected. Alcuin speaks wdth raptiu'e of 
 these precious volumes in a Avell-known passage which, although 
 often quoted, must not be omitted here. It describes the eon- 
 tents of the library at York, which he calls in another place the 
 
 ^ Alcuini Op., i., prooem., xxii. Ibid., Influence Litteraire, etc., par Fr. Mon- 
 
 Ixiii., Sigulf is called " custos Heboricse nier, 10. 
 
 civitatis ecclesise." He goes to Eome " On the table of benefactors in the 
 
 "ad eccles. ordinem discendum — et minster Albert is called " Quartus fun- 
 
 causa cantus." Vita S. Liudgeri, apud dator. Primus bibliothecam condidit." 
 
 Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B. ssec. iv., Gent, 61. 
 
 i., 37, and VitaB. Alcuini, ibid., 150, 2. >• Alcuini Op., i., prooem., xvi., 287. 
 
 Ann. Ben., ii., 186, etc. Alcuin, ct son Lorenz' Life of Alcuin, 9, 10.
 
 766 782.] ARCHBISHOP ALBERT. 103 
 
 flowers of Britain." It will be seen that the authors of the 
 ancient world were very fairly represented in that collection. 
 
 " lUic invenies veterum vestigia Patrum, 
 Quidquid habet pro se Latio Romanus in orbe, 
 Grsecia vel quidquid transmisit clara Latinis : 
 Hebraicus vel quod populus bibit imbre superno, 
 Africa lucifluo vel quidquid lumine sparsit. 
 Quod pater Hieronjinus, quod sensit Hilarius, atque 
 Ambrosius pra3sul, simul Augustinus, et ipse 
 Sanctus Athanasius, quod Orosius edit avitus : 
 Quidquid Gregorius summus docet, et Leo papa ; 
 Basilius quidquid, Fulgentius, atque coruscant 
 Cassiodorus item, Chrysostomus atque Johannes. 
 Quidquid et Althelmus docuit, quid Beda magister, 
 Quaj Victorinus scripsere, Boetius, atque 
 Historici veteres, Poinpeius, Plinius, ipse 
 Acer Aristoteles, rhetor quoque Tullius ingens. 
 « Quid quoque Sedulius, vel quid canit ipse Juvcncus, 
 Alcuinus et Clemens, Prosper, Paulinus, Arator, 
 Quid Fortunatus, vel quid Lactantius edunt. 
 Qua3 Maro Virgilius, Statius, Lucanus et auctor 
 Artis Grammaticse, vel quid scripsere magistri. 
 Quid Probus atque Focas, Donatus, Priscianusve, 
 Servius, Enticius, Pompeius, Comminianus. 
 Invenies alios perplures." 
 
 We may picture to ourselves the life of Albert and his pupils 
 in the monastery of York when these heroes of past ages were 
 their companions. Horace was not there^ nor the lighter writers 
 of antiquity. They listened not to the melodious numbers and 
 the glorious poetry of Greece^ but they could open the pages of 
 the historian, and read for themselves the thrilling legend, and 
 the exploits of the warriors and statesmen of that mighty city, 
 which, rising even when it fell, had become the abode of the 
 greatest bishop in the West. Here they could drink in the 
 persuasive arguments and the glowing eloquence of the standard- 
 bearers of their o^vn church, men of prowess and renown, who, 
 whilst they lived on earth, were fit already for the society of 
 angels. Here, before them, was the story of their sufferings 
 and their victories, the sighings and the vigils of the recluse, 
 the fiery trials which the martyrs met and scorned, the ecstasies 
 of the enraptured devotee, the heaven-born words that had 
 flowed from the lips of the departing saint, when the light of 
 another world was already beaming upon his face. The heart 
 of the youthful Saxon would burn within him when his master 
 told him of the triumphs of faith that had been achieved, and 
 of the glories that he could himself secure. With delight he 
 would hear how many of these holy men had lived and died in 
 
 * Malmesbury, De Gestis Pont., apud Savilo, 153. Alcuini Op., i., 53.
 
 lOl- FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the seclusion of a monastery, working as he Avorkecl, and he 
 woukl study to be like them. The remembrance of this would 
 be with the pupil in the class-room and the dormitory ; it would 
 make his eye groAV brighter when it rested upon the sacred page ; 
 it would guide his hand when it Avrote down the words by v/hich 
 he was enthralled ; it would nerve him for his daily occupations, 
 and sanctify them all. What a happy life Avas his when the 
 silence of the study was broken only by the summons to the 
 house of God, where the voice of prayer and praise chimed in 
 with those secret aspirations which it strengthened and ennobled ! 
 Monotonous it may seem, but it was not wearisome. A holy 
 light illumined it, unchanging and serene as that heaven from 
 Avhich it came. 
 
 The highest honoiir in the North awaited Albert. At the 
 death of archbishop Egbert in 766 Albert was appointed his 
 successor, in compliance with the wishes of the people.* He was 
 consecrated, together with Alchmund, bishop of Hexham, on 
 the 24th of April, l^l .'' In 773 pope Adi'ian sent to him the 
 pall." The gi'eat scholar Avas an excellent archbishop. He was 
 a strict disciplinarian, as we might expect, and a terror to evil- 
 doers, but a true folloAver of the Good Shepherd in his affection 
 for his flock. It is such a leader that the sheep love to follow 
 to the still waters and the pleasant fields. And they who had 
 knoAvn him in the loAvlier position which he had previously 
 adorned Avere conscious of no alteration in his manner or dis- 
 position. The pomps and luxuries of the cornet could not ensnare 
 or dazzle him ; the old simplicity of his habits and his kindliness 
 of heart Avere still unchanged. 
 
 To his church at York Albert Avas a great benefactor, for 
 he Avas a man Avith splendid tastes, and personal frugality had 
 not led him to neglect the decoration of God^s house. In 741 
 the minster had been greatly injiu'ed by a fire,* and it was 
 reserved for Albert to erect AA'hat Avas really a new temple. His 
 first care Avas bestowed upon the sanctum sanctorum, the little 
 chapel in Avhich Paulinus had baptized Edwin.^ The great altar 
 
 ' Symeon, col. 107. Chron. de Mail- Minster, i., 3, 4. Fabric Eolls ed. Sur- 
 
 ros, 7. Hovedcn, apud Savile, 231 b. tees Soc, pref., ix. Gent's York, 61. 
 
 The Saxon Chron. says 766. Bentham's Ely, 25-6. Mr. AVillis is of 
 
 " Symeon, De Archiep. Ebor.,78. De opinion that Albert built two churches, 
 
 testis, col. 107. Stubbs, col. 1697. the one, vidth the altar at which Edwin 
 
 Uiron de Mailros, 8. Hovcden, apud was baptized, was the minster, the 
 
 bavile, 231 *• other with the thirty altars, a different 
 
 * Uovedcn, apud Sa\ile, 231. "Mo- building. It seems to me that they 
 
 nastenum in Eboraca civitate succen- were the same (pref. ix.), and Edwin's 
 
 sum^ est nono. Cal. Man, feria prima, chapel was probably renovated, in the 
 
 cVp wir . * , •. . , -r.. /^«!5 «»5i;«Mce, that it might be used for 
 
 f VI \f- ! ^^""cnitectural History service whilst the minster was being 
 
 of \ ork Minst«r, 4-5. Browne's York erected.
 
 766 782.] ARCHBISHOP ALBERT. 105 
 
 in it lie renovated and dedicated to St. Paul, and lie made 
 another near it. All the sacred vessels and crucifixes were of 
 silver or gold, and were inlaid with precious stones. Around 
 this little shrine Albert began and completed a new church, a 
 good work that Avon for him the title of one of the founders of 
 the minster.'' Alcuin and Eanbald were the superintendents of 
 the work, which remained tuiinjured until the Norman Con- 
 quest. It contained as many as thirty altars, and was probably 
 of that Byzantine style of architectui'e which was then so 
 prevalent abroad. 
 
 The lamp of life was now flickering out ; the days of Albert 
 were drawing towards their close. Rich in good Avorks and 
 active piety as they had been, the aged prelate, Avhen he looked 
 back upon the past, coidd only see that it Avas full of oppor- 
 tunities neglected or misused, of numberless shortcomings. He 
 would sigh to himself, — 
 
 " O quid solutis est beatius curis 
 Quum mens onus reponit !" 
 
 And he resolA'cd to tear himself from that world by which he 
 had been enthralled. He would follow the example of John 
 and Wilfrid, and the remainder of his days should be dedicated 
 to God, Like the aged Jacob, he called around him his spi- 
 ritual children. Eanbald, a beloved pupil, he nominated his 
 coadjutor in the see, and consecrated him to that high office.* 
 To the faithful Alcuin he gave up the school on which so much 
 of his energies had been spent, and the care of the library that 
 they had collected, and then he entered upon his solitary Avatch, 
 to atone, as far as he could, for the offences of the past. 
 
 Two years and two months were spent in this retirement./ 
 Ten days before his eyes Avere closed in death, he was permitted 
 to Avitness the completion of the church that he had begun, and 
 to join Eanbald in dedicating it to God. He retired to his cell 
 to die. The affectionate Alcuin was a witness of his end, and 
 among the last words that Albert uttered Avas a desire that his 
 friend shoidd cross the seas, and pay a A^isit to France and 
 
 ■* This title is <nven to Albert on the HajcnimisaUadomussolidissuflFultacolumnis, 
 
 bnnrrl nrosprverl fn the minsfoi- wliirh Suppositaa quic statit curvatis arcubus, intus 
 
 poam pieservea in me mmhiei, wuicu Kraicat egregiis laqueaHhus atque foiiestris, 
 
 IS ot the age Ot Dean bale, who was Pulcliraqueporticibusfulgetcircumdatamultis, 
 
 thoroughly conversant with the history I'lurima diversis retincns solaria tfictis, 
 
 of the cathedral. Gent (p. fil) gives a Q""" t"^''*"'^ te"*^' """"'^ omatibus aras." 
 
 cop.y of it in his account of York . ch^on. de Mailros, 8. Hoveden, 
 
 Alcuin s description of Albert s apud Savilc ''3'' a 
 
 church is too curious and valuable to / SvnieonrDe Archiep. Ebor., col. 
 
 be omitted :— yg. Stubbs, col. 1697. Mabillon, Ann. 
 
 " Ast nova hasilicns miric structuva dicbus Beu., ii., 255. 
 Pnesulis hujus erat jam caepta, poracta, sacrata.
 
 106 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Ilomc.^ Al])ert was taken to his rest at York* on the 8th of 
 November, 781 or 782,' at the sixth hour of the day. A noble 
 procession of laymen and ecclesiastics accompanied him to his 
 bm'ial, all full of grief for the patron whom they had lost, yet 
 with that sorrow there would be the conviction in every mind 
 that the great scholar was at rest, and each would share in the 
 thought which Alcuin has thus expressed : — 
 
 " Jam cui Christus, amor, potus, cibus, omnia Christus ; 
 Vita, fides, sensus, spes, lux, via, gloria, virtus." 
 
 ^ftiulialtl C was the pupil and the successor of Albert. The 
 greater part of his life had, in all probability, been spent in the 
 monastery of York, and there he had made himself acquainted 
 with the stores of learning that Egbert and Albert could impart. 
 From a student he became a teacher, and, with the famous 
 Alcuin, he shared the affections of Albert. Eanbald was pro- 
 bably the \'ice-dominus of the monastery, and when the good 
 bishop in his declining years threw aside the cares of his high 
 office, he made Eanbald his coadjutor, thereby nominating him 
 as his successor. Eanbald had already evinced his aptitude for 
 business by taking the charge, with Alcuin, of the rebuilding 
 of the minster. It was his high privilege to join his aged bene- 
 factor, Albert, in dedicating it anew to God. He was then in a 
 more exalted position than he had occupied when the work 
 began. The mitre was upon the brows of the architect.-' 
 
 Eanbald took the place of Albert in 782, and the first care 
 of Alfwold, king of Northumbria, was to provide him with the 
 pall.* Alcuin himself, at the request of his friend, went to 
 Rome to bring it.' 
 
 " I tamen, pro me, tu, cui licet, aspice Eomam," 
 and on his return Eanbald was solemnly confirmed in his office. 
 
 «■ Alcuini Op., i. Yita in prooem., Gale, i., 730. Sjraeon, De Gestis, col. 
 
 Ixiii. 107. Ma]mesbury(Savile, 153 a) makes 
 
 * Saxon Chron., 77. Huntingdon one Eanbald and not two, missing out 
 
 (196 6) and Hoveden (235), by a mis- Albert; so does Wendover, i., 151. 
 take, say that he died at Chester. * Saxon Chron., 77. Chron. Mailros, 
 
 'Saxon Chron., 77. Chron. de 9. Huntingdon, apud Savile, 197. 
 
 JIailros, 8, and Symcon, De Gestis, col. Hoveden, ibid., 235 b. Symeon, De 
 
 108, make the date 780. Fl. AYigorn., Gestis, col. 108. Bromton, col. 797. 
 
 278, and Chron. Petrib., 9, say 781. Stubbs, col. 1697. Labbe,Bibl., i., 323. 
 Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., ssec. iv., ' Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., 
 
 1., lo2. Alcumi, Op., i.. Vita Ale, ssec. iv., i., 152. Vita Ale, prooem., 
 
 procem., Ixuk Op. i., Ixiv. Recueil des Historien.s 
 
 ■' Alcuin, De Pont. Eccl. Ebor., apud des Gaules, v., 445
 
 782 796.1 ARCHBISHOP EANBALD I. 107 
 
 Between the two scliolars there existed the closest intimacy and 
 regard. They worked and taught together. Eanbald, like his 
 master and his namesake, lives for us in the light of Alcuin ! 
 
 The state of Northumbria during the archiepiscopate of 
 Eanbald was anything but favoiu'able to the progress of Chris- 
 tian teaching. The country was full of violence and bloodshed. 
 Alfwold ascended the throne at the expulsion of king Ethelred, 
 and was murdered after a short but useful reign by one of his 
 own captains. Within a twelvemonth his successor and nephew, 
 Osred, died a violent death. Tempted by the chances of success, 
 amid the general confusion, the exile Ethelred seized his old 
 kingdom, and, after wreaking a futile vengeance upon his ene- 
 mies, fell a victim soon after to a conspiracy among his own 
 nobles. To add to the general dismay, the Danes broke in upon 
 the di\ided and unhappy country. They desolated that sacred 
 shrine which Aidan reared at Lindisfarne, and in Avhich Wilfrid 
 and Cuthbert had watched and prayed. Those holy men would 
 think in their day that no foeman would ever reach that little 
 temple which cliff and wave had made into a sanctuary, but 
 the sea-kings cared neither for rock nor storm. The startled 
 inmates were slaughtered at their altars. In the succeeding 
 century they deserted their insecure abode, and, after many 
 wanderings, found a resting-place at last, yea, another Salem 
 with its holy hill, beside the waters of the Wear. 
 
 All this trouble and confusion must have materially crippled 
 the Northumbrian chm'ch. What satisfactory progress would 
 it now make? The labours of the school of York went on, 
 although there were, probably, fewer pupils. The great library 
 was used and treasured, and there would always be scholars 
 when Alcuin was the master. That illustrious teacher, however, 
 was at this time very frequently abroad. The royal court of 
 France had for him far greater charms than the devastated 
 kingdom of Northumbria. Peace he found there and security, 
 a noble patron, the most accomplished court in Europe, and the 
 society of men of letters and intelligence. Can we wonder that 
 in 790, troubled by the confusion around him, he deserted 
 York for France? Six years after this, in a letter to king Off a, 
 he says that it had been his wish to return, had the violence of 
 the pagans not deterred him from making the attempt.'" But 
 although he was thus absent, he was still present in heart and 
 spirit vnih Eanbald and his old associates at York. He corre- 
 sponded with them, and strove to mitigate the disasters that 
 appalled them. He rebuked Ethelred and his nobles, and gave 
 them good advice which they forgot." He reminded the brethren 
 
 '" Ale, Op., i., 57. " Ibid., i., 17, 20.
 
 108 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 at Hcxliam and their bishop of the light of Christian excellence 
 that hud illumined their bcautifvd shrine^, and bade them recollect 
 and cherish it." He begged the inmates of the monasteries of 
 Wearraouth and Jarrow to call to mind the spiritual renown of 
 ]icda, Benedict and Ceolfrid, and exhorted them to patience and 
 cudurance.^' He consoled the monks of Lindisfarne for their 
 sufferings and affliction.? To the brethren at York he speaks in 
 terms of the most affectionate regard.*" He praises them for 
 their constancy and zeal in a manner which shews that they had 
 not yet fallen, in spite of all their troubles, from their first estate. 
 He gives them advice in a tone that expresses his firm conviction 
 that they would adopt it. He yearns towards them with sym- 
 l)athy and kindness : "You/^ he says, " are ever in my heart. I 
 pray for you first of all. Oh, for the love of God, cherish with 
 heart and tongue youi* son Alcuin ! Oh, remember me, fathers 
 and brothers mine, who are all most dear to me. I am yours in 
 life or death. And haply it may be mercifully allowed that my 
 body, in its old age, may repose with you who nurtui-ed it in its 
 youth. But if another resting-place shall be mine, yet, if God 
 will, there shall be rest for my soul, wherever it may be, through 
 youi' holy prayers. I trust in you. For — we believe that the 
 souls of our brotherhood are to be gathered into the same abode 
 of bliss. Although a difference in merit shall necessitate a 
 difference in reward, still the nature of eternity is such, that all 
 must be happy who enjoy it. And like as there is one sun that 
 shines on all, a sun that all see alike, whether they are near or 
 distant, so a never-ending bliss shall be given to all the righte- 
 ous in God^s kingdom, although the height of their excellence 
 may crown some with a greater glory. Oh, most beloved bre- 
 thren, make yourselves ready to attain to that glory with the 
 fullest intention both of will and deed.^''' These are indeed the 
 aspirations of a poet and a saint ! His bones were not laid 
 Avhere he wished, in the city of his birth. They are resting in 
 the country of his adoption. 
 
 There is little more to be said about Eanbald. His lot was 
 cast in troublous times. He would look, however, upon the last 
 public act of his life as a sign and promise of peace to his dis- 
 tracted diocese. This was the coronation of Eardulf, on whose 
 hand he placed the Northumbrian crown on the 25th of June, 
 
 " Ale., Op., i., 196. quadragesimali tempore in Heboraca 
 
 p Ibid., i., 21, 80, etc. civitate, quae est caput totius regni, in 
 
 ' -tbid., i., 11. ecclesia Beati Petri principis Aposto- 
 
 [ In a letter to Ethelred (i., 20) Al- lorum, vidimus, de borealibus domus, 
 
 cuin mentions a singular portent that sereno aere, de summo tecti minaciter 
 
 occurred in the church of York shortly cadere ? Nonne potest putari a borea- 
 
 before the arrival of the Danes. "Quid libus partibus venire super terram san- 
 
 significat pluvia sanguinis quam in guinem?" ' Ale, Op,, i., 8, 9.
 
 796 812.] ARCHBISHOP EANBALD II. 109 
 
 796, the bishops of Whithern, Lindisfarne and Hexham assist- 
 ing him.'' On the 10th of August Eanbald died at tlie monastery 
 of Etlete or Edete." They bore his remains to York with a 
 noble procession, and interred them in St. Peter's minster.'' 
 
 JE^atlbaltl 3I3I* was consecrated bishop of York in a monastery 
 called Sochasburg, on Sunday, the 14th or 15th of August, a.d. 
 796. Ethelbert, Higbald and Badulf were the officiating pre- 
 lates." On the 8th of September in the following year, being 
 the festival of the nativity of the Virgin, Eanbald was solemnly 
 confirmed in the archbishopric, having received the pall from 
 Rome"^ w^hich qualified him for that high position. 
 
 Eanbald was one of the presbyters of his predecessor,^ and a 
 very favourite pupil of Alcuin. That illustrious scholar was in 
 France w^hen Eanbald I. died, and he was summoned thence to 
 York, as one of the fratres of that cluirch, to proceed to the 
 election of a new president. The choice, in all probability, w^ould 
 have fallen upon himself. Unwilling to desert the French court 
 and schools, and to venture into a divided and unhappy country, 
 Alcuin gave up all idea of journeying again to England, and he 
 had the satisfaction of hearing that his pupil Eanbald had been 
 raised to an honour which had been within his own reach." 
 
 Between Eanbald and his old master there was maintained 
 the most affectionate intercourse. Alcuin addressed him under 
 the friendly title of Symeon." He held him up as a pattern to 
 the recreant Osulf.* He spoke in his praise to Charlemagne, and 
 the " prsefulgidus " David honoured him with an epistle. He 
 sent him a ship's load of metal to be used in the bell-tower of 
 
 ' Saxon Cbron., 81 — the date made ros, 12. S3Tneon, De Gestis, col. 11-t. 
 
 795. Huntiugdon, apud Savile, 197 a. Hoveden, 233. 
 
 Hoveden, 23. "■ Saxon Cliron., 82. Chron. de IMail- 
 
 " Stubbs, 1697, calls this place Aclete. ros, 12. Sjmeon, De Gestis, col. 111. 
 
 "Where is it ? It may be Yokefleet, in Stubbs, col. 1G97. Hoveden, apud Sa- 
 
 Torkshire. May it not rather be Ay- vile, 233. 
 
 clitre, in the county of Durham, where ■•■ Saxon Chron., 83. S3Tneon, etc., 
 
 there are some early Saxon crosses ? ut supra. ^ Labbe, Bibl., i.. 
 
 There were ecclesiastical meetings at 323. Stubbs, col. 1697. 
 
 Acle, whilst Eanbald was archbishop - Alcuini Op., i., 62-3. Malmesburj'-, 
 
 (Saxon Chron., 79; Ric. Hexham, col. apud Savile, 153. " Dignite reservee 
 
 298. Huntingdon, 196 h). Symeon a Alcuin, s'il cut vouleo roster dans sa 
 
 (De Gestis, col. 138) speaks of a place patrie." Monnier, Vie d'Alcuiu, II. 
 
 called Aclea in the South, and calls it " Ale. Op., i., 230-1, etc. 
 
 " campus quercus." '' Vita Ale, prooem. ad Op., i., xxiv., 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 82. Chron. de Mail- and Op., i., 217.
 
 1X0 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 his church/ When the lawlessness of the times had originated 
 a general declension in manners and morals in Northumbria, 
 esi)ecially in the monasteries, Alcuin wi'ote to Eanbald one of 
 his most useful and remarkable letters of advice. It is easy to 
 see from the tone of the epistle that the prelate had been the 
 writer's pupil. It recommends the archbishop to be a rigid 
 disciplinarian, to attend to the rules and customs of the Roman 
 chm-ch, to bestow especial care upon the management of his 
 school. It lays down many rules for Eanbald's instruction as 
 to his own deportment, and the governing of his churches and 
 clergy,'' and contains many sound and practical suggestions. 
 There is, unfortunately, an absence of any specific information 
 as to the state of the Northern archiepiscopate. The writer 
 speaks of what ought to be done, and not of what had been 
 done, and he leaves the general impression that there was gi'eat 
 room for improvement in the management and discipline of the 
 vast diocese of Northumbria.* 
 
 As far as can be ascertained, Eanbald appears to have been 
 an active prelate. He did his best to recover for Ethelard of 
 Canterbmy, at the request of Alcuin, the portion of his diocese 
 which had been taken away from it by Offa./ He presided in a.d. 
 798 over a synod at Pinchenheale, at which, according to Symeon, 
 some mse and judicious enactments were made relating to the 
 ecclesiastical courts and the observance of Easter.^ There is no 
 evidence to shew that he was the author of a book of synodical 
 decrees.'' If he was, the fact is a slight proof of the assertion 
 that he introduced into the churcb of York the Roman ritual. 
 Eanbald enjoyed the priAdlege of coining money.' 
 
 There is one portion of Eanbald's life which is involved in 
 some mystery, — his connection with Eardulf, the Northumbrian 
 king. Before the close of Alcuin^s life we find the archbishop 
 reprehended by his old instructor for placing himself in opposi- 
 tion to his sovereign. He protected the lands and persons of 
 the enemies of Eardulf, adding to his own territories, and main- 
 taining a greater number of military retainers than any of his 
 predecessors, to the discredit of his office and the overburdening 
 of the monasteries at which he chanced to be a guest. With 
 regard to the first charge, Eanbald pleaded the dictates of Chris- 
 
 <^ Ale. Op., i., 231, "Utdomuscula Mon. S. Aug. Cantuar., 281. Wen- 
 
 cloccarum stagno tegatur." dover, i., 167. 
 
 ■* One of the offences of the North- s Chron. de Mailros, 13. Symeon, 
 
 umbrian clergy at this time was fox- De Gestis, col. 114. Stuhbs, col. 1697. 
 
 hurting! Labbe, Cone, vii., col. 1148. Spelmanni 
 
 ' Canisii Lect. Antiquae, ii., 450. Ale. Cone, 316. 
 
 Op., i., 63, etc. * Pitseus, 164-5. Tanner, Bibl. Brit., 
 
 ^ Ale, Op.,i., 80, 233-4, etc. Malmes- 248. 
 
 bury De Pont., apud Savile, 153 7j. Hist. ■' Davies on the York mint, 7.
 
 812 854.] ARCHBISHOPS WULFSY AND WIGMUND. Ill 
 
 tian charity as his excuse, and it was not a bad one. With 
 regard to the number of his followers, he might have said with 
 justice that it was necessitated by the turbidence of the times. 
 But we hear of the archbishop again in connection Avith the 
 same matter.-' In a.d. 808, when Eardulf was deposed, Eanl)ald 
 was concerned in the negotiations that preceded his restoration 
 by Charlemagne, and Ave arc told that the archbishop and king 
 Kenulf were suspected by pope Leo of unfair dealing in that 
 aflfair.* It was probably his past regard for the city of York in 
 the time of Alcuin that induced Charlemagne to become a peace- 
 maker in Northumbria. 
 
 Eanbald is said to have died in 812, in the reign of Eanred ;' 
 there is, however, some uncertainty about the exact date. 
 
 XllfSg was the successor of Eanbald. The date that has 
 been generally fixed for his consecration is 812. Symeon tells 
 us that he became archbishop in the reign of Eanred, who came 
 to the throne of Northumbria in 810. Of the official acts of 
 Wulfsy there is little known, and the history of the North at 
 that period is involved in equal obscimty. In the Cottonian 
 library there is a letter addressed to Wulfsy, by Egred, bishop 
 of Lindisfarne, about an alleged miracle.'" Wendover says that 
 Wulfsy died in 831." 
 
 tgmUTttl became archbishop whilst Eanred was king of 
 ^Northumbria, about the year 837. This may be inferred from 
 the statement of Symeon, who says that Widfere died in 900, 
 having been bishop forty-seven years, and that Wigmund, his 
 predecessor, held the see for sixteen years. Some coins of this 
 prelate, issued from the York mint, are in existence." 
 
 There are one or two interesting allusions to the church of 
 York at this period among the letters of Lupus, the Avell-known 
 abbat of Ferrieres, which have been printed by Baluz.^ 
 
 J Ale, Op. i.— Cf. Lingard, Anglo- 153 b) calls liim Wilfrid. 
 Saxon Church, i., 126. " S3meon, De Arch. Ebor., col. 78. 
 
 * Mabillon,Ann.Ben., ii.,383. Re- Stubbs, col. 1698. AVendover, i., 183. 
 
 cueil des Historiens des Gaules, v., 602. Liber Yitse Dunelm., 7, where he is 
 
 ' Symeon, De Gestis, col. 78. called Wimund. Davies on the York 
 
 '" Lei. Coll., ii., 298. MS. Cotton, mint, 7. On the stycas the archbishop's 
 
 Tib. A., 15. name is Vigmund. 
 
 " Labbe, Bibl., i., 323. Stubbs, col. p Lupi Epist., ed. Baluz, ed. 1710, 
 
 1698. Wendover, i., 176. Liber Vitfe 103-4. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., ii., 681. 
 
 Dunelm., 7, where he is called Uulf- He makes the date of the letters 849. 
 sige. Malmesbury, De Pont. (Savile,
 
 112 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 One epistle is addressed to Guigmund, bishop of York, and 
 to the eongrcgation under him. It informs them that the writer 
 liad recovered a cell that he had lost, and expresses a wish for 
 the renewal of friendly intercourse between the two houses. 
 
 There is another letter addressed by the same dignitary to 
 Altsig, the abbas (or vice-dominus) of the chui'ch of York, re- 
 peating the request that he had made to Guigmund. 
 
 These letters are valuable in several respects. They shew 
 that there was a friendly feeling at that time between the 
 monastery of York and the society of Lupus, and that the com- 
 munication between Northern and foreign houses, which existed 
 to so great an extent in the preceding centmy, was still kept up. 
 They tell us, moreover, that the monastery of York was under 
 the same government that was described, sixty years before, in 
 the writings of Alcuin, and that the famous library was still in 
 existence, inasmuch as Lupus solicits the loan of a manuscript of 
 Quintilian, one of the Questions of St. Jerome on the Old and 
 New Testament, with a similar work by Beda. 
 
 UlfcrC is said to have succeeded Wigmund in 854-, in 
 which year he received the pall, and thereby became archbishop 
 of the Northumbrians J' 
 
 The kingdom of Northumbria dm'ing the latter half of this 
 century was in the most lamentable condition. It was torn in 
 pieces by internal dissensions, and the incursions of the Danes 
 were very numerous and appalling. The suiferings of the famous 
 Regnar Lodbrog on his bed of snakes were bitterly avenged. 
 The sea-kings covered the ocean with their fleets, and fire and 
 blood marked their track through the desolated country. Nearly 
 all the Northern monasteries were destroyed by them. What 
 progi'css could Christianity make ? The preacher could scarcely 
 save his o^ti life.? 
 
 In 872 the Northumbrians expelled Egbert their king, who 
 had been appointed by the Danes, and Wulfere is said to have 
 gone into exile at the same time.'' They are said to have gone 
 to the court of Burhed, the monarch 'of the Mercians.* The 
 
 p Chron. de Mailros, 18. Symeon, Be 159, where it is said of the city of York, 
 
 Oestis col. 121, 1.39. Stubbs, col. 1698. " Non tunc adhuc ilia civitas firmos et 
 
 liiberVitjeDunehn.,7. Hoveden,apud stabihtos muros illis temporibus hab- 
 
 bavile,232a. Wendover,i.,183. Labbe, ebat." 
 
 oV/'L-^P' . '• Symeon, DeGestis, col. 145. Hove- 
 
 " Mabillon Ann. Ben., iii., 169. den, 233 h. S^nneon, Hist. Eccl. Du- 
 
 Moveden, 232 b. Asser, apud Gale, i., nelm, 95. In 870. ' Wendover, i., 206.
 
 895 928.] WULFERE AND ETHELBALD. 113 
 
 following year witnessed the death of Egbert, and the restoration 
 of the archbishop/ But this was not the only trouble that 
 Wulfere is said to have experienced. At another period of his 
 life, probably in 867, when York was captured by the Danes, 
 Wulfere made his escape and got himself away to Addingham 
 in Wharfdale. He is said to have stayed there for seven years." 
 If this was the case, we are involved in a chronological difficulty. 
 Possibly the year that Wulfere spent in exile in 872 may form 
 a part of the seven ? In the chi'onicle of Melrose it is asserted 
 that that prelate retui-ned to York at the death of Egbert, by 
 whom he was driven out." Egbert, it will be remembered, was 
 supported by Danish influence, which Wulfere would, in all pro- 
 bability, despise. It is reasonable enough to conjecture that 
 Wulfere fled from the Danes in 867, and that he returned at 
 the decease of Egbert in 873 " when he heard that Herod was 
 dead.^"* This will do away with the chronological difficulties 
 which this paragraph presents. 
 
 There is much uncertainty as to the peri(^d of Wulfere^s 
 death. Symeon says in one place that he died in 892 ; in an- 
 other, that he lived eight years longer, thus making him preside 
 over the Northumbrian archiepiscopate for the long period of 
 forty-seven years.'" Hoveden places his death in 890.* 
 
 ^J^tf)Clfaclltl succeeded Wulfere. He witnessed a charter which 
 was made in the year 895. It has been generally said that he 
 was consecrated in 900, receiving the pall four years afterwards. 
 There is nothinar whatever known of him.i' 
 
 ' Wendover, i., 207. S3-ineon, De Wulfere die in 892. S5'meon, De Arch. 
 
 Gestis, col. 145. Ebor., col. 78, says in 900, " anno xlvii. 
 
 " Symeon, De Arch. Ebor., col. 78. episcopatus." Stubbs, col. 1698. 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1698. Asser, (Gale, i., 172) ' Apud Savile, 211 b. 
 
 under the year 893, sa.ys, "Eodem an- y Codex Diplom., ii., 126. Chron. de 
 
 nocapta est civitas Ebroacensis a Nord- Mailros, 25. Symeon, De Arch. Ebor., 
 
 mannis, sed episcopus, Sebar nomine, col. 79; — De Gestis, col. 133, 151. 
 
 Deo auctore, evasit." This is Evreux, Labbe, Bibl., i., 323. Liber Vitse Du- 
 
 not York. nelm., 7. Stubbs, col. 1698, says that 
 
 " Chron. de Mailros, 20. Stubbs, Ethelbald received the pall four years 
 col. 1698, seems to countenance this after his consecration, " regnante Ed- 
 view, vvardo seniore,Elfredi regis filio." Hove- 
 
 " Symeon, De Gestis, col. 133 and den (Savile, 241 h) dates his consecra- 
 
 150, and Chron. de Mailros, 24, make tion in 898. Malmesbury, Savile, 153 6. 
 
 I
 
 ll-l FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Ji^rtirUJaltl, IxOtlClXialtl, or Hotijrtoartl, followed after Ethel- 
 hald, Init tlie year of his cousecratiou lias not been ascertained. 
 I find liiiti witnessing cliarters between 928 and 930, but there 
 is nothing to throw any liglit upon his acts and deeds/ 
 
 ^^^^ulStaU occurs as archbishop of York as early as 931 ; in 
 which year we find him witnessing a charter which has been 
 printed by Mr. Kemble." 
 
 Wulstan is said to have been raised to the see by the famous 
 Athelstan.* That monarch was the first of the English kings 
 who reduced Northumbria to subjection, and a considerable 
 portion of his reign seems to have been spent in the North of 
 England. Athelstan's affection for Christianity was very strongly 
 marked. To the church of Beverley, at the instigation of Wul- 
 stan, and in gratitude to St. John, he granted several noble 
 privileges and possessions. To the minsters of York and Ripon 
 he was eqiially munificent. His generosity woidd, to a certain 
 extent, be prompted by the wish to conciliate the good opinion 
 of his new subjects, and, in the dispensing of it, he would, in 
 all probability, be guided by the advice and suggestions of 
 Wulstan. 
 
 After the death of Athelstan Wulstan appears in a new 
 character. He comes before us as a diplomatist and a soldier. 
 Gratitude to his benefactor Athelstan ought to have strengthened 
 his loyalty to his successor, but we find the archbishop intriguing 
 with the Danes, and joining the Northumbrians in renoiuicing 
 their allegiance to Edmund. In the first instance, indeed, he 
 had shewn himself a peacemaker, as, in conjunction with Odo 
 of Canterbury, he interposed his authority, and prevented a 
 
 ' Symeon, De Arch. Ebor., col. 79. that time the whole of Amounderness 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1698. Malmesbury, apiid to York. Symeon, de Arch. Ebor., 
 
 Savile, 153 5. Codex Diploni.,ii., 163-4. col. 79. Polydore Vergil, 114. Smithi 
 
 " Codex Diplom., ii., 168. In the Flores Hist. Eccl. Angl., 191. Leland 
 
 same collection there are other deeds (Coll., iii., 3) mentions the following 
 
 to which Wulstan wa.s a witness. There story : — 
 
 are some in the Hist. Mon. de Abing- " In the time of king Athelstan, 
 
 don, i., 66, etc. One of the titles as- when the king lay in his tentes beside 
 
 suraed by the archbishop was, " VVulf- York, the king of Scottes faynid him- 
 
 sanus archons servitutis officio man- self to be a mynstrelle, and harped be- 
 
 cipatds, Eboracse civitatis archiepis- fore king Athelstane, only to espy his 
 
 copus." ordinanuce and his people. The same 
 
 Sanctuar. Dunelm.etBeverlac.ed. night he cam to the host and slew 
 
 burtees Soc, 98. Stubbs, col. 1698, Targe, archebishop of York, and al the 
 
 where it is said that the king gave at people in his ward."
 
 928 956.] REDEWALD AND WULSTAX I. 115 
 
 combat between Edmund and the Northumbrians near Lincohi/ 
 This was in 941, but, soon afterwards, AA'ulstan allied himself 
 with Anlaf the Dane, forgetting how the father of his youthfid 
 patron had but a year or two before swept away or desolated 
 more than one Christian establishment in his diocese/ Anlaf 
 was subsequently baptized, — a fact which seems to account for 
 the conduct of the archbishop ; but the ministers of the chiu-ch 
 ought to pause, under any circumstances, before they throw 
 their influence into the scale of violence and bloodshed. 
 
 The sympathies of Widstan seem to haA^e been henceforward 
 on the side of the Danes. In 943 he was with Anlaf when he 
 stormed Leicester, and when that city was besieged by Edmmid, 
 the prelate and the prince with difficulty made their escape by 
 night." A treaty was soon after made, and there was a hollow 
 peace, which lasted for a few years. In 946 Edmund was assas- 
 sinated, and was succeeded by his brother Edred. Wulstan, 
 with the Northumbrian magnates, took the oath of allegiance 
 to him at a place called TaddenscliflFe / this concession having 
 been brought about, according to Ingulph, by the good offices 
 of Tm'ketyl, the archbishop^s cousin, who was at that time the 
 king^s chancellor, and afterwards the abbat of Croyland.^ As 
 a thank-offering, in all probability, for this reconciliation, 
 Edred is said to have given two silver images to the church of 
 York.^ The gift, to say the least, was a premature one. The 
 sympathies of the Northumbrians in favour of a Danish line of 
 monarchs soon overpowered their loyalty. In 947 the arch- 
 bishop and his compatriots broke out into open rebellion, and 
 made Eric, a Northman, the son of Harold Harfager, their 
 king.' This treachery necessitated a hostile invasion of North- 
 umbria by Edred, in which, among other disasters, the monas- 
 tery of Ripon was destroyed.' The wayward people then sought 
 and obtained a reconciliation with Edred, and made specious 
 promises that were speedily to be broken. The homage of the 
 Northumbrians for the next few years was given alternately to 
 
 « Chron. de Mailros, 29. Symeon, held with the chancellorship, " pin- 
 
 De Gestis, col. 134. Hoveden, apud guissimam prsebciulam in eccl. Ebor;" 
 
 Savile, 242 6. Wendover, i., 251. a statement which throws discre(Ht 
 
 ■^ Symeon, De Gestis, col. 134. AVen- upon the authenticity of Ingulph's 
 
 doveri i., 251. Hovedea, apud Savile, Chronicle, as there were no prsebendje 
 
 242 h. *■ Saxon Chron., 147. at York at this time. There were but 
 
 / Saxon Chron., 148, in 947. Fl. seven canons, who seem to have lived 
 
 Wigorn., 352. Symeon, De Gestis, col. upon a common fund. Ingulph is not 
 
 156, in 949. Wendover, i., 253. Hove- to be relied upon, 
 
 den, apud Savile, 243. * Symeon, De Gestis, col. 156. 
 
 e Ingulph, apud Gale, iii., 31. Ma- ' Saxon Chron., 148. Symeon, ut 
 
 billon, xVcta SS. Ord. S. B., ssec. v., stipra. Ethelwardi Chron., apud Mon. 
 
 496. Turketyl was the son of Cilward, Hist. Brit., 520. Aluredus Beverlac, 
 
 Wulstan's uncle. He is said to have 111. > Wendover, i., 255. 
 
 I 2
 
 116 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Eric and Anlaf. In all these convulsions Wulstan must have 
 played a cons])icuous part, and it was the fear of his influence 
 and his treachery that induced Edred, in 952, to throw him 
 into prison at Jedbur^^h.'' The nominal reason for his incarcera- 
 tion, accordinjr to Wendover, was his putting to death many of 
 the citizens of Thetford in revenge for their having mijustly 
 killed the abbat Aldelm.' Wulstan was in restraint for a short 
 time," and then the king, out of respect to his office, allowed 
 him to resume his episcopal functions at Dorchester.'' Malmes- 
 bmy, however, informs us that the prelate scornfully rejected 
 the proffered pardon, and died soon afterwards, probably of 
 disappointment and baffled pride." We hear nothing more of 
 Wulstan, as the hopes of the Danish party were destroyed by 
 the death of Eric and the banishment of Anlaf. He died at 
 Oundle on the 26th of December, 955, and he was there in- 
 terred.^ At the same place the light of life had deserted his 
 famous predecessor Wilfrid, but the greatness of the apostle of 
 the Frisians demanded a nobler sepulchre than was accorded to 
 his spiritual descendant. Both had been tossed about by the 
 Avaters of affliction, but they exalted the one whilst they over- 
 whelmed the other. The one was only a scheming politician, 
 the other was a confessor and a Saint. 
 
 <§)Sfe2tCl, the successor of Wulstan, was a kinsman of Tm^ketyl, 
 the celebrated abbat of Croyland,? and a friend and coadjutor 
 of St. Dmistan. In 950 he was made bishop of Dorchester/ 
 
 * Withabury or Juthanbury. Saxon merely resumed his episcopal functions 
 
 Chron., 149, makes the date 952. Fl. at that place. 
 
 "VVigorn., .353. Chron. de Mailros, 31. ° De Pont., apud Savile, 153 h. 
 
 Synieon, De Gestis, col. 156. Malmes- The passage is obscure, "Datam veniam 
 
 bury, De Gestis, apud Savile, 153 5. indignatus vitam e vestigio exierit." 
 
 Hoveden, ibid., 243. Ingulj^h (Gale, p Saxon Chron., 150. Fl. Wigoru., 
 
 iii., 41). Chron. Petrib., 29, giving 354. Chron. de Mailros, 31. Symeon, 
 
 the date 949. ' AVendover, i., 256. De Gestis, col. 157. Stubbs, col. 1699. 
 
 '" The chronolog}^ is much confused. Hoveden, apud Savile, 244. Wulstan 
 
 Ingulph, Gale, iii., 41, says that Wul- witnessed a charter in 956. Codex 
 
 Stan was released in 948. In Hist. Diplom., ii., 331. 
 
 Mon. de Abingdon, he appears as a ? Saxon Chron., 158. Ingulph, apud 
 
 witness to charters granted in 951, 2, 3. Gale, iii., 41. Turketyl is said to have 
 
 He could only have been in prison for been a canon of York. Oskytel is pro- 
 
 a short time. -bably the person mentioned in the Hist. 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 149. Fl. "VVigorn., Eliensis, apud Gale, i., 482. Ord. 
 
 353. Chron. de Mailros, 31. Symeon, Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 541. 
 
 De Gestis, col. 154. Wendover, i., 256. ^ Saxon Chron., 158. Vita S. Os- 
 
 Hoveden, 243. Wulstan was not made waldi, apud Angl. Sacr.,ii., 197. Stubbs' 
 
 bishop of Dorchester, as some say, but Episcopal Succession, 15.
 
 956—972.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP OSKYTEL. 
 
 117 
 
 from which post, in 956, he was translated to the see of York/ 
 with the consent of king Edward and his council/ He made a 
 journey to Rome to procure the pall, his kinsman and suc- 
 cessor, the well-known Oswald, being his companion across the 
 chamiel." 
 
 There is but little kno'mi of OskyteFs career at York or 
 elsewhere. He was a man of piety and learning." To Oswald 
 he was extremely kind. He aided him in his distress after the 
 decease of his uncle Odo, and, subsequently, he sent for him to 
 Fleury to request his aid in making reforms in his diocese, — a 
 good work which Oswald was ready enough to assist in.'" Os- 
 kytel was, therefore, a coadjutor of Dunstan in his endeavours 
 to introduce the Benedictine rule. How far he was successful 
 it is impossible to say, but the number of charters to which he 
 appears as a witness shews that he was frequently absent fi'om 
 his see.^ In 968 he consecrated Elfsig to the bishopric of 
 Chester. 2^ He joined with archbishop Dunstan in confirming 
 the privileges of Croyland,^ and his intimacy Avitli Turketyl led 
 him to shew much kindness to that monastery.'' 
 
 Oskytel died at Thame on Allhallow-mass night (Nov. 1), 
 972.* The event evoked much sorrow and regret. "^ Turketyl, 
 his friend and kinsman, carried his remains to Bedford, where 
 he was the abbat, and there the archbishop was interred.'^ 
 
 Sir Simonds D^Ewes had in his library an accoimt of the 
 lands that belonged to Oskytel, in right of his archbishopric, 
 written in Saxon.* 
 
 » Fl. Wigorn., 354. Chron. de Mail- 
 ros, 31. Symeon, De Gestis, col. 157. 
 De Archiep. Ebor., col. 79. Stubbs 
 (1699) saj'.s that he was sixteen years 
 at York, and Wendover (i., 256), asserts 
 that he became archbishop in 954. 
 
 ' Saxon Chron., 158. Symeon, De 
 Gestis, col. 157. 
 
 " Eadmer, Vita S. Oswaldi, apud 
 Angl. Sacr., ii., 197. Hist. Rames., 
 apud Gale, i., 392. 
 
 " Wendover, i., 256. Smithi Flores 
 Hist. Eccl., 202. 
 
 ■" Ang. Sacr., ii., 197. Servatus, 
 prior of Worcester, speaks of Oskytel 
 in a way that seems to imply that he 
 was only a learner, " Erat enim rudis 
 adhuc in castris Domini, novitas ei ex- 
 
 tranea, novorum traditio aliena" (MS. 
 at Durham, fol. 10). 
 
 '^ Oskytel subscribes himself as " Os- 
 cytel Eboracensis basilicas primas inseg- 
 nis." Hist. Mon. Abingdon, vol. i., 
 261, and many other places. Codex 
 Diplom., ii., 374, etc. 
 
 V Symeon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 138. 
 
 ' Ingiilph.apudGale, iii., 44. Dugd. 
 Mon., ii., 116. 
 
 " Savile, 501. Mabillon, Acta SS. 
 ord. S. B., sa3c. v., 505. 
 
 * Saxon Chron., 158. Higden, apud 
 Gale, i., 267. Fl. Wigorn., 354. Chron. 
 Mailros, 33, and Symeon, De Gestis, 
 (col. 159). ' Angl. Sacr., ii., 203. 
 
 '' Saxon Chron., 158. 
 
 ' "Wanley, 306.
 
 118 
 
 FASTI EIJORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 "jEttirltooltl is said by two clironiclers to have succeeded 
 Oskytel, and his name appears on the okl lists at York. We 
 are told that he resigned his see, preferring a quiet life/ This 
 is all that we know about him. He must not be confused with 
 " the father of monks," Ethel wold, the benevolent bishop of 
 Winchester. 
 
 ^^Sbjaltl was the son of Danish parents of high rank and 
 consequence. His father was a great favourite of king Athelstan. 
 His uncle, Odo, presided over the see of Canterbury, and to 
 another archbishop, Oskytel of York, he was related by the ties 
 of blood.^ 
 
 The youth was gifted by nature with a noble bearing. His 
 manners were fascinating and attractive, and there was every 
 prospect of success in the path to greatness. But even in those 
 early years, from which holy thoughts and aspirations are too 
 frequently excluded, the boy was nursing a high and a deter- 
 mined sj)irit. The sports of other children had for him no 
 charm. The honour of his family should suffer nothing in his 
 hands, but could it not be enhanced, he thought, if he became 
 the servant of the King of heaven ? Frithegode, the poetical 
 biographer of Wilfrid,* was his instructor, and placed before the 
 youth the authors of antiquity, but it was upon the page of the 
 Divine story that Oswald loved especially to dwell. His ardent 
 spirit burned within him at the glorious recital. Dane although 
 he was, he could there observe a wisdom deeper and more sub- 
 lime than the greatest Northmen could have imagined. There 
 were poetry and adventure grander and more vivid than those of 
 the most impassioned sagas. And then Frithegode would tell 
 him what great men, in later days, had learned out of that book 
 the lesson of their lives. He would hear of Benedict and his 
 noble rule — of Augustine and his spiritual triumphs — how Beda 
 
 f Symeon, De Arch. Ebor., col. V9. Athelstan, and a nephew, Elfwin. (Cf. 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1691). Mr. Stubbs omits Thomas' Worcester, 41-7.) Oswald, 
 
 his name altogether. another nephew, was a monk at Eamsey 
 
 f Eadmer, Vita S. Osw., apud Angl. (Hist. Raraes., 430), and an author 
 Sacr., ii., 192-3, compared with MS. (Pitseus, 181. Bale, cent, ii., 150). A 
 Cotton, Nero, E. i., and the life by grammarian of the name of Constan- 
 Servatus, prior of Worcester, in the tine, according to Leland, wrote a 
 library of the dean and chapter of Dur- poem in Latin Elegiacs, which he ad- 
 ham, B. iv., 39, B. Chron. de Mailros, dressed to archbishop Oswald in com- 
 33. Hist. Ramesiensis, apud Gale, i., mendation of his learned nephew. 
 39J- * Eadmer, 193. Hist. Rames., 391. 
 
 Oswald had two brothers, Osulf and Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iii., 541.
 
 972 992.] ARCHBISHOP OSWALD. 119 
 
 toiled and died — liow Wilfrid worked and suffered for the cause 
 of God. There was his uncle Odo with the pall of primacy 
 upon his shoulders. Why should not he follow in the steps of 
 those who had done great things for God ? The die was cast, 
 and the boy^s resolution was firmly taken. 
 
 He was sent by his uncle to Winchester, and there he be- 
 came, in the first instance, an ordinary canon, and, afterwards, 
 the superior or dean.' The glories of Winchester had not yet 
 arisen. The ecclesiastics there were merely secular canons. 
 They were married men, and their lives were anything but what 
 they ought to have been.-' The evil was too firmly seated to be 
 remedied by a youthful superior, and Oswald was too conscien- 
 tious to be a silent spectator of what he could not cure. He 
 went in sorrow to archbishop Odo* and acquainted him with his 
 difficulties and scruples. He told him how unprofitable to him- 
 self and others had been his life at Winchester. He was dis- 
 gusted with the pride and avarice of his brethren. Their praises 
 sickened him. He was resolved to attach himself to a religious 
 order and become a monk. He would seek for the repose, 
 which he had not yet found, within the walls of Fleury, and 
 learn the rule of Benedict at the resting-place of its holy founder 
 by the waters of the Loire. 
 
 Odo was overjoyed at his nephew's determination, and sent 
 him on his way with commendatory letters, and blessings, and 
 advice. He had passed some time at Fleury himself, and the 
 toilsome honours of age had not banished from his recollection 
 that sacred shrine. The youthful scholar was received within 
 the same walls, and professed himself a monk. The same ardent 
 longing that led Wilfrid to the eternal city from the solitudes of 
 Lindisfarne, directed the steps of Oswald to the " Queen of 
 Monasteries.'' The noble stranger was received with open arms 
 by the abbat and his brethren. They watched with affectionate 
 admiration the zeal of the youthful devotee. They had grown 
 grey themselves in the path of duty, but when they looked at 
 Oswald they were not ashamed to confess that they could still 
 take a lesson from one so much younger than themselves. 
 
 '■ Elected dean " ooncanonicorura terrestres, nee vero honores quos ser- 
 
 conciliante suffragio." MS. Dunelm., vavit Christo non sibi, siout postea rei 
 
 fol. 7. probavit eventus. In diebus illis non 
 
 J The following account of Oswald's monastic! viri ipsius sanctaj institu- 
 
 life at Winchester is taken from the tionisregulseerantinregioneAnglorum, 
 
 MS. in the Cottoniau library. " Erat sed orant religiosi et dignissimi clerici, 
 
 enim valde inclitus in omnibus operibus qui tamen thesauros suos quos avidis 
 
 suis, amabilis et affabilis omnibus ami- adquirebant cordibus non ad ecclesiae 
 
 cis suis. Eulgebat cotidie in sericis honorem sed suis dare solebant uxori- 
 
 vestibus, et epulabatur per singiilos bus." 
 soles splendide, cui suppeditabant gazoe * Eadmer, 193-4, Hist. Eames., 391.
 
 120 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Docility there was in him, and a gentle manner far beyond his 
 years. * He would watch and pray in secret over the require- 
 ments of his hi"h calling. He mastered all that the brethren 
 could teach him, moving quietly among them with a happy 
 countenance. Several years' passed away, and he was still at 
 Fleury. He had taken upon himself all the orders of the 
 church. He was noAV a priest, and his highest aspiration was 
 that he might pass away to his rest Avithin those walls where he 
 had leai'ned the lesson, that there is joy and pleasure even in 
 the cloistered cell. 
 
 Odo was delighted when he heard what his nephew had 
 done at Fleury, how he had answered, and more than answered, 
 his warmest wishes and desires. His own day of life was closing, 
 and, before it ended, he was eager to see again his kinsman, of 
 A^liom he was so proud. He besought him to return to England, 
 to aid him in his diocese, to visit him once more. The sum- 
 mons was not one that an affectionate heart could refuse. The 
 brethi-cn would fain have detained Oswald, and wept at his 
 departure, but he hastened across the channel. With all his 
 speed he was too late. The primacy was vacant before he 
 reached the shores of England. The death of his uncle caused 
 him the most poignant affliction. He went to Canterbury, but 
 the sight of the place awakened many bitter memories. His 
 patron, his dearest kinsman, was lost to him. Whither should 
 he now turn ?'"■ 
 
 Oskytel, another relation, had just become the head of the 
 Northern province. He welcomes Oswald with open arms. The 
 prelate sets out for Rome to secure for himself the pall, and his 
 kinsman accompanies him. Oswald, however, was unable to 
 pass by the walls of Fleury. He left the train of Oskytel, and 
 turned aside to his favourite abode. The inmates welcomed 
 him with joy ; and he returned with a happy heart to his old 
 path of duty. 
 
 Whilst he was at Fleury the archbishop returned to England, 
 but in the management of his vast diocese he soon missed the 
 energy and experience of his kinsman. He entreated him to 
 desert the Loire for the Ouse, and to revive within his province 
 a stricter f()rm of discipline ; and Oswald, nothing loth, accepted 
 his invitation." The English monasteries were at that time in 
 
 ' Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iii., 511, .says died in 961. 
 
 that O.swald went to Fleury circa 959. " Eadmer, 197. Hist. Eames., 392. 
 
 It was probably earlier than this. Re- " velut Joseph uterinum Benjamin, 
 
 cueil das Histonens des Gaules, \-iii., cepit eum amplexibus fovere; quern 
 
 607. .Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., secum retinuit plurimis diebus, com- 
 
 ^^«,' T?'\ '■' ^^V -rr mendans ipsura omnibus amicis suis, 
 
 i^admer, 191-6. Hi.st. Eames., 391. presertim Dunstano" (MSS. Cotton, 
 
 Malmesbury, ap.id Savile, 153 b. Odo Nero E., i., 6, a. b.) " In omni man-
 
 972 — 992.] ARCHBISHOP oswald. 121 
 
 great need of a reformer. They were filled, principally, with 
 secular canons wlio observed no discipline, and were guided, for 
 the most part, by no religious rule. Time and neglect had all 
 but obliterated the lessons of Theodore and Wilfrid. A master- 
 spirit, hoAvever, was now arising, who was bold enough to cor- 
 rect the evil and to enforce, as far as he could, the great system 
 of which Benedict was the author. Dimstan was now sitting 
 in the chair of Odo. That energetic man had heard of the 
 fame of the monk of Fleury. Who woidd be more able to assist 
 him in his projects of reform ? They met, and the most affec- 
 tionate intercourse ensued. As a proof of his esteem, and that 
 Oswald might have a larger sphere of usefulness, Dunstan pre- 
 vailed upon king Edgar to advance his friend in the year 961 to 
 the bishopric of Worcester, which he had himself recently 
 vacated." 
 
 Oswald was a most energetic prelate. The main object of 
 his endeavoirrs was the revival of the ancient order and discipline 
 of the church, which had been too long neglected, and he saAV 
 no other method of bringing this about except by the re-intro- 
 duction of the Benedictine rule and the suppression of the 
 houses of secular canons. In these designs he had two able 
 coadjutors in the archbishop and Ethelwold of Winchester, the 
 triple light, as the historian calls them, which scattered the 
 darkness from ofl' the face of England.^ The position of Dim- 
 stan gave him the greatest amorait of influence, especially with 
 the king, but Oswald was in reality the designer and chief 
 mover in the reformation. The sovereign was induced to pass 
 a decree at a council of the church, ordering the expulsion of 
 the married clergy, and the name of ' Oswald^s law ' which was 
 given to it, points to the bishop of Worcester as its originator.?? 
 That prelate had already established a little colony of twelve 
 monks from Fleury at a place called Westbury, under the cliarge 
 of Germanus, and the sight of that house was so gratifying to 
 the king that he directed more than forty monasteries to be 
 constructed after the same model.'" As soon as the " law " was 
 passed, Oswald expelled the secular canons from seven churches 
 
 svietudine susceptus, mansitabat a latere Eadmor, Hist. Novorum, apud Anselmi 
 
 ejus ill magnificentia dies non paucos" Op., 28. Turketyl of Croyland was a 
 
 (Servatus., 10). great friend of the three (Ord. VilaUs, 
 
 " Eadmer, 198. Flor. Wigorn., 356. apud Duchesne, 541). Polydore Yer- 
 
 Hist. Rames., 392-3. Chron. de Mail- gil, 119. 
 
 ros, 32. Wendover, i., 2G0. Symeon, i Eadmer, 200. Hi.st. Eamcs., 393. 
 
 De Gestis, col. 158. Hoveden, apud Labbe Cone, ix., 690-9. Spelman, 476. 
 
 Savile, 244. Chron. Petrib., 30, where AVilkins, i., 239, 24G-9. The circuui- 
 
 the date 960 is given. Dunstan was the stance was recorded in the windows at 
 
 consecrator. Worcester. (Thomas, 16, 31.) 
 
 p Malmesbury, apud Savile, 31 b., ' MSS. Cotton, Nero E. i., 7 b.
 
 122 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 in his diocese, putting monks in their room, Pershore and 
 "\^'in(•hc()mhe being, prohahly, two of the places in which the 
 cliange was made.* But the career of the reformer was beset 
 with many difficulties. He was powerfid enough to remodel the 
 monasteries of Ely and St. Albans;' nay, one chronicler goes so 
 far as to say that he had a controlling power over all the reli- 
 gious houses in England," but he was foiled within his own 
 diocese, where the secular canons had great influence. He 
 could do little with his own church at Worcester. He endea- 
 voured to lessen the authority of the canons, and granted leases 
 of their property." He built, also, by Dunstan^s advice, a rival 
 church in the cemetery of that belonging to his opponents. In 
 it he was accustomed to officiate himself, and by his personal de- 
 meanor and holy life, accompanied by a little justifiable adroit- 
 ness, the new sanctuaiy became gradually thronged with wor- 
 shippers, and was regarded as the principal temple in the diocese. 
 The secular canons were slowly but surely pushed out of their 
 places."' 
 
 The year 972 witnessed the end of Oskytel of York, and 
 Dunstan seems to have been exceedingly desirous that the 
 Northern primacy should fall into the hands of some one who 
 ■would uphold the Benedictine rule. The struggle between the 
 two religious parties was at its height, and York, as Dunstan 
 felt, could not be safely given up. Who was so well qualified 
 to moderate the vacant see as Oswald, who had worked in the 
 province under his kinsman Oskytel ? He induced Edgar to 
 offer it for his acceptance, and, after some hesitation, Oswald 
 was prevailed upon to take it.* But that the good work which 
 was going on in the diocese of Worcester should neither be 
 prevented nor retarded, the new occupant of the chair of 
 Pauliuus was allowed, at Dunstan^s suggestion, to retain in 
 commendam the ecclesiastical superintendence of his bishopric 
 in the Soiith.^ It was quite impossible, as was proved by the 
 
 • Eadmer, 200. BaroniiAnn.,x., 937. seem to say that more or less force was 
 
 ' Eadmer, 201. used. Wendover, i., 262. Hovedeu, 
 
 " Ord. Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 517. 244 b. Symeon, De Gestis, col. 155. 
 
 " Quia multiplici tam sagacitate quam Chron. Petrib., 31 . Higden, apud Gale, 
 
 honitate pollebat, omnibus Anglise cse- i., 267. This seems to have taken place 
 
 nobiis pra.'positus erat." in 969. 
 
 " Thomas's Bishops of Worcester, ■^ Symeon, De Gestis, col. 159. Labbe, 
 
 40, etc. Oswald justified this practice Bibl., i., 323. Chron. de Mailros, 33. 
 
 to the king. Codex, Diplom., i., pref. Hoveden, apud Savile, 244 b. Higden, 
 
 XXXV. In that valuable work, vol. iii., apud Gale, i., 217. Several writers 
 
 the.-e are many of these grants. make the year 971. Fl. Wigorn., 359. 
 
 " "Non vi pulsis sed arte circum- Eadmer, 203. Wendover, i., 268. 
 
 yentis" (Malmcsbury, apud Sa\'ile, 153 Symeon and Hoveden. Stubbs, col. 
 
 6) Eadmer, 202-3. Fl. Wigorn., 359. 1699. Servatus, fol. 14. 
 
 Chron. Mailros, 33. Other writers y Eadmer, 204. Bad. de Diceto, col.
 
 972 992.] ARCHBISHOP OSWALD. 123 
 
 result, for any one to do justice to such a charge, and nothing 
 but a very cogent reason ought to have suggested even the 
 temporary union of two dioceses which were so far apart. 
 
 Immediately after his acceptance of the Northern see, 
 Oswald set out for Rome and obtained the pall at the hands of 
 John the pope.- On his return to England he was solemnly 
 installed at York. A biogi*apher of the archbishop gives us an 
 interesting account of the city at that early period." The walls 
 and the magnificent buildings were greatly in decay, which had 
 been accelerated no doubt by the neglect of its inhabitants and 
 the assaults of invaders. From a strong military position it 
 was being gradually changed into the mart for commerce, which 
 was its glory in the middle ages. The wealth of the city, even 
 then, was in its shops and warehouses. It was thronged Avith 
 Danish merchants. The adult population was at least thirty 
 thousand. All this seems to shew that the accounts of the 
 gi"eat mischief which the Danes did to York has been exaggerated. 
 They seem to have occupied the city and not to have spoiled or 
 destroyed it. Oswald, who was a Dane himself, would be wel- 
 comed by the inhabitants. The ceremonial at his installation 
 was a magnificent one. When his devotions in the chm'ch were 
 over, he went to his own hall which was sprinkled with holy 
 water. He then distributed the pa?iis benedictus with his hands 
 in the shape of a cross, according to ancient custom. The 
 banquet then began.* After this the chroniclers are silent, and 
 we know next to nothing of what Oswald did at York, although 
 he presided over that see for twenty years. There was no 
 Northern writer to speak of what he effected in Northumbria. 
 One biogi'apher records a visit which the archbishop paid to 
 Ripon, where he discovered the remains of Wilfrid and the 
 early abbats of that place. He placed the bones of that great 
 prelate in a feretory and carried them, as Eadmer says, to 
 Worcester.'^ The same writer, in another work, has told us that 
 Odo had prcAdously removed the bones of the Northern worthy 
 
 456, says that the two sees were held edificata et i5rmiter muris constructa, 
 
 together because the Danes had wasted quse nunc dimissa vetustate ; quae tamen 
 
 Northumbria. gaudet de multitudine populorura, non 
 
 ' Some writers say poyje Stephen. minus virorum ac muHeruni, exceptis 
 
 Eadmer, 20t. Chron. de Mailros, 33. parvulis et pubetinis, quaiu x.xx milia 
 
 Symeon, De Arch. Ebor., col. 79. in eadem civitate numerati sunt, quae 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1699. Fl. Wigorn., 359. inediciabiliter repleta et mercatorum 
 
 The pope was John XIII. Cf. L'art gazis locupleta qui undique adveniunt, 
 
 de verifier les Dates, i., 272, ed. 1783. maxime ex Danorum gente." 
 
 " This new and most valuable in- * MS. Cotton, Nero, E. i., 16. 
 
 formation is taken from MSS. Cotton, ' Eadmer, 205-6. He says that the 
 
 Nero, E. i., 15 6. " Est civitas Eboraca resting-place of these good men was 
 
 metropolis totius gentis Northanim- revealed to Oswald in a dream. The 
 
 brorum, quae quondam erat nobiliter Cottonian MS. omits this.
 
 12 i FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 to Canterbury, and he speaks of tliis Wilfrid as if he were the 
 second bishop of that name, forgetting entirely that that prelate 
 ■Nvas never canonized. The whole story must be looked upon 
 with suspicion. 
 
 AVe hear a good deal of Oswakrs reforms in the South, but 
 there is little to shew us that he made any change in the Northern 
 monasteries. From this want of evidence it has been inferred 
 by some that the Benedictine rule was already in existence in 
 the North, and that there was nothing for him to reform. With 
 this opinion I cannot agree."^ I do not believe that the Bene- 
 dictine rule was ever firmly established in the North till after 
 the Conquest. The minster at York was never occupied by 
 monks. The observance of order and discipline may have been 
 pressed upon the canons, and it may, perhaps, have been partially 
 attended to imder a diligent archbishop, but they never became 
 monks, in the proper sense of that word. They lived upon a 
 common fund and had a common dormitory and refectory, from 
 which it may be inferred that they were unmarried, but they 
 Avere never Benedictines. Had they been so, the minute in- 
 structions which Alcuin AATote to the brethren at York would 
 have been unnecessary ; and within thirty years after the death 
 of Oswald the canons rejected a strict archbishop, and they were 
 thence called " osores monachorum."'' If the Benedictine in- 
 fluence had been strong in Northumbria the bones of Wilfrid 
 would never have been removed into the South, assuming that 
 they were actually taken away. I believe that Oswald accepted 
 the see of York, not with the certainty of being able to carry 
 out his reforms in that pro\dnce, but to keep some religious 
 opponent out of the position. To attend adequately to the 
 two dioceses was impossible. The whole of the North was 
 seamed and scarred by the sanguinary warfare of the native 
 princes in years gone by, and the incursions of the Danes. 
 How could Oswald work there? There were troubles enough 
 in his old diocese of Worcester. The duke of Mercia was 
 taking the part of the secular canons, and he was to be with- 
 stood. He Avould carry the day if the archbishop remained in 
 
 '' In the Cottoiiian MS. is the follow- account of the visit to Eipon, and 
 
 ing remarkable passage, "De loco in probably refers to that church or to 
 
 quo ejus pontificalis cathedra posita est, that of Worcester. The writer, it will 
 
 quid referam, quidquedicam? Nonne be observed, speaks with doubt and 
 
 in eo in quo quondam mansital^ant uncertainty, and knew little or nothing 
 
 diaconcs et struciones(sie)fecit Deo ser- about Northern affairs. Ripon had been, 
 
 viremonachos? Edificavit novse Hiero- in the first instance, a Benedictine 
 
 solimse portas, construxit ipsius cajnobii house, and had been recently destro3'ed 
 
 nova fundamenta qua? ad perfeccionem by the Danes. 
 
 perrecit,^et cum simplicitate cordis Deo <■ This title is given to them by 
 
 optiiht." Leland. See the beginning of the life 
 
 ihis comes immediately after the of Alfric, p. 134.
 
 972 — 992.] ARCHBISHOP Oswald. 125 
 
 Northumbria. It was wiser to strengthen the honsc wliich he 
 had erected in the Sonth, than to try to erect another in the 
 North with its fonndations on the sand. 
 
 The number of charters in existence which were granted by 
 Oswald in connection with the see of Worcester, shews how 
 permanent was his continuance in that diocese.^^ J3ut he liad 
 many other avocations, and during the reign of Edgar he seems 
 to have occupied a very important position in the state. He 
 was a witness to the charter of privileges granted to the abbey 
 of Peterborough by king Edgar ; he was present when the same 
 monarch re-founded the ancient monastery at Glastonbury .i' 
 He took an active part in the coronation of Edgar, Edward, 
 and Ethelred.'' But when the sceptre fell from the grasp of 
 Edgar, a series of troubles began which embittered the remainder 
 of Oswald's life. The power of the secular canons revived 
 under the influence of Elf here of Mercia ; his favoimte monks 
 were neglected or expelled, and the plans upon which the best 
 of his energies and intellect had been spent were scattered to 
 the winds.' This was a cruel issue for a life full of honest 
 purposes and self-sacrificing devotion. 
 
 There was one place, however, where Oswald was not for- 
 gotten, and which he watched and tended in prosperity and 
 adversity, and that was the monastery of Ramsey. There it 
 was that he had prevailed upon the pious Alwine to erect a shrine 
 to God, and he had himself assisted him. Lonely that place 
 was before that temple was erected, girt with stagnant pools, and 
 covered with reeds and brushwood that love the water ; but even 
 there three holy men had fixed their abode, and the voice of 
 praise was heard among the rushes as they trembled in the 
 wind and startled the bittern from its resting-place. The walls 
 of a church were raised upon that island, for such it then was ; 
 a colony of monks soon nestled within them, fostered and 
 endowed by the oflferings of the faithful. As years passed on 
 there was a shrinking in the treacherous fen ; two towers fell to 
 the ground; the pillars and arches cracked and terrified the 
 trembling inmates. A nobler shrine was now reared upon the 
 old foundations, and one of the last acts of Oswald's life Avas its 
 
 -'■ Codex Diplom., ii., 383, etc. Hist,. 704. Spelman, Cone, 483. Du^^cl. 
 
 Moil, de Abingdon, i., var. loc. Tliere Mori., i., 51. 
 
 are also charters granted or witnessed * Chron. de Mailros, 33, 35. Y\. 
 
 by Oswald in Wanley, 199, 200, etc. Wigorn., 359, 362. lugulpb, apud 
 
 MSS. Cotton, Vesp. A. v. Appendix Gale, iii., 54. "Wendover, i., 265-7. 
 
 to Smith's edition of Beda, 773-4, 8. lloveden, 244-5. Symeon, De Gestis, 
 
 Hickes' Dissert. Ep., 70. Wilkius, i., col. 159-60. Diccto,' col. 457-9. Ger- 
 
 258. vase, col. 16 17. Stubbs, col. 1 699. 
 
 s- Saxon Chron., 156. Malinosbury, ' MSS. Cotton, Nero, E. i., 12 i. 
 
 apud Gale, i., 321. Hist. Caenobii Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iii., 638. 
 Burg. (Sparke), 19. Labbe, Cone, ix.,
 
 12G FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 consecration. This was in November, 991. It must have been 
 a touching and a melancholy sight. The archbishop and his 
 frieiul Alwine met there for the last time. The aged prelate 
 was bowed down with years, and sorrow had sets its mark upon 
 his brow ; and all felt within themselves, as they gazed upon 
 his face, that the light of this earthly sun would not long illumine 
 it. " I am geing hence,''^ he said, in that strangely prophetic 
 tone which the world-worn saint can use, " I must leave you all 
 soon ; may Christ make us all one in paradise."-' 
 
 These were his last words ; and with tears and blessings he 
 returned to Worcester to prepare himself for the end. The 
 summons, however, was not given for awhile. The winter came 
 and was passing away with its snows and showers. It was now 
 the holy season of Lent, In addition to his many acts of piety 
 and devotion it was the custom of the aged prelate at that sacred 
 time to wash day by day the feet of twelve poor persons, kissing 
 and wiping them with a towel after the example of the Mag- 
 dalene and her Lord. One day the brethren found him stand- 
 ing beneath the open canopy of heaven and gazing, with silent 
 prayer upon his lips, on the skies above him. " I am looking," 
 was his answer to an enquiry, " on the way that I am to take. 
 Oh, my children, let me have a little foretaste of the joys that 
 are to be mine. The morrow shall not pass before I see that 
 eternal rest for which I have laboured until now." He spoke 
 and re-entered the little oratory that he had left, but his eye 
 Avas still bright, and there was no symptom nor shadow of the 
 end that was so near. 
 
 The morrow came with its customary work, and the holy 
 eucharist was given to him, for he desired it. The twelve poor 
 people came to him according to their wont. He tottered as he 
 stooped to them, but he would stoop. He washed their feet 
 and kissed them as of old. It was done, and the verses of the 
 psalm — " Oculi mei semper ad Dominum" — mine eyes are ever 
 waiting upon the Lord — were over, and he was in the midst of 
 them. When he came to the doxology they bowed in suppliant 
 obeisance. " Gloria Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto "* was 
 what he said. There was a pause. He spoke no longer to 
 earthly ears, and yet, perchance, that sentence was completed in 
 another state and in a more exalted presence.^ 
 
 The day of his departure was the 28th of February, 992.'" 
 
 J Eadmer, 207-8. Hist. Rames., ' Eadmer, 208-9. Chron.de Mailros, 
 
 apud Gale, i., 395. Chron. de Mailros, 38. Hoveden, apud Savile, 245 b. Hig- 
 
 38. Fl. Wigorn., 365. Chron. Petrib., den, apud Gale, i., 267. MabiUon, Ann. 
 
 31,5 Hoveden, col. 245 6. Syraeon, Ben., iv., 81. Baronii Ann., x., 1024 
 
 De Gestis, col. 162. Stubbs, col. 1699. -5. 
 
 * The venerable Beda departed with -" Saxon Chron., 168. Eadmer, 210. 
 
 the same words upon his lips. Hist. Rames., 426. Wendover, i., 271.
 
 972 992.] ARCHBISHOP OSWALD. 127 
 
 They laid his bones in his own church at Worcester," and his 
 successor^ Adulph, placed them honourably in a scrinium or 
 feretory." Miracles are said to have been wrought there, and a 
 halo of sanctity hung around the memory of Oswald.^ He was 
 entered on the calendar. Two of that name were enshrined in 
 that sacred page. The one was the holy prelate of whom we 
 are now speaking; the other was the good king of Northumbria 
 who earned for himself a crown of martyrdom on the battle- 
 field. The former sleeps in the church that he erected; the 
 mutilated head of the latter was laid, where it still reposes, on 
 the breast of St. Cuthbert in his tomb at Dui-ham. 
 
 The portiphor of St. Oswald is still preserved in the library 
 at C. C. C. Cambridge.? His infula or stole of purple and gold, 
 set with gems and of radiant beauty, was treasured in the 
 minster at Beverley in the time of Stubbs. This was probably 
 the stole which Adulph found in his tomb at Worcester.'" 
 
 Oswald is said to have been the author of several works 
 which are now lost. They were, a Collection of Letters to his 
 uncle Odo ; a work inscribed to his friend Abbo, commencing 
 with the words Praescientia Dei monachus ; a treatise. Ad Sanctos, 
 composed whilst he was at Fleury, and beginning Oswaldus, 
 supplex monachus ; and Statuta Synodalia, in one book." 
 
 Oswald, himself, has had several biographers. The first in 
 age and importance, is an unknown monk of Ramsey, whose 
 work is now in the British Museum.^ It is a MS. of the 
 noblest kind, written certainly within twenty or thirty years 
 
 Symeon, Higden, FL, Stubbs, Hovedeu, Biogr. Lit, i., 467. 
 
 Chron. Petrib., and Mailros, ut supra. ' One of the finest MSS. that I ever 
 
 " Symeon, Higden, Flor., Wen- saw. It is entituled, " Vitae et Passiones 
 
 dover and Eadmer, ut supra. Lei. Coll., Sanctorum," and is written, in various 
 
 iv., 81, 160. Hickes, Dissert. Ep., 120. hands, by a very bold scribe upon the 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iv., 81. finest vellum. It is of the folio size, 
 
 ° Servatus, fol. 21. Chron. de Mail- and the caligraphy is excellent. The 
 
 ros, 40. Diceto, col. 461. Dr. Thomas, class mark is Nero, E. i. The life of 
 
 in his history of Worcester (61), gives Oswald is written in double column, 
 
 an engraving of a tomb attributed to and occupies twent^^-one folios. On 
 
 Oswald, the work of a later age. I the first leaf is a note in the hand of 
 
 have, unfortunately, been unable to the celebrated archbishop Ussher, sug- 
 
 examine a copy of Hemmiug's Chronicle gesting that Elfric was the author, 
 
 of Worcester. Dr. Thomas, however, The writer, however, disj^roves this by 
 
 has made great use of it. saying (15 a) whilst speaking of a 
 
 p Eadmer, 209. miracle, " Est hujus rei testis Elfricus 
 
 1 Among the Parker MSS., K. 10 archiepiscopus civitatis Cautise. Sunt 
 
 (Catalogue, pr. in 1722. Wanley, 110. alii quam plurimi conspicui viri (qui 
 
 Smith's Cat. of MSS). The book for- dicant) quod vera sunt quaj dicimus." 
 
 merly belonged to the church of Wor- The following passage shews that the 
 
 cester. author was a monk at Ramsey or Wor- 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1699. Servatus, fol. cester, " Nobis autem prscposuit Jithel- 
 
 21. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iv., 81. nothum, et illis, qui sub eo erant in 
 
 ' Bale, cent, ii., 141. Pitseus, 180. civitate, anteposuit VVynsinum,quierat 
 
 Tanner, Bibl. Brit., 560. Wright, nostri cenobii gimnasio eruditus."
 
 128 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 after the decease of Oswald, and full justice has not yet been 
 done to it. The style is occasionally inflated and dift'use, but 
 the life contains some novel and valuable information. 
 
 There is another life of the archbishop by Eadmer, the 
 biographer of Wilfrid, which is printed in the Anglia Sacra." 
 This is merely an abstract, at times carelessly and clumsily done, 
 of the earlier account by the monk of Ramsey. There is an 
 abridgment of the life by Eadmer among the Lansdowne MSS.'' 
 in the British Museum, which forms the text, I believe, that is 
 adopted by Mabillon.'" 
 
 Servatus, who was prior of Worcester in the twelfth century, 
 drew up an account of Oswald. There is a copy of this MS., 
 which is generally believed to be lost^ in the valuable library of 
 the dean and chapter of Durham. It is founded upon the earlier 
 biographies, especially upon that of Eadmer, and makes use 
 very frequently of the same sentences and words. It is e^ddently 
 a compilation for the use of the church of Worcester, with 
 additions to the previously received accounts ; one, in particular, 
 describes the translation of Oswald^s remains by Adulph.-^ 
 
 Alfric of Canterbury and Folcard, the biogi'apher of St. John 
 of Beverley, are said to have described the acts and deeds of 
 Oswald, but their works are not known to be in existence.^' 
 There is much interesting information about Oswald in the 
 history of Ramsey abbey, which has been published by dean 
 Gale.* The chroniclers of that house had good reason to re- 
 member and commemorate him. 
 
 " Anglia Sacra, ii., 191. Cf. i)r8efat. are three lives, one abridged from Ead- 
 ad eandem, xiv. mer, another extracted from the Ram- 
 " No. ccccxxxvi., 76-81. Among sey chronicle, and the third, a compila- 
 other lives of the Saints written in tion from Capgrave and the Bollandists. 
 the fifteenth century. The book once There is a life in Capgrave's Nova Le- 
 belonged to Eamsey abbey. genda, ccli., etc. 
 - Acta SS. ord. S. B., saoc. v., 728. ' Other works relating to Oswald are 
 ' A most beautiful MS. of the in existence which I have not seen, but 
 twelfth century, in small folio. The it is not probable that they contain 
 class mark is B. iv., 39 B. The volume, anything new, e.c/. "Vita S. Oswald! 
 also, contains the life of St. AYulstan, archiepiscopi, ejusdemque miracula" 
 and probably belonged at one time to (MSS. Bodl. F. 6,2130, 15) and "Mira- 
 the church of Worcester. It has been cnla S. Oswald! Ebor. archiepiscopi" 
 at Durham for many centuries, as is (Benet Coll. Cambr.) 
 evident by the foUomng inscription In the old library of the monks of 
 upon a fly-leaf, " Iste liber assiugnatur Peterbro' were " Versus magistri Hen- 
 communi almariolo Dunelm. ex pro- rici de vita S. Oswald!" (Gunton's 
 curatione domini Johannis de Eypon Peterbro, 205). In MSS. Bodl., 3886, is 
 monachi et medici." a tract " De Vita et miraculis S. OS- 
 S' Ord. Vitahs, lib. ii. Oudinus !!., waldi," given by Thomas Lord Fairfax ; 
 1076. There are lives and notices of and there is a similar life in the library 
 Pr'''']rp\"'H*''^^-^^^-' ''"'•"'•' '^^3- of St. John's Coll. Oxford (Smith's 
 56 (raken from Eadmer). Mabillon, Cat.) These may, perhaps, refer to king 
 Acta bb. ord. S. B., socc. v., where there Oswald, and not to the archbishop.
 
 992 1002,] ARCHBISHOP ADULPH. 129 
 
 J^^tiulp!}, tlie abbat of the monastery of St. Peter at Burgh, 
 was the successor of Oswald. The retreat, of which he was 
 the president, was founded three centuries before his time by 
 Wulfere of Mercia. It was then known by the name of Medes- 
 hamstead, and had a munificent endowment. The Danes at 
 length laid it in the dust, and it was the privilege of Ethelwold 
 of Winchester, in the latter part of the tenth century, to prevail 
 upon his royal master, Edgar, to restore it. The inmates were 
 henceforward to observe a new rule, and the place received at 
 the same time a new name. It was called the burgh or town of 
 St. Peter, a title that still survives to us in the modern Peter- 
 borough. 
 
 The history of Adulpli and his connection with Burgh is a 
 remarkable one. Like others of his day, he held a high posi- 
 tion at court, and was chancellor to king Edgar. A domestic 
 affliction is said to have opened his eyes to the vanity of earthly 
 honours, and to have changed the whole current of his life. 
 He had an only son who was unhappily overlaid by his parents 
 as he slept between them. The distressed father was appalled 
 at this involuntary crime, and was about to cross the seas to 
 seek for absolution at Rome, when bishop Ethelwold told him 
 that he could best atone for what had occurred by deeds of 
 mercy and charity at home. The old abbey of Medeshamstead 
 was in ruins : Croyland had already arisen in beauty through 
 the care of Turketyl; there was an example for him to copy 
 and a field to work upon. The resolution of the nobleman was 
 soon taken. He went to Medeshamstead, and there, in the pre- 
 sence of the monarch and his court, devoted his worldly sub- 
 stance to the restoration of that ruined temple. He resigned 
 his office, and assuming the dress of a Benedictine, gave up the 
 remainder of his days to unlearn the ways of the world that 
 he had renounced.'' 
 
 Adulph could not have been long at Burgh before he was 
 raised by Ethelwold to the post of abbat of that monastery.* 
 Who was more worthy of that honour? To his munificence 
 and energy was due the restoration of that shrine, and he had 
 set an example which the monarch and his nobles had been 
 glad to follow.'' A church of rare beauty had arisen in that 
 
 " Hist. Coenobii Burg., apud Sparke, S. Ethelwoldi, apud Mabillon, Acta SS. 
 
 18. Chron. Petrib., 35. Lei. Coll., i., ord. S. B., sacc. v., 616. Hist. Mon. de 
 
 6, 7. Gunton's Peterbro', 10-11. The Abingdon, ii., 262. 
 
 metrical hist, of Peterbro' in Sparke, <• Hist. Coenob. Burg., 18. Adulph's 
 
 217, which begins thus :— gift to the church when he became a 
 
 " Un chaunceier avoit le rei, Aduif lapcii; mouk was a remarkable oue, " plenam 
 
 Cii en out un petit fiz, quii tant aniat." hastam armillis extra argentum et variis 
 
 * Ingulph, apud Savile, 502 b. Vita oruamentis." 
 
 K
 
 130 FASTI KBOKACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 ^vild rountry. The brakes and forests were cleared away, the 
 fV'us were drained, and moss and moor at length owned the 
 sni)remacy of man.'' Good Avork like this cannot be too highly 
 praised, and, nnfortnnately, avc know too little of i^s author. 
 AVc arc told that Adulph was present at the consecration of 
 Ramsey abbey," and, in the year 975, he and the abbat of 
 Thorney committed their friend Tnrketyl to the tomb.-^ For 
 the next seventeen years his energies seem to have been quietly 
 and unostentationsly devoted to the interests of his monastery. 
 
 In 992 the death of Oswald vacated the sees of York and 
 Worcester, and the abbat of Burgh was appointed his successor 
 bv the common voicc.^ He held both these arduous and 
 honourable posts for the same reason, in all probability, that 
 liad imited them in the person of his predecessor. We know- 
 little of his episcopal career. He did not, as it is said, make 
 his obedience to Canterbury.'' The prelate who did so was 
 Adulph a bishop of Lindsey. Like Oswald, he was a great 
 friend and benefactor to Fleury.' We find him making and 
 witnessing a few grants,-' and we hear nothing more of him. 
 But who can say that that life was fruitless and those years 
 misspent about which the chroniclers are mute ? Out of that 
 silence there seems to come the sound of a far more approving 
 voice Avhich whispers to us of the good deeds of one " whose 
 praise is not of man but of God.^^ 
 
 There was, however, one great scene at Worcester in which 
 Adulj)h took a part, the translation of the remains of Oswald 
 to a more befitting resting-place. This was done on the loth 
 of April, 1002. King Ethelred was there with a long array of 
 bislioi)s and holy men, and the ceremonial must have been a 
 magnificent one.* Six weeks after this, on the 5th of June,' 
 
 '' Saxon Chron., 156. Lei. Coll., i., * Fl. Wigorn., 370. Chron. de Mail- 
 
 6,7. Gtinton, 9-10, 248-9. ros, 40. Chron. Petrib., 38. Wen- 
 
 ' Gunton, 11. dover, i., 276. Hoveden, apud Savile, 
 
 / Tngulph, apud Savile, 505. 246. S3^meon, col. 164. Diceto, col. 
 
 s Saxon Chron., 169. Chron. Mail- 461. Stubbs, col. 1699. There is a 
 ros, 38. Anglia Sacra, i., 473. Syuieon, rather long account of the ceremony in 
 De Gestis, col. 162. "Omnium con- the life of Oswald by Servatus (MSS. 
 sensu, vel voluntate regis et episco- Dunelm., B. iv., 39, B., 21). The au- 
 poruni, cleri et populornm " (Hist. Coe- thor speaks of Adulph as " vir habitu 
 nobu Burg., 31). In 995 he signs a monachus et mandatorum Domini ex- 
 charter a.s "electus in episc. Ebor." imius executor." 
 (Hist. Mon.de Abingdon, i., 391) Was ' Ann. Wigorn. (apud Angl. Sacr., 
 he at that time without the pall ? i., 473) make him die on May 6th ; so 
 Angha Sacra, i., 78. Textus llof- do Fl. Wigorn. (370) and Symeon (col. 
 fensis 248. 165.) A Worcester obituary says that 
 
 • Ma racsbury, apud Savile, 154. he died on June 4 (AVharton i., 473.) 
 
 J ^'''},^'' Diplom., iii., 280, 295, etc. The Peterbro' Obituarv, on June 5 
 
 Hist. Mon de Abingdon, i., 365, etc. (ibid.), the day on which his depositio 
 
 Thomas A^ orcester, 56. was commemorated in that church
 
 1002 1023.] ARCHBISHOP WULSTAN II. 131 
 
 Adiilph^s own body was laid in the grave in the same chiu'ch in 
 which his predecessor was sleeping, whose holy life he had made 
 the model for his own. 
 
 ^^ulStaU H* was raised to the archiepiscopate of York 
 and the see of Worcester on the death of Adulph,"' Of his 
 previous history there is little known. He is said to have been 
 a monk and an abbat." His family was an honourable one ; 
 many of his kinsmen were persons of consequence, and his 
 sister's son Brihteage became bishop of Worcester." 
 
 Like most of the prelates of his time Wulstan was a courtier, 
 and he is said to have been an especial favoui'ite of Ethelred, 
 Edmund, and Canute. I find him witnessing at York the gift 
 of Darlington which Ethelred made to St Cuthbert,^' and he 
 was present in 100^ when the same monarch confirmed the 
 foundation of Burton abbey. ^' About 1006 he was at the council 
 at Eynsham in Oxfordshire, when thirty-two canons were 
 enacted for the direction of the church and state, with a special 
 reference to the ravages of the Danes.'" In 1018 he witnessed 
 king Canute's grant of privileges to Canterbury.* In 1020 he 
 was with the same sovereign at the dedication of his church at 
 Assington.' In the same year he consecrated archbishop 
 Ethelnoth, and one of his own sufi'ragans, Edmund, bishop of 
 Durham." He was a kind benefactor to the church of Ely, and 
 was a man of consequence and repute both in the church and 
 the court. 
 
 The character of Widstan has been very severely assailed. 
 William of Malmesbury attacks him for holding two sees at one 
 
 (Dugd., Mon. i., 362.) A Lambeth uberibus proximorum industria edu- 
 
 Calendar makes tlae date June 5 (Gun- catus," The same thing was said of 
 
 ton, 248, 9.) The Peterbro' Chron. archbishops Kinsius and Frewen ! 
 
 says, wrongly, that he died in 1003 (38). p Symeon, Hist. Dunelm., 149. 
 
 Cf. Saxon Chron., 176. Chron. Mail- ' Ann. Burton, apud Gale, iii., 246. 
 
 ros, 40. Hoveden, 246. SyTneon, col. •■ Spelmanni Cone, 510. 
 
 165. Stubbs, col. 1699. ' Ibid. There are other grants wit- 
 
 '" In 1002 or 1003, Fl. "Wigorn., 370. nessed or made by him in Codex Uiplom., 
 
 Chron. de Mailros, 40. Symeon, De iii., 330, etc. ; iv., 1, etc. Chron. de 
 
 Gestis. col. 165. Wendover, i., 276. Abingdon, i., 380, etc. Smith's App^ 
 
 " Fl. and Symeon, ut supra. Diceto, to Beda, 778-9. Hist. Eliensis, apud 
 
 col. 461. Hoveden, apud Savile, 246 6. Gale, i., 522-3. Dugd., Mon., i., 51. 
 
 Ann. Wigorn., apud Angl. Sacr., i., 473. Wanley, 300, etc. 
 
 Hist. Eliens., apud Gale, i., 506, where ' Saxon Chron., 202. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 it is said that he was a monk. 392. Hoveden, 250, h. Symeon, col. 
 
 " Fl. Wigorn., 397. Hoveden, 251. 177. Diceto, col. 467. Stubbs, col. 
 
 Hist. Eliens., 506. Symeon, col. 178. 1700. Hi.<t. Eliens., apud Gale, i., 
 
 In the Hist. Eliens. (Gale, i., 506) it is 506. 
 
 said of Wulstan, " Secto matris utero " Saxon Chron., 202. Symeon, Hist, 
 
 in banc lucem productus fuerat et vaccae Dunelm., 156. 
 
 k2
 
 132 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 time/ whilst he never eensurcs Oswakl and Adulph who did 
 the same thinj^. " Bip^amy of bishops/' says Fuller, " ^oes by 
 f\ivonr, and it is condemnable in one what is commendable in 
 anotlier/'*^ The Worcester historians are more severe than 
 Malnicsbnry. Abuse is recklessly showered upon Widstan. 
 Uc is called a plunderer and a robber.'^ They charged him 
 with taking away some of the lands of the see of Worcester and 
 appropriating them to that of York. Dr. Thomas, however, a 
 more recent chronicler of the church of Worcester,^ takes a 
 juster Adew. He says that, in all probability, the estates of the 
 two bishoprics had become so mixed together that it was 
 extremely difficult to separate them, and that, therefore, it is 
 unfair to attribute to design what may merely have been the 
 residt of accident. It was intended also, I believe, at this 
 time that the two sees should be always united. This scheme 
 sccnis to have had its origin, as I have already stated, in the 
 l)olicy of Dunstan and OsAvald; but afterwards when Nortli- 
 umbria Avas ravaged by the Danes, the possession of the Southern 
 Inshojjric was found to be necessary for the maintenance of the 
 Northern primate. It Avas on this ground that Edward the 
 (yonfessor subsequently decided in favour of their union.^ The 
 archliishops of Canterbury Avoidd not be likely to oppose it, as 
 the primate of the North would thus be placed in the position 
 of a suffragan to the successors of Augustine. 
 
 Wulstan is very honourably connected with Anglo-Saxon 
 literature. It is generally believed that he was the author of 
 the Homilies, to Avhich the name of Lupus Episcopus is affixed." 
 All of them are still unpublished, with the exception of one 
 Avhich is a striking addi'ess to his countrymen on the Danish in- 
 vasion.* It Avas Avritten in the year 1012, and exhibits a fearful 
 pictm-e of the vice and laAvlessness of the age. Wulstan was 
 also the author of an Encyclical Letter to the inhabitants of his 
 
 " De Gestis Pont., apud Savile, 154. Cotton, Nero, A. i. ; and others, called 
 
 He says that Wulstan ouglit not to " conoionunculse," in Tiberius, A. iii. 
 
 have held Worcester, because he dif- There is a transcript of five made by Fr. 
 
 fered from his two i)redecessors, " sane- Junius, with collations, in MSS. Bodl., 
 
 titale et habitu." He was, however, a 5213 (Smith's Cat.) See Oudinus, ii., 
 
 monk, and we can form an opinion now, 501 . There is a list of these Homilies 
 
 as well as Malmesbury, as to his sane- and much interesting information about 
 
 titas. them in Wanley, 27 — 30, 140-3. 
 
 " Church History, book ii., 130. ' This is in MS. in C. C. C, Cambr. 
 
 ' Imijrobus wa.s the epithet generally (Smith's Cat.), and a copy by Junius in 
 
 applied to him. Thomas' AVorcester, 57. MSS. Bodl., 5213. It is printed in 
 
 v Hist. Worcester, 57. Hickes' Dissert. Ep., 99—106, edited 
 
 ■• Thomas' AA orcester, app', i. by W. Elstob. A separate edition in 
 
 « \V anley (140) made this discovery. folio was published at Oxford in 1701, 
 
 1 hesc Honnhes are among the Parker " Sermo Lupi Episcopi, Saxonice. La- 
 
 rw . m,^" ^' ^■' Cambridge (Smith's tinam interpretafionem notasque adiecit 
 
 Cat.) There are some of them in MSS. GuUelmus Elstob."
 
 1002 10.23.] ARCHBISHOP WULSTAN 11. 138 
 
 diocese/ and lie is said to have hccn tlie promulgator of a code 
 of rides which are called the Laws of the Northumlirian priests. "^ 
 We are indebted to him, besides, for two Pastoral Letters which 
 Alfric Bata translated, at his suggestion, into Anglo-Saxon from 
 the Latin in which they were originally composed.* Wulstan, 
 therefore, in spite of what has been said against him, was a man 
 of piety and learning. He dared to be a censor at a time Avhcii 
 it was dangerous to rebuke. He was not ashamed of literature 
 when there were few to cultivate or appreciate it. Haymo 
 studied under his care at York/ Alfric Bata assisted him in 
 his literary labours ; and Alfric of Canterbury, another scholar, 
 remembered him affectionately in his will.^ 
 
 There is a curious story connected Avitli Wulstan's end. He 
 had come to the monastery of Ely, a place to which he was 
 much attached, and the brethren welcomed him to their abode 
 with a reverent procession. The archbishop placed himself at 
 its head, and as he was moving up the church the staff, on which 
 he was leaning, sank deep into the groimd. " Here shall be 
 my resting-place,^^ ^* he said ; and so it was.^ He died at York 
 on the 28th of May, 1023,-' desiring again, before his eyes were 
 closed, that his bones should be removed to Ely. They laid 
 him in the ground at the appointed place, and miracles are said 
 to have borne witness to the sanctity of the archbishop. When 
 the monks of Ely restored their cathedral they were obliged to 
 disturb his remains, and they were laid for a while in the 
 cemetery of the brotherhood before they found a resting-place 
 in the renovated choir. The body had returned to its kindred 
 
 ' In MS. at Corpus, Cambridge. dex Diplom., iii., 352. 
 
 There is a copy of it by Junius in MS S. * Hist. Eliens., apud Gale, i., 606. 
 
 Bodl., 5150, collated with MSS. Cotton, Diceto, col. 467. The legend of St. 
 
 Tiberius, A. iii. (Smith's Cat.) Cf. Wulstan thrusting his statf into the 
 
 "VVanley, 85, 137. stone will be remembered. 
 
 ■^ There is a copy of this in MS. at ' Leland (Coll., i., 13) says that ho 
 
 Corpus. The Laws have been printed died at Ely, and expressed a wish to bo 
 
 in Labbe, Cone, Lx., col. 495; in Laws interred at Peterbro'. He was buried 
 
 and Institutes of England, ii., 290— at Ely. Fl. Wigorn., 393. Ilovedon, 
 
 303, and in Wilkins, i., 218-21, where 250, b. Ann. Wigorn., apud Angl. 
 
 they are put among documents of the Sacr., i., 473. Symeon, col.177. Diceto, 
 
 tenth century. Wilkins' Anglo-Saxon col. 467. Stubbs, col. 1700. In the 
 
 Laws, 98-102. Hist. Crenob. Burg. (45), it is said that 
 
 * Oudinus, ii., col. 494. In MS. at Wulslan had given to Peterbro' "se et 
 
 Coi^uis, and in MSS. Harl., 438, and omnia sua. Sed cum isset ad visitanda 
 
 elsewhere. Published in Laws and In- Sanctorum loca, et venisset ad Ely, ibi 
 
 stitutes of England, ii., 364-89, and in inlirmatus est et mortuus et sepultus." 
 
 Wilkins'Anglo-SaxonLaws, 161— 172. i Saxon Chron., 203. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 / Tanner, Bibl. Brit. Pitseus, 181. 393. Ann. Wigorn., apud Angl. Sacr., 
 
 s "And he becwoeth Uulfstane i.,473. Chron. de Mailros, 45. Symeon, 
 
 a?rcebiscope ane sweor-rode (a cross for col. 177. Stubbs, col. 1700. Iloveden 
 
 the neck), and anne ring and anne (Savile, 250, h), .says that he died on 
 
 psaltere" (Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, i., the 29th. Chron. of Winchester, ed. 
 
 416). Hickes, Dissert. Epist., 62. Co- Stevenson, 390.
 
 131 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 dust wlien the grave was opened, but the vestments were uii- 
 decayed. The dress of the prelate was complete, and the won- 
 dering monks beheld the pall with its golden pins.* 
 
 _^^lfrtC, surnamed Piitta or Puttoe, was the next archbishop 
 of York.' At the time of his appointment he was provost of the 
 church of Winchester, one of the most important positions in 
 England. He was consecrated at Canterbm-y by archbishop 
 Egelnoth in 1023/" and received the pall at the bands of pope 
 John at Rome on the 12th of November, 1026." The see of 
 Worcester, in this instance, did not accompany the Northern 
 primacy, as Leofsi seems to have occupied it since about 1016, 
 acting probably as a suffragan to Wulstan during his life." 
 
 Alfric was closely comiected with the court, and for many 
 years took a prominent part in public affairs. In 1026 or 
 1027, when Canute, eager to atone for the offences which had 
 raised him to the throne, went as a pilgrim to Rome for absolu- 
 tion, he wrote a letter to the two archbishops acquainting them 
 and his subjects inth his design, and he addressed another to 
 them on his return.-?' In all probability the two prelates had 
 recommended that joui'ney, and speaking to the monarch of 
 the crimes of his earlier years had said to him, 
 
 " For, save alone 
 The hand of Christ's high vicar upon earth, 
 A hurt so heinous what may heal ?" 
 
 Not long after he came back the king was called away from 
 the kingdoms that he had Avon before a higher Sovereign, and 
 Alfric assisted his brother of Canterbmy in placing the crown 
 upon the head of Harold Harefoot.* In 1039 the throne was 
 again vacant, and Hardicanute took up the sceptre to which he 
 
 * Hist. Eliens., 507. Benthani's Ely, archiepiscopum esse" (Hist. Csenob. 
 
 ^^' 91- Burg., apud Sparke, 45). 
 
 ' Puttoc (Tl. Wigorn., 393). Putta •" Saxon Chroii., 203. PI. Wigorn., 
 
 (Chron. Mailros, 45). Puttoc signifies 393. Chron. de Mailros, 46. Hoveden, 
 
 a kite, and the name, probably, is an apud Savile, 250 h. Symeon, col. 177. 
 
 unpleasant allusion to some of Alfric's Diceto, col. 468. 
 
 cruel acts. I am indebted to arch- " Saxon Chron., 205. Stubbs, col. 
 
 deacon Churton for this suggestion. 1700. Plor., etc., ut supra. 
 
 It -,vas at this vacancy, probably, that » Lei. Col., iii. 259. Thomas' Wor- 
 
 liigelnc (afterwards bishop of Durham) cester, 60. 
 
 was chosen archbi.shop, but w^as re- p Wendover,!., 298. Plor Wigorn., 
 
 jected by the canons, " quia psone na- 394. Ingulph, apud Gale, iii. 59. 
 
 turaie est eis semper mvideremonachis; Malmesbury, De Gestis Eegum, apud 
 
 quia monachus erat, nolucrunt pati eum SaAale, 41 b. 'i Gervase, col. 1651.
 
 1023 1050.] ARCHBISHOP ALFRIC. 135 
 
 had been previously entitled. One of the fii'st public acts of 
 the new king was the manifestation of a miserable and unfeeling 
 spite against his predecessor, which Alfric, unfortiniately for liis 
 own character, is said to have suggested as well as to have 
 carried out. The body of Harold was torn from its grave, and 
 was cast, without its head, into the Thames, to shew that lie 
 had been monarch by a false title.'' In 1040 the archbishop 
 appears as an informer. He accused earl Godwin, and Living, 
 bishop of Worcester, of being implicated in the murder of 
 Alfred, the half-brother of the king. The earl was too powerfid 
 to be assailed, but the prelate was driven away from his see, 
 which became the prize of the archbishop. Whilst he was in 
 possession of Worcester he had an opportunity of giving a blow 
 to the people of that city which they would long remember, and 
 which was prompted, it is said, by the angry disappointment 
 that he felt at their not choosing him originally as their bishop. 
 One of the unpopular taxes of the day was being collected, and 
 the people arose against the king^s servants who were gathering 
 it in, and two of them were slain. Upon that the archbishop 
 is said to have advised his master to plunder and bui'n the city 
 as a punishment for the offence.* His advice was adopted, and 
 Alfric is said to have been the chief agent in perpetrating the 
 crime. In the following year Alfric gave up the bishopric, and 
 permitted Living to return.^ All this does not place the arch- 
 bishop before us in a favourable light. The example of his old 
 master^ Canute, might have taught him a very ditferent lesson, 
 to say nothing of the words of a still greater Sovereign which 
 he professed especially to follow. In 1043, Alfric assisted at 
 the coronation of Edward the Confessor." We find his name 
 appended to numerous deeds, especially to one which Canute 
 made to the monks of Croyland." 
 
 There is some good to be set against the evil. I cannot 
 indeed attribute to Alfric the works that were composed by a 
 writer of that name.'" The head and the hand which prompted 
 
 " Malmesbury, De Gestis Pont. (Sa- ' Fl. Wigorn., 402. Wendover, i., 
 
 vile, 154), brings this accusation against 303. Hoveden, Symeon, and Leland, 
 
 Alfric. Other writers do not allude to ut supra. 
 
 it, e.y., Fl. Wigorn., 401. Malmesbury, ' Symeon, col. 180. 
 
 DeE,eg.,43. Hoveden, 251 J. Symeon, " Fl. Wigorn., 40 k Chron. Mailros, 
 
 col. 180. Diceto, col. 474. Broraton, 48. Chron., Petrib., 46. Alurcd liev., 
 
 col. 933. Higden, apud Gale, i., 276. 119. Wendover, i, 300. Symeon, col. 
 
 Lcl. Col., iii., 259. The chief argument 181. Diceto, col. 474. Bromton, col. 
 
 brought forward to shew that this 936. Stubbs, col. 1700. Ailred, col. 
 
 Alfric was not the writer, is his poli- 366 and 375. Gervase, col. 1651. 
 
 tical character, and he is condemned on " Dugd. Mon., ii., 118. Hist. Mou. 
 
 the sole testimony of Malmesbury. The de Abingdon, i., 54, 438, etc. Codex 
 
 point seems to be yet an open one, but Diplom., iv., 22, etc. 
 
 I leave it as I found it. " As there were several persons of
 
 136 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 tliem were animated by a nobler and a more Christian spirit. 
 Hut tlicre are still some acts of cliarity and generosity which 
 -will buoy up the arclibishop's memory. He was a noble bene- 
 factor to Beverley and Peterborough. On the 25th of October, 
 1037, he took up the remains of his predecessor, St. John, and 
 translated them to a new shrine with a gorgeous ceremonial, 
 John had been canonized in the same year, probably at Alfric's 
 request. The bones were placed in a rich case, bright with gold 
 and silver and precious stones, which was deposited in a feretory 
 of cunning Morkmanship and marvellous design. In the same 
 church he established a sacrist, a chancellor and a precentor, 
 and added to the endowments by purchasing and presenting 
 lands in Middleton, Fridaythorpe, and Holm. He also ob- 
 tained from Edward the Confessor a gi'ant of three annual fairs 
 to be held in Beverley.^ To the abbey of Peterborough he 
 was also most munificent. He bestowed upon it some precious 
 vestments and plate. Their end was an unfortunate one. 
 Aboiit the year 1100 some Flemish and French thieves broke 
 into that famous monastery and stole a large cross, which stood 
 upon the altar, set with gems, two chalices with their patens, 
 and two candlesticks, all of pure gold, which had been given by 
 archl)ishop Alfric. The robbers were subsequently capttired, 
 but their booty came into the possession of the king.J' 
 
 Alfric died at Southwell on the 22nd of January, 1050,- and 
 was interred at Peterboi'ough," that nursery and resting-place 
 of Saints and prelates to which York owes so miich. Gunton, 
 the historian of Peterborough, who wrote in the seventeenth 
 centmy, mentions a discovery which revealed the tomb of the 
 archbishop. " On the north side of the choir in the cathedral, 
 in two hollow places in the wall, were found two chests of about 
 tln-ee foot long a piece, in each of which were the bones of a 
 man, and of whom appeared by a plate of lead in each chest, 
 
 the name ofAlfric living about the same •'' Stubbs, col. 1700. Lei. Coll., iv., 
 
 time, it is not easy to discover which 102. 
 
 of them was tlie grammarian. The y " Dedit cum corpore suo albam de 
 learned Henry Wharton wished to purpura cum optimis aurifriciis para- 
 shew that he was our archbishop, and tarn et duas cappas optimas, et stolas, et 
 wTote a dissertation to prove it (Dis- dalmaticam albam, et altare cum reli-- 
 sertatio utrumElfricus Grammaticus?) quiis optime cum auro paratum, tria 
 which he printed in his Anglia Sacra, pallia et baculum suum," etc. (Hist, 
 i., 125. The other side, on behalf of Ccenob. Burg., 45). Lei. Coll., i., 12, 
 Alfric of Canterbury, was taken up, 15. 
 
 apparently with success, in the follow- ^ Saxon Chron., 224, "Averyvene- 
 
 ing \york, " Edwardi-Rowei Moresi de rable man, and wise." 
 
 ^Elfrico, Dorobernensi archiepiscopo, " Ibid. Fl. Wigorn., 410. Chron. 
 
 commentarius : edidit Grimus Johannes Mailros, 49. Chron. Petrib., 48. Ho- 
 
 Thorkelin, 4to. Loudon, 1789." Cf. veden, 251, b. Ingulph, apud Gale, 
 
 » right, 180. Oudinus, ii., col. 489, iii., 64. Symeon, col. 184. Diceto, col. 
 
 etc. Cave, 588-9. 475. Stubbs, col. 1700.
 
 1050 1060.] ARCHBISHOP KINSIUS. 137 
 
 whereon the name of the person was engraven. In the one was 
 Elfricns, on the other Kynsius, both which had been arclibishojis 
 of York, and, being dead, their bodies were interred in the 
 monastery of Peterborough, where formerly they had been 
 monks/^'^ 
 
 .tUStUS, the next archbishop,'' began his religious career as 
 a monk at Peterborough.* In course of time he became the 
 chaplain of Edward the Confessor, and when the see of York 
 was vacant by the death of Alfric, Kinsius was advanced to that 
 honourable post,^ after it had been retained for some time in the 
 king's hands.^ In 1055 he jom'ueyed to Rome, and obtained 
 the pall from pope Victor.* Kinsius was at York for a very 
 short period. His name is appended to a few charters.' In 
 1059 I find him witnessing a grant which his royal master 
 made to the abbey of St. Denys, near Paris,-' and, in the same 
 year, he was acting the part of a peacemaker together with 
 Egelwin, bishop of Durham, and Earl Tosti, in preventing a 
 war with Scotland, by prevailing upon king Malcolm to make 
 some timely concessions.'*' On the 22nd of December, 1060, 
 the archbishop ended his days at York, having in the earlier 
 part of that year consecrated the abbey at Waltham.' They 
 earned him to Peterborough, and laid him honourably in the 
 monastery in which his earlier years had been spent, and where 
 he wished to be interred.'" His resting-place was in the choir, 
 close to the high altar, on the north side." 
 
 The historian of Peterborough speaks in high terms of the 
 
 •^ Gunton's Feterbro', 98. '" Saxon Chron., 250. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 •^ The S- ,on name of this prelate is 421. Chron. de Mailros, 54. Symeon, 
 
 Kynes'^e. Stubbs (col. 1700) men- Dc Gestis, col. 190. Ingulph, apud 
 
 tio'ifl the mg'ilar circumstance, "quod Gale, iii., 66. Hoveden, apud Savile, 
 
 ;ion natui sed Je ventre matris caisus 255. The Peterbro' Chron. (32), says 
 
 fuit." that he died at Peterbro', and Dugdalo 
 
 ' Ingulph, apud Gale, iii.,66. Chron. (Mon. i., 363), says that his depositio 
 
 Petrib., 48. Hist. Ccenob. Burg. , apud was observed in that monastery, on 
 
 Sparke, 45. Dec. 20. 
 
 ^ PI. Wigorn., 410. Chron. de " " Jacct tumulatus in scrinio ju.\ta 
 
 Mailros, 49. Wendover, i., 308. Sy- magnum altare in parte boriali" (Chron. 
 
 meon, I)e Gestis, col. 184. Hoveden, Petrib., 52. Gunton (History of Peter- 
 
 apud Savile, 253. bro', 98), says, " For Kynsius, I have 
 
 «■ Bromton, col. 943. * Ibid., 243. heard my father, who was well read in 
 
 ' Codex Diplora., iv., 140, etc. the antiquities of this church, say, that 
 
 J Histoire de I'Abbaye de St. Denys, the marble monument, now lying on 
 
 126, & I'appendix, 85. the north side of the quire, was his. It 
 
 * S^'meon, De Gestis, col. 190. bears the portraicture of a shaven monk 
 
 ' Chron. de Waltham, ed. Stubbs, 18. lying on the top."
 
 138 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 piety of the archbishop's life. Whilst there was a lavish expen- 
 diture among his clerks and household, Kinsius himself was as 
 abstinent as a hermit. He lived upon the coarsest fare. During 
 Lent it was his wont to joiirney from village to village, preach- 
 ing and bestowing alms, fi'cquently with bared feet, and making 
 no use of a litter or a horse. To avoid ostentation and vain 
 glory, he travelled generally by night." Such, doubtless, were 
 the traditions in the monastery at Peterborough, and they are 
 pleasing reminiscences. 
 
 Kinsius was a great benefactor to the Church. He built a 
 large tower of stone at Beverley, and hung in it two bells, be- 
 stowiug also upon the minster divers books and ornaments. He 
 gave other bells to the churches of Southwell and Stow.^' To 
 tlie abbey of Peterborough he gave, with his body, the vill of 
 Tinwell, a text or copy of the Gospels decorated with gold, and 
 jewels and treasures to the value of £300. These were lost 
 afterwards to the house through the cupidity of queen Edgith.'^ 
 
 j9^ lt)rctl« the last of the Saxon archbishops of York, was a 
 person of extraordinary energy and influence. He was brought 
 up in the famous monastery of Winchester, which had so recently 
 furnished a primate to the Northern province in the person of 
 Alfric. After a while he was appointed abbat of Tavistock.'' 
 That house had been recently endowed and renovated by bishop 
 Living of Worcester, and, in 1046, after a life remarkable for 
 its strange vicissitudes of fortune, that prelate was laid in the 
 tomb by the monks of Tavistock, who had great reason to re- 
 member him. Their abbat, Aldred, became his successor in his 
 bishopric."" 
 
 In this position Aldred had a wide scope for the exercise of 
 his varied and extraordinary powers. There was in him much 
 restless energy and versatility of talent. He could take up 
 arms, were it rcqiured, and attack the marauders on the Welsh 
 marches ; he could toil at another time for the rule of Benedict, 
 and establish new houses of monks to observe it, but he was 
 more at home in the palace than in the convent. He was pro- 
 
 " Hist. Coenobii Burgensis, apud col. 1700. Eudborne, apud Angl. 
 
 Sparke, 45. Sacr., i., 240. 
 
 ' Stubbs.col.noO. Lei. Coll., iv., 102. ' Saxon Chron., 216. Symeon, col. 
 _ 1 nist. Coenobii Burg., 45. Lei. 182. Diceto, col. 475. Aldred, how- 
 Coll., i., 12-13. Tinwell was " de pa- ever, makes his subscription as a bishop 
 tnmonio suo." before this. Possibly he had acted as 
 
 "■ Hoveden, apud Savile, 252. Stubbs, coadjutor to Living.
 
 1060 1069.] ARCHBISHOP ALDRED. 139 
 
 bably indebted to bishop Living, a friend of Edwai'd the Con- 
 fessor, for his introdnction to state affairs, in -vvliich he played 
 so conspicuous a part. With that monarch, who was easily 
 subjected to ecclesiastical influence, Aldred was a great favourite, 
 and he served him loyally and well. His first achievement as 
 a statesman was the effecting a reconciliation between the king 
 and Sweyn, the son of Godwin, who had recently murdered his 
 cousin Biorn.' In 1049 he and Herman bishop of Sherburn 
 went as the royal ambassadors to Rome, and they prevailed 
 upon the pope to absolve their master from the vow which he 
 had formerly made of going on a pilgrimage to that city." To 
 the circumstance of EdAvard's staying in his own kingdom we 
 owe the re-foundation of the stately abbey of Westminster, in 
 which he sleeps." Soon after this we hear of Aldred as the 
 commander of an expeditionary force which the king sent forth 
 to secure earl Godwin and his restless sons, but they had escaped 
 before it arrived.'" Shortly afterwards Aldred was very roughly 
 handled by Griffin, a Welsh prince, when he was leading his 
 men against a band of Irish pirates in the neighbourhood of 
 the Wye.^ In 1054 he was honoured by the king with a com- 
 mission of great national importance. This was an embassy to 
 Germany, to the emperor Henry III., who was then residing 
 at Cologne. Aldred, who was treated with the utmost courtesy, 
 was in that famous city for a whole year as the guest of the 
 archbishop, and, with his assistance, he prevailed u^pon the 
 emperor to allow his nephew by marriage, the son of Edmund 
 Ironside, to retm'n to England with his family.^ The English 
 monarch was wishful that he should succeed him on the throne. 
 The hand of death, however, was laid upon the future monarch, 
 and the crown of his uncle, which was intended for him, was 
 afterwards placed by Aldred upon the brows of Harold.- To 
 Edward the bishop seems to have attached himself Avith the 
 pliant readiness of a courtier. In 1058 he crossed the seas 
 
 ' Fl. Wigorn., 409. Hoveden, 252 h. 416. Chron. Mailros, 51. Higden, 
 
 Symeon, col. 184. Stubbs, col. 1701. apud Gale, i., 280, Symeon, col. 187. 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2331. Ailred, col. 366, 381. Bromton, col. 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 223. Chron. de 945. Stubbs, col. 1701. Knyghton, 
 
 Mailros, 49, where the date 1050 is col. 2333. Wendover (i., 311) makes 
 
 given. S^aneon and Stubbs, ut supra. the date of this mission 1057. Angiia 
 
 Lives of Edw. the Confessor, ed. Luard, Sacra, ii., 249. The emperor gave hira 
 
 70, where Aldred is prematurely called a Sacramentarium and a Psalter, about 
 
 archbp. of York. which there is a curious story. 
 
 " Ailredus, Vita Edw. Conf., col. 385. • El. Wigorn., 427. Symeon, col. 
 
 Spelm. Cone, 635. Wilkins, Cone, i., 193. Diceto, col. 479. Bromton, col. 
 
 316. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iv., 610, 958. Stubbs, col. 1702. Knyghton, 
 
 672. " Saxon Chron., 229. col. 2339. Higden, apud Gale," i., 284. 
 
 •^ Flor. Wigorn. Thomas' Wor- Hist. Eliens., ibid., 515. Hoveden, 
 
 cester, 67. apud Savile, 256. Ingulph, ibid., 511. 
 
 v Saxon Chron., 243. Fl. Wigorn., Hi.st. Mon, de Abingdon, i., 489.
 
 140 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 again on a very different progress — a pilgrimage to Jerusalem." 
 The enterprize itself, and the way in which it was carried out, 
 are indicative of the character of the man. The Bedouins of 
 the desert had never gazed upon an English bishop before. The 
 pomp and dignity on which they looked ill beseemed a disciple 
 of the poor carpenter of Nazareth. The illustrious pilgrim 
 stood iipon those holy hills, on which, in after years, the noble- 
 hearted Godfrey was content to watch and weep. He offered a 
 precious chalice at the sacred tomb in which there was once 
 laid, for a few memorable hours, the corpse of one who stinted 
 not to any the riches of His grace, whilst He knew not Himself 
 where to lay His head. 
 
 Whilst Aldred was actively engaged in the service of the 
 state, he was not obli^dous of his higher calling. In 1055 the 
 charge of the see of Wilton was entrusted to him, which Her- 
 man had resigned, and he held it until 1058, when he restored 
 it to that prelate, who was at length willing to receive it.* In 
 1056 prince Griffin, the restless leader of the Welsh, broke into 
 the English territory, and slew the bishop of Hereford and his 
 clerks at Glastbrig. The vacant see was committed to the 
 charge of Aldred, who held it, in commendam, with that of 
 Worcester, and his first business was to effect a reconciliation 
 between Griffin and the king.'' About the same time he had a 
 munificent benefactress to Worcester in Godiva,"^ the fair lady 
 of Coventry, — the same who 
 
 " took the tax away. 
 
 And built herself an everlasting name.' 
 
 In 1058 Aldred dedicated the abbey church of Gloucester, 
 which he had himself erected, and made the holy Wulstan the 
 aljbat.* The rule of Benedict was observed there, for Aldred, 
 although a com"tier, was a disciplinarian, and came back from 
 Germany with larger views on ecclesiastical matters, and a 
 strong resolution to enforce them, which he did also in the 
 North./ 
 
 At Christmas, 1060, the death of Kinsius vacated the see of 
 York, and Aldred succeeded liim,^ resigning the bishopric of 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 249. Chron. de 189. AiLred, col. 389. Knyghton, col. 
 
 Mailros,53. Chron. Petrib., 52. Anglia 2334. 
 
 Sacra, i.,474. Symeon, col.190. Stubbs, ^ Saxon Chron., 249. Sjoneon, col. 
 
 col. 1701. 189. Diceto, col. 477. Stubbs, col. 
 
 ' Symeon, col. 189. Bromton, col. 1701. Hoveden, 255. Lei. Coll., i., 
 
 946. Stubbs, col. 1701. Knyghton, col. 28; iii., 262. Dugd. Mon., i., 531. 
 
 2335. Higden, apud Gale, i., 281. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., iv., 583. 
 
 ■^ Saxon Chron., 247. Fl. Wigorn., / Stubbs, col. 1701. 
 
 418. Symeon, col. 189. Stubbs, col. ^ Wendovcr, i., 318. Symeon, col. 
 
 1701. Hoveden, apud Savile, 254, b. 190. Diceto, col. 478. Malmesbury 
 
 " Wendover, i., 315. Symeon, col. (Savile, 154), says that Aldred bought
 
 lOGO — 10G9.] ARciinisiiop aldred. 141 
 
 Hereford/ but retaining that of Worcester. In the following 
 year he went to Rome for the pall. Earl Tostij one of the most 
 illustrious subjects in England^ was his companion. The honour 
 was not obtained, for the pope was indignant at the proposed 
 tenm^e of the two sees by one person, and that his licence had 
 not been solicited for Aldred's promotion. He also charged the 
 petitioner with simony and want of learning. He deprived him of 
 all his honours, and the degraded prelate quitted the eternal city 
 in disgrace. Other misfortunes were awaiting him. The bishop 
 and his friends had gone about a day^s journey fi'om Rome on 
 their way homewards when they fell into the clutches of a party 
 of brigands, who maltreated the travellers, and stripped them 
 of everything they possessed. In a happy moment the thought 
 occurred to the despoiled prelate that he would return to Rome 
 as he was, and make a last appeal, in forma pauperis, to the 
 mercy of Christ^s vicar. It was successful. After Aldred had 
 promised to resign the see of Worcester, the archbishopric was 
 confirmed to him, together with the honom* of the pall. The 
 conversion of the pope was caused, in all j)robability, by what 
 earl Tosti said to him. The rage of the stalwart Saxon was 
 excessive at the insult and the robbery. It boiled over in lan- 
 guage seldom heard at the papal court. " What distant nation," 
 he said, " would heed the excommiuiication of the pope, if vil- 
 lains at home despised it? Why should he trample on sup- 
 pliants, and leave the bandits to themselves? If the goods 
 which they had lost were not restored by him who should have 
 taken care that no one touched them, the king of England 
 would repay them out of the Peter-pence when they crossed the 
 seas." The words are worthy of a son of the patriotic Godwin.^ 
 As soon as Aldred arrived in England he vacated the see of 
 Worcester, and Wulstan was his successor, whom he consecrated 
 at York, Stigand of Canterbury being under suspension.-;' The 
 king, however, subsequently made Wulstan of Worcester a suf- 
 fragan of York,^ and Aldred, in consequence of the poverty of 
 
 his way to the archbishopric. Malmes- apud Angl. Sacr., ii., 251. MSS. Lansd., 
 
 bury has scarcely one good word for ccccii., 29. Baronii Ann., xi., 337. 
 
 Aldred. J Vita S. Wulstani, apud Angl. Sacr., 
 
 '' Wendover and Symeon, ut supra. ii., 250-1. Chron. de IMailros, 50. 
 
 Bromton, col. 952. Stubbs, col. 1701. Symeon, col. 191. Diceto, col. 478. 
 
 Hoveden, 255. Ingulph, apud Gale, Bromton, col. 952. Knvghton, col. 
 
 iii., 66. 2336. Hoveden, 255, b. " AVendover, 
 
 '• Saxon Chron., 250. Fl. Wigorn., i., 318. Anglia Sacra, 471., 541. ¥\. 
 
 421. Symeon, col. 190. Diceto, col. Wigorn. (424) says that at the time of 
 
 478. Bromton, col. 952. Stubbs, col. consecration Aldred professed before 
 
 1701. Knyghton, col. 2336. Malmes- the king to claim no subjection from 
 
 bury, apud Savile, 154. Hoveden, ibid,, Wulstan. Knvghton, col. 2367. 
 
 255. Higden, apud Gale, i., 282. * In 1062, Edward the Confessor 
 
 Wendover, i., 318. Vita S. Wulstani, made a grant to Aldred of the church
 
 142 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the Northern province, which had not Vet recovered from the 
 incursions of the Danes, appropriated to it twelve of the manors 
 belonging to his late bishopric in the South.' For this act, 
 which may be justified, the Worcester historians have not been 
 si)aring of their censure, but they seem to forget that, even after 
 liis departure into the North, Aldi*ed was a noble benefactor to 
 tlie church of which he had been deprived."' Meanness was not 
 an element in his character. He scattered abroad his treasm^es 
 with tlie liberality of a prince. The York historian is trumpet- 
 tongued in his praise, and well he might be. Aldred was a 
 great builder and endbwer. He established stalls at Southwell, 
 now for the first time rising into importance," and at York, ac- 
 cording to Leland, he finished a refectory and a dormitoiy in 
 the Bedem. He completed, also, a similar suite of rooms at 
 Beverley which his predecessors had begun." To the minster 
 in that place he Avas an especial benefactor. He added to it a 
 presbytery, and rebuilt the whole of the old chui'ch towards the 
 west as far as the great tower of Kinsius. He decorated the 
 roof with glowing colours, till it looked like another heaven. 
 He made a pulpit of Teutonic work of marvellous construction, 
 and rich in costly metals and ingenious devices.^ He directed 
 the pen of Folcard to describe the virtues of St. John.? The 
 privileges of the sanctuary were extended by him, and he pro- 
 cui^ed for the town the grant of an annual fair. He prevailed 
 upon king Edward to give to the church the lordship of Leven, 
 and he converted the seven canonries into prebends, adding an 
 eighth to the number, and giving them fixed endowments and 
 subsidiary vicars. •■ 
 
 Whilst Aldi'ed was thus generous and active, he was not 
 without his share of troubles. The state of the North was any- 
 thing but satisfactory. The intrigues of his old friend, earl 
 Tosti, filled that part of England with tumult and dismay. In 
 1066, after Harold had been crowned by Aldi'cd, these disorders 
 were midtiplied. Tosti broke into Yorkshire to win for himself 
 
 of Worcester on account of the desolate " Stubbs, col. 1704, 13. The His- 
 
 condition of the see of York. The tory of Southwell (276) seems to take 
 
 bishop was to be his vicar or deputj'. it for granted that Aldred was buried 
 
 This was evidently a personal favour to there. 
 
 Aldred, and not a grant in perpetuity " Lei. Coll., iv., 102-3. Stubbs 
 
 to his church. The deed is in Thoma,s' speaks only of a refectory at York. 
 
 Worcester, App^ i. z- Stubbs, 1704. Lei. Col., iv., 102-3. 
 
 ' S\Tneon, col. 190-1, 202. Bromton, i Folcard de Vita S. Joan. Bev., apud 
 
 col. 952. Stubbs, 1702. They were Acta SS., mense Maio. In the dedica- 
 
 restored by Thomas. The Worcester tion to the archbishop Folcard speaks 
 
 hi.storiaus, on this account, are ex- of Aldred as " Lucerna ardens et lu- 
 
 tremely violent against Aldred. cens in caliginoso loco, Auglorum 
 
 '" Thomas's Worcester, 72. Anglia archipr^sul." 
 
 Sacra, i., 474. r stubbs and Lei., nf supra.
 
 1060 1069.] ARCHBISHOP ALDRED. 143 
 
 a kingdom, and brought with him the king of Norway, the 
 famous Harokl Hardrada, with a vast host of followers. They 
 were met in the fields of Water- Fulford, in front of the present 
 palace of the archbishops of York at Bishopthorpe, by the earls 
 Edwin and Morkcre, but the invaders carried the day, and there 
 was a vast slaughter of ecclesiastics as well as soldiers, for the 
 feelings of the clergy and their spiritual head were with Harold 
 and the Saxons. Harold himself arrived a few days after this, 
 and the rebels were completely vanquished in a battle near 
 Stamford-bridge. Tosti, the brother of the victor, was slain 
 in spite of his great personal bravery. Hardrada never returned 
 to his home in the Avild North. The treasures which he had 
 won in the far East were lost to him. The famous Landeyda 
 was taken on the field, and the conqueror Harold, overjoyed at 
 his success, went to celebrate his triumph in high state at York. 
 
 There soon came to him in that city the tidings of another 
 advent which silenced at once the revel and the song. William 
 the Norman had arrived in England. The spoils of the Norse- 
 men were left behind in the charge of archbishop Aldred, and 
 Harold hastened into the Sovith with all the strength that he 
 coidd gather together to o})pose the new invader. The results 
 of that disastroiis field are too well known to be repeated. The 
 independence of the Saxon church, the freedom of a noble people, 
 the glories of the house of Godwin, were obliterated, when the 
 bravest of the Anglo-Saxon princes died at Hastings.* 
 
 The position of Aldi-ed Avas now a perilous one, but he was 
 fully equal to the emergency. His connection with Harold was 
 well known. He was still holding the spoils which had been won 
 at Stamford-bridge. Would the Saxon primate throw himself 
 and the church into the arms of the victorious invaders ? He 
 could not surrender his patriotism at once, however necessity 
 might demand the sacrifice. We are told that it Avas the wish 
 of the archbishop and the chief men of London to place the 
 crown upon the head of Edgar Atheling,' the grandson of 
 Edmund Ironside, for whose family he had toiled and laboured 
 in the days of Edward the Confessor. But the scheme was 
 impracticable, and the temper of the Norman coiupieror Avould 
 brook no doubt or delay. Aldred's opposition might destroy 
 the Anglo-Saxon church, of which he was the spokesman and 
 the chief ornament. He was not ready to precipitate such an 
 end as that. With the good judgment which seems to have 
 
 • Saxon Chron., 260-3. Symeon, col. 134-5. Gaiinar, ed. Petrie, 827. 
 
 194. Ailred, col. 404. I)iceto, col. ' Saxon Chron., 263. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 479. Bromton, col. 958. Knyghton, 430. Symeon, col. 195. Diccto, col. 
 
 col. 2339. Wendover, i., 327. ' Hove- 480. Bromton, col. 961. Knyghton, 
 
 den, 257. Master "NVace, his Chronicle, col. 2343. Hoveden, apud Savile, 257 S.
 
 111. FASTI EliORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 guided him at every crisis the archbishop gave way." He met 
 the conqueror at Berkliamstead, on his way to London, and 
 took the oaths of allegiance." But he did more than this. On 
 mid-winter day, 1066, in the absence of Stigand of Canterbury, 
 who was not permitted to officiate, Aldred crowned the new 
 monarch in the abbey church at Westminster."' 
 
 " This noble due Wyllam hym let crownyng kyng. 
 At LondoDj a myde wynter day, noblyche thorw alle thyug, 
 Of erchebyssop of Euerwyk, Aldred was hys name."'' 
 
 But before the prelate would celebrate that rite he made the 
 conqueror pledge his word, in the most solemn manner, that he 
 would reverence the laws, and pay due respect to the rights and 
 liberties of the church.2' Vain hope ! In a few years the old 
 Saxon fabric was rent in pieces, and a new race of bishops 
 occupied the chiu'ches which had been reared by the piety of 
 the native princes and the now despised nobles. 
 
 William kept his word to Aldred as far as he was able to 
 observe a promise. He was wise enough to conciliate the favour 
 of so influential a prelate ; and Aldred, also, saw the necessity 
 of being a courtier. He was frequently with the king.^^ In 
 1068 he consecrated the countess Matilda, queen.'' Aldred was 
 treated by the monarch with uniform respect, and, in the end, 
 he and the bishops of Worcester and Rochester were the only 
 native prelates who were allowed to retain their sees.* The arch- 
 bishop, however, was indebted for the respect which was shewn 
 him to his own firmness and independence. He was a fearless 
 champion of the rights of the church. On one occasion when 
 Urse, the sheriff of Worcester, had infringed upon the sanctuary 
 of the canons by building a castle or residence on the south side 
 of theii' chui'ch, Aldred excommunicated him, and laid his pos- 
 
 " Hemingford, apud Gale, ii., 437. Bev., ut supra. Malmesbury, 154 5. 
 
 Wm. Neubrig., i., 15. Bromton, col. Huntingdon, 210 b. Gesta Willelmi 
 
 962. ducis, apud Eecueil des Historiens des 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 264. Hoveden, 258. Gaules et de la France, xi., 100. 
 
 Symeon, col. 195. Diceto, col. 480. ■ Maseres, 166. I find him witness- 
 
 "■ Saxon Chron., 264. Fl. Wigorn., ing royal charters. Gunton's Peterbro', 
 
 431. Chron. Mailros, 55. Chron. 141-2. Histoire de I'abbaye de St. 
 
 Petrib., 54. Ord. Vitalis, apud Du- Denys, appendix, p. 88. Smith's Beda, 
 
 chesne, 503. Alured. Bev., 127. Sy- app", 782. Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, 
 
 meon, col. 195. Diceto, col. 480. i., 454, etc. Wanley, 299, etc. There 
 
 Bromton, col. 962. Stubbs, col. 1702. are many deeds witnessed by him in 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2343. Malmesbury, Kemble's Codex Diplom., vol. iv. 
 
 apud Savilc, 58. Huntingdon, ibid., " Saxon Chron., 268. Maseres, 212. 
 
 211. Hoveden, ibid., 258. Hist. Hoveden, 258. Symeon, col. 197. 
 
 Eheus., apud Gale, i., 515. Wendover, Diceto, col. 482. Bromton, col. 953. 
 
 1., 333. Matthew Paris, 4. Jludborne, Stubbs, col. 1702. Knyghton, col. 2344. 
 
 apud Wharton, i., 248. » Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, i., 490. 
 
 ' Robert of Gloucester, ii., 367. Mapes, De Nugis Curialium, 224. 
 
 y Hoveden, Symeon, Stubbs, Alured.
 
 1060 1069.] ARCHBISHOP ALDRED. 145 
 
 terity under a curse which is said to have been marvellously ful- 
 filled/ On another occasion, at York, some of his own carts, 
 whilst on their way to his farms, were seized by the king^s 
 officers, and all compensation and justice were contemptuously 
 refused. The indignant archbishop hastened up to London with 
 that decision and energy which he could always exhibit. The 
 king was in the abbey of Westminster when he found him. 
 Aldred refused him the customary salutation, and stood fear- 
 lessly before him with his pastoral staff in his hand. " Did 
 not I give thee the crown and bless thee,^^ he said, " when thou 
 earnest from another country, and didst win this kingdom which 
 the just vengeance of the Lord surrendered to the destroyer ? 
 Now thou hast broken the oath that thou didst take, and thou 
 shalt have a curse, and not a blessing."^ Stricken with a terror 
 which he rarely felt, the monarch threw himself at Aldred's feet, 
 deprecating the expected malediction. It came not. The story 
 of the wrong was told; justice was at once done; and the bene- 
 diction flowed from the lips of the intrepid prelate which had 
 been opened to condemn."' 
 
 The lesson, however, was only partially remembered, and 
 Aldred must have watched with sorrow and dismay the progress 
 of the king. A conqueror is too frequently the servant of his 
 followers, and so it was with William. He, as Fuller says, soon 
 began to make " the Normans his darlings, and the English his 
 drudges. ^^^ From church and state old faces gradually dis- 
 appeared. Discontent increased to be repressed by force. There 
 was soon an iron domination. In 1069, the two sons of Sweyn 
 king of Denmark, Harold and Canute, landed in the Humber 
 to make an attempt on England.-^ The whole North welcomed 
 them with open arms. Aldred had striven to make peace, and 
 there was no peace. All his endeavours had been fruitless. 
 His labours were unrequited, and those for whom he had toiled 
 — the country and the church which he had loved so well — were 
 on the brink of ruin. The heart of the afflicted patriot was 
 broken, and his last prayer was that he might be spared the 
 sight of the misery which he anticipated. He died on the 11th 
 of September, 1069, the day of SS. Protus and Hyacinthus, 
 and his remains were interred in the minster at York.^ 
 
 ' Malmesbury, apud Savile, 154 b. ' Church History, book iii., 2. 
 
 Thomas' Worcester, 72. The curse -^ Symeon, col. 198. Hoveden, 258 h. 
 
 took the form of a rhyme. «■ Saxon Chron., 270. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 "Hightest thou Urse? 433. Chron. de Mailros, 55. Alured. 
 
 Have thou God's curse!" Bev., 128. Hoveden, apud Savile, 258 J. 
 
 '' Stubbs, col. 1703-4. Malmesbury, Thos. Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 22. Sy- 
 
 154 6, tells the story in a slightly dif- meon, col. 198. Piceto, col. 482. 
 
 ferent form. Wm. Neubrig, i., 16. Bromton, col. 965. Stubbs, col. 1708. 
 
 Baronii, Ann., xi., 492. Knyghton, col. 2344. 
 
 L
 
 J4.G FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Aldred was indeed removed " from the evil to come." In a 
 later age, the ruin that he saw around him and the desecration 
 of God's' house hastened the end of bishop Hall, and, as his 
 panegyrist Duport observes, 
 
 " Pati hsec nescius hinc abivit ultro." 
 
 Aldred was happily delivered from that sight. Within a little 
 while after his decease the city of York, captm-ed and re-captured, 
 was in ashes; the minster with its treasures— its muniments, 
 and the glorious libraiy which had been the pride of Saxon 
 England — all were sm-rendered to the flames. The archi- 
 episcopal lands Avere wasted.'' Beverley was the only place in 
 Yorkshire that escaped.^ The vengeance of the conqueror suf- 
 fered scarcely a single homestead to remain between the Humber 
 and the Tees. The last of the Saxon primates of York was 
 scarcely laid in the tomb before the church in which he rested 
 was sacked and burned.-? 
 
 r^t^tlOntaS of BagCUX,* was the successor of Aldred, and with 
 him there commences a new dynasty of archbishops. He was 
 born at Bayeux, a little town in Normandy. The names of his 
 parents were Osbert and Muriel.' His father was a priest,'" and 
 Sampson, afterwards bishop of Worcester, was his brother." 
 From his earliest years Thomas was distinguished for the 
 elegance of his taste and his ardoiu' in the pursuit of literary 
 distinction. The schools in his own country were insufficient 
 to satisfy his cravings after knowledge, and he sought for addi- 
 tional supplies in Germany and Spain. When he returned to 
 Bayeux, his learning attracted the attention and gained for him 
 the intimacy of Odo the bishop of that place, who was a 
 brother of the Conqueror of England and a person of com- 
 manding influence. Odo is said to have taken Thomas and 
 Sampson under his protection, and to have sent them to study 
 at Liege and other places. Thomas became the favourite of the 
 
 * Ellis' Introduction to Domesday, Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 515. 
 
 i-, 319. * He is also called Thomas Major, 
 
 ' Miracles of St. John of Beverley, and Thomas the Norman, 
 
 ap'id Acta SS., mense Maio, 174. ' Liber Vitse Dunelm., ed. Surtees 
 
 J A vivid account in Sj^meon, col. Soc, 139-40. 
 
 199. Saxon Chron., 271. Bromton, '" Bromton, col. 969. 
 
 col. 966. Knyghton, col. 2344. AVen- " Eic. of Hexham, col. 303, says 
 
 dover, i., 337. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. that Thomas was " ex nobilissima pro- 
 
 Dunelm., 183. Hoveden, apud Savile, sapia oriundus, vir magnificus." 
 258 J. Malmesbury, ibid., 154 6. Ord.
 
 1070 — 1100.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS I. 147 
 
 prelate, and was made the treasurer of the church of Bayeiix. 
 When Odo crossed the channel to visit his royal brother Thomas 
 accompanied him, and had soon the honom- of becoming one of 
 the king^s chaplains." 
 
 In the year 1070 William shewed his regard for Thomas b}^ 
 raising him to the see of York. This was done at Windsor at 
 the feast of Pentecost.^' A difficulty at once arose about his 
 consecration. In the ordinary course of things that ceremony 
 ought to have been performed by the archbishop of Canterbury, 
 but at this time there was no Southern primate, and, in the 
 North, the see of York, by an accident, had not a sufficient 
 number of suffi'agans to officiate. f? Thomas therefore, most 
 provokingly, was obliged to wait until Lanfranc was made 
 archbishop in the month of August. He then went to him to 
 be consecrated. This Lanfranc refused to do unless he would 
 first profess obedience and subjection to Canterbury. Thomas 
 at once refused, and stated his case to the king, who sent him 
 back to Lanfranc with an order that the rite shoidd be performed 
 without the condition. That prelate then went to William, and 
 defended the course which he had adopted. He said that it 
 was necessary for the safety of the comitry that England should 
 have one primate as well as one sovereign. An archbishop of 
 York might easily side with some of the foreigners who visited 
 his diocese, and set up a new monarch, thus splitting the king- 
 dom into two.*" The argument was a plausible one, and had its 
 due weight with the Norman courtiers, who forgot that Thomas 
 was one of their own countrymen, and that there was no reason 
 to doubt his loyalty. It convinced the king, who tried in vain 
 to alter the determination of Thomas. What soft words were 
 unable to produce, threats at last eft'ected. William told him 
 that if he persisted he would bring doA^Ti upon himself his 
 heaviest displeasure, and that all his kindred should be banished 
 from Normandy and England. After this, Thomas went to 
 
 " Stubbs, col. 1705. Ord. Vitalis, account of the controversy with Lan- 
 
 apud Duchesne, 516, 665. Dugd., Bar., franc, 
 i., 24. Thomas' Worcester, 103. "■ " Porro utile esse ad regni integri- 
 
 p Fl. Wigorn, 435. Chron. Petrib., tatem et firmitatem conservandam, ut 
 
 55. Hoveden, 259 h. Symeon, col. Britannia tota uni quasi jirimati sub- 
 
 202. Diceto, col. 483. Bromton, col. deretur. Alioquin contiugere posse vol 
 
 968. Stubbs, col. 1706. Knyghton, suovel successoruin tempore ut de Dacis 
 
 col. 2345. seu Norensibus siviScotis quiEboracum 
 
 » Stubbs, 1706. The information navigio veuientes reguum infestare sole- 
 
 which this writer gives is derived from bant, unus ab Eboi'acensi archicpiscopo 
 
 the life of Thomas by Hugh Sotevagina, et a provincise illius indigenis mobilibus 
 
 the precentor and archdeacon of York, et perfidis rex crearetur, et sic reguum 
 
 which is preserved in the Eegistrnm turbatum scinderetur" (Hugh). Moh- 
 
 Magnum Album in the office of the ler, in his Life of Anselm (ed. 1842, pp. 
 
 dean and chapter of York. Full use 112-13) commends tliis policy, 
 has been made of it, especial! v in this 
 
 l2
 
 148 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Canterbury prepared to submit. " Wilt thou be subject to the 
 church of Canterbury, to me and my successors?'' was 
 Lanfranc's question. '" To thee/' was the reply, " but not to 
 thy successors."* The tears rushed from the eyes of the 
 petitioner when he thus spoke, and no farther would he go. 
 Lanfranc was not too exacting, and the wished-for consecration 
 took place.' 
 
 This occurred in 1070, and in the following year Thomas and 
 Lanfranc went to Rome together to obtain the pall. Remigius, 
 the bishop of Dorchester, accompanied them." The three 
 prelates excited the admiration of the Romans by their ready 
 wit, their munificence and their learning." Whilst they were 
 in that great city Thomas mooted before the pope the question 
 of the subjection of his church to Canterbury. He raised at 
 the same time another point of interest. He claimed for his 
 successors the supremacy over the sees of Dorchester (Lincoln) , 
 Worcester, and Lichfield. The connection between York and 
 Worcester has been already mentioned. The other two places 
 were in the old province of Mercia, and had, therefore, been 
 occasionally dependent upon Northumbria. Lanfi*anc was 
 taken by surprise, but he soon recovered himself. He met the 
 first part of Thomas's claim by the somewhat unfair assertion 
 that Gregory wished York to be the equal of London, but not 
 of Canterbmy, which had become the seat of the primacy. 
 Lanfranc then made a terrible counterstroke, and turned the 
 tables most completely upon Thomas and Remigius. He 
 charged them with being uncanonically elected; Thomas, be- 
 cause he was the son of a priest, and Remigius, for having been 
 guilty of simony. Alexander, who was a great admirer of 
 Lanfranc, decided against them, and took from each his pastoral 
 staff and ring. These he subsequently restored at the request 
 of Lanfranc, who had no wish to injure his companions. Upon 
 the main point in the dispute, the question of subjection, 
 Alexander very cautiously refrained from expressing an opinion, 
 but he referred the settlement of it to a national synod in 
 England. The controversy about Worcester was to be ter- 
 minated by the decision of Lanfranc himself.'^ The three 
 
 • Lanfranci 0pp., ed. 1648, 11-12. controversy between York and Canter- 
 
 Bromton, col. 969. Stubbs, col. 1706. bury, on the question of the profession, 
 
 ' ri. Yvlgorn., 435. Chron. Mailros, in the Anglia Sacra, i., 65-77. 
 
 56. Malmesbury, apud Savile, 117. " Chron. Mailros, 56. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 Symeon, col. 203. Diceto, col. 483. 437. Hoveden, 260. Symeon, col. 203. 
 
 Bromton, col. 969. Gervase, col. 1653. Diceto, col. 483. Knyghton, 2348. 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2343. Baronii Ann., MSS. Lansdowne, 402, col. 29. 
 
 ix., 512. The Saxon Chron. (273), " Ord. Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 248. 
 
 says that he wa-s consecrated on his re- " Eadmer, Hist. Nov., apud Anselmi 
 
 turn from Rome after making the pro- 0pp., 30. Diceto, col. 484. Bromton, 
 
 fession. There is a long account of the col. 970.
 
 1070 1100.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS I. 11.9 
 
 prelates now returned to England, ha^dng halted for a while at 
 Evreux, where they were the guests of Gislebert, the bishop of 
 that place/ 
 
 When they arrived in England, a synod was held in the 
 presence of the king, at which the controversy between Canter- 
 bury and York was thoroughly considered. The result was 
 favourable to Lanfranc and his church. That prelate, who had 
 far more eloquence and ready wit than his opponent, drew up 
 his case in the most elaborate manner, and the listeners took 
 his part. The Humber was made the Southern boundary of tlie 
 diocese of York. The Northern archbishops were to swear 
 allegiance to Canterbury, and to appear with their suffragans at 
 all the councils, etc., within that province to which they should 
 be bidden. By a subsequent order, made in 1075, they were to 
 sit at the right hand of the primate. ^^ The archbishops of 
 Canterbury were to be consecrated at home by their brethren 
 from the North, who were to come to the same place to receive 
 the same rite. All this was against Thomas and his see; 
 indeed, he seems to have made but little opposition. He was 
 spared, however, at the king^s request, the shame of taking the 
 oath of obedience. He simply made his profession in WT^"iting, 
 and nothing farther seems to have been required of him."^ 
 Lanfranc was overjoyed at his success. He announced it to the 
 pope in a lengthy and jubilant epistle." It was communicated, 
 also, to a fi'iend of his at Rome who was rapidly rising into 
 importance, the energetic and fearless Hildebrand.* 
 
 The controversy between York and Worcester must next be 
 considered. The relations between the two sees were of a most 
 peculiar kind. Oswald and his two immediate successors held 
 the Southern diocese conjointly with that of York, partly no 
 doubt for influence, and partly to eke out their archiepiscopal 
 income. Edward the Confessor made a grant of the see of 
 Worcester to Aldred for his life, with power to nominate a 
 deputy, and in right of his authority over that diocese Aldred 
 
 ■^ Gallia Christiaiia, xi., 573. kins, i., 326. 
 
 y Gervase, col. 1654. Malmesbury, In Stubbs (1706-7), a letter from 
 
 66 S. Labbe, Cone, X., 347-8. VVilkins, Urban II. to Thomas is alluded to, re- 
 
 1., 363. ferrinj,' to the profession. It is ^iven 
 
 ■ Lanfranci Oijp., 12, 301. Eadmcr, at length by Hugh the Chautor. The 
 
 Hist. Nov., apud Ansehni 0pp., 30. pope rebukes Thomas severel}' for mak- 
 
 Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., ssec. vi., ing the profession contrary to Gregory's 
 
 ii., 651. Anglia Sacra, i., 1. 5, 253. decree, and oi-ders him to explain his 
 
 Malmesbury, apud Savile, 65-6, 111, conduct either to himself or to his 
 
 118. Diceto, col. 484-5. Broraton, legate. He speaks as if the profession 
 
 col. 970-2. Gervase, col. 1653. Knygh- had only recently been made, and ho 
 
 ton, col. 2348-9. Mat. Paris, 6-7. Ca)i- had just'heard of it. There is a chro- 
 
 grave, 130. Baronii Ann., xi., 522. nological difliculty in this, as Urban 
 
 Labbe, Cone, ix., 1211. did not become pope till 1088. 
 
 " Labbe, Cone, ix., col. 1213. Wil- * Lanfranci 0pp. 304.
 
 150 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 took away from it twelve vills, aud appropriated them to York, 
 As that arehbishop had only a life-interest in the see^ it is clear 
 that these estates ought to have been restored at his decease. 
 When he died, however, they passed with his other estates into 
 the hands of the king. Wulstan, the bishop of Worcester, was 
 not disposed to give them up. He desired that they should be 
 restored at the council of Winchester at Easter, 1070, but as 
 the archbishopric of York was then vacant, the consideration of 
 the question was deferred.^ It will be remembered, that when 
 Thomas went to Rome for the pall, he claimed the bishop of 
 Worcester as a suffragan. Thiu: question was left by the pope 
 to the determination of Lanfranc. It was settled in a spiod 
 which was held in 1072. Odo, bishop of Bayeux, was on the 
 side of Thomas, but Lanfranc decided against him. The twelve 
 vills were to be given up, and Worcester was for the future to 
 be subordinated to Canterbury, and not to York.*^ In this 
 judgment, Thomas seems to have quietly acquiesced. Wxilstan 
 and he became friends, and he requested him to pay him a visit 
 in the North.^ 
 
 We now come to the dispute between Thomas and Remigius 
 with reference to Lindsey. It will be recollected that Paulinus 
 and Blecca erected the first church in that district, and that 
 Sidnacester, or Stow, was under the especial care of the arch- 
 bishops of York, who claimed and seem to have exercised the 
 right of controlling the spiritual affairs of that part of England 
 previous to the Conquest. In 1067, Remigius, a Norman, was 
 advanced to the see of Dorchester. He seems to have been 
 soon dissatisfied with the seat of the episcopate, and was desir- 
 ous of transferring it to Lincoln. This project would meet 
 with the strenuous opposition of the archbishops of York. In 
 1071, when Thomas and Lanfranc went to Rome Remigius 
 accompanied them, and the question about Lindsey was mooted. 
 Alexander refen'ed it to the decision of a synod at home. 
 Among the decrees of that assembly, which was held in 1072, 
 there is no special reference to Lindsey, but the resolution that 
 the Humber slaould be the boimdary of the diocese of York on 
 the South was practically a settlement of the controversy. 
 Thomas, however, by no means regarded it in that light. About 
 
 ' Mat. Paris, 17. Hoveden, 259 J. col. 203. Diceto, col. 483. Bromton, 
 
 Symeon, col. 202. Diceto, col. 483. col. 976. Hoveden, 260. Mat. Paris, 
 
 Bromton, col. 968. Stubbs, col. 1709, 18. Baronii Ann., xi., 532. Labbe, 
 
 who says that Thomas enjoyed the Cone, ix., col. 1204. The date of this 
 
 twelve \11is for a while of the king's svnod is variously given between 1070 
 
 gift, but that William afterwards took and 1072. 
 
 *'^^"^i^^^'a-J^ "molimine Lanfranci." ' Malmesbury, apud Savile, 66 b. 
 
 Vita S. Wulstani, apud Angl. Sacr., Wendover, i., 374. 
 n., 255. Plor. Wigorn., 437. Symeon,
 
 1070 1100.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS I. 151 
 
 1078 Remigius had his see formally transferred to Lincoln, and 
 began to erect a cathedral on that " sovereign hill/' It was 
 finished in 1092, bnt Thomas refused to dedicate it. Upon 
 this Remigius sought the assistance of the king, and with the 
 aid, as it is said, of a bribe, prevailed upon him to summon a 
 large number of the English bishops to officiate on the occasion. 
 This arrangement, however, was broken through. The time 
 was fixed, Ijut two days before the ceremony was to take place 
 Remigius died. Robert Bloet, the chancellor of England, Avas 
 his successor. Thomas refused to consecrate him, and when in 
 the following year he performed that rite for Anselm, the new 
 archbishop of Canterbury, he forbade him to lay his hands on 
 Bloet. Thomas had no objection to his being made bishop of 
 Dorchester, but not of Lincoln, because he claimed that place 
 and a great part of Lindsey for his OAvn see. Bloet w as stand- 
 ing by when Thomas spoke to Anselm, and he took a sm'cr 
 course than argument to gain his end. He is said to have paid 
 a large sum of money to William Rufus to enable him to carry 
 his point./ The king, in spite of the strenuous opposition of 
 Thomas, brought the dispute to a termination. Lincoln and 
 Lindsey were taken away fi-om York, and were transferred to 
 Canterbury, and, in their room, the Northern primate received 
 the abbey of Selby and the monastery of St. Oswald at Glou- 
 cester.^ 
 
 f Various sums are stated by the gretur, et per redempcionem generis 
 
 chroniclers, from £500 to £5000. humani angelica dampna reparet ; liac 
 
 s There is an account of this con- consideracione, ego Willelmus Dei gra- 
 
 troversy in Fl. Wigorn., 458. S3'meon, tia rex Anglorum, Willelmi regis filius 
 
 col. 217. Diceto, col. 490. Bromton, qui Edwardo regi hereditario jure suc- 
 
 col. 983, 988. Stubbs, col. 1711. cessit, videns ecclesiam Anglorum ex 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2364. Malmesbury, parte divisam et discordantem, resartire 
 
 apud Savile, 165 h. Huntingdon, ibid., concupimus quod male scissum fuerat,et 
 
 213. Hoveden, 265 h. Mat. Paris, ad unitatem verge caritatisrevocare quod 
 
 13-15. Vita S. Remigii, apud Mabillon diu indiscussum sub discordia manserat. 
 
 Acta SS. ord. S.B., ssec. vi., ii., 766, Redemi igitur de meis propriis posses- 
 
 and Anglia Sacra, ii., 410, etc. Dugd. sionibus calumpuiam quam habet Ebo- 
 
 Mon., vi., 1269-70. racensis ecclesia et Thoma.s ejusdem 
 
 William's deed arranging the dispute ecclesise archiepiscopus super Lincolnia 
 
 is in Dugdale's Mon., vii., 1177. The et super Lindissim et super mansiones 
 
 confirmation by pope Paschal is in the Stou et Ludam, et dedi pro eis ecclesise 
 
 Reg. Magnum Album at York, fol. 42. Sancti Petri Eboracensis jure perjietuo 
 
 The king's charter is so curious that I ])0ssidendas abbaciam Sancti Gcrmani 
 
 give it in extenso. It is taken from the de Saleby et ecclesiam Sancti Oswaldi 
 
 Kegisterof ArchbishopGreenfield, i.,45. de Gloecestria, cum omnibus ad eas 
 
 jure pertinentibus, et ita dedi archi- 
 
 " Carta Regis T\ illelmi. episcopo Thoma; et successoribus ejus 
 
 " In nomine Patris et Pilii, et Spi- abbaciam Sancti Germani, sicut arclii- 
 
 ritus Sancti, amen. Summi Patris episcopus (.'antnarieiisis habet episco- 
 
 fuit consilium ut sanctam civitatem palum Rofonsom. Et projitcr ha-c pre- 
 
 suam, celestem scilicet Jerusalem, quae dicta bencfu-ia benigne dimisit et 
 
 superbiadiaboli divisaerat, mortedilec- gratanter Thomas archiepiscopus in 
 
 tissimi Filii Sui intercedente, redinte- eternum, consenciente clero ejus, pre-
 
 152 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 It may perhaps be thought from what has been said that 
 Thomas had an angry and a contentious spirit. It was not so. 
 Those were days in which great changes were being effected in 
 the Englisli church ; new landmarks were being laid down, and 
 it was necessary for every prelate to be on the alert in the 
 defence of his diocese. Violence and encroachment were too 
 frequently triumphant. If Thomas had been better acquainted 
 Avith English precedents and customs he would probably have 
 been more successful than he was. He tried boldly and ho- 
 nestly to do his duty, and he cannot be blamed for doing so. 
 When he was defeated he cherished no ill-will against his 
 opponents. Wulstan and he became good friends, and it was 
 the same with Lanfranc. Thomas had promised to obey him as 
 long as he lived, and he kept his word. They corresponded 
 together. Thomas requested his brother- archbishop to allow two 
 of his suffragans to consecrate for him a bishop of the Orkneys, 
 and it was done. In 1075 he was present at the council at 
 Ijondon :'' in 1089 he was at Canterbury when the remains of 
 Lanfranc were laid in the tomb.^ He would fully appreciate 
 the virtues and the learning of that great and good man. 
 
 The see of Canterbury was vacant after the death of Lanfranc 
 for several years, and diu'ing this time Thomas oflEiciated in 
 the Southern province when his ser^dces were required. He 
 consecrated the bishops of Norwich, Chichester, and Bangor.-? 
 In 1093 he was requested to do the same thing for Anselm, the 
 archbishop-elect. Thomas went up fi'om York, accompanied 
 by the dean and the dignitaries of his cathedral, and there 
 was a goodly ari'ay of bishops to join in the imposing ceremo- 
 nial. The officiating prelates were in their robes, and Anselm^s 
 petition was read, in which he solicited consecration as primate 
 of all England. This was too much for Thomas, who had sub- 
 jected himself to Lanfranc during his life, but not to his suc- 
 cessors. He was now free to act as he chose. He retired to 
 the vestiy with the officers of his own cathedral, and began to 
 unrobe himself. The Southern bishops were excited and 
 alarmed ; they followed the Northern primate, and Walkeline 
 of Winchester threw himself at his feet and implored him to 
 return. He would not. "There are two metropolitans in 
 Britain," lie said, " and one of them can only he master at the 
 expense of the other. I shall consecrate no one to rule un- 
 justly over myself.'' Thomas was at length the master of the 
 
 dictam calumpniam, in presencia mea larius meus extiterat." 
 
 et episcoporum et procerum meorum, * Lanfranci 0pp., 305-6. Vita ejus- 
 
 mihi et Roberto episcopo Lyncoln et dem, ibid., 13-14. Wilkins, i., 362. 
 
 succepsoribus ejus. Hujus autem ca- * Gervase, col. 1655. Wilkins, i., 
 
 lumpnise redempcionem feci ego gratia 369. 
 
 ejusdem Roberti episcopi quia cancel- •' Stubbs, col. 1707.
 
 1070 1100.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS I. 153 
 
 position, and he knew it. This was the counter-stroke of the 
 scene in the synod of 1072. The bishops were very lu'gent and 
 importunate : they promised largely. The petition Avas altered, 
 and the words, metropoiitan of Canterbury , were substituted for 
 primate of England, and then the prelates returned into the 
 church, and the ceremony was completed.* The advaiitage 
 which the see of Canterbuiy had gained twenty years before 
 was now lost. Anselm, indeed, did not give the question up, 
 but, in all probability, the troubles in which he was involved 
 and his unpopularity with the king caused the matter to be 
 shelved. 
 
 When William Rufas was killed Anselm was in exile, and 
 it devolved, therefore, upon Thomas, according to ancient 
 custom, to crown the new king. Thomas was at Ripon when 
 the news was brought to him, and he hastened up to London to 
 perform his office. He was too late, for Henry, fearful of delay, 
 had availed himself of the services of some of the Southern 
 bishops. Thomas was greatly annoyed, but the king and the 
 prelates acquainted him with the reason for the haste, and 
 begged him to overlook what had been done. He was easily 
 appeased, and having paid his homage to the new sovereign, 
 the weak and aged archbishop was allowed to return into the 
 North to die.' I must now speak of his good works in the 
 diocese of York. 
 
 I have elsewhere alluded to the wretched state of the North 
 at the death of Aldred. All the fury of the Conqueror and his 
 opponents had fallen upon it, and the result was indeed appal- 
 ling. There was scarcely a village or a homestead between the 
 Tees and York which escaped from the fire or the plunderers. 
 To add to the horrors of the time, a famine slew the greater 
 part of those whom the sword had spared.'" It was when all 
 this wretchedness was at its height that Thomas reached the 
 diocese of which he was to be the spiritual head. The prospect 
 was not a pleasant one. The bishopric of Durham was vacant, 
 and the head of that see was his only sufli-agan in England. 
 Upon the Scottish prelates no reliance could at any time be 
 
 * Eadmer, Hist. Nov., apud An- time b}' Hugh tlic Chantor. The chro- 
 
 selmi 0pp., 37. Symeon, col. 219. niclersgivea different account. Malmes- 
 
 Diceto, col. 491. Gervase, col. 1658. bury and several others say that Thomas 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1707. Wendover, i., 365. crowned Henry. The chronicle of Pe- 
 
 Hoveden, 266. torbro' informs us that Maurice, bishop 
 
 Sir Thomas Grey also says, " En le of London, consecrated the king, but 
 
 temps William le Conquerour comensa that he was crowned by Thomas (69). 
 
 le debate entre lez ercevesques de Can- "Walsinnham, in his Upodigma Neu- 
 
 torbirs et Euerwik pur le porter de lour stri* (C'amden, 443), says that both 
 
 croitz en autry dyocys " (Scala Chron., officiated. 
 2). '" There is a sad account in S3-mcon, 
 
 ' This fact is mentioned for the first col. 199, and Stubbs, col. 1708.
 
 154 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 placed. There was no one to consecrate him when he was 
 elected to the archbishopric ! The greater part of the monas- 
 teries also had been destroyed or injui'ed, and Durham and 
 Beverley were almost the only two which had escaped. The 
 light of religion in the North had been almost quenched ! But 
 Thomas w'as an energetic man, and he was not to be easily 
 appalled. With the Norman love of labom* and organization, 
 he set himself manfully to work to reconstruct and restore. 
 He began very properly with the principal city in his province. 
 The muister at York had been gutted and set on fire, although 
 many of the old walls were probably still standing ; the orna- 
 ments and furniture had of course disappeared, and the muni- 
 ments and library had been given to the flames. Thomas 
 rebuilt and renovated the cathedral as far as he could, putting 
 on a new" roof, and procuring new service-books and decora- 
 tions." He restored the old endowments, and added others in 
 the shape of estates and chm*ches to such an extent that 
 MalmeslDury charges him with impoverishing his see ;" he con- 
 tributed from his private piu'se towards the necessities of the 
 minster and its inmates, and repaired the dormitory and refec- 
 tory ; he made still greater changes in the constitution of the 
 cathedi'al, — he completely remodelled it. Up to this time the 
 number of the canons had only been seven, — the old Culdee 
 number, and those at York still retained that peculiar name. 
 Of these, one had been the abbas or superior, another the m«- 
 gister scholarum/ and a third the custos civitatis. They had 
 all lived together upon a common fund. Of these seven three 
 only were at York when Thomas arrived ; the rest were either 
 dead or in some other place. The survivors were now recalled 
 and reinstated under a difterent regime, although they were still 
 seculars. A dean took the place of the abbas, the magister 
 scholarum became the chancellor, and the treasurer was the 
 
 « There is some doubt as to the ex- In 1075 an invading Danish force 
 
 tent of these restorations. " Perpul- went to York, broke into St. Peter's 
 
 cram ecclesiam construxit, clericos minster, and took away much treasure 
 
 multiphciter ditavit " (Bromton, col. (Saxon Chron., 282). 
 
 9G9. Knyghton, col. 2345). " Eccle- « Malmesbury, apud Savile, 155 b. 
 
 siam a fundamentis inchoatam consum- p This office seems to have fallen into 
 
 mavit" (Malmesbury, 155 i). " Ec- desuetude, and was revived by Thomas 
 
 clesise recoopertce, et juxta possibili- before he proceeded to re-arrange the 
 
 tatem suam restructse, canonicos resti- minster. Stubbs, whilst describing the 
 
 tuit " (Stubbs, col. 1708). See " The creation of the dean, treasurer, and 
 
 Architectural History of York Cathe- precentor, says that Thomas " magis- 
 
 ^T 'aV— ^'■o^^^so'" ^'Vlllis, pp. 14-15. trum scolarum antea statuerat." 
 
 Mr. Wilhs IS of opinion that Thomas I hope to speak at greater length 
 
 first renovated the Saxon church, and about the origin and duties of these 
 
 afterwards erected a new cathedral, or, officers in my account of the diguita- 
 
 at all events, the greater part of one. ries of the cathedral. 
 Cf. Lei. Coll., ii., 337.
 
 1070 — 1100.] ARCHBISHOP thomas I. 155 
 
 custos civitatis : a chantor or precentor was added, and the 
 number of the canons was increased. The diocese was mapped 
 out, and placed under the charge of archdeacons. Those 
 officers, indeed, had been for some time in existence, as they 
 are mentioned in the Laws of the Northumbrian Priests, but 
 their duties and their districts seem to haA^e been at this time 
 properly defined. The common property of the minster was 
 also broken up and divided, and to each office there was assigned 
 a separate endowment. This was done to allow each canon to 
 attend to and improve his own allotted portion, and due pro- 
 vision was at the same time made for any other stalls which 
 might subsequently be established.* Thomas was also a bene- 
 factor to the minster in another way. He prevailed upon the 
 Conqueror to increase the endowments of the hospital of St. 
 Peter, which was better known in after years as that of St. 
 Leonard.'' 
 
 There were at this time three other collegiate churches 
 within the diocese of York, — Beverley, Southwell, and Ripon, 
 all of which Avere held by secular canons. All the three had 
 been remodelled within the last century, but so firmly rooted in 
 the North had the secular system become that in each instance 
 it was perpetuated. Aldred was the first person who placed 
 prebendaries at Southwell, and he is said to have established 
 them at Ripon.* Alfric made alterations in the constitution of 
 the church of Beverley as it had been arranged by Athelstan. 
 He foimd there seven canons and seven clerks; he added to 
 them an eighth canon, a precentor, a chancellor, and a sacrist. 
 This was the state of things at Beverley when Thomas came 
 into the North. In course of time some complaints reached 
 his ears about the management of the property of that church, 
 and he met the difficulty by appointing a provost. The first 
 officer who bore that title was his own nephew and namesake, 
 who was afterwards archbishop.' 
 
 The monastic system in the North was at this time literally 
 extinct. The Danes had done their work well, and many of the 
 
 1 Stubbs, col. 1708-9. E-ipon at tbe time of the Domesda}'. 
 
 •■ MSS., Cotton, Nero, D iii., 5 a. Thomas is supposed to have be,L,nm the 
 
 St. Leonard's Chartulary, a magnificent new minster at liipon (AA'albran's Ri- 
 
 book. The writer fixes this grant at pon, 31). In Leland (Coll., ii., 337) it 
 
 Pentecost, 1069,— a manifest error. is said that Aldred founded stalls at 
 
 The archiepiscopal seal of Thomas llipon, York, and Beverley, 
 
 (not the matrix) is in existence. After ' Lcl. Coll., iv., 103. i)ugd. Mon., 
 
 him the series is nearly complete, and vi., 1308. Scaum's Bevcrlac, 522. 
 
 may be found among the archives of Oliver's Bevcrle}^ 385. This appoint- 
 
 the dean and chapter of Durham. mont was too good a one to verify the 
 
 ' I have nowhere seen the authority old saying with regard to bishops, " Fi- 
 
 for this statement, which has been fre- lios Deus abstulit, Sathauas dedit nc- 
 
 quently made. There were canons at potes !"
 
 156 FASTI EBORACENSES, [a.D, 
 
 early religious houses had totally disappeared ; others were to 
 he recognized only hy charred beams and tottering walls. The 
 seculars were the masters everywhere, and they were few in 
 number and poorly endowed. Durham was the only place 
 where any semblance of discipline was retained, and yet that 
 famous monastery was at that time in the hands of secular 
 canons, who, save in one point, had abandoned altogether the 
 Benedictine rule. This was the state of things in the North 
 when, in 1074, three wandering Benedictines from Winch- 
 combe and Evesham made a pilgrimage into that district to 
 visit the holy shrines of which they had read in the history of 
 Beda : a single ass carried everything that they possessed. A 
 change had come over the country since the days of the great 
 chronicler. J arrow and Wearmouth were in ruins, and there 
 were none to tell them there of Benedict or Beda ; Whitby and 
 Lastingham were neglected and destroyed. It is to those three 
 faithful and energetic men that the North of England is in- 
 debted for the re- establishment of monasticism. They took up 
 their abode at Monkchester, or Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and, 
 after many adventures, became at last the founders, as we may 
 call them, of three famous Benedictine houses, — Durham, 
 Whitby, and St. Mary's, York." With each of these establish- 
 ments archbishop Thomas was more or less concerned. Whitby 
 and St. Mary's were in the diocese of York, and the monks 
 could not be located there without his support and consent. He 
 looked indeed on St. Mary's for some time with a jealous eye, 
 perhaps on account of its propinquity to his own minster," but 
 he subsequently became its friend. He was intimately con- 
 nected with the church of Durham and its bishops. He con- 
 secrated St. Carileph and Flambard, and administered the last 
 offices to the former.'" He must have observed with pleasure 
 the activity and the munificence of St. Carileph when he replaced 
 the secular canons of Durham by a colony of Benedictines, 
 and reared a noble cathedral upon that grey rock which over- 
 hangs the Wear. He permitted the monks of that place to 
 possess their lands in Yorkshire free from any payment or 
 ecclesiastical exaction.'^ There is a curious story connected 
 
 " Symeon, col. 199, 20G, 210. Hist. bus facile valuit reperiri " (Hist, Mori. 
 
 Eccl. Diinolm., 198, etc. Bromtou, Seleb., apud Labbe,Nov. Bibl.,i., 601). 
 
 col. 973. Malmesbury, apud Savile, Thomas was a benefactor to Selby. 
 
 15 1 b. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., v., 84, " Drake, ut supra, 579. 
 
 257. Lei. Coll., ii., 382. Drake's " Fl. Wigorn, 446. Symeon, col. 
 
 Eboracum, 578-9, ex Hist. Fundatiouis 224. Stubbs, col. 1709. Hoveden, 
 
 S.M. Ebor. 263,268. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 
 
 A\ hen Selby abbey was founded " per 218, 245, 255. Lei. Coll., ii., 384. Ca- 
 
 totam Eboraci Siriam, excepta Dunelm- rileph had been connected with Bayeux. 
 
 ensi congregations nee monachus nee ^ Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, ed. Sur- 
 
 monachorum locus aliquis in illis die- tees Soc, appendix, xi.
 
 1070 1100.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS I. 157 
 
 with his charter of exemption. The archbishop had been ill 
 for two years, and was a martyr to attacks of fever. " Pliy- 
 sicians were in vain." A vision Avarned him to seek for relief 
 in Dm-ham, at St. Cuthbert's tomb. He Avent and passed tlic 
 night there in great distress and pain, as might reasona])ly be 
 expected. Weariness at last brought on sleep, and the slum- 
 berer beheld the saint standing by him : he ran his hand over 
 his limbs, and the torture went away. But before the healer 
 departed he must have his fee : he desired the prostrate arch- 
 bishop to manifest his gratitude by granting to his favourite 
 place and see the immunities which were afterwards bestoAved. 
 Thomas, in an encyclical letter, narrated his sufferings and his 
 cure.^ 
 
 Thomas seems to have vindicated and exercised his right to 
 be the head of the Scottish bishops. The ecclesiastical super- 
 intendence of that country was entrusted to him at the council 
 in 1072. He consecrated Ralph bishop of the Orkneys. Fode- 
 roch, the bishop of St. Andrews, came to him at the bidding of 
 Malcolm and his queen in the character of a penitent. He had 
 been consecrated at home, but he acknoAvledged his offence, 
 and made his profession of obedience to Thomas. He is said to 
 have acted as a suffragan within the province of York.- These 
 names, it must be observed, do not appear in the fasti of the 
 Scottish Church. There must either be some forgery in this 
 matter by the York historians, or a suppression of the truth 
 by the Scottish chroniclers. 
 
 Thomas died at York on the 18tli of November, 1100," having 
 been archbishop for aboiat thirty years. He had been infirm 
 for some time before his death, and he must have been an old 
 man. He was buried at York, and was interred in the minster 
 near his predecessor Alcked. The following epitaph commemo- 
 rated him : — 
 
 " Orba pio, viduata bono pastore patrono 
 
 Urbs Eboraca dolet, vix babitura parem. 
 Qualia vix uni persona, scientia, vita, 
 
 Contigerit, Tbomic nobilis, alta, bona. 
 Canicies, hilaris facies, statura venusta, 
 
 Angelici vultus splendor et instar erat. 
 Hie numero atque modo doetrinae sen probitatis 
 
 Clerieus oniiiis erat ut magis omnis homo. 
 Haec domus et clorus sub tanto presule felix, 
 
 Pene quod est et habet, muneris onine sui est. 
 Octavis Sancti Martini transiit ille, 
 
 Qui pietate Dei sit comes in rcquie.* 
 
 ^ Ibid. Hoveden, apud Savile, Margan, apud Gale, ii., 3. Hoveden, 
 
 263 h. 268 h. Mat. Paris, 47. Stubbs, col. 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1709. 1709, who says that he died at Ripon 
 
 " Saxon Chron., 321. SjTneon, col. " Octavis S. Martini." 
 
 226. Chron. Mailros, 62. Fl. Wigorn., * Hugh the Chantor. Stubbs, col. 
 
 472. Chron. Petrib., 70. Ann. de 1709, has several variations.
 
 158 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 These words are liif^hly eulogistic, but the see of York owes 
 a deep debt of gratitude to archbishop Thomas. I can see him 
 even now as Malmesbury describes him in his later years — the 
 graceful figure retaining even then the spring and energy of 
 youth; the noble presence, and the covu'teous bearing which 
 captivated all ; the handsome florid countenance, and his hair 
 as white as the do"v\ai upon a swan. No one could impugn the 
 pnrity and correctness of his life." As to his learning and ability 
 the chroniclers are for once unanimous. He brought with him 
 into England the literary stores of three countries.'^ It was 
 his delight to have his clergy around him to read with them 
 and to argue. But music was his master-passion. He knew it 
 thoroughly, and was a composer as well as a singer. He could 
 play upon the organ, and was acquainted with its construction. 
 If he chanced to hear any light or trivial au', he would parody 
 it, as it were, with marvellous — may I say unfortunate — facility 
 into a hymn. He made chants and services,'' eschewing espe- 
 cially aU soft and effeminate music. -^ One specimen only of his 
 powers as a versifier has been handed down to us, an elegy upon 
 the death of William the Conqueror.^ As the theme was an 
 unfavourable one the effusion must be read with some little 
 indulgence. 
 
 " Qui rexit rigidos Normannos atque Britannos, 
 Audacter \icit, fortiter obtinuit, 
 Et Cenomanenses \artiite coercuit enses, 
 
 Imperiique suis legibus applicuit, 
 E,ex magnus parva jacet hie Gulielmus in urna, 
 
 Sufficit et magno parva domus domino. 
 Ter septem gradibus se volverat atque duobus 
 Virginis in gremio Phoebus, et hie obiit." 
 
 ^TcrartJ, bishop of Hereford, was translated to the arch- 
 bishopric of York at the feast of the Epiphany, 1101.'^ He was 
 the nephew of Walkeline, the Norman bishop of Winchester, 
 and of Symeon, abbat of Ely ; and he was, therefore, a distant 
 
 ■^ Malmesbury, 156 h. Wm. Neubr., ed. Hearne, appendix 
 
 " Vita S. Wulstani, apud Angl. Sac., 684-5, where this and two other epi- 
 
 ii., 255. Ric. of Hexham, col. 303. taphs are given. 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1705. Rob., de Monte, * Hugh the Chantor, who wrote a 
 
 ed. Stevenson, 680. Huntingdon, life of Gerard, which is in the Reg. 
 
 216 h. Magnum Album at York. Chron. Mail- 
 
 ' Bromton, col. 968. Knyghton, col. ros, 62, in 1100. Symeon, col. 226. Di- 
 
 2345- ceto, col. 499. Bromton, col. 999. Cot- 
 
 / Malmesbury, apud Savile, 155 b. toni Chron., 412. Hoveden, 268 h. 
 
 ^ Ord. Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 663. Mat. Paris, 47.
 
 1101 1108.] ARCHBISHOP GERARD. 159 
 
 connection of the Conqiieror.' We first hear of Gerard as the 
 chantor or precentor of the chnrcli at Kouen.-' He next l)ecame 
 one of the chaplains of William Rnfns, and in tliat capacity he 
 was sent by the king to Rome to make enqniries for him aljout 
 the relative merits of the two rival popes.''' It is also said that 
 he was chancellor to William I. and II,' Gerard was consecrated 
 to the see of Hereford at London, in June 1096,'" by the two 
 archbishops, having been raised to the priesthood at Lambeth on 
 tlie preceding day." In 1100 he was present at the consecration 
 of the new church at Gloucester/ and soon after this he is said 
 to have officiated at the coronation of queen Matilda.^ In 
 1101 he was translated to York. Walter Mapes tells a curious 
 story to account for his removal from Hereford. He says that 
 Gerard crowned Henry I., who, as a reward for his ser\-ices, 
 promised him the first vacant archbishopric. On the death of 
 Thomas the king repented of what he had undertaken, and 
 endeavoiu'ed to keep Gerard at Hereford, being willing to confer 
 upon that see an income equal to that of York and Canterbury, 
 and a position as important as that of the bishop of Durham. 
 Gerard, however, would have nothing to do with this arrange- 
 ment, and held the monarch to his word.? I do not set any 
 value upon the story, but it is necessary to mention it. 
 
 When Gerard was translated to York the old question of 
 subjection was again opened out. Anselm demanded his pro- 
 fession, but he refused to make it. He had desired Anselm to 
 give him letters to the pope to enable him to obtain the pall, but 
 he was told that they should be given upon one condition, that 
 he shoidd either make his profession at once or on his return 
 from Rome. Gerard was ready with his reply. " When he 
 came back he would do what was just and right,^-' and thereupon 
 he crossed the seas.'' He carried with him, also, a missive from 
 the king to Paschal, begging him to bestow the pall upon the 
 bearer.'' Gerard, however, had another errand to the eternal 
 city. He went there as ambassador from the king of England.' 
 
 ' Ord. Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 764. Stubbs, Reg. Sacr. Angl., 24. 
 
 Malmesbury, apud Savile, 155 b. An- " Eadmer, Hist. Nov., 45. 
 
 glia Sacra, i., 611. " S3'meon, col. 225. 
 
 > Chron. Bob., de Monte, ed. Steven- '' Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, 
 
 son, 680. xii., 679. Synieon (col. 226) says that 
 
 * Eadmer, Hist. Nov., apud Anselmi Anselm crowned and consecrated her. 
 
 0pp., ed. 1721, 44. ' De Nugis Curialinm, 22t. Symeon 
 
 ' Hugh the Chantor. Stubbs, col. (225) says that Maurice, bishoj) ot Lon- 
 
 1710, Lei. Coll., ii., 337. Perhaps don, crowned Henry. Gerard, how- 
 
 cancellarius is a clerical error for capel- ever, was present ("VVendover, i., 488.) 
 
 lanus. The name of Gerard appears in '' Stubbs, col. 1710. 
 
 no list of the chancellors that I have ' Bromton, col. 999. 
 
 seen. ' Eadmer, id supra, 61. Malmes- 
 
 '" Fl. 'Wigorn. says on June 15. bury, 92 b, 127 h, 155 b. Malmesbury
 
 160 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 The dispute between Anselm and Henry as to the right of 
 investiture was running high, and the king was desirous of 
 having the pope on his side. Paschal was too adroit a politician 
 to take any decided part in such a controversy. Geraixl obtained 
 the pall, and was flattered and caressed. His learning was 
 commended ; his advice was sought for," whilst the king^s 
 ambassadors, as well as those of Anselm, returned to England 
 with the firm conviction that the pope was their friend." 
 
 The true state of things would soon be discovered, and some 
 little coolness between Anselm and Gerard would probably 
 ensue. The relative position of the two prelates was a very 
 critical one. They took diflerent sides in the church politics of 
 the day, and it must have been very diificult to avoid a collision. 
 We find them, however, associated together in a great council 
 held at Westminster in September 1102, at which many ordi- 
 nances were made relating to ecclesiastical discipline, but par- 
 ticularly to the marriage of the clergy.''' Even at that meeting- 
 there was a little manifestation of angry feeling. A seat had 
 been placed for Gerard below that of his brother of Canterbury. 
 He kicked it over and ordered it to be replaced on a level with 
 that of Anselm, invoking the wrath of God upon the perpetrator 
 of that injury to his see.'^ 
 
 In the following year the quarrel between the king and 
 Anselm was at its height, and Gerard was made a party in it. 
 Three bishops stood in need of consecration, and Anselm refused 
 to officiate unless they received investiture from himself. This 
 the king forbade, and requested Gerard to take the place of 
 Anselm and act as consecrator. He was ready to do so, although 
 his consenting manifested neither good feeling nor good taste. 
 " Perhaps," as P'uller says, " he hoped thereby to hitch his 
 church and degree the higher,"^' perhaps only to oblige the king. 
 The ceremony, however, did not take place. William Giffard, 
 the bishop elect of Winchester, made so strenuous an opposition 
 to the intrusion of Gerard, that the other prelates shrunk from 
 the responsibility, and Giff'ard himself went abroad.^ Anselm, 
 also, wearied and disgusted, sought again the protection of the 
 pope. 
 
 charges Gerard with having given to iv., 126. Eadmer, Hist. Nov., 61. 
 
 the king a false report of the pope's '" Fl. Wigorn., 474. Malmeshur3% 
 
 opinion with regard to investitures. apud Savile, 129 6. Hoveden, 269. 
 
 This is probably the circumstance to Symeon, col. 227. Bromton, col. 1001. 
 
 which the pope alluded in a letter to Gervase, col. 1660. Stubbs, col. 1710. 
 
 Gerard, which is given by Eadmer. Eadmer. Hist. Nov., 63-4. Labbe, 
 
 " MSS. Lansdowne, ccccii., 27 b. Cone, x., 728. 
 
 Bromton, col. 1000. Stubbs, col. 1710. ' Stubbs, col. 1710. 
 
 - ^A'e hear of Gerard and his brother y Church History, book iii.. 20. 
 
 ambassadors being at Marseilles on their ^ Saxon Chron., 324. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 return in Martene, Thes. Nov, Anec, 475. Eadmer, 64. Malmesbury, 128.
 
 1101 1108.] ARCHBISHOP GERARD. 161 
 
 During the next three years, which Anselm spent in exile, 
 we know little of the archbishop of York. A letter from pope 
 Paschal is presented, in which he is exhorted to be on better 
 terras M'ith Anselm f and that advice seems to have had its due 
 weight. A portion of the correspondence that passed between 
 the two prelates is before us ; it evinces much kindly feeling, 
 although it discloses the existence of some jealousy and bitter- 
 ness.* Gerard joined his brother bishops in an affectionate but 
 fruitless appeal to Anselm to return to England.'' He wrote 
 himself to the exiled primate, and spoke of their friendship and 
 past intercourse. He told him how much he wished that all 
 this should be renewed, and assured him of his kind offices with 
 the king in his behalf.'' It is quite possible that to Gerard^s 
 agency is to be ascribed the retiu^n of Anselm, which took place 
 in the autumn of 1106. After this there was another chance of 
 a feud between the two primates. Anselm required from Gerard 
 his profession of obedience, and he was backed in this demand 
 by a letter from the pope.^ The king now questioned the neces- 
 sity of the claim, as the profession had been made before when 
 Gerard became bishop of Hereford. Anselm, however, was not 
 satisfied with this ; and Gerard is said to have laid his hand in 
 that of Anselm, and to have promised to pay him the same 
 obedience which he had rendered to him in a lower sphere.-'' It 
 is only just to say that some doubts have been thrown upon the 
 truth of this statement. The reconciliation, however, seems to 
 have been complete, and Gerard assisted his brother-primate in 
 consecrating five bishops — the greatest number that had parti- 
 cipated in that rite, at one time, since the days of archbishop 
 Plegmund.^ 
 
 Gerard induced the king to give the church of Laughton to 
 the dean and canons of York, and this was made into a prebend. 
 He also obtained from him six other churches. Of these, he 
 gave one, that of Snaith, to Selby Abbey. The other five, those 
 
 Hoveden, 269 b. Symeou, col. 228. <' Anselmi 0pp., 436. 
 
 Diceto, col. 499. Bromton, col. 999. "■ Ibid., 413. Diceto, col. 497. ^Mal- 
 
 Hemingford, apud Gale, ii., 470. Mat. mesbury, apud Savile, 155 6. Labbe, 
 
 Paris, 49. Chron. Petrib., 71. Moh- Cone, x., 617. 
 
 ler's Life of Anselm, ed. 1842, 100. In / Eadmer, 7G-7. Fl. AYigorn., 479. 
 
 Baluzii Misc. Sacra, ed. Mansi, ii., 173, Hoveden, 270. Symeon, col. 230. I)i- 
 
 there is a letter from Anselm to Henry ceto, col. 500. Gervase, col. 1G59. 
 
 protesting against any injury being Stubbs (1710) denies this. Cotton 
 
 done to Giffard on account of his re- (Chron., 412) says that Gerard made 
 
 sistance. his profession and obedience. 
 
 "Anselmi 0pp., 436. Diceto, col. •? Eadmer, 77. Malmesbury, 129&. 
 
 497. Hoveden, 270. Symeon, col. 230. 
 
 * Anselmi 0pp., 389, 431, 443. Bromton, col. 1003. Chron. Petrib., 
 
 ' Eadmer, 73. Ans. 0pp., 410. Wil- 74. Gerard consecrated a bishop of 
 
 kins, i., 384. Mohler's Life of Anselm, Orkney (Stubbs, col. 1710). 
 
 104. 
 
 M
 
 163 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D, 
 
 of Driffield, Killiam, Pocklington, Pickering and Burgh, were 
 bestowed upon his minster/ He seems to have been a muni- 
 ficent person; indeed, his successor complained that he had 
 impoverished the see.' Gerard was a great disciplinarian, and 
 acted occasionally under the advice of Anselm.-' He is said to 
 have been fond of correcting abuses, and on that accoiint he 
 secured for himself the dislike which too many are ready enough 
 to manifest towards a conscientious and active reformer.* 
 
 Gerard has some pretensions to a literary reputation ; indeed 
 among his contemporaries he was famous for his eloquence and 
 learning.' Hugh the Chantor is guilty, perhaps, of a little cle- 
 rical adulation Avhen he tells us he was quite able to contest 
 the palm with Virgil in metre, and Tully in prose ! The letters 
 of Gerard, which are preserved, are well enough in their expres- 
 sion and Latinity, althoiigh in both respects they are inferior to 
 those of Cicero.'" The following specimen of his verse is the 
 only one that I have been able to recover. It is scarcely equal 
 to the melodious number of the Eclogues or the Georgics. But 
 it is hardly fair to judge a poet by eight lines, two of which are 
 not his own. 
 
 " Eex citharista David, Salomon, Paris, et Menelaus, 
 
 Occidit, liquid (Uquit ?J prodidit, introiit, 
 Uriam, Dariam," IMenelamn, Troica castra, 
 
 Ingenio, mouitis turpibus, arte, dolis. 
 Si fortuna velit, fiet de rethore consul, 
 Si velit lasec eadem, fiet de consule rethor. 
 In preoio precium nunc est, dat census honores, 
 
 Census amicitias. Pauper ubique jacet."" 
 
 The death of Gerard was a somewhat remarkable one. It 
 occurred at Southwell, on his way to the court at London,^ on 
 the 21st of May, 1108.* He was suffering from a slight illness. 
 After dinner he went to take his repose in the garden adjoining 
 to his palace, and lay down to sleep in the open air among the 
 grass and floAvers with a cushion under his head. His clerks 
 left him for a while at his request, and on their retrain their 
 
 * Stubbs, col. 1710. Eot. Chart., '" One of Gerard's letters is in Ans. 
 121. Lei. Coll., li., 337. Tn the Life of 0pp., 436. There is one in the library 
 Thurstan, in MSS. Cotton, Titus, A, at Corpus, Cambridge. 
 
 xix., 55, it is said that the churches of " The allusion here is not quite clear. 
 
 Pickering, Pocklington and Kilham, "Was Gerard thinking of Hiram ? Per- 
 
 were given to the deanery of York, haps of Pharaoh ? 
 which had been previously poor, by " MSS., Cotton, Titus D, xxiv., 61. 
 
 Henry I., at the request of archbishop p Eadmer, 78. 
 
 Thurstan. ' Eadmer, 80. » Saxon Chron., 331. Symeon, col. 
 
 ■/ Anselmi 0pp., 386, 431. 231. Stubbs, col. 1711. Ann. de 
 
 * Mirac. S. Joann. Beverlac, apud Margan,apudGale,i.,4. Ann.Waverl., 
 Acta SS., May 2. ibid., ii., 146. Eob. de Monte, ed. 
 
 ' Ibid., Wm. Neubrig., i., 25. Mai- Stevenson, 680. Hoveden, 270. Chrou. 
 mesbury, 155 h. Stubbs, col. 1710. Potrib., 74.
 
 1108 1114.] AECHBISHOP THOMAS II. 1C3 
 
 master was dead. He had passed quietly away. His opponents 
 asserted that this was a fitting termination of a wicked life. 
 He had departed " unhouselled, unanealed.^^ A few persons 
 carried his remains to York; but^ on account of the way in 
 which he died^ they were not received^ it is stated^ with the 
 customary procession of the citizens and clergy. The boys 
 pelted the bier as it passed along, and, the canons denying the 
 corpse a resting-place within the minster, it was interred igno- 
 miniously without the walls of the cathedral.'" It was sub- 
 sequently buried within the church by his immediate successor 
 in the see.^ These are the things which a monkish opponent is 
 so fond of recording. Gerard was a reformer and a successful 
 politician, and in both these characters he would be sure to 
 create enemies. The most upright man is not exempt from this. 
 Gerard is arraigned by more than one chronicler for deceit and 
 an evil life.' He is also charged with being addicted to curious 
 and forbidden arts. A treatise on magic, by Julius Firmicus, 
 is reported to have been found under his pillow in his garden at 
 Southwell, and he is said to have been much attached to it." 
 The book was merely a work on astronomy. The same petty 
 and vexatious spirit of ignorance which regarded Gerard as 
 akin to a sorcerer, threw Galileo into a dungeon. 
 
 r^lfjOttiaS KE«, the namesake and the nephcAv of the first 
 Norman archbishop, was the next primate of the Northern 
 province, succeeding, as it were, by hereditary right." He was 
 a member, strange to say, of a great clerical family. His 
 father, Sampson, became bishop of Worcester ; and his brother, 
 Richard, presided over the see of Bayeux from 1108 to 1133.'" 
 Thomas owed his advance in life to the care of his uncle, whom 
 he resembled in disposition, and under whom he was brought 
 up at York."^ In 1092, when the minster at Beverley was 
 reformed, Thomas was made by his uncle the first provost, and 
 
 •■ Wm. Neubrig., i., 25-6. Malmes- Eboracum, 415. 
 
 bury, 155 6. MSS. Cotton, Vesp., A. " Hu<<li the Chanter. Stubbs, col. 
 
 ix. Harleian Misc., ix. 309. 1711. Knyghton, col. 2377. Hoveden, 
 
 ' Malinesbury, ibid. apud Savile, 270. Mat. Paris, 53. 
 
 ' Wm. Neubrig., i., 25. "Vita " Gallia Christiana, xi., 360. Ric. of 
 
 lubricus, in emungendis per indecoras Hexham, col. 303. Malmesbury, apud 
 
 etiam occasiones subditorum marsupiis Savile, 155 b. Stubbs, col. 1711. 
 
 callidus, et, ut plurimi asseverant, raali- Tanner, Eibl. Brit., 709. Thomas's 
 
 ficiis etiam assuetus." Worcester, 144; and Appendix, 4. 
 
 " Knj'ghton, col. 2375. Drake's ■»' Hugh the Chantor. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 he held that office till the year 1108.^ He was also one of the 
 royal chaplains. The year 1108 witnessed the decease of 
 Maurice, bishop of London, and Thomas was nominated to the 
 vacant post. Before the appointment was completed archbishop 
 Gerard died at Southwell. At that time, Hugh the dean, and 
 several of the canons, of York, were at the court, and they 
 entreated the king to give them for their new primate the 
 bishop-elect of London. Their petition was listened to, and 
 Thomas became archbishop of York.^ The chapter of that city 
 would be delighted to welcome a prelate who had been so 
 intimately connected with their OAvn body. 
 
 No sooner was the election of Thomas made known, than 
 the monks of Canterbury prevailed upon Anselm to require 
 from him the profession of obedience.'* Thomas resolved to 
 take the opinion of the king, and set off for London from York, 
 where he had been already most kindly received. He had 
 accomplished half his journey, when a messenger overtook him, 
 urging him to be firm in terms which a long intercourse and 
 familiaiity could alone justify, and demanding that he should in 
 no way commit or dishonour his chapter. Thomas at length 
 reached the king, who forbade him making the profession which 
 had been demanded ; and the opinion of the court was decidedly 
 
 y Symeon, col. 231. Stubbs, 1711. 
 The lists of the provosts of Beverley ia 
 Poulson and Oliver are filled with 
 errors, many of which have their origin 
 in the account of tho.-e officials, drawn 
 up before the Eeformation by Simon 
 Russel. 
 
 Archbishop Thomas was the first 
 provost. He seems to have been suc- 
 ceeded by another person bearing the 
 same name, who devoted himself to the 
 Cistercian rule at Clairvaux, but broke 
 his pledge, much to St. Bernard's grief. 
 The Saint tells us that he died, " Subita 
 et horrenda morte." St. Bernard wrote 
 to, and about him (S. Bern. 0pp., ed. 
 1G90, i., 11 1-15, 363-4). This Thomas 
 was succeeded by a person of the name 
 of Thurstan, but not the archbishop, 
 as has generally been stated. He died 
 in 1153 or 1151 (John of Hexham, col. 
 280), and was succeeded by Thomas a 
 Becket,who seems to have beeu indebted 
 for his appointment to archbishop 
 Theobald (Becket's works, ed. Giles, i., 
 10). Benedict of Peterborough records 
 a miracle wrought in behalf of Thomas 
 de Etton, knt., who had been an 
 opponent of Becket whilst he was 
 provost (Bened. Petrib., Vita S. Thomse 
 
 Cant., ed. Caxton Soc, 104). 
 
 ' Saxon Chron., 331. MSS. Lans- 
 downe, ccccii., 20 h. Symeon, col. 231. 
 Diceto, col. 500. Wendover, i., 461. 
 Chrou. Petrib., 74. Dachery, Spici- 
 legium, iii., 506. 
 
 " The account of this controversy is 
 taken from several sources. The chief 
 authority is the life of Thomas, by 
 Hugh Sotevagina, thechantor and arch- 
 deacon of York, which supplies some 
 fresh information. See, also, Stubbs, 
 col. 1711-13. Anselmi 0pp., 420-1, 
 448-50. (Several of these letters are 
 not in their proper chronological order). 
 Eadmer, Hist. Nov., ibid., 79-83. 
 Diceto, col. 500-1. Gervase, col. 1660. 
 Malmesburv, apud Savile, 156. Labbe, 
 Cone, X., 758-61. Wilkius, i., 888-92. 
 Ivonis Carnotensis Epp., ed. 1610, 790. 
 Jo. Saresber., 0pp., v., 346, etc. Anglia 
 Sacra, ii., 172. 
 
 In 1108 there is said to have been a 
 meeting of the clergy, at which Anselm 
 and Thomas were present. Some enact- 
 ments were passed at it about the arch- 
 deacons and the clergy (Symeon, col. 
 231. Hoveden, 270 6. Labbe, Cone, 
 X., 756).
 
 1108 1111.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS II. 165 
 
 ill his favour. In the meantime Anselm was not idle. He tried 
 to gain the king^s ear, but in vain. He then sent Herbert, 
 bishop of Norwich, to Thomas, to propose that the profession 
 should be dispensed with, if he woukl only recognize the primacy 
 of Anselm. Thomas, however, relied on the king's support, and 
 declined to do so. Anselm now began to act with promptitude 
 and energy, and it was time. Tui'got of Durham, the bishop- 
 elect of St. Andrews, was waiting to be consecrated. Thomas, 
 of course, could not officiate ; but Ranulph Flambard, the bishop 
 of Durham, was willing to act in his presence, with the assist- 
 ance of the Scottish prelates. Anselm refused to alloAv the 
 ceremony to take place. He forbade Thomas to exercise any 
 episcopal functions. He told him that no bishop ought to be 
 miconsecrated for more than forty days, and desired him to be 
 at Canterbury to receive that rite on the 6th of Septemljcr fol- 
 lowing ; saying that if he should be disobedient he would him- 
 self step into his place in the North, and enter upon the duties 
 which he was neglecting. Thomas wrote to Anselm in reply, 
 and told him that he would come to Canterbury as soon as he 
 conveniently could. At present he was in want of money, as 
 the see had been much impoverished by his predecessor; and 
 he was preparing also, with the king^'s permission, to send a 
 messenger to the pope to procure the pall. Anselm, upon this, 
 forbade him to seek the pall before his consecration, and desired 
 him to be at Canterbury on the 27th of September, He wrote 
 also to the pope, requesting him to withhold, for the present, 
 the honour which Thomas wished to obtain. Thomas, in reply, 
 told Anselm that he could not act against the will of his chapter ; 
 and that body, about the same time, conveyed to Anselm the 
 opinions which they had so strongly impressed upon their spi- 
 ritual head. Anselm fixed another day for the consecration of 
 his new brother, but to no purpose. He then resolved to try 
 the effect of mediation, and sent the bishops of London and 
 Rochester into the North. Thomas met them at SoutliAvcll, 
 but all their arguments and entreaties were in vain. He said 
 that he would gladly come to Canterbury to be consecrated if 
 the objectionable condition was given up. He was now expect- 
 ing, as he told them, the return of his messenger from Normandy 
 whom he had sent to consult the king. This alarmed Anselm 
 when he heard of it. He wrote a letter to Sampson, bishop of 
 Worcester, the father of Thomas, begging him to prevail upon 
 his son to adopt better counsels. The cautious prelate returned 
 an evasive and an unsatisfactory reply. 
 
 In the meantime, Hugh, the dean of York, and some other 
 friends of Thomas, had arrived at the court in Normandy. 
 Henry wrote to Anselm, desiring that the dispute should stand
 
 166 I'ASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 over till lie retm-ned to England ; and the archbishop unwillingly 
 acquiesced. The king, also, shewed his partiality towards 
 Thomas by Aviiting a letter, which Hugh carried with liim to the 
 pope. It contained a request that he would send over to 
 England some competent person to settle the quan*el between 
 the two sees, and to bring with him the pall which Thomas was 
 unable to seek at Rome in his own person. The pope readily 
 assented, and Ulric, a cardinal, returned with the dean. Before 
 they could reach Normandy and the court, Anselm had passed 
 away out of this troubled scene into the peace and stillness that 
 are beyond it. He had been failing for some time, and, pos- 
 sibly, this controversy Avith Thomas may have embittered and 
 distm'bed the last months of the old man^s life. Upon his 
 death-bed he is said to have indited a most striking letter, in 
 which, in the sight of the Most High, he besought Thomas to 
 return to his allegiance to Canterbury. The curse of God was 
 invoked upon him if that allegiance were withheld. There is 
 something very a^vful in this. Sui'ely a death-bed is a place for 
 blessings, and not for curses. Anselm, however, was then seek- 
 ing for others, and not for his own aggrandizement, what he 
 considered to be right. He dared to vindicate it as he was 
 passing away to one whose highest attribute is His justice. 
 That noble heart, palsied by suffering but mivanquished, was 
 honest and faithful unto the end. 
 
 Whilst this was going on in England, Ulric and his com- 
 panions came to Henry at the Norman court, and he sent them 
 into his own kingdom, promising to be soon with them. When 
 he came, the great cause between Canterbury and York was 
 mooted, and each side did their best to carry the day. It was 
 debated at the feast of Pentecost. The result was that the king 
 was prevailed upon by the dignitaries of the Southern province 
 to alter his determination, and he requested the astonished and 
 dismayed Thomas to make the required profession to Canterbury, 
 ■\\ithout any prejudice to his successors or his church. He flatly 
 refused to do so. The hot blood of the Norman prince boiled 
 oyer when he heard him. He threatened to ruin him and all 
 his kindred if he remained obstinate. Thomas was still disposed 
 to resist. Every influence Avas now brought to bear upon him. 
 Robert, comte de Meulent, whose good offices Anselm had pre- 
 viously requested, endeavoured to persuade the mimlling prelate. 
 Stephen de AVhitby, the abbat of St. Mary's, York, entreated 
 him to give way. Bishop Flambard sought in vain to warp the 
 king's mind by a proffered bribe of a thousand marks of silver 
 to himself, and an hundred of gold to the queen, but Henry 
 would not relent. The mediation of the cardinal was begged 
 for ; but he declined to embroil himself in a controversv which
 
 1108 1114.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS II. 167 
 
 might be productive of so much danger to himself and his 
 church. The king would not give way : Avoukl the ])rehite 
 submit? At tliis crisis the father and brother of Thomas, 
 fearful for their own safety and for his, went to him, and at 
 their earnest entreaty he was induced to alter his determination. 
 Stern necessity seems to have compelled liim, and he gave uj) 
 his position most sorrowfully and unwillingly. On the morrow, 
 Sunday, the 27th of June, 1109,* he made his profession, and 
 was consecrated at London by the bishop of that diocese. He 
 obtained, however, some little compensation for his concession. 
 The bishops of Norwich and Durham declared aloud in the 
 church, at the king^s request, that Thomas had made his sub- 
 mission to Canterbuiy in obedience solely to his royal master's 
 Avish, and not upon the merits of the controversy. Henry also 
 gave him a kind of encyclical letter which repeated everything 
 that the two bishops had asserted, and added, besides, that the 
 act was in no respect to compromise the rights and privileges of 
 the church of York and its archbishops. 
 
 Soon after this Thomas and the cardinal set out for York, 
 where there was a noble welcome for them. In the beginning 
 of August the pall was solemnly given to him in the minster ; 
 and when the ceremonial, together with the mass, at which 
 Thomas officiated, were over, the new archbishop, in the presence 
 of Ulric, consecrated Turgot of Dm-liam, who had long been 
 waiting for that rite, to the bishopric of St. Andrew's.'^ After 
 a stay of three days, the cardinal, loaded Avitli presents and 
 thanks, set out on his journey towards the South. Thomas 
 escorted him as far as the Trent ; and, when they were about to 
 part, the archbishop, instead of a friendly farewell, was astonished 
 to receive a summons to Rome. Ulric told him that in making 
 his profession to Canterbmy he had broken the decree of Gregory 
 and the canons, and that he must answer for this at Rome. 
 Why had not the cardinal expressed the same opinion when his 
 advice had been previously sought for, and when it ought to 
 have been given ? The entreaties, hoAvever, of Thomas and his 
 friends induced Ulric to recal his words, and the two separated 
 with mutual assurances of friendship and good will.'' 
 
 The life of Thomas was too short to allow him to do much 
 within his diocese. We find, however, that several of the Scottish 
 prelates came to him for consecration. Turgot of St. Andrew's 
 
 * n. AYigorn., 482. Symeon, col. '' Hugh the Chantor. Symeon (232) 
 
 232. Diceto, col. 501. Eadmer, 83. and Fl. AYigorn., (182) sn,}' that the pall 
 
 Hoveden, 270 6. Chron. Petrib., 75. was given on July 30. llovodcn (270 6) 
 
 Chron. Mailros, 64. Mat. Paris, 53. makes the day Aug. 1. ]Malmesbury, 
 
 Labbe, Cone, x., 761. 156. Stnbbs, col. 1712. Chron. 
 
 <■ Anselnii 0pp., 421. Eadmer, ibid., Petrib., 75. 
 79.
 
 168 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 has been already spoken of, but he was more renowned for his 
 connexion with Durham, and his literary reputation, than for 
 anything that he did at his see in Scotland. Wimund of the 
 Isles, Michael of Glasgow, and Ralph of Orkney, were also 
 consecrated by Thomas, and paid to him their spiritual homage. 
 To the two last the diocese of York was under some obligations. 
 The bishop of Glasgow, who came to York at the desire of 
 jjrince David, was on intimate terms with Thomas, and acted as 
 a suffi'agan within his diocese. He died on one of his episcopal 
 journeys, and was buried in the church of Morland in West- 
 merland. The history of Ralph, the bishop of Orkney, was a 
 remarkable one. He was a natiA^e of the city of York; and 
 because he was consecrated without the consent of prince, clergy, 
 or people of Orkney, he was rejected by them all. He re- 
 mained, therefore, in England, and acted as a suffragan to the 
 diocesans of Durham and York. He was a great friend of arch- 
 bishop Thurstan in all his vicissitudes of fortune, and represented 
 him at the famous battle of the Standard.* 
 
 We find but few traces of Thomas in the domestic affairs of 
 his diocese. Two new stalls were founded at York in his time 
 l)y Roger, abbat of Whitby.-^ Thomas obtained from the king 
 a grant of privileges to the church of Southwell, and freed the 
 canons and their church from the claims and exactions of him- 
 self and his successors. These endowments had been made by 
 Aldred at his own cost, but he had been unable to secure the 
 exemptions which were now obtained.^ The greatest work, how- 
 ever, which Thomas effected, was at Hexham.'^ That once 
 famous house had fallen from its first estate. A succession of 
 twelve bishops had worn the mitre which rested on the brows of 
 Wilfrid, but three centuries had elapsed since the death of the 
 last of these prelates. The church and lordship, for some time, 
 seem to have belonged in turn to the archbishop of York and 
 the bishop of Durham, but at the beginning of the twelfth 
 centmy, they seem to have been bestowed in perpetuity upon 
 the Northern primates. The church up to this time was under 
 the control of a provost, the son succeeding the father in the 
 charge for several generations. Thomas I. appointed to this 
 office a canon of Beverley of the name of Richard de Maton, 
 and attached it to the stall of Holme at York. Maton seems to 
 have been non-resident, but a person of the name of Eilau, well 
 
 ' Symeon, col. 232. Stubbs, col. meon, col. 235. Stubbs, col. 1713. 
 
 1713. Keith's Scottish bishops, n. e., Mirac. S. Wilfridi, apud Acta SS. ord. 
 
 7, 220, 297. S.B., ssec. iii., i., 215-lG. Lei. Coll., ii., 
 
 ■^ Hugh, the Chantor. Stubbs, (col. 337-8, 391. There is an interesting 
 
 17l3)makesThomashimselfthefoimder. paper by Mr. LongstafFe, on "The 
 
 s Stubbs, col. 1713. hereditary sacerdotage of Hexham," in 
 
 '' llic. of Hexham, col. 303-6. Sy- the Arch. Ml., n. s., iv., 11-28.
 
 1108 1111.] ARCHBISHOP THOMAS II, 169 
 
 known in tlie chronicles of the church of Durham, was his 
 deputy. It was clearly wrong that a church of antiquity and 
 reno^yn should languish under so feeble and imperfect an 
 administration. The abbey seems to have been used as the 
 parish chiu'ch, and, with the exception of Eilau, there are no 
 traces at that time of any resident ecclesiastics. On the first of 
 November, 1113, Thomas was able to introduce a new system. 
 During his visitation of the monasteries in his diocese he had 
 made himself acquainted with the state of Hexham. He pre- 
 vailed upon the provost to resign his post into his hands, and 
 made it thenceforward a house of regular canons under the con- 
 trol of a prior ; Eilau, who promoted, and was anxious for, the 
 change, being permitted to retain a life-interest in the endow- 
 ments. This he subsequently resigned, and ended his days as a 
 professed monk among the Benedictines at Durham. Ailred, 
 the learned prior of Rievaux, was his son. The path was now 
 clear for Thomas and his changes. He established a new 
 regime. He gave to the canons, who were Augustinians by 
 rule, four vills, a mill on the Tyne, and a fishery in that river. 
 He bestowed upon them one hundred shillings a year for their 
 clothing. He furnished the church with its books and orna- 
 ments, and, had his life been spared, he would have been a still 
 greater benefactor. 
 
 In the life of bishop Eata, there is an interesting account of 
 an adventure of Thomas at Hexham. The church of York had 
 no saint enshrined within its walls, and the want gave much 
 annoyance to the dignitaries of the minster. They entreated 
 Thomas to bring away from Hexham the remains of Eata. The 
 canons of that place were in despair as the archbishop had made 
 up his mind to deprive them of their saint. A singular cir- 
 cumstance is said to have deterred him. He had come to 
 Hexham and was asleep, when suddenly Eata himself appeared to 
 him in a vision. Not only did he chide Thomas in the strongest 
 language, but he gave him two blows on his shoulder with his 
 pastoral staff! 
 
 " Bis baculo tangens liumerum." 
 
 The poor archbishop was half-dead with pain and fear, and of 
 course nothing more was done about remoAdug the remains.' 
 
 One of the two learned priors of Hexham commends Thomas 
 very highly for his kindliness of heart, his pleasant manners 
 and countenance, his hospitality and learning.-? Like his uncle 
 he had a great taste for music, and he is said to have composed 
 
 ' Biogr. Misc., ed. Surtees Soc, 124. i Wm. Neubri^.i i., 26. Symeon, 
 
 Mabillon, Acta SS. ord. S. B., iii., sscc. col. 236. Eic. of Hexham, col. 303, 
 i., 222. Stubbs, col, 1713. Malmosbury, 156.
 
 170 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 some hymns, together with an Officiarium for the benefit of his 
 church at York.* A single letter of his addressed to Anselm is 
 preserved.^ In his personal appearance Thomas is said to 
 have been stout and iinwieldy, and to the inertness, which so 
 frequently results from corpulency, the York historians have 
 ascribed the too hasty surrender of the privileges of his see to 
 the encroachments of Canterbuiy.™ 
 
 Thomas died at Beverley on the 24th of February, 1114," 
 and was interred at York near his uncle and his predecessor 
 Aldred." He had for some time been suffering from a peculiar 
 complaint, and he might have survived it, if he had not had 
 some conscientious scruples in applying the prescribed remedy. 
 He felt it first when he was provost of Beverley, but he is said 
 to have obtained some temporary relief from the aid of his 
 predecessor St. John, whose assistance he had besought.? The 
 complaint, however, returned and carried him ofi'. It was the 
 same which in after years terminated the life of James Rossa, 
 the archbishop-elect of Lisbon. Thomas was still a young man 
 when he was called away.* 
 
 I^IiIi}UrStatt, a well-known name in the North of England, was 
 the next archbishop of York. It is impossible to do full justice in 
 a few pages to this great and noble-minded man. Like several of 
 his predecessors, he was the son of an ecclesiastic. Auger, pre- 
 bendary of Kentish Town, in the church of London. *■ Thurstan 
 was a native of Bayeux,^ and his brother, Audoenus, was for 
 many years the bishop of Evreux.^ Thurstan^s sagacity and 
 
 * Bale, cent, xiii., 132, where be is ? Wm. Neubr., i., 26. Stubbs, col. 
 
 confused with his uncle. Tanner Bibl. 1713. 
 
 Brit., 709. Wright Biogr. Lit., ii., "" Newcourt, i., 169. Godwin, ed. 
 
 109. Richardson, 668. Auger was succeeded 
 
 ' Eadmer, Hist. Nov., apud Anselmi by his son, who is called " Audoenus 
 
 0pp., 80. frater archiepiscopi." 
 
 "' Hugh the Chantor. Stubbs, col. ' Ord. Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 858. 
 
 1712. ' He was born at Bayeux, and was a 
 
 " Fl. Wigorn., 488. Hoveden, 271. very learned man. He was scribe and 
 
 Ric. of Hexham (306) makes the date afterwards chaplain to Henry I. He 
 
 Feb. 16, and Stubbs (1713) Feb. 18. was bishop for twenty-four years, and 
 
 Sax an Chron., 331.. Cliron. Petrib., died in 1139, having rebuilt his church 
 
 77. Chron. Mailros, 65. Wikes, apud which had been burnt down. He was 
 
 Gale, ii., 25. Symeon, col. 236. Matt. interred at Merton, having before his 
 
 Paris, 55. death taken upon him the habit of a 
 
 » Ric. of Hexham, col. 306. Stubbs, canon. (Gallia Christiana, xi., 573-6. 
 
 col. 1713. Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, xii., 
 
 p Ric. of Hexham, col. 303-1. 769. John of Hexham, col. 265.) 
 
 I
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 171 
 
 energy of character soon gained him a position in the Avorld. 
 He became a member of the household of William Rufus, and 
 was a great favourite of his master. At the death of tliat 
 monarch, Thurstan was made the chaplain and the confidential 
 secretary of his brother, the new king." He was clearly marked 
 out for gi'eatness, but up to this time the only clerical appoint- 
 ment which he enjoyed was a canonry at St. Paid's." 
 
 Archbishop Thomas died in 1114, and Thm'stan was nomi- 
 nated by the king to succeed him. This was done at Win- 
 chester on the festival of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin."' 
 The difficulties which had beset his predecessors soon forced 
 themselves upon his consideration. Thurstan had a stouter 
 spirit and far greater influence than those who went before him, 
 and he was not disposed to submit to the claims of Canterbury, 
 to which they had been obliged to succumb. He speaks about 
 the matter to the king.* He tells him that it was improper 
 that a metropolitan should make two professions of ecclesiastical 
 subjection, one to the pope, and the other to his brother metro- 
 politan. Supposing that a dispute arose between the kmg and 
 the Southern primate, the archbishop of York, in consequence 
 of his oath, would be obliged to obey the latter. The king, in 
 reply to these words, told the comte de Meulent that he would 
 not require Thurstan to make any profession to Canterbury. 
 
 Thurstan, at this time, was only a subdeacon, but in the 
 
 « Saxon Chron., 334. Chron. de " Saxon Cliron., 334. PI. "Wigorn., 
 
 Mailros, 65. Stubbs, 1714. 488. Chron. Mailros, 65. Symeon, 
 
 " His stall was the prebend Con- col. 236. Bromton, col. 1005. Hove- 
 
 sumpta per mare, the corpus having den, 271. Hemingford, apnd Gale, ii., 
 
 been swallowed up by the sea before 472. Eadmer (Hist. Nov., 90) says that 
 
 the Conquest. (Newcourt, i., 141.) he was elected "connivente Eadulfo 
 
 When Thurstan became archbishop, the archiepiscopo, et aliam quam rei exitus 
 
 bishop of London allowed him to re- probavit, de eo habente opinioneni." 
 
 sign this stall. (Hugh Cantor.) Eob. de Monte, 688. 
 
 The Beverley historians made Thur- ' The narrative of the troubles and 
 
 stan the second jirovost of that church, exile of Thurstan is taken from the 
 
 but there is no proof that he was at accountof his life by Hugh the Chantor, 
 
 all connected with the place (Poul- which is still unpublished. The writer 
 
 son, 646. Oliver, 385.) Herbert de was an oflicer in the church of York and 
 
 Losinga wrote a letter to a person whom was well acquainted with Thurstan, and 
 
 he addressed as " Thurstin, monachus," tells us a good deal about him, which 
 
 who may perhaps be identical with our has been hitherto unknown. I have 
 
 archbishop, recommending caution and based m3' life of the archbishop u]iou 
 
 freedom from worldly-mindedness, and this MS. The character of Thurstan 
 
 beginning "tuam abhorreus hseredita- has been judged and condemned up to 
 
 tern, frater Thurstine, peregrinis delec- this time on the testimony of the par- 
 
 taris divitiis, et nostra arundinea con- tizans of Canterbury, now audi alteram 
 
 dempnens tuguria, marmoreis habitas partem. Stulibs has taken from Hugh 
 
 in palatiis" (Epist. ed. Anstruther, 8vo, the greater part of his narrative, omit- 
 
 1846, 58). In the same volume (217) ting much that is important (col. 1714- 
 
 there is also a letter from Elmer, prior 20). \ have given references to other 
 
 of Canterbury, " ad Turstanum, archi- writers when they corroborate or dilfer 
 
 diaconum," ou religious subjects. from Hugh.
 
 172 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 month of December he was advanced to the diaconate by his 
 old friend and patron, William, bishop of Winchester. He 
 then paid a visit to the North. At York he met with an honour- 
 able reception, and was solemnly enthroned in the minster by 
 Robert, bishop of Lichfield. He went from thence to Durham, 
 and became the guest of bishop Flambard, an unprincipled but 
 potent statesman. He there beheld, probably for the fij'st time, 
 the noble cathedral which St. Carileph had begun, and within its 
 walls he had an interview with Turgot, who had left his see of 
 St. Andrew's to die in the monastery of St. Cuthbert, of which 
 he had been the ornament and the head. The great scholar 
 was stretched upon that bed which he never left alive. 2' He 
 was delighted to see his new superior, and promised him his 
 allegiance if he were spared to render it. Thurstan spent, after 
 this, a few days at Hexham to supervise the good work of 
 Thomas, and then he retui'ned to York. As soon as the bishop 
 of Lichfield left him he began to busy himself with the aff'airs 
 of his new cure, and to meditate upon the future. The thought 
 of the dreaded profession which he would soon be required to 
 make induced him to seek for counsel from his chapter. They 
 declined to give him any advice, as their past difficulties were 
 still remembered. They told him, however, that on his side 
 there Avould be custom, justice, and the decree of Gregory ; on 
 the other, the king and nearly the whole of England : no one 
 was more conversant with the canons than himself, and it was 
 not for them to recommend him what to do : if he declined to 
 make the profession, and should be ejected for his contumacy, 
 they would obey no one else. The frankness of this reply would 
 please Thui'stan, and he told them that he was unwilling to 
 make the required profession of inferiority, and that he would 
 go to Rome, if possible, and refer the matter to the pope. They 
 then gladly acknowledged him as their ecclesiastical superior, 
 althoiigh he was only in deacon's orders. They drew up letters 
 to the pope announcing his election, and Thurstan, having 
 selected several of the canons to accompany him, prepared him- 
 self to cross the seas. The king had' been for some months in 
 Normandy, and Thurstan wished to see him. 
 
 The archbishop of Canterbury had already desired him to 
 come to him to be consecrated priest and prelate, and now the 
 summons was repeated. It was declined, and Thurstan, about 
 Christmas, 1114, reached the court in Normandy. He re- 
 s' Tn Eadmer (90, 97-100) are letters prompted the pen of Nicholas to write 
 from the king of Scotland to archbishop the letter on the right of the see of 
 Ralijh announcing Tnrgot's death, and York to the primacy of Scotland, which 
 asking his advice about his successor. is printed in the Anglia Sacra, ii., 
 Eadmer's own difficulties about this see 230-6.
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THUUSTAN. 173 
 
 quested permission to visit Rome, but the archbishop had anti- 
 cipated his petition, and the kinj;- put his veto upon the proposed 
 journey. The cardinal-bishop of Pra^neste was at that time the 
 papal, legate in Fi'ance, and Henry, who scarcely knew how to 
 act, sought for his advice. What was he to do with Thurstan, 
 who was not a priest, and whom the primate of Canterbury 
 would not consecrate without the profession which the other 
 would not make ? The answer of the legate was prompt and 
 decisive. He told the king that Thurstan might easily be 
 ordained priest by one of the suffragans at the com't; when 
 that ceremony was over, he would himself direct him to the 
 pope, who would solve the difficulty at once by consecrating 
 Thurstan himself, and giving him the pall. This advice was 
 only followed in part. To the consecration at Rome Henry 
 would not consent, but he permitted Flambard, bishop of 
 Durham, to ordain Thurstan priest. This, according to Stubbs, 
 was done at Bayeux in Normandy. 
 
 The year advanced, and things remained as they were. The 
 court, however, returned to England. The delay was most 
 annoying and wearisome to Thurstan, but this was only the 
 beginning of his troubles. About Michaelmas there was a 
 council at London, and the king alluded to the unfortunate 
 dispute between Canterbui'y and York. The comte de Meulent 
 and Nigel d^'Albeni- were standing by, and Thurstan, availing 
 himself of the opportunity, complained with justice of the 
 great delay in his consecration. Henry advised him to take 
 some honourable and trustworthy person, and to go and ask the 
 archbishop to grant his often-preferred request. If any unjust 
 demand should be made, he had the king's permission to refer 
 the matter to the pope. Upon this Thvu'stan went to Ralph ; 
 Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, John, bishop of Lisieux, his 
 old friend Ranidph Flambard, and many others, accompanying 
 him. Ralph, however, refused to consecrate without the pro- 
 fession. Thurstan then announced his intention of appealing 
 to Rome. " If the pope were to meet me face to face, and 
 order me to waive my demand and consecrate you, 1 Avovdd not 
 obey him,'' was the hasty and ill-judged reply. The party 
 then returned to the king, and Thurstan begged earnestly to be 
 permitted to visit the papal court. He Avas emboldened l)y 
 what Henry had recently said, and he spoke out, " It was a sin 
 and a crime that the matter should remain so long unsettled. 
 The church of York was being injured ; the diocese was going 
 
 • There is a long account of this dis- name of Mowbray, and was the pro- 
 
 tingiiished person in L'Art de verifier genitor of a long line of illustrious 
 
 les Dates, ed. 1784, ii., part ii., 692. barons. 
 Nigel d'Albeni afterwards assumed the
 
 174- FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 to ruin. It was hard to be an archbishop in name only without 
 the power to act. The king woukl be blamed at Rome for 
 sanctioning all this, and was that right ? Would Henry allow 
 him to go, or, at all events, to send a messenger to Rome ?" 
 The king would not move. He was too indolent to be an active 
 partizau, and the archbishop of Canterbury reproached Thurstan 
 in his hearing for having summoned him to Rome without the 
 permission of the sovereign. Henry had neither the spirit nor 
 the fairness to say that that leave had just been given. 
 
 In the meantime the letters which the chapter of York had 
 written to the pope announcing the election of Thm-stan, and 
 deprecating any farther delay in his consecration, have been 
 lost sight of. They were drawn up in the Avinter of 1114, bvit 
 a whole year elapsed before they were delivered." Before that 
 time the chief pontiff must have heard of the dispute from other 
 som-ces.* He at last received the letters of the chapter, and 
 answered them immediately. The reply was everything that 
 coidd be wished for. Paschal confirmed the choice of the 
 chapter, and directed the archbishop of Canterbury to conse- 
 crate Thurstan without any profession and without delay. The 
 bearer of these missives arrived in England in Lent 1116, when 
 the king was holding a council at Salisbury. Henry had gra- 
 dually been brought over to take the part of Canterbury, and a 
 vigorous attempt was now made to bring Thurstan to submission. 
 The king brought his influence to bear upon him. He sent the 
 comte de Meulent, William, earl of Warren his brother-in-law, 
 William the chamberlain, and Nigel d^Albeni to Thurstan, be- 
 seeching him, in recollection of the kindness which he had 
 received from himself and his brother, not to break the customs 
 of the land, and scandalize the chiu'ch by withholding the pro- 
 fession. Thurstan made a noble and a bold reply. He acknow- 
 ledged with pleasure his debt of gratitude to the king and his 
 brother. No one shall question his loyalty or his love of order. 
 Where is the injury to the law or the scandal to religion in his 
 standing up for his own chiu"ch, Avhich it is his duty to protect ? 
 To defend the right is one half of the diadem of the king, — '^ the 
 brightest jewel in his crown,^^ — and the judge ought not to 
 
 " Eadmer (90) speaks of Thurstan 1610, 482). There is another courte- 
 
 sending letters to the pope which were ous and comphmentary letter from Ivo 
 
 of no avail. to Thurstan in the same work (375). 
 
 * Ivo, bishop of Chartres, writes to Hildebert, bishop of Mans, writes to 
 
 Pa-schal begging him to defend the see Thurstan contradicting the report that 
 
 of York and to confirm Thurstan's he wished to go to E.ome to take the 
 
 election, " Qui, quantum ad personam part of Canterbury against him (Hilde- 
 
 pertinet, continentis est vitte et ho- bertiepisc. Cenomanens. 0pp., ed. 1708, 
 
 nestDc famse, et utilis, quantum humana appendix, p. 1. Ivonis Carnotens. episc. 
 
 conscientia de alterius vita potest judi- Epist., 790). 
 care, sanctse Dei ecclesiae " (Epist., ed.
 
 1114 1110.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 175 
 
 make himself a partizan. Let the real originator of the scandal 
 recollect who it Avas that said, " Woe to that man hy whom the 
 offence cometh." He neither can nor dare make this profession 
 in contravention of the decrees of Gregory;, Honorius, and 
 Urban. If his predecessors rashly or by compulsion did other- 
 Avise, what is that to him ? The sanctuary of God cannot be 
 inherited. He humbly intreated the king to judge according 
 to the right by himself and his chui'ch. The royal messengers 
 returned and told the king "svhat Thurstan had said. He was 
 then in his chapel with archbishop Ralph. The hot blood of 
 his father boiled within his veins. He sent them back to 
 Thiu'stan to tell him that if he continued to refuse to make the 
 profession, banishment and ruin should befall him and all his 
 kindred, and that he should lose York altogether.'' It was this 
 threat Avhicli extorted the compliance of two of his immediate 
 predecessors, but Thurstan was undaimted. He paused awhile, 
 for it Avas a time for deliberation, and then he made the courage- 
 ous reply, " It is painful indeed for me to incur the king^s 
 perpetual dislike, but it is much more painful to be a conscious 
 offender against God and the church of Rome. I shall do 
 neither : I shall restore to the king everything that he has 
 given me." The Avords Avere reported to the king. Hoav strange 
 they must have sounded in the ears of Avorldly and selfish men ! 
 The archbishop Avould not believe that they had been spoken. 
 The comte de Meulent, who was kindly disposed towards 
 Thurstan, then observed that he did not luiderstand that Tluu'- 
 stan had refused to do what was required. Let him be sum- 
 moned and ansAver for himself. He came and repeated Avhat he 
 had said before. He laid his hand on that of the king and siu"- 
 rendered to him, as his suzerain, everything that he possessed.'' 
 The scene was an affecting one, and many were in tears, nay, 
 even the king was moved. Pleasure, however, was A'isibly 
 Avritten upon the face of Ralph, who had not yet received his 
 letter from the pope, for Thurstan had forgot to bring it with 
 him. With a strange Avant of feeling he turned to the York 
 clergy, and blamed them for depriving their head of his arch- 
 bishopric by their evil counsels. They Avere all Avcc])iug, aud 
 the voice of Thurstan was raised at once in their behalf. He 
 bore a noble testimony to the honesty of^ their motives, their 
 
 ' Eadmer, 90, who is quoted by S}'- up and promised never to seek for it 
 
 meon, col. 237. Diceto, col. 502. again durinf; his life. This is copied 
 
 Brointon, col. 1006. Gervase, col. by Fl. Wi<,'orn., 490. lioveden, 271 6. 
 
 1661. Knyghton, 2379. Hoveden, Synieon, col. 237. Gervase, col. 1661. 
 
 2716. Matt. Paris, 55. Chron. Pe- Eromton, col. 1006. Hemingford, apud 
 
 trib., 78. Wilkins, 1., 393. Gale, ii., 473.— Malmesbury, 156. 
 
 "* Eadmer (90) says that he gave it
 
 176 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 learning and their excellence, and declared that with their help 
 he was still ready to maintain the right. 
 
 The news spread far and wide through the English dominions 
 on cither side of the channel. Astonishment and sorrow were 
 uppermost in men's minds ; astonishment, that so loyal and 
 trusty a subject had been thus treated ; and sorrow, that he had 
 suffered in the cause of right and justice. The chapter of York 
 wrote an affectionate letter to Thurstan, commending his past 
 conduct, and exhorting him to endurance. The pope sent a 
 sharp reproof to Ralph, and ordered him to give way, but he 
 neglected this mandate as he had despised the other. In the 
 meantime Thurstan entreated the king to have pity upon the 
 diocese which should have been his, and to appoint another 
 archbishop. Henry, however, did not do this : he felt, pro- 
 bably, that he had gone too far already, and nothing more was 
 done. 
 
 Henry now paid another visit to Normandy, and Thurstan 
 went with him. He was still treated by his master with respect. 
 The present position of himself and his chiu'ch was uppermost 
 in his thoughts. When he had requested Henry to nominate 
 an archbishop in his room, he had declined, with the remark 
 that the see, in his opinion, was not vacant. What could now 
 be done ? Thurstan began to regret his recent resignation : he 
 could not properly make it, as he thought : how could he give 
 up to the king what he had not received from him ? it was the 
 pope who had confirmed his election ; the pope ought clearly to 
 be the arbiter. He m-gently entreated Henry to allow him to 
 go to Rome, and his friends seconded his prayers. It was all 
 in vain.^ The king was unmoved, and Thurstan remained at 
 the court in what was, in point of fact, a kind of honourable 
 restraint.-^ He could not steal away from his master, and he 
 was afraid of exasperating him farther. Henry himself had 
 sent the bishop of Exeter to Rome to take the advice of the 
 pope about the question in dispute, and he now returned after 
 a fruitless journey. He gave, however, a hint to the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, of which that prelate at once availed 
 himself, and the primate, at his suggestion, started at once for 
 the papal court. 
 
 After a lapse of three months several representatives of the 
 York chapter reached the king. That body had resolved to 
 demand theii' archbishop as a matter of right and justice, and 
 for that purpose they sent two of their archdeacons — a canon of 
 
 ' Eadmer, 90. Chron. Mailros, 63. / " Ab Anglia longa cathena retentus 
 
 Sj-meon, col. 238. Gervase, col. 1661. in Normanniam quasi sub custodia de- 
 Hoveden, 271 b. tinebatur" (Hugh).
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 177 
 
 Beverley and a monk of St. Mary's Abbey. When these per- 
 sons solicited an interview, Henry sent them a message to 
 demand why they had crossed the seas without his permission. 
 They replied that they thought that in such a case the royal 
 licence would be unnecessary. The king would not see them 
 then, but fixed the day and the place for an interview. He now 
 began to weary them with delays. They Avere disappointed 
 three or four times, but at length they obtained the wished-for 
 meeting, Flambard, bishop of Durham, and several other friends, 
 accompanying them. They required their archbishop at the 
 king's hands, speaking of the injury which his absence was 
 doing to the chui'ch and diocese of York. It was at their 
 request that Thurstan had been ordained deacon and priest ; 
 they had made him the provost of their souls, and had promised 
 to obey him, why shorild they lack his superintendence ? If 
 they could not have him, whom were they to have ? The pope 
 alone could absolve them from their oath of subjection to 
 Thurstan, and give them another archbishop.^ There was much 
 reason in what they said, and the king, at their most earnest 
 request, promised to take the subject into his immediate con- 
 sideration. After a conference with Thiu'stan they proceeded 
 homewards. As soon as they were gone Thurstan renewed his 
 old petition, but without effect. He Avas desired to wait till the 
 archbishop of Canterbury returned. Thu^rstan then mentioned 
 a report that Ralph had resolved to make a pilgrimage to Jeru- 
 salem, in which case there was little chance of his coming home. 
 " It matters little to me," said the king, " what either of you 
 say or do ; it is my Avish to hear the opinion of the pope from 
 his own lips.'' Ralph at last came back vexed and disappointed 
 with his journey, and Thurstan again made a fruitless appeal to 
 Henry, reminding him of his past promises. The heai"t of the 
 king was hardened like that of Pharaoh. Ralph had been whis- 
 pering in his ear that his adversary, if he went to Rome, might 
 perhaps be consecrated, and that was, of all things, to be pre- 
 vented. Thurstau was bitterly disappointed. He would not 
 make the king his open enemy, but hoAv vain it was to hojie for 
 an alteration in his opinion. He began to cast in his mind 
 what he should do. It was ignominious and imjust that he 
 should be thus treated. He seems to have thought of leaving 
 the court without the king's permission, and in this emergency 
 he again sought the advice of the chapter. They entreated him, 
 if it were possible, to retain Henry's good opinion. If his 
 departure should be sanctioned he might take any of their body 
 with him : in any case he might have them, but if he left the 
 
 s This embass}' is mentioned in Eadmer, 92.
 
 178 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 court by stealth it would be unsafe and unfair to leave them 
 behind.' William de Beverley, their last messenger to the pope, 
 had been very closely questioned by the king. At the same 
 time the chapter sent to Thurstan another epistle, which he was 
 to deliver to the pope. In it they appealed to his justice and 
 compassion. Their hopes and hearts were fixed upon him. 
 They told him that Ralph had inveighed against the venality of 
 the papal court, which all the world, they said, knew to be a 
 false charge. The letter was an adroit mixtvu'e of flattery and 
 abuse. It Avas conveyed, in all probability, to Paschal by some 
 messenger of Thurstan or the chapter. 
 
 The pope's reply reached the English com-t in Normandy 
 by the hands of Anselm, afterwards abbat of St. Edmund's, 
 who was a nephew of the celebrated archbishop, and the legate 
 to England. Paschal requested the king to restore the see of 
 York to Thurstan and to hasten his consecration, and he took 
 upon himself to settle any dispute which might arise.'' He 
 ordered Ralph to do his duty at once without the profession, 
 which he had no right to demand; if he persisted in refusing, 
 the suflragans of the see of York shoidd act in his stead. This 
 letter, however, was not given to the archbishop at the time. 
 The decision of the royal council was unanimous in Thurstan's 
 favour, and he was restored to his lost position.' It was his 
 intention to place the pope's missive in the hands of Ralph as 
 soon as he retm'ned to his pi-ovince, where alone he coidd con- 
 secrate him. In the meantime, full of joy at his good fortune, 
 Thurstan Avent back to Y'ork. Several months pass away, and 
 Ralph never comes to England. He was e\idently loitering 
 abroad to avoid the fulfilment of the papal mandate. 
 
 It was now the month of February, 1118, and there was 
 every expectation at York that the great dispute would speedily 
 be terminated. " There is many a slip between the cup and the 
 lip." The unexpected news was brought of the death of Paschal, 
 and of the accession of John Gaetano to the papal chaii' under 
 the title of Gelasius 11. Everything Avas to be begun again, 
 and no time was to be lost, as the new pontiff was in France. 
 A messenger was at once sent off to state the case, and enlist 
 the sympathies of the pope, and Thurstan prepared to follow 
 him. He must cross the seas to Normandy, and pass on to 
 have an intervieAv, if possible, vnih Gelasius. It was treason to 
 leave the countiy without the permission of the king, and the 
 utmost secresy Avas necessary. Thurstan and a few companions 
 make their way to London, seemingly upon a different errand. 
 
 * This letter is also printed in Ead- nis Carnotens. Episc. Epistolse, 793. 
 mer, 92, and Malmesbury, 156. Labbe, Eymer's Fccdera, «. e., i., 9. ' 
 
 Cone, X., 655. Wilkins, i., 376. Ivo- * Eadmer, 92.
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 179 
 
 They now separate to reach the coast as they best can. A 
 rendezvous in Normandy had been appointed. Tliurstan con- 
 descended to disguise himself, and rode to Dover with his father, 
 and got safely across : the rest of the party took ship at Hastings. 
 The plans of the adventurers had been laid with the greatest 
 secresy, but still some rumours had reached the king, and 
 Thurstan had been waiting for the rest a single night in Nor- 
 mandy when he was discovered. Henry demanded the reason 
 of his coming,-' and Thui'stan, who was too honest to slur over 
 or conceal the truth, gave him a prompt reply, " It is neither 
 fit nor decent for myself or my church that I should remain in 
 York an archbishop merely in name. I know too that the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury is the cause of this. He is aAvare that I 
 have letters fi'om the pope commanding him to consecrate me. 
 By his staying here to thwart me he has deprived both York 
 and Canterbuiy of its metropolitan. I have come to see the 
 new pope, that he may release me from my sinecui'C, but I shall 
 not go to him without your knowledge and consent." The 
 king, satisfied apparently with the answer, told him that he 
 would reply to what he had said on the morrow. Some letters 
 from Gelasius, evoked no doubt by Thurstan^'s messenger, had 
 already reached him. The pope took up the cause of York 
 with more warmth than his predecessor. If the dispute were 
 continued, he desired Henry to send both Ralph and Thurstan 
 to the papal court. To the former he used the strong language 
 of indignant reproof. 
 
 Soon after this Thurstan had an interview with Ralph, and 
 offered to give him Paschal's letters which he had so long 
 retained. Ralph would not receive them. Of what use are they, 
 he cried, for that pope is dead ? At last he promised to inspect 
 them, and then to give his answer. He now began to defend 
 his conduct. He could not, he said, consecrate Thurstan out of 
 England, and, at present, he had no intention of returning, as 
 he was going to see the French king. Thurstan upon this again 
 begged Henry to allow him to meet the pope, but in vain. He 
 might send a messenger, if he liked. Another delay now un- 
 expectedly arose. Thurstan^s messengers were with the king of 
 France at Vercignies when they heard that Gelasius was dead, 
 and that he had been interred at Clugny. 
 
 Guy, archbishop of Vienne, was his successor under the title 
 of Calixtus II. He was elected to the papal chair in the begin- 
 ning of February, 1119. As he had been so recently appointed, 
 he very properly declined to proceed to the immediate considera- 
 tion of appeals. He spent some time in a tour through l^ur- 
 
 •' Eadnicr (93) says that Thurstan bade his journey " donee certiorem dc 
 came to the king at Rouen. He for- processu papsc sententiam edisceret." 
 
 X 2
 
 180 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 gundy and Aquitaine, and at length held a council at Narbonne. 
 He there heard from many mouths the story of the wrongs of 
 Thurstan. He wrote at once an angry letter to Ralph rebuking 
 him for his pride and disobedience. The archbishop was 
 alarmed^ and wished to explain his conduct in a personal inter- 
 view ; but the king of France and the comte de Angers, who 
 had warmly espoused the cause of Thurstan, refused to grant 
 him letters of safe-conduct, or to allow him to enter their 
 territories. Ralph, therefore, could only write a deprecatory 
 letter. He begged not to be censured unheard. He expressed 
 his willingness and ability to explain everythmg to the pope, if 
 he were only permitted to visit him. He had not received the 
 mandates of Paschal and Gelasius whilst they were alive ; how 
 then could he obey them ? In a subsequent epistle he spoke in 
 a somewhat humbler tone, and endeavoured to vindicate himself 
 from the charge of pride. 
 
 It was most necessary for Thurstan^s interests that he should 
 have an interview with Calixtus, but he was retained by the 
 king^s side. Ralph was now thoroughly alarmed. He knew 
 that the pope was offended at him, and that Thurstan had many 
 powerful supporters. Calixtus was at no great distance, and he 
 was terrified at the idea of his opponent reaching him. He 
 entreated Henry to send Thurstan home to England. He, it 
 vnW be imagined, was as anxious to remain. Of what use, he 
 said, can I be in my church of York at the festival of Easter 
 which is approaching ? How can I consecrate or celebrate as I 
 ought? The matter was deferred j but Henry expressed a wish 
 that he should return as soon as Easter was over. Thurstan 
 placed himself at the disposal of God and of the king. 
 
 The pope had now resolved to hold a council at Rheims; 
 and summoned to it the prelates who bare office in France, 
 Germany, Burgundy, and Provence. He requested Henry to 
 send his two archbishops, and told Ralph that he would there 
 be obliged to answer for his disobedience. The king was per- 
 plexed. Thurstan saw by this time the folly of trusting to his 
 promises, and resolved to leave Normandy before long, whether 
 Henry wished it or not. He sought, for the last time, his leave 
 to be present at the council to which he had been invited ; but 
 it was refused unless he would pledge himself not to receive 
 consecration from the pope. Thurstan wordd promise nothing ; 
 and sheltered himself under a text, that never-failing resource 
 of ecclesiastics when they were in a difficulty. He would 
 render unto Ceesar the things that were Csesar's, and imto God 
 the things that were God's.'^ At this crisis the bishop of Exeter, 
 
 * Eadmer (94) says that Thurstan would not be consecrated, or do any- 
 was under a strict obligation that he thing to the prejudice of Canterbury,
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN, 181 
 
 the well-known William de Warlewast^ came to Henry from 
 Calixtus, and told him that Thurstan might safely be permitted 
 to depart, as there was no chance of his being consecrated. The 
 king, therefore, allowed him at last to go. 
 
 Thui'stan left the court with the delight which the released 
 captivejeels. He had been too long one of Pharaoh's bonds- 
 men not to value the blessings of liberty and freedom. He was 
 speedily at Chartres, where several of his friends were waiting 
 for him who had promised to aid him in his flight, for which 
 preparations had been made. They were overjoyed to find that 
 he was not a fugitive. Four days after this the party reached 
 the papal court at Tours. His reception was cordial in the 
 extreme. Pope and prince seemed to vie with each other in the 
 warmth of their praises and attentions. The sufferings which 
 the honest-hearted English priest had borne so heroically for 
 five long years had won the sympathy of all.' He met Calixtus 
 at the celebration of the great feast of Easter in the church of 
 St. Maurice at Toiu's, and for half a year he was scarcely ever 
 from his side. The charm of manner which had fascinated the 
 Red king, and captivated or mollified his successor was now 
 visible to all. Thurstan played the courtier with the ease and 
 dignity which were native to him. He was full of ready Avit, 
 with a great facility of expressing himself, and a marvellous 
 power of adapting himself to others. No one was more ready 
 to receive or to manifest a kindness. He became a great 
 favourite with king Louis and his nobles. He was flattered and 
 admired by all. And yet in those days France had children of 
 her own who were full of piety and genius. What country has 
 not heard of Clairvaux and its sainted founder? How many 
 have wept and wondered at the learning and the loves of 
 Abelard ? 
 
 There would be much curiosity to know what Calixtus would 
 do to restore Thurstan to his right. At the castle of Blois two 
 of the York archdeacons and a scholar, who had accompanied 
 the exile, placed his case before the pope, who promised, in kind 
 terms, to consult with the Sacred College. They spoke to him 
 again near Paris, some time after this, when Calixtus was leav- 
 ing the church of St. Martin des Champes, and he expressed 
 his hope that everything would be arranged at the coimcil. 
 
 and that the pope had also made a col. 1661. Wendover, i., 470. Chron. 
 
 promise to Sietfrid, the king's nies- Petrib., 79. 
 
 senger, that he would do nothing to ' Eadmer (94') insinuates that he won 
 
 injure the see of Canterbury. This their favour by bribes. He is followed 
 
 statement has been adopted and followed and quoted by Diceto, col. 503. Brom- 
 
 by Symeon, col. 240; andMalmesbury, ton, col. 1014. "Wendover, i., 470. 
 
 1 56 h ; and, partly, by Diceto, col. 503. Chron. Petrib., 79. 
 Bromton, col. 1008, 1014. Gcrvasc,
 
 182 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 That assembly was held at Rheims in October, 1119. It was to 
 begin on the Monday. On the Saturday evening the pope sent 
 for Thurstan, and told him, to his great delight, that he shoidd 
 be consecrated on the morrow. The archbishop of Canterbury 
 was not coming, and the bishops from Normandy and England 
 had not yet arrived. E-alph, bishop of Orkney, was at Thm'stan^s 
 side. He had come to Rheims two days before with one of the 
 York archdeacons, on a visit to the exiled primate. 
 
 The scene at Rheims on Sunday, the 20th of October, 1119, 
 must have been a magnificent one. Many a brilliant spectacle, 
 many a stirring adventure, has that fair city witnessed. It is 
 associated with French history from the very earliest times. 
 The sovereigns were crowned within its walls. We think of the 
 triumphs and the munificence of Clovis, and the most striking 
 incident in the victorious career of the Jungfrau. We see her 
 looking upon the city, and listening to the words of the black 
 knight : — 
 
 " Schau bin ! Dort hebt sich Rheims mit seiner tliurmen, 
 Das ziel und ende deiner fahrt — die kuppel 
 Der hohen kathedrale siehst du leucliten, 
 Dort wirst du einziehii im triumphgeprang, 
 Deinen konig kronen." 
 
 Flodoardus has described the glories of the archbishopric which 
 dates from the close of the third century. No less than nine of 
 the early prelates who presided over it are enshrined in the 
 calendar. We can still read of the learning of Hincmar, of the 
 miracles of Remigius, and his wondrous walk. In the beginning 
 of the twelfth century Rheims was one of the greatest sees in 
 Europe. At least fifteen councils had been held at that place ; 
 and, at the most recent, the terrors of excommunication had 
 been thundered against the emperor Henry. On the occasion 
 which I shall now describe, the great church of St. Mary was 
 crowded with illustrious ecclesiastics who had come to take part 
 in the deliberations that were to begin on the morrow. An 
 honest and simple-hearted priest was in that tlrrong to witness, 
 after years of suffering and neglect, his own triumph. There 
 would be but few there who were ignorant of Thurstan and his 
 trials. Now he was to be rewarded. Calixtus summoned him 
 forth, and consecrated him with his own hands before that vast 
 assembly.'" One voice alone was raised against that act. John, 
 
 •" Saxon Chron., 334. Eadmer, 94. ton, col. 1008. Gervase, col. 1661. 
 
 "Fl. AVigorn., 494. Chron. Mailros, 66. Knygliton, col. 2379, who censures 
 
 Symcon, col. 240. John of Hexham, the pope. Malmesbury, 131J, 156 S. 
 
 col. 266, who says that Thurstan was Hoveden, 272. Mat. Paris, 56. Ann. 
 
 consecrated " intercedentibus cardi- Waved., apud Gale, ii., 147. Heming- 
 
 nalibu.s." Diccto, col. 503. Erom- ford, ibid., 474. Labbe Cone, ix., 878.
 
 11 14; — 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 183 
 
 archdeacon of Canterbury and the nephew of the archbishop, 
 was the only representative of his church who was there. Un- 
 daunted by the presence in which he found himself, and careless 
 of sympathy or aid, he arose, and, with an honest intrepidity, 
 protested against this apparent \iolation of the privileges of his 
 luicle and his see." What he said was disregarded. The Italians 
 laughed at him; and as he left the church, he heard around 
 him several expressions of contumely and insult. Ralph, when 
 he heard of what had occurred, wrote a long expostulatory 
 letter to Calixtus." 
 
 Late on the same day, the English and Norman bishops 
 arrived at Rheims. Henry had desired them to oppose the 
 consecration of Thurstan, and to send him home if he should 
 be disposed to neglect their advice. As they neared the 
 city they heard of what had been done. They were greatly 
 troubled and perplexed. There were some who looked with 
 sorrow upon the too certain consequences of Thui'stan's dis- 
 obedience. The bishop of Exeter, in particular, reproached 
 himself for advising the king to permit him to leave the coui't. 
 All, however, were agreed as to the folly and heinousness of 
 the offence, and they resolved to have no communication with 
 the culprit. On the morrow, when they went to the council, 
 they kept aloof from him. Flambard, his own suffragan, would 
 not sit beside him lest he should offend the king. The faithful 
 bishop of Orkney was the only prelate who was near him. 
 Several of his old friends, however, seem to have seen Thm-stan 
 secretly during the continuance of the council. He heard 
 from them that he would certainly be disseised of his archi- 
 episcopal lands. The king of England was excessively indignant 
 when he heard what had occmTcd. He vowed that Thurstan 
 should never return to his country during his own life unless he 
 professed obedience to Canterbuiy.J' He then made enquiries 
 about the pall, but no one could say that it had been given. 
 The pope presented it to Thurstan on the twelfth day after the 
 conclusion of the council, and enjoined him to mention the cir- 
 cumstance to no one as long as he was in France. Soon after 
 
 " Eadmer, 94. Labbe, x., 878, where i., 396-40 A, where the letter is printed 
 
 it is said that the archbishop of Lj'ous entire. Souiner's Canterbury, part ii., 
 
 kept away from the council on account 1 19. 
 
 of what was to be done. Tlic pope, in p The chroniclers say, in general 
 
 answer to what John said, vindicated terms, that he was forbidden to return, 
 
 himself from the charge of breaking e.g., Saxon Chron., 310. Eadmer, 94. 
 
 his word, " Quod feci, semper salva Symeon, col. 211. Diceto, col. 503. 
 
 justicia Cantuariensis ecclesire, si qua Bromton, col. 1008. Gervase, col. 1661. 
 
 est, facio" (Hugh). In Martene (Thes. Knyghton, col. 2379. Malmcsbury, 
 
 Anecd.,iii., 884) it is said that Thurstan 156 6. Mat. Paris, 56. Ann. Waverl., 
 
 was at Rheims with two suffras^ans. aimd Gale, ii., 147. llomingford, ibid., 
 
 » Twysdcn, col. 1735-48, Wilkins, 473.
 
 184 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 this, when they were at Beauvais, Calixtus gave him a letter to 
 his suffragans in the North of England, in which the bishops of 
 Durham, Orkney, and Glasgow were addressed. The pope in- 
 formed them that Thurstan had been duly consecrated, and 
 desired them to regard him as their ecclesiastical superior. 
 
 The coTmcil lasted eight days, and the pope was detained in 
 Rheims for fifteen more, by an attack of illness. During this 
 time Thurstan was not idle. Everything now depended upon 
 his reconciliation with Henry ; and how was it to be effected ? 
 He joined Conon, bishop of Prseneste, and the other cardinals in 
 entreating Calixtus to have an interview with the king, and to 
 make peace, if that were possible, between France and England. 
 He was desirous, also, that the pope should speak to the English 
 king in his behalf. After much hesitation, Calixtus desired a 
 conference, and mentioned a day and the place where they could 
 meet. Henry readily assented, for the pope and he were 
 cousins. They saw each other at a church between the castles 
 of Chaumont and Gisors,? in the neighbourhood of Rouen, 
 The king of France was at that time at Sens. On the question of 
 peace, very little seems to have been said.*" Both sides expressed 
 their wishes for it, which it is easy enough to do when you have 
 war all the while in your heart. The dispute with Thurstan 
 was then brought forward, and the pope and cardinals urged its 
 speedy termination. Calixtus was indignant at Ralph of 
 Canterbury and his disobedience. He had himself consecrated 
 Thurstan, he said, to leave the matter undecided, and he was 
 desii'ous of adjudicating upon it at Rome. He implored Henry 
 to receive Thurstan kindly, as rumours of his punishment had 
 already reached him. Henry, after accounting for the absence 
 of Ralph from the council on the score of ill health, assured 
 Calixtus that he could not gratify him. He had made a vow 
 that Thm'stan should not enter England during his life-time 
 without making the profession of obedience to Ralph, but not 
 to his successors. Would the pope sanction and confirm this ? 
 Calixtus Avould not do so, and he told the king that as the pro- 
 fession would be unlawful, his vow was unlawful also, and ih^t 
 he would absolve him from it; but Henry cautiously observed 
 that he could not act otherwise without deliberating with his 
 council. All attempts to alter the king^s determination were 
 fruitless. It would have been undignified if Calixtus had 
 begun to beseech. Nothing more, therefore, was said at that 
 time, although the pope was deeply offended and annoyed. 
 
 ' This castle was built by William '' There is an account of this inter- 
 
 llufus, and strengthened by Henry, view in Eadmer, 94-5. Symeon, col. 
 
 who frequently resided there (Wm. 2il. Bromton, col. 1008. Hoveden, 
 
 Ciemiticonsis, apud Camden, 673). 272 b.
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 185 
 
 Before Heniy went away, some overtures were made to 
 Thurstan, and lie was entreated, for the sake of peace, to yield. 
 They were indignantly rejected. 
 
 After this meeting, Hemy returned at once to England and 
 disseised Thurstan of his archiepiscopal property, without 
 meddling with that of his clergy. He was reconciled with 
 difficulty to the bishop of Orkney and the archdeacon who had 
 been at Rheims, although they protested that their presence 
 at the council had been accidental. Hard measui'es were dealt 
 out to Thui'stan at home, but, abroad, he was regarded with 
 much sympathy and compassion. The pope was severely cen- 
 sured for not seeing justice done to him. Calixtus assured him 
 that he should want for nothing from the church of Rome till 
 he was restored. The cardinals made him their friend and 
 companion. He heard causes among them, and was with them 
 eAcn in their secret conclaves. They gave him money and every- 
 thing that he required. They openly expressed their displeasure 
 at his not having been fairly treated by Rome. The archbishop 
 of Rouen spoke on that point in strong terms. When the king 
 and queen of France met them at the abbey of Ferriere, they 
 begged him to advance Thurstan to a bishopric or some higher 
 office, and he consented. When Calixtus was leaving Ferriere 
 for Sens, he made Thurstan his legate in France, Aquitaine, and 
 Normandy. This honour would have involved a separation 
 from his friends and the retarding of his restoration. The exile 
 would now think, — 
 
 " Quam fessis finem rebus ferat, unde laborum 
 Tentare auxilium jubeat, quo vertere cursus." 
 
 With tears and most earnest entreaties he begged for a continu- 
 ance of their good offices. They were at once promised, and 
 from that time Thurstan was constantly in their company. They 
 seemed to treat him with increasing kindness. At Auxerre he 
 contracted a friendship with two great and learned scholars, car- 
 dinal Peter de Pisa, and Guy de Castro, archdeacon of Pisa, and 
 the friend of St. Bernard,^ better known in after-times as 
 Celestine II. When the pope was crowned, Thurstan rode in 
 the procession by the side of the bishop of Ostia, the most 
 distinguished of the cardinals, and Calixtus gave him two 
 hundred bezants of gold, the same sum which all the cardinals 
 received. He raised, at the pope's request, the provost of 
 Geneva to the three minor degrees of orders, preparatory to his 
 consecration as bishop of that beautiful province. He officiated 
 at the dedication of churches, and arranged the programme on 
 •such occasions. He was allowed to wear his pall even in the 
 
 • S. Bornardi 0pp., cd. 1690, i., 307.
 
 186 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 presence of the pope^ a very high and unusual privilege. Every 
 little attention seems to have been shewn to him, which would 
 gratify an upright man and raise the spirits of an exile/ 
 
 Archbishop Ralph now made a last attempt to recover the 
 ground which he had lost. Henry, at his request, sent the 
 bishop of Exeter to the pope to see what could be done. Conon, 
 the papal legate in France, had heard of his mission, and wrote 
 about it to Thurstan and the cardinals. Bishop Warlewast 
 found Calixtus at Valencia. He was an old politician, and was 
 well acquainted with the ways of the Roman court, but now he 
 could do nothing. The cardinals and the pope were obdurate. 
 As a last resource, he desired Calixtus to make Thurstan render 
 the required profession, and then to send him as his legate into 
 England. The meaning of this was so patent that there was no 
 chance of its being acceded to. Warlewast^s bribes were of no 
 avail, and his embassy was fruitless. He returned to Henry, 
 having shewn some better feeling towards Thurstan before he 
 went. The shrewd politician had probably observed some symp- 
 toms of a change. He must have witnessed the regard which 
 all manifested towards Thurstan. Some too zealous clients of 
 the Roman court were even desirous of molesting the ambas- 
 sador on his homeward journey. 
 
 Calixtus at last resolved to act with energy and decision. 
 He was in the neighbourhood of Rimini, the point nearest to 
 Rome that Thurstan then reached." It was resolved that the 
 church of York should be for ever freed from the profession to 
 Canterbury, and that to the charter of exemption the papal bull 
 should be affixed. This, together with letters to the clergy of 
 the diocese of York and to Henry, who was threatened with 
 excommmiication if he were contumacious, was to be conveyed 
 to the English court by the archbishop of Tours and the bishop 
 of Beauvais. Thurstan now made himself ready for his de- 
 parture. The pope gave him his benediction, together with 
 some relics which Thurstan had desired, and which were trea- 
 sured long afterwards in the minster at York.^ He made him 
 a present, also, of some holy oil. " If you had asked me for 
 my own blood," Calixtus jocularly observed, "you should not 
 have been refused.-"^ The bishops and cardinals escorted him 
 without the town, and bade him farewell with many tears and 
 expressions of their affection. Eor half a year he had lived 
 with them as a brother, and he was deeply grateful for their 
 kindness. Before he started on his journey he had heard of the 
 
 .. mi?'^^'^®'" ^^^^ ^^y^ ^^'^ ^ ^^^*^^' " '^^^ ^2Jiou Chron. (341) tells us 
 
 ihurstanus papain secutus est, sed that he went to Rome, 
 
 non dm ab eo, ne prsesentia ejus gra- " Fabric Rolls of York Minster, ed. 
 
 varctur, deientus." Surtees Soc, 152.
 
 1114 — 1110.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 187 
 
 death of his old adversary, Ralph of Canterbury, and every one 
 would noAv feel that the chief stumbling-block in the Avay of his 
 restoration had been removed. The news, hoAvever, was pre- 
 mature : Ralph had been seized with the palsy, but he survived 
 this attack for two yeai's.'*' 
 
 Thurstan^s journey resembled in some respects a triumphal 
 progress. All along the route he was treated with courtesy 
 and respect. Every castle was open to him, and he was wel- 
 comed everywhere by the clergy and the laity. They assured 
 him that if their resources had not been crippled by the recent 
 visit of the pope he should have had a far more befitting recep- 
 tion, Thurstan entered France, but, prudently and like a good 
 patriot, avoided an interv^iew with the king, who was an enemy 
 of England. He became the guest of Adele, countess of Blois, 
 and her son count Theobald. That high-bom lady was a 
 daughter of William the Conqueror, and was sister, therefore, 
 to Henry I. She was delighted to receive Thui'stan. He soon 
 paid a visit to Rheims, and thanked the archbishop, who seems 
 to have supported him to a great extent during his exile, for his 
 kindness. At Soissons he met the legate Conon, who had 
 always been his friend. After an aflPectionate greeting, Thur- 
 stan told him about the letters from the pope, and desired him 
 to make provision for their transmission to the English court. 
 After this he returned to the countess of Blois, and was with 
 her several days.^ During this time he had many conversations 
 with her about taking the veil, and she resolved to do so. On 
 Easter-day, 1120, he sang the high mass in the chiu^ch of 
 Coulomb, the first occasion of the kind on which he had worn 
 his pall. Three days after this he had another interview with 
 the legate, who informed him that the archbishop of Toiu's and 
 the bishop of Beauvais were too much occupied to go on the 
 mission to Henry: two persons of repute and learning, an abbat 
 and a prior, would act in their stead. Thiu'stan now went back 
 to the countess of Blois, and with a noble train accompanied 
 her to the convent of Marcigny, where she professed herself a 
 nun. She had been the wife of Stephen, count of Blois, in 
 1081, and had borne him six children, one of whom was Stephen, 
 king of England. She was a woman of a masculine and intrepid 
 spirit, with little feminine delicacy or softness.^ Her elder son 
 was disinherited by his father through her instrumentality. 
 
 "■ In the Anglia Sacra (i., 7) it is Ludovici et principum totius Franciae, 
 
 said that this attack disabled Ilaliih, nulla prudencior, nee melius composita, 
 
 and made Thurstan bolder. nee magis virilis virago ex muUa retro 
 
 ' John of Hexham (col. 266) speaks sctate in tota Gallia cxtitorat" (Hugh), 
 
 of the influence Thurstan had over Ivo, bislio]i of Chartres, did hot hesi- 
 
 this lad}\ tate to rebuke her in strong language 
 
 'J " Qua, quidem, testimonio regis (Epist., ed. 1610, p. 322). Hildcboi't,
 
 188 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Her husband died in the East in 1102/ and after his decease, 
 in conjunction with her son Theobald or Thibaut, she ruled 
 over the lands of Blois. She died in the convent of Marcigny 
 in 1137, having been a mm for seventeen years.*^ She went to 
 that place in all probability at the suggestion of Thurstan, who 
 had been present when it was consecrated by Calixtus a few 
 months before the countess took the veil.* About the same 
 time, or a little later, we hear of Thurstan joining Geofii*ey, 
 archiaishop of Rouen, and attending upon Eudo, the dapifer, 
 in his last sickness/ 
 
 The two ambassadors now started for the English court, and 
 fomid Henry in Normandy. The letters were delivered au- 
 thorizing the restoration of Thurstan, doing away with the 
 profession, and quietly speaking of other weapons which the 
 pope could wield if his wishes and directions should be dis- 
 regarded."^ The king^s answer was, as usual, delayed. After 
 three disappointments the messengers hinted to Henry the 
 necessity of wise counsels, as he would be wi-itten to, in the 
 next instance, in a very diiferent tone. The king expressed 
 his vrish to follow the advice of the legate, with whom he had 
 hitherto been on unfriendly terms. Conon refused to meet 
 him, and charged him with deceit and treachery, but at last he 
 was prevailed upon to agree to the inter\TLew, which took place 
 at Chateaux-Landon on the Sunday after the Ascension. Thur- 
 stan, who was at Marcigny, knew what was being done, as he 
 had a fi-iend at court. At the king^s request he came to the 
 place of meeting, and whilst Henry and the legate were talking 
 to each other, Thurstan was in the castle hard by. Henry told 
 Conon that on account of his vow he could not gratify the 
 pope^s wish unless Thm'stan would make the profession to Can- 
 terbury. Conon told him what Calixtus had previously said, 
 that as the profession was wrong the vow was also unwarrant- 
 able, and that he should be, and was, released from it. After 
 a long and a somewhat angry debate, Henry promised to re- 
 invest Thurstan, and give him the temporalities of his see if he 
 would not enter England for a time, and he desired the legate 
 to assent to this. Conon refused, and there was every chance 
 of the negotiation being broken off, when some one hinted to 
 the king that Thurstan, perhaps, might be more compliant than 
 
 bishop of Mans, thought somewhat dif- these works the countess is said to have 
 ferentlj' of her, especially when she become a nun in 1122. 
 
 took the veil (Hildeberti Epist., ed. » Eecueil des Hist, des Gaules, xii., 
 
 1/08, 5 — 7). 75. It was an ancient foundation, but 
 
 Triveti Ann., 4. the inmates now became nuns instead 
 
 " L' Art de verifier les Dates, ii., part of canons (Mabillon, Ann. Ben., vi., 
 
 11., 615-16, ed. 1784. Eecueil des 86-7). 
 Ilist. des Gaules, xi., 58J-. In both '■ Ibid., 791. '' Eadmer, 101.
 
 1111 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 189 
 
 his friend. It was a happy suggestion. The exile was waiting 
 eagerly for the issue, and when Conon told him what had hap- 
 pened, he entreated that the point might be given up. With 
 some difiicidty he induced him to cede it, and the two friends 
 returned into the presence of the king. After many months, 
 nay years, of anxiety and neglect, there was peace at last be- 
 tween the monarch and his subject. Kind words were at length 
 spoken with mutual assui'ances of forgiveness and goodwill. 
 Things were to remain as they were till Michaelmas, but Thm'- 
 stan might come and go in Normandy as he pleased. A mes- 
 sage was sent to England to announce his re-investiture. The 
 party now proceeded into France, and Thurstan had an oppor- 
 tiuiity of exhibiting his diplomatic skill, and of retiu'ning good 
 for e^dl. His influence with the legate and the chief estates of 
 France was the chief cause of the restoration of peace wdth 
 England.* Henry was most grateful and delighted. It was 
 this ill-feeling between the two nations, and the peril which 
 consequently threatened his French possessions, that had de- 
 tained him so long in Normandy, and he was now eager to go 
 home. It was Michaelmas, and the king was ready for his 
 journey. The peacemaker would gladly have accompanied him, 
 but he was again detained. The delay bore some good fruits to 
 Henry and his subjects. A council was held at Beauvais in 
 October, 1120, under the presidency of Conon. Henry was 
 desirous that the Norman bishops should be exempted from 
 attendance, and they stayed at home. The prelates who were 
 at Beauvais pronomiced them guilty of contempt and worthy of 
 excommunication, which would probably have been their 
 punishment had not Thurstan hastened to Beauvais when he 
 heard of the danger, and mediated successfully in their behalf. 
 Henry woidd now be more grateful than ever. He expressed 
 his friendly feelings towards the legate in an interview at Gisors 
 in the presence of the bishops of Chalons and Senlis, when he 
 paid him the great compliment of asking him to superintend 
 the sees and abbeys in Normandy. Conon, upon this, ventured 
 to hope that the negotiations about Thurstan woidd speedily be 
 arranged to the satisfaction of Calixtus. Henry reciprocated 
 the wish, and promised that they should be completed. j\Iany 
 kind words were spoken on both sides, and Henry, conscious at 
 last of Thurstan^s value, told his bishops that he would as lief 
 have lost five hundred marks as have been without him. The 
 king was ready noAV for his homeward joui-ney, and moved by 
 slow stages towards the sea. He set sail from Barflcur on the 
 25th of November, 1120. He had previously requested Thur- 
 
 ' Symeon, col. 242. Iloveden, 273.
 
 190 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Stan to remain behind till Christmas, as he wished to have an 
 interview with the bishops of the English church, and the arch- 
 bishop assented./ William, Henry^s son, followed his father in 
 another vessel with a great company of nobles. The hand of 
 Providence was upon Thurstan when he stayed behind. In a 
 freak of mad folly the young prince and his friends allowed 
 their ship to run upon a rock, and every person on board, but 
 one, was lost. The disconsolate father was an altered man after 
 that sad November : he was never observed to smile after his 
 son was droA\Tied. 
 
 " The bark that held a prince went down, 
 
 The sweeping waves rolled on ; 
 But what was England's glorious crown 
 
 To him that wept a son ? 
 He lived — for life may long be borne 
 
 Ere sorrow break its chain ; 
 Why comes not death to those that mourn ? 
 
 He never smiled again !" 
 
 Thurstan was mth the legate at Chartres when this disaster 
 occurred, and his heart bled for the master who in bygone days 
 had so deeply injured him. Henry, in turn, remembered him, 
 for he was changed for a time and softened by aflQiction. At 
 Christmas he called together the archbishop of Canterbury and 
 his suffragans, and shewed them the letters and the mandates 
 of Calixtus. They did not dare to disobey them, and a royal 
 messenger left England to summon Tliui^stan to his country.^ 
 He was at that time at Rouen, and he was not slow in obeying 
 the welcome invitation. Three days before the feast of the 
 Piuification he crossed the seas and hastened to the court at 
 Wmdsor. The king, the queen, and every one seemed desirous 
 of making amends for the past. But he did not tarry there 
 long. He hastened into the North. When he drew near to 
 York a vast multitude was ready to receive him. Great num- 
 bers of people, on horseback and on foot, lined the road along 
 which he was to pass. Knights and nobles, canons and monks, 
 men and women of every grade and age, welcomed their long- 
 lost diocesan. That Lent would not soon be forgotten in the 
 North : nor would the delight of the listening and admiring 
 throng be diminished when, seated in St. Peter's chair, in that 
 noble church which Thomas the Norman had so recently 
 adorned and renovated, on the third day after his arrival, he 
 recited in the ears of that vast crowd of worshippers'' the papal 
 
 f Hoveden, 272. ibid., 475. 
 
 fi- Saxon Chron., 341. Symeon, col. * John of Hexham (267) says that 
 
 244. John of Hexham, col. 266-7. Thurstan was enthroned on this occa- 
 Bromton, col. 1014. Malmesbury, sion. A repetition of this ceremony 
 156 i. Hoveden, 272. Ann. Waverl., would probably be necessary, 
 apud Gale, ii., 148. Hemingford,
 
 11 14 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 191 
 
 privilege with tlie immunities to his church of which he was so 
 proud. To win this he had spent years of exile and disgrace, — 
 sufferings, too, under which a craven spirit would have given 
 way, and injiu'ies and injustice that would have palsied any hut 
 an honest and an intrepid heart. At last he had been triumph- 
 ant, and this was his reward ; and even then, when he most of 
 all required the aid of others, he was careless of himself. A 
 poor neglected exile returning from a banishment in which he 
 was entirely dependent on the charity of others, might surely 
 have accepted, what others generally were at all times too ready 
 to evoke, the generous benevolence of his compatriots and his 
 clergy. But Thurstan would not. Instead of relieving himself, 
 as he might very properly have done, he at once began to 
 lighten the burdens which pressed upon his diocese. 
 
 Fain would Thurstan have spent the rest of his days in 
 peace, studying the spiritual welfare of the North, from which 
 he had been too long separated. There was to be more annoy- 
 ance for him still. It was scarcely to be expected that the 
 church of Canterbury would forget her defeat. Archbishop 
 Ralph, with the cold touch of the palsy already benumbing him, 
 began another attack. He gained the ear of Henry, who seems 
 to have been always amenable to his influence. He told him 
 that the monks of Canterbury had discovered several papal 
 grants and privileges, assuring to their church the rights on 
 which Calixtus had trenched.' He said that as there was one 
 king, so there ought to be but one primate. Henry, too prone 
 to gossip and mischief-makers, listened to what he said. In 
 August, 1121, he sent a messenger to Thurstan to summon him 
 to a great council which was to be held at Michaelmas. When 
 the archbishop arrived, Henry, to his great astonishment, 
 revived the old subject of dispute in bidding him make his pro- 
 fession to Canterbury. Thurstan^s answer was an excellent one. 
 " If I refused to make this profession before I was formally 
 exempted from it by the pope, I am much less likely to submit 
 to it now. Why does the king ask me to do this, which, if 
 done, would bring me under an anathema ?" Henry lost his 
 temper, according to his wont, but it was to no purpose. Thur- 
 stan told him that if the papal order were recalled he would 
 profess at once. The privilege granted by Calixtus was sent 
 for, and tears of rage and vexation gushed from Henry's eyes 
 as he read it. Flambard and Nigel d'Albeni, an old friend of 
 Thurstan, were standing by in sorrowful amazement. The do- 
 cument was then shewn to the bishops, at the king's request, 
 by some of Thurstan's officers, in the absence of their master. 
 
 ' These are recited in Eadmer, 95-6.
 
 193 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 " It is a forgery !" they cried. " It cannot be that/^ said one 
 of the York clergy, " as I saw it myself come from the pope's 
 hands ; nay, there is one line of it which he wrote himself." 
 No reply could be made to this, and the men of Canterbury 
 were miite. Two or three days after this Ralph was seized with 
 the attack of illness under which he ultimately sank. 
 
 Thurstan's troubles were not yet over. In 1122 there came 
 a messenger from Rome summoning the two English archbishops 
 to a council at the Lateran. Ralph had already gone to his 
 account, but Thvu'stan received the papal mandate. It was soon 
 whispered to the king that ht had done so without the royal 
 sanction, and Henry ordered him to be at court to explain his 
 conduct at the next festival of the Pvirification, and to bring 
 the messenger with him. This was quite impossible, as Thur- 
 stan had not the least idea where the man was gone. A council 
 was to be held at Gloucester in February, 1123, to choose a new 
 archbishop of Canterbury. Three days before it met, Thm'stan 
 was ^vith the king, and little, if anything, was said about the 
 papal letter. He went in the royal train to Gloucester. William 
 de Corbeil was there elected, after much angry debating, to fill 
 Augustine's chair. " Who is he T' asked the king, and then 
 Thm'stan and Adelulf, the prior of Nostell, who was afterwards 
 the first bishop of Carlisle, spoke in high terms of his piety and 
 learning. Thurstan himself had taken no part in the election, 
 as he was the head of another province, and the bishops would 
 not permit him to be present. The duty of consecrating 
 Corbeil, according to ancient custom, now devolved upon Thur- 
 stan. The king, who was aware perhaps that there might be 
 some difficulty in the case, asked him if he should oppose the 
 consecration of the new archbishop by his own suffragans ? He 
 told Henry, after some deliberation, that out of regard to him 
 he would be ready to waive his claim on this occasion, but he 
 desired every one to know that he was ready to do his duty. 
 He then sent Geoffrey abbat of St. Mary's York, Adelulf, 
 prior of Nostell, and others of the York archdeacons and canons 
 to Corbeil to give him the same intimation. The archbishop- 
 elect Avas with the bishop of London when they arrived. He 
 told them that the separation of York from Canterbury had 
 abrogated the old custom.-? In reply to this Thurstan's friends 
 informed him that the assigning to each see its proper rights 
 and privileges did not constitute division, and expressed, on the 
 part of their master, his readiness to do his duty. The two 
 prelates returned an evasive answer, that for the present it could 
 
 _ J Symeon (col. 248) puts the follow- ordinare, libenter me manibus vestris 
 ing words into Corbeil's mouth : " Si inclinabo, sin autem, inconsulte contra 
 me ut primatem totius Anglise volueris morem antiquam nolo ordinari."
 
 1111 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 193 
 
 not be done. Thurstan now spoke to Kcnry of the pope's 
 recent summons to the council, and asked his permission to set 
 out. The king begged him as a favour to delay his journey till 
 the archbishop of Canterbury could go mth him to procure 
 the pall. He imdertook, also, to acquaint the pope with the 
 cause of his absence, and promised that the bishops from Nor- 
 mandy, and Jeremias, archdeacon of Rouen, should remain in 
 Rome, after the council was over, till they arrived. Corbcil 
 and he were then requested to be at Woodstock on the first 
 Sunday in Lent that they might start from thence to Rome. 
 All this was done in the spring of 1123. They met at the 
 appointed time, Corbcil in the meanwhile having taken the 
 unwarrantable liberty of receiving consecration at the hands of 
 the bishop of London and his own suffragans.* Thurstan, how- 
 ever, seems to have made no complaint. At Woodstock Henry 
 requested him, through the prelates and nobles, to assist his 
 brother, when they were at Rome, to the utmost of his power, 
 and to make no unjust claim upon him whilst they were there. 
 To this Thurstan assented, and the two started on their journey.' 
 By an accident Thurstan reached the papal court before his 
 fellow-traveller, and he found there many of his old friends, who 
 were rejoiced to see him. Corbcil arrived shortly afterwards 
 with a long train of ecclesiastics, among whom were Bernard, 
 bishop of St. David's, and the abbats of Glastonbury and St. 
 Edmund's.™ He now became a suppliant for the pall. On this 
 question there was a long debate. It was alleged that Corbeil's 
 election and consecration had been uncanonical, and it was 
 decided that the pall should not be given to him, but that he 
 should be permitted to accept a bishopric. Thurstan now 
 pleaded in his behalf; indeed, during the whole controversy he 
 acted towards Corbeil in the most generous and honourable 
 manner. He praised his piety and learning, and entreated the 
 pope and the sacred college to alter their decision in consi- 
 deration of his royal master and the emperor, who had fur- 
 thered the suppliant's cause. After a suspense of fifteen days, 
 through the agency of Calixtus the sentence was rescinded, out 
 of respect to the emperor, and Coi'beil received the pall. His 
 party noAv turned upon Thurstan in the most ungrateful manner. 
 As soon as the pall had been secured, the bishop of St. David's 
 raised the old question of the profession and the primacy in a 
 tone which he afterwards regretted. He assured Calixtus that 
 
 * Symeon, col. 218. Gervase, col. the Saxon Chron. (217), it is said that 
 
 1662. Thurstan was reconciiod to Corhcil, 
 
 ' n. Wigorn., 497. Chron. Mailros, and swore subjection to him ! 
 
 67. Chron. Petrib., 81. Huntingdon, •" Symeon, col. 248-50. Diceto, col. 
 
 apud Savile, 219. Hoveden, 274. In 604.
 
 194 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the recent papal grant was in direct contravention of the old 
 privileges of the clmrch of Canterbury. Thurstan seems to 
 have deprecated any discussion ; he observed that he was quite 
 imprepared for anything of this kind ; he had come at the pre- 
 sent time to please the king; had he thought of himself he 
 would have been at the recent council. Bernard was ordered 
 to produce the pri^dleges of which he spoke. He read them. 
 They had a show of genuineness without the sapor. He was 
 now assailed with some awkward questions. " Had these pri- 
 vileges the bulls appended to them T' " No ; but the originals 
 had which were at home.^^ " V/ould they swear that T' After 
 some hesitation they said that the bulls were either wasted 
 away or lost. At this there was a general titter. " If the 
 leaden bulls had wasted away, was it likely that the parchment 
 was remaining ?" They then hinted the possibility of the non- 
 existence of the bulls at that early time, but this straw was 
 plucked away from them. Bribery seems now to have taken 
 the place of argument, and the chamberlain of the pope, — a 
 person of great influence at Rome, — seems to have been bought 
 over. Thurstan was asked about the muniments of the see of 
 York, but he had none of them with him. One of his fol- 
 lowers, however, had several copies, and the letters and decrees 
 of Gregory, Honorius, Urban, Paschal, and Calixtus were re- 
 cited. They could say nothing about the originals possessing 
 bulls. It would, therefore, have been clearly unfair to decide 
 the matter at present in favour of either disputant. Calixtus 
 proposed to fix a time when the matter could be debated upon 
 proper e^ddence. Thurstan was ready to agree to this arrange- 
 ment, but Corbeil declined to do so without the permission of 
 his sovereign. The two archbishops, therefore, returned home ; 
 the one with letters from the pope announcing the reception of 
 the pall, the other with a commendatory epistle to Henry, in 
 which Calixtus spoke in high terras of the wisdom and useful- 
 ness of his old friend. As soon as the Canterbury party 
 reached the court in Normandy, many unkind speeches were 
 made against Thurstan, but the slander seems to have made no 
 impression upon Henry, if we may judge from the welcome 
 Avhich the archbishop of York received on his arrival. He was 
 accompanied by abbat Anselm" and others, who told the king a 
 very diff'erent story from that which he had heard. They said 
 that Thurstan had behaved towards Corbeil in the most honour- 
 able manner, and that without his generous mediation he would 
 
 " Anselm was not a favourite. In to lose his abbey of St. Edmund's than 
 
 1134, when he was elected to the see of to gain a bishopric. He was not allowed 
 
 London, Thurstan wrote to the pope to be consecrated (Diceto, col. 506-7). 
 and told him that Anselm was more fit
 
 llli 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 195 
 
 never have received the pall. In the following September 
 Calixtus wrote to Corbeil blaming him for his attacks on Thur- 
 stan, and entreating him to banish malice from his heart. 
 
 In 1124; Calixtus died, and was succeeded l)y Honorius II., 
 who sent the cardinal of Crema as his legate into England. 
 Corbeil now renewed his claims and complaints against Thur- 
 stan, and desired the pope to authorize his legate to bring them 
 to an amicable adjustment. About Pentecost the two arch- 
 bishops received a mandate from Honorius summoning them 
 both to Rome. They went to the court in Normandy. Thur- 
 stan was astonished when he heard the king require him to put 
 his churches in the position which they had occupied during the 
 reign of his father and brother, otherwise he should regard him 
 as a traitor and an enemy. Thurstan, with his usual address, 
 defended himself from the charge of treason, and said that he 
 w^ould gladly allow his chiu'ches to remain as they were in the 
 time of his predecessor Aldred, who had crowned the Con- 
 queror. " No,^^ replied Heniy ; " they must be in the state in 
 which my father left tliem.^^ Thurstan declined to do this, 
 and appealed to the papal privilege as his warrant. He Avas 
 now, he said, on his way to Rome, was it fair that he should be 
 obliged to defend himself in two places against the same attack ? 
 Every effort was made by the king and his council to bring the 
 matter to a conclusion. An oflFer was even made that if Thm'- 
 stan would merely verbally acknowledge Corbeil as primate, 
 committing his successors to a more humiliating form of sub- 
 jection, the see of Canterbury should be dismembered, and the 
 bishoprics of Lichfield, Bangor, and another, which is not 
 named, should be given up to York. This scheme was to be 
 formally proposed to the pope, and about this, as well as the 
 other plans that were to be mentioned at Rome, the king com- 
 manded that on the part of the English prelates there should be 
 no controversy or dispute. The most important proposition 
 was this, that the legantine power should be secured, if possible, 
 for Coi'beil and his successors. This would give them an excel- 
 lent title for superiority as the immediate representative of the 
 pope. Of all the plans that could be devised for terminating 
 the never-ending feud between York and Canterbury, this, 
 perhaps, was the most sure. The cardinal of Crema had made 
 anything but a favourable impression in England, and if the 
 archbishop of Canterbury became the permanent legate there 
 would be no necessity for the appointment of a foreigner. 
 
 The two archbishops visited Rome in 1125," Thurstan being 
 
 " Ann. Waverl., apud Gale, ii., 119. meon (25'1) says in 1126, with the 
 The Saxon Chron. (352) and Chron. Ic.tjate; and again in 1127 by themselves, 
 Mailros (68) make the date 1126. Sv- when Corbeil was made legate. 
 
 o 2
 
 196 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 accompanied by his brother and faithful companion in trouble, 
 Andoenus, bishop of Evtcux.^p The controversy in the presence 
 of the pope exhibited many phases and fluctuations. Nothing, 
 lio^vever, seems to have been done except the appointment of 
 Corbeil as legate in England. This was done entirely in accord- 
 ance with the wish of Thurstan, who, at that time, had a very 
 favourable opinion of Corbeil. He soon had occasion, unfor- 
 tunately, to regard him in a very different light. The archbishop 
 of Canterbury owed his very election to Thurstan, but he 
 returned him evil for good. He took the part of the Scottish 
 bishops when they endeavoured to break away from their alle- 
 giance to York. He forbade him to bear his cross erect within 
 his proA^ince, or to take, any part in the coronation of the king.* 
 When Corbeil, in virtue of his power as legate, called together 
 a council at London, he summoned Thurstan to it, but he very 
 properly stayed away.*" The Southern primate complained of 
 tliis to Henry, and the king told him that his past ingratitude 
 to Thurstan had fully merited that slight. For some time there 
 was no communication whatever between the two archbishops. 
 
 An allusion has been made to the feud between York and 
 the Scottish bishojis. This was only a continuation of the old 
 controversy. The claims of York were nearly always questioned 
 ])y the Scottish prelates long before they were for ever set aside. 
 Ralph Nowell, bishop of Orkney, resided generally with Thur- 
 stan, as the people of Scotland and Norway^ rejected him on 
 account of his English consecration, in spite of the remon- 
 strances of Honorius and Calixtus. Thurstan is said to have 
 made Gilaldane bishop of Whitherne.' He also consecrated 
 Robert, prior of Nostell, to St. Andrew^ s, after the death of 
 Turgot and the intrusion of Eadmer," but at the earnest request 
 of king David he required from him no profession." It was the 
 ■Hash of the Scottish people and king that the bishop of St. 
 Andrew's should be the metropolitan of Scotland, and on that 
 account they were frequently coquetting with Canterbury to 
 
 '' In 1132 Audoenus and Thurstan two letters in his behalf from j)opes Ca- 
 
 dedicatcd the church " 15. M. de casa lixtus and Honorius addressed to kings 
 
 Dei parthenonis Fontebraldensis" (Gal- of Norway, 
 lia Christiana, xi., 575). ' Stubbs, col. 1720. In Dugd. 
 
 » This occurred atAVindsor at Christ- Mon., vi., 1187, there is a letter from 
 mas, 1126. Diceto, col. 504. Bromton, pope Honorius to the bishop of Whit- 
 col. 1016. Gerva.se, col. 1664. Fl. Wi- heme, ordering him to obey the North- 
 gorn., 502. Chron. Petrib, 83. In em primate. 
 
 1127, Wendover, i., 476. In Dugd. " Symeon, col. 251. The consecra- 
 
 Mon., vi., 1188, is a letter written by tion was delayed for a time on account 
 
 Honorius to king Henry, de.siring him of the subjection. 
 
 to allow Thurstan to bear his cross and " Dugd.' Mon., vi., 1187. Although 
 
 to crown him according to ancient he was acanonof York (Flor. Wigorn., 
 
 custom. -• Diceto, col. 504. 506). Fordun, Scotichronicon, ed. 
 
 ' In Dugd. Mon., vi., 1] 86, there are Goodall, i., 340. Anglia Sacra, ii., 237.
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 197 
 
 obtain the emancipation of that see fi'om York."" But it was in 
 John^ bishop of Glasgow, that Thurstan found his strongest 
 and most pertinacious adversary. He is said to have ])een a 
 person of piety and learning, and had been the tutor of prince 
 David. Pope Paschal consecrated him bishop of Glasgow in 
 1115. He would render no submission whatever to the see 
 of York, and the result was that Thurstan suspended him for 
 insubordination. This was in 1122. John now went to Rome 
 to appeal against this sentence, but, his cause lia\dng been given 
 against him, he went off to Jerusalem, and spent several months 
 with the patriarch, acting as his suffragan. In the following 
 year Calixtus summoned him home, and ordered him to his 
 diocese.-^ But still he rendered no profession of obedience, and 
 paid no attention to any papal order. In 1125, when Thiu"stan 
 and Corbeil were at Rome, John, in an unlucky hour, was there 
 in the train of the archbishop of Canterbury. Thurstan, un- 
 willing to lose so good an opportunity, pounced upon John 
 before the papal court, reproaching him for his neglect of the 
 mandates of Paschal and Calixtus, ^ his desertion of his diocese, 
 and his disobedience to himself : he made at the same time a 
 general complaint against all the Scottish prelates. John de- 
 fended himself by saying that he was there as the ambassador 
 of the king of Scotland. Honorius told him in a warning tone 
 that he must not expect to be released from the obligation laid 
 upon him by Gelasius and other popes,^ and a day was fixed in 
 the follo^^ng Lent when John and the Scottish bishops should 
 meet Thurstan before the papal court, and the question should 
 be decided. Christmas came on, and the day of meeting was 
 drawing near. Thurstan was at the court at London, and there 
 he met with David, king of Scotland, John^s old pupil, and 
 Conan, earl of Brittany. David with some trouble induced 
 Thurstan, as a personal favour, to beg the pope to put off the 
 hearing of the cause for another year. This arrangement was 
 with difficulty effected, but there is nothing to shew that John 
 ever made the submission that was required." Innocent II. 
 followed the example of his predecessors, and ordered him, 
 apparently in vain, to obey Thurstan.* In 1138, when Alberic, 
 
 " There are letters on this subject Chautor, where there is a long account 
 
 between Alexander kin<^ of Scotland of the scene at Rome, 
 
 and archbishop Ralph in Eadnier, Hist. " Symeon (col. 252) says that in 
 
 Nov., 90, 97 — 100. 1125 "Honorius AVTote to king David, 
 
 ' Symeon, col. 245, 218. saying that he had empowered his 
 
 y I have not seen these letters of les^ate to settle the disimte between 
 
 Paschal. Those of Calixtus are in Dugd. Thurstan and the Scottisli bishops. 
 
 Mon., vi., 1187-8. These are partly * Dugd. Mon., vi., 1187-8. In Wil- 
 
 about John and partly about the Scot- kins, i., 480, is a bull of pope Inno- 
 
 tish bishops. Wilkins, i., 481. cent II. subjecting the Scottish bishops 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1719. Hu^h the to Thurstan.
 
 198 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 bishop of Ostia, was in England as legate, he was told that 
 John had deserted his charge, and professed himself a monk at 
 Tiron, and he was summoned home to answer for his conduct. 
 John died in 1147, and was bui'ied at Jedburgh.'' He is said 
 by the Scottish writers to have atoned for his wandering and 
 restless disposition in early life by his subsequent activity in 
 advancing the interests of his see.'' 
 
 So much of Thurstan^s life had been spent in controversy, 
 which he could not shun, that he had but little time to take that 
 position in the affairs of the chrrch and state at home for which 
 he was marked out by his genius and energy. In 1129 he was 
 present at the council at London,^ and in 1133 he had the 
 honour of presiding over that which was held at Northampton.-^ 
 In 1135 he was at the coronation of king Stephen, but he did 
 not officiate.^ In the same, or in the following year, Stephen 
 was at York, and Thurstan, who had known him in another 
 country and in an humbler sphere, would give him a hearty 
 welcome. In 1137 there was a cloud gathering in Scotland, 
 and Thurstan went to that country as ambassador, and had an 
 interview with king David at Roxburgh, at which he induced 
 that restless monarch to make a truce with England till the 
 return of Stephen from abroad.'' In the following year the 
 Scottish army broke into the North, and, after sweeping the 
 whole countiy before them, the invaders found themselves at 
 Cowton moor, near Northallerton, a little after Easter. The 
 crisis was a most serious one, but Thurstan, broken down as he 
 was with age, was not \mequal to it.^ He was carried about on 
 a couch or litter wherever he was required. He did everything 
 in his power to excite the spirit of the North. He sent the 
 priests with crosses and banners and relics through the parishes 
 to arouse the inhabitants. He gathered together with speed 
 
 <^ John of Hexham, col. 264, 276. s Opera Thomse Becket, ed. Giles, 
 
 Ric. of Hexham, 325. Fordun, Scoti- iii., 69. 
 
 chronicon, i., 419, where it is said that * John of Hexham, col. 259. Chron. 
 
 John, accordin^^ to old custom, acted Mailros, 70. Chron. Petrib., 89. Liber 
 
 as a bishop in Cumberland. Henrj^ I., Vitse ed. Surtees Soc, 59, 67. 
 
 at Thurstan's desire, made a bishop of ' John of Hexham, col. 261-2. Rio. 
 
 Carlisle, and upon this John went to of Hexham, col. 320-1. Ailred, col. 
 
 Tiron. 338, etc. Fl. Wigorn., 524. Diceto, col. 
 
 '' Keith's Scottish Bishops, ed. 1824, 506. Bromton, col. 1026-7. Gervase, 
 
 231-2. col. 1346. Knyghton, col. 2385. Hun- 
 
 ' Huntmgdon, apud Savile, 220. tingdon, apud Savile, 222-3. Hoveden, 
 
 Hoveden, ibid., 274 b. Wendover, i., 277. Triveti Ann., 6. Hemingford, 
 
 478. Ann. Waverl., apud Gale, ii., apud Gale, ii., 480. Peter Langtoft, 
 
 150. Mat. Paris, 60. Rob. de Monte, n. e., 114-15. Scala Chronica, 33. Mat. 
 
 701. Labbe, Cone, x., 910, 940. Se- Paris, 63-4. Chron. Petrib., 90. Rob. 
 
 veral dates are given for this meeting. de Monte, 712. Dachery, Spicilegiura, 
 
 J Fl. Wigorn., 519. Labbe, x., 991. iii., 144. 
 A\ ilkins, i., 413.
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 199 
 
 and labour the great barons of the district, allaying their 
 jealousies and fears, and an army was soon collected. The 
 ensign which the archbishop sent with it to the scene of conflict 
 gave to that field the name of the battle of the Standard. The 
 mast of a ship was erected upon a car, and from it were flutter- 
 ing the holy baimers of the saints of York, Beverley, and 
 E-ipon. A silver pix, in which the blessed sacrament was en- 
 closed, was fastened to the summit. A sacred influence would 
 thus seem to hover around the little baud of Yorkshiremen. 
 Thurstan would fain have been there himself had not the barons 
 insisted upon his absence, but his suffragan, the bishop of 
 Orkney, the archdeacons and the clergy were on the field to bid 
 the God of battles go forth with their compatriots to the fight, 
 and to minister consolation to the dying. The aged prelate was 
 thinking all the while of those whom he coidd not see ; he was 
 prajdng for them with bitter tears, and commending them and 
 their arms to the Lord, when the welcome news arrived of the 
 victory that had been won. He might well be satisfied with his 
 own personal exertions in securing it, for he had certainly saved 
 the North of England. 
 
 " How oft has strength, the strength of heaven, 
 To few triumphantly been given ! 
 Still do our very children boast 
 Of mitred Thurstan, what a host 
 He conquered ! — Saw we not the plain 
 (And flying shall behold again) 
 Where faith was proved ? — While to battle moved 
 The standard on the sacred wain 
 That bore it, compassed round b}' a bold 
 Fraternity of barons old ; 
 And with those grey-haired champions stood, 
 Under the saintly ensigns three, 
 The infant heir of Mowbray's blood — 
 All confident of victory !" 
 
 The province of York had good reason to remember the 
 good deeds and the energy of Thurstan. The example which 
 he set was worthy of all imitation, and his clergy might well 
 regret his prolonged absence from his see. He was a man of 
 learning, and several works have been attributed to his pen. 
 Of these we have nothing but two or three letters. In that 
 which is addressed to archbishop Corbeil, describing the seces- 
 sion from St. Mary^s abbey, much kindly and devotional feeling 
 is expressed, and the style is extremely good and pleasing.-' 
 
 i Bale, cent, ii., 185, says that Thur- The first of these works will be men- 
 
 stan wrote " De origine Fontanensis tioned afterwards. Pits, 216. Vossius, 
 
 csenobii, lib. i. De suo priraatu, ad De Hist. Latinis, 413. AVright, IJiogr. 
 
 Calixtum, lib. i. Contra juuiorem Lit., ii., 109. Tanner, 728. Oudinu.s, 
 
 Anselmuui, lib. i., et alia quEedara." ii., 1122.
 
 300 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D, 
 
 The personal character of Thurstan was unimpeachable.* He 
 had learned in other lands the necessity of a stricter discipline 
 tlian that which he saw at home, and, full of honest zeal and 
 fervent piety, he was not afraid of practising it himself. Luxury 
 was a stranger to his table. In his di-ess and demeanour he was 
 almost an ascetic. The poor blessed him for his kindness and 
 munificence, for they had no surer friend than Thurstan. He 
 was frequently on his knees, and tears streamed from his eyes 
 when he administered the eucharist. He wore sackcloth next 
 his skin, and disciplined himself ^nth the scourge. Men of piety 
 and learning found in him a patron and a friend. He was 
 affable and courteous, stern when severity was needed, and yet 
 at all times ready to forgive. Thurstan did a great deal for his 
 diocese, far more indeed than any of his predecessors. Pope 
 Innocent advised him to divide the large parishes within his 
 district, and this recommendation was most probably obeyed.^ 
 At his enthronization he exempted his chiu'ches from the 
 regular charge for the crisma, and made the fees for bui'ial, 
 extreme unction, and baptism, vohmtary and not necessary.™ 
 He made also an ordinance about the income of the canons 
 throughout his churches, which was beneficial to themselves as 
 well as to the minsters in which they were located." Thurstan 
 was most useful, too, and active in seeing that all the ministers 
 and ecclesiastical corporations were properly remunerated and 
 endowed. At York, Hexham, Ripon, Beverley, and Southwell, 
 he was a great benefactor;" and in 1137 there was a fire in the 
 minster at York, Avhich would be sure to evoke his munificence.^ 
 He is also called the founder of the hospital of St. Peter, or 
 St. Leonard, which was in connection with the cathedral. How 
 far this title was merited is somewhat doubtful. In 1122 
 Henry I. kept his birthday at York; and at the request of 
 queen Matilda, who was instigated by Thurstan, the king 
 granted several privileges to that establishment himself, and 
 prevailed upon his barons to add to the endowments of the 
 house.? It was burned in 1137; and, soon afterwards, it w^as 
 
 * John of Hexham, col. 267. Ric. est epis% et, extra muros, ecclesia B. 
 
 of Hexham, col. 306. Stubbs, col. M., ubi est abbatia, cum egregio hos- 
 
 1'714. jjitali quod fundavit Turstinus archi- 
 
 ' Reg. Magn. Album at York, 53. episcopus." Lei. also, apud Coll., i., 
 
 '" Stubbs. col. 1717, from Hugh. 45. The fire in the minster was pro- 
 
 " Ibid., 1720. Thurstan's Consti- bably only partial in its efiects and 
 
 tution, " De dcbitis clericorum de- extent. 
 
 functoruni," is in Wilkins, i., 412. i MSS. Cotton, Titus A., xix., 55. 
 
 " John of Hexham, col. 267. Ric. Symeon, col. 246. There is a noble 
 
 of Hexham, col. 306-7. Walbran's chartulary of St. Leonard's among the 
 
 ^11"^"' 25. Cottonian MSS., Nero D. iv. Some 
 
 p Gervasc (col. 13 13) snys that on of the yearly account rolls of the hos- 
 
 sec. nonas Junu 1137, apud Eboracum jatal are also in existence. 
 
 combusta cr.t B. Petri ecclesia, ubi sedcs
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 201 
 
 rebuilt by Stephen on a much larger scale, and received the 
 name which it has since borne, that of the hospital of St. 
 Leonard.'' At Ripon, Beverley, and Southwell, Thiu-stan was 
 the fomider of new prebends ;' and he was, doubtless, the means 
 of the establishment, in 1133, of the bishopric of Carlisle, to 
 which his old friend Adelulf, the prior of Nostell, was appointed.' 
 This was effected at the death of Ranulph Flambard, bishop of 
 Durham, and the election of his successor, Geoffrey Rufus, 
 whom Thurstan consecrated at York." The see of Durham 
 now subsided within the territorial boundaries which enclosed 
 it until the Reformation. Within the last half-century it had 
 been deprived of a great deal. It had lost Tynemouth and 
 Hexham, Cumberland, Westmerland, and Teviotdcvle. The 
 vnles and the instability of Flambard had, without doubt, been 
 the main cause of this great dismemberment of his diocese." 
 
 Thurstan is especially to be commemorated as the reviver of 
 monasticism in the North. His intercourse with the ecclesiastics 
 of other countries; the religious houses which he would see 
 dui'ing his exile, exhibiting, as far as human agency could effect 
 it, the perfection of discipline and organization, would open his 
 eyes to the wants of his diocese at home, and make him eager to 
 meet and remedy them. The example and the exhortations of 
 St. Bernard, with whom he was acquainted, would stj'engthen 
 and nerve his hand. The letter which he wrote about the poor 
 Cistercians of Fountains shews that he was thoroughly satiu'ated 
 ^yiih. the monastic principle. His knowledge of it was of a kind 
 that long study and practice could alone impart, and it seems 
 to me that Thurstan, together with St. Bernard and two or three 
 othei's, are to be regarded as the great Church reformers of the 
 twelfth century. It was at Thurstan^s suggestion that pope 
 Honorius confirmed the privileges of the monastery of Savigny, 
 and he witnessed the grant of a hundred marks of silver which 
 was made by Henry I. to the monks of Clugny,'" to which order 
 the archbishop was especially attached. When Thurstan arrived 
 in the North he woidd find there a very small number of religious 
 houses, one or two of Avhich were occupied by Augustine canons, 
 and the rest by Benedictines. A new impetus was now given 
 to the diffusion of the monastic principle. The two existing 
 
 •■ Lei. Coll., i., 38. pleted by kin<^ Stephen. Reg. Magn. 
 
 ' Dugd. Moa., vi., 1313-14. Wal- Album, at York, 53. 
 
 bran'.s llipon, ed. 1858, 25. Poulson's " Ilexham, tit supra. Sj-meon, 
 
 Beverlac, 531. Fsedera, 1., 10, n. e. Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 261. Stiibbs, 
 
 Thoroton's Notts, 310. Lei. Coll., ii., col. 1720. Chron. Jluilros, G9. 
 
 391. " Syraeon, ut supra, 256, etc. 
 
 ' John of Hexham, col. 257. Hove- "^ MartenC, Thes. Nov. Anecdot., i., 
 
 den, 275. Mat. Paris, 60. The foun- 361, 382. 
 dation of the see of Carlisle was com-
 
 203 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 orders were reformed and enlarged, and the Cluniacs and Cis- 
 tercians, monks of a stricter rule, were brought in. The time 
 for their introduction and for the revival of discipline was well 
 chosen. The Norman and the Saxon elements in the English 
 Church were now happily blended together. Everything in 
 religious as well as civil affairs was now settled and laid down. 
 The great baronies and fees throughout the country were for 
 the most part marked out. Peace and rest superinduced other 
 and better thoughts. Many of the great knights and nobles 
 had grievous offences to atone for. They were living upon the 
 possessions of others — very frequently upon church property; 
 and their lives had been stained with violence and bloodshed. 
 The wish to make amends as well as to honour God^ led them 
 to establish monasteries where their souls might be prayed for, 
 and to which their names, " in perpetuam rei memoriam," might 
 be honourably attached. When one leads, another soon will 
 follow, and the erection and endowment of religious houses soon 
 became the fashion, but like every freak and sudden feeling of 
 that kind it was only temporary. It began with the twelfth 
 century, and it did not outlive it. Thurstan was eminently suc- 
 cessful in kindling this spirit of zeal in the North, for he was 
 just the man that the feudal chieftains woiild most admire, 
 although, on one occasion at least, he was ill-treated by them.* 
 The energy with which he fought in his 0"v\Ta conflicts was very 
 much akin to theirs, for he was illustrious both in arts and 
 arms. Between the years 1120 and 1125 six houses of Augus- 
 tine canons seem to have been established in Yorkshire. Kirk- 
 ham owed its origin to that great patron of religion^ Walter 
 FEspec,^' and Gisburgh to Robert de Brus, an ancestor of the 
 well-known warrior, who was guided in w^hat he did by Calixtus 
 II. and Thurstan.' Bridlington, which overhangs the sea, was 
 founded by Walter le Gant," and the archbishop, who had pro- 
 bably directed him in his good work, was a witness to his charter 
 of endowment. William de Meschines about the same time 
 began to draw together the body of ecclesiastics which settled 
 filially in the beautiful solitudes of Bolton, and Thurstan, to shew 
 his sympathy, appropriated to them the neighbouring churches of 
 Skipton and Kildwick.^ The piety of Ralph Adlave, the con- 
 fessor of Henry I., first selected the retirement of Nostel,*^ from 
 which, after a life full of romantic incidents, he was summoned in 
 
 ' John of Hexham, col. 268. It is ' Bromtou, col. 1018. Dugd., vi., 
 
 not quite clear that the offence here 267. Burton, 340. There is some 
 
 mentioned was perpetrated in Thur- doubt as to the date of this foundation. 
 
 Stan's life-time. = Burton, 212. * Dugd. Mon., 
 
 y Ailred, de Bello Standardi, col. vi., 203-5. Burton, 115. 
 
 338. Dugd. Mon., vi., 210. Burton's <• Burton, 300. Hunter's South 
 
 Mon., Ebor., 373. Yorkshire ii., 201, etc.
 
 1114) 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 203 
 
 1133 to be the president of the new see of Carlisle. In 1130, 
 or thereabouts, Thui'stan himself established the first nunnery 
 that had existed in the North since the Conquest, a house of 
 Benedictines, at Clementhorp near York.'' In 1131 the beautiful 
 monastery of Rievaiix was founded, in memory of his lost son, 
 by Walter FEspec, and some Cistercian monks, who had be en 
 sent to England three years previously by St. Bernard, found a 
 resting-place in that charming valley.'' William Paynel, at the 
 instance of Thurstan, made a house for Austin canons at Drax, 
 and another was erected at Wartre in 1132 by Geoffrey Trusbut, 
 and was appropriated to the same order./ The religious colony, 
 also, which found its way to Byland, was greatly indebted to 
 Thiu'stan for its success. The abbat of Furness and his monks 
 had fled before the Scots, and had found an asylum in York, 
 where the archbishop welcomed and supported them. He re- 
 commended them to the kind offices of the widow of his old 
 friend Nigel d^Albeni, who had assumed the well-known name 
 of MoAvbray, and she placed them at Hode till they were removed 
 to Byland in 1138 by her son Roger, who was also the founder 
 of the house of Newburgh.^ Thurstan had a gTeat deal to do 
 with the aflJ'airs of Selby Abbey,'' and he is said to have been 
 mainly instrumental in restoring the church of Bardney.^ The 
 York historians inform us that he was the founder of eight 
 religious houses. How far this is to be interpreted it is difficult 
 to say ; at all events he seems to have been the chief agent in 
 the erection and the establishment of many of those noble monas- 
 teries which used to be the pride and the boast of Yorkshire. 
 With the history of these retreats very few are acquainted. 
 There are scarcely any who know the records of the adventui'cs 
 of their first inmates, which are invested with all the thrilling 
 interest of romance; their struggles to maintain themselves; 
 their simple and earnest piety, and their subsequent success. 
 As long as the incurious reader turns away from subjects like 
 these he will know very little indeed of the inner working, nay 
 
 '' Dugd. Mon., iv., 323. This house Mirseus, Chron. Cisterc, ed. IGli, p. 
 
 was given b}' archbishop GeoUrey in 89. The Rescripts of pope Alexander 
 
 1192 to the nuns of Godstow (Benedict III. in Labbe, Cone, x. Mabillon, 
 
 Petrib., 732). Ann. Ben., vi., 158-9. Chron. Mailros. 
 
 ^ John of Hexham, col. 257, where / Dugd. Mon., vi., 297. Burton, 
 
 the date 1132 is given. Ailred, col. 100, 381. 
 
 338. Broniton, col. 1028. Wm. Neu- *' John of Hexham, col. 259. Brom- 
 
 brig., i., 51. Dugd. Mon., vi., 274. ton, col. 1028. Wm. Neubr., i., 52-4. 
 
 Burton, 358. There is some interest- Dugd. Mon., v., 343-9 ; vi., 317. Bur- 
 
 iug information about the early history ton, 328. 
 
 of Rievaux in 0pp. S. Bern., ed. 1690, '• Hist. Fund. Mon. de Selby, apud 
 
 i., 98-9. Martene, Thes. Nov. Anecd., Labbe, Bibl., i., 608-10— a very curi- 
 
 iv., inter Statuta Capit. Gen. Ord. Cis- ous historical tract with which few are 
 
 terc. ; Henriquez, Fascic. Ord. Cist. ; acquainted. ' Lei. Col., iii. 263.
 
 204 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 I will say, of the outward features of the Church in the middle 
 ages. If' he will only take the trouble to examine them he will 
 fiud that, with all their faults, there were piety and devotion in 
 times which too many have considered to be dark, and that 
 there was some learning nursed and cherished within the cloister 
 which later generations, with all their increased intelligence, 
 ha\e been unable to surpass. 
 
 There was another monastery, greater than any which have 
 yet been mentioned, of which Thurstan, to a great extent, was 
 the originator, and that was the far-famed abbey of Fountains.-^ 
 The history of its foundation, as it has been described by Thur- 
 stan himself and the chronicler of the house,* is a most touching 
 and charming narrative. In 1132 there was, what we may call, 
 a rebellion in the monastery of St. Mary without the walls of 
 York. That well-known abbey had been but for a short time 
 in existence when the Benedictine ride, which its inmates pro- 
 fessed to follow, was practically despised. Innovations had crept 
 in. Want of discipline and neglect of duty had borne their 
 bitter fruits. All, however, were not polluted by the taint. 
 Richard the prior and Gervase the sub-prior, upon whom the 
 charge of the monastery to a great extent devolved, groaned in 
 spirit over the growing e^il. Full of sorrow they sought counsel 
 of their abbat, a kind-hearted but indolent man. Richard told 
 him of his daily troubles, and of the insubordination of the 
 monks. The inmates of the house were noisy brawlers. They 
 chattered and quarrelled when not a word ought to be spoken. 
 In food and dress and many minute points their rule was 
 neglected. How different they were from the monks of Sa\igny 
 and Clairvaux whom they had recently seen, and whose religious 
 life was a mirror in which all might dress themselves for God. 
 What was to be done ? The abbat, like a timid man as he was, 
 hesitated and delayed the matter, but rumours of the complaints 
 which had been made reached the ears of the monks, who were 
 excessively indignant. They banded themselves together against 
 the reformers; threats were uttered, and there was malice 
 written upon their faces. Fearful for the issue, Richard and his 
 friends had an interview with Thurstan, to whom the state of 
 things at York was not unknown. After some deliberation with 
 the abbat and the officers of the house, a day was appointed on 
 which the archbishop promised to visit the monastery and 
 enquire into the alleged misconduct. When the time arrived, 
 
 J John of Hexham, col. 257. Ail- 70. Mahillon, Ann. Ben., vi., 204-5. 
 
 red, col. 338. Bromton, col. 1028. * The treatise, "De origine domus 
 
 AVm. Neubrig., i., 50-1. Mat. Paris, Font.," by Hugh de Kirkstall, is partly 
 
 59. Lei. Col., 1., 54; ii., 338; iv., 105. printed by Dugdale in the Mon., vi., 
 
 Dugdale, v., 293, etc. Burton, 141. 293, etc. It is now being printed in 
 
 Uennquez, Phcenix Eeviviscens, 69- extenso by the Surtees Society.
 
 1114 — 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 205 
 
 he rode up to the gates with a goodly company which included 
 several dignitaries of the minster, Hugh the dern, William the 
 treasurer, archdeacon Plugh Sotevagina the historian and poet. 
 William, the prior of the recently established monastery of Gis- 
 burgh, was also there, together with Robert, who appears to have 
 been the master of the adjacent hospital of St. Peter. The 
 party halted at the gate by which you still enter those sacred 
 precincts, and, leaving their horses there, went on foot towards 
 the chapter-house ; at the door of that building, which was filled 
 from end to end by monks, strangers as well as residents, the 
 abbat of the house received them, and deprecated the presence 
 of any one but the archbishop and his clerks. When Thiu-stan 
 ventiu'cd to remonstrate, an uproar arose within which would 
 have appalled a less intrepid man ; they hooted and yelled like 
 madmen. Theyrushed towards Thui'stan wdth their arms stretched 
 out as if they were eager for a wrestling match. They roared 
 out that if he entered they woidd all of them depart. Thurstan^s 
 indignation was justly aroused. He told them that he had only 
 come there to do his duty, and, as they interfered with him, he 
 put their house under an interdict. What did they care ! "Stop 
 it for a hundred years V was the shout of a fellow of the name 
 of Symeon, and the rest yelled their assent. " Catch them, get 
 hold of them \" was now the cry, and they seized the unfortunate 
 prior and his comrades, and were going to imprison them or 
 carry them off. The intended victims flung tlieu' arms around 
 Thurstan and implored his aid. It was with some difficulty that 
 the archbishop and his party, suppliants and friends, got away 
 into the church, followed by discordant shouts of hatred and 
 vengeance. The servants of the monastery were at every door 
 and window, and the populace, aroused by the disturbance, was 
 rapidly assembling. Thurstan ordered the cloister door to be 
 secured, and, after a brief deliberation in the church, finding that 
 action was impossible and the rioters impracticable, he returned 
 home. The prior and twelve of his brethren accompanied him, 
 and deserted their old abode to which they never afterwards 
 returned. The archbishop now liefriended these poor outcasts. 
 He wrote a long and most graphic letter to archbishop Corbeil 
 in refutation of the erroneous reports which were flying about,' 
 in which he gave a full account of the insurrection at St. ]\Iary^s, 
 and expressed simply and earnestly his own views on discipline 
 and monasticism. He sheltered the wanderers for awhile, and 
 then gave them a piece of ground for themselves in a rocky and 
 
 ' This letter is being printed entire lished, in part, in Dugd. Mon., vi., 
 
 for the first time by the Surtees Society 293, etc., and in 8. Bernardi 0]»p., i., 
 
 in tlieir forthcoming volume on Foun- 386-91. Cf. Avesbury's Edw. III., 
 
 tain's abbey. It has already been pub- appendix, 271.
 
 206 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 secluded dell near his residence at Ripon. It was in the winter 
 that they sought for the first time their solitary abode, but they 
 cared not for the storm-winds or the snows. For awhile they 
 were sheltered only by the rocks which hung over the waters of 
 the Skell, and, afterwards, they nestled beneath a large elm, 
 which was spoken of and cherished by their descendants in a 
 far distant generation. They now communicated their sorrows 
 and aspirations to the compassionate ears of St. Bernard, and 
 placed themselves at his disposal.™ That holy and intrepid man 
 wrote to the abbat of St. Mary^s, who had requested his advice, 
 and desired that his former brethren should follow out the course 
 which they had adopted. He expressed his gratitude also 
 to Thurstan for the kindness which he had shewn to these 
 afflicted monks." There was much in common between those 
 two noble-hearted and energetic men, and they had pro- 
 bably become acquainted whilst Thurstan was in exile. For 
 two whole years the devoted and enduring monks subsisted 
 merely uj)on roots and leaves f but their poverty and self-denial 
 were the parents of their wealth. They had obtained St. Ber- 
 nard's ])ermission to seek another sanctuary, where they could 
 keep life together, when, most providentially, wealth began to 
 flow into their empty coffers : a chiirch was built, broad lands 
 were given to endow it, and a noble abbey arose by degrees 
 upon the scene of their sufferings and their triumph. From the 
 many springs which bubbled up beside it they gave to their 
 abode the suggestive name of Fountains,^ and, by that title, one 
 of the noblest monasteries in England was henceforward known. 
 You may see its decaying walls in that beautiful valley which 
 seven centuries have not robbed of its repose, and which reminds 
 us, even in these latter days, of the munificence of Thurstan 
 and of the piety and zeal of its first Christian colonists. The 
 
 "' S. Bernardi, 0pp., ed. 1690, i., cism, drew a great many thoughts and 
 
 inter notas ad finem, xl. images from the word Fontes. He 
 
 « Ibid., i., 99-100. At p. 292 there speaks of the "qiiatuor fontes Salva- 
 
 is another letter to abbat Geoflfrey, cen- toris," the " quinque fontes Salvatoris," 
 
 surmg him for the want of disciphne and the " quatuor fontes spirituaUs 
 
 in his house. Paradisi." 
 
 ° In this they resembled the monks The name of his birthplace, Fon- 
 
 of Clairvaux, "qui pulmentaria sicpius taines in Burgundy, was probably one 
 
 ex fohis fagi conficiebant" (S. Bern. great cause of his fondness for the 
 
 0pp., u., 1073. There is a long account word. The eldest daughter of Clair- 
 
 of the trials of these poor monks in vaux, who was placed in the diocese of 
 
 the narrative of Hugh de Kirkstall. Chalons-sur-Marne, had the name of 
 
 '' A\m. Neubng. (i., 51) says, " Et Trois-fontaines given to her by St. 
 
 vocatur locus ille Fontes : ubi extunc Bernard. Foutenay, Mellifont, and 
 
 et deincops tanquam de fontibus Sal- Font-Morigny were children of the 
 
 va,toris tam multi hauserunt aquas same parent (S. Bern., 0pp., i., 70-2 ; 
 
 salientes m vitam scternam." ii., 1087. Mirsei Chron. Ord. Cist., ed. 
 
 »t. liernard, with his love of mysti- 1614, 35. Mabillon, Ann. Ben., vi., 27).
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 207 
 
 springs are still welling forth, and their waters are trickling into 
 the Skell as they did when Richard saAv them ; bnt the voice of 
 worship is no longer heard Avithin those walls which it once 
 consecrated to God. Roof and roof-tree have been torn away, 
 althoiigh yon gaze still with a saddened eye npon the overhang- 
 ing rocks which covered many centuries ago a little band of 
 Christian heroes. 
 
 Thmstan^s day of life was drawdng to its close. His health 
 had been for some time failing. This prevented him from being 
 present in 1138 at the battle of the Standard, and he Avas unable 
 to attend the council which was held at London in the same 
 year under the presidency of Alberic the legate. He had already 
 given a hearty welcome to that dignitary, and he sent William, 
 the dean of York, to represent him at the meeting.'/ He Avas 
 too feeble to be there himself, for he was 
 
 " Jam propior leto fessusque senilibus annis." 
 
 He had been loved and honoured, he had done great things, 
 but success cannot obliterate the eiiect of the trials by Avhich it 
 has been secured. Throughout his career he had been honest 
 to his country and his see, but not AAdthout much suffering and 
 affliction in body and in mind.*" His heart Avould mourn Avithin 
 him Avhen he beheld the blood which seemed destined to track 
 the footsteps of king Stephen. Oh that he could lay aside the 
 cares of office for which he was unfit, and enjoy a foretaste of 
 that repose which the world-Avorn pilgrim shall one day find ! 
 He Avould see that others had already reached it, if it were to be 
 found on earth, in the cells of Clairvaux, in the valley of the 
 Skell, and by the waters of the Rie. In 1139 he Avas Avishful 
 to resign his see in favour of his brother Audoenus, the bislio}) of 
 Evreux ; and, to bring his desire to pass, he sent Richard, abbat 
 of Fountains, to Rome, to secure Avhat was uppermost in his 
 mind, and to represent him at the council. A higher poAver 
 brovight everything to nought. Richard reached his destination, 
 but he died there ; and Audoenus folloAved him to the tomb, 
 having assumed a little before his death the habit of a canon in 
 the monastery of Merton.^ What Avas Thiu-stan noAv to do? 
 He communicated his secret thoughts and Avishes to St. Bernard, 
 and there is still extant a letter wliich that great man addressed 
 to the aged and enfeebled prelate full of affectionate advice. 
 He bids him retain his sec, the Avife to whom he had been so 
 
 ' Joha of Hexham, col. 264. Eic. nitate tutanda, et multa incommoda 
 
 of Hexham, col. 327. Malmesbury, perpessus e.st et ssepissime in periculo 
 
 apud Savile, 103. Labbe, Cone, x., fuit" (Polyd. Virgil, 210). IMahues- 
 
 992-4. burj', ISfJ. Dachory, Spicilegimn, iii., 
 
 "■ "Pro salute patriae, tarn pro dig- 506. ' Ric. of Hexham, col. 329.
 
 208 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 long wedded, and from whom, without the sanction of the pope, 
 he could not ])roperly be divorced. Go, rather, and shew to the 
 simple monk that he may find in a mitred bishop the pattern 
 of a true ascetic. Dread not the nakedness or the poverty of 
 that path. The barer it is the greater will be its pm-ity. God 
 be with you during the day, and may He give you in the even- 
 ing that reward which lightens the toil and the heat, the penny 
 which bears the image of the heavenly Caesar.' 
 
 These words, so inspiriting and so sound, sank deep into the 
 old man^s heart. He set his house in order at York, rewarding 
 his faithful followers, making restitution where it was required, 
 and snapping lirdv by link that chain which had bound him to 
 the world. In his youth he had made a vow at Clugny that 
 he would ally himself to the monks who there worshipped ; and 
 he now resolved to join a little congregation of Cluniacs, at 
 Pontefract, which occupied the monastery of St. John. His 
 parting from the ministers of his church in York was a most 
 striking one. He called them to him in his chapel in the 
 minster, and, after making his confession, prostrated himself 
 Avith bared limbs before the altar of St. Andrew, and, confessing 
 with many tears his past offences, he submitted himself to the 
 scourge. When this was over he went to Pontefract, a great 
 number of the clergy and the laity accompanying him. On the 
 festival of the Conversion of St. Paul he took upon himself the 
 vows and the garb of a monk within that little monastery, and 
 devoted the remainder of his life to contemplation and devotion. 
 He had only been there a few days when he felt the hand of 
 death upon him ; and he prepared to wrestle with the foe with 
 that serene intrepidity which had characterized his life. The 
 conflict took place on the fifth of February, 1140, and it was 
 not one which the bystanders, and there were many there from 
 York, would ever forget. The dying archbishop recited in 
 solemn tones the scr^dce for the dead, whom he was so speedily 
 to join. He chanted, with sobs and groans, the awful verses of 
 the Dies Ira ; and then, whilst the rest were kneeling and pray- 
 ing around him, he passed away to await in the land of silence 
 the coming of that day of wrath, so terrible to all, of which he 
 had just spoken." 
 
 He was interred, Avith befitting honour, before the high 
 
 ' S. Bernard! 0pp., i., 297. Spicilegium, iii., 147. 
 
 " John of Hexham, col. 267, is the Tliere is some doubt as to the exact 
 
 authority for this paragraph. Brom- day on which Thurstan died. Gervase 
 
 ton, col. 1028. Gervase, col. 1350. and Stubbs say that he died on Feb. 5. 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2385. Hemingford, John of Hexham on the 6th. His 
 
 apud Gale, ii., 485. Chron. Mailros, obit was observed at Durham on the 
 
 71. Wm. Neubrig., i., 50. Stubbs, 8th (Liber Vitse, ed. Surtees Society, 
 
 col. 1720-1. Trivet, 16. Dachery, 139). Hugh the Chantor places the
 
 1114 1140.] ARCHBISHOP THURSTAN. 209 
 
 altar in the monastery at Pontefract, and, after many years, 
 when a party of too curious monks looked into his grave, they 
 found, it is said, the body robed in its vestments without a 
 symptom of decay." 
 
 A few days after his decease Thurstan is said to have 
 appeared in a dream to Geoffrey Troeope, archdeacon of Not- 
 tingham. It was in the stillness of the night, and there was 
 his old master before him in his archiepiscopal attire. The 
 thought of the fearful death-scene which he had so recently 
 witnessed perhaps prompted the question, " Is there a hope of 
 thy salvation, oh my father?^' and, then, from the fleshless lips 
 there issued the solacing reply, ^' To me to live is Christ, and to 
 die is gain," which the listening friend thus turned into verse, 
 
 " Vivere carne mihi fuerat, sed carne resolvi 
 Est niodo vera salus, vita beata milii.""' 
 
 Geoffrey, in conjunction with a person of the name of 
 Hugh de Pontefi'act, drew up a life of Thurstan, partly in 
 prose and partly in verse, which is preserved in the Cottonian 
 library.* It adds nothing to the information which we possess 
 from other sources, and is singularly meagre and uninteresting. 
 A short extract will shew the calibre of archdeacon Geoffi-ey in 
 the sweet path of poesy. It is a lament for Thurstan. 
 
 " Gemma sacerdotum, jubar ecclesiffi, monachorum 
 Dux, flos pastonim, claustri speculum, via morum, 
 Semita justorum, supplantator vitiorum ! 
 In te cunctorum viguit mixtura bonorum. 
 Transiit antistes ad gaudia summa jjolorvun, 
 Prsemia sumpturus inde tinita laborum. 
 Proli dolor ! Anglorum flos marcuit, aruit iste 
 Mundo, sed celo vivat te prseside, Christe. 
 Heu nulli precio mors horrida, mors metuenda, 
 Mors pietate carens, mors invida, mors fugienda. 
 Incutis liorrores, infers truculenta pavorcs, 
 Fundis mrerores faeis et post le^a dolores. 
 
 Ergo uon doleat quisquis licet Lie moriatur, 
 Celica vita beat hunc qui Cliristo famulatur." 
 
 There is another account of Thurstan, also unpublished, by 
 Hugh Sotevagina, the precentor and archdeacon of York.^ 
 
 day on the Ides, meaning, I presume, Thurstan in Henriquez, Phoenix Pevi- 
 
 the 13th. visccns, 160 — 175. He saj-s that the 
 
 " John of Hexham, col. 268. " Re- archbishop was a Cistercian monk, and 
 
 pertum est odoriferum et iucorruptum" tbat he died in 1 1 36 ! 
 
 (Hugh dePontefract, 55). 'J In the Eeg. Magnum Album be- 
 
 •" John of Hexham, col. 267-8. longing to the dean and chajiter of 
 
 ^ Titus, A. xix. Vita S. Thurstani York, — a splendid volume containing 
 
 Archiepiscopi Ebor. partim oratione the most ancient ])rivilegcs and evi- 
 
 ligata, partim soluta, per Hugonem de denccs of the church. The}' have been 
 
 Pontefracto monachiim, et Galfridum transcribed at a comparatively lale pe- 
 
 de Nottingham. There is a life of riod, as the writer confesses his inability 
 
 P
 
 210 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Hugh was Thurstan's contemporary and friend, and he gives us, 
 tlicreforc, much infoinnation about liis j)atron which is not else- 
 where to be discovered. He restricts himself, however, too 
 much to what may be called the foreign policy of Thurstan and 
 his church. We should have been even more obliged to him 
 had he told us a little more about the private life of the arch- 
 bishop, and his work within his diocese. His account, also, 
 terminates abruptly, and we know nothing from the writer about 
 the battle of the vStandard or of Thurstan^s latter days. 
 
 tSf^CUrg fHurtiaC, abhat of Fountains, was the next actual 
 archbishop of York, biit his accession to the see was attended 
 Avith much contention and generated much ill-feeling. I shall 
 say in another place how it arose. 
 
 Murdac seems to have been a Yorkshircman hy birth. His 
 family was one of distinction, and he inherited from his pa- 
 rents both wealth and reputation. Through the kindness of 
 archbishop Thurstan he was heneficed in the cljurch of York.* 
 He gave up everything, and assumed the humble cowl of a 
 Cistercian to watch and pray ))y the side of St. Jicrnard within 
 the walls of Clairvaux." The letter by which the saint in- 
 duced him to desert the world is still preserved. Murdac seems 
 
 to decipher the Saxon chartera which 
 he x>rofessc.H to give ; indeed, he haa 
 ma<]c many blunders in his copy of 
 Hugh. The lives, of which Hugh is 
 suppwcd t() be the author, oc/;upy 
 about seventy pages. Stubbs has availed 
 himself, not always judiciously, of his 
 labours. The c<^>ncluding paragraph of 
 Hugh's life of Thurstan is as follows : 
 " Quanta audivimus et cognovimus, ea 
 patres nostri narraverunt nobis, filii 
 qui naaccntur ot exurgentet narrabunt 
 filiis Huis. Tu autem, Dorninc, miserere 
 nostri." After this there w>mes a life 
 of archbishop Murdac and the history 
 of the famous wntroversy, taken from 
 John of Hexham. 
 
 This "White Jiegister" is the book 
 on which archbishop Ijcc set such store. 
 He lent it to Polydore Vergil as the 
 great/Cst treasure belonging to his 
 church. It still bears, I believe, in the 
 margins the notes of the great arch- 
 deacon of Wells as well as those of the 
 learned VVanley. 
 
 • Eic. of Hexham, col. 274. Hugh 
 
 Murdac, a justice itinerant, became 
 archdea/xm of Cleveland in 12W. lie 
 was the founder of the Gilbortinc 
 7>riory of St. Andrew at York. There 
 is a y)edigree of the family of Murdac 
 of Compton Miirda*; in J^iigdale's War- 
 wick.shire, 404, and another among the 
 Dod.swort-h MSS. at Oxford. Henry 
 Murdac was a justice itinerant in 118'J 
 (Foss's J udges, i., 404) . Ral ph M u rdac 
 was con.stable of Nottingham castle 
 temp. llic. I. (Hovedcn, 419). Galfrid 
 Murdac witnesses a charter granted 
 by archbishop Thurstan in 1128 (An- 
 giia Sacra, ii., 2.37). 
 
 " Vita S. Hfirnardi, apud 0pp., ed. 
 inOO, ii., in 2. Contin. Hist. Croy- 
 larid, apud Gale, iii., 112. Wm. Neubr., 
 i., .58. Trivet, 17. llecueil des His- 
 toricns des Gaules, xiv., 368. Hob. dc 
 Monte, 724. J>a/;hery, Spicilegnum, 
 iii., 147. Mabillon, Ann. IJen., vi., 
 189, 223, where Murdac is called " no- 
 bilis Anglus," and "in schola praj- 
 fectus."
 
 1147—1153.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MURDAC. 
 
 211 
 
 to liave had some communication with him before it arrived. 
 How tenderly Bernard entreats him to taste of that fountain 
 whose waters he himself liad found so sweet ! He pleads with 
 the enthusiasm of a poet and the deep fervour of a saint. 
 Oh ! the charms of retirement which the Saviour himself 
 delighted in, and which He left at last to join His fisher-brethren 
 and evangelize the world ! Believe me, thou wilt find more in 
 woods than in books; the stocks and stones shall teach thee 
 what a master cannot. Thinkest thou not that honey can trickle 
 for thee from the rock, and oil from the fiinty crag? Cannot 
 the mountains drop with sweetness; the hills flow with milk 
 and honey, and the valleys laugh and sing with corn? Oh, 
 that thou wouldest become my fellow-learner in this holy school 
 ■with Jesus for oiu' master !* ^Iiu'dac was persuaded by these 
 touching entreaties, and avcU he might be. They were made to 
 others in the North of England with a like effect. The abbeys 
 of Rievaux and Fomitains Avere the fruits of that earnest pleading. 
 It drew the robe of a Cistercian, within the walls of Clairvaux, 
 over a prior of Hexham,*" and all but induced Thomas, the 
 provost of Beverley,'' to resign his post. 
 
 Those Avlio are well acquainted with the life and writings of 
 St. Bernard cannot wonder at the influence that he exercised. 
 Seven centuries have not lessened the feeling of veneration with 
 
 * S. Bern., 0pp., i., 110. " O si 
 scmel paululum quid de adipe fru- 
 menti, unde satiatur Jerusalem, de- 
 gustaros ! quam libenter suas crustas 
 rodcudas littcratoribus Juditis reliu- 
 q acres ! O si te umquaiu in scliola 
 pietatis sub magistro Jesu mercar ha- 
 bere sodaleiu ! O si mihi liceat purifi- 
 catum prius tui pectoris va^iculum sup- 
 pouere unctioni, quaj docet de omnibus ! 
 O quam libeus tibi pariter calidos panes, 
 quos utique adbuc fumig-antcs, et quasi 
 uiodo de furno, ut aiunt, recens tractos, 
 de cojlcsti largitate crebro Christus 
 suis pauperibus frangit ! Utinam si 
 quam mihi guttam quaudoque de plu- 
 via vohuitaria, quam segregavit here- 
 dilati sua;, stillare dignetur in dulcedine 
 sua pauperi Deus, mox earn tibi ]iossem 
 refundere, et rursus a te \-icissim reci- 
 pere quod senseris ! Experio crede : 
 aliciuid amplius invenies in silvis quam 
 in libris. Ligna et lapides doccbunt 
 te, quod a magistris audire non possis. 
 An non putas posse te sugere mel de 
 l)etra, oleumquo do saxo durissimo ? 
 An non monies stillant dulcediucm, et 
 colles tiuunt lac et mel, et valles abun- 
 dant frumouto." St. Bernard addresses 
 
 ilurdac as " magister," which seems to 
 shew that he was a graduate. 
 
 "Books! 'tis a dull and endless strife: 
 Conic, hear the woodland linnet, 
 How sweet his music ! On my life 
 There's more of wisdom in it. 
 
 " And hark ! how blithe the throstle sings ! 
 He, too, is no mean preacher : 
 Come forth into the light of things, 
 Let Nature be your teacher. 
 
 " She has a world of ready wealth, 
 Our minds and hearts to bless ; 
 Spontaneous wisdom breathed by health, 
 Truth breathed by cheerfulness. 
 
 " One impulse from a vernal wood 
 May teach you more of man, — 
 Of moral evil and of good, 
 Than all the sages can." 
 
 <■ John of Hexham, col. 271. 
 
 "* S. Bcrnardi 0pp., i.. 111-17,363. 
 Thomas changed his mind, and died, 
 as St. Bernard tells us, " subita et hor- 
 renda morte." A new edition of the 
 works of St. Bernard, ]>roperly cor- 
 rected, is a great desideratum. The 
 Paris edition of lS;i9 is merely a re- 
 print of that by ^Mabillon, in which 
 even his errors are perpetuated. Even 
 that of Migue can be much improved, 
 r 2
 
 212 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 which " the last of the fathers '' is regarded. We still see before 
 us tliat frail and yet striking figure attenuated by the most 
 friglitful discipline; Ave gaze upon that countenance with its 
 uucai-thly pallor, and yet so beautifully transparent that you 
 would deem it " lit with an inner light/'^ and think that his 
 soul in all its purity and holiness was looking through it; we 
 may listen in fancy to that voice so touching and so earnest, 
 that the very breath was held lest a single accent should escape. 
 What multitudes flocked around him, to embrace him, to kiss his 
 feet, to touch his very garment, and yet flattery and honours 
 coidd not attract him. A simple, honest-hearted, self-denying 
 monk he lived and died. But this was the man on whose word 
 all Christendom used to hang in breathless expectation \f This 
 is he who preached a crusade, who elected a pope, chose bishops 
 and archbishops, and chided kings ! All these things our fathers 
 have told us, but we can read for ourselves the words by which 
 they were carried away, the heavenly contemplations, the almost 
 divine musings with which they were fascinated. Surely the 
 pen that handed them down to us 
 
 " Dropped from an angel's wing." 
 
 Never did any man^s innermost thoughts and feelings colour 
 his writings with a more vivid, a more speaking light. His 
 whole soul shines through them like the sun at mid-day through 
 his veil of clouds. The radiance appals us. We shrink, alas, 
 too conscious of our own unworthiness and inferiority, from the 
 presence of so much purity and holiness. 
 
 The life of Murdac is intimately connected with the history 
 of Fountains abbey. The first abbat of that house was Richard, 
 the quondam prior of St. Mary^s, and to him, with the assistance 
 of Geofirey, St. Bernard's friend, is due the credit of the esta- 
 blishment and arrangement of that monastery, especially in 
 
 ' Tennyson's Poems, ed. 1833, from facundia, ut virtutis ejus, vel in mo- 
 a poem in one of the rare editions dico, culmen attingam ? Vir scientia 
 which has not been reprinted. Eichard clarus, sanctitate notissimus, sine fuco 
 Crashaw, " poet and saint," thus ex- sanctissimus, scriptor insignis, prsedi- 
 presses the same tliought : — cator egregius, ordinis speculum, eccle- 
 •• A soul slioath'd in a christal shrine, '^'.^ dilatatio, sui temporis sol, nebulae 
 Through which all her briglit features shine, dissipatio, abjectus sibi, mundo Chris- 
 As when a piece of wanton lawn, toque carissimus, sacerdos magnus. qui 
 A thin aerial veil, IS drawn ,i;„u • t^ i j. • j. • 
 O'er beauty's face, seeming to hide, diebus suis Deo placens et Justus in- 
 More sweetly shews the blushing bride." ventus, iracundiro tempore in ipso 
 /• T i i- • /. ,. niirabiliter operante Domino Jesu, dis- 
 hii ^^"°.° ? . J""" • '^^''^'''S, sidcntium factus est reconciliatio. Quern 
 St uLn ,/P T-^'.ua'T^A"""^ y"™i corporalis intuebatur oculus, 
 pi f ,? ^^ r '■' ^^^^ '■ ^ '^'''' """^1" despicabilis habebatur. Quum 
 ovL ^ ?"' V^tovem ilium sane um spiritualis attendebat, nostri temporis 
 °,^m nidfn J^'"i ''™^"'' y^'-«^^ll^"- hominem longe virtutum meritis ante- 
 menorem P ^ ;';"«^;'^"™',d'^e com- ibat. Quis ejus labores digne referat." 
 memorem f iims mihi stilus aut quae -^ j o
 
 1147 1153.] ARCHBISHOP MURDAC. 213 
 
 discipline. The saint, who dvu'ing his life appears to have exer- 
 cised over Fountains a protecting care, commended the progress 
 that had been made, in a letter to the abhat and his brother- 
 hood.5' Richard was a man of no mean character and learning. 
 In 1138, when Alberic cardinal-bishop of Ostia, the papal legate, 
 arrived in England, the abbat of Fountains and the bishop of 
 Hereford were the two persons whom he chose to accompany 
 him on his torn".'' In the following year Richard went to Rome 
 on behalf of archbishop Thm'stan, who was desirous of giving up 
 his see, and it was at the eternal city that he died.' His place 
 at Fountains was siipplied by a namesake and a friend who had 
 originally been a Benedictine at St. Mary^s.-' This person, who 
 took some interest in the controversies about Thurstan^'s suc- 
 cessor in the see of York, died at Clairvaux in 1143.'^ St. Ber- 
 nard himself annomiced his decease to Alexander the prior of 
 Fountains and his monks, and desired them to make choice of 
 a fitting superior with the advice and assistance of William the 
 Cistercian prior of Rievaux and the abbat of Vauclair.^ 
 
 Murdac was the person who is last mentioned. After resid- 
 ing for some time at Clairvaux, and winning the confidence of 
 St. Bernard, he was sent by him in 1135 to found a Cistercian 
 house at Vauclair, in the diocese of Leon, and to be its first 
 abbat.™ When Richard, the second superior of Fountains, died, 
 Mm'dac was engaged in a sharp controversy with Luke the 
 abbat of the neighbouring monastery of Prsemonstratensians at 
 Cuissi." St. Bernard intended him to move in a very diff'erent 
 sphere. In the letter which he wrote to the prior and the monks 
 of Fountains, he told them that Murdac was coming in his 
 behalf to inspect their house, and that in the selection of their 
 new head they were to be guided by his opinion." Walter, the 
 bearer of this epistle, would no doubt convey to them the wishes 
 
 «■ S. Bernardi, 0pp., i., 101, and Hist, des Gaules, xiii., 698, ex chro- 
 
 Dugd. Mon., v., 298. nico Alberici. Gallia Christiana, ix., 
 
 * John of Hexham, col. 261. Hie. 633, where he is said to have been 
 of Hexham, col. 325, where he is ahbat 1135-8. Mirscus, Chron. Ord. 
 called "magnse religionis et avictori- Cisterc, ed. 1614, 94. There is an 
 tatis virum." Dugd. Mon., v., 299. account of Vauclair in the Voyage Lit- 
 
 ' John of Hexham, col. 265. Eic. teraire de deux Cenedictins, in which 
 
 of Hexham, col. 329. Murdac is mentioned. He was the 
 
 J S.Bern., 0pp., i., 101, annot- greatest abbat of that house. Mabillon, 
 
 * John of Hexham, 274, the place Ann. Ben., vi., 223; where the year 1131 
 not being mentioned. Dugd. Mon., is given as the date of the foundation. 
 v., 300. ' S. Bern., 0pp., i., 297-8. " S. Born., Opp., i., 298, annot., 
 Mabillon seems to ignore the existence ex Hermanno moiiacho Laudun', iii., 
 of this second Richard. He says that cap. 16. There is nothing about this 
 Eichard died at Clairvaux on May 15, dispute in the account of Cuissi in the 
 1138, and that Murdac succeeded him. Ann. Prasmonstrat. Ord., i., Ixiii., etc. 
 
 ' S. Bern., Opp., i., 297. " S. Bern., Opp., i., 298. Dugd. 
 
 '" Ibid., i., 298, annot. E-ecucil des Mou., v., 301.
 
 214 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of the saint that Murdac should be the new abbat, and, at the 
 same time, Bernard sent a letter to Murdac himself, entreating 
 him to accept the post should he be appointed to it. Bernard 
 spoke as if his election were a certainty, and promised, if he 
 would go into England, to look well to the abbey of Vauclair, 
 which he would be obliged to leave.^ Murdac was appointed 
 abbat of Fountains, and he accepted the proffered honour. 
 
 Murdac went to Fountains in 1143.* He was a rigid dis- 
 ciplinarian, for he had been brought up in a strict school. He 
 was soon actively engaged in his new charge. He put every- 
 thing in order; for although the Cistercians had only been at 
 Fountains for ten years, the full severity of their rule was not 
 entirely observed. It was otherwise now. The endowments of 
 the house began to increase, and the revenues were administered 
 in a noble manner. Before the monastery, still in the freshness 
 of her youth, had come of age, she had become the parent of 
 seven religious houses. Seven daughters had been born to her, 
 " All daughters of one mother." 
 
 Five of these, Woburn, Lisa, Kirkstall, Vaudy and Meaux, 
 came into existence whilst Murdac was the abbat.'' One of 
 these cells, — that of Lisa, otherwise called the House of Light, 
 was founded at the request of the bishop of Bergen, who came 
 to see Murdac, and she carried the discipline and the fame of 
 her parent to the wild shores of Norway. Meaux, the youngest 
 of the family of seven, was born in 1150, and then the still 
 youthfid mother ceased to bear.^ All her energy was hencefor- 
 ward devoted to the development of her own resources, and the 
 purifying of the flame which arose to heaven from her own altars. 
 Where could there be a better place for a Cistercian monas- 
 tery than that secluded valley ? Here was their Jerusalem, their 
 abode of peace ; and they could say of it, as St. Bernard said of 
 Chiirvaux, " Lo, we heard of the same at Ephrata, and found 
 it in the wood.'^' 
 
 "Here man more purely lives, less oft doth fall, 
 More promptly rises, ivalhs ivitTi stricter heed. 
 More safely rests, dies happier, is freed 
 Earlier from cleansiny fires, and gains withall 
 A brighter crown. On yon Cistercian wall 
 That confident assurance might be read." 
 
 f S. Bern., 0pp., i., 298-9. Dugd. progress of Fountains is to be found in 
 
 Mon., v., 301. John of Hexham (col. the work of Hugh de Kirkstall, which 
 
 27-*)sa3-sthatSt.Bernardappointedhim. is being printed by the Surtees Society. 
 
 ' There is a chronological difficulty A great part of it is in Dugd. Mon., 
 
 here. Richard, abbat of Fountains, v., 298, etc. 
 
 died on Oct. 12, 111.3. From John of » " Hajc novissima filiarum quas 
 
 Hexham it may be gathered that Mur- genuit mater nostra, et cessavit iterum 
 
 dac did not become abbat till 1145. parere" (Dugd. Mon., v., 302). 
 
 ■■ A fidl account of the origin and ' S. Bern., 0pp., i., 64.
 
 1147 1153.] ARCHBISHOP MURDAC. 215 
 
 Where could a place be fomid more fit to convince the 
 recluse, if it Avere only by the force of contrast, that the retire- 
 ment Avhich he enjoyed was superior to the charms of the world 
 beyond him ? Where could he live more pm-ely, more devotedly, 
 to God ? The great book of nature Avas daily open to the Cis- 
 tercian there, and he Avould see in it what to other readers was 
 meaningless and vain. The heavens looked down upon him 
 with their many eyes piercing him through and through, and 
 telling him that everything was visible to their viewless Lord. 
 Strange voices seemed to commune with him from between the 
 wings of the wind as it arose and fell in that solitary vale. In 
 everything around him, pure and simple as it was, tlun'e was 
 something to dii'cct him heavenwards, a type or symbol of some 
 better thing to come. 
 
 " Sum nemorum studiosus, ait." 
 
 " There was a spirit in the woods^^ through which he walked, and 
 he would think of the green tree and the dry. The murmm-ings 
 in the elm, the twinkling leaves of the beech which St. Bernard 
 loved to watch, the wanton airs which ran in and out like spor- 
 tive children among the branches of the oak, were as significant 
 to him as the prophetic breeze which stirred of old " the tops of 
 the mulberry-trees.^^ In those rocks, once a shelter to him 
 when he came for the first time into that " weary land,^^ he 
 woidd see a type of that great " spiritual rock " on which the 
 Church was built, and he would beseech Him who had " poured 
 doAvn the stones into the valley," to be to him " a house of 
 defence," and " a rock of habitation."" The Avaters which bub- 
 bled up and sparkled among the clefts would remind him of the 
 " pure fountain of life and the crystal sea ;" and wdien he mused 
 upon the perfections of Him who had sent those " springs into 
 the valleys," he would join in the exclamation of the Psalmist, 
 " All my fresh springs shall be in Thee. Benedicite, Fontes, 
 Domino. ^^ 
 
 At the death of archbishop Thurstan in 1110, no small con- 
 troversy arose as to his successor. The court Avas in favour of 
 William Fitzherbcrt, the treasm'er of York, Avho Avas actually 
 elected and consecrated. As there was some suspicion of his 
 liaAing used undue influence in securing his appointment, Wil- 
 liam encountered the most strenuous opposition from all the 
 reformers of the day. The Avhole of the Cistercian order seem 
 to haA^e been banded together against him, and among them 
 Avere two abbats of Fomitains, Richard" and Murdac. Murdac, 
 
 " S. Bern., 0pp., i., 317. A letter had gone to Rome to oppose "William 
 to tlie pope on behalf of the monks of in 1141. John of Hexham, col. 
 
 Fountains, who, as Mabillou (hinks, 271.
 
 216 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 indeed, seems to have led the opposition in England." He was 
 a sufferer for Avhat he did. In 1146 pope Eugenius, instigated 
 by St. Bernard, suspended William, and some of the archbishop's 
 kinsmen in England determined to wreak then- vengeance upon 
 Murdac, Avhom they would consider to be the chief agent in the 
 degradation of their master. They made their way to Fountains 
 to seize the abbat. They could not find him. They bm^st open 
 the doors, and sacked the monastery and its buildings. They 
 then set the place on fire, and everything is said to have been 
 consumed with the exception of a part of the oratory. All the 
 while Murdac was stretched in prostrate adoration before the 
 altar, expecting, momentarily, his end ; but he was not observed. 
 When the destroyers had departed he thankfully commenced 
 the restoration of his house. Archbishop William, in after years, 
 made amends for the excesses of his adherents, and expressed 
 his deep sorrow for what had occmTcd.'" 
 
 This act of violence created a great sensation at home and 
 abroad. It was probably the immediate cause of the deprivation 
 of William by pope Eugenius,^ as Murdac was at Rheims when 
 tlie sentence was passed.2' This was done in 1147, and on the 
 vigil of the festival of St. James in that year a great clerical 
 assembly was held at the monastery of St. Martin, near Rich- 
 mond, to elect a new archbishop. Robert de Gaunt the dean of 
 York, and Hugh de Puiset the treasurer of that church, who 
 had l)een preferred by William, were in favour of Hillary, one 
 of the chaplains of the pope, who was afterwards raised to the 
 see of Chichester. These two, in all probability, would express 
 the Avish of the court, as the former was the chancellor of 
 England, and the latter the king's nephew. Opposed to them 
 Avere the bishops of Durham and Carlisle, William de Augo 
 the precentor, and the archdeacons of York, who were in 
 favour of Murdac, and he seems to have been elected, although 
 not Avitliout much controversy and opposition.^ Murdac after 
 this Avcnt to Clairvaux to pay a visit to St. Bernard, his old 
 friend and ad\ iser," who had been actively employed in promot- 
 ing his election.* From thence he went to the papal court at 
 Treves, where he had a hearty welcome. Eugenius put an end 
 
 " John of Ilexham, col. 275. " Plu- " S. Bern., 0pp., i., 249. Bernard 
 
 rimiini priusumcns sibi do gratia Apos- wrote to the pope on this occasion urg- 
 
 tuHci." Diigd. Mon., v., 302. iug prompt action. 
 
 " Dugd. Mon., v., 302. Lei. Coll., > Gervase, col. 1363. 
 
 iv., 108. John of Hexham (col. 275) - John of Hexham, col. 276. Mi- 
 
 givcs a different account from the rseus, Chron. Cisterc, ed. 1614, 122. 
 
 Fountains chronicler. He merely .says, " Dugd. Mon., v., 302. Lei. Col., 
 
 " Qiiandam posse.ssionem monachorum iv., 108. 
 
 do Foutibus cuin copiis opum qua> ibi * S. Bern., 0pp., i., 298, aunot. 
 congcsta; consorvabautur inccnderunt."
 
 1147 — 1153.] ARCHBISHOP murdac. 217 
 
 to all difficulty and contention by consecrating him archbishop 
 on the 7th of December, and giving him the pall/ 
 
 Murdac retm'ued to England in the following year to find a 
 scene of tumult and dissension, for which he was not prepared. 
 The deposed archbishop was a cousin of the king, and a person 
 of winning demeanoui', and his sufferings had won for him 
 universal sympathy. Stephen wotdd not receive INIurdac. lie 
 sequestred the stalls at York, and fined the inhabitants of 
 Beverley for admitting the archbishop within their walls. The 
 kinsmen of the deposed prelate were loud in their threats of 
 vengeance, and caught the senior archdeacon, who escaped with 
 difficulty alive. The citizens of York, however, were Murdac's 
 bitterest opponents. They closed the gates of their city against 
 him, and if any one went out to join him, the offender, if he were 
 caught, was djiven from the place and mulcted of all his pro- 
 perty. The archbishop, upon this, excommunicated Hugh de 
 Puiset, the treasurer of York, and all his enemies in that city. 
 Puiset returned the compliment ; and, as he was omnipotent in 
 the minster, he would not allow the services to be suspended. 
 They came, however, to an end, but Eustace, the king^s son, 
 made an order that they should go on ; an act of interference 
 which induced the archbishop to complain, formally, to the pope. 
 Murdac took up his residence at Ripon whilst this unseemly 
 distui'bance was going on.*^ He would there be near his old 
 monastery of Fountains, which he is said to have moderated 
 duiing his life.^ He made several excursions from Ripon. He 
 paid a visit to the bishop of Durham; and at Carlisle he had an 
 interview with king David, and was welcomed by his suffragan 
 Adelulf./ 
 
 In 1150 there was peace at last between Murdac and his 
 foes. Hugh de Puiset, at the request of the pope, was absolved 
 from excommunication, and was reconciled to the archbishop at 
 Yarm ; and Eustace, the king^s son, became his friend. In the 
 
 ' John of Hexham, col. 276. Ord. Turold got into some trouble, and was 
 
 Vitalis, apud Duchesne, 983. Chron. removed from Fountains to Trois Fon- 
 
 Mailros, 73. \Vm. Neubrig., i., 58. taines. St. Bernard defended this ap- 
 
 Trivet, 17. Bromton, col. 1029. Ger- pointment against the strictures of the 
 
 va,se (col. 1363) says that he was con- bishop of Ostia, and said that if he 
 
 secrated at Auxerre. In Dugd. (Mon., had been an unworth}' person Murdac 
 
 v., 302) it is said that he got the pall would never have given him an olUce 
 
 at Rome. Acta SS., Bollandists, June " cui ipse prafuerat.'" This seems to 
 
 8. shew the continuance of Murdac's con- 
 
 "* John of Hexham, col. 277-8. Wm. nection with the monastery, but not in 
 
 Neubr., i., 58-9. Trivet, 17-18. Da- the capacity of abbat. There are lives 
 
 chery, Spicilegium, iii., 117. of Maurice, Thorold, and Ric. Fas- 
 
 " Turold and Maurice were pro- tolph, abbats of Fountains, and their 
 
 bably the principals of the monastery works, in Henriquez, Phwuix Revi- 
 
 under Murdac. Cf. S. Bern., 0pp., viscens, 82, 159. 
 
 i., 286-7. John of Hexham, col. 274. f John of Hexham, col. 277.
 
 218 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 following year Murdac regained the favour of Stephen, and was 
 solemnly enthroned at York on the day of the conversion of 
 St. Paul. He laid upon the high altar on that occasion the 
 ancient privileges, etc., of the church, which he had recovered 
 and redeemed. They had been pawned, with many other trea- 
 sures, by William to raise money to defray the expenses of his 
 journeys to Rome. Mui'dac now invoked the curse of God upon 
 any one who dared to alienate them again. He gave, also, 
 probably at this time, several reliques to the minster.^ Soon 
 after this the archbishop crossed the seas, and spent his Easter 
 Avith poi)c Eugenius at Rome. He went there in the capacity 
 of an ambassador; and he was to procure from the chief pontiff, 
 among other things, a formal recognition of the right of Eustace, 
 king Stephen's son, to succeed to the throne of England.'^ 
 
 In 1153 Murdac was in another difficulty, into which he was 
 forced by his conscientious wish to do his duty, regardless of 
 consequences. William de St. Barbara, bishop of Durham, 
 died, and Laurence the poet-prior, Wazo and Ranulph the arch- 
 deacons, and the rest of the clergy, chose Hugh de Puiset as 
 his successor. This appointment gave great offence to Murdac 
 and St. Bernard, not only on account of the character of Puiset, 
 his youth, worldly-mindedness, and inexperience, but because, 
 in their opinion, the metropolitan ought to have been consulted 
 before the election was made. Wazo, and Nicholas the prior of 
 Brinkburne, went to Beverley to announce formally to the arch- 
 bishop what had been done. He astonished them by setting 
 the election at naught, and by excommunicating the prior and 
 the archdeacons. This act of severity gave much offence. 
 When the offenders came to York to beg the mercy of Murdac, 
 the citizens, indignant at the treatment which they had received, 
 arose against their diocesan, calling him a traitor, and threaten- 
 ing him with their vengeance. He made his escape from the 
 city, and never returned to it again. King Stephen and his son 
 entreated him to be lenient, but, with the true Bernardine spirit, 
 he scorned to please them by his compliance, at the expense of 
 what he deemed to be his duty. The culprits followed him 
 from York to Beverley, and there, at the request of archbishop 
 Theobald, Murdac at length absolved them, but not before they 
 had submitted themselves to his authority, and had been publicly 
 scourged at the entrance of the minster. Puiset went to Rome, 
 where he was consecrated by the pope. Laurence accompanied 
 him, but he died on the journey as he was passing through 
 France.^ 
 
 «- Fabric Rolls of York Minster, ed. ■ Hist. Diinelm., Scr. Tres., ed. Sur- 
 
 Surtecs Society, 152. tees Society, 4-5. Symeon, Hist. Eccl. 
 
 John of Hcxbaui, col. 279. Dunelm., 293, and appendix, 3S5.
 
 1147 1153.] ARCHBISHOP MURDAC. 219 
 
 Murdac stayed for so short a time at York that he liad not 
 the opportunity of doing much. lie spent a great ])ortion of 
 the summer of 1152 at Hexham, and tried to bring the canons 
 of that place under a stricter discipline. In 1153 he removed 
 the prebendaries fi'om the chm-ch of St. Oswald, at Gloucester, 
 introducing canons-regular in their room, and placing them 
 under the charge of Humphrey, a monk from Lantony abbey. 
 He "was desirous also of etfeeting a similar change at BcA^erley 
 on the death of Thurstan the provost, but his own decease 
 prevented it being carried out.-' Mm'dac, it will have been 
 seen, was a most severe disciplinarian, and it was a matter of 
 conscience with him to see that every one did his duty to the 
 fullest extent. This unbending sternness made him unpopular, 
 for the Cistercian rule was obnoxious, fi'om its very strictness, to 
 a great part of the Christian world. The chm'ch reformers of 
 that age would hear of no compromise, and would not tolerate 
 what they saw around them. A little judgment and common 
 sense would have secured for them a strong and enduring 
 position. As it was, the influence of the Cistercians, to a great 
 extent, passed away when they lost St. Bernard. Excessive 
 severity was not the way to secirre the favour of the English 
 barons. Whilst many of them were building and endowing 
 monasteries, others seem to have been as careless of the simplest 
 principles of religion ; a strong reaction was, as it were, setting 
 in against discipline and reform. The tm'bulent Compi turned 
 the chm'ch of Merrington into a fortress. Alan, Earl of Rich- 
 mond, plundered the possessions of the see of York, and breaking 
 with an armed band into the minster at Ripon, insulted arch- 
 bishop William as he stood near Wilfrid^s shrine.'^' The murder 
 of Becket was the climax of this feeling of irreverence. Two 
 strong waves were at this time meeting, and the collision was a 
 startling one. But however indiscreet the Cistercians and the 
 other church reformers may have been, no one can impugn the 
 honesty of their purpose, or the sincerity and simplicity of 
 their lives. If they censured others they did not spare them- 
 selves. In this respect Murdac resembled his master St. Bernard. 
 He wore sackcloth continually, and practised the severest 
 austerities.' Murdac died at Beverley on the 14th of October, 
 
 Gervase, col. 1375. John of Hexham, of T}Ticmouth, abbat of Selby, to re- 
 col. 281. Hutchinson's Durham, i., vive the discii^line of that house (Matt. 
 166-7. Paris, de S. Albani abb., 1018)— an 
 
 J John of Hexham, col. 280. Dui^d. appointment which caused a great iip- 
 
 Mon., vi., 82. Tosbroke, in his His- roar in the monastery (Hi.-^t. Mon. 
 
 tory of Gloucester (p. 288), says that Sclcb., apud Labbe, 13ibl. Nov., i., 620.) 
 
 the priory of St. Oswald was built by * John of Hexham, col. 273. Sy- 
 
 Thurstan. There Avas a good, deal of meon, Hist. Eecl. Dunelm., 288. 
 
 controversy about it in after years. ' Stubbs, col. 1721. "Homo niag- 
 
 Murdac, also, made Germanus, prior nauimus ct in causa (iu)justitia; omuino
 
 220 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 1153. His remains were brought to York, and were inteiTed 
 in tlic minster in the place where the archbishops were laid.'" 
 S(?be time after his decease he is said to have appeared in a 
 vision to an inmate of the nunnery of Watton, and to have 
 miraculously assisted her." It is imnecessary to make any 
 farther allusion to this case. Ailred, in my opinion, has not 
 added to his reputation by detailing, as meritorious, an instance 
 of revenge of the most disgraceful and fanatical kind. 
 
 The same year in which Murdac died witnessed the decease 
 of two men, to whom, of all others, he was under the greatest 
 obligations, pope Eugenius and 3t. Bernard. The sun of the 
 Cistercians set -with their sainted leader. The historian of 
 Fountains, when speaking of the death of the archbishop, makes 
 a touching allusion to those flowers of the chm'ch which had 
 been plucked before him. Murdac went to the tomb, he tells 
 us, " sequens eos quos amavit. Dilexerunt se im-icem in vita 
 sua, in morte non separati, duces gregis Domini, columnse 
 domus Dei, luminaria mundi."" 
 
 ^_ illiam jFitjf}eril£rt, better known imder the name of 
 StT^Villiam of York, was a person of noble origin. His father 
 was Count Herbert, who is said, by Stubbs, to have been 
 chamberlain and treasui-er to king Henry; and his mother, 
 Emma, was a grand-daughter of the Conqueror, and was sister to 
 king Stephen ; from his infancy, therefore, William was brought 
 up in the lap of luxui'y and wealth.^ 
 
 About the year 1130 we find William, as treasurer of the 
 church of York, Avitnessing aichbishop Thui'stan^s charter of 
 
 invincibilis, eligens magis pro justitia to do with the foundation of this nun- 
 
 pericUtari quam ut justitia se presente nery (Dugd. Men., vi., 955). 
 
 periclitetur " (Dugd. Mon., v., 301). " Dugd. Men., v., 303. Bromton, 
 
 "• John of Hexham, col. 282. S. col. 1029. Weudover, i., 509. Wm. 
 
 Bern., 0pp., i., 298. annot. ex necro- Neubr., i., 87. In Foliot's Letters (i., 
 
 log. Yallis Claraj. S}'meon, Hist. Eccl. 92, 107) there is a letter to Murdac 
 
 Dunelm., 294. Stubbs (col. 1721) says begging his kind offices on behalf of 
 
 that he died at Sherburn, in which he Gilbert, the precentor of York. Miu"- 
 
 agrees with the statement in the " pre- dac is also mentioned in 0pp., Joaun. 
 
 sident" book of Fountains, which fixes Saresber., i., 3. 
 
 the date of Murdac's death on " prid. p John of Hexham, col. 274. Brom- 
 
 Id. Oct., 1153." Chron. Mailros, 75. ton, col. 1029, 1040. Stubbs, col. 1721. 
 
 Ann. Waverl.,apud Gale, ii., 158. Rob. Wm. Neubr., i., 58. I do not find 
 
 de Monte, 735. count Herbert mentioned by any other 
 
 " Ailredus.DesanctimonialideWat- -wTiter as an officer of Henry; indeed, 
 
 ton, col. 419. Murdac had something there is nothing known about him.
 
 1143 — 1151.] ARciinisnop william. 221 
 
 foundation of the nunnery of Clementliorp.? There is a deed, 
 also, '^athout a date, in which Henry I. grants the churches of 
 Wallop and Wichtoua, and the chapel of Grateleia, in which 
 William the treasurer had a life interest, to he the corpus of a 
 new prebend at York/ I have seen a charter of king Stephen, 
 in which that monarch grants to William, the treasurer of York, 
 his chaplain, the churches of Weaverthorpe, Londcsburgh, Clcve, 
 with their chapels, and the church of Stanton ; all of which 
 he held of the fee of his brother Herbert/ This probably is 
 the nobleman whom Dugdale introduces in his Baronage,' and 
 of whose parentage there has, hitherto, been nothing known. 
 
 Archbishop Thurstan died in 1140, and the chapter of 
 York seem to have had gi'eat difficulty in selecting a person to 
 succeed him. At the instance of Henry de Blois, bishop of 
 Winchester, and the king^s brother, they fixed upon his nephew, 
 Henry de Sully. That ecclesiastic was the abbat of Fecamp in 
 Normandy, and the pope would not allow him to become arch- 
 bishop because he refused to give up his monastery." In January, 
 1141-2, the clergy again met to choose a president, and the 
 majority fixed upon William, the treasurer." As he was one of 
 the king's nephews, the court influence seems to have been 
 brought to bear upon the chapter, and William, earl of 
 Albemarle, was present at the election, in which he took an 
 especial interest. That nobleman, unfortunately, shewed him- 
 self a hasty partizan, and did much mischief to the cause of 
 William. Master Walter, of London, and the rest of the York 
 archdeacons were opposed to the choice which the clergy had 
 made, and were on their way to the king to state their case, 
 when the stout earl arrested them and shut them up in his 
 castle at Bytham. In the meantime the archbishop- elect went 
 to Stephen at Lincoln, and was kindly received, and invested 
 
 ' Dugd. Mon., iv., 323. fifth of Stephen. Herbert filius Kcr- 
 
 •■ Chartular. thesaurar. Ebor., apud berti and WilUam, treasurer of York, 
 
 Ebor. About the same time, " J, his brother, are mentioned as bene- 
 
 clericus, fiUus regis, canonicus Ebor," factors to Nostel priory in Rot. Chart., 
 
 quit-claims to the trea^surer the homage 215. 
 
 of Reginald, son of John, son of Swe,yn " John of Ilexham, col. 2GS, w hero 
 
 (ibid.). Who could this be ? The it is said, erroneousl}', that Sully was 
 
 name is quite new. abbat of Caen. He was a Chmiac monk, 
 
 ' MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A ii., 107. and was the fifth abbat of Fecamp (Re- 
 
 This charter is printed in Dugd. 5Iou., cueil des Hist, des Gaulcs, xiv., 381), 
 
 vi.. 1196, where there are other deeds and died, holding that office, in 1188-9 
 
 connected with the same places, giving (Gallia Christiana, xi., 209). Mabillon, 
 
 some interesting information about the Ann. Ben., vi., 323, where he is called 
 
 sons and grandchildren of Herbert the Coilli. Chronicon Fiscanensc, apud 
 
 chamberlain. Labl)e, Nov. Bibl., i., 328. 
 
 ' Dugd. Ear.,i., G21. Herbert seems " Diceto, col. 508. Bromton, col. 
 
 to have been the elder son, and to have 1028. 
 succeeded to his father's estates in the
 
 222 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Avdth the temporalities of tlie see. The bishop of Winchester, 
 another nncle, who was at that time the legate in England, then 
 sent him to Rome.'" 
 
 The opposition, however, was not so easily quelled, and the 
 harsh measm-es of the earl of Albemarle would not allay it. The 
 discontented party determined to follow William to Rome, and 
 make their appeal to. the chief pontiff. It was a contest be- 
 tween the court and the most influential portion of the clergy. 
 The clerical party was ably represented, and was backed by the . 
 reformers in the church, particularly by the Cistercians. The 
 cause was heard in 1142 in the consistory of pope Innocent. 
 Walter of London, the archdeacon, who had escaped from the 
 clutches of Albemarle, presented the allegations against William, 
 which were supported by William abbat of Rievaux,^ Richard 
 abbat of Fountains, Cuthbert prior of Gisburgh, Waltheof 
 the famous prior of Kirkham, and Robert the master of the 
 hospital at York. William was charged by them with having 
 secured his election by bribery. Innocent listened to what was 
 said, but would make no decision at that time. He ordered both 
 parties to present themselves before him on the third Sunday in 
 Lent in the following year.^' 
 
 They came to Rome at the appointed time in 1143, and the 
 case was heard. The main point against the validity of Wil- 
 liam's election was this, that the earl of Albemarle had come 
 into the chapter-house, and had vitiated the proceedings by giving 
 a message from the king that William should be chosen. The 
 pope very properly declared that if, in addition to the personal 
 denial of the imputation of undue influence by William him- 
 self, the dean of York would state on his oath that no such 
 message from the king had been delivered, that then the arch- 
 bishop-elect might be consecrated. The dean also, who was not 
 present at the consistory, was to be allowed, if he chose, to take 
 the oath by deputy. That dignitary had other things to think 
 of, as he had just been nominated to the see of Durham by the 
 
 *° John of Hexham, col. 268, 271. tercians, and Henriquez gives a life of 
 Ann. Waverl., ed. Gale, ii., 154. Wal- him. St. Bernard wrote two letters to 
 thcof, prior of Kirkham, would ^iro- him exhorting him to bear "sequani- 
 babl}^ have been appointed archbishop miter " the election of William (Opp., 
 of York on Thurstan's decease if king i., 320, 324). He died in 1145 (John 
 Stephen had not interfered. Waltheof of Hexham, 274), and his metrical 
 was a great favourite of David of Scot- epitaph, together with that of Robert, 
 land, and Stephen was afraid that, if abbat of Newminster, is in MSS. Cot- 
 appointed, Waltheof would play into ton, Titus D, xxiv., 81. 
 his hands (Acta SS., Bollandists, Aug. y John of Hexham, col. 271. Brom- 
 3)- ton, col. 1029, 1041. Stubbs (col. 
 
 ' A person much concerned in the 1721) says that Osbert, the archdeacon 
 
 ecclesiastical reforms of the day. He of York, was the chief promoter of the 
 
 was a great light among the early Cis- attack on William.
 
 1143 1154.] ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 223 
 
 prior and the clergy, William returned from Rome in Sep- 
 tember 1143, and following the advice of the legate, submitted 
 his ease to a council which was held at Winchester. Every one 
 seemed, not to request, but to demand, his consecration ; and 
 not a murmur was heard against anything that he had done. 
 The bishop of Durham had been expected to take the oath about 
 the election in the chapter-house at York, which had been pre- 
 scribed to him by the pope, but he was unavoidably absent. 
 Ralph bishop of Orkney, Sanaricus the abbat of St. Mary^'s, 
 York, and Benedict abbat of Whitby, took it in his behalf, and 
 swore to the absence of simony and undue influence. What 
 more could be required? On the 26th of September William 
 was consecrated at Winchester by the bishop of that diocese, 
 who was his uncle and his friend.^ 
 
 In 1145 cardinal Hincmar, a legate from Lucius tlie new 
 pope, \dsited England, and brought with him a pall for William. 
 They did not meet, for William was a person of an easy and 
 indolent disposition, and saw no reason for promptitude or haste." 
 In the meantime the pope died and was succeeded by Bernard, 
 the abbat of the house of St. Anastatius at Rome, under the 
 title of Eugenius III. He was a rigid Cistercian, and hung 
 upon the lips of St. Bernard. The opponents of William now 
 began most ungenerously to reopen the old sore. They could 
 carry the day now, as they thought, and they resolved to try. 
 They were decidedly in the wrong. William had complied with 
 all the conditions which Innocent had laid down, and his conse- 
 cration had been regular and proper. Why was he to be opposed ? 
 There must have been some personal feeling prompting his 
 opponents, that curse which, under the colour of conscience and 
 justice, has in every age instigated so many great men to be 
 persecutors and maligners. William about this time shcAved his 
 love of peace by effecting a reconciliation between the bishop of 
 Durham and the turbulent Comyn.* With Alan, earl of Rich- 
 mond, he was not so fortunate.'' 
 
 Hincmar returned to Rome in 1145, carrying the pall with 
 him, and, in the following year, William went in quest of it 
 himself to the court of Eugenius. The charges against liim had 
 been revived oy the Cistercians, Henry Murdac, the al)bat of 
 
 ' John of Hexham, col. 272-3. Ger- viii., 475—535. 
 
 vase, col. 1357, 1665, who says that " John of Hexham, col. 274. 
 
 archbishop Theobald declined to con- ' Sj'meon, Hist. Eccl. Dunelm., 
 
 secrate. Chron. Mailros, 72. liob. de 283-4, 292. There is a curious account 
 
 Monte, 714. I have used Mr. Steven- of an adventure at St. Cuthbcrt's tomb, 
 
 son's edition of the last-mentioned when "William was there, in Rc^'inaldus, 
 
 work. The original text may be found De admir. 13. Culhbcrti Virtutibus, ed. 
 
 among the collected works of Guibert, Surtees Society, 198. 
 
 and in Pertz, Monumenta Hist. Germ., " John of Hexham, col. 273.
 
 224 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Fountains, taking a prominent part in the attack.'^ But William 
 had a more serious opponent in St. Bernard. That great man, 
 wliose zeal in this instance orerpowered his judgment, had been 
 a constant opponent of the appointment of William. He wi'ote 
 strong letters against him to popes Celestine and Innocent and 
 the cardinals. He now exerted for the same purpose the immense 
 influence which he exercised over Eugenius.* The cardinals, how- 
 ever, were in William's favour, and the pope was in a difficulty. 
 At length Eugenius resolved to deprive him, until the bishop of 
 Dmham should take the oath which had been formerly required 
 fi'om him, and the cardmal-bishop of Ostia read the sentence of 
 deprivation.-^ This was unfair treatment. It was tantamount 
 to trying a person a second time for the offence of which he had 
 already been acquitted. William left Rome in disgust, and spent 
 some time at the cornet of Roger king of Sicily, as the guest of 
 Robert, the chancellor of that monarch, who was an Englishman 
 by birth. Whilst he was staying there, the indignation of 
 Eugenius was aroused by the account of the attack upon Foun- 
 tains abbey which had been made by some of William^s indis- 
 creet partizans. This unfortunate occurrence, together with the 
 urgent appeals of St. Bernard, probably induced the pope to 
 take summary measures against William. Miu'dac and the York 
 clergy were present at a council which was held at Rheims in 
 1147, over which Eugenius himself presided, and there, in 
 comjjliance with their request, William was removed from his 
 archbishopric, and the bishop of Durham and the chapter of 
 York were ordered to proceed to the election of another primate 
 within forty days after the receipt of the papal mandate.^ 
 
 Henry Mm-dac now stepped for awhile into the see of York, 
 as has been ab'cady stated, and William, returning from the 
 Sicilian com-t, fomid an asylum with his uncle at Winchester. 
 The opposition that was made to Murdac shews the sympathy 
 Avhich was felt for the ejected prelate. At his uncle's palace Wil- 
 liam received all the honours that could be paid to an archbishop. 
 Pligh and low regarded him with affection and compassion. He 
 made no mm-mur himself against the sentence of Eugenius.'' 
 
 William, whilst he was at York, pro- f John of Hexham, col. 275, Stubbs, 
 
 mulgated some orders about the trees col. 1721. Wm. Neubr., i., 58. Chron. 
 
 and grass in churchyards (Wilkins, i., Mailros, 73, the bishop of Durham 
 
 42n. Labbe, Cone, x., col. 1131). " nolens eum sacramento pur^are." 
 
 John of Hexham, col. 275. Twisden's Historical Vindication of the 
 
 ' S. Bern., 0pp., i., 229-37, 316. Church of En-knd in point of Schism, 
 
 Baluzii Misc., ed. Mansi, i., 146. There 58. 
 
 A ^ '"Jl? ^*^^'^""* *^^ *^i-^ controversy in * John of Hexham, col. 276. Brom- 
 
 ActaSS Bollandists.JuneS, 140;and ton, col. 1029, 1041. Hoveden, 278. 
 
 in Alfordi Annales, iv., y.t. ii., 35, etc. Wm. Neubr., i., 58. Jo. Saresber., 
 
 Mabillon, Ann. Ben., vi., 326. 0pp.. ii., 172. Dachery, Spicilegium, 
 
 ■/ Gervase, col. 1363. iii., 117 Trivet 17
 
 1143 1154.] ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 225 
 
 " His duty is to stand and wait, 
 In resi<,niation to abide 
 The shock, and finalty secure 
 O'er pain and grief a triumph pure." 
 
 The luxury and inertness of his previous life seem to liave 
 deserted him. He was an altered man. He was sedulous in his 
 devotions and study. Not a harsh word against those who had 
 wronged him ever passed his lips. Affliction had wrought in 
 him the end for which it was designed. It had given him 
 
 " A soul by force of sorrows high 
 Uplifted to the purest sky 
 Of undisturbed humanity." 
 
 William seems to have lived in retirement at Winchester during 
 the whole of the archiepiscopate of Murdac. When that prelate 
 died in 1153 the hopes of the sufferer again arose. The majority 
 of the chapter of York elected him their superior, and he has- 
 tened at once to Home, not to complain of his past wrongs, but 
 to beg for present justice. All now seemed willing to befriend 
 him. Gregory, one of the most influential of the cardinals, took 
 up his cause with warmth, and William^s cousin, Hugh dc 
 Puiset, who was then at Rome to expedite his own consecration 
 as bishop of Durham, did what he could for him. Anastatius, 
 the new pope, was moved by the accoimt of his trials and the 
 earnestness of his pleading, and restored him to the honours of 
 which he had been deprived, giving him the wished-for pall.' 
 William returned to England with a light heart, and kept the 
 Easter of 1154 at Winchester, where he had so long resided.-' 
 Whilst he was in the South he is said to have paid a visit to 
 Canterbury, and there he had much friendly intercourse with 
 Roger the archdeacon. " That man shall be my successor/'' is 
 said to have been his remark.* And so he was. 
 
 William now set out for York. Before he had entered into 
 the city he was met by Robert the dean and archdeacon Osbert, 
 who had withstood his election by the chapter, and they, hoping 
 to prevent his approach to their church, announced their inten- 
 tion of appealing from the decision of their brethren to arch- 
 bishop Theobald. William^s progress, however, was not delayed 
 by their opposition.^ He reached the city on the 9th of May, 
 a vast and rejoicing crowd accompanying him. As the party 
 was crossing the Ouse, the bridge, which was then made of 
 wood, gave way, and a number of persons were precipitated into 
 
 * Diceto, col. 510. Bromton, col. Jlonte, 73G. Cotton's Chron., 69. 
 
 1029. Stubbs, col. 1722. Hoveden, J Gervase, col. 1376. 
 
 281. Wm. Neubr., i., 86-7. Matt. * Stubbs, col. 1722. 
 
 Paris, 77. Chron. Mailros, 75. Ann. ' Wm. Neubr., i., 88. 
 Waverl., apud Gale, ii., 158. Eob.de 
 
 Q
 
 226 FASTI ERORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the river. William is said to liave wroviglit a miracle in their 
 behalf. We are told that he made his prayers with tears to 
 God for the sufferers, and, making over them the sign of the 
 cross, they were all saved.'" When a bridge of stone was erected 
 at that place, a chapel upon it, dedicated to St. William, re- 
 minded the Avayfarers of the legend. 
 
 William was in York but tliirty days. On Trinity Sunday 
 he officiated in the minster, and almost before the service was 
 over he was seized with a very sudden and alarming attack of 
 illness. He returned to his residence, which was hard by, and 
 a banquet was prepared for his friends, whilst the archbishop 
 sought his chamber, which he never left alive. Like many 
 others, he had a presentiment of what was coming on.** For 
 eight days he was on the bed of sickness, and then, on the 8th 
 of June, he died." There was a story current in the middle 
 ages to the effect that he had been poisoned by something which 
 his clerks or enemies had put into the eucharistic wine/ and on 
 that account he was afterwards regarded as a martyr. There is, 
 however, no allusion to this tale either in the MS. life of Wil- 
 liam, or in the account of him by Stubbs. William of New- 
 burgh, also, speaks contemptuously of the report, and denies it 
 on the authority of a monk of Rievaux of his acquaintance, who 
 had been intimately connected with the archbishop, and had 
 been present when he died. William died of a fever, and the 
 suddenness of the attack made his friends imagine that he had 
 been poisoned.'? Archdeacon Osbert, who had constantly opposed 
 AVilliam, was looked upon as the culprit. Symphorian, one of 
 the clerks of the deceased prelate, charged him with the crime 
 in the presence of the king and coimcil, and was desirous 
 that the matter might be decided either by the combat or the 
 ordeal. Osbert professed his willingness to abide by the de- 
 cision of an ecclesiastical tribunal. We are told by John of 
 Salisbury that he failed to purge himself from the charge, but 
 we do not know to what test he was subjected. Gilbert Foliot, 
 however, expresses a strong opinion as to the innocence of 
 
 '" Bromton, col. 1029, 1041. Stubbs, justicise circumdatus, ad prseparationem 
 
 col. 1722 (on 7 Id. May). Polydore evangelii calciatus, sacris altaribus de- 
 
 Ver.gil (210) makes the bridge at Pon- bitis horis libenter astabat, ut patri 
 
 toiract. filium imrnolare.t" 
 
 " The following extract from the " Stubbs, col. 1722. 
 
 MS. life of St. William contains aa p Gervase, col. 1376. Hoveden, 281. 
 
 allusion to his end :— " In omnibus, Chrou. Mailros, 75. Fordun, Scoti- 
 
 igitur, se exhibens ut Christi minister ; chronicon, ed. Goodall, i., 448. Mat. 
 
 post disciplinas diras quibus Domino Paris, 77. Ann. Waverl., apud Gale, 
 
 mulctabat, post lugubi-ationes noctur- ii., 158. Rob. de Monte, 736. Serlo, 
 
 nas et crebra.s, post fletus amarissimos the chronicler of Fountains, speaks of 
 
 quos prseteritorum delictorum record- the report (Dugd. Mon., v., 303). 
 
 atio ex imis pectoribus eructabat, lorica ? Wm. Neubr., i., 88—90.
 
 1143 1154.] ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 227 
 
 the accused person, and the injustice of the proceedings against 
 him.'' 
 
 William was interred' in the minster of York by his old 
 friend bishop Pudsey.' His sufferings and character, the gentle- 
 ness of his disposition and his untimely end, won for him general 
 sympathy. The church of York had no saint at that time 
 pecidiar to itself, and the chapter were most anxious, if possible, 
 to prociu'e the canonization of William. Thirty-six miracles 
 are said to have been wrought through the mediation of the 
 deceased archbishop," and a holy oil, one of the mediicval 
 accompaniments of supposed sanctity, is said to liave flowed 
 from his tomb." In 1227 the archbishop and the chapter of 
 Y ork entreated Honorius III. to enter William on the calendar, 
 sending as their representatives Godard the penancer, Elias 
 Bernardi, one of the canons, and Laurence, canon of Aquileia. 
 Indulgences were also granted by the archbishop of Canterbiuy, 
 the bishops of Rochester, London, Lincoln, Ardfert and Dublin, 
 to those who visited the tomb ;'" the papal assent, however, was 
 not immediately given, and a commission seems to have been 
 issued to make a full enquiry into the circumstances of the 
 case. The canonization was not completed until the pontifi- 
 cate of Nicholas III., when it was effected by the money and 
 ui'gent entreaties of the bishop-elect of Durham, the magnifi- 
 cent Anthony Bek, who was represented at Rome by his cousin 
 
 '' Foliot's Letters, i., 152. Joli. eccJesia post ohitum arcl/iejiiscopi Wil- 
 Saresb., Epist., i., 158, 170. The lielmi, eodem etiani nomlum sepuJto" 
 author of the histor^y of the foundation (Dodsworth MSS. I am indebted for 
 of Selby abbey says that after Murdao's this information to my friend Mr. 
 death archdeacon Osbert was de<?raded Walbran). 
 by the legate in synod assembled, for ' Hoveden, 281. 
 his conduct towards Selby abbey, and " MSS., Harl., 2. York Breviary, 
 that he went to the priory S. Trin. at 113. The thirty-six miracles are re- 
 York (Hist. Mon. Seleb., apud Labbe, corded by Dodsworth, who obtained 
 Bibl. Nov., i., 620). his information from a table in the 
 
 ' There is a story of there being an registry of York minster (MSS. apud 
 
 accidental fire in York on the night of Oxon., 125). Tn the book of chapler 
 
 his death. A part of the " domus ora- acts the following extraordinary cir- 
 
 tionis," in which the archbishop's cumstance is said to have occurred on 
 
 corpse was laid, was consumed, but the St. William's day, 1290. I give it 
 
 body was preserved (Brev. in visum without comment. " Mutus quidam 
 
 eccl. Ebor., pars hyemalis, ed. 1526, ad tumbam ipsius Sancti usum lingnai 
 
 fol. cxiii). recepit in aurora diei, cujus lingua 
 
 There is a carious piece of evidence ante triennium per latrones fuerat ani- 
 
 in a charter, by which Alice de Gant, putata !" 
 
 widow of Roger de Mowbray, gives * Stubbs, col. 1722. Brev. Ebor., 
 
 lands in Cave to the church of York. 114 b. Recueil des Hist, des Gaules, 
 
 " Hano donationem feci publice in ecde- xiii., 698. Chron. Joh. de Oxencdes, 
 
 sia Beati Petri et prsesentis cartse at- 148. Matt. Paris, 267, who seems to 
 
 testatione confirmavi, anno Incarna- say that the oil began to flow in 1223. 
 
 tionis Domini m" c" 1° quarto, v Idus " MSS. Cotton, Titus D. xxiv., 50 b, 
 
 Junii, regnante rege Stephano, vacanie etc. 
 
 Q 
 
 o
 
 228 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Stephen de Mauley, archdeacon of Cleveland/ The depositio 
 of William was commemorated on the 8th of June/ and his 
 translation on the 8th of January. At a council held in the 
 minster on the 29th of October, 1478, the last-mentioned cere- 
 monial was transfeiTed to the Sunday next after the Epiphany, 
 and it was ordered to be observed as a double and principal 
 festival.' 
 
 The remains of William were inten-ed in the nave of York 
 minster, near the south-west pillar of the lantern ; they were 
 removed in solemn state to a nobler resting-place in the choir, 
 on the 8th of January, 1283-4." On no other occasion has the 
 cathedral received within its walls a more illustrious assemblage. 
 A double ceremony brought it there that day — the translation of 
 St. William, and the consecration of that noble-minded man 
 who had secured for the church of York the canonization of its 
 archbishop. Bek, who was called 
 
 " Le plus vaillant clerk de roiaume,"* 
 
 was surrounded by the chief estates of England, including 
 Edward I. and his gentle consort. The king had recently 
 fallen from an eminence, and had escaped unhurt. He ascribed 
 his good fortune to the agency of St. William, and hastened 
 to York to shew his gratitude by being present at the translation 
 of his body. The ceremonial on that occasion has been detailed 
 with an interesting minuteness. '^ 
 
 On the night of the 6th of J anuary, archbishop Wickwaine, 
 attended by the dean and the canons, went into the minster, 
 Anthony Bek, and his brother Thomas, the bishop of St. David^s, 
 accompanying them. The solemnity of the place and the time 
 
 ' Miscell. Doc. penes Dec. and Cap. datu : in preclara Parrhisiensi acade- 
 
 Dnnelm., 495. The whole history was mia : i edibus videlicet Francisci Reg- 
 
 detailed on a table which was formerly nauU impressum : ac expensis honesti 
 
 kept in the minster. Stopford's Errors viri Joannis Galcheti : in predicta 
 
 of Rome, 209. Eboracesi civitate comoratis : hie suum 
 
 v Martyrologium Usuardi, ed. 1714, capit exordium pro tempore hyemali. 
 
 325. Acta SS., Bollandists, June 8th. Anno nostre reparationis 1526." The 
 
 AMemorialof ancient British piety, 88. class mark is X. P. 7. I have com- 
 
 * York Breviary, ut supra, 113. pared it with another edition of the 
 " Trivet, 260. same work (X. O. 24), which is imper- 
 
 * Nicolas's Siet^e of Carlaverok, 53. feet at the beginning and the end. It 
 ' Tliis account of the translation is contains a number of the festivals. The 
 
 taken from a most rare volume, a copy Bollandists have transferred the ac- 
 
 of the York Breviary, which was given count of the translation of St. William 
 
 in 1733 by Rokeby Scott, clerk, to the to their pages (June 8). Cf. Hist. Du- 
 
 minsterlibrary at York. I give a copy nelm. Scr. Tres., ed. Surtees Society, 
 
 of the title. The words in italics are 64, where a curious circumstance is 
 
 in red letters : " Breviarium ad usum mentioned about Bek and St. William's 
 
 insigis Metropolitane ecclesie Ebora- remains. Prynne's Coll., iii., 307. 
 
 censis : una cum pica diligentissime, Chron. Petrib., 154. Walsingham, 
 
 accuratLssimeque recognitum et emen- apud Camden, 51.
 
 1143 1154.] ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 229 
 
 did not appal them^ for they were bent upon a lioly work. 
 They went to the tomb of William, and prostrated themselves 
 in lowliest obeisance. When their devotions were finished, they 
 arose and removed reverently the stone which served as a lid to 
 the sarcophagus in which the archbishop was laid. The body 
 still bore the vestments in which Puiset had committed it to the 
 grave^ and was steeped and redolent, as the narrator tells iis, 
 with an odoriferous oil. They began by removing the paten 
 and chalice which lay beside the remains ; and then the arch- 
 bishop and his companions carefully and devoutly gathered 
 together the bones from the head downwards, and rolling them 
 up, with the other things which were there, placed them for the 
 night in a capsule or case, which was sealed up and concealed 
 until the morrow. On the following day the reliques were 
 minutely examined, and everything that pertained to the body 
 was deposited and secured in an appropriate feretory. On the 
 day after this was the festival of the translation ; and about the 
 hour of prime the royal party, and a goodly company of lords 
 and prelates, were assembled in the church. The archbishop 
 preached a sermon in which he expatiated largely, no doubt, 
 upon the merits of his now sainted predecessor. When this 
 was over, the feretory was raised upon the shoulders of the king"^ 
 and others, and was borne, probably with joyous music, around 
 a portion of the choir to the elevated shrine in which it was 
 henceforward to be preserved. 
 
 The place in which the feretory was deposited was in all 
 probability behind the high altar, in the vacant space between 
 it and the eastermost screen.* It was here that the shrine was 
 erected and decked with the offerings of the worshippers. It 
 seems to have been divided into two parts, one fitting into the 
 other. The smaller part, in which the reliques were enclosed, 
 could be lifted, and seems to have been borne processionally, on 
 solemn occasions, through the minster and the city. There 
 were appended to it the little gifts which piety or superstition 
 had suggested — images, beads, rings, girdles, and jewels of 
 every description, of gold, silver, or precious stone. The skull 
 of the saint was kept by itself in a case of silver gilt. It was 
 most richly decorated. When the storm of the Reformation 
 broke over the church, this relique had a curious fate. On the 
 2ith of October, 1541, the dean, Richard Layton, who Avas a 
 minion of the king, caused a chapter act to be passed by which 
 
 '' In the Liber Garderob. of Edward of York Minster, 152, 195, 221, 224. 
 
 T., p. 39, etc., will be seen the offerings When Henry IV. stopped the inflnx of 
 
 which he made at St. William's feretory worshippers to archbishop Scrope's 
 
 and tomb. tomb, their offerings were transferred 
 
 <■ Willis's Architectural History of to that of St. AVilliam. Test. Ebor., 
 
 York Cathedral, 50-3. Fabric Rolls ed. Siirtees Society, ii., 233.
 
 230 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 tlie head and its omamcnts were to be appropriated to the use 
 of the cathedral/ The bones of William were now unhoused. 
 In May, 1732, Mr. Drake, the historian of York^ removed the 
 stone in the nave of the minster under which the remains of 
 William were said to have been deposited, and found under 
 it, in a leaden box, a number of bones huddled carelessly to- 
 gether without any order or arrangement. It seems probable 
 from this that the reliques had been laid in their old resting- 
 place after the feretory and the capsule had been destroyed.^ 
 
 The chapter of York in the middle ages paid great honour 
 to St. William, although, perhaps, his shrine had a less brilliant 
 reputation than that of any other Northern saint. As early as 
 1230 a chantry Avas founded at the place of his interment by 
 Elias Bernardi, one of the canons who had been most anxious 
 to seciu'c his canonization.* A chapel dedicated to him was 
 erected upon Ouse bridge, to commemorate what had occurred 
 when William came into the city before his death. ^ In the 
 fifteenth century, a college, which bears his name, was built 
 for the use of the ecclesiastics in the minster, at the east 
 end of the cathedral. A considerable portion of it is now in 
 existence.-' There is still in the choir of the church of York 
 " a storied window richly dight," detailing the principal events 
 in William^s life. The monks of Meaux treasured carefully 
 among their reliques some of the hair of the sainted arch- 
 bishop.^' 
 
 St. William is not without his biographer. Some unknown 
 writer has drawn up an account of his life, which is now pre- 
 served in the British Museum among the Harleian MSS., No. 2. 
 It is in a hand of the twelfth century, and belonged at one time 
 to Thornton abbey. The style is very inflated and diffuse, and 
 the work contains nothing that we were not previously acquainted 
 with through the pages of John of Hexham and William of 
 Newburgh. There was another life of William among the MSS. 
 formerly belonging to Sir Simonds d'Ewes, which I have been 
 unable to trace.' Capgrave, also, gives a short account of him 
 in his Legenda, AAhich has been transferred by the Bollandists 
 to their Acta Sanctorum:" The compilers of that invaluable 
 
 f Chapter Acts. This head ^vas the * Fabric Rolls of York Minster, ed. 
 
 greatest treasure that the church of Surtees Society, 305. MSS. Cotton, 
 
 York possessed. When Margaret, Titus D. xxiv., 50 b. 
 
 dau<;hter of Henry VII., visited the ' Drake's Eboracum, 280. 
 
 min.ster, the head was brought for her i Ibid., 570. Fabric Rolls of York 
 
 to ki.ss. Minster, 72. Dugd. Mon., vi., 1184. 
 
 «• Drake's Eboracum, 420. Torre's * Poulson's Holderness, ii., 313. 
 
 MS. account of York Minster, 162. ' Smith's Catalogue of MSS. 
 
 Gent's Ripon, 103. Drake gives an "' Capgrave's Nova Legenda, 310-11. 
 
 engravmg of the sarcophagus which he Acta SS. June 8. 
 found.
 
 1143 1154.] ARCHBISHOP WILLIAM. 231 
 
 collection were unacquainted with the existence of any unpub- 
 lished life of the saint. 
 
 I now give two hymns addressed to St. William. The first 
 was discovered accidentally in the Cottonian library." Alford, 
 in his Annals ° could only quote a few lines of it; and the 
 writer of the life in the Acta Sanctorum, when he alludes to it, 
 says regretfully, " totum utinam dcdisset.'^ The second is 
 gathered from the Responsoria, etc., in the service for the trans- 
 lation of St. William in the breviaries of the York use. To 
 those who are accustomed to hexameters and pentameters the 
 metres will be novel and refreshing. 
 
 " Pasci greges de pasture 
 Aure discant, dicant ore 
 
 Jubilum preconii ; 
 Sat inel ori melos auri 
 Nomen nostri nunc thesauri 
 
 Quondam thesaurarii ; 
 Fraudulenter qui cassatus 
 Ab honore presulatus, 
 
 Latensque septennio, 
 Vacat contemplacioni ; 
 Magnum malum magni boui 
 
 Ssepe fit occa.sio. 
 Statu causae reformato, 
 Romam petit iterate, 
 
 Nullis adversantibus. 
 Eboracum presul redit, 
 Pontis casus nullum ledit 
 
 De tot turbse millibus. 
 In octavis Penthecostes 
 Quidam malignantes hostes 
 
 In eum pacifice, 
 Et ut ipsum privent vita 
 Celebrantis achonita 
 
 Propinat in calice. 
 Toxicatur a prophanis 
 Ille potus ille panis 
 
 Per quern perit toxicum. 
 Ambo presul amplexatur, 
 Ut per unum moriatur 
 
 Et vivat per reliquum. 
 Vivit moriturque quidem, 
 Sed non agunt circa idem 
 
 Permentum et azima. 
 Corpus obit prse fermento, 
 Azimorum alimento 
 
 Vegetatur anima. 
 Virus bibit nocuum risumque perpetuum brovi meroaris lacrima. 
 Mortem subit optimam dum sacraudo victimam fit et ipse victima. 
 O AVillelme, martir Christi, 
 Per eundcm (luem bibisti 
 
 " MSS. Cotton, Titus A., 19, 150. " Annalcs, iv., part ii., 35, etc.
 
 232 FASTI EBORACENSES. [A-D. 
 
 Salutaris calicem, 
 Fer solamen mundo tristi 
 Et quern tibi placuisti 
 
 Nobis placajudicem. Amen." 
 
 II. 
 
 " In Willelmi laudibus laxet clerus ora. 
 Sit in hymnis canticis concio canora. 
 Pii patris hodie corpus est translatum 
 Quod in imo jacuit in alto locatum.'' 
 Quondam thesaurarius jam thesaurus cleri 
 Dedit opus raedicum, nunc dat opem yeri. 
 Coelum solum sitiens gazas Christi miles 
 Ne scandentem retrahant calcat ut res viles. 
 In doctrina solidum cibum dat provectis 
 Et lactis dulcedinem miscet imperfectis. 
 
 Nostri patris in natalicio 
 
 Lsetas laudes dictet devotio, 
 
 Coeli regem lactet oratio, 
 
 Ut jungamur ejus consortio.* 
 Ortus clari germinis bunc nobilitavit, 
 Et mentis nobilitas genus geminavit. 
 In agendis strenuus, fidus in commissis, 
 Ad censuram rigidus, firmus in promissis. 
 Mitis in consortiis, in loquela rarus, 
 In responsis providus, in sensu prseclarus. 
 Voluntatis trutina non legis cassatus, 
 Virum novum induit coelitus mutatus. 
 
 J uventutis januas claudit cassatio. 
 
 Sic malum ssepius boni fit occasio. 
 
 Vir ad sui gloriam redit inglorius, 
 
 Ut unguenti vasculum mundetur melius. 
 Lachrimarum lavacro purgatis personis, 
 Confert divinitus munus unctionis. 
 Laceratum exulem morsibus malignis 
 Nee faux frangit odii, nee livoris ignis. 
 Probat bunc exilium sicut bj'ems laurum, 
 In fornace ponitur, purum exit aurum. 
 Ne Samsonem Dalida faciat perire, 
 Hie carnem spiritui cogit obedire. 
 Agrum mentis seminat sementis virtutum, 
 Et mundi delicias spernit velut lutum. 
 Ne recentes flosculi virtutum marcescant, 
 Hos scripturse rivulis irrigat ut crescant. 
 Pactus Jacob vigilat extra supra gregem. 
 Nee minus interius regum sapit Hegem. 
 Marthse ministerio copulat Mariam, 
 Uachelis amplexibus fruitur post Lyam.' 
 Fragrat odor prsesulis Romam venieiitis, 
 Occurrit fragrancise plebs unius mentis. 
 Ex longinquis veniunt nee sunt fatigati, 
 Longa via visa est curta caritati. 
 
 I' In the edition without date these service and not at the beginning. 
 two lines are substituted : — 'A Bernardine expression. There 
 " Pius pater hodie ex hac vaile fletus is Something similar to it in Poliot's 
 Ad suijernum solium Syon transit lastus." Letters, ii., 328, and in " Memorials 
 1 In the edition of 1526 the lines, of Fountains Abbey," ed. Surtees So- 
 up to this point, come at the end of the ciety, 74.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 233 
 
 Plebs occurrit prsesuli, cadit i)ons dissutus, 
 Sed a casu populus mens redit tutus. 
 Uuda ruens poimlum recipit rueutem, 
 Et se pontem eflicit i)er Omnipotentem. 
 Ne cursus ad siiperos animo claudatur, 
 Mens Dei dulcedini tota copulatur. 
 Servit elemosinis manus insopita, 
 Quibus se dat funditus vir Israclita. 
 In sublime levat, ut palma, comam spoi, 
 Et iniputrescibilis vivit ccdrus Dei. 
 Fide fuit Finees, ut Job niansuetus, 
 Patiens ut Israel, ut Noe discretiis. 
 Fidelis ut Abraham, ut Loth hospitalis, 
 Sagax ut Samuel, ut Joseph liberalis. 
 Vivum Christus oleo tarn large linivit. 
 Quod adhuc in mortuo olei fons vivit. 
 IJt sit nomen pra;sulis oleum effusum, 
 Corpus fundit oleum ad aegrorum usum. 
 Adit Sancti tumulum languidorum coetus, 
 Et qui plangens venerat plaudens redit Isetus. 
 Prajsulis antidotum prtesens est egenis, 
 Quo devotos liberat pluribus a psenis. 
 Claudi recti redeunt, furor effugatur, 
 Epilepsis passio sanitati datur. 
 Purgantur hydropici, laudes fantur muti, 
 Datur paraliticis suis membris uti. 
 Lepre tergit maculas, membra dat castratis, 
 Lumen datur pluribus sine luce natis. 
 Hapiunt a pugile lex et hostis lumen 
 Quod per sanctum reparat coeco coeli numen. 
 Ab abyssi faucibus biduo submersum. 
 Mater natum recipit a morte reversum. 
 
 O Willelme, pastor bone, 
 
 Cleri pater et patrone, 
 
 Mundi nobis in agone 
 
 Confer opem, et depone 
 
 Vitse sordes, et coronac 
 Coelestis da jjaudia." 
 
 ^l^Oger tic ^Ont ri£b?que, in Normandy, was the successor 
 of William. We first hear of him in the family, or cotu*t as it 
 was called, of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury. That prelate 
 had many clerks around him who were conspicuous for their 
 abilities, and Roger was inferior to none of them. Theoljald's 
 residence seems to have been a little school of the prophets. 
 Among the companions of Roger there was a youth who was 
 destined in after years to surpass liirn in the vigour of his acts, 
 and the splendom* of his preferments. This was the well-known 
 Becket. One of the many biograpliers of the martyred primate 
 informs us, that at that time Roger was his superior in learning, 
 but not in character and bearing. We arc told that there was
 
 234 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 some jealousy between them^ and that Roger on two occasions 
 attempted to deprive Becket of the good opinion of the arcli- 
 bishop. He Avas successfully defended by Walter, archdeacon 
 of Canterbury, who afterwards became bishop of Rochester/ 
 
 In 1148 the consecration of Walter vacated the archdeaconry 
 of Canterbury, which was given by Theobald to Roger. ^ For 
 the next six years we know very little of his life, with the ex- 
 ception of the fact that he was made one of the royal chaplains." 
 He was also involved in a controversy about his office at Canter- 
 bury, from which his friend, bishop Foliot, strove to extricate 
 him." In 1154 William of York died; and Robert the dean, 
 and archdeacon Osbert, seciu-ed the election of Roger, even 
 threats being used, as William of Newburgh states, to gain the 
 suftrages of the chapter. This was brought about by Theobald, 
 who was well acquainted with the merits of his archdeacon, and 
 who would be glad to have a client and a friend at the head of 
 the Northern province."' The archbishop consecrated him in 
 Westminster abbey on the tenth of October, as many as eight 
 bishops being present.^ After this Roger went to Rome and 
 received the pall.^' He was present in December, 1154, at the 
 coronation of Henry II.* 
 
 The ecclesiastical history of England during the early part 
 of the reign of Henry II. centres in Thomas h Becket. It is 
 very difficult even now to make a proper estimate of the character 
 of that extraordinary man. Modern writers have weighed it 
 with too much partiality or severity. They have been bewildered 
 by the strong lights and shadows with which his life abounded. 
 There were in him many noble impulses, a vigorous and inde- 
 pendent Avill, a fearless intrepidity, swayed and marred occa- 
 sionally by a waywardness of disposition, and an infirmity of 
 temper to which exalted minds are too ft'cquently subject. 
 These defects very often set oflF a noble character. There is 
 true strength occasionally in weakness. Every one, however, 
 must admire that eight years^ struggle for the privileges of his 
 
 ' Becket's "Works, ed. Giles, i., 10, obtinuerat." Roger was never provost 
 
 99, 184-5. Roger gave Becket the of Beverley. Wm. Neubrig., i., 90. 
 
 sobriquet of Thomas " cum ascia sive Bromton, col. 1042. Eob. de Monte, 
 
 securi," or " Baillehache." 736. 
 
 ' Gervase, col. 1362. Somner's Can- Mapes mentions Eoger in connection 
 
 terbury, part ii., 150. with Cox wold (De Nugis Cur., 50). 
 
 " Stubbs, col. 1722. ' Gervase, col. 1376. Diceto, col. 
 
 " Epist. Gilb. Foliot, i., 30, 124. 529— with no profession. Bromton, 
 
 Joi.-nu. Saresber. 0pp., i., 175. col. 1042. Anglia Sacra, i., 8. Ann. 
 
 '" Becket's Works, i., 10. Eoger de Waverl., apud Gale, ii., 1 58. He- 
 
 Pontigny (ibid., 100) says that this was mingford, ibid., 489. 
 
 done with the connivance of the king, v Trivet, 23. Bromton, col. 1042. 
 
 and that Becket was preferred to the Stubbs (col. 1722) says that the pope 
 
 archdeaconry of Canterbury and the consecrated him. 
 
 provostship of Beverley "(luseRogerius ' Rob. de Monte, 738.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 235 
 
 church and his see^ to which Becket sacrificed the ease and the 
 enjoyments of his position, and, ultimately, his life. 
 
 Becket succeeded Roger in the archdeaconry of Canterbury 
 in 1154, and in 1162 he was elevated, against his will, to the 
 archbishopric. The two clerks of Theobald were now at the 
 helm of the Church of England. They were soon placed in an 
 antagonistic position to each other, not that there was any ill- 
 will on the part of Roger towards his old friend, although many 
 have laid that to his charge, but in those days even moderate 
 and quiet men were obliged to take sides in the disputes of the 
 time, and Roger must not be condemned because he was 
 occasionally opposed to Becket. Becket was not a person who 
 could at all times be supported, and it was too much the 
 habit among the writers of that age, who were satm'ated with 
 his spirit, to decry all who refused to render to their favouinte 
 their unreserved and unqualified assistance. Whenever there 
 was a quarrel between the primate and the sovereign, the arch- 
 bishop of York was in a peculiar and critical position, from 
 which it was diflicult for him to extricate himself without 
 offending against his loyalty or against propriety. When 
 Becket became archbishop, Roger offered to consecrate him, 
 in accordance with the old custom, but his services Avere set 
 aside." Their friendship, however, was not then interrupted. 
 About Whitsuntide 1163 the two archbishops went to Tours to 
 a great council which was held by Alexander the new pope. 
 That dignitary was then insecure in his seat, and was grateful 
 for the support of the English prelates and their king. He 
 shewed his appreciation of it in a manner which would scarcely 
 please some of his friends abroad. At the council Becket, 
 by his desire, sat on his right hand, and Roger, who was 
 accompanied by the bishop of Durham, on his left.* When 
 they returned from Tours there was a beginning of the troubles 
 which embittered the remainder of Becket's life. Whilst he 
 was chancellor no one could be more active in advancing the 
 royal prerogative ; his time and thoughts were frittered away in 
 sports and le^dties which ill-beseemed an ecclesiastic, bvit as 
 soon as he was placed at the head of tlic English church he was 
 an altered man. He immediately adapted himself to his new 
 position, and resolved to do his duty as archbishop, however 
 painfully it might be contrasted with his previous life. He 
 felt that he had been in the wrong, and cared not for remarks 
 or consequences. He soon came into collision with royalty; 
 he began to assert the privileges of the church, and to censure 
 offenders of whom little notice had been hitherto taken. Henry 
 
 " Gervase, col. 1382. 
 
 * Matt. Paris, 84. Diceto, ool. 512, 535. Wendover, i., 539.
 
 236 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 was now nettled, and began to oppose Becket ; he claimed for 
 the crown the privilege of punishing ecclesiastics in the ci\-il 
 courts, but in this he was resisted by the whole bench of bishops. 
 The king was clearly in the right. It was most improper that 
 the clergy should have for their ecclesiastical tribunals the 
 power of life and death, and it was most unseemly and wrong 
 that any clerk who had been guilty of a capital offence should 
 escape fi'om punishment by sheltering himself under the 
 privileges of his order. A case which illustrates the subject 
 in dispute occurred within the proAdnce of York. 
 
 Henry was at York in 1158, when one of the burgesses of 
 Scai'borough came to him with a complaint. He said that he 
 had been annoyed by a rural dean, who, without any witness, 
 had condemned his wife as an adulteress, and had extorted 
 twenty-two shillings from him on that account, contrary to the 
 custom of the realm. The offender was summoned before the 
 king, in the presence of archbishop Roger, the bishops of 
 Lincoln and Dm-liam, and John the treasurer of York, who 
 afterwards became the president over the see of Poictiers. The 
 rural dean asserted that the woman had been accused by a 
 deacon and a layman, and that the husband, to secure mercy 
 for his wife, had given twenty shillings to the archdeacon, and 
 two to himself. He said, besides, in justification of the practice, 
 that it was what the other archdeacons and rural deans, through- 
 out the country, were accustomed to do. The king, with the 
 barons and ecclesiastics, now began to think what should be 
 done. John, the treasurer of York, recommended that the 
 money should be restored to the burgess, and the dean handed 
 over to his archbishop. Richard de Lucy then asked, " What 
 satisfaction then shall the king have for this breach of the law?" 
 "None," said John, "for the offender is a clerk." The eccle- 
 siastics in this case seem to have carried the day, but not with- 
 out arousing some angry feeling.'' 
 
 The general question of the correction of the delinquent 
 clergy was raised in 1163 at a council at London, and Becket 
 and Roger, with the whole bench of bishops, asserted and main- 
 tained the privileges of their order.*^ The king and Becket 
 were, consequently, enemies, but as long as the other prelates 
 took the side of the primate, Henry could do little or nothing. 
 About this time Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, came over to England; 
 he was most earnest in his attempts to reconcile the king and 
 Becket, but without effect. At last he advised Henry to gain 
 some of the bishops to his side, as by so doing he would have 
 the best chance of making peace, or, at all events, of effecting 
 
 " Becket's Works, i., 213. '' Ibid., ii., 251.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 237 
 
 a compromise. Henry adopted this advice, and called several 
 of the prelates to him at Gloucester. He talked quietly and 
 reasonably with them, expressing his wish for peace and justice, 
 and his disinclination to do any injury to the church. The 
 archbishop of York, and the bishops of Chichester and Lincoln, 
 assented to his views," and Becket, after this, spoke of Roger 
 with anything but kindness.-^ By the means of these prelates, 
 and the entreaties of a papal messenger, and the nobles of the 
 realm, Becket was induced to give way. The matter was then 
 settled in a formal manner. The points in dispute were met 
 and arranged in the well-known Constitutions of Clarendon, 
 which were then drawn up. One of the three copies of these 
 important enactments was placed in the hands of the archbishop 
 of York.^ 
 
 Henry was grateful to archbishop Roger for the assistance 
 which he had given him. As a reward for his aid, and with 
 the wish, no doubt, of humiliating Becket, he was desirous 
 that the pope should make him his legate in Britain.'' Roger, 
 also, desired to have the power of bearing his cross erect in any 
 part of England, and that he might crown the king. These 
 were privileges which had been peculiar to the see of Cantcrbmy 
 for the last forty years. They depended upon the papal grant, 
 and, therefore, the same hand that gave them could also take 
 them away. They had been obtained in the first instance in a 
 questionable manner, and Roger cannot be blamed for making 
 an attempt to gain honours for his own archbishopric which 
 were only accidents to the other. The old feud between York 
 and Canterbury was revived, greatly to the indignation of 
 Becket and his party, who censured Roger in the strongest 
 language. The pope at first granted all that Roger sought for, 
 but the unflagging resistance of Becket made him waver, and 
 he changed his mind. The vacillation of Alexander was most 
 remarkable. He gave leave, in the first instance, to Roger to 
 act as his legate, then he requested him not to act for a while, 
 
 ' Becket's Works, i., 25, 120 ; iii., " diabolum ilium !" Chron. Pctrib., 
 
 22. Jo. Saresb. 0pp., i., 13. Hoveden, 10 L 
 
 282 h. Martene, Thes. Nov. Anecdot., «• Becket, ii., 10. Eosj^er and the 
 
 iii., 655. Pertz, Monumenta Germ. bishops of London and Salisbury are 
 
 Hist., viii., 458. said by Fitz Stephen, in his life of 
 
 / Becket's Works, iii., 54, 68, 79, Becket, to have prompted some of the 
 
 " Arch. Ebor., qui malorum omnium conditions which were offered to him 
 
 incentor et caput est." 202, " (^ui ex before the council of Clarendon (ibid., 
 
 quo a Cantuariensi ecclesia in archi- i., 217). Gervase, col. 1389. 
 episcopatum promotus est, ei quantas * The king preferred this request 
 
 scivit et potuit, tetendit insidias." through the bisliop of Lisieu.x and the 
 
 Becket's tongue was like a razor. Jo. archdeacon of Poictiers. Becket, i., 
 
 Saresb. 0pp., ii., 260. Gervase, col. 32,128; iv., 1,2. Gervase, col. 1388. 
 
 1394, 1412, 1459. Hoveden, 301, Hoveden, 282 J.
 
 238 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 then he ordered him not to act at all^ and not to bear his cross/ 
 Avliich last injmiction^ however, seems to have been occasionally 
 disobeyed.-' 
 
 Soon after this some farther negotiations took place between 
 the king and Becket, between whom the bishops endeavoured 
 in vain to mediate. Their own position at this time was peculiar 
 and critical. They were divided in opinion, and scarcely knew 
 what to do. Becket reproached them bitterly for joining his 
 adversaries, and he charged them to take no part with the 
 barons at the trial to which he was to be brought. He put 
 himself under the protection of the pope, and when he came to 
 court, was bold enough to carry his cross erect, in token of his 
 authority. The archbishop of York and two or three others 
 remonstrated with him on the folly and imprudence of the act, 
 and told him that it would be considered as the beginning of an 
 attack in Avhich he was sui'e to be worsted. Becket^s reply was 
 that the spiritual sword could give a more deadly wound than 
 any weapon which the king could wield. '^ 
 
 Henry was now in a towering passion ; he was desirous that 
 Becket should feel the full severity of the law, as he had broken 
 the pledge which he had made at Clarendon. The bishops, 
 however, would not venture to proceed against their superior 
 in England, but they resolved to appeal against his conduct at 
 Home, and procure there, if possible, his deprivation. Soon 
 after this Becket made his escape from England, and Henry 
 sent a noble embassy to the pope to state his case against the 
 primate, and justify his late proceedings.' Archbishop Roger 
 was at its head. The ambassadors found the pope at Sens, and 
 the bishops of London and Chichester, who were the chief 
 speakers, opened the case against Becket with some asperity of 
 manner. They endeavoured to exculpate themselves and defended 
 the policy of their master. Roger spoke afterwards in a more 
 moderate tone.'" He shewed his good taste by appearing in 
 the background. The efforts of the party were fruitless, although 
 Becket was unable to return to England. He spent several 
 yea,rs in exile, playing the courtier to Louis of France, or 
 delighting his friends, the Cistercians, by living a retired life 
 within the walls of Pontigny." He w^rote two expostulatory 
 
 '■ Becket, iii., 213 ; iv., 43, 46, 255. 279. Hoveden, col. 284. Twysden, 
 
 Matt. Paris, 93. Recueil des Historiens col. 714. Gervase, col. 1394. Labbe, 
 
 des Gaules, xv., 828-9. Labbe, x., Couc, x., 1436. 
 
 1194, 1219. m Becket, iv., 270. Gervase, col. 
 
 J Becket, i., 226 ; ii., 21. 1395. 
 
 * Becket's Works, i., 42-3, 137. " An anonymous friend, probably a 
 
 Hoveden, 283 b. Cistercian, told Becket in bis troubles, 
 
 9^- ^^^'^®*'^^ '^''^*'' V' ^1' 1^^' 1-^1' "ApudClarevallim, CisterciumetPon- 
 
 237, 240-1, 347. Foliot's Letters, ii., tiniacum, intercessione domini papje,
 
 1154 — 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER, 239 
 
 letters to archbishop Roger about this time, chidinj^ liim for 
 his opposition, and in one of them he enjoins him and the other 
 prelates to suspend the services in their dioceses until justice 
 should be done to their ecclesiastical superior." The pope backed 
 this letter by ordering Roger, on his obedience, to aid Rotro 
 archbishop of Rouen, and Bertrand bishop of Nevers, his legates, 
 who were to compel Henry, if possible, to make peace with 
 Becket by the threat of an interdict, and by directing him to 
 observe everything that they resolved upon.^ Henry, on his 
 part, was equally firm and energetic. Fitz Stephen says that 
 he ordered his subjects to take an oath that they would neither 
 receive, nor obey, any papal mandate about Becket, and that 
 Roger and the other bishops allowed it to be taken within their 
 dioceses.* In 1168 the king took a more violent step. He 
 sent a letter to the archbishop of Cologne, stating that he 
 was about to send an embassy to Rome, with Roger at its 
 head, to demand the immediate removal of Becket, and to 
 threaten the pope, if he withstood him, with his bitterest oppo- 
 sition. A partizan of Canterbury ascribed this obnoxious epistle 
 to the pen of Foliot bishop of London, and gravely tells us that 
 whilst that prelate was ruminating by night upon the subject, 
 the e\'il spirit endeavom'ed, in vain, to startle him by crying 
 out in a thrilling tone, 
 
 " O Gilberte Foliot,'' 
 Dum revoh-is tot et tot, 
 Deus tuns est Ashtoroth !" 
 
 In 1170 Roger took a step which placed him in some peril, 
 and caused him much difficulty and annoyance. At the desire 
 of his royal master, in conjunction with the bishops of London, 
 Durham, Rochester and Salisbiuy, he crowned prince Henry 
 king of England in the middle of June.^ Becket, upon whom 
 that duty would have devolved, was not in England, and he 
 took it much amiss. He protested against the act, and made 
 great complaints.' Becket, who had heard of what Avas intended 
 
 oratur a.ssidue pro vobis" (Works, iv., do Oxenedes, 62. Chron. Mailros, 82. 
 
 255). Foliot's Letters, ii., 214, who Matt. Paris, 101. Trivet, 54. llob.de 
 
 says that Becket went to Pontigny at Monte, 773. Hemin.ifford, apnd Gale, 
 
 the desire of John bishop of Poictiers. ii., 497. Hoveden, 296 h. Wendover, 
 
 Herb, de Boseham, ii., 246. Diceto, ii., 11. Diceto, col. 552. Bromton, 
 
 col. 539. Gervase, col. 1398. col. 1061. Gerva-^e, col. 1112. Stiibbs, 
 
 » Becket's Works, iii., 227-9. col. 1722. Knyghton, col. 2396. Pertz, 
 
 p Ibid., i., 55; iv., 47-8,134. Monunienta Hist. Germ., viii., 413. 
 
 « Ibid,, i., 267-8. Benedict Petrib., 4. Contin. Fl. Wi- 
 
 *• Wendover, i., 556. Mat. Paris, 90. gorn., ii., 138. 
 
 • Becket's Works, i., 56, 157; ii., 25, ' Becket's Works, i., 274-5; ii., 26, 
 
 112; iv., 159. Chron. Mannia, ed. 112; iii., 67-9. Bromton, 1061. Be- 
 
 Stevenson, 394. Geraldus de lustit. nedict Petrib., 6. Contin. Fl. Wigorn., 
 
 Princ, ed. Stevenson, 177. Chron. Joh. ii., 141.
 
 240 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 before the ceremony took place," sent intelligence to the papal 
 court, and Alexander wrote to Roger forbidding him to officiate." 
 If Roger received the letter he disregarded the injunction, and 
 now paid the penalty for his rashness. The pope, at Becket^s 
 request, suspended him and his sufiragan, Hugh de Puiset, 
 whilst he excommunicated the Southern prelates who had 
 officiated at the coronation."' He expressed, however, his 
 willingness to withdraw the ban if the culprits would be obe- 
 dient to Becket, and render satisfaction to him for their conduct.* 
 The king, who was afraid of the papal censure, shewed some 
 disposition to abandon the prelates, although it was to please 
 him that they had got into this scrape.^ 
 
 Roger and his brethren in trouble were undaunted, although 
 somewhat dismayed. The Popov's censure had not yet reached 
 them, although it had been entrusted to Becket^s charge. He 
 was coming back to England, and they tiied to prevent his 
 landing. The exiled primate heard of their design, and took 
 care that the letters should precede him, and they were delivered 
 at Dover to those for whom they were intended. He himself, 
 with some difficulty and risk, got safe to England. This was 
 in 1170. When Becket arrived at Canterbury, the messengers 
 of the archbishop of York and his friends who were in disgrace, 
 came to him, and reproached him for trampling down his brother 
 bishops, and for using fire and sword when he should have 
 sought and practised peace. Becket laid upon their masters 
 the guilt of the present strife. After this some persons came 
 from the court with an order that he should absolve the con- 
 demned prelates. He told them that it was not in his power 
 to reverse the decision of his superior, and that no one could do 
 that ; but if the bishops of London and Salisbury would pledge 
 themselves to obey the pope^s order, he would not object to 
 absolve tliem.^ This reply was brought to the bishops, who 
 were on the point of giving way, till they were told by Roger 
 that they could make no such promise without the king^s per- 
 mission, otherwise they would be guilty of treason. Their adviser 
 is also reported to have said, " I have J8000, God be thanked, 
 and I will spend it all to the last farthing to pull down the 
 
 " Becket, i., 268 ; iv., 287, 302. He Neubr., i., 185. Hoveden, 297. Di- 
 
 had spies, " amici," as they are called, ceto, col. 553. Bromton, col. 1062. 
 
 all over. Labbe, Cone, x., 1219-22. Wilkins, 
 
 " Ibid., i., 268 ; ii., 26 ; iii., 64 ; iv., i., 459. Benedict Petrib., 8. Contin. 
 
 47. Diceto, col. 513, 552. Labbe, Fl. Wigorn., ii., 142. 
 
 Cone, X., 1219. Rymer's Faed., n.e., •* Becket, iv., 102, 283. 
 
 i., 25-6. AYilkins, i., 459. v Gervase. col. 1412. 
 
 " Becket,!., 332; iii., 80 ; iv., 48— = Becket, i., 280-4; iii., 83. Job. 
 
 52, 64-5, 102. Chron. de Mailros, 83. Saresber., 0pp., ii., 243. Gervase, col. 
 
 Matt. Paris, 101-2. Peter Laugtoft, 1413. Hoveden, 298. 
 130. Chron. Petrib., 100. Wm.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 241 
 
 arrogance of Becket, which is greater tlian liis courage. Let 
 us go to the king, who has hitherto stood oiu- friend. If you 
 retiu'n to Bcckct, the king, if he takes it amiss, will deprive us 
 of our possessions. What Avill you do then ?'^" 
 
 Roger, and the two prelates who had been persuaded by his 
 arguments, cross the Channel to Henry. They took with them, 
 at the king^s request, four or six clergy from the vacant sees to 
 represent their chapters in the Norman court, with the strange 
 expectation of being thus able to make a new election, and fill 
 up the places of the suspended bishops. When the party came 
 to the king, Roger Avas the spokesman. He protested against 
 the sentence pronounced against them, which was the penalty 
 of their loyalty to their sovereign. He spoke of the annoyance 
 and the unmerited disgrace to which they were subjected. He 
 told the king of Becket^s present movements in England, how 
 he was travelling about with guards and soldiers in a Avarlike 
 guise. The hasty temper of Henry now burst out against 
 Becket. Half angrily, half querulously, he deplored his own 
 unhappy position.* The fatal fruits which were borne by that 
 unfortunate speech are matters of history. Four daring and 
 unhappy men, with the words of the sovereign still tingling in 
 their ears, hastened across the seas to Canterbury, and demanded 
 of Becket the absolution of the bishops. His reply was the 
 same which he gave before, that it Avas beyond his poAver to do 
 Avhat they required. '^ Ere that day was over he was stretched 
 in death before the altar of his own church. He Avas laid in 
 the tomb within the Avails of that noble cathedral Avhich he had 
 served perhaps too faithfully and too Avell. 
 
 A thrill of horror ran through all Christendom at this deed 
 of wrong. Whatever Beeket^s faults may have been, and they 
 were many, he made a full atonement for them in his death. 
 Henry, the innocent cause of the murder, was stricken with 
 sorroAV and dismay, and Roger could not fail to be deeply moved. 
 An enquiry was immediately made into the case, to see Avhcther 
 he was in any Avay the inciter of the crime ; and he promised to 
 abide by the decision of the pope. The archbishop of Rouen 
 and the bishop of Amiens Avere the examiners. Roger met them 
 at Albemarle on the feast of St. Nicholas, and he there swore 
 that he was altogether imiocent of the death of Becket. He 
 also took an oath, that, before the recent coronation, he had 
 not received the pope's inhibitory letter. He Avas unanimously 
 acquitted from all blame, and his suspension was removed.'' 
 
 " Becket's Works, i., 284 ; ii., 29- ' Ibid., i., 162-3. Jo. Saresb., ii., 
 
 30. 241. 
 
 * Ibid., i., 289-90 ; ii., 130 ; iv., 308. '' Becket, iv., 67-8. Foliot's Letters, 
 
 Benedict Petrib., 9-10. ii., 260. Wendover, ii., 19, 20. Di- 
 
 li
 
 242 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Roger wrote a long letter to his old friend, bishop Puiset of 
 Dixrham, and to the chapters within the diocese of York, 
 acquainting them joyfully with the result, and announcing his 
 speedy retiu-n/ The style of the epistle is somewhat peculiar 
 and inflated. The archbishop would have us believe, that during 
 the recent enquiry the radiant figui'e of the Redeemer had stood 
 on his right hand, shewing by His presence there the innocence 
 of the accused. About the same time Roger interceded very 
 warmly and kindly with the pope in behalf of Foliot, the bishop 
 of London, who had been for a whole year tmder the ban of 
 excommunication.'^ Roger was now enabled to return to his 
 province ; but the partizans of Canterbury never seem to have 
 withdrawn the charge that he was one of the chief causes of 
 the misfortunes of their now sainted favourite.^ 
 
 Roger was not on the best of terms with Richard, Becket^s 
 successor in the see of Canterbuiy, indeed it was almost impos- 
 sible for the two archbishops in those days, whoever they might 
 be, to avoid bickerings and contention about privileges and 
 position. In 1175 Roger was not present at the synod which 
 Richard held at Westminster, nor did he explain his absence /' 
 his clerks, however, were there, and made several claims on the 
 part of their master.^ They asserted the right of the arch- 
 bishops of York to bear their cross erect within the province of 
 Canterbury ; and to have the spiritual control over the sees of 
 Lincoln, Lichfield, Worcester, and Hereford. On these two 
 points they summoned the archbishop of Canterbury to Rome. 
 They appealed also to the same authority against the sentence 
 of excommunication which Richard had passed against the 
 officers of the conventual church of St. Oswald at Gloucester, 
 which belonged to York, for refusing to pay him their obedience.-' 
 Nothing seems to have been done at the time, but soon after- 
 wards, at Winchester, the king tried to act as a peacemaker 
 between the two prelates. After a long debate he was partially 
 successful. Richard of Canterbuiy consented to absolve the 
 clergy of St. Oswald's, and to make that house as free and 
 independent as a royal chapel. It was also agreed that with 
 reference to the other points in dispute, especially that about 
 the cross, that they should be decided by the archbishop of 
 
 ceto, col. 558. Stubbs, col. 172.3. Matt. ■" Hoveden, 311. Eob. de Monte, 
 
 ParLs, 104-5. 787. 
 
 ' Foliot's Letters, ii., 173. Joann. i Diceto, 583. Bromton, 1100-2. 
 
 Saresber., ii., 264. Chron. Jo. de Ox- Becket's Works, iii., 322. Foliot's 
 
 enedes, 65. Letters, i., 140. 0pp. Jo. Saresber., 
 
 ■^ Poliot's Letters, ii., 171-3. i., 33. Benedict Petrib., 94,106-7, 
 
 ^ Becket's Works, i., 10, 99, 370. 126-7. Cf. Prjnne's Coll., iii., 984, 
 
 Bromton, col. 1062. 1026, and Reg. Ab. Corbridge. 
 
 * Diceto, col. 585. Matt. Paris, 109.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 243 
 
 Rouen, and the French bishops in that neighboui'hood. They 
 resolved, in addition, to have a truce for five years, and to start 
 no new points of debate before the old were settled. This last 
 engagement was not entirely adhered to. The legate Iluguccio 
 was unconsciously the cause of a rather amusing but unl)ecom- 
 ing scene. In 1176 he had been with Roger at York, and he 
 accompanied him to the coui't at Nottingham.''' They were 
 together, soon afterwards, at the council at Westminster. The 
 old question of precedence in the presence of the legate was 
 then revived. Which of the two archbishops was to sit on the 
 right hand, a position which has excited angry feelings in nobler 
 minds than theirs ? Richard had taken the coveted place, when 
 Roger seems to have pushed himself in between the legate and 
 his rival — nay, he is even said to have sat down in Richard's 
 lap ; but this is probably only one of the Canterbury embellish- 
 ments with which the story seems to be garnished. This was 
 too much for the sensitive feelings of the friends of Richard. 
 Ecclesiastics and laymen alike manifested a strange excitement, 
 and even bishops 
 
 " Tantsene animis cselestibus irae ?" 
 
 shewed that they could be subject to the same passions which 
 mn riot occasionally in less exalted minds. They pounced upon 
 Roger and thi'ew him do^vn. They cuffed and beat him to their 
 heart's content. They trampled him under their feet. When 
 they were at length satisfied, the sufterer was permitted to rise, 
 with a torn cope, and covered with dust and shame. They 
 laughed at him when he remonstrated. When he went out to 
 seek the king and demand redress, they shouted after him the 
 old calumny, '' Away, away, betrayer of St. Thomas. His blood 
 is still upon thy hands."" Roger was excessively indignant, 
 and singled out from the others Geofi'rey Ridel, bishop of Ely, 
 as one of his most vehement assailants. Nothing, however, 
 seems to have been done. The scene was far too ludicrous to 
 necessitate any severe or vigorous remedy, but it was most dis- 
 creditable and unseemly.' An end, however, was put, about this 
 time, to the long-continued controversy about the profession. 
 A bull of pope Alexander settled the question in accordance 
 
 * Hoveden, 313. Bromton, 1107. glia Sacra, i., 9. Geraldus de Instil. 
 
 Benedict Petrib., 130. At another Princ, ed. Stevenson, 178. Fordun, 
 
 council'at Nottingham in 1181 Richard Scotichronicon, ed. Goodall, i., 475. 
 
 of Canterbury carried his cross erect in Hemingford, ed. Gale, ii., 50G. Beno- 
 
 the presence and within the diocese of diet Petrib., 139, 116. There is an 
 
 Roger (ibid., 368). amusing account of the scene, and a 
 
 ' Diceto, col. 515, 589. Bromton, history of the controversy, in Fuller's 
 
 col. 1109. Gervase, col. 1183. Wm. Church History, book iii., 38-9. 
 
 Neubr., i., 232-3. Hoveden, 316. An- 
 
 r2
 
 241 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.V. 
 
 with the old decree of Gregory the Great, forbidding altogether 
 that token of submission. This was agreed upon at one of the 
 many comicils which were held at the Lateran, in 1179.™ 
 
 Roger, like many of his predecessors, had frequent con- 
 trovers'ies'with the Scottish bishops. During the life-time of 
 Becket, he had a dispute with Richard, the bishop-elect of 
 St. Andi-ew's, who had refused to be consecrated at York ; and 
 he appealed against him to the pope, desiring that he might be 
 suspended, but without success. About this time Roger was 
 invested with the legantine authority, a power which, although 
 he was deprived of it in England, he seems to have always 
 exercised in Scotland. He held a meeting at Norham, on the 
 Tweed, and summoned thither the Scottish ecclesiastics, in the 
 vain hope of inducing them to own their subjection to York." 
 One of the clergy who was there, Ingelram, the bishop-elect of 
 Glasgow, set him still farther at naught by being consecrated 
 bv Alexander III. at Sens, in spite of the strenuous opposition 
 of the representatives of York." In 1174 Roger was at Falaise 
 in Normandy, when William king of Scotland, then a prisoner, 
 made a treaty of peace with Henry. In the following year the 
 two monarchs met at York, and the conditions assented to at 
 Falaise were solemnly sworn to and confirmed. They subjected 
 the state of Scotland entirely to England, and the church, also, 
 in all that was right and proper. In token of his submission 
 the Scottish king deposited his spear and shield upon the altar 
 of St. Peter in the minster, where they were for a long time 
 preserved.^ In 1176 there w^as a council held at Northampton ;? 
 at which the provisions of the treaty of Falaise were thoroughly 
 examined and discussed in the presence of the Scottish king 
 and his bishops. These prelates were required by Henry of 
 England, on the strength of their allegiance, to own their sub- 
 jection to the English church as they had hitherto done. Their 
 answer was that they had never been subject to that church, 
 and that the acknowledgment was unnecessary and unfair. 
 Archbishop Roger led the argument against them, and produced 
 documents which shewed, in particular, that the sees of Glasgow 
 and Whitherne had always been dependent upon York. Upon 
 this, the bishop of Glasgow asserted that his church was tmder 
 
 •" Diceto, col. 589. Foliot's Letters, Wilkins, i., 481. 
 
 ii., 71. Labbe, Cone, x., 1553, 1689. " Hoveden, 283. Chron. Mailros,79. 
 
 " Fordun, Scotichronicon, i., 461. '' Bromton, col. 1103-5. Hoveden, 
 
 Chron. Mailros, 79. The historian is 311-12. Eob. de Monte, 786. Bene- 
 
 not complimentary when he speaks of diet Petrib., 113. Knyghton, col. 
 
 Roger as " delphinvim ilium." As 2396. Chron. Mailros, 88. 
 
 soon as Roger had obtained the pall, » Bromton, col. 1108. Knyghton, 
 
 Adrian IV. wrote a letter to the Scot- col. 2396. Hoveden, 314 b. Benedict 
 
 tish bishops charging them to obey him. Petrib., 137-8.
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 245 
 
 the especial protection of Rome, and that it was subject to no 
 other power. No decision was then arrived at, principally, it is 
 said, through the means of the archbishop of Canterbiuy, who 
 was desirous of being the head of the Scottish church himself. 
 Fordun gives a different account of the debate at Northampton. 
 The bishops, he says, were summoned thither by the legate, 
 who endeavoured to induce them to own the supremacy of York, 
 and thus strengthen the efficiency of the Northern clim'ch. 
 They were silent for fear of giving offence, when a young eccle- 
 siastic of the name of Gilbert stood up, and combatted the 
 arguments of the legate on behalf of his compatriots with so 
 much boldness and ingenuity, that the demand was waived. 
 " Well shot, master Gilbert,^^ said Roger of York, laying his 
 hand on the shoulder of the youthful orator, " but that shaft 
 did not come from your own quiver." 
 
 " Ex propria pharetra non exiit ista sagitta."' 
 
 The truth of this story may be gravely questioned, at all events 
 Fordun seems to be in error when he says that the youth, as a 
 reward for his zeal, became bishop of Caithness ; St. Gilbert, 
 who actually presided over that see, did not die till 1245. 
 Soon after the meeting at Northampton cardinal Y^Adan, the 
 papal legate, held a council at Edinburgh, to which all the Scot- 
 tish bishops were summoned. Christian bishop of Whitherne 
 was not there, and the legate suspended him for his absence. 
 Chi'istian thew himself upon the protection of Roger, by whom 
 he had been consecrated, asserting that he was the papal legate 
 and the superior to whom his allegiance was due.'' In 1178 a 
 violent controversy broke out between the pope and YV^illiam 
 king of Scotland, in which Roger played a part. Richard bishop 
 of St. Andrews died in 1178, and John Scotus was chosen by 
 the chapter to succeed him. YV^hen the king heard of this 
 selection he was excessively indignant. He expelled John 
 from Scotland, and gave the see to Hugh, his chaplain, who 
 was consecrated by the Scottish bishops. John, upon this, went 
 to Rome and complained to the pope, who sent as his legate a 
 person of the name of Alexis, to enquire into the case. The 
 report was in favour of John, who was consecrated in 1180, 
 the election of his rival having been cancelled. The king, how- 
 ever, drove John, for the second time, into banishment. Upon 
 this, Alexander wrote to the Scottish bishops, confirming the 
 proceedings of his legate, and excommunicating Hugh. He 
 charged the king and his prelates to permit John to enter 
 quietly into his see, otherwise the archbishop of York, who was 
 
 "■ Fordun, Scotiolironicon, i., 476-8. 
 
 ' Bromtoii, 1111. Hoveden, 32t. Benedict Petrib., 211-12.
 
 246 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 his legate in Scotland, would put the country under an interdict.' 
 The warning, however, was despised, and, in 1181, Uoger, by 
 the desire of the pope, inflicted the threatened punishment, and 
 excommunicated the king." I shall mention in another place 
 what was the conclusion of the difficulty. 
 
 From what has been already stated it will have been seen 
 that Roger was one of the leading politicians of the day. There 
 were other occasions on which he was engaged in the sendee of 
 the state. He was very frequently in attendance upon the king." 
 In 1163 pope Alexander, through the means of Roger, and the 
 bishops of Evreux and Lisieux, endeavoured to persuade Henry 
 II. to ally himself to Louis of France."' In 1172 Alexander 
 would not allow him to crown Henry and his queen, although 
 he had officiated in that capacity before.^ In 1174 he took a 
 conspicuous part in the military affairs of the North. He en- 
 tertained and aided Geoffrey bishop of Lincoln, the king's son, 
 when he assaulted and captured the castle of Kirkby Malzeard ; 
 and, when he returned, the archbishop took charge of the for- 
 tress on behalf of the king.^' He also welcomed the barons who 
 were going against William of Scotland, and sent the news of 
 his capture to Henry.* Ralph de Tilli, the constable of the 
 archbishop's household, was at Alnwick when the Scottish 
 monarch was taken prisoner, and was one of the party who 
 rescued Prudhoe castle from the invading army." In 1177 
 Henry gave to Roger the custody of Scarborough castle.* 
 
 Roger was a man of learning and ability. He was as ready 
 with his pen as with his tongue. He wrote fluently and well. 
 At the little court of Theobald of Canterbury, where the talents 
 of Becket were of no repute, Roger had formed the acquaint- 
 ance of most of the scholars of his day, among whom he 
 occupied a distinguished place. With John of Salisbury he 
 was on familiar terms.*^ Gilbert Foliot and he were great friends. 
 They corresponded together, and when Foliot was under the 
 papal censiu-e, for his share in the opposition to Becket, he 
 
 ' Labbe, Cone, x., 1239-41. Bene- Angl. Sacr., ii., 379. Benedict Petrib., 
 
 diet Petrib., 346-9. 78. 
 
 " Stubbs, col. 1723. Hoveden, 341- ' Chronique de Jordan Fantosme, 
 
 51. Benedict Petrib., 331, 370. ed. Surtees Societ}^, 78-9, 91, 93. 
 
 " Bromton, col. 1108, 1126-7, 1133. « Hoveden, 308. Benedict Petrib., 
 
 Benedict Petrib., 202, 231, 368. 74. 
 
 ^ " Eecueil des Hist, des Gaules, xv., * Ibid., 323 h. Benedict Petrib., 
 
 /85. There is a letter probably re- 203. Hinderwell (History of Scar- 
 
 fernng to this in Becket's Works, iv., borough, ed. 1832, p. 50) makes him 
 
 206- hold that office till he died. Roger 
 
 •^ Diceto, col. 560. Gervase, col. had also the custody of Roxburgh castle 
 
 1421 Matt. Paris, 109. (Ben. Petrib.) 
 o/^ i^^^T' J"""^- 1093. Hoveden, ^ 0pp. Joann. Saresber., i., 75. 
 
 ^07 6. Vita Gerardi Archiep., apud
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 247 
 
 found an asylum at Beverley. Roger afterwards interceded in 
 liis behalf with the pope.'' Hugh de Puiset, the famous bisliop 
 of Durham, of whom there is too little as yet known, and the 
 archbishop of York, were intimately connected in prosperity 
 and adversity." Roger and pope Alexander III. corresponded 
 on matters of discipline and on the public events of the day./ 
 
 It has been said that Roger was opposed to the monastic 
 system, and that he expressed his opinion that Thurstan's 
 greatest mistake had been the establishment of Fountains.^ 
 This is, probably, merely idle gossip. It is quite possible, how- 
 ever, that Roger discovered the inherent defects of the monastic 
 system, which are not slow in developing themselves. He was 
 a bold man, and was not afraid of checking what he thought to 
 be wrong, and when we find him in collision with the canons of 
 Newburgh, and suspending the prior of Gisburgh,'' we avcII 
 understand how his activity sharpened those weapons of abuse 
 and railing which monkish chroniclers are too apt to use. It is 
 also a remarkable fact that, with the exception of the abbey of 
 Welbeck' and one or two other places, all the religious houses 
 which were founded in the diocese of York during the archiepis- 
 copate of Roger were Cistercian or Benedictine nunneries.-' 
 There was a superabundance of monasteries, and a reaction 
 had begun. The age of great endowments and large ecclesias- 
 tical establishments was passing rapidly away. The system 
 was being gradually refined, and consequently deteriorated. 
 
 Roger has also been charged with miserly and penm'ious 
 habits, and with impoverishing his clergy and his diocese.* 
 That he was a rich man there can be no doubt, for he had presided 
 over a wealthy see for nearly thirty years, and he was a prudent 
 husband of the fortune which he had amassed. We hear of 
 him endeavouring to recover, at the papal court, the property 
 
 ■^ Foliot's Letters, i., 135-45,293; pendix, 711-12. Soon after 1172 
 
 ii., 75. Becket's AVorks, iv., 308. lloger witnessed the charter of foiinda- 
 
 ' There is an account of a miracle tion of the monastery De Bosco Ra- 
 
 WTought on one of Eoger's clerks at herii, near Tours. (Martene, Thes. Nov. 
 
 St. Cuthbert's tomb, in Reginald, de Anecd., i., 573.) 
 
 admir. B. Cuthberti virtutibus, ed. i At least a dozen of these nunneries 
 
 Surtees Society, 261. may be reckoned up. 
 
 / Hoveden, 325. Foliot's Letters, * Wm. Neubr., i., 267-8. Rob. de 
 
 ii., 72, 75 et seqq. Labbe, Cone, x., Monte, 805. Newburgh is outrageously 
 
 1245, 1488, 156i-7, 1573, 1585, 1590, violent against Roger, and .says, "In 
 
 1603-4, 1612, 1620-1, 1666-7, 168 1, vitasiiatondcndismagisqiiampascendis 
 
 1698, 1706, 1724. Baluzii Misc., ed. ovibus Dominicis intcndit." Benedict 
 
 Mansi, iii., 375. AVilkins. i., 487. of Peterborough (149) says that he 
 
 «■ Wm. Neubr., i., 268. Broniton, bought the chancellorship for Gcollrcy, 
 
 col. 1142. Hemingford, apud Gale, provost of IJeverley, for eleven tiiousand 
 
 ii., 506-7. marks. This person was Roger's nep- 
 
 * Labbe, Cone, x., 1597, 1626-7. hew, and was drowned in 1177 (ibid., 
 
 ' Annal. Ord. Praemonstrat., ii., ap- 250),
 
 248 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of which he had been deprived by the carelessness or waste of 
 his two immediate predecessors/ Although in this respect he 
 seems to have been unsuccessful, he took care that the deficiency 
 was made up from other sources. He whom the lips of calumny 
 have stigmatized as a miser, was the most munificent ruler that 
 ever presided over the see of York. He made the archbishopric 
 richer in every respect than he found it. Robert de Monte 
 tells us how he added to the endowments of his churches and 
 rebuilt all his residences so magnificently, that they could almost 
 rival those in the Southern province.'" He began a new basilica 
 at llipon, and gave to the woi'k the very large sum of £1000." 
 At York he erected the archiepiscopal palace on the north side 
 of the cathedral, of which scarcely any portion now remains. 
 He decorated the minster with a new choir, worthy of the 
 glorious work of Conrad, with which Canterbury had been 
 adorned." On the north side of the church, between his new 
 palace and the cathedral, he founded the chapel of St. Sepulchre, 
 Avhich was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin and the Holy Angels. 
 The endowment was a noble one. Eleven churches were appro- 
 priated to it, five of which he purchased with his o^vn funds. 
 A staff of thirteen officers belonged to it, all munificently pro- 
 vided for, and care was taken that there should be no jealousy 
 or collision between the officials of the chapel and the dignitaries 
 of the adjacent minster.^ Roger gave also to his metropolitical 
 chvu'ch one of the bones of St. Peter, and a portion of the sandals 
 of that apostle, which he brought from Rome. These, and some 
 of the more precious relics which the minster of York possessed, 
 were deposited in a hollow crucifix of gold, which was given to 
 the chapter by the same prelate. This and other treasures 
 belonging to the cathedral were given up to secure the ransom 
 of Coeur de Lion from his Austrian captivity, but they were 
 subsequently redeemed.? 
 
 In November, 1181, Roger, who had been prevented by 
 illness from attending a council in 1177,'' felt his end approach- 
 ing. He was at a place called Cowda ■/ and he called around 
 him the abbats, priors, and ecclesiastics of his diocese. In 
 their presence he made the following munificent bequests. He 
 gave more than five hundred pounds^ worth of silver to William, 
 
 ' Becket's Works, iv., 237. » Fabric Eollsof York Minster, 152. 
 
 "' Rob. de Monte, 805. Heminfjford, ' Bromton, col. 1122. Benedict Pe- 
 
 apudGale, ii., 506-7. Trivet, 82. trib., 181. 
 
 " Walbran's Eipon, 25. ' Hoveden, 350 5. I cannot identify 
 
 " " Tundavit chorum et testudiues this place, i'erhaps it was Cawood ? 
 
 ejus, et capellara S. Stephani ad borialem Stubbs (col. 1723) says that Eo^'er died 
 
 partem tompli" (Lei. Coll., i., 121). at Sherburn. Antony a Wood makes 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1723. Lei. Coll., i., him die at Osney abbey (Antiq. Univ. 
 
 38. Uugd. Mon, vi., 1181. Oxon., i., 166).
 
 1154 1181.] ARCHBISHOP ROGER. 249 
 
 archbishop of Rheims, and the French bishops, for the needy in 
 their dioceses. A similar snm, for the same use, Avas ^ivcn to 
 the archbisliop of Rouen and the Norman prelates ; and a third, 
 equally large, to his brother of Canterbui-y and his suHVagans. 
 All the rest of his treasvu'c was also for the benefit of the poor. 
 After this Roger was removed to York, and there he died at 
 nightfall on the 22nd of November.' His noble bequests were 
 altogether misappropriated," and everything that he possessed 
 came into the hands of the king, to whom he had been a 
 faithfid servant." It was suggested to Henry that the deceased 
 prelate had made a rule within his diocese, Avhich had been 
 sanctioned by the pope, to the effect that no will of an eccle- 
 siastic should be valid which was made in his last sickness. 
 Who could interfere with what a dying archbishop bequeathed 
 but his sovereign ? The king immediately sent his messengers, 
 who seized upon the money, which was the property of the poor. 
 But he did more than this. The archbishop, it was well known, 
 had been possessed of immense wealth. He had died intestate ; 
 who was to have it ? The bait was too tempting for an avaricious 
 and ungrateful king ; and he ordered everything that had 
 belonged to Roger to be gathered together by the justices, and 
 appropriated to his OAvn use. The large sum of j611,000 of 
 silver, and plate, and valviables of every description, thus found 
 their way into the royal treasury. The curse of God, which 
 settled upon Ahab, seems henceforward to have rested upon this 
 plunderer of the poor. The gathering in of the spoil was not 
 made without difficulty and controversy. The king^s justices 
 heard that the bishop of Durham had received three himdred 
 marks of the archbishop^s money, and they required them at his 
 hands. Puiset told them, with the spirit which was native to 
 him, that the money had been given for the weal of his friend's 
 soul, in accordance with his desire, to the leper, the lame^ the 
 halt, and blind; that it had been spent in restoring churches 
 and bridges. He had none of it, and those who wanted it must 
 seek it for themselves. The king, upon this, was full of wrath, 
 and seized upon the castle of Diu-ham, regarding its high-spirited 
 owner with the bitterest ill-will. 
 
 ' Hoveden, ibid. Chron. Mailros, 17. Benedict Petrib., 371, 378. Di- 
 
 91. Diceto (col. 613) makes him die ceto (col. 517, 611). He .says that the 
 
 on the 20th. Stubbs (col. 1723) on the confiscation was made when Roger was 
 
 26th. Gervase (col. 1459) says in on his death-bed. This robbery ac- 
 
 September. Cotton's Chron., 79. tually makes Foxe enshrine Roger in 
 
 " An account of the death-scene of his calondur of martyrs ! 
 Roger, and the misappropriation of " Holder took the king's part when 
 
 his wealth, is to be found in Hoveden, his sons raised a rebellion against him. 
 
 350-1. Wra. Neubr., i., 267, etc. Benedict Petrib., 58. 
 Bromton, col. 1112. Matt. Paris, 116-
 
 250 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Puiset performed the last solemn rites for Eoger, as he had 
 
 done, nearly thirty years before, for his predecessor William. 
 The remains of the archbishop were interred in the choir of the 
 minster which he had rebuilt ;'" and when, after a lapse of nearly 
 two centuries, it was again removed to make way for a more 
 magnificent structure, the body of Roger was probably trans- 
 ferred by archbishop Thoresby to a new sepulchre at the eastern- 
 most extremity of the choir/ Tradition has for centuines 
 ascribed to Roger the tomb in the north aisle of the nave, hard 
 by the entrance into the chapel of St. Sepulchre.^' The monu- 
 ment, however, is none of his. It is in a most debased style, 
 and is not earlier than the reign of Henry VII. 
 
 When archbishop Roger died, the king of Scotland was 
 under a sentence of excommunication, and his land under an 
 interdict. William was overjoyed when he heard of his decease ; 
 and, after conferring with his council, sent off Joceline bishop 
 of Glasgow, Arnulf abbat of Melrose, and others, to Lucius 
 the new pope, to procure, if possible, a reversal of the sentence ; 
 and, rather than they should return without it, they were to 
 promise that John, bishop of St. Andrew^s, should be deposed.^ 
 The embassy was entirely successful. The ban was removed 
 from king and country, and two papal commissioners, Roland 
 bishop-elect of Dol in Brittany, and Silvan abbat of Rievaux, 
 were despatched to Scotland to examine into the dispute about 
 St. Andrew^s. The difference was settled for a time, by both 
 John and Hugh resigning their interest in that see into the 
 pope^s hands. Lucius then gave St. Andrew^s to Hugh, and 
 appointed John to Dunkeld. The quarrel was soon afterwards 
 opened out again by the jealous and contentious disposition of 
 the two prelates, and it ended at last, after much angry discus- 
 sion, in another compromise, into which it is unnecessary to 
 enter. 
 
 In 1191 pope Clement made a most important declaration 
 respecting the position and independence of the Scottish church, 
 at the request of the king. It refers to every see but that of 
 Whitherne, which seems to have been given up to York by 
 common consent. The Scottish church was made independent 
 of every authority but that of Rome, and no one was to excom- 
 municate or lay an interdict on the kingdom, unless he were 
 the chief pontiff or his deputy. No alien was to act for the 
 future as a legate within that district, unless he was a special 
 emissary from Rome; and nothing relating to Scotland was to 
 be settled in another country, except at the papal court. This 
 
 " Hoveden, 350 fi. Stubbs, col. 1723. * Torre's York Minster, MS., 135. 
 
 Benedict Petrib., 371. -" Hoveden, 351. Ben. Petrib., 371, 
 
 ■^ Preface to York Fabric Rolls, xvii. 372.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 251 
 
 most important decree, it will be observed, disposes summarily 
 of the claims of the see of York. The archbishopric, it will be 
 remembered, was at that time vacant. It would have been more 
 just aud fair if this sentence had been delivered when there was 
 a Northern primate. He would then have had an opportunity 
 of asserting the claims of his church to the ecclesiastical control 
 of Scotland, which his predecessors had always vindicated to 
 themselves." 
 
 The see of York was all this Avhile vacant, the revenues 
 flowing into the royal coffers.* Henry II., however, on more 
 occasions than one, shewed some interest in the appointment of 
 a primate, and the welfare of the Nortliern diocese. In 1184 
 the canons of York, and Hugh bishop of Durham, met at the 
 king^s request to fix upon an archbishop, but nothing seems to 
 have been done."^ In 1186 Henry sent Puiset back to England 
 to be present at the festival of Easter in the province of York, 
 in which there was at that time no prelate^ In September, 
 1186, the canons of York were present at the council at 
 Marlborough, and nominated five persons in succession as arch- 
 bishop; Hubert Walter their dean, Hamund or Hamo their 
 precentor, Laurence archdeacon of Bedford, Bernard prior of 
 Newburgh, and Roger Arundel. All of them were rejected by 
 the king ; for what reason we are not informed." In the arch- 
 bishop who was ultimately selected, Henry himself had an 
 especial interest. 
 
 ^eoffreg ^lantagenet, an illegitimate son of Henry II. 
 He was one of the king^s elder children.-/" His mother is said 
 to have been the well-known Rosamond Clifibrd, the Fair 
 Rosamond of story ; and this assertion gains some weight from 
 the fact that in after years Geoffrey appropriated the religious 
 house of Clementhorp, near York, to the niumery of Godstow, 
 in which Rosamond was interred.^ There are, hoAVCA^er, some 
 
 " For these Scottish aflfairs see Ben. supplied by a careful examination of 
 
 Petrib., 371-2, 375, 379, 381, 510, etc., the minor English chroniclers and the 
 
 528, etc., 538. Hoveden, 351-2, 354, writin^^s of Foreign historians. 
 
 356, 360-1, 368, etc., 371-2. Labbe, * Wm. Neubr^, i., 270. Madox, 
 
 Cone, X., 1735, 1743, 1753, etc. I Bar. Angl., 87. 
 
 have not gone into the subject at length, ' Ben. Petrib., 413. 
 
 as it is not my purpose to write a his- <* Ibid., 414. ' Ibid., 453. 
 
 tory of the Scottish Church. That -^ Gerald Cambrensis, apud Angl. 
 
 task has already been very creditably Sacr., ii., 378. The name of Geoffrey 
 
 and honestly performed b}^ Mr. Grub came from his paternal grandfather, 
 
 of Aberdeen. There are, however, Geoffrey comte d'Angers. 
 
 omissions in that work which maybe «■ Hoveden, 408 J. Ben. Petrib., 732.
 
 252 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 chronological difficulties in the way/ and it seems probable that 
 Geoffrey had for his mother some more insignificant person. 
 Walter Mapes, if he is to be trusted, gives her the name of 
 Ykenai, and a very low character.* 
 
 Geoffrey is said to have been born in 1159. "When he was 
 merely a child he was made archdeacon of Lincoln;-' and in 
 
 1173, when, if the previous date be correct, he could not be 
 more than fourteen years of age, his father procured his election 
 to the bishopric of that see, and the appointment was confirmed 
 by the archbishop of Canterbury at Woodstock.''^ The pope, 
 also, seems to have winked at the irregularity. The youth, 
 however, was not in priest^s orders, and how could he be con- 
 secrated? Wikes tells us that Geoffrey himself was disposed 
 to wait, because he aspired to something higher -^ and there is 
 probably some truth in this statement, when we remember that 
 he had the same wish on a subsequent occasion. It was neces- 
 sary, however, to conciliate the pope ; and he crossed the seas in 
 
 1174, at his father^s suggestion, to visit the papal court in 
 
 '' Geoffrey was born, according to 
 the Kirkstall Chronicle, in 1159, whilst 
 Rosamond is called by Bromton a 
 'piiella in 1173. The Kirkstall Chron., 
 from the quotation from it which I 
 have seen, appears to be singularly in- 
 accurate. The question of Geoffrey's 
 birth is discussed by Messrs. Bowles 
 and Nichols in their History of Lacock 
 abbey, 102. Cf. Sandford's Kings of 
 England, 71. 
 
 ' "Imposuit autem ei in principio 
 regni sui meretrix quscdam publica, 
 nihil immunditise dedignans, filium 
 qnem a populo susceperat nomine Gau- 
 fridum, quern injuste minusque discrete 
 tanquam suum acceptans, in tantum 
 promovit ut hodie sit Ebor. archi- 
 episcopus. Nomen autem matris ejus 
 Ykenai" (Mapes, De Nugis Curialium, 
 228). Mapes, it must be remembered, 
 was very bitter against Geoflfrey. 
 
 The following illegitimate children of 
 Henry II. were also connected with 
 the North. Peter, brother of Geoffrey, 
 was archdeacon of Lincoln from about 
 1190 to 1202 (Le Neve., ii., 43). In 
 1194 Geoffrey tried to get him made 
 dean of York, but he was then at 
 Paris, and the opportunity was lost 
 (Hoveden, 415-16). A year or two 
 after this we find the brothers bitter 
 enemies (Ibid., 428). 
 
 Morgan, a brother of Geoffrey, and 
 an illegitimate son of Henry II., by 
 
 the wife of Sir Ealpli Bloeth (Hist. 
 Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 35 ; Sandford's 
 kings of England, 72), was advanced 
 by Geoffrey about 1201 to the provost- 
 ship of Beverley upon the death of 
 Robert (Hoveden, 468). In 1214 the 
 monks of Norwich elected him their 
 bishop, but the king knew nothing 
 about it, and the election was set ' 
 aside (Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 31). 
 In 1223, being still provost of Beverley, 
 the monks of Durham chose him as 
 their bishop, and he went to Rome to 
 be consecrated. His illegitimacj' was 
 the cause of the pope's refusing to con- 
 firm his appointment (Ibid., 35 ; and 
 Lei. Coll., ii., 333.) Morgan was com- 
 memorated by the following epitaph 
 (Camden's Remaines, ed. 1674, p. 495). 
 
 " Larga, benigna, decens, jacet hie stirps regia, 
 raorum 
 Organa Morgano fracta jacente silent." 
 
 " John clericus, filius regis, canoni- 
 cus Ebor.," is mentioned in a chartulary 
 of the treasurers of York : cf. p. 221. 
 
 3 Ger. Cambrensis, ut supra, 378. 
 
 * Rob. de Monte, ed. Stevenson, 780. 
 Gerald, 378. Diceto, col. 568. Contin. 
 PI. Wigorn., ii., 157. 
 
 ' "VVikes, apud Gale, ii., 32. Neubr. 
 (i., 176-7) ascribes the delay solely to 
 Geoffrey's cupidity, "oves Dominicas 
 nesciens pascere et doctus tondere." 
 This is a favourite phrase with New- 
 burgh.
 
 1191—1207.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY, 
 
 253 
 
 ' - "'' icted very properly, and 
 
 or of St. fJcorge's. Bloomsbiirj- : Pi-eacher of Lin- i vpnrs " Thion tins 
 
 s Inn. and Principal of King's College. London. He meeycaiS. UpOlltms, 
 
 became Provost of Ebm. and Archdeacon of Middle- ssentcd tO tlllS deClSlOll, 
 
 He was consecrated Bishop of Lichfield. December - '^Prnirs " 
 
 1845. and died October 19th, 1867. aged 79. The \\ !^.' , , ^ , 
 
 t>p. who \ras highly esteemed in his diocese, had ^ide hlS bOOKS, aS We nild 
 ided an educational meeting at Stafford during the His filial affcctioil WaS 
 
 noon, and had made two or three short speeches, , i IT , ' f 
 
 r he returned home, he complained of being unwell, ll rebellion arOSe agaillSt 
 
 diod beforo medical assistance could be obtained. . \)\\X the younsf bisllOp- 
 
 a photographic portrait of him see his " Life," 1868, ' ^- n • i i • 
 
 Sir Ldniund Beckett (Denison), Bart., Lord Grim- 'm ^IS allegiance and lllS 
 ^,' ."'^-'^.J"^''"*^ <3'^® of his daughters; see also "Men cliailCellor he Collected a 
 
 e Time." 7ih edition, 1858. with an engraved portraiti • r i • ^ i-\ ^^>^ -.^^ 
 
 »ound, &c. Statues of Bishops Lonsdale and Sehvyn lOCCSC tor hlS tatiicr S USe, 
 
 been placed in front of the south-west tower of priety of the exactioil, he 
 field Cathedral. In all 27 figures have now been „^\].pr(-A tno-pfher He 
 
 jd m their resioective niches. ^ gatnerea togetncr. xae 
 
 A LOKD CHIEF jTTSTicE , but ill a somcwliat un- 
 
 mghborough Ale.xr. V.'.-dderhurH, Lord, ex-M.P, i^acrs awav tO take up the 
 
 tlichmond, \ orkshire. and of Wedderburn Eouse, ^ ^ • "^ ■■ e ^ *■ 
 
 •ogate, married the daughter of Mr. John Daw! hbourmg baron ot great 
 
 of The Hall, Morlry, near Leeds. On the south and Gcoftrey never paUSCd 
 lie o'd graveyard at Morley is the .sepulchre of i • p„„+1p i^i the Tslp of 
 f Loughborough, a person of rank and fortune- ^^^^ CastlC m tlie ibie OI 
 
 slab containing her memorial is of a soft blue \, he nOW passed Oliwards 
 N and the inscription is now illegible. The fol- | .^g- ^^^d tllC archbisllOp, 
 
 !ig is a copy of the epitaph :—" Within this tomb . ^^T^^^• c a xi i 
 
 the remains of the Right Hon. Lady Lough- unst VVllliam OI fecotland, 
 
 ugh, wife of Alexander Loughborough, Lord' ^^ He hastened at OnCC 
 f .Justice of the Common Plea*, She ^vas the i t- i tj 1 J 
 
 daughter of John Dawson, Esq., and his wife ^C archbisliop. Me Had a 
 
 bfith. Her Ladyship died the l-fth of February, n the city. The next day 
 
 aged 36." and was interred there on the 28th ,-,■ -ry ,-i • o „„!¥,,„„ 
 
 -biuary. The following particulars, gleaned from lliam. U pon tniS U^COm ey 
 
 ler source, will furnish further evideooe of the wbray's fortresses^ that OI 
 
 ion and rank of this lady :-" 1781, February o-arrison to surrender after 
 
 Died at .Money Hail, and buried in the old ^ o ^^ • tt i 
 
 A graveyard, Betty Anne, daughter of John Daw- th OI allegiance to Hugh, 
 
 Esq., of -Morley. She was the wife of Alexandei^ ,^ ^f treason. A rumOUr 
 lerourn, who was born in ll6ii\ became Solicitor- i /• j.i ia c 
 
 ml in 1771 ; Attorney-General, 1778 ; Lord Chief Ug WaS bctorC the CastlC Ot 
 
 e of the Court of Common Pleas, 1781 ; created ^q^ The report llOWevcr, 
 1 Loughborough, in the county of Leicester, and * j • x xi c/ i.^ A 
 
 6 heirs male of his body, by patent, dated 14.h I'ned llltO tlie OOUtn. AS- 
 
 1780;" and Earl Rosslyn in 1801; and diad [its were ill the train of the 
 
 iry 3rd, 1805, a2:ed 72. See Cunniaghan 's . r, ,-, , tt„„x- -,„,i„,, 
 
 Bs!" vol. vi.. p. 434; Grainge's "History of 'IS father at Huntingdon. 
 
 (gate," and Smith's "History of Morley," &c. nd valour, and said OI him 
 
 . are several portraits of him, after Jaokson, by ^^i^^^. d^ildren are indeed 
 \ &c., with numerous anecdotes. 
 
 We hear little of Geodrcy after this for several years.' He 
 seems, however, to have done a great deal for his diocese of 
 
 •» Diceto, col. 582. 
 
 " Peter of Blois says this in a letter 
 to Eoger, dean of Lincoln. (Opp., i., 
 222-4.) ° Ben. Petrib., 111. 
 
 p Ibid., 58. 1 Ger. Cambrensis, 378. 
 
 ' Ger. Cambrensis, 379. Diceto, col. 
 577. Bromton, col. 1093. Ben. Petrib., 
 77-8. Matt. Paris, 108. Hoveden, 307 b. 
 
 • Ger. Cambrensis, 380. 
 
 ' It is stated in the Chronicle of 
 Kirkstall that Geoffrey was made a 
 knight in 1179, and several modern 
 writers have followed in its wake. 
 Hoveden (351) says expressly that the 
 person wlio received that honour was 
 Geoffrey, earl of Brittany.
 
 252 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 CRICKET, CYCLING. SWIMMING, I 
 
 chronological difficulties ill ^^^^-„^ , „^ tw a fNmTif-n 
 
 Geoffrey had for his mot SPORTS AND PASTIME 
 VV alter Mapes, if he is tc ^ 
 
 Ykenai, and a very low ch; 
 
 Geoffrey is said to ha\ 
 
 mejely a child he was m: a,,^ .^ j^-,^ t„ bo'at Woroestet^hire at W„r. 
 Li/ 6, when, it the previo ©n Saturday la^, owing to the fact that Ranjiteinhji 
 more than fourteen years O not close the Sussex second innings till he was 400 
 to the bishopric of that see *** ^^ good. Wh«n the time came for drawing stt; 
 by the archbishop of Can ^^ '"^ *"^ Worowtershire men WBre together, 
 1 - ^ - - their side was 184 runs behind. Essex won the { 
 
 with Middlesex at Leyton by 94 rana within tw 
 minutes of time. Douglas made a splendid effcn 
 save ffhe game, scoring 151 out of the total of 
 Middleasx, of course, were greatly handicapped bj 
 absence of Trctt, who was able neither to bowl m 
 bat. Tlie Plampshire and Surrey match at Southajn 
 had to l>e abandoned as a draw. At Harrogate "i 
 
 also, seems to have wink( 
 however, was not in priest'; 
 secrated? Wikes tells us 
 to wait, because he aspiret 
 probably some truth in thit 
 he had the same wish on a _^ .,, ._ _„ _^ „„ „ _, ^„, 
 
 Sary, however, to conciliate «hire defeats! the Santh Africans by 151 roas. 
 
 1174, at his father^s sugg 
 
 In every single particular, the opening of the « 
 7. ri «• 1 ,. Watch between the rival Roses at Headingky on Mo 
 
 puellam 1173. The Kirkstall Chr ,fct«,,dance on the first day wa* 30,004; on Monday S 
 
 irom the quotation from it whic people passed through the turnstiles— this includes i 
 
 Jiave seen, appears to be singularly l)er8 and county ticket-holders— and the receipts rea 
 
 accurate. The question of Geoffr '^ magnificent figure of £1,278 7s. 6d. During the 
 
 birth is discussed by Messrs. Boi ^^^ Yorkshire pkyera and others m^ade a coUectio; 
 
 and Nichols in their History of Lcac *^® ground, and the sum of £62 5a. wae realised, ao 
 
 abbey, 102. Cf. Sandford's Kint'-- *^ ^^^ rocedpbs were £1,540 IZa. 6d. Yorkshire 
 
 England, 71. ''' 
 
 ' "Imposuit autem ei in princ 
 
 regni sui meretrix qusedam publ 
 
 nihil immunditiffi dedignans, fili 
 
 qnem a populo susceperat nomine G; 
 
 fridum, quern injuste minusque discr 
 
 tan(iuani suum acceptans, in tanti 
 
 promovit ut hodie sit Ebor. arc! 
 
 episcopus. Nomen autem matris ej 
 
 Ykenai" (Mapes, De Nugis Curialiur 
 228). Mapes, it must be rememben 
 was very bitter against Geoffrey. 
 
 The following illegitimate children of 
 Henry II. were also connected with 
 the North. Peter, brother of Geoffrey, 
 was archdeacon of Lincoln from about 
 
 1190 to 1202 (Le Neve., ii., 43). In 
 
 1191 Geoffrey tried to get him made 
 dean of lork, but he was then at 
 1 aris, and the opportunity was lost 
 (Hoveden, 415-16). A year or two 
 alter this we find the brothers bitter 
 enemies (Ibid., 428\ 
 
 Morgan, a brother of Geoffrey, and 
 an illegitimate son of Henry II., by 
 
 ) 
 
 ciis Ebor.," is mentioned in a chartulary 
 of the treasurers of York : cf. p. 221. 
 
 J Ger. Cambrensis, ut supra, 378. 
 
 * Rob. de Monte, ed. Steven.son 780 
 Gerald, 378. Diceto, col. 568. Contin. 
 El. Wigorn., ii., 157. 
 
 ' Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 32. Neubr. 
 (i., 176-7) ascribes the delay solely to 
 Geoffrey's cupidity, "oves Dominicas 
 nesciens pascere et doctus tondere." 
 Ihis IS a favourite phrase with New- 
 burgh.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 253 
 
 person, or by deputy.'" The pope acted very properly, and 
 deferred Geoffrey's consecration" for three years." Upon this, 
 Henry, who seems quietly to have assented to this decision, 
 sent his youthful son to be educated at Tours." 
 
 Geoffrey must soon have thrown aside his books, as we find 
 him back at Lincoln in the same year. His filial affection was 
 then put to the proof. An unnatural rebellion arose against 
 Henry, fostered by three of his sons; but the young bishop- 
 elect of Lincoln would not swerve from his allegiance and his 
 duty.^ At the suggestion of the lord chancellor he collected a 
 very large sum of money within his diocese for his father's use, 
 but having some doubt as to the propriety of the exaction, he 
 retui'ned every farthing that had been gathered together. He 
 now exerted himself in a more useful, but in a somewhat un- 
 clerical way. He threw the money bags aAvay to take up the 
 sword. Roger de Mowbray, a neighbouring baron of great 
 influence and power, was in rebellion, and Geoffrey never paused 
 till he had stormed and pulled doAvn his castle in the Isle of 
 Axholme.* Flushed with his success, he now passed onwards 
 into Yorkshire at the invitation of the sheriff and the archbishop, 
 who were anxious to have his aid against William of Scotland, 
 who was at that time invading England. He hastened at once 
 to York, where he was the guest of the archbishop. He had a 
 noble reception at the minster, and in the city. The next day 
 brought the news of the retreat of William. Upon this Geoffrey 
 led his troops against another of Mowbray's fortresses, that of 
 Malzeard near Ripon, and forced the garrison to surrender after 
 a short siege.'' He then put the oath of allegiance to Hugh, 
 bishop of Durham, who was suspected of treason. A rumour 
 now reached him that the Scottish king was before the castle of 
 Bowes, and he hastened to the rescue. The report, however, 
 was a false one, and Geoffrey returned into the South. As- 
 many as one hundred and forty knights were in the train of the 
 young soldier when he reached his father at Huntingdon. 
 Henry was delighted at his loyalty and valour, and said of him 
 before many bystanders, "All my other children are indeed 
 base-born, but this is my true son."'' 
 
 We hear little of Geoffrey after this for several years.' He 
 seems, however, to have done a great deal for his diocese of 
 
 '" Diceto, col. 582. • Ger. Cambrensis, 380. 
 
 " Peter of Blois says this in a letter ' It is stated in the Chronicle of 
 
 to Roger, dean of Lincoln. (0pp., i., Kirkstall that Geoffrey' was made a 
 
 222-4.) " Ben. Fetrib., 111. knight in 1179, and several modern 
 
 '' Ibid., 58. * Ger. Cambrensis, 378. writers have followed in its wake. 
 
 ' Ger. Cambrensis, 379. Diceto, col. Iloveden (351) says expressly that the 
 
 577. Bromton, col. 1093. Ben. Petrib., person who received that honour was 
 
 77-8. Matt. Paris, 108. Hoveden, 307 h. Geoffrey, carl of Brittany.
 
 254 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Lincoln, although he was neither priest nor bishop. He attended 
 carefully to the property of his see, and promoted men of learn- 
 ing and reputation. He redeemed the ornaments of the church 
 of Lincoln, which had been pawned for three hundred marks to 
 Aaron, the Jew of Lincoln, and he added others, gi^ang besides 
 two large and fine bells to the cathedral." But still he was un- 
 consecrated, to the great injury of his diocese, although he was 
 all the while enjoying the revenues of the bishopric. The thi'ce 
 years prescribed to him by the pope had long since elrpsed, 
 when, in 1181, Alexander III took the matter up, and wrote to 
 the archbishop of Canterbury desiring him either to require his 
 youthful sufii'agan to receive ordination and consecration, or to 
 oblige him to give up Lincoln altogether. Geoffrey was now in 
 a difficidty, but he did not shrink from doing his duty. After 
 consulting with his father, brother, and several prelates, he 
 wrote from Marlborough to the archbishop giving up the see, 
 for which he modestly confessed himself to be unfit. He sent 
 a letter also to the chapter of Lincoln, begging that body to 
 aimul his election.'' 
 
 Geofirey was no loser, in a worldly sense, by this change. 
 His father made him chancellor, and gave him offices and rents 
 to the yearly value of five hundred marks in Normandy and 
 England.'" Among these must probably be enumerated the 
 castles of Beaugi and Langeis, the archdeaconry of Rouen, and 
 the treasurership of the church of York.^ For the next few 
 years Geoffrey seems to have been generally with his father, to 
 whom he was tenderly attached. He was present in 1182 when 
 Henry made his will, in which his favourite son is made one of 
 the dispensers of his charitable bequests.2' He remained faithful 
 to his sire in spite of the disloyalty of his brothers. In 1187, 
 
 " Ger. Cambrensis, Vitse Episc. Lin- The Beverley historians claim Geof- 
 
 • coin., apudAngl. Sacr., ii., 418. There frey as one of the provosts of their 
 
 is a letter from him as bishop of Lincoln minster. He had nothing to do with 
 
 to a Mr. Ei. Blondus, censuring him it. Geoffrey provost of Beverley was 
 
 for disobedience and neglect of duty. a nephew of archbishop Roger, and 
 
 The writer seems to be Peter de Blois probably succeeded Becket in his office. 
 
 (Petri Bles. 0pp., i., 184-5). In 1176 his uncle bought for him, for 
 
 " Ger. Cambr., 380-1. Rob. deMonte, the large sum of 11,000 marks, the 
 
 802. Ben. Petrib., 354-5. Trivet, 82. post of chancellor to Henry Fitz-Henry 
 
 Diceto, col. 517, 613. Gervase, col. the young king. He was lost at sea in 
 
 1458. Stubbs, col. 1724. Hoveden, the montli of October in the following 
 
 348-9. Matt. Paris, 117. Angl. Sacra, year, as he was crossing from England 
 
 ii., 418. Fsedera, n. e., i., 37. into Normandy. He was also arch- 
 
 " Rob. de Monte, 802. Trivet, 82. deacon of York (Ben. Petrib., 149, 249. 
 
 Ben. Petrib., 356. Hoveden, 349. Uiceto, col. 589, 599. Hoveden, 315. 
 
 ' Ger.Cambr., 380. Lei, Coll., i., 290, Trivet, 73. Bromton, col. 1115). 
 ex. Gualt. Coventr., where it is said that * Gervase, col. 1459-60. Gerald de 
 
 Richard I. gave these places and posts to Instit. Princ, ed. Stevenson, 160. 
 
 Geoffrey. Gerald is the sole authority Fsedera, i., 47. Nichols's Royal Wills, 
 
 for his having been treasurer of York. 7. Nicolas's Test. Vet., 2.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 255 
 
 when Philip of France raised the orijlamme aj^ainst Ilcnry of 
 England, Geoffrey buckled on his harness, and the king gave 
 him the command of a fourth part of his army.- He Avas with 
 his father in the town of Mans when it was surroimded and 
 fired by the French soldiery, and after many attempts to ex- 
 tinguish the flames, and a vigorous resistance, he made his 
 escape with Henry and his men to the castle of Fresnelles. 
 Many had fallen down by the way-side ft'om fatigue, and Henry 
 himself was worn out. Geoflrey desired him to repose, and 
 wished to watch on the outside of the castle to protect his father 
 from an assault. Henry would not permit him to do this ; and 
 replenished from his own stores the wardrobe of Geoffrey, 
 which had been lost at Mans. On the morrow Henry got him- 
 self away to Angers ; and Geoffrey, after a perilous journey, in 
 which he was followed by a hmidred knights, joined his father 
 at Savigny. What a contrast to the baseness of John, the 
 youngest, and the best beloved of all his ungrateful children !" 
 
 In June 1189 Henry was still abroad. After the capture of 
 Tours a discreditable peace was made with France, at the making 
 of which Geoffrey, full of indignation, would not permit his 
 sick father to be present. The end of the king was now at 
 hand, hastened as it was and embittered by the treachery of 
 John.* He was in the castle of Chinon, 
 
 " Zu Chinou halt der konig seineu hof," 
 
 and Geoffrey never left his side. One day the head and the 
 shoulders of the sick man were resting on his breast ; he was 
 driving away with a fan the flies that buzzed around his father's 
 face, whilst a knight at the end of the bed held in his bosom 
 his master's feet. The eyes of the enfeebled monarch opened 
 and fell upon his son. His harshness was gone, and he spoke, 
 for at such times even stern and cold-hearted men cannot be 
 silent. He told Geoffrey that, basely-born although he was, 
 he had been a truer child than all his rightfid childi'en. Should 
 his life be spared that filial affection should not be unrewarded. 
 He bade him prosper and be blessed. The tears rushed fi'om 
 the listener's eyes, and muttering a few aftectionate words he 
 left the room and the scene which had caused him such poignant 
 sorrow. The fever meanwhile increased in violence, and 
 Geoffrey, unable to refrain himself, sought again the chamber 
 of his sire, Henry was now dying. His eyes were closed, 
 but when he heard the expressions of sorrow which his son was 
 unable to repress, they opened upon him again. He knew him 
 
 ' Ben. Petrib., 467. Bromton, col. 452-3. Eecueil des Hist, des Gaules, 
 1133. xviii., 216. 
 
 " Ger. Cambrensis, 381. Ben. Petrib., * Polydore Vergil, 276.
 
 256 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 and faltered out his wish that he might become bishop of 
 Winchester or archbishop of York. He blessed him for the 
 last time, and stretched out to him, as a final token of his 
 affection, a precious ring of gold, with a panther gi'aven on it, 
 which he had destined for his kinsman, the king of Spain. He 
 gave him, also, another more costly jewel, a I'ing with a noble 
 sapphire, which seems to have acted like a talisman.'' After this 
 the king passed away, and Geoffi'ey committed his remains 
 most reverently to the tomb. The body was laid upon the bier 
 in the church of Fontevraud, when Richard, one of the dead 
 man's rebellious children, unexpectedly and hastily came in. 
 He gazed for the last time iipon the face of his injured sire. 
 There he lay subdued at last, his countenance still retaining 
 the stem expression which it had worn in life. In that awful 
 presence Richard would remember that filial ingratitude had 
 made that proud heart cease to beat. 
 
 "Thy silver hairs I see, 
 
 So still, so sadly bright ! 
 And, father, father ! hut for me 
 
 They had not been so white ! 
 I bore thee down, high heart ! at last 
 
 No longer could thou strive ; 
 Oh ! for one moment of the jjast 
 
 To kneel and say — ' forgive.' " 
 
 He groaned in spirit, and throwing himself on his knees beside 
 the corpse, seemed to be deeply penitent."^ 
 
 As soon as the funeral was over Geoffrey gave up the seals 
 of the chancery, which he had held for several years. There 
 seemed to be every prospect of peace and affection between 
 him and Richard. Vain hope ! Geoffrey, after visiting his 
 possessions in the vicinity of Tours and Angers, rejoined his 
 brother, who Avas then in Normandy, but he was met by cold 
 and angry looks. Evil influences had been unhappily at work, 
 and Richard's mind was Avarped. Geoff'rey returned to England. 
 When he arrived at London he was met by a large body of the 
 York ecclesiastics, informing him that he had been elected to 
 the see of York, which had been long vacant, and desiring him 
 to come to them. He declined positively to accept the honom-. 
 He was not fit for it. He told them that he was fonder of dogs 
 and hawks than of books and priests. The Yorkshiremen made 
 a characteristic reply ; they told him that it was not necessary 
 tiiat he should altogether abandon those tastes when he came 
 
 ' A legacy which reminds us of the Annule, qui pestem, fsedumque arcere venenum 
 lines of Hugo Grotius in his Dactylic- Pectore, qui philtri crederis esse loco." 
 
 *^^<^^' '' Ger. Cambrensis, 381-2. Ben. 
 
 " Annulo, cui moriens, et villas credit et agros, Petrib., 347. Hoveden, 372 b. Matt. 
 Tutelamque suae prolls, opesque pater : Paris, 126. 
 
 I
 
 1191 — 1207.] ARCiimsiiop geoffrey. 257 
 
 into the North/ This temjitation, and the recollection of his 
 father's Avish/ secured Geoffrey's consent. It may be well to 
 observe that his election by the chapter of York had been by 
 no means an unanimous one, and this division of opinion had 
 been caused, to, a great extent, by his own indiscretion. It 
 would appear that Richard had promised him the archbishopric 
 soon after his father's death, upon which Geoffrey had hastily 
 sent his clerks to England to displace the custodiers of the 
 temporalities and spiritualities of the see.^ On the 10th of 
 August the chapter of York met, in obedience to the royal 
 mandate, to elect a new archbishop, and knoAving as they did 
 the wishes of the late king and his successor,'' their choice, 
 naturally enough, fell upon Geoffrey. Hubert Walter the dean, 
 the bishop of Durham, and many of the canons were not present^ 
 and the election therefore Avas objected to as informal. Walter, 
 Avho had at one time been himself nominated by the chapter, 
 appealed to the pope, and with the assistance of the queen- 
 mother, Avho had a stepmother's dislike to Geoffrey, he prevailed 
 upon Richard to make an order that everything at York should 
 continue as it was when his father died. The spiritual charge 
 therefore of the diocese returned into the hands of the dean, and 
 the temporal possessions to the care of their old custodiers.* 
 This Avas the state of things when Geoffrey, after accepting 
 the archbishopric at the hands of the representatives of the 
 chapter, Avent to the court at Windsor. Every one seemed to 
 be against him. After a long controversy the matter in dispute 
 was amicably arranged. The coronation of the king took place, 
 and, after Avards, on the 16th of September, Avhen they Avere at 
 PipcAvell abbey ,-^ Richard confirmed the election of his brother, 
 and the fact was formally announced by Puiset bishop of 
 Durham. 
 
 When this was over tlie king impressed upon his brother 
 the necessity of his being ordained a priest, and threatened in 
 the end, if he did not consent, to seize the revenues of the 
 archbishopric. Geoffrey was now in a dilemma. He had 
 some lingering hope of having a share in the kingdom ; he 
 would lose this if he became a priest ; if he should not be 
 ordained, he Avould be ejected from his see. After nnich hesita- 
 tion he Avas admitted to the priesthood at Southwell, by his 
 
 ' Ger. Cambrensis, 382-3. letters bavin;,' been writlen to tbe cbap- 
 
 f Heminoford, apud Gale., ii., 518. ter to tbat eileot. llovcdcn. 373 6. 
 Fordim, Scoticbrouicon, i., 498. ' Ben. Tetrib., 553-1. Dicelo, col. 
 
 «• Ben. Petrib., 5i9. Wm. Neubr., 653. Bromton, col. 1156-7. Ilovcdcn, 
 
 357. Cbron. Jo. de Oxenedcs, 72. 373 6. 
 
 Bromton, col. 1155. Hoveden, 373 6. ■' Ben. Petrib., 562. Wni. Neubr., 
 
 Malt. Paris, 127. 357. Diceto, col. 653.. Bromton, col. 
 
 '' Wm. Neubr. (357-8) speaks of 1161. Hoveden, 375 6. Malt. Par., 129. 
 
 S
 
 258 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 siiifrcagan, John bishop of Whitlierne.* Puiset, the bishop of 
 Diu-ham, was an enemy of his, and Geoffi'ey would not allow 
 liim to officiate, a slight which Puiset never afterwards forgot.^ 
 Geoffrey had also made iip his mind that the pope should con- 
 secrate him. In the month of October he paid a visit to York, 
 but amid the festivities and gratulations which greeted his 
 advent, he manifested his customary want of tact and infirmity 
 of temper. The new dean and treasurer, Henry Marshall and 
 Buchard de Puiset, a nephew of the bishop of Durham, besought 
 him to install them, but he refused, inconsiderately, to do so 
 till his own appointment had been confirmed by the pope. This 
 added fuel to a fire which had been for some time kindled. 
 
 One incident in the long contention which followed is 
 peculiar and amusing. Geofti'ey was coming to the vespers in 
 the minster, but being somewhat late, the dean and the treasurer 
 ordered the service to begin without him. He arrived soon 
 after with Hamo, the precentor, and several of the canons, and 
 was very indignant at the slight. He and the precentor bade 
 the ser\'ice cease, the dean and the treasurer giving a contrary 
 injunction. The singers, however, were silent, and Geoffrey 
 began the vespers again. The treasui'er then directed the tapers 
 to be extinguished, and there was an end of everything. The 
 archbishop-elect now put the church under an interdict. On 
 the morrow when, according to their wont, for it was a high 
 festival, the whole population of the city flocked to the min- 
 ster to hear the service, Geoffrey, the dean and his brethren, 
 were in the the choir endeavoimng to come to terms, but the 
 two culprits would render no satisfaction, and added insult to 
 injury. The crowd would have rushed upon them if it had not 
 been restrained by Geoffrey. Buchard and the dean were 
 greatly alarmed. One fled to the deanery and the other to 
 St. William^s tomb. They were excommunicated and the 
 interdict continued.'" 
 
 Complaints of the conduct of Geoffrey were made to the 
 king, and Richard, who for other reasons was annoyed at his 
 brother, took possession of all his private property at home and 
 abroad. When Geoffrey^s messengers wished to go to the 
 papal court, to obtain the pall for their master, the king would 
 not allow them to leave the country." The two brothers met 
 again in December. William king of Scotland was summoned 
 
 * Ger.Cambrensis,383. Ben.Petrib., ' C4er. Cambr., 383. 
 
 565. Bromton, col. 1162. Hoveden, '" Iloveden, 378 b. 
 
 375 S. Matt. Paris, 131. Diccto (col. « Ben. Petrib., 569. Bromton, col. 
 
 653) said that tbe ordination took place 1166. Hoveden, 375 J, who puts this 
 
 in the presence of Fulmar, archbishop occurrence in a somewhat diflerent 
 
 of Treves. place.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 259 
 
 to the English com*t, but he refused to come unless Geoffrey 
 would escort him. Richard, upon this, desired the archbishop- 
 elect to do so, and he attended the Scottish monarch from the 
 Tn^eed to Canterbury." He entreated the Scottish kino; to 
 prevail upon his brother to restore his property, and AVilliam 
 made a promise to do so, but forgot it. Soon after this Richard 
 made a vain attempt, through the bishop of Durham and 
 several other dignitaries, to induce Geoffrey to give up his 
 archbishopric on the plea that his election had been an informal 
 one, and when he refused to do so, he deprived him of the 
 temporalities which were entrusted to Puiset. A few days 
 afterwards the dispute came under the cognizance of John of 
 Anagnia, the papal legate. Every attempt was made to dislodge 
 Geoffi'ey, but to no purpose. Puiset and Hubert Walter, who 
 was now bishop of Salisbury, brought forward the informality 
 of his election ; the new treasurer and the dean depreciated his 
 character by saying that he was a homicide and born in adultery; 
 the messengers of the king tried threats and bribes. The 
 legate, however, was obdurate. At this crisis a compromise 
 was effected, and a general amnesty Avas proclaimed. Money, 
 carried the day when reason and argument were powerless. 
 Geoffrey promised his brother tlu'ce thousand marks towards 
 the expenses of the crusade, on which he was just embarking. 
 Richard, on his part, restored Geofl'rey^s private property and 
 the temporalities of his see, and prevailed upon him to confirm 
 the privileges of the York chapter and Puiset, the dean, the 
 treasurer and the bishop of Durham having relinquished the 
 appeals which they had made against him/ His election to 
 the archbishopric was solemnly confirmed by the legate and 
 the pope.'' Geoffrey^s chief anxiety now was to raise the 
 money for which he had pledged his word, and he was obliged 
 to ask his clergy for a subsidy. It would probably have been 
 given if the bishop of Diu'ham had not opposed it. Soon after 
 this, in the beginning of 1190, he was summoned abroad, and 
 found his brother at Lyons. When Richard heard that he had 
 come without the subsidy he was in a fury. It was in vain that 
 Geoffrey gave him the reason for his insolvency, and requested 
 him to take the revenues of his see till they satisfied his claims. 
 This was not enough for Richard, Avho seized upon them all 
 Avithout reserve. He sent also the bishop of Bath and Wells, 
 the dean of Mans and Buchard de Puiset to the pope, that Geof- 
 frey's election might be annulled. In this he was too late, for the 
 archbishop Avas a far readier politician, and had out-gcneralled 
 
 " Ben. Petrib., 575-6. Diccto, col. 577-9. Bromtoii, col. 1169. llovedcn, 
 649. Bromton, col. 1167. 377-8. 
 
 p Ger.Cambrensis,385. Ben. rclrib., 'i Diccto, col. 653. iMalt. TarLs, 131. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 him. He liad already sent some of his clerks to Rome, and the 
 royal messengers met them as they were returning, bringing 
 with them the official confirmation of Geoffrey's appointment 
 as well as the pall/ Opposition was therefore useless, and the 
 two brothers were reconciled at Tours. An arrangement was 
 made about the payment of the money, and then Richard, who 
 had already assumed the staff and the scrip of the pilgrim, 
 went on his journey into the East. His favom-s, however, were 
 always marred by some qualification or reservation, for he was 
 full of mean subterfuges and petty jealousies. Before he went 
 away he left a strict injunction forbidding any archbishop in 
 his dominions to consecrate his brother. Geoffrey was all the 
 while in possession of a general licence from the pope which 
 authorized his consecration by any prelate of that high degree. 
 Richard is also said to have extorted a promise from his brothers, 
 John and Geoffrey, that they would not retiu^n to England for 
 three years after his departure without his special permission. 
 He subsequently withdrew this restriction in the case of John,* 
 and Gerald Cambrensis informs us that Geoffrey had the like 
 concession, but in this he seems to be mistaken.^ 
 
 Geoffrey was now at peace with his brother, but he was not 
 a man who could remain long quiet. His old feud with the 
 family of Puiset seems to have revived. Geoffrey had ex- 
 communicated Buchard, the treasurer of York, but that 
 dignitaiy, nothing daunted, had made his way to Rome, and 
 pleaded his cause before Clement III., with such success, that 
 ixot only was the bar removed, but the pope had refused to con- 
 firm the election of Geoffrey and to send him the pall. He 
 liad allowed, also, the bishop of Durham to be altogether inde- 
 pendent of the see of York." In the spring of 1191 the queen- 
 mother seems to have gone to Rome, at the king's request, to 
 beg the pope to reverse his sentence and to consecrate Geoffrey." 
 Soon after this Celestine III. ascended the papal chair, but 
 Richard, as has been already stated, had changed his mind 
 with reference to his brother. The archbishop- elect, however, 
 dispatched Simon de Apulia,'" one of his clerks, who was a 
 Calabrian by birth, and a man of eloquence and learning, to 
 the papal court. He was accompanied by Hamo, precentor of 
 York, William Testard, archdeacon of Nottingham, and Ralph 
 de Wigetoe,'' canon of Ripon. They were so successfid that 
 
 "■ Gerald Cambrensis, 386-7. Dicoto, " Hovedeii, 392. 
 
 col. 663. '" Wm. Neuljr., 405. He was after- 
 
 ' Ben. Petrib., 584. Hoveden, 378 b. wards dean of York and bishop of Ex- 
 
 Eic. Divis. Chron., 15. Bromton, col. eter. 
 
 1171. ' Ger. Cambrensis, 387. •^ There is an extraordinary story 
 
 « Ben. Petrib., 629. Hoveden, 3S7-8. about this man in Hoveden (437). He 
 
 Bromton, col. 1190. was sick unto death at Rome in 1196,
 
 1191—1207.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 
 
 2G1 
 
 not only was bishop Pniset deprived of his privilege and ordered 
 to render obedience to York/ but^ in addition to this, the 
 chiu'ch and diocese of York were exempted from the authority 
 of any papal legate, unless he was some cardinal of high degree 
 or honoured with some special mission. By the same messengers 
 there arrived an order from the pope addi'cssed to the archbishop 
 of Tours, commanding him to consecrate Geoffrey without 
 delay .^ The ceremony, therefore, took place in the church of 
 St. Mani'ice at Tours on the 18th of August, 1191. The arch- 
 bishop himself officiated, and was assisted by eight other prelates 
 with much pomp and circumstance." The archbishop of Canter- 
 biuy and his sufli'agans were greatly offended at what they 
 considered to be an infringement on the rights of the English 
 metropolitan. When Baldwin had first heard of Geoffrey's 
 election, he had made an attempt to assert the old privileges of 
 his see, and had made a fruitless order that the archbishop of 
 York should be consecrated by no one but himself.* 
 
 We now come to one of the most extraordinary scenes in 
 Geoffrey's life, a scene which possesses all the interest of a 
 romance. '^ He was wishful to return to England, and his 
 brother John urged him to embark, but there was his promise 
 to the contrary to prevent him. England was then imder the 
 charge of William, bishop of Ely, who is said to have had some 
 strong reasons for keeping Geoffrey out of the way •/ and at his 
 
 aud there he confessed tothepopeand the 
 cardinals that he had got many forged 
 letters in the Eoman court for himself 
 and his master Geoffre3\ The pope de- 
 sired the archbishop of Canterbury to 
 seize them. A man of the name of 
 Roger de Ripon was caught at London 
 with some of them in his possession, and 
 poison was found on him, which had 
 been given to him, as he said, to destroy 
 Simon d,e Apulia, then dean of York, 
 and several of the canons. Simon was 
 sent for to London, and the poison, some 
 gold rings and a beautiful zone, all 
 poisoned, were handed over to him and 
 were burned. The bearer was impri- 
 soned. Geoffre}' was blamed for all 
 this by his enemies. Recucil des Hist, 
 des Gaules, xviii., 77. 
 
 y Ben. Petrib., 691. Bromton, col. 
 1224. 
 
 -■ Ben. Pctrib., 694. Gerald, 387. 
 Bromton, col. 1222. Hoveden, 399. 
 Knyghton, col. 2102. ^Vm. Ncubr. 
 (405) says that the bishop of Ely was 
 the great cause of the delay in Gcolfrey 's 
 consecration, having seized and wasted 
 
 the archiepiscopal property whilst he 
 was abroad. Bromton (1224) sa3'sthat 
 the bishop seized Geoffrey's goods in 
 consequence of his consecration. 
 
 " Gerald, 388. Wm. Neubr., 405. 
 Ann. Waverl., ed. Gale, ii., 164. Ric. 
 Divis. Chron., 34. Diceto, col. 521, 
 663. Bromton, col. 1224. Contin. Fl. 
 Wigorn., ii., 159. Matt. Paris, 136. 
 
 * Ben. Petrib., 563-4. Hoveden, 
 375 b. Bromton, col. 1162. Gervase, 
 col. 1570-1. Anglia Sacra, i., 10. Hcn- 
 ri([uez, Phoenix Reviviscens, 20. 
 
 '■ This scene is described in Gerald, 
 389-92. Ben. Petrib., 695. Wm. 
 Neubr., 406. Ann de Margan, apud 
 Gale, ii., 10. Ann. "Waverl., ibid., 164. 
 liic. Divis. Chron., 34-6. Diceto, col. 
 663. Bromton, col. 1221. Gerva.se, 
 col. 1576. Hoveden, 399. Contin. Fl, 
 Wigorn., ii., 159. Matt. Paris, 136. 
 Polydore Vergil, 274. Recucil des 
 Hist, des Gaules, xviii., 63. 
 
 '' Too much abuse ha.s been heaped 
 upon the bishop for his share in this 
 advent ure. Tt seems to me that he was 
 only doing his duty.
 
 262 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 request the countess of Flanders and Boulogne forbade the 
 archljishop to pass through her territories, or to sail from any of 
 her ports. His suite might go, if they chose, but they must go 
 without him, and they were to land at Dover. Geoffrey, who 
 had resolved upon the journey, was not to be kept behind. His 
 train reached Dover in safety, and whilst every one, no doubt, 
 was examining it with curious eyes for the archbishop, Geoffrey 
 was on the sea with a small party of his friends in an English 
 fishing-smack. The constable of the castle was brother-in-law 
 to the bishop of Ely, who seems to have ordered every one to 
 keep a sharp look-out. The exile neared the shore very early in 
 the morning, but he could not even then escape the vigilance of 
 the garrison. He had disguised himself, but a royal face is not 
 easily concealed. He was ordered into the castle, but he refused 
 to go. He got upon a swift horse and galloped towards the 
 priory. A horseman from the castle followed him in hot pursuit, 
 and stretched out his hand to seize hold of Geoffrey^s rein. 
 The archbishop, still mindful of his old prowess in the field, 
 gave the steed of his pursuer a kick with his right foot which 
 nearly overthrew it, and then escaped to the monastery. It Avas 
 immediately smTounded by a band of soldiers. The constable 
 of the castle sent messenger after messenger in vain, ordering 
 him either to take the oath of allegiance, or to return. What 
 had they to do with it ? He would do neither. The prince- 
 bishop was imdaunted, and confronted his foes with a fearless 
 bearing from his chair beside the altar, arrayed in his stole and 
 all), and bearing in his hand his crozier -v^TOught with ivory and 
 gold. When the soldiers gazed upon him as he sat, they would 
 think of the martyrdom and the intrepidity of Becket. A 
 sudden movement now came over them. They threw themselves 
 on their knees before the altar, and beat their breasts, as if to 
 beg forgiveness for what they were going to do, and then they 
 caught hold of Geoffrey by the arms and shoulders, and dragged 
 liim to the door. He resisted, and his head was dashed against 
 the pavement, but they carried him out by the feet and arms. 
 They tried to force him on his horse, but he would not mount 
 it, so they pushed him along through the wet and mud, still 
 bearing his crozier in his hand. They took him to the castle, 
 where the constable received him on his knees with tears 
 streaming down his cheeks. On that night a wind came roar- 
 ing over the sea, and a storm arose which shook those massive 
 walls to their fomidations. 
 
 Geoffrey was in Dover castle for eight days without fire, 
 water, or food, save such as his servants could buy for him in 
 the town. His horses were sent oflp to the bishop of Ely, who 
 was overjoyed at what had taken place, and he endeavoured to
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 263 
 
 tempt his prisoner either to leave the country, or to take the 
 oath of allej?iance. He woukl do ncitlier; for a grievous insult 
 had been offered to him, and he knew that he would soon be in 
 a position to dictate terms instead of accepting them. The tide 
 of popular sympathy had already set in towards him. The 
 mob, Avhen they were carrying him to the castle, had shouted at 
 the soldiery, indignant that a priest and the king's brother 
 should be thus treated. The constable, who had been an mi- 
 willing tool, requested and obtained GeofFrey^s pardon for what 
 he had done. The news soon ran through the whole country, 
 and caused much indignation and excitement. The bishop of 
 Ely was anything but popular, and this fi'eak made him more 
 disliked than ever. The bishop of Lincoln at once excom- 
 municated the perpetrators of the outrage. The bishops of 
 London and Norwich threatened and remonstrated with their 
 brother of Ely. Prince John, who Avas at Lancaster, took up 
 the matter with great warmth. He ordered the regent, at his 
 peril, to release his brother from his prison. The bishop of Ely 
 did not dare to be disobedient. He sent Geoffrey's uncle, 
 Hameline earl of Warren, to Dover to authorize his discharge 
 on condition that he came to London to the council, and pro- 
 mised to abide by its decree. The pledge was given, and the 
 captive left the castle in the same humble guise in which he 
 entered it, passing through a rejoicing crowd. He halted for a 
 "while at Canterbury to visit the tomb of the martyred primate, 
 and, soon afterwards, arrived at London. At Reading he met 
 his brother John and many of the bishops and nobles of the 
 realm, making his complaint against the chancellor, and begging 
 for redress, which was soon promised. The bishop of Ely, how- 
 ever, would make him no amends. He set prince John's friends 
 at naught; he would not meet them, and received all their 
 overtures and proposals with the greatest contempt. He paid a 
 bitter penalty for his folly and want of tact. He was excom- 
 municated and deprived of his chancellorship, and was obliged 
 to seek safety by- an ignominious flight. Geoffrey now Avent on 
 a visit to Northampton, where he had formerly been a student, 
 and received a hearty welcome. He then set out for York, 
 where he was solemnly enthroned in the minster on the festival 
 of All Saints.* 
 
 Geoffrey was at this time in the middle of another con- 
 troversy Avith the l)ishop of Durham. That restless prelate had 
 left no stone mitvu'ned to procure the liberation of his see from 
 its allegiance to York. He made appeal after appeal to Rome. 
 
 ' Gerard Cambrensis, 392-1-07. Ben. 6G 1-5. Bromton, col. 1225-8. Knvffh- 
 Petrib., 697-700. Wm. Neiibr., -lOG, ton, col. 2101. liovoden, 3D9-100. 
 etc. Eic. Divis., 37-42. Diceto, col. Malt. Tari.s, 139-140.
 
 264 FASTI EBORACENSES, [a.D. 
 
 He refused to pay the sums which were due from those churches 
 withm the diocese of York which belonged to Durham. Geof- 
 frey Avrote in vain to him to demand redress, and to require his 
 submission. Puiset regarded his threats and his entreaties with 
 contempt. He said that he had made his profession long ago 
 to archl)ishop Roger, and that was quite enough. Geoffrey, 
 upon this, thundered at him the sentence of excommunication 
 from his minster, with candle, book, and bell.-^ His uncontrol- 
 lable temper manifested itself in several ways. He overthrew 
 the altars at which Puiset had officiated, and broke the chalices 
 Avhich he had used. He was very angry with his brother, 
 prince John, because he had been at the same table with the 
 bishop of Diu'ham after his excommunication; and he held 
 aloof from him till he had expressed regi'ct for what he had 
 donc.^ Puiset seems to have cared but little for these censures 
 of his rival. In the following year, 1192, the ban was repeated, 
 on the festival of the Purification, but it was looked upon with 
 contempt. Puiset, however, was on his way to the papal court 
 to prosecute his appeal, when he and Geoffrey had an intervicAV 
 at London, in the presence of the queen-mother. The case of 
 each was heard, and Puiset expressed his readiness to abide by 
 the decision of the queen and the archbishop of Rouen. Geof- 
 frey would have none of this, unless his rival Avould first come 
 to the church of York to seek for absolution, and to render his 
 obedience. Puiset then said that he would make no peace Avitli 
 him unless he Avould solemnly proclaim, in the same place, the 
 removal and the needlessness of the sentence which he had 
 passed. Geoffi^ey of course refused, and the matter was at an 
 end. It was during this visit that the archbishop excited the 
 wrath of the Southern prelates by having his cross carried erect 
 from his residence in the New Temple to Westminster. They 
 Avould have broken the sacred symbol unless some royal per- 
 sonages had interfered, and the bishop of London forbade the 
 celebration of divine service in the New Temple, which com- 
 pelled Geoffrey to loAver his cross and to desert his residence. 
 Puiset now pushed his appeal at Rome.'' He complained to the 
 pojoe that he had been excommunicated Avhilst his appeal to the 
 papal court Avas undecided, and Celestine revoked the sentence 
 on the gi-ound that it had been hastily and imprudently made.* 
 He also sent a message to the bishops of Rochester and Lincoln, 
 and the abbat of Peterborough, to the effect that if, upon 
 
 f Ben. Pctrib., 710-17. Bromton, * Ibid., 729-30. Bromton, col. 1237-8. 
 
 col. 1235. Gervaso, col. 1580. Hovoden, 408 6. 
 
 s Ben. Petrib., 727. Bromton, col. ■ Ben. Petrib., 733. Wm. Neubr., 
 
 1236. 443-5. Bromton, col. 1238. Hoveden, 
 
 405-6. Labbe, x., 1769.
 
 1191 — 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 2G5 
 
 enquiry, they found that Geoffrey had really destroyed the altars 
 and chalices, as was stated, that then Puisct shoidd be altogether 
 released from his subjection to Geoffrey during his life.-/ The 
 two combatants met after this at Northampton; and then, at 
 the request of the bishop of Lincoln, the farther consideration 
 of the question was deferred to a future day. 
 
 The feud between Geoffrey and the dean and chapter of 
 York had been temporarily settled, but this and every other 
 armistice only seemed to inspire them with new vigour for 
 assault and defence. The quarrel was now raging again, and 
 Puiset, who was a man of war himself, did his best to see that 
 the chapter were victorious. Heniy Marshall the dean, Buchard 
 the treasui'cr, Hugh Mui'dac and Adam de Tornovere, canons of 
 the church, and Peter de Ros, clerk of the bishop of Diu'ham, 
 had been put by Geoffrey under an anathema. The archbishop 
 of Rouen and the other justiciars of England ordered the 
 Northern primate to restore to them everything of Avhich they 
 had been deprived, and, if he refused to do so, William de 
 Stute\dll and other powerful barons were directed to compel 
 him, or to seize upon the temporalities of his see. Geoffrey 
 was inexorable, unless the culprits would present themselves at 
 the door of the minster in the guise of penitents, and receive 
 absolution; promising, at the same time, to abide by the 
 decision of the chapter in all future controversies. Wearied 
 Avith delays and opposition they complied with his request, and 
 another truce was made. The dean, however, a brother of 
 William the earl-marshal, refused to stoop to the conditions, 
 and spoke high words against his diocesan. Geoffrey met him 
 with equal spirit. He put the city under an interdict, and 
 would allow no divine service to be performed in it whilst the 
 dean was within the walls. '^' 
 
 In 1193, whilst Richard I. was in captivity, prince John, it 
 is well known, began to intrigue against his absent brother. 
 His conduct aroused the indignation of Geoffrey. Whilst the 
 barons in the South were taking up arms to jn'otect the rights 
 of their imprisoned sovereign, he collected together the forces 
 of the North. Hugh Bardolf, the sheriff of Yorkshire, and 
 William de Stutevill were with him, and they went to Doncaster, 
 and began to fortify the town. Geoffrey, mindfid of the 
 exploits of his youth, was eager to invest the neighbouring 
 castle of Tickhill which belonged to his rebellious brother ; but 
 Bardolf and Stutevill refused to accom])any him, on the plea 
 that John was their suzerain. The archljishop, full of wrath, 
 called them traitors to their king and country, and withdrew 
 
 J Bcu. Petril)., 711-2. * Bon. Putrib., 711-5. Eromtou, col. 1230-10.
 
 266 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 from tliem with all his men. Geoffrey^ who with all his 
 impetuosity had an affectionate heart, was much concerned at 
 the misfortunes of his brother. Richard wrote to him from his 
 prison, begging him, above all others, to watch over his king- 
 dom, and to raise the necessary funds for his release. Whilst 
 the Cistercians and the Gilbertines were surrendering their 
 wool, and stripping their chm'ches of their plate, to contribute 
 their share towards the king^s ransom, the canons of York 
 refused to listen to their archbishop when he asked them to 
 give up a fourth part of their income for the same purpose.' It 
 was, no doubt, merely their personal dislike of the asker which 
 prompted their refusal. In course of time this opposition seems 
 to have been overcome, as the treasures and relics of the chui'ch 
 of York were pa-uTied for a while to alleviate the necessities of 
 Richard."' When that monarch returned to England, there was 
 on the whole but little friendship between him and his brother 
 Geoffrey, for the children of Henry II. were united together by 
 no strong fraternal ties. In 1195, after a visit to Sherwood 
 forest, and an interview, as the legend tells us, with the famous 
 outlaw Robin Hood," Richard held his first council at Notting- 
 ham. Geoffrey sat at his right hand, and purchased, for the 
 large sum of 3,000 marks and a rent of 100 marks per annum, 
 the shrievalty of Yorkshire." Many complaints were made at 
 that meeting, by ecclesiastics as well as laymen, of Geoffrey's 
 exactions and extortions, but he treated them with contemptuous 
 silence, and no investigation seems to have been made.? He 
 was not present at the coronation, as his brother would not allow 
 him to bear his cross.^' On the 23rd of April in the same year 
 (1195), when Richard was at Waltham, he confirmed to Geoffrey 
 his possessions abroad, and reconciled him to his old enemy, of 
 whom we have lost sight for some time, the bishop of Ely. 
 Soon after this the archbishop fell into disgrace for having 
 injiu'ed the canons of York, and was deprived of the temporalities 
 of his see, which remained for some time in the kmg's hands, 
 being held for him by William de Stutevill and Geoffrey 
 Haget.'" Geoffrey was at this time suspended from his spi- 
 ritual duties, and his fortunes were at their lowest ebb. The 
 only place that was left to him was the manor of Ripon, at 
 which he for some time resided ; and it was here probably that 
 he was brought into more immediate connection with the learned 
 
 ' Hoveden, 412Z., 416. " Hoveden, 419. Madox, Hist. Ex- 
 
 '" Fabric Rolls of York Minster, ed. chequer, i., 459. 
 
 Surtees Soc, 152. p Hoveden, 419 h. 
 
 " " The kynge came to Notynghame, « Ibid., 420. Ben. Petrib. (556) 
 
 TT.Yt^l k»yghtes in grete araye, gays that he was there : SO do Bromton, 
 
 For to take that gentyll knygUt, „„i ith i t> ^ t ^ ej. i .o 
 
 And Kobyn Hode, U' he may." ^ol. llo/ ; and Peter Langtoft, «. e., 142. 
 
 "■ Hoveden, 420 b, 423.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 267 
 
 Peter de Blois, one of the canons of that place, and incited him 
 to commemorate, in a work adcb'cssed to himself, the life and 
 merits of St. Wilfrid.'' In the autumn of the same year Geof- 
 frey went into Normandy to see his brother, and purchased his 
 forgiveness for the sum of 3,000 marks, which restored to him 
 all the temporal possessions of Avhicli he had been deprived. 
 He seems to have lost them again immediately for his intem- 
 perate language against the king for dispossessing him,' for he 
 had not the slightest particle of discretion; and Fuller is not 
 far wrong when he says that Richard was kinder to him " than 
 his tumultuous natm'e did deserve. ^^" The king was again in 
 possession of the temporalities of the see. He woidd gladly 
 have seen Geoffrey deposed, and it was with gi'cat regret that 
 he heard, in 1196, of his being restored to the favour of the 
 pope. He was more bitter against him than ever, and deter- 
 mined to let and hinder him as far as he possibly could. He 
 persisted in giving away the stalls and offices at York, a course 
 of conduct which brought the two brothers into collision. This 
 state of things seems to have continued until 1198, Avhen Geof- 
 frey went to the court in Normandy at his brother^s request, 
 and they were again friends, Richard giving him back his 
 temporalities, and promising to interfere no more with the 
 appointments in his cathedral. He changed his mind a few 
 days after this in consequence of the representations of the 
 York chapter ; and it was in vain that pope Innocent, by pro- 
 mises and threats, endeavoured to persuade him to be reconciled 
 to Geoffrey.*' Richard^s sudden death, which took place shortly 
 afterwards, put an end to all negotiations. 
 
 It has been already stated that the chapter of York refused 
 to listen to Geoffrey when he urged them to contribute towards 
 the ransom of his brother. Their disinclination to grant what 
 he demanded was caused by the revival of the old feud, into 
 which it will be necessary, although perhaps tediovis, to enter. 
 A second quarrel between friends who have been temporarily 
 united is always worse than the first, and in this instance the 
 trite observation was completely verified. In 1191; the pro- 
 motion of Henry Marshall to the bishopric of Exeter vacated 
 the deanery of York. Geoftrey, who was then at llipon, gave 
 the post to his brother Peter. Peter, however, was then at 
 Paris, and the king urged his brother to bestow tlie dignity on 
 John, provost of Douay. Upon this the archbishop strove to 
 
 ♦ Bale, cent, iii., 231. Vossius, 426. ' Hoveden, 425, 428. Ann. Burton., 
 
 There is a letter from Peter de Blois apud Gale, iii., 203. 
 
 addressed to him exhorting him to " Fuller's Church History, bk. iii., 
 
 resist heretics (Petri Bles. Opp.j i., 45. 
 
 350-1 . • Hoveden, 435 b, 442 b, 446 b.
 
 268 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 extricate himself from the difficulty by giving the deanery to 
 one of his clerks, Simon de Apulia. When the chance of a 
 controversy seemed to be over, he endeavoured to prevail upon 
 Simon to occupy it merely as the deputy, and for the benefit of 
 Peter. As this was a very questionable transaction, the chapter 
 of York shewed their opinion of it by electing Simon at once 
 to the deanery. Geoffrey now made another move, and gave 
 the office to a great favourite of his brother, Philip de Poictiers, 
 archdeacon of Canterbury, who was subsequently bishop of 
 Dm'ham. The chapter were immediately in arras, and the 
 battle begun. They held aloof from their archbishop, and 
 claimed the right of electing their own superior. They would 
 contribute nothing towards the ransom of king Richard. The 
 messengers of Geoffrey were sent to make an appeal at the 
 papal court. They were to halt, however, in Germany to see 
 the king, and there they found that Simon had preceded them. 
 Richard forbade either party to appeal to Rome. He would 
 settle the dispute himself; and one of GeoflPrey^s friends was 
 sent to England to bid him hasten to his brother. In the mean- 
 time the canons had put an end to the service in the minster, 
 the bells were silent, and all the city was in a commotion. The 
 archbishop^s stall and the door which led into the nave from his 
 palace were locked. When Geoffi'ey sent to require the con- 
 tinuance of the service, they paid no attention to his request. 
 He went to the minster at Christmas, 1194, and finding it empty, 
 filled it with his own clerks, and excommunicated foui* of the 
 dignitaries of the cathedral for their contumacy. The sufferers, 
 accompanied by the superiors of the houses of St Mary^s, York, 
 and Sclby, and many of the Premonstratcnsian abbats, crossed 
 the seas to Richard, who was angry at Geoffrey^s disobedience, 
 and obtaining his consent proceeded to the papal com't, Avhere 
 the archbishop was also represented. The pope, on this occasion, 
 set aside the claims of both sides, and gave the deanery, of his 
 own authority, to Simon. The dean and his companions then 
 laid many seriou.s complaints against Geoffrey, relating for the 
 most part to his mal- administration of his diocese. They said 
 that he did nothing but hunt, and hawk, and busy himself with 
 military aftairs, whilst his spiritual charge was in the meanwhile 
 uncared for. There were no ordinations, no consecrations nor 
 synods; no abbat could obtain his benediction, although he 
 might find himself excommunicated. The liberties of the 
 minster of Y'^ork were set at naught. Some of the canons had 
 been put under an anathema; the vicars and officers of the 
 church had been ejected. If any one talked of making an 
 appeal to Rome he was thrown into prison. The archbishop 
 would not institute clerks to benefices, but gave them to boys
 
 1191 — 1207.] ARCHBISHOP geoffrey. 269 
 
 and base persons. He made livings vacant at his pleasure to 
 obtain the revenues, and broke open the doors to get possession 
 of the clnirches. These were very serions charges, and Celestine 
 seems to have listened to them Avith attention. He determined 
 to have them thoroughly investigated. He issued a commission 
 of enquiry on the 8th of June, 1195, addressed to the bishop of 
 Lincoln and two others, authorizing them to examine into the 
 truth of these allegations. A few days before this, on the 31st 
 of May, the pope had written to Hamo dean of Lincoln, and 
 the archdeacons of Leicester and Northampton, authorizing 
 them to reinstate the vicars and ministers of the church of York 
 in their offices. The dean had told him that Geoflrcy had 
 ejected them, a statement which, if Hoveden, a contemporary, 
 is to be relied upon, was certaiidy unfounded.'" When the 
 j)apal mandate arrived at Lincoln the bishop found that Geof- 
 frey had already appealed to Rome, and that he was on his 
 way to that city. The day of the examination, therefore, Avas 
 deferred. Geoffrey never arrived at the pajial court, as Uichard 
 forbade his progress ; and he was afraid, besides, of the autumnal 
 fevers Avhich still ravaged the old capital of the world. His 
 clerks, however, acted in his stead, and obtained a decree which 
 frustrated every order that had been made in their master's 
 absence. He was ordered to be at Rome to answer for himself 
 at the following Martinmas ; and when he failed to appear either 
 in person or by deputy at that time and at Christmas, he Avas 
 suspended from his office. He had, shortly before this, met with 
 a sad reverse in England. Some of his servants had been 
 brought, at the instance of the canons of York, before the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, the king^s justiciar, and his felloAvs, on a 
 charge of robbery; and Geoffrey, failing to exculpate cither 
 himself or them, Avas disseised of the possessions of his archi- 
 episeopate, with the exception of the manor of Ripon, and he 
 lost his shrievalty as well.^ A short time before Michaelmas, 
 the dignitaries of the minster, Avho had been at Rome, retiu'ued 
 to York. They brought AAith them the pope's absolution from 
 the sentence of excommunication, Avhich Geoffrey had pro- 
 nounced against them; this Avas read solemnly in the cathedral 
 by bishop Puiset, and then, Avith the assistance of the secidar 
 arm, they were restored to their preferments. Ralph, arch- 
 deacon of the West Riding, had died as he Avas returning, but 
 Hamo the precentor and the archdeacons of Nottingham and 
 Cleveland reached York in safety. Geoffrey appealed against all 
 this to the pope, but Celestine merely suspended him on account 
 of his non-appearance at Rome in contravention of his promise. ^ 
 
 " Hoveden, 415-17, 426-7. Labbc, ' llovedcn, 41G h, 423. 
 
 Couc, X., 1773, 1775. * Ibid., 417 b, 423, 425.
 
 270 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 In the midst of tliis confusion, an event took place which 
 under another state of things would never have occurred. This 
 was nothing else than the presence of the archbishop of Canter- 
 bury at York, to hold a council in his capacity of legate, an 
 honour which the pope had conferred upon him on the 18th of 
 March, 1195/ Celestine, when he granted it, had stated that 
 his commission was to override any privilege that Geoffrey 
 might enjoy to the contrary, and this seems to shew that there 
 was some imderstanding between the pope and the archbishop 
 with regard to the council in the North of England. We may 
 be sure that there was great need for such a meeting, and for 
 the enforcement of discipline and order in the distracted diocese 
 of York. Hubert of Canterbury would be proud indeed to visit 
 the fair city of York as the representative of the pope, and 
 to enter that cathedral over which he had himself presided. 
 Geoffi-ey and he had come into collision on two or three occa- 
 sions about the bearing of the cross," but Hubert was a man of 
 wisdom and discretion, and was more ready to allay contention 
 than to excite it. It was clearly his duty now to go into the 
 North. In the summer of 1195, he sent two messengers, Peter 
 prior of Bineham and Master Geoffrey, to York to exhibit his 
 credentials, and to make arrangements for his intended visit. In 
 years gone by he would never have been permitted to enter 
 within the walls of the cathedi'al, and even now, in spite of their 
 dislike to Geoffrey, the dean and chapter still retained a shadow 
 of their old independence. They told him that he might come 
 to them as legate, but not as archbishop. Hubert arrived in 
 the metropolis of the North on the festival of St. Barnabas, and 
 for about a week was very usefully employed. He began by 
 holding an assize in his capacity of justiciar. He then visited 
 St. Mary's abbey, and deprived Robert the abbat for incom- 
 petency. After this he held a large assembly in the minster, at 
 which the greater part of the ecclesiastics of the North Avere 
 present. The legate shewed no ill-will towards his brother arch- 
 bishop. Geofirey's officers had, indeed, forbidden his approach, 
 for which they were excommunicated ; but he allowed them to 
 resume their duties, and they took a part in the proceedings of 
 the meeting. Every one seems to have been pleased with 
 Hubert, who was courteous and obliging.* The decrees which 
 were made at the two days" sitting at York have been preserved.*^ 
 
 - Diceto, col. 679-80. Hovedeu, 429. the controversy for precedence between 
 
 Labbe, Cone, x., 1775. Canterbury and York, and in Bromton, 
 
 ° Gervase, col. 1581-6, 1679. Ho- col. 1263, etc. Newbur^b says that 
 
 vcden, 418-9. Geoffrey was then abroad, " ad pla- 
 
 ' Diceto, col. 694. Hoveden, 430 b. candam regis iram." Diceto, col. 693. 
 
 "^ An account is given in Wm.Neubr., Matt. Paris, 150. Hoveden, 429-30. 
 
 527, etc., together with the details of Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 17. Labbe,
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHRISHOP GEOFFREY. 271 
 
 They relate, for the most part, to minute points of discipline 
 and ritualistic observances, the administration of the sacraments, 
 the dress and morals of the clergy, and the payment of titlies. 
 Two or three of the enactments are rather amusing. No clerk 
 ^yas to drink in public, or to frequent taverns, and he was to 
 avoid flirtations and their consequences. Great attention was 
 to be paid to his tonsure. Any one who neglected it, and pos- 
 sessed a benefice, was to forfeit his cure. If he were not thus 
 pro%dded for, the riu'al deans and the archdeacons were to take 
 the oftender and deprive him, with their sacred fingers, of his 
 flowing locks. 
 
 We must not lose sight of the bishop of Lincoln and his 
 colleagues, whom the pope had empowered in June, 1195, to 
 examine into the quarrel between Geoffrey and his chapter and 
 clergy. The commissioners met at York, apparently to arrange 
 how to proceed, and afterwards at Torkley and Ancaster ; and 
 the chapter proved in their presence that they had been losers 
 through the archbishop of one thousand marks. "^ It was in 
 vain, however, that they begged the arbiters to proceed to 
 extremities against Geoffrey. " I would as lief be suspended 
 myself as suspend him,^^ was the bishop of Lincoln^ s* reply; 
 and so little seems to have been done that the complainants 
 were discontented, and sent messengers to Rome to tell the pope 
 of the negligence of his representatives. Celestine, however, 
 had anticipated their wishes, and had suspended the archbishop. 
 At the instance of the chapter he committed the spiritual 
 charge of the diocese to dean Simon and his brethren on the 
 23rd of December, and renewed the commission of enquiry 
 which he had issued a few months previously to the bishop of 
 Lincoln and his colleagues/ In February, 1196, the dean 
 returned from Italy to York to take possession of his office, 
 but some messengers of the archbishop met him, and protested 
 against his being installed until the controversy about the 
 deanery had been formally settled by the pope. Hot words and 
 blows ensued which brought upon the offenders the sentence of 
 excommunication. There Avas much angry feeling between the 
 combatants. When Geoffrey's suffragan, John bishop of Whit- 
 herne, came to York to consecrate the chrism and the oil, the 
 dean and chapter would not receive them ; and Avlicn he hallowed 
 them at SoutliAvell, Geoffrey Muschamp, archdeacon of Cleve- 
 
 X., 1791. "Wilkins, i., 505. Gervase, (Matt. Paris, 172.) He was canonized 
 
 col. 1589. Hubert went to Durham, in 1220 (Chron. Lanerco.^t, 28). There 
 
 and the Northern monasteries .seem to is a hfe of him in I'ez, Bibl. Ascetica, 
 
 have been regularly visited. ed. 1723. 
 
 <* Hoveden, 126, 428. ■'■ Hoveden, 131-2. Labbe, Cone, 
 
 ^ Hugh, bishop of Lincoln, died in x., 1781-3. liecueil des Hist, des 
 
 1200, and Geoffrey was at his funeral. Gaules, xviii-, 77.
 
 272 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 land, is actually said to have thrown them upon a dunghill. 
 This was, indeed, a most unhappy time for the Northern church.* 
 Whilst matters were thus complicated Geoffii-ey resolved to 
 pay the iisit to the papal court Avhicli he had too long neglected. 
 He went and was there a long time, as he could make but little 
 progress in his business. The pope was greatly annoyed at him, 
 and shewed his displeasure by the delays and impediments 
 which he threw in his way, and by his unfriendly bearing.* At 
 length he obtained a hearing, and the charges brought against 
 him were thoroughly examined. The verdict was unanimously 
 in GeoflFrey^s favour', and was a complete acquittal. He was 
 restored to his archbishopric, and the accusations of his enemies 
 Avere pronomiced to be worthless and malicious. He would now 
 be anxious to return to England, and to get possession of the 
 temporalities of his see ; but the king refused to see him, so he 
 retm'ned to Rome and resided there for some time.* In the 
 year 1198 Geoffi*ey and his chapter were summoned to Richard^s 
 covu-t in Normandy, as the king was most desirous that they 
 should at length be reconciled. The dean and the chapter did 
 not come at the appointed day, and the archbishop, who had 
 made his peace with Richard,-' went off to Rome on his o^n 
 affairs as well as on those of his brother. Three days afterwards 
 the York party arrived, and, with a bitter spirit of revenge, 
 evoked Richard^s feeling of jealousy against Geoffrey to such an 
 extent, that the performance of his promise that the temporalities 
 should be restored to him was for a Avliile deferred. The dean 
 and his friends returned home in high glee, boasting foolishly of 
 their intimacy with the king, and of the mischief which they 
 had eff"ected. In the same year the archbishop and his opponents 
 seem to have had another meeting in the presence of the king 
 in Normandy, and Richard was most Avishful that they should 
 consent to abide by the decision of the archbishop of R»uen, 
 and the bishops of Winchester and Worcester. Geoff'rey was 
 ready enough to do this, but the dean and his brethren would 
 refer the dispute to a tribunal of secular canons, and to no one 
 else; and they aroused the king's wrath by stating that the 
 archbishop had not confirmed the appointments which he had 
 made in their cathedral. It is impossible to reprehend in too 
 strong terms the conduct of the dean throughout this long con- 
 troversy. Geoffrey was indeed hasty and inconsiderate, but 
 Simon shewed himself to be full of malice and mischief-making. 
 In the same year the new pope. Innocent III., tried to mediate 
 
 ^ Hoveden, 426, 427 b. reconciliation, and says that the cause 
 
 Gervase, col. 1590. Hoveden, 435 J. of Eicliard's anger was the deposition 
 
 ' Gervase, col. 1597. Hoveden, 436. of the chancellor during his own cap- 
 
 } Matt. Paris (162) speaks of this tivity. 
 
 J
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 273 
 
 in Geoffrey^s belialf. The kinp^ sent tlic bishop of Durliara and 
 four other prelates to his brother, to say that the temporalities 
 would be restored to him if he woidd confirm the presentations 
 which he had made to offices in the minster at York. Their 
 mission was fruitless, and the archbishop went again to Rome 
 followed by the king^s messengers. Innocent was now indig- 
 nant, and threats of an interdict were made if satisfaction were 
 not rendered to Geoffrey.^' Even these appear to have been 
 ineffective, and Richard's death, in all probability, prevented 
 anything being done. About this time Innocent wrote to 
 Geoffrey and the ecclesiastical dignitaries of his diocese, ex- 
 horting them to assist in the formation and equipment of a new 
 crusade.^ 
 
 The death of Richard I., which took place in 1199, placed 
 his brother John upon the throne, and with him Geoffrey had 
 hardly ever been on familiar terms. The archbishop was still 
 without the temporalities of his see, and the quarrel with his 
 chapter was unsettled. Geoffrey's first step was by no means 
 favourable to the cause of peace. He was at Rome when 
 Richard died, but the bishop of Diu'ham was probably only act- 
 ing in his behalf when he protested against the coronation of 
 John taking place during his absence.'" No notice, however, 
 seems to have been taken of the slight; and John ordered 
 Stephen de Turnham, who for two years had been the keeper 
 of the temporalities of the archbishopric, to surrender them to 
 Ralph de Kyme and two others for the use of Geoffrey. They 
 were given up, although the king, full of avarice as he always 
 was, retained them in his own hands beyond the stated time. 
 Soon after this the two brothers met in Normandy, and many 
 mutual assm'ances of friendship and affection seem to have 
 passed between them. Whilst they were there a message came 
 to the king from the archbishop of Canterbury, and Geoffrey 
 Fitz-Peter the justiciar, entreating him, at the request of the 
 York chapter, to detain Geoffrey in Normandy till he returned 
 to England himself, as the coming of the archbisho]) would 
 produce nothing but dissension. Their wishes were not attended 
 to; and in the same year some propositions Averc made for 
 
 * Hoveden,442 5, 444, 446i. Baluz, pilgrims to the Holy Land had been 
 
 Epp. Innof!. III., i., 369-70. Ibid., addressed some time before tliis by 
 
 p. 647, the pope desires the bishop of Uubert to the oilicials of the see of 
 
 Ely, the dean of Lincoln, and the arch- York (Iloveden, 13 !• h). 
 
 deacon of Bedford, to examine into the '" Bromton, col. 1281. Iloveden, 
 
 charges brought against Geoffrey by 451. Matt. Paris, 1G6. Geoffrey is 
 
 his chapter, and (p. 746) there is a blamed by Jordan dc Brakelonda" for 
 
 letter to Geoffrey begging him to shew speaking ill of the archbi.shop of Can- 
 
 his good otBces to his nephew Otho. terbury before the pope whilst he wa.s 
 
 ' Hoveden, 447. Fcedera, i., 66. A at Home (Chron., 15, 62). 
 somewhat similar letter in behalf of
 
 274 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 making peace between Geoffrey and his chapter in the presence 
 of cardinal Peter de Capua, the papal legate. They agreed to 
 submit to the arbitration of Hugh bishop of Lincoln, and two 
 others; and Geoffrey promised to forfeit to the chapter two 
 hundred marks if he should act in contravention of this arrange- 
 ment. The chapter demanded the payment of the penalty soon 
 after this, Avhen they were impleaded by the officials of the arch- 
 bisho]) in obedience to a papal mandate. The referees seem to 
 have done nothing, as in the year 1200 we find Geoffrey and 
 his adversaries in Westminster abbey before the bishop of 
 Salisbmy and the abbat of Tewkesbury, who had been appointed 
 by the pope to examine into the case. That high dignitary had 
 done his best to make peace, and Geoffrey at length became 
 reconciled to William Testard archdeacon of Notts, Reginald 
 Arundel the precentor, and Simon the dean of York, on con- 
 dition that they rendered satisfaction to him for his claims in 
 their own chapter." In the autumn of the same year Geoffrey 
 was again in disgrace, and was deprived by his brother of all the 
 temporalities of his see." John was annoyed at him for several 
 reasons. Geoffi^ey had refused to accomj)any him to France 
 to be present at the making of a peace with that country, and 
 at the marriage of the king. He had also declined to allow the 
 sheriff of Yorkshire to collect the tax of a penny on each 
 carucate of land, and had beaten the servant of that official. 
 In addition to these offences, the sum of three thousand marks 
 which he had promised to his late brother Richard was still 
 unpaid. Geoffrey was excessively indignant at this treatment. 
 When the sheriff of Yorkshire, James de Poterna, entered 
 upon his manors, and wasted, it is said, all liis goods, the arch- 
 bishop excommunicated him and his men, together with all 
 those who had counselled the king to inflict upon him this 
 punishment. The same heavy sentence fell upon the burgesses 
 of Beverley for breaking into his parks, and injuring his effects ; 
 and their town was placed under an interdict.^' The king does 
 not seem to have met the archbishop in the same violent spirit, 
 as he restored to him his temporalities, merely appointing a day 
 on which he should come to court to reply to the charges he 
 had against him. We are told nothing of the result, but it 
 does not appear that the ill-feeling that existed between the two 
 brothers was removed. In 1201 John was in Yorkshire, which 
 had been startled in the month of January by an earthqiiake. 
 He went to Beverley, and shewed his contempt for his brother 
 by becoming the guest of a person of the name of John Crassus, 
 whom Geoffrey had excommunicated. The canons wished to 
 
 " Hoveden, 451 b, 452-3, 458. » Ibid., Rot. Chart., 102. 
 
 p Hoveden, 461. Matt. Paris, 170.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 275 
 
 receive their monarch with all the ceremony that their church 
 could afford ; but it was still under an interdict, and the arch- 
 bishop would not remove it even for the occasion. John Avas 
 very angry. He ordered all Geoffrey's servants to be seized, 
 and directed one of them, of the name of Henry de Capella, to 
 be thrown into prison for refusing to give him access to the 
 wine in his master's cellars U In the middle of Lent the king 
 and queen were at York, and the archbishop made his peace by 
 submitting to a fine ; and it was determined that the subjects 
 in dispute should be arranged by four bishops and foiu* barons. 
 John soon after this released his brother's servants, restoring his 
 possessions, which he confii-med to the see ; the archbishop 
 buying that favour at the cost of one thousand marks, to be 
 paid within a year.*" At the same time Geoffrey, who was never 
 quiet, was in the middle of another quarrel with his chapter 
 about the appointments to two archdeaconries, in which he 
 again availed himself of the thunders of excommunication. 
 One of the two sufferers, Honorius archdeacon of Richmond, 
 carried the story of his wrongs to the pope ; and Innocent 
 ordered that justice should be at once done to him, and chided 
 Geoffrey in language which he seldom heard.* The archbishop's 
 feud with the dean broke out again when he gave the provost- 
 ship of Beverley to his brother Morgan.'' John cardinal of 
 St. Stephen, on the Caelian hill, chanced to be at York in the 
 same year as the papal legate, and he tried in vain to settle the 
 dispute. This high dignitary, who might, perhaps, at one time 
 have occupied the papal chair, was what we call in these days a 
 teetotaller and a vegetarian. The deficiency in one taste was 
 supplied, as it very frequently is, by excess in another. The 
 cardinal, as Hoveden quaintly observes, had a great thirst after 
 gold and silver." 
 
 It is refreshing to tvirn aside from the unceasing record of 
 wranglings and dissensions to something of another kind, 
 although it also reveals to us a weakness, and shews to what an 
 extent credulity and folly may be carried. A fanatic of the 
 name of Eustace, who was the Cistercian abbat of Flay, came 
 
 » la 1201 the burgesses of Beverley taiiied the ofTice, as on the lltli of 
 
 paid a fine of five hundred marks for March, 1204, the king presented Simon, 
 
 the king's favour, and he promised to ]irovost of lieverlev, to the church of 
 
 protect them from the encroachments Cave (Rot. Pat., 39). Morgan perhaps 
 
 of Geoffrey (Eot. de Obi. et Finibiis, got the post when Simon was made 
 
 375. bishop of Exeter. 
 
 •■ Hoveden. Rot. de Obi. ct Fiuibus, " Hovedeu, 1G8. I now lose the 
 
 146. assistance of this able and excellent 
 
 ' Hoveden, 464 6, 4G5, 406, 408, ei historian. His name ought properly 
 
 seqq. Matt. Paris, 170. to be written Houeden. 
 
 It would appear that Simon ob- 
 
 T )i
 
 276 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 into England as a peripatetic advocate of Sabbatarianism." The 
 minds of the men of the day must have been singularly hungry 
 when they were willing to swallow the trash with which they 
 were fed by this wandering divine. His credentials professed to 
 be a letter foimd on Golgotha by the patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 which contain edj in our Lord^s hand, a general command that 
 no work whatever should be done between the ninth hour on 
 the Satm^day and sunrise on the Monday. On the strength of 
 this injimction Eustace paid a visit to England, where he had a 
 wonderful success. His subject Avas exciting, and it was some- 
 thing new, which was a great thing. The preaching of this 
 apostle seems to have borne considerable fruit. In the course 
 of his tour he found his way to York, and in their reception of 
 him Geoifrey and the clergy and laity of his diocese seem to 
 have been for once united. The people of the North were 
 carried aAvay by his words. They would sell nothing for the 
 future upon Sundays save refreshment to the wayfarer. A 
 portion of the profits of the vendor w^as to be devoted to sacred 
 purposes, and every church was to possess an alms box in which 
 it was to be deposited. Nothing was to be sold in or near a 
 church, which had been too frequently made into a fair, and the 
 wealthy were to be regularly taxed for the benefit of the poor. 
 No one can object to the adoption of such reforms as these, but 
 the means resorted to were oljjectionable, and the change, like all 
 other sudden movements and hasty impulses, was not lasting. 
 Eustace, however, seems to have done his best to bring about a 
 better state of morals and manners, and to make it permanent. 
 A flock of miracles is said to have attested the truth of what 
 he said, like the references which, in these matter-of-fact days, 
 bear Avitness to the potency of specifics of a less romantic kind. 
 A certain carpenter of Beverley, poor man, disregarded the 
 wholesome comisels of his wife, and made a wooden instrument 
 on a Saturday afternoon, for which he was struck vtdth paralysis; 
 and the like fate befel a woman who was weaving. Nafferton, 
 in the East Riding, a place which in these days is proverbially 
 famous for something very different, witnessed a strange scene. 
 A man had baked himself a cake on the Saturday, and, when he 
 broke it on the Sunday, blood came flowing from the fissure ! 
 But Wakefield saw the most striking judgment on the sabbath- 
 breaker. Two worthies have already immortalized that merry 
 town, but the pair must now be turned into a trio by the addition 
 of a miller. He, unhappy man, was plying his trade on the 
 sacred day, when, lo ! blood rushed from between the stones 
 instead of meal, and the wheel, in spite of the pressure of the 
 
 " Hoveden, 466-7. Matt. Paris, 169. Bromton, col. 1274. Chron. Petrib., 112.
 
 1191 1207.] ARCHBISHOP GEOFFREY. 277 
 
 water, refased to turn. Yorkshire is also said to have been 
 remarkable in this year for the appearance, at one and the same 
 time, of five moons !'" 
 
 A cloud hangs over the remainder of Geoffrey^s life, although 
 gleams of light break occasionally through the darkness. Had 
 everything been clear and bright we should probably have found 
 Geoffrey stUl embroiled in the dissensions of which he seems to 
 have been so fond. The chroniclers unfortunately desert us, 
 especially Hoveden ; but the Patent Rolls give us a faint picture 
 of what was occurring in the North. In 1202 there had been 
 a quarrel between Geoffrey and the king, arising from some- 
 thing that had been done by the royal servants; and John 
 informs the bishop of Ely that it was at an end.'' In 1204. the 
 archbishop was in arrear for his escuage to the crown, and 
 measures Avere taken by the king to secure its payment.^ In 
 March, 1205, John was at York, and the bishop of Durham, 
 the dean and cliaj)ter of York, and the great ecclesiastical 
 dignitaries of the province, expressed their willingness to be 
 obedient to Geoffrey ; but as a matter of precaution for them- 
 selves and their estates they appealed against him to the pope.* 
 This shews that the archbishop^s unhappy temper had again 
 been getting him into trouble, indeed his whole career seems to 
 have been one of determined opposition to propriety and the 
 law. In the spring of 1207 he was reconciled to his brother, 
 and was restored to the possessions of Avhich he had been 
 deprived." We are miacquainted with the cause of the quarrel 
 which was thus terminated, but soon after this in the same year 
 there was an irreparable breach between the king and Geoffrey. 
 The archbishop set his face most stoutly against the impopular 
 tax of a thirteenth, which John extorted from his indignant 
 subjects. He excommunicated those who ventured to collect it 
 within his province, and finding probaljly that his personal 
 liberty was in danger, he considted for his safety by flight.* He 
 left England, and never returned to it again. He appealed to 
 the pope against his brother^s conduct ; but the interference of 
 Innocent in his behalf appears to have been useless, although 
 he went so far as to put the church of York under an inter- 
 
 " Knyghton, col. 2417. Durluim, i., 189.) " Ibid., 58, 62. 
 
 ' Eot. Pat., 5. * Chron. Joh. de Oxenedes, 119. 
 
 y Eot. Clans., 11. Prynne's Col- Cotton's Chron., 96. Matt. Paris, 186, 
 
 lections, iii., 9. Geoffrey is also men- 189. Contin. Fl. Wigorn., ii., 167. 
 
 tioned in connection with pa3-ments, Hist. Dnnelra. Scr. Tres, 23, 27. In 
 
 etc., to the king, in Rot. de Obi. et Chron. Petrib. (115) the date is made 
 
 Finibus, 43. Eot. Claus., 35, 46, 65, 1208. In Stubbs (col. 1721) it is said 
 
 75, 90, 99. that the thirteenth was exacted " usque 
 
 ' Eot. Pat., 51. In 1204 the king ad diraidium baconem !" Eot. Curia) 
 
 took the chapter of York under his Eegis, ii., 196. Eecueil des Hist, des 
 
 protection. (Ibid., 40. Hutchinson's Gaules, xviii., 166.
 
 278 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 diet." The remainder of his life, of which we know nothing, was 
 j)r()bably spent iipon his estates in Normandy that were given 
 to Jiini by his father, and Avhich he would be permitted to retain. 
 He died in 1212, it is said, at Grosmont in Normandy,*^ far 
 away from the country which had looked so often with dismay 
 upon the feuds and heart-buniings that he had originated. It 
 is to be hoped that he learned in retirement what a blessed 
 thing peace is.* 
 
 Geoffrey was a man who had warm friends and very bitter 
 enemies,-^ upon whose animosity he looked ^Yiih supreme con- 
 tempt. He was passionate and regardless of consequences, 
 like all the children of Henry II. It is quite possible that the 
 slur upon his escutcheon, with which he was often taunted, 
 woidd make him sensitive and impatient. It is a stain which 
 all Avho are in his position have continually in their thoughts. 
 Geoffrey, however, was capable of generous and patriotic actions,^ 
 and his filial affection is not to be forgotten. He had, unfor- 
 tunately, been pushed into a path of life for which he was unfit. 
 He ought to have been a soldier. He borrowed from the pro- 
 fession of arms his spirit and his energy. They were alien 
 altogether from the quiet habits and the patient demeanour 
 which ought to characterize a bishop. Who can fully estimate 
 the mischief which was done to the cause of religion in the 
 North by Geoffrey's reckless animosities, his thoughtless assaults 
 on decency and order, and his jealousies and contentions? These 
 were the things which made him miserable at home, and 
 banished him in the end from his country and his see. 
 
 The story of the early part of Geoffrey's life has been 
 written down by that courtly sycophant Gerald Cambrensis, 
 
 ' Baluz, Epp. Innoc. III., ii., 175-6, which may be seen in MSS. Cotton, 
 
 '^■2. Cleopatra, B, ii., 39 b :— 
 
 '' Ann. Waverl., ed. Gale, ii., 173. "Versus magistri Michaelis Male- 
 
 Stubb.s, col. 1724. Matt. Paris, 194, buche de Galfrido archiepiscopo Ebora- 
 
 196. Lei. Coll., i. 295. censi, qui filius Henrici regis genitus 
 
 Godwin (n. e., 677) is the sole au- de quadam meretrice, 
 
 thority for the statement that Geoffrey gpuH., quid jactas atavis te regibus ortum, 
 
 died at Lrrosmont. liecueil des Hist. Pi)lluit insigncs titulos ignobile scortum. 
 
 des Gaules, xviii., 169. I'atris ad alta volansTel matrisadimaperibis, 
 
 ' Contin. EL Wigorn., ii., 140 Ma- a '■^° **""•" «e<Jium medio tutissimus ibis, 
 
 v^-ii A -n ". -,\„ ' -r. , Spurius es regis, clen fex, ordinis hostis, 
 
 muon, Ann. iJen., Al., 108. Prynne's Templl turbator, Veneris vas, presnlis umbra. 
 
 Collections, iii., 23. Dugd. Mon., vi., ^o" es sufficiens ad tanti culmen honoris, 
 
 1088. ^'e mihi suflSciat Deus bac at omnibus boris." 
 
 y" Among them was Walter Mapes, In the Flores Historiarum, p. 253, it 
 who gives a long account of his feud is said that when Geoffrey became 
 with Geoffrey in his Nugfc Curialium, bishop of Lincoln "extuuc i)eo et ho- 
 23o-7. Mapes alludes in a contemptu- minibus extitit reprobuset detestabilis." 
 ous way to his illegitimacy. The same «• Stubbs (col. 1724) speaks of Geof- 
 slur and the pride of the archbishop frey as " vir magnas abstinentise et sum- 
 evoked the following scurrilous lines, mse puritatis." '
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 279 
 
 and is printed by Wharton in his Anglia SacraJ' It Avas com- 
 posed^ in all probal)ility, at the request of the archbishop him- 
 self, and it terminates with the controversy with the bishop of 
 Ely. The writer probably fomid that he would injure his own 
 popularity by extending the biography. The work contains 
 some interesting historical information, but the style is ornate 
 and \\edivj, and is more worthy of a courtier than of a chronicler. 
 The character of the bishop of Ely is blackened in an extra- 
 ordinary manner, whilst the archbishop is elevated into a hero. 
 It is not to such men as Greoffrey that posterity will look for 
 an example. 
 
 After the flight of Geoffrey the temporalities of the arch- 
 bishopric came into the king's hands, and they remained in 
 them until the appointment of Walter de Gray in 1216. Brian 
 de Insula and Robert de Lexington had the charge of them,' 
 and the bishop of Whitherne seems to have attended to the 
 ecclesiastical requirements of the province.-' The care of the 
 spiritualities was in all probability committed to the dean and 
 chapter of York. 
 
 vSXtX tJC ffirag is next upon the list of archbishops of 
 which he was a most distinguished ornament. More than six 
 centuries have passed away since he was laid in the tomb within 
 his own cathedral, but his name is still mentioned with resi)cct 
 and gratitude. We think of the cautious and wise statesman 
 who was at the helm of England in times of danger and distress, 
 and remember the piety and munificence of the prelate among 
 the many memorials of his zeal and greatness which even now 
 survive to us. He found the province to which he was trans- 
 lated a barren wilderness, he left it a fruitful garden. 
 
 Walter de Gray^' was a scion of a family Avhich in its many 
 branches has accumulated both wealth and honours.' It has 
 
 * Anglia Sacra, ii., 374- — 408. Whar- and notices of the famil}' in Dnjjdale's 
 ton sa3-s that it was written in 1193. Baronage, i., 709; Baker's Xortliants, 
 There is a MS. of it in the library of i., 140 ; Nichols's Leicestershire, iii., 
 C.C.C. Cambridge (Smith's Catalogue). 682 ; Lipscombe's Bucks, i., 160 ; 
 
 '■ Rot. Pat., 88. Rot. Clans., 208, Blore's Rutlandshire, 165; Blome- 
 
 etc, 222. field's Norfolk, w. <■., ii., 300-1 ; Archreo- 
 
 i Rot. Clans., 173, 181. logia, xxxii., .59 ; Frost's Notices of the 
 
 * I adopt the old mode of .spelling Town of Hull, 59 ; Slajileton's Account 
 this name. In his own roll at York of the Holy Trinity Priory, York, 151, 
 the archbishop is always called Gray or etc.; Ashniole's Berks, ii., 280. The 
 Gra. Close and Patent Rolls abound with 
 
 ' The genealogist will find pedigrees information about the family.
 
 280 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 given great men to England, and is still represented on the roll 
 of peers. The meraljer of it of whom we shall now speak was a 
 younger sou of John and Hawisia de Gray of Kotherfield.'" His 
 uncle, another John de Gray, who was a statesman of some note, 
 became bishop of Norwich and a justiciar, and died in 1214. It 
 was to his influence, no doubt, as well as to his own merits, that 
 his nephew was indebted for his introduction and his success at 
 court. 
 
 Walter de Gray received his education at Oxford," and in 
 after years that university, of which he was a distinguished 
 member, established a solemn service to commemorate him on 
 the anniversary of his decease.'' In 1242, when Henry III. was 
 going abroad, he made him the protector of that abode of learn- 
 ing,^ and it was, no doubt, the consciousness of the advantages 
 which he had reaped in Oxford that induced Gray to persuade 
 Edmund de Abingdon to devote himself to the study of theo- 
 
 '" This is a disputed point. Dugdale 
 makes him a son of Henry and Isolda 
 de Gray of Thurrock, and he is followed 
 by MM. Lechaude-d'Anisy et de S"= 
 Marie in their Recherches sur le Domes- 
 dajs i., 167. The objection to the arch- 
 bishop's being the son of John de Gray 
 is, that if this were the case, there were 
 two Johns, bi'others, in the same gene- 
 ration. This, however, is by no means 
 impossible, and I prefer to follow 
 Messrs. Nichols and Baker instead of 
 Dugdale. The following pieces of evi- 
 dence, which have never been applied 
 to the pedigree of Gray, militate against 
 Dugdale's view. 
 
 Ha^visia de Grey, widow, grants the 
 church of Cornwell to Oseney abbey, 
 " pro animabus antecessorum et prscci- 
 pue pro aninia Johannis de Grey, fra- 
 tris mei, quondam episcopi Norwicen- 
 sis, assensu domini Eoberti de Grey 
 filii et hseredis mei. Teste Waltero de 
 Grey episcopo "VYigorn., filio meo." 
 (Blomefield's Norwich, i., 478). 
 
 Sept. 17, 1235, archbishop Gray 
 grants to Sir Robert de Gray, his 
 brother, a carucate of land in Gouk- 
 thorpe, etc., and on Sept. 15, with the 
 assent of his brother, he grants to 
 Thoua,«, son of R. de Marese, in mar- 
 riage with Isabella, daughter of Robert 
 de Monasteriis, lands in Everton and 
 Beckingham (Rot. Gray. See Drake's 
 Eboracum, appendix, 64). 
 
 In 1210 (24) the archbishop grants 
 to his brother, Robert de Gray, " terram 
 
 quam ex concessione dominse Evse de 
 Gray habuimus in Rutherfeld, cinn ad- 
 vocatione ecclesise, excepto tamen ho- 
 magio et servicio dominse Hawj^sise de 
 Graj' matris mese (Rot. Gray). Hawisia 
 is mentioned as the mother of the arch- 
 bishop in 1227 (Excerpt, e Eot. Finium, 
 i., 161). 
 
 June 5, 1238 (22). Walter de Gray 
 was instituted "in eccl. de Semar ad 
 pres. abb. and conv. de Whitby " (Rot. 
 Gray). He was, I believe, prebendary 
 of Southwell in 1242 and 1257 (Le 
 Neve, iii., 461). Henry de Gray was 
 canon of York in 1241 (Dugd. Mon., 
 vi., 1195). 
 
 April 28, 1246 (30), Walterus de 
 Gray, nepos domini archiepiscopi, habet 
 custodiamThomse deBurgo qui sororem 
 ipsius Walteri duxit in uxorem, cum 
 omnibus terris suis; item custodiam 
 terrse quae fuit Alexandri de Hylton in 
 Wyvestow (Rot. Gray.) 
 
 Walterus Gray, archiepiscopus, dedit 
 homagium Walteri de Mikelfeud do- 
 mino AValtero de Gray militi, nepoti 
 suo (Reg. Giffard). Of. Plac. de Quo 
 Warranto, 665. 
 
 1268, Robert de Gray, son of Sir 
 Walter de Gray, knight, presents his 
 brother, John de Gray, clerk, to a 
 moietj' of the church of Linton (Reg. 
 Gitfard). " Wood's Antiq. Univ. 
 
 Oxon., i., 232. 
 
 ° On April 30. Avesbury's Edw. 
 III., 304. Rot. Hundred., ii., 805. 
 
 !' Antiq. Oxon., td supra.
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 281 
 
 logy.? His friend became archbishop of Canterbury^ and a 
 saint. 
 
 Walter de Gray^s preferments in the church were all of them 
 owing to the favour of king John. On the 23rd of January, 
 1206-7, that monarch gave him the prebend of Mallinges at 
 Rochester/" and a stall at Exeter, with the archdeaconry of Tot- 
 ness, on the 10th of INlay." On the 28th of August he was made 
 vicar of a moiety of the church of Holkham.^ On the 26th of 
 March, 1208, he became rector of Stradbroke in Norfolk," and 
 on the 3rd of December, 1212, he obtained the living of Cossey 
 in the same county." In the following February he became the 
 dean of St. Berians in Cornwall.'" On the 14th of July, 1213, 
 the king gave him the church of Kirkham for his life, but he 
 almost immediately resigned it.-^ Gray was destined to sit upon 
 the episcopal bench. Geoft'rey de Muschamp, bishop of Coventry 
 and Lichfield, died in 1208, and the chapter of Lichfield fixed 
 upon Gray as his successor, in opposition to the nominee of 
 the monks of Coventry. Pandulph, the papal legate, would 
 admit neither of the two to the see, and after much angry feel- 
 ing on the part of the electors a third person became the prelate.^' 
 Gray was more fortimate on another occasion. On the 20th of 
 January, 1213-14, he was made bishop of Worcester, resigning 
 the pieces of preferment which have been already enumerated. 
 He was consecrated at Canterbury on the 5th of October. Of 
 what he did at Worcester there is little known.^ The see of 
 York was all the while vacant, having been Avithout a pastor 
 ever since the retii-ement of Geoffi'ey in 1207, and several other 
 bishoprics were in the same condition, as the king woidd not 
 allow the chapters to elect in accordance with custom and law." 
 
 1 Martene, Thes. Nov. Anecdot., iii., Richtnond, for the loss which he thereby 
 
 1788. sustained (Prynae's Collections, iii., 
 
 "■ Rot. Pat., 58. 373). 
 
 ' Ibid., 71, 75. Le Neve, n. e., i., v Elected in 1211. Matt. Paris, 193. 
 
 401. Madox, Hist. Exch., ii., 42. - The king's assent to the election 
 
 ' Rot. Chart., 169. was given on the 26th of January, on 
 
 " Rot. Pat., 81. Madox, ii., 42-3. which day he ordered the temporalities 
 
 " Rot. Pat., 96. Bloniefield's Nor- to be restored, and desired the arch- 
 folk, ii., 417. bishop of Canterbury to consecrate 
 
 ■" Rot. Pat., 96. Oliver's Monast. Gray (Rot. Pat., 109. Prynne, iii., 
 
 Exon., 7. 22). Mandate to the bishop of Win- 
 
 ^ Rot. Chart., 193. Rot. Pat., 102. Chester to give him .sei.sin of his bishop- 
 
 On 7th June, 1238 (22), archbishop ric on July 7 (Rot. Claus., 168). Le 
 
 GrayinstitutedAYilliaradcEbor.,cauon Neve, iii., 51. Thoma,s's Account of 
 
 of York, to the living of Kirkham on the Bishops of AVorcestor, 123, etc. 
 
 the presentation of Richard earl of Reg. Sacr. Angl., 37. Matt. Pari.s., 
 
 Cornwall (Rot. Gray). The church 212. Trivet, 161. 
 
 was appropriated by Honorius IV. to On the 28th of May, 1228, arch- 
 
 the abbey of Vale Royal, and in 1287 bishop Gray granted an indulgence for 
 
 Edward I. ordered that house to com- the cathedral of Worcester (Rot. Gray), 
 
 pensate Henry Newark, archdeacon of " Chron. Petrib., 118.
 
 282 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 The election of a new archbishop had been more than once 
 suggested. In January, 1214, Jolm wrote to the dean and 
 chapter by the abbats of St. Mary's York, Beaulieu and Selby, 
 William Briwere and William de Cantilupe his seneschal, giving 
 them leave to choose a new primate with the assent of the 
 bearers of the royal missive. As this was clearly an encroach- 
 ment upon the privileges of the chapter nothing seems to have 
 been done. It was most necessary, however, that the Northern 
 province should have a superior, and on the 13th of May, 1215, 
 the king wrote again to the chapter urging them to elect and 
 demand no objectionable person.* This had reference to Simon 
 de Langton, brother of the well-known archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, whom the dean and canons of York were most desirous to 
 secure as their head in opposition to the wishes of the king." 
 On the 18th of June, 1215, the York dignitaries again received 
 the royal permission to proceed to an election, and the monarch, 
 perhaps too eagerly, expressed his desire that they should fix upon 
 the bishop of Worcester.'^ The chapter were obdurate ; and 
 passing Gray by as an illiterate person they nominated their 
 favourite Langton in direct contravention of the order of the 
 sovereign. When the king heard of this, he sent at once to the 
 pope to tell him that there would be no peace in England if 
 the brother of a traitor should become the Northern primate. 
 Innocent, upon this, wrote to the chapter on the 13th of Sep- 
 tember to say that he had rejected Langton, and had forbidden 
 him to press the matter farther, and enjoined them to send their 
 representatives to Rome by the 1st of November with some 
 other nominee. Their spokesmen arrived at the appointed time, 
 and clung to their old candidate, but the pope at once set him 
 aside, and told them that if they would name no one else he 
 should choose for them himself. The canons were provided 
 against this contingency, and mentioned the bishop of Worcester 
 whom they commended for his chaste life. "^'Per Sanctum 
 Petrum," said Innocent, "virginitas magna virtus est et nos 
 eum damns vobis.'' Gray was then at Rome, and when he 
 had received the pall he returned to England. The king was 
 
 * Rot. Pat., 141. LeNeve, iii., 101. in state affairs. He was also a hard 
 
 On the 23rd of May, 1215, pope Inno- student and an author, and died in 
 
 cent wrote to the chapter of York urg- 1248. (Somner's Canterbury, ii., 152. 
 
 mg them to select a proper person Foedera, i., 214, 218. Matt. Paris, 227, 
 
 (Baluz, Epist. Innoc. III., ii., 822). 230, 237, 254, 655. Eot. Glaus, etc.) 
 
 ' Rot. Chart., 207. Hot. Claus., 269. He is said to have been a Lancashire 
 
 Simon de Langton at the time of his man (Baines's Lancashire, iv. 385), and, 
 
 disappomtment was canon of Strensall also, to have been born in Lincolnshire 
 
 at lork (Rot. Claus., 178. Cal. Rot. (Hist. Co. Lincoln, ii., 175). There is 
 
 if n ■ ■^^ afterwards was made an account of the family of Langton 
 
 chancellor of Danphiny and archdeacon in the Gentleman's Magazine for June, 
 
 01 Canterbury, and he took some part 1862. '' Matt. Paris, 227-8.
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 283 
 
 deliglited at his promotion. It is said, however, that the arch- 
 bishop was obliged to pay the immense sum of ten thousand 
 pounds to procure the papal assent to his election.*^ 
 
 We must now turn to Walter de Graves offices in the state, 
 and his public acts which made him the favourite of two kings 
 and enabled him to pass through life enjoying the goodwill of 
 his contemporaries. With king John he was a great favourite, 
 but he is said to have won his regard by the readiness with 
 which he complied with his wishes.-^" We do not know when he 
 was first introduced to that monarch's notice, but he must have 
 gained a consideralile position in society when, on October 2nd, 
 1205, John made him chancellor of England, he having paid a 
 fine of five thousand marks to be permitted to hold that office 
 for his life.^ He seems to have retained it until the autumn 
 of 1214.'' On the 5th of August, 1206, his master made him a 
 present of a hmidi'cd marks in consideration of his faithful ser- 
 vices.^ We are not told by the chroniclers that Gray was one 
 of the adAdsers who counselled the reckless monarch to adopt 
 the measures which degraded his kingdom and nearly robbed 
 him of his throne; he was present, however, in 1213, when 
 John resigned his dominions into the hands of the pope,-' but, 
 if Lord Campbell is to be credited, the chancellor refused to set 
 his official seal to the conveyance.'^' In the same year Gray had 
 a great deal to do with the foreign affairs of the countiy. On 
 the 26th of June he and another received letters of credence 
 from the king to carry them to the count of Flanders,' and in 
 the following year he was in charge of the treasure which went 
 with the English force that crossed the seas to support the count 
 against the French. '"^ During the famous controversy with the 
 barons, that ended in the granting of the Magna Charta in 
 1215, Gray seems to have been on the side of the king, and he 
 
 * Ibid., 230. Ann. TVaverl., apud wioh, was his bondsman. Cal. "Rot. 
 
 Gale, ii., 183. Hemin^jford, ibid., 561. Pat., 2. Feed., i., 93. Madox, Hist. 
 
 Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 29. Labbe, Exeh., i., 63. 
 
 Cone, xi., 234. Recueil des Hist, des * Foss's Judges, ii., 79-80. Mr. Foss, 
 
 Gaules, xviii, 179. in a paper in the Arcliaiologia, xxxii, 
 
 He was translated to York on the 90, etc., says that Gray gave up the 
 
 27th of March, 1216 (MSS. Cotton office for a while in October, 1213, 
 
 Vitellius A, ii., iii. b. Stubbs, col. when he went into Flanders, l)ut re- 
 
 1724). The king ordered the tempo- sumed it in the month of January fol- 
 
 ralities to be restored to him on Feb. lowing. 
 
 19 (Rot. Claus., 218). Cf. Twisden's ' Rot. Pat., 66. An order to pay 
 
 Historical Vindication of the Church hira £40 on Jan. 20, 1214 (Rot. Claus., 
 
 of England in point of Schism, 45. 161). 
 
 ■'' " In omnibus regni agcndis regis i Fojdera, i., 115. 
 studuit facere voluntatem" (Matt. * Campbell's Li%-es of the Chancel- 
 Paris, 192). lors, i., 123. 
 
 «• Matt. Paris, 209, where a wrong ' Foedera, i., 113. Rot. Clans., 160, 
 
 date is given. Rot. de Obi. et Fini])us, 162. 
 
 368. His uncle, John bishop of Nor- '" Rot. Claus., 206. Matt. Paris, 208.
 
 284 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 was present with him at Rnnnymede^ when that great deed of 
 priinlege was made, in which he is mentioned as one of the 
 advisers of the sovereign." He was also one of those whom 
 John despatched soon afterwards, when he repented of what he 
 had done, to collect forces abroad to resist the barons." It is 
 impossible to say what share Gray took in the many scenes of 
 ^dolence and peril which occurred dimng the next two years. 
 His interests seem to have been bound up with the fortunes of 
 John, and he did not desert him in his adversity. The king, 
 who loved him well, was always showering his favoiu's upon his 
 trusty adherent. The public records contain many eA'idences of 
 the regard that he bore to him.^^ 
 
 After the death of John, in 1215, the archbishop took the 
 part of his son, Henry III., in opposition to the barons and 
 their French allies. He was as great a favourite with the new 
 king as with his father. In conjunction with the legate he 
 anointed him sovereign. ^j' In 1217 Gray was at Lincoln when 
 the great battle took place between Henry and his enemies,'' 
 and the youthful monarch and his ad^dsers shewed how highly 
 they appreciated his coimsel and support by giving him the 
 lands of several of the rebels and many other favours in addition.* 
 Shortly after this Gray removed the sentence of excommunica- 
 tion which the papal legate had passed against Alexander king 
 of Scotland for doing homage to the invaders/ and in 1221, 
 when William earl of Albemarle expressed his penitence for his 
 rebellion against the young sovereign, the archbishop of York 
 conducted him to Henry who pardoned him on account of his 
 loyalty in bygone years." Gray had previously been present at 
 the reduction of his stronghold at Bytham.'' The older Henry 
 grew the greater was the confidence which he seems to have 
 reposed in his father^s friend, and the more numerous the kind- 
 nesses which he shewed to him.'" In 1221 Gray formed one of 
 the escort of Alexander king of Scotland to York when he was 
 married to Joan the sister of the English monarch,'^ and the 
 
 « Matt. Paris, 215. Foedera, i., 131. Ahhrev. Eot. Orig., i., 24. 
 
 Statutes of the Realm, i., 8, 9. ' Chron. Mailros, 132. 
 
 ." Matt. Paris, 222. « Matt. Paris, 261. Chron. Joh. de 
 
 p Rot. Claus., 160, 176, 189, 248. Oxenedes, 146. The earl got into 
 
 ' Eecueil des Hist, des Gaules, xviii., trouble afterwards (Prynne, iii., 62). 
 
 345. In 1217 Gray was one of those " Rot. Claus., 475. 
 
 who prompted the granting of the "' Ibid., 361, 405, 421, 475, 497, 515, 
 
 royal charter De Foresta (Statutes of 535, 536, 573. Excerpta e Rot. Fi- 
 
 the Realm, i., 20). nium, i., 335. 
 
 ' Chron. IMailros, 131. ^ Matt. Paris, 263. Rot. Claus., 
 
 ' The land of Robert Constable in 462, 476. Lei. Coll., ii., 536. Henry 
 
 Gloucestershire (Rot. Claus., 308) that was there four days. Chron. Laner- 
 
 of Robert de Everingham (ibid., 313). cost, 29. Chron. Mailros, 138. Scala 
 
 Rot. Claus., 297, 312, 341, 346, 351, Chron., 99. 
 
 354. Excerpta e Rot. Finium, i., 59.
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 285 
 
 archbishop officiated on the occasion. 2' The two sovereigns had 
 been in York in the preceding year^ -nhen the preliminaries of 
 the alliance were drawn np.^ In 1224', when the barons were 
 again disposed to be tnrbnlent, Gray demanded of the earl of 
 Chester the surrender of the castles and honours which he held 
 of the crown, and they were unwillingly given up." In 1225 he 
 "Was at Alnwick when Roger Bigod was married to Isabel sister 
 of the Scottish king.* In 1227 the diplomatic powers of the 
 Northern primate were again called into requisition. The hasty 
 coronation of the new king of France had given great offence 
 to many of his nobles, and Henry believing it to be a fit op- 
 portunity for endeavouring to regain his influence among the 
 magnates of Normandy, Anjou, Brittany and Poictou, who were 
 bound to pay him their allegiance, sent Gray and others to 
 make the attempt. The events of the last ten years had greatly 
 weakened their loyalty to their suzerain.'' In the month of 
 January the ambassadors were sent to Hugh count of March 
 and Angouleme, and they returned home about Easter; but 
 in the following September they went again with letters of 
 credence to the princes and prelates who were to meet at Ant- 
 werp.'^ Nothing, however, seems to have been done. In 1228 
 Henry kept his Christmas at York,* and he was there at the 
 same time in 1230 with Alexander king of Scotland. The arch- 
 bishop was also present with a large party of the nobility, and 
 the great festival was observed with miich splendour and rejoic- 
 ing./ In 1233 Gray objected in a formal manner to Alexander 
 being crowned in Scotland, to the prejudice of England and 
 his own see ; and, on the 6th of May, Henry III. endorsed his 
 protest.^ The result was probably unfavourable to the arch- 
 bishop, and in a subsequent year Innocent IV. gave another 
 blow to the priA'ileges of York by sanctioning the opposition of 
 the Scottish bishops. "^ In 1235 pope Gregory addressed Gray 
 and the bishop of Carlisle in the bidl in which he confirmed the 
 treaty which had been recently made between England and 
 
 y Chron. Petrib., 124. On 21st January, 1229, the king men- 
 
 =^ Matt. Paris, 260, the archbishop tioned his intention of being at York 
 
 taking a prominent part in the treat}"^ in Lent with Alexander (Fwd., i., 193). 
 
 (Prj'une, iii., 51-2). «• Foedera, i., 209. Prynne, iii., 85. 
 
 " Chron. Joh. de Oxenedes, 150. Cal. Rot. Pat., 16. 
 
 Gray had something to do with this '' Chron. Lanercost, 61. There is a 
 
 nobleman in 1217 when he wished to brief abstract of a letter from Gregory 
 
 leave England (Prynne, id supra, 37). IX. to Gray about the patronage of 
 
 * Excerpt, e Rot. Fin., i., 128. the church of Gamcford (Gainford ?) 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, 282. in Lal^be, xi., 379. In 1238 I find it 
 
 ^ Fcedera, i., 184, 187. stated, that the pope had permitted the 
 
 ' Chron. Joh. de Oxenedes, 155. archbishop to grant dispensations to 
 
 Matt. Paris, 290. forty clerks within his province (Rot. 
 
 >■ Oxenedes, 159. Matt. Paris, 307. Gray).
 
 286 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Scotland ; and, on tlie 12th of December in the same year, 
 Henry III. desired the archbishop and others to escort king 
 Alexander and his qneen to London, to be present at the cele- 
 bration of his nuptials.^ In 1237 Henry sent Gray with Richard 
 earl of Cornwall to a large meeting which was called together 
 by the emperor Frederick ; and in that year he took a great; 
 interest in the election of his suffragan the bishop of Durham^ 
 and was present at the comicil in St. Paul's cathedi'al, which 
 was presided over by the legate Otho. The archbishop of Can- 
 terbury occupied the seat on the right hand, and Gray made 
 the usual protest and claim, which the legate adroitly put aside 
 for the time, leaving the question still open.-' There was a 
 meeting also of the kings of England and Scotland at York, at 
 which Alexander resigned his right to the counties of North- 
 umberland, Westmerland and Cumberland, and the archbishop 
 was present on the occasion.* In the following year Gray was 
 again associated with the legate at a comicil which was held in 
 the month of June,' and he was present in 1240 when a treaty 
 was made between the king and David son of Llewellyn prince 
 of Wales.'" In 1241 he was at the court when Henry paid some 
 extravagant honours to the representative of the pope," and he 
 was one of the prelates who met at Oxford and agreed that 
 prayers should be offered up for the weal of the church which 
 was at that time in a deplorable condition." On the 9th of Jmie 
 in the same year he consecrated Nicholas de Farnham bishop of 
 Dm^ham at Gloucester, and received his profession of obedience, 
 a concession upon which much stress Avas subsequently laid in 
 the controversies between York and Durham.^ In 1242 the king 
 miade up his mind to go to France, and the archbishop of York, 
 Richard earl of Cornwall and William de Eboraco provost of Be- 
 verley were the exponents of his wishes to the council of the nation. 
 When Henry set out on his voyage against the will of his sub- 
 jects, archbishop Gray had the high distinction of being appointed 
 the regent during his absence,? and he performed the many duties 
 of his oflfice in a manner which fully justified the confidence that 
 had been reposed in him. During the king's stay abroad, which 
 lasted for more than a year, the regent was variously employed. 
 The wardens of the Cinque ports sought his aid when they had 
 
 ' Foedera, i., 214, 221. Wilkins' " Wilkins, i., 682. 
 
 Cone, i., 630. p Matt. Paris, 502. Nothing is said 
 
 i Matt, Paris, 371, 377-8. Hist. about this profession by the Hist. Dun. 
 
 Dnnehn. Scr. Tres, 38 ; and appendix, Scr. Tres, 41. When bishop Farnham 
 
 Ixviii. resigned his see in 1249, Gray was one 
 
 * Alatt. Paris, 377. Wilkins, i., 647. of the three prelates who made a pro- 
 
 Foedera, i., 233. vision for him (Matt. Paris, 658). 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, 397. ? Matt. Paris, 515, 517, 789. Chron. 
 
 '" F(pdcra, i., 239. Joh. de Oxenedes, 170. rcedera,i., 244. 
 
 " Matt. Paris, 489. Cal. Rot. Pat., 19.
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 287 
 
 been roughly handled in their attempts to do mischief to the 
 French shipping. He collected men, money and stores, and 
 transmitted them to Henry. From the archbishopric of Canter- 
 bmy and the other sees which were at that time in the king^s 
 hand, he gathered together a vast quantity of provisions, but he 
 tried in vain to obtain a grant from the Cistercian liouscs in 
 England of a yearns income in the shape of the wool from their 
 sheep, which, in point of fact, was nearly everything that they 
 possessed. The king, however, to the archbishop^s great as- 
 tonishment, complained that scarcely any of the supplies had 
 reached him, and it was Gray^s belief that they had been lost 
 at sea. A new and hea\'y tallage was therefore exacted from 
 the citizens of London. In the meanwhile Henry repented of 
 the hasty counsels which had led him beyond the seas, and 
 ordered the regent to collect a fleet at Portsmouth and to be 
 ready with the nobles for his arrival. They Avere waiting for 
 him on the coast till they were all wearied. After many delays 
 Henry returned at length to his owar country which he ought 
 never to have left.*" In the same year the pope made the arcli- 
 bishop of York and the bishop of Durham his deputies to ad- 
 judicate in a controversy Avhich had arisen between Grostete 
 bishop of Lincoln and the monks of Canterbury,* and avc also 
 find Gray officiating at the marriage of the queen^s sister to 
 Richard earl of Cornwall.^ In 1244 he was constable of the 
 tower of London," and he was mainly instrumental in allaying 
 the quarrel that was likely to arise betAveen the kings of Eng- 
 land and Scotland;" and in 1248 he was present at the meeting 
 of the parliament at London, at Avhieh great fault was found 
 with Henry for his evil rule."' In the foUoAving year he and the 
 bishop of Hereford Avere employed on a fruitless negotiation, an 
 attempt to contract a matrimonial alliance between the royal 
 houses of England and Provence.^ In every important event 
 Avhich took place in the history of the nation Gray Avas more or 
 less concerned; but the cautious Avisdom which Avas able to 
 preserve his OAvn character from the reproaches of contcmpo- 
 
 •• Matt. Paris, 519, 522, 527—529, ' Ann. "Wavcrl, aiiud Gale, ii., 203. 
 
 531. Prynne, iii., 100. Foedora, i., " Cal. Rot. Pat., 20. Pa-dera, i., 
 
 246-7, 250, 253. Wilkins, i., 683. 256. On Nov. 2, 1220, Gray was 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, 535. Grostete's ordered to take the charge of Xcw- 
 
 Letters, 325. Grostete wrote again to ca.stle-on-Tyne on the death of Philij) 
 
 Gray in 1245, urging him to advocate de Ulcotes (Rot. Glaus., 473); and in 
 
 the claims of the bishop of Cervia the twenty-second of Henry III. Kenil- 
 
 (Ibid., 469, and Gratii PavScic. Rerum worth castle was given up to him as a 
 
 Expeteud., ii., 427). About this bishop residence for cardinal Ottoboui (Me- 
 
 and his affairs there is an account in moirs of Northumberland, 65). 
 
 Ughelli, Italia Sacra, ii., 469. He had " Chron. Petrib., 137. Chron. ]Mail- 
 
 a quarrel with the archbishop and ros, 156. " Matt. Paris, 616. 
 
 people of Ravenna. ■" Fttdera, i., 270, 277.
 
 2g8 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 rarics and posterity could not moderate the follies and the 
 caprices of his master. After his decease, when the barons' 
 war broke out, Henry would at length appreciate the merits of 
 his faithful comicillor and wish that he had adopted his advice. 
 How often had Gray stood in the breach Avhen the storm was 
 lowering, and stilled it by his courteous and persuasive pleading 
 and the serenity of his bearing. 
 
 The most brilliant scene, perhaps, at which the archbishop 
 was ever present was witnessed at York in 1252. Henry III., 
 his queen, and the whole court kept their Christmas in that 
 city, and they were joined there by i^ royal family of Scotland. 
 Then it was that Alexander, the youthful monarch of the Scots, 
 was married to Margaret, Henry's daughter. He did homage 
 for the territories which he held of England, and had been 
 made a knight, 
 
 " And on tlie morwe wlian the daj^ gan spring, 
 Of hors and harneis noise and clattering 
 Ther was in the hostelries all aboute : 
 And to the paleis rode ther many a route 
 Of lordes, upon stedes and palfreis." 
 
 The ceremonial in the minster at the celebration of the 
 nuptials must have been a magnificent one. More than a 
 tliousand knights in silken attire were in the train of the bride, 
 and, Avhen the wedding was over, such a banquet took place that 
 the historian of the occasion, conscious of his inability to describe 
 it, shrinks altogether from the task. No bill of fare has been 
 handed do'WTi to us, and we know nothing, most unfortunately, 
 of the dresses of the ladies. The archbishop contributed as 
 many as sixty oxen to the feast. Matthew Paris is most eulo- 
 gistic when he speaks of his hospitality. He seems to have 
 kept open house, and to have entertained his illustrious visitors 
 over and over again with a princely grandeur. To the poor he 
 was equally lavish of his charity and his munificence, and he is 
 said to have expended on this occasion the large sum of four 
 thousand marks. All this was done with a generous spirit, 
 which befitted the time, and with a dignity which was cha- 
 racteristic of the donor.2' 
 
 After this great meeting at York the archbishop seems to 
 have taken little interest in state afii'airs. He was an old man, 
 and stood in need of rest. There was another reason also for 
 las quiescence. He could not approve of all the measm'es of 
 the king, and he was too cautious to involve himself in difficulties 
 and annoyance. It was for this reason, no doubt, that he stayed 
 
 y Matt. Paris, 715-16. Contin. Fl. Lanercost, 56. Chron Mailros, 179. 
 "Wigorn., ii., 183. Knyghton, col. Chron. Petrib., 139. Fcedera, i., 278. 
 2414. Job. de Oxenedes, 146. Chron. Lei. Coll., iii., 6.
 
 1216 — 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 289 
 
 away from the parliament of 1252; at which there were some 
 dissensions between Henry and the bishops, in which Gray, if 
 he had been present, woukl have been obliged to take a promi- 
 nent part. He was absent also from the parliament in the 
 following year, pleading as his excnse his old age and the length 
 of the journey to London.^ In 1251, however, the archbishop 
 was draAvn from his retirement, for when the queen went abroad 
 to join her husband, who was in Gascony, he was made, for the 
 second time, the regent of the kingdom." There was no event 
 of any importance to annoy the aged prelate, who accepted most 
 unwillingly the responsibilities of office ; but his serene wisdom 
 coidd not fail to discern the tokens of the storm which Avas so 
 soon to biu'st upon his country. In the beginning of 1255 the 
 king returned to England, and a parliament was assembled in 
 London at which Gray was present. The time was a melancholy 
 one ; for never had the monarch been in greater disrepute, or 
 the nation in greater suff'ering. Hemy was an obstinate and a 
 thoughtless man, with little regard for the wishes and the 
 welfare of his subjects, if he could give the rein to his OAvn 
 folly and extravagance. He was overbm^dened with debt, and 
 he tried to free himself by starving his groaning and oppressed 
 people. There were many angry words, and much murmuring 
 and grumbling in that parliament, with great uneasiness and 
 discontent. The whole country was in a state of sullen indig- 
 nation. To add to the general alarm, the spring of that year 
 was most ungenial. From the middle of March not a drop of 
 rain had fallen, and any appearance of vegetation, which the 
 sun mercilessly elicited, was scorched and withered by a north 
 wind that never ceased to blow. It was in vain that the chief 
 men of the country humiliated themselves by fasting to procure 
 from the hands of the Great Giver the blessings of peace, and 
 a fruitful season. The severity of the religious exercise, and 
 the inclemency of the weather, only laid them on the bed of 
 sickness, and the heavens were closed.* 
 
 The aged archbishop of York was one of these sufferers. 
 He was borne down now with years, and was incapable of 
 exertion and fatigue. The fasting, which he liad daily ]n'actised, 
 had affected his head; and his mind was oppressed with a 
 heavy burden of anxieties and fears. The scenes in the recent 
 parliament had annoyed him greatly ; his life-hmg exertions for 
 his country had ai)pareutly been fruitless, and the future, alas, 
 was threatening and clouded. His heart gave way, and his 
 
 '■ Matthew Paris, 732, 71-5, 7oG, that Gray and Richard earl of Corn- 
 765. wall were the rcKenis. 
 
 « Ibid., 765. Wikes (Gale, ii., 49) * Matt. Paris, 778. Ami. Burton, 
 
 followed by Polydore \'ergil (306) say apud Gale, iii., 341 . 
 
 U
 
 290 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 health accompanied it in its decline. His appetite was gone, 
 and his days seemed to be at an end. The parliament hadjjeen 
 dissolved, and, at the request of the bishop of London, the sick 
 man went to seek for quiet and repose at the palace of Fulham. 
 He had only been there three days when he died, on Saturday 
 the 1st of ISIay, 1255,'' having prepared himself for his departure 
 by receiving the last sacraments of the Church. His body'^ was 
 borne honourably to York under the escort of Walter Kirkham 
 bishop of Durham, who, to shew his reverence for the dead, 
 distributed large sums every dry in charity as the procession 
 advanced into the North. The remains of the archbishop were 
 iiiterred in the minster at York, within the south transept, 
 which he had himself erected. He had ruled over that church 
 and diocese for nearly forty years, and they lost in him a 
 munificent and an enlightened pastor, and England a true 
 patriot, and an honest and an upright statesman. 
 
 We must now turn from archbishop Gray^s faithful service 
 to his country and her kings, to the works for which he is still 
 remembered within the diocese of Y ork. I am not giving him 
 too high praise Avhen I call him the greatest prelate of the 
 century in which he lived. The same thoughtful care and 
 watchful prudence which made all men like him,*^ in an age 
 when there were Taanj bitter enmities, and secured for him the 
 uninterrupted favour of two kings, the same uprightness which 
 moderated all his actions in the court and council-chamber, the 
 same munificence which he manifested in all places, seem to 
 have been the uniform characteristics of his archiepiscopal 
 career. No one can examine the rolls on which his official acts 
 are recorded, without being profoundly struck by the vigour of 
 his pastoral rule, and the expansiveness of his charity. Every- 
 thing seems to have been done on the most perfect system, and 
 apparently under the personal inspection of the archbishop. 
 The carelessness and the recklessness of his predecessor had 
 tui-ned the diocese into a wild; it was Walter Gray's high 
 privilege to have the will and the means to till and sow the long 
 barren field, and God gave him length of days that he might 
 himself behold the harvest. It was the same in the temporalities 
 as in the spiritualities of his see. He was a good husband of 
 his revenues, and dispensed them nobly. Throughout his whole 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1725. Knyghton, col. died at Osney abbey. In 1221, sin- 
 
 2444. MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., gularly enough, Eichard Gray became 
 
 111 b. llemingford, apud Gale, ii., 561. abbat of that house (Rot. Glaus., 470). 
 Ann. Burton, ibid., in., 341. Tn the " "Facta anatomia." The process 
 
 iiiber \it£c of Durham (ed. Surtees need not be described. Matt. Paris, 
 
 hoc, 150) Gray is said to have died on 778. 
 May 6 (2 Noa) . ^^ike,^ ^^ q^^I ■■ r,Q_ p^i 
 
 Antony u AVood says that Gray dore Vergil, 311.
 
 1216 1255.] ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 291 
 
 diocese he seems to have beeu the great re-organizer of the 
 parochial system, effecting subdivisions, and arranging tlie dis- 
 tribution of endowments. He held a provincial council at 
 York, and promulgated some valuable constitutions relating 
 especially to the fiu'nitui'e and ornaments of his churches, and 
 to tithes.-^ He was sedulously attentive to the interests of the 
 monasteries, and was their generous benefactor.^ The sub- 
 sequent archbishops of York had good reason to remember him. 
 He made a rule that on each of the manors belonging to the 
 see a certain quantity of stock should be reserved at the death 
 of each prelate for the benefit of his successor, and he obtained 
 the sanction of the king and pope for this arrangement, which 
 he inaugiu-ated himself.'' He purchased the village of St. 
 Audrewthorpe, which he appropriated to the see, charging it 
 merely with an annual payment of twenty marks, half of which 
 was to pro^dde for the keeping of his OAvn obit in the minster, 
 whilst with the other moiety the chaplain within the manor of 
 Thorp was to be supported.' This is the origin of the present 
 palace of the archbishops, for the name of St. Audrewthorpe 
 w^as soon changed to Bishopthorpe. It was to Walter Gray 
 also that his successors were indebted for their house in London. 
 The history of that palace is a remarkable one. It was the 
 residence of the famous Hugo de Burgh, earl of Kent, who 
 gave it in a fit of generosity to the Black Friars, fi'om whom 
 Gray purchased it, and presented it to his see. It bore the 
 name of York-place until the time of Henry YIII., when that 
 imperious monarch demanded it of Wolsey. It was given up, 
 and we know it for the future as Whitehall. 
 
 " Sir, you 
 Must no more call it York-place, that is past ; 
 For since the cardinal fell, that title's lost ; 
 'Tis now the king's, an<l call'd — Whitehall." 
 
 / These are given in Wilkins, i., gave the monastery of Blyth an annual 
 
 698-9- Cf. ibid., 755. The archbishop pension of five marks out of the church 
 
 had a controversy with Robert de of Weston to enable the monks to keep 
 
 Thweng about the church of Lythe hospitality (Rot. Gray). lie made 
 
 (Matt. Paris, 460). parks in Hecksgrave, Hockwode, and 
 
 s To give instances. In the charter Nordwode, co. Notts (Rot. Huadr., ii., 
 
 in which he confirms the foundation of 311). 
 
 Healaugh, he speaks of the " novellam * These gifts are mentioned in Stubb.s, 
 
 constructionem domus per soUicitudi- col. 1724-5. The grant of Thorp is 
 
 nem nostram" (MSS. Cotton, Ves- printed in Dugd. Mon., vi., 1194-5. 
 pasiau, A, iv., 7, 8). He obtained from ' The archbishop conveyed it to the 
 
 Henry IIT. a grant of fairs, and a chapter of York, and they engage to 
 
 market for Hexham (Ibid., Claudius, rc-convey it to the futiu-e primates on 
 
 li, iii., 95). He granted to the canons the payment uf the 20 marks. The 
 
 of Nostell twenty marks per annum chaplain was to pray, specially, for the 
 
 out of the church of South Kirkby souls of king John and archbishop 
 
 (Ibid., Uh). On June 10, 1250, he Grav (Domesday Book, apudEbor., 99). 
 
 u 2
 
 293 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 If the walls of that palace could have spoken, they could have 
 tohl a wondrous tale. They beheld in turn the intrigues and 
 festivities of Wolsey and his master, the brilliant courts of 
 Elizabeth, the fawning servility of Steenie, and the execution 
 of Cliarles. 
 
 Areh])ishop Gray translated the remains of his predecessor 
 St. Wilfrid at Ripon, and placed them in a befitting shrine. 
 
 " Wilfridi reliquias de theca levavit. 
 In capsam argenteam digne collocavit."-' 
 
 lie founded the prebend of Stanwick in that church,* and I 
 agree with Mr. Walbran in ascribing to him the erection of the 
 beautifid west front of that cathedral.^ But it was upon the 
 church of York that his benefactions were showered. The 
 subdeanery and the subchantorship of the canons were esta- 
 blislied whilst he was archbishop, and it is quite possible that 
 he founded them ; at all events he attached the living of Preston 
 to the subdeanery. The stall of WistOAV was constituted about 
 tlie same time, and he revived that of Weighton, which had 
 fallen into decay. In 1218 he annexed the prebend of New- 
 tliorpe and the church of Acomb to the treasurership.'" He 
 appro])riated the living of Mappleton to the archdeaconry of the 
 East Riding, that of WaAvne to the chancellorship, Tunstall to 
 the newly established svibchantorship, and Withernwick to the 
 j)rcbend of Holme. He had obtained these benefices from the 
 abbat and convent of Albemarle, and he bestowed them upon 
 the minster with the consent of the dean and chapter." He 
 gave to the same chm-ch thirty -two copes of blue and purple," 
 a valuable mitre, a chalice and paten of gold and precious 
 
 } From the metrical history of the erat !" The whole thing is ridiculously 
 
 archbishops in MSS. Cotton, Cleopatra, absurd. 
 
 C, iv. * Rot. Gray. On the 21st of October, 1222, Henry 
 
 ' Matt. Paris (313), under the year III. ordered Galfrid de Neville to give 
 
 123t, gives a curious account of an to Gray ten bream out of the roval 
 
 adventure at llipon. It was a year of fish-pond on the Foss to stock his 
 
 famine, and the archbishop had ga- stew at Eipon. There is still a pond 
 
 thered together as much corn as possi- in Eipon parks which contains a num- 
 
 blc, to tlie injury, as we are informed, l)er of this rare fish. Were they ge- 
 
 of the poor. It was kept so long that nealogists they might make out a very 
 
 it decayed, and the creatures that found capital pedigree (Rot. Claus., 515). 
 
 a home in it were supposed to be special '" MSS. Torre. Rot. Gray, 
 
 emissaries of the evil one, and to be " Rot. Gray. Dugd. Mon., vi., 1191- 
 
 sent to punish the avarice of the arch- 2. In Le Neve, iii., 102, it is said 
 
 bishop. The bailiffs at first ran away, that Gray foiuided the subdeanery, the 
 
 and the rustics, whom they compelled succentorship, and two prebends at 
 
 to open out the stacks, were obliged to York. He augmented the prebend of 
 
 MUm their example when they heard Grendale to 40 marks (Rot. Gray), 
 
 a strange voice out of the corn bidding '■ Stubbs, col. 1725. In MSS. Cot- 
 
 tbem desist, "quia archiepiscopus et ton, Cleopatra, C, iv, the number is said 
 
 omnia qusc habebat diaboli possessio to be twentv-six.
 
 1216—1255], 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GRAY. 
 
 293 
 
 stonesj a morse of gold in the shape of a rose, with a large ruby 
 in the centre, and other choice stones, weighing more than a 
 pound, and a tippet also decorated with gold and jewels./' lint 
 Gray's noblest work at York Avas the erection of the south 
 transept, in which he is interred. It is the choicest ])ortion of 
 that glorious temple, and the early English style of architecture 
 may there be seen in the supremacy of its beauty. In boldness 
 of arrangement and design, and in richness of decoration, the 
 south transept is without a peer. How many of those Avho gaze 
 with cm-ious and admiring eyes upon arcade and carving, arc 
 ignorant of the piety and merits, nay, of the very name of the 
 prelate who called them into being more than six centuries ago.* 
 There he lies on the eastern side of the same transept, in 
 the grave which received him on the A-igil of the feast of Pente- 
 cost, 1255.'' The place in which he is interred Avas in all pro- 
 bability selected by himself.^ The altar of St. INIiehacl, at 
 which the archbishop fomided a chantiy in 1241 for the weal of 
 his soul,' stood between the sepulckre and the wall; but all 
 
 p Fabric Rolls of York Minster, ed. 
 Surtees Society, 213, 215, 222. 
 
 9 Prom the fact that Gray granted 
 an indulgence for the church of York 
 in 1227, and that several other gifts to 
 the fabric were made about the same 
 time, it may reasonably be inferred that 
 the building of the transepts was then 
 going on (Fabric Rolls, 146-50). That 
 on the south side must have been com- 
 pleted before 1211, the year in which 
 Gray founded his chautr^^ at the altar 
 of St. Michael. Sewal de Bovill, who 
 became dean about that time, confirms 
 a grant of two bovates and two acres 
 of land in Milford which the arch- 
 l)ishop had made to Gilbert de Cor- 
 brigge, carpenter, "qui in ejus servicio 
 diu stetit et tam pro ipso quam pro 
 ecclesia Ebor. multum et fideliter la- 
 boravit" (MSS. Cotton, Claudius, B, 
 iii, 113 a). 
 
 The north transept, which is ascribed 
 to John Roman us, senior, was probably 
 built shortly before Gray's work. It 
 is less rich and probably, therefore, of 
 an earlier date. Romanus became sub- 
 dean in 1228, and died in 1256. lie 
 and Gray must have been great friends. 
 On Nov. 27, 1237, the archbishop 
 granted him an annual pension of 20 
 marks (Rot. Gray), 
 
 There is an interesting legend about 
 the beautiful little church of Skelton 
 near York. The anti(j[uary Gent, writ- 
 
 ing in 1731, " mounted on his courser " 
 to visit it, " because it is affirmed 'twas 
 built with the stones that remaiu'd 
 after the south cross of the miustor had 
 been finished by the archbishop "Walter 
 Grey " (Gent's Ripon, pt. ii., 3). There 
 is an account of this architectural gem, 
 I had almost said toy, in "The Churches 
 of Yorkshire," and a work has been 
 specially devoted to it, viz., " Archi- 
 tectural Illustrations of Skelton Church, 
 by Ewan Christian, with an account of 
 the building. Folio. London : 1816." 
 
 *■ Ann. Burton, apud Gale, iii., 311. 
 
 ' As Professor A'\'i]lis observes, " The 
 pier arch under which the tomb stands 
 is made ^vider than the others, apjia- 
 rently to give it im])ortance." It was 
 probably made so that the founder 
 might rest beneath it (Architectural 
 History of York Cathedral, 20). 
 
 ' Founded March 22, 1211, for one 
 priest, with two cha]ilains and a clerk 
 under him, and liberally endowed (Fa- 
 bric Rolls of York Minster, 297. MSS. 
 Cotton, Claudius, B, iii., 76 b). Stubbs 
 speaks of Gray ordaining three perjie- 
 tual chantries at this ahar (col. 1725). 
 Gray bad secured to himself the church 
 of Milium, with which the chantry 
 was endowed, between 1228 and 123(1, 
 but the actual deed of foundation was 
 not drawn uj) till 1211, when the tran- 
 sejit was probably completed. Arch- 
 bishop Gray was also commemorated
 
 294 PASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 traces of it have disappeared, save a figure of tlie archangel in 
 the winrk)\v above, still thrusting his spear into his prostrate foe. 
 The monument on which you gaze is one of the most striking 
 memorials of the age in which it was set up. The archbishop, 
 who seems to have been of small stature and a slight frame, is 
 stretched out at full length with his pastoral staif in his hand, 
 which is thrust into the mouth of the serpent. The details of 
 the figure and its adjuncts are full of simple elegance. Above 
 the sleeping prelate, on ten light and gracefid pillars, there 
 towers a magnificent canopy, which terminates in finials of the 
 most beautiful design. Many will be surprised to learn that 
 these are of modem workmanship, and that they were moulded 
 less than a century ago by an Italian of the name of Bernasconi, 
 a sculptor of great merit. I cannot bestow too high praise on 
 what he has done, for he seems to have been imbued with the 
 true spirit of Christian art. He has crowned each finial Avith 
 two thrushes in full song, wrought with exquisite skill, and 
 resting upon wool-packs." Had the carving been really old I 
 should have ventured to suggest the meaning of the device. 
 The packs would have been an allusion to the office of chancellor, 
 which the archbishop once enjoyed, and in the thrushes there 
 Avould have been, perhaps, a canting allusion to his name. The 
 thrush in the North of England is at the present day frequently 
 called the gray bird. It may well be singing, for what an 
 offering of praise and worship is above it. The monument, I 
 must add, is surrounded by a brazen screen of excellent and 
 ai)])ropriate design. It was set in its present position by arch- 
 bishop Markham, and his gift prompted the following lines from 
 the earl of Carlisle : — 
 
 " From rude approach and from the touch profane 
 Thus gen'rous Markham guards this crumbhng fane ; 
 Eevive.s just praise to Grey, makes widely known 
 A course of Ub'ral actions like his own. 
 And should a baser age unmov'd survey 
 Our much lov'd prelate's mould'ring tomb decay. 
 View Time's coarse hand each grateful line efface, 
 Nor the broad tablet to his worth replace ; 
 Yet on the spot where once was plac'd his urn, 
 Sbull true religion ever weep and mourn ; 
 A reverential awe around shall spread, 
 And learning point where rests his holy head." 
 
 at the altar of St. Stephen, which was ment at York. Langton was interred 
 
 founded by William de Langton, nephew in the sacred corner where the remains 
 
 and heir of A^'illiam de Langton, late of archbishops Gray, Bovill, and Lud- 
 
 dean of York (Fabric Eolls, 301) . When ham were deposited. 
 we recollect that the dean was also " The finials are merely of plaster, 
 
 called Wilham de Rotherfield, Gray's Bernasconi has introduced a thrush on 
 
 paternal estate, we can see at once to one of the ornaments of the north side 
 
 whom he was mdebted for his prefer- of the tomb with less success. You 
 
 i
 
 1.25G — 1258.] ARCHBISHOP sewal de rovill. 295 
 
 Walter de Gray is the first archbishop of York whose official 
 acts have been handed down to ns. These are registered upon 
 two rolls of unequal size called the major and the minor, wliich 
 have originally been one, and which ought to be re-united. 
 They commence, most unfortunately, wdth the proceedings of 
 the tenth year of Gray's archiepiscopate. They are of very 
 great length, and exhibit documents of great interest and value." 
 The writing, which is on both sides, is singularly beautiful and 
 minute J and no one can examine the roll without being deeply 
 struck, not only wdth the caligrajjliy, but with the piety and 
 energy of the archbishop, and with the perfect order and system 
 which he observed in the management of his diocese. 
 
 i0b3al tic ilJobill, dean of York, was Gray's successor. His 
 origin appears to have been an humble one, and of his early life 
 there is little known. He was one of the scholars who attended 
 the lectures of Edmund de Abingdon, afterwards St. Edmund, 
 at whose feet Grostete and Roger Bacon used to sit in the 
 University of Oxford.'" He Avould there be brought into contact 
 with some of the most learned men of the day, among Avhom 
 he is said to have distinguished himself by his w^orks.-^ Bovill 
 was greatly attached to his master, and, in after years, when the 
 merits and sufferings of Edmund began to attract both sympathy 
 and attention, he wrote to Innocent IV., urging him in strong 
 terms to canonize his old instructor. He speaks of his former 
 tutor in terms of the warmest praise and affection, and tells the 
 
 may see at once of what materials it is 1233, licence to tlie prior and convent 
 
 composed. In Drake's Eboracutn (427) of AVartre for a chaplain to pray for 
 
 there is an engraving of the tomb before the soul of Robert de Percy in tiie 
 
 Bernasconi meddled with it. It is at chapel in which he is interred. Nov. 
 
 present, I am sorry to sa3s in a dilapi- 15, 1251, a pension of 40s. per annum 
 
 dated condition. to Roger Fitz Adam, clerk, nephew of 
 
 Drake mentions a curious story which our most dear friend, Pr. William, 
 
 was believed in his day, that the arch- chiun])erlain of our lord the king, 
 bishop had died under a sentence of "■ jMartene, Tlios. Nov. Aneodot., 
 
 excommunication, and that his body iii., 183H. Matt. Paris, 708. AVood's 
 
 therefore had not been laid in the Anticj. Univ. Oxon., i., 11)6. Bowles's 
 
 sacred earth, but in the canopy over Lacock Abbey, 202. In A\'alter de 
 
 the pillars. The too curious antiquary Gray's roll the title of mmjlxler is given 
 
 made an incision into the stone-work, to Bovill, which shews that he was a 
 
 and soon foiuid that there was no hollow graduate, 
 within. •* Bale (Cent, iv., 311-12) makes Bo- 
 
 " Two or three extracts may be vill tlie author of " Brevilo(|uiuiu ad 
 
 given. June 1, 1229, a pension of 5 Alexandrum ; Statuta Synodalia; Ad 
 
 marks from the church of Brancepeth suos Sacerdotes; Sermones et Episto- 
 
 to Peter de Vallibus, clerk. July 16, la.s."
 
 296 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 pope that he had been his pupil in bygone days in the school of 
 arts at Oxford.^ Edmund, who seems to have had a deep insight 
 into character, had told Bovill what would come upon him in 
 after-life, and one part of his prediction had been already 
 verified. He said that his scholar should be advanced to a high 
 estate, but that he should be distinguished by his sufferings as 
 well as by his temporal success/ 
 
 Bovill became the dean of York about the year 1240, hold- 
 ing at the same time the stall of Fenton/ He was also made 
 archdeacon of York in 1249, on the death of Laurence de 
 Lincoln, Avhose will he caused to be exemplified.* In compliance 
 with the wish of his friend, whom he succeeded, he established 
 a chantry at the altar of St. Laurence, in York minster, on the 
 16th of January, 1250.^ 
 
 L^pon the death of Walter de Gray the chapter elected their 
 dean in his room, and the selection seems to have been a good 
 one, as Matthew Paris speaks in high praise of Bovill's modesty, 
 piety, and learning."^ The king, however, was too fond of money 
 to allow the temporalities of the see of York to pass so speedily 
 from his hands. " I have never had them before,^^ he is reported 
 to have said, " and they shall not slip out of my fingers yet.-"^ 
 He took possession of everything he could to the great grief of 
 the archbishop-elect," and justified his proceedings by saying 
 that Bovill had been born out of lawful wedlock./ It was his 
 wish, I believe, to secure the see for his brother Ademar, bishop 
 of Winchester.^ The chapter, however, supported their late 
 dean with vigour and resolution. They borrowed two hundred 
 marks of Peter the subchantor, to enable them to prosecute the 
 matter at Rome; and on the 1st of October, 1255, they assigned 
 to him as a security the chm'ches of South Burton and Brother- 
 ton.'' The proceedings at Rome were entirely in Bovill^s favour. 
 The pope sent him a dispensation which obviated the irregula- 
 rity of his birth, confirming his election, and giving him the pall.^ 
 The chapter now brought the matter to a termination with the 
 aid of Roger dc Holderness, their representative.'^ It was useless 
 
 * Martene, ut supra. temporalities had been in the hands of 
 ' Matt. Paris, 7'J8, 803, 827. John Clarel and Adam de Hylton (Ab- 
 " From Rot. Gray it appears that he brev. Rot. Orig., i., 15). 
 
 had a stall in 1237. MSS. Cotton, ' Matt. Paris, 779, 784, 786. 
 
 Claudius, B,iii., 8, 34, 45. MSS. Torre. / Ibid., 786. Stubbs, col. 1725. 
 
 Le Neve, iii., 121, 184. e Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 50. A per- 
 
 * MSS. Torre. Le Neve, iii., 132. son of great influence with Henry III. 
 " Domesday Book, penes Deo. et Of. Mon. Francisc, 254. 
 
 Cap. Ebor., 57 a. York Fabric Rolls, '' Reg. Giffard, 108 h. 
 
 292. ( MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii.. 111. 
 
 '' Matt. Paris, 784. Wikes, apud \Yikes, apud Gale, 50. 
 
 Gale, ii., 50. Polydore Vergil, 311. J Matt. Paris, 784. "When Ludham 
 
 Fuller's AVorthies, n. e., ii., 539. The was made archbishop, Roger de Hoi-
 
 125C 1258.] ARCHBISHOP SEWAL DE KOVILL. 297 
 
 for the king to resist. The royal assent to the nomination of 
 the c]^apter was granted on the 4th of May, 1250/' and BoAdll 
 was consecrated archl)ishop at York on Sunday the 23rd of 
 July.^ 
 
 Soon after this ceremony took place Adam de Marisco, the 
 learned Minorite, addressed the new prelate in a letter which 
 assumes the character of a little treatise, as it extends to forty- 
 seven chapters.™ Bovill, who was a timid man, seems to have 
 acquainted his friend with the doubts and fears which his new 
 position aroiised in his mind, and to have solicited his counsel. 
 The reply of the celebrated friar reminds us of the letter which 
 Beda w^rote to Egbert. He begins by expressing the joy that 
 all good men feel at Bo\dlFs promotion," and then he touches 
 upon many points of great importance to a Christian bishop — 
 the kind of life that he should adopt, the necessity for wise 
 coadjutors, the care to be taken in making appointments and 
 choosing clergy. All this is to be done with the aid of One above 
 who is to be approached by prayer, uj)on the nature and degrees 
 of which Marisco speaks at some length. He then turns to a 
 subject upon which the Minorites were always eloqviently indig- 
 nant — the vices of the clergy, and he urges Bovill to repress 
 them with a strong hand. After this the writer speaks of religion 
 in its political aspect, and the wrongs which the church endured 
 at the hands of the civil governors. All this is to be withstood 
 temperately and firmly. Grostete is held up as a pattern worthy 
 of imitation, and Marisco tries to cheer his friend by telling 
 him that persecution is not only useful, but a blessing. We can 
 well conceive that Bovill had been speaking to Marisco about 
 the prediction of Edmund de Abingdon, to which the last piece 
 of advice has an especial reference. The letter is an interesting 
 document, and it is the key, no doubt, to BoAnll's subsequent 
 conduct. 
 
 BovilFs name occurs but once in connection with the state. 
 On the 20th of July, 1257, he was one of the commissioners 
 who were appointed to settle, if possible, the disputes between 
 the king of Scotland and his nobles." In the same year I find 
 him mentioned as a worshipper at the tomb of St. Alban.^ He 
 
 derness, alias de Skeflling, became " Marisco says of him, " Cujus in- 
 
 dean. dies usquequaquam per effectuura evi- 
 
 * Le Neve, iii., 102, ex Rot. Pat. dcntias uiiiversis clarescit ilhistrius et 
 
 ' MSS. Cotton, iit supra. Stubbs, virtus invincibilis, et sensns inl'allibilis, 
 
 col. 1725. Anglia Sacra, i., 310. lie- et zolus intcmerabilis, et actus indefati- 
 
 mingford, apud Gale, ii., 578. Wikes, gabilis" (ibid., 410). 
 
 ibid., 50. Knygbton, col. 2M4. Matt. " Fu'dera. i., 3G2. Ilutcbinson's 
 
 Paris, 804. Flores Hist., 363. Durham, i., 210, where the date 1258 
 
 '" Printed among the Monumenta is given. 
 
 Franciscaua, 438-489. v IMatt. Paris, 80U.
 
 298 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 did, however, some good work at York during his brief tenure of 
 the archieiiiscopate. He remodelled the constitution of the 
 chapel of St. Sepulchre, which had been founded by archbishop 
 Roger, changing the clergy into canons, and making provision 
 for the management of- the common property and the perform- 
 ance of the services.* Bovill, however, conferred a still greater 
 boon upon the church, and his vigour and persistency in stand- 
 ing up for the rights of his cathetb-al when they were menaced 
 by an insolent intruder, won for him the praises of his contem- 
 poraries, although they involved him in the troubles which his 
 old master had foretold. 
 
 The deanery of York, which BovilFs own promotion had 
 vacated, Avas given to Godfrey de Ludham, who succeeded him 
 also in the archbishopric. Ludham^s tenure of office was des- 
 tined to be an uneasy one. One day three strangers found their 
 way to the minster of York.*" No service was being performed, 
 for the priests and clerks at that time were otherwise employed. 
 The men entered into the cathedral, and found a solitary wor- 
 shipper at his devotions. They asked him which was the dean's 
 stall? "This is it," he said, pointing to the place. The three then 
 went up to it, and, one of them taking possession of the seat, 
 the other two said, addressing him, " Brother, we install thee 
 by the authority of the pope." The archbishop and his chapter, 
 nay, the whole of England, were amazed and indignant. With- 
 out a word having been said to any one, the pope had given the 
 deanery away to an Italian cardinal of the name of Jordan, who 
 had got possession of it by this audacious and discreditable trick. 
 Bovill, who seems to have been naturally of a quiet and retiring 
 disposition, had a just cause to defend, and he woidd not submit 
 to this dictation. The whole of England was being stocked 
 with these Italian priests, who came over hungering after pre- 
 ferment. They had for some time made a prey of the church 
 of York.'' On this occasion Bovill exhibited such a determined 
 front that the intruder went home, and made a complaint to the 
 pope. The archbishop was now subjected to the rancour of 
 disappointed and angry men, and endm-ed a bitter persecution. 
 lie was suspended from his office ; the minster was put under 
 an interdict; BovilFs cross was taken away from him, and, 
 
 1 Stubbs, col. 1725-6. Reg. Green- Eomanus, arclideacon of Richmond, is 
 
 field. Dugd. Mon., vi., 1182. blamed for urging the Romans to en- 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, 803, 820, 827. Ann. rich themselves "in England (ibid., 
 
 Burton, apud Gale, iii., 386. 792). Cf. Twisden's Historical Vindi- 
 
 ' ilany instances might be given. cation of the Church of England in 
 
 In 1255 Magister Rustandus, the sub- point of Schism, 61. In 1207 the king 
 
 deacon of the pope, came to England, received QU. 4s. 6d. " de prebendis Ro- 
 
 and a stall at York was given to him manorum in dioc. Ebor." (Rot. Clans., 
 
 by the kmg (Matt. Paris, 785). John 99). 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 I
 
 1256 1258.] ARCHBISHOP SEWAL DE BOVILL. 299 
 
 finally, he and the dean were excommunicated. I cannot say 
 whether these marks of the papal displeasure were ever altogether 
 removed. It seems, however, probable that the sentence was 
 rescinded, as Matthew Paris mentions an arrangement, which 
 looks very like a compromise, that a pension of a hundred marks 
 should be paid yearly to Jordan till some other preferment 
 could be provided for him.'^ 
 
 These troubles and persecutions broke BovilFs heart, and he 
 was soon upon his deathbed. At that solemn time the sinking 
 prelate raised his hands and his eyes towards heaven, and 
 appealed to the Redeemer fi'om the unrighteous dealing of His 
 pretended deputy upon earth. The dying man then thought 
 upon the bold words of his old college friend Grostete, and 
 resolved to follow his example and acquaint the pope with the 
 evil he had done, protesting against the injustice. He bade him 
 imitate the humility of his sainted predecessors, and not to 
 tyrannize over the church, " for the Lord said to Peter, feed my 
 sheep, and not, shear them, skin them, tear out their entrails, 
 or eat them up." This was strong language; but it seems 
 only to have provoked a smile of pity and contempt on the face 
 of him to whom it was written." There were many, however, 
 who would be proud to think that men were not wanting to 
 point out the eiils of the times, and to lay the lash upon the 
 real offenders. 
 
 Bovill died on the 10th of ]May, 1258.^' On the Easter day 
 before his decease he had made a great feast for the poor, and 
 he left it and them to take a part in the services of his chapel. 
 The memory of his virtues was long cherished in the North, and 
 miracles, etc., are said to have attested the holiness of his life."" 
 
 Archbishop Bovill was interred in the south transept of the 
 minster near the remains of Walter de Gray. A plain marble 
 slab charged with a floriated cross, and elevated upon low pillars, 
 still marks the spot. The ground was opened about 1735, and 
 a gold ring was taken out of the grave, which is now preserved 
 in the vestry. It is of simple workmanship, and without any 
 ornament. 
 
 ' Matt. Paris, 813. In the Anglia the pope knowing nothing of it — a 
 
 Sacra (i., 494) it is said that Bovill most unlikely thing (Chron. Petrib., 
 
 was excommunicated by the archbishop 142). 
 of Canterbury in obedience to a papal " Matt. Paris, 831. 
 
 mandate. Anotlier account is that " MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 111. 
 
 Jordan suspended him, and that he Stubbs, col. 1726. 
 was suspended at the time of his death, " Chron. Lanercost, 71-2.
 
 300 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 ^Otlfrr^ tic 5Llltlf)am, or tfC ItintOn, probably derived his 
 sunianicsl'rom the villages of Loudham and Kiiialton or Kins- 
 ton in Nottingbamshirc, of whicli county he seems to have been 
 a native. The Christian names of his parents were Richard and 
 Eda, and he had a brother, Thomas de Ludham, who was chap- 
 lain to the pope and a prebendary at York and Southwell.^ 
 
 On the 17th of June, 1227, archbishop Gray granted to Mr. 
 Godfrey de Ludham a pension of ten marks per annum, and on 
 the 26tli of August, 1229, he collated him to a moiety of the 
 living of Peniston in the West Riding of Yorkshire.^' About 
 the year 1250 Ludham was precentor of York whilst Bovill 
 occupied the deanery,' and when the dean was advanced to the 
 arch])isho]3ric the precentor succeeded him in his office. He 
 was immediately involved in the troubles that overwhelmed his 
 diocesan. The pope, it will be remembered, attempted to thrust 
 a cardinal of the name of Jordan into the deanery, and excom- 
 municated Bovill and Ludham for opposing him.** There is, 
 however, reason to believe that this sentence was soon with- 
 drawn. 
 
 Eovill died in the beginning of May, 1258, and on the 29th 
 of that month the king authorized the chapter to elect another 
 archbishop.* They fixed upon Ludham on the 12th of July,*^ 
 and the royal assent was given on the 25th.'^ Ludham took the 
 precaution of going himself to Rome to secure the favour of the 
 pope, and, after much trouble and expense,^ he was consecrated 
 there on the 22nd of September, and obtained the pall./ On 
 his return to England he boldly entered London bearing his 
 cross erect, and went to the court, where he was kindly welcomed 
 by the king. After this, he set out for the North. On the 
 1st of December he received the temporalities of his see, and 
 about Christmas he was enthroned with much rejoicing. He 
 soon shewed his regard for Roger de Holderness by giving him 
 the deanery. They had been friends for some time, and had 
 been associated together at St. Albans.^ 
 
 ' Fabric Rolls of York, 293. It is ■* Le Neve, iii., 102. 
 
 mentioned in Melton's JRe^nster, in a <■ Matt. Paris, 834, 839. 
 
 document relatinj,' to the prebend of f MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 111. 
 
 "Wctwang, that Thomas and Godfrey Cal. Rot. Pat., 31. Stubbs (col. 1726) 
 
 de Ludham were brothers. says that he was consecrated on Sept. 
 
 Wnlter de Ludham, knight, wit- 23. 
 
 nesscs archbishop Gray's grant of Thorp s Matt. Paris, 840. In 1260 the 
 
 (Dugd. Mon., vi., 1195). Cf. Thoro- archbishop was ordered to find men to 
 
 ton's Notts, 289. v Rot. Gray. serve in Wales (Feed., i., 399), and on 
 
 -■ MSS.Colton,Claudius, B,iii., 12 a. Sept. 3 he was commanded peremp- 
 
 « Anri^ Burton, apud Gale, iii., 386. torily to collect the disme in his pro- 
 
 Le Jseve, iii., 102. vince (ibid., 445). 
 
 ' Chron. Lanercost, 66.
 
 1258 — 12G5.] ARCHBISHOP LUDHAM. 301 
 
 There is very little known of Lndliam^s conduct as arch- 
 bishop. His rey'istcr has not been preserved, and the clironiclcrs 
 are silent about liim. We learn, liowever_, from Stu])bs that in 
 the third year of his archiepiscopate he put the city of York 
 under an interdict, Avhich lasted from the beginning of Lent to 
 the festival of the Invention of the holy cross/' and the chronicle 
 of Peterborough tells us that this severity was to punish the 
 citizens for some injuries which they had done to their diocesan 
 and the chapter of York/ In 12G1 Ludham held a provincial 
 council at Beverley,-' and the people of that town were for some 
 time under his displeasure for breaking into his parks. In the 
 register of archbishop Giffard mention is made of some statutes 
 which his predecessor drew up for the better management and 
 discipline of the regular orders.* 
 
 Archbishop Ludham died on the 12th of January, 1265,' 
 and AVas interred beside his predecessors Bovill and Gray in the 
 south transept of York minster. A simple cross carved in stone 
 marked the place of his sepultiu'e. When the old pavement 
 was taken up, about 1735, Ludham's monument was removed 
 to the presbytery. It was injured in the fire of 1829.'" 
 
 Ludham left a will, the provisions of which seem to have 
 been neglected. On the 8th of March, 1268, the executors were 
 called to account for their short-comings. They were four in 
 number; the prior of the house of the Holy Trinity, London, 
 William dean of York, Robert archdeacon of the East Riding, 
 and John de Steinton, a layman. Thomas de Berneby, sub- 
 deacon of the pope, and John his brother, a layman, two of 
 Ijudham's creditors, made a petition to Octobonus the papal 
 legate in England, that the executors should be obliged to pay 
 the debts and legacies of their late master, and they were 
 ordered to do so. On the 20th of February previous, archbishop 
 Giffard had issued a commission to Nicholas de Wudeford, canon " 
 of Westbury in the diocese of Worcester, empowering lum to 
 enquire into the effects belonging to his predecessor in the see." 
 
 Thomas de Ludham, the archbishop^s brother, founded a 
 chantry at the altar of the Blessed Virgin aiul St. John in York 
 minster, at which the souls of the deceased primate, the foimdcr, 
 and their parents, were to be especially rcmcml)ei'cd. Tlircc 
 chaplains were to officiate at it, and it was endowed with lands 
 in Skelton, Middleton and Boynton." 
 
 * Stiibbs, col. 1726. Cliron. Laner- ' Stubbs, 172G. AVikos, apnd Gale, 
 cost, 71. •' ChroD. Petrib., 113. ii., G6. MSS. Cotton, Vitellius A. ii., 
 
 J FloresHist., 37i). Ill i. 
 
 * lleg. Giffard. The rules wliicli '" IJrowne's York Min.ster, 58. 
 Ludham laid down for the manas^'cuicnt " llc<(. Giflard. 
 
 of the monastery of Hexham are pre- " York Fabric Rolls, ed. Surtces So- 
 
 served, ciety, 293, and MSS. D. and C. Ebor.
 
 302 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 On tlic 30tli of January, 1265, the king gave the chapter of 
 York permission to elect a new archbishop, and they again fixed 
 u])on their dean, William de Langton alias de Rotlierfield. This 
 api)oiutment was made on the 12th of March, and the king 
 assented to it on the 1st of April. The pope, however, set it 
 aside on the ground that Langton was a pluralist, although he 
 licld only a single living in addition to his deanery. Bonaven- 
 tura, the famous Franciscan, was nominated by Clement IV. in 
 Langton^s place, but he seems to have waived his claim, as there 
 was the prospect of a storm. ^ The diocese of York would indeed 
 have been honoured if that illustrious man had been placed at 
 its head. The piety and the works of the " seraphic " doctor 
 were famous throughout the Christian world. They attained 
 for him, among other honoiu's, the ride of the order of the Mino- 
 rites, the honours of the cardinalate, and a place in the calendar 
 of the saints. 
 
 William de Langton, dean of York, who was rejected by the 
 pope, was a great man. In 1265 he was summoned to parlia- 
 ment as dean, and in 1278 he declined the bishopric of Carlisle, 
 lie died in 1279, and Avas interred in the south transept near 
 his friend and patron, archbishop Gray. He was commemorated 
 by a very remarkable monument, Avhich is now destroyed. Wal- 
 ter de Langton, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and a dis- 
 tinguished statesman, was his nejshew. 
 
 altfr (^iftartl was the son of wealthy parents, and could 
 boast of 04,1 illustrious ancestry. He was the son of Hugh Gif- 
 fard of Boyton, in Wiltshire, by Sibilla daughter and co-heiress 
 of Walter de Cormeilles.? The Christian name of the archbishop 
 was probably derived from his maternal grandfather, but it 
 would also remind him of Walter Giff'ard, lord of Bolbec and 
 Longueville, a great Norman baron who came into England 
 Avith the Conqueror, and fought by his side at Hastings.'' 
 
 There is very little known of Giffard's early history. In 1256, 
 
 p MS. Vitellius, A, ii., 111. Knyghton, tate seems to have come into his hands, 
 
 col. 2154. Stubbs, col. 1726. Chron. There is a Ufe of Hugh Gifiard in 
 
 1 et. lb., 149. Le Neve, iii., 103,121. Cah Toss's Judges of England, ii., 351. 
 
 Kot. 1 at., 37. AYikes (apud Gale, ii., Godfrey Giffard, bishop of Worcester, 
 
 /4) says that Bonaventura resigned was the archbishop's brother, and I 
 
 ' timens pelli suae." shall mention several others who were 
 
 » iioare s \\ iltshire— history of his kinsmen. Abbrev. Eot. Orig., i., 
 
 Ueytesbury Hundred, 201, 238. Dugd. 23. 
 
 Bar., 59, 499, etc. The archbishop - Master Wace's Chron., 256, etc. 
 was probably the eldest son, a.s the es-
 
 1265 1279.] ARCHBISHOP GIFFARD. 303 
 
 Henry IIL permitted him and his mother to reside in the eastle 
 of Oxford ■/ and on anotlier occasion he was indebted to the good 
 offices of Adam de Marisco, the learned Franciscan/ On the 
 22nd of May^ 1264^ Giftard was elected to the bishopric of J^ath 
 and Wells, being at that time a canon and an arclidcacon in 
 that church, as well as chaplain to the pope. Six days after this 
 the king assented to the choice which had been made, and on 
 the 1st of September Giftard received the temporalities of his 
 see." The archbishop of Canterbury was at that time abroad, 
 and the new prelate crossed the Channel in quest of the rite of 
 consecration, which he received at the hands of the bishop of 
 Hereford in the church of Notre Dame at Paris on the 4th of 
 January, 1265." The English barons were most unwilling that 
 he should leave the country for that purpose, and plundered his 
 manors when he went, an act whicli he requited on his return 
 by a sentence of excommunication."' Giff"ard Avas at that time, 
 and throughout his life, of a handsome presence, fond of gaiety 
 and humour, but of a luxurious disposition. He had afterwards 
 a tendency towards corpulency, which is said to have affected 
 both his temper and his health.-^ 
 
 Whilst he was bishop of Bath and Wells Giffard experienced 
 many marks of the royal favour. In 1265 he was raised to the 
 honourable position of lord-chancellor of England, receiving 
 an annual pension of five hundred marks. He resigned the 
 office when he was translated to York. 2' Dviring the intestine 
 troubles of the time the king made him the keeper of Oxford 
 castle, and gave him instructions to furnish it with stores and 
 munitions of Avar." On the 15th of October, 1266, the pope 
 promoted Giffard to the see of York, which had been vacant for 
 more than a year." He Avas enthroned on the festival of All 
 Saints, and obtained restitution of the temporalities on the 26th 
 of December.* 
 
 » Excerpt, e Rot. Fin., ii., 243. ^ Foss's Judges, ii., 353. 
 
 ' Monum. Francisc, 257-8. - Reg. Giflard, 76 6. On Aug. 12, 
 
 " Prynne's Coll., iii., 22 1. Anglia 1266, Henry III. leased to him his 
 Sacra, i., 566. Le Neve, i., 159. There manors of Pydingdon and Brchull, sub- 
 is a life of him, containing nothing new, ject to an annual payment of £30. On 
 in Cassan's Lives of the Bishops of Oct. 12, 1208, the king allowed him to 
 Bath and AVells, 139. add to the grouud belonging to his 
 
 " lleg. Sacr., Angl., 44. In arch- palace in York a piece of crown land 
 
 bishop Giffard's register at York his adjacent (ibid.) 56 lien. III., licence to 
 
 acts as bishop of Bath and AVells are the archbishop of York, " kernellare 
 
 recorded from 1264 to 1266. These domuni suam do Garrode ad moduni 
 
 are arranged under archdeaconries in castri " (Cal. Hot. I'at., 44). 
 
 the usual way. " MSS. Cotton, Vitollius, A, ii., 
 
 " Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 67. Ill 6. Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 77. 
 
 ' Chron. Lanercost, 71, 103. " For- Cin-on. Lan., 84. Matt. Paris, Addit., 
 
 mosus et illustris clericus," or as 859. Knyghton, col. 2164. Trivet, 228. 
 
 Chaucer says, * Vitellius, ut svpra. "Wikes, 81. 
 
 " Now certainly he was a fayre prelat." Stubbs, col. 1726.
 
 304 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Giffarcl still continued to take a part in public affairs after 
 he came into the North. In the autumn of 1268, he had a 
 quarrel with the archbishop of Canterbury about the right of 
 bearing his cross erect, as on the 15th of October in that year 
 Girtard's proctor, E. de Well, was at Lambeth, and in the pre- 
 sence of the archbishop made an ajipeal in behalf of his master 
 to the pope/ With Edward I. Giffard was a great favourite. 
 In August, 1270, when that monarch, then the heir apparent, 
 Avas starting on his crusade, he drew up his will, in which he 
 apjjointcd the Northern primate one of the tutors of his sons.'' 
 In 1271, Henry III. made him custos of the counties of Not- 
 tingham and Derby, which his nephew Hugh de Babington 
 siiperintcnded as his deputy.* In the spring of 1272 I find that 
 he Avas constable of the tower of London ; another of his nep- 
 phcws, Sir J. Neville, acting in his room./ On the 23rd of 
 November in that year the archbishop was one of the persons 
 who announced to the prince his father's decease,^ and he was 
 present at the coronation of the new king.'^ For some time 
 after that Giffard was busily employed in receiving the oaths of 
 allegiance to his master/ and in 1273 he was acting in his behalf 
 in the affairs of St. Augustine's, Canterbury.'^ In 1275 he was 
 one of those to whom the charge of the kingdom was entrusted 
 during Edward's absence,* and in 1277 he sent his service against 
 Llewellyn prince of Wales, according to his summons.^ 
 
 The best account of archbishop Giffard's official acts is to be 
 gathered from his register, which is preserved at York. It is 
 full of novel and curious information relating to the ecclesiastical 
 condition of the North of England. There are in it, among 
 many other things, the earliest ordination lists that I am ac- 
 qiiainted with ; documents which have never yet been brought 
 to bear, as they ought, upon the history of the clergy, and the 
 annals of the church. The register gives us a very favourable 
 idea of Giffard's attention to his diocese. In every respect he 
 seems to have been a faithful pastor. He was a strict and fear- 
 less reformer of abuses, in days when there were many offenders, 
 and startling deviations from discipline and order. Giffard 
 made a regular visitation of his clergy, and shewed no mercy to 
 
 " ^ef?. Giffard. the cross with the archbishop of Can- 
 
 " JiX'd., I, 481. Test. Vetust., 9. terbury (Ann. Waverl., apud Gale, ii., 
 
 ' Jladox, Hist. Exch., ii., 153. He 227). 
 
 held it till 1st Edw. I. Cf. Fuller's ■■ AnoHa Sacra, i., 499. 
 
 "\\ orthies. Archa^olog., xxviii., 272. J Prynne's Coll., iii., 124. 
 
 J Reg. Giffard. *' Feed., i., 497. * Cal. Eot. Pat., 46. Godwin (w. e., 
 
 4 i5 1*' ^'^'"'^ ^^^®' "•' ^^^- ^^''^ 682), quoting the Close Eolls, says that 
 
 are told that the king would not allow Giffard was deputy in 1272, and again 
 
 him to be present when he was crowned afterwards. 
 
 in 1274, to prevent an outbreak about ' Pari. Writs., i., 195, 197.
 
 1266 — 1279.] ARCHBISHOP gipfard. 305 
 
 titled culprits. He reprehended William de Percy, canon of 
 York and a brother of Sir Henry de Percy, for wasting liis 
 time among courtiers, and in undignified pursuits. He also 
 attempted to grapple with Bogo de Clare, a son of the great 
 earl of Gloucester, an ecclesiastic who gave much trouble to 
 more than one archbishop of York. Tlie history of this man is 
 a most remarkable one. His noble blood, j^crhaps, made him 
 spurn authority, and he paid no attention whatever to decency 
 and discipline. At one and the same time he held as many as 
 eighteen livings, in addition to the treasui'crship at York and 
 the deanery of Stafford. On one occasion w^hen a royal official 
 served a writ at his house in London, Bogo's servants com- 
 pelled the unhappy man to eat up the document, seals and all ! 
 Of course his parishes were gi'ievously neglected, for Clare 
 merely valued the income which they produced. The treasury 
 at York was in such a state diiring his rule, that it was reported 
 against him that the vestments and ornaments of the church 
 were often used by women in childbed. In the church of 
 Simonburn in Northumberland, whilst he was the rector, the 
 chronicler of Lanercost observed in the place of the carving 
 which ought to have been beliind the altar some wdcker work 
 taken evidently from a stable, and still smeared with the dung 
 of oxen. In striking and painful contrast to this parsimonious 
 and guilty carelessness was the gift which Clare made to the 
 queen of France, a coffer for her trinkets in the shape of a car 
 on wheels. The coffer itself was of ivory, the wheels and all 
 the exterior fittings, even to the smallest key, were of solid silver, 
 whilst within everything was of gold or silk. 
 
 Archbishop Giffard paid much attention to the religious 
 houses wdthin his diocese. They stood at that time in great 
 need of supervision. More than a century had elapsed since 
 most of them were founded, but during this period the defects 
 of the system were seriously and alarmingly developed. The 
 following extracts will be the best illustrations of the subject. 
 They are taken from the reports of the investigations which 
 W'Cre made between 1274 and 127G. 
 
 Bolton in Craven. The whole convent conspired against 
 the predecessor of William de Danfield, the present prior. 
 Nicholas de Broc, the sub-prior, is old and useless. Silence is 
 not observed, and there is much chattering and noise. John de 
 Pontefract, the present cellarer, is incompetent. The cellarer 
 and sulD-eellarer arc often al)scnt from service and refections, 
 and have their meals by themselves when the canons have left 
 the refectory.'" The house is in debt to the amount of 
 324/. 5s. 7d. 
 '" These canons and many other ec- clesiastics within the diocese of York 
 
 X
 
 306 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 SwvNE. The prioress cannot keep discipline. Sibilla de 
 Bella and another nun arc rebellious, and Alice de Scrutevile, 
 Beatrix de St. Quintin, and Matilda Constable, abet them. 
 The sick are neglected. The nuns have only a pair of shoes a 
 year, scarcely a tunic in three years, and a pallium in twenty, 
 but what their parents or friends may give them, or they are 
 able to beg. The prioress is full of suspicions, and is credulous 
 and hasty. The mms and sisters quarrel, the sisters pretending 
 to be equal to the nuns, and using black veils. There are two 
 windoAvs broken, through whicl^ victuals, etc., are carried out ; 
 and the niins and canons meet together in an unseemly way. 
 The household of Sir Robert de Hilton wander about through 
 the cloister and parlour, and talk suspiciously with the nuns. 
 The nims have nothing for their fare but bread, cheese, and beer, 
 and, on two daj'^s in the Aveek, water instead of beer, whilst the 
 canons live luxui'iously. 
 
 Selby. The church of St. Germanus in the town is a chapel, 
 and the rite of baptism was administered in it until children 
 were carried to the monastery. The chapel and its altar are not 
 dedicated, neither is the cemetery, because the dead are interred 
 in the burial ground of the abbey. The chaplain was ordained 
 in Ireland, but archbishop Gray allowed his orders. The abbat 
 " mulierculas habet in maneriis suis et in villa de Selby. ^■' 
 
 Newbrough. The prior is too easy, and the superior too 
 hot-tempered. A camera has been needlessly built at Thirsk. 
 The cellarer traffics in horses like a dealer, and has a rough 
 tongue. The keeper of the fabric is abroad at the cost of tlie 
 house, and has not given in his account. 
 
 Felley. Ralph, the prior, laid violent hands on Ralph his 
 brother-canon, and then took part in the serAdce. He is old and 
 infirm. He broke into the place Avliere the common seal was 
 kept, and took possession of it against the will of the monks. 
 (He is deprived.) Tlie canons lead very immoral lives. 
 
 Archbishop GifFard Avas bold enough to exercise his Adsita- 
 torial poAver Avithin the diocese of Dui'ham, even within the 
 Avails of the potent monastery of St. Cuthbert. The see was at 
 that time vacant, and, according to one of the Durham historians, 
 the right of the archbishop of York to act Avithin the bishopric 
 during the interregnum seems to have been conceded. The 
 chronicle of Lanercost, however, tells us that Giffard's Adsit 
 was not unattended by dissension. The prior of Durham 
 endeavoured to l)eguile his potent guest at his residence in the 
 country Avith the dainty cates of which Giffard was so fond, but 
 the archbishop did not forget the main object of his coming; 
 
 would be ^ of the same mind as Be- " Mon evC-que, triste et bigot, 
 
 ranger's Chanoine de I'Auxerrois : Pretend que je sens le fagot." 
 
 I
 
 12GG 1279.] ARCHBISHOP GIFFARD. 307 
 
 and a quarrel arose, which ended in GifFard^s exclusion from the 
 cathcdi'al, and the excommunication of the prior and his re- 
 bellious brethren. AVe find also that Gifiard Avas more or less 
 mixed up in the controversy which preceded the election of 
 bishop de Insula." 
 
 Ai'chbishop GifFard must be reckoned among the benefactors 
 of the church of York. He augmented the chancellorship with 
 the living of Acklam, and appropriated the benefices of Map- 
 pleton, Withernwick, Waghen, and Tunstall^ to the archdeaconry 
 of the East Riding, the prebend of Holme, the chancellorship, 
 and the succentorship." He gave also to the minster a fair 
 mitre, a gold ring with a balas, two small saucers of gold, and 
 two precious phials of silver gilt, wrought with cunning work- 
 manship, and decorated with valuable stones.^ 
 
 Among the grave and formal documents with which the 
 archbishop^s register abounds, there are several pages which are 
 devoted to an interesting subject, the private expenditure of 
 GifFard. From it we may gain what is of great value, a pretty 
 fair insight into that prelate^s character and life. I need make 
 no apology for giving a number of extracts. There is, unfor- 
 tunately, a provoking absence of minute details which is much 
 to be regretted. We have a glimpse, however, of the arch- 
 bishop^ s kindness to his relations, and his charities. The large 
 sums which he gave for wine seem to shew that he was, as the 
 Lanercost chronicler has described him, " socialis et dapsilis." 
 The expenses incidental to his taking possession of his sec were 
 in all probability so heavy that he was obliged to have recourse 
 to the Italian bankers, or usurers as he appropriately calls them, 
 to borrow money, and it is doubtful whether he was ever tho- 
 roughly extricated from their clutches. Many of their bonds, 
 to which he was a party, have been preserved, and he might 
 well complain of the " whirlpool ^^ into Avhich he had been 
 plunged. 
 
 In addition to the special charges for providing necessaries, 
 we find the record of large sums which Avere laid out for the 
 expenses of the archbishop's hospice. Under these would be 
 included the items of wages, provisions and travelling. For 
 1267 and 1268 the cost of the hospice amounted to 450A per 
 annum. In 1269 it was only 320/. In 1270 it was as high as 
 860/., or 870/., whilst in 1271, of wliicli year we have only an 
 imperfect account, it was above 600/. AH this seems to point 
 to an extravagant scale of expenditure, if we take into account 
 the relative value of money at that time and the present. 
 
 The chief cause of this outlay must undoubtedly have been 
 
 " Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, cd. Sur- " Eog. Giffard. 
 
 tees Soc, 56. Chron. Lanercost, 103. '' York Fabric Rolls, 213, 214, 21G. 
 
 X 2
 
 308 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the great number of retainers that the arehbishop was obliged 
 to support. He had his regular officers to preside over each 
 department of his household, with fixed and by no means small 
 stipends. In addition to these, at each of his numerous resi- 
 dences, some of his servants were constantly living to take 
 charge of the house, and at his various manors there were the 
 farm-labom-ers and the bailiffs, all of whom depended upon him 
 for theii- svdisistence. The archbishop would thus be put to a 
 very considerable expense. This would be greatly increased by 
 the* migratory life which the prelates of that age delighted in. 
 A bishop, like his sovereign, was rarely more than three days at 
 a time in one place. He was always passing from residence 
 to residence with all the pomp and ceremony of a gi-eat feudal 
 baron. Hawks and hounds were frequently his companions on 
 his travels, and he would turn aside every now and then from 
 the beaten causeway to flush the heron from its waterpool, or 
 to chase the red deer through the woods. Behind the arch- 
 bishop there rode a long train of domestics, who carried with 
 them the wardrobe and the plate, and a great part of the furni- 
 ture of their master. With these each of his manor-houses or 
 castles was equipped, to be stripped again when the visitors 
 deserted it. The bailiff' of the place had little more to do than 
 to provide the kitchen from his lands and streams, and to pay 
 over, when it was required, the balance of his account. A pretty 
 accurate itinerary of several of the northern prelates might easily 
 be constructed, and it would be most interesting and suggestive. 
 
 The following extracts will give my readers some idea of the 
 private expenditure of archbishop Giff'ard. 
 
 12G7, Sept. 17. To Luranc Bom, citizen and merchant of 
 Florence, the deputy of Reyner and Teclarius, merchants of the 
 same city,* 1000 marks. Sept. 21. To Locco Hugolini and 
 Gregory Sunclli, merchants of Sienna residing in London, 600 
 marks. Sept. 22. To our valet 11. de Ascoc", G4/. 3s., to buy 
 cloth in the fair of Bloccelegh.'' On the Monday after Michael- 
 mas day, to master Ruffinus,* archdeacon of Cleveland, 200 
 marks, in })art payment of the debt that we owe to the merchants 
 of Paris, contracted for the business of our church and ourself 
 in the court of Rome, and, also, an order to N. de Wodeford to 
 pay 350 marks for the same purpose. Nov. 3. To Sir Wm. d^Au- 
 beny, knight, a robe of the value of 20s., and another to Roger 
 Huse.' Nov. 9. To Hugh Everard, our clerk, 310/. 10s. 4d., 
 
 1 There is a valuable paper on the fard was allowed to have a fair there 
 
 history of these foreign merchants and (Thomas's Worcester, 136). 
 
 their dealings with England in the » Euffinus died this year. 
 
 Archceol., xxviii., 207-326. ' Henry Hoese was one of the barons 
 
 "■ Blockley, co. Worcester. In the who fought against Henry III. He 
 
 fifty-fourth of Henry III. bishop Gif- had lands iu the counties of Wilts,
 
 12G6— 1279.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GIPFARD. 
 
 309 
 
 towards the expenses of our hospice. Dec. 9. To Pauliniis, the 
 Roman jester, 5 marks of our gift. To dame Alice," our sister, 
 5 marks. Dec. 28. To Hugh de Cantihipe/ our precentor at 
 York, GO/. 
 
 1268, Feb. 10. To the merchants for 21 casks of wine, 
 bought at Hidl,'" 50/. 6s. 8d. April 12. To our valet, Richard 
 de Button*, for the expenses of oiu' hospice, 80/. Apr. 27. To 
 Ancherus, the cardinal,^ 80 marks. May 6. To Henry le Waleys 
 and Philip le Taillur, 100/. for Avine ; to Stephen le Munden, 
 26/. 13s. 4d., for jewels;- to Robert Neveracom, 73s. 4d. for 
 wine ; to Robert de Mumpaillars, 33s. 6d. for tlie debts of dame 
 Sibilla Giftard our mother; to Anketill, the mercer, 10/. 8s. 4d. 
 for cloth bought from him at Paris ; to Edmund, the baker, at 
 Loudon, 6/. 13s. 4d. for corn; to Simon de Insula," 40s. to 
 repair our houses in London. June 7. To Philip, our constable 
 at Oxford, for the expenses of Edmund de Mortimer,* 20/. ; to 
 my lord, the earl of Norfolk, for a palfrey and a saddle for his 
 
 Kent, etc. (Dugd. Bar., i., 633). In 
 1290 a Henry Hose was constable of 
 Porchester castle (Rot. Pari., i., 25.) 
 
 " Alice de Mandeville, who is men- 
 tioned afterwards. 
 
 " A member of the noble family of 
 Cantiluxie. An executor of the will of 
 "Walter de Cantilupe, bishop of Here- 
 ford (Thomas's Worcester, 136), arch- 
 deacon of Gloucester 1256-1284- (Le 
 Neve, iii., 77), rector of Stewkley, 
 Bucks, 1216-1271 (Lipscombe's Bucks, 
 iii., 472. MSS. Harl., 6950, 80 b). In 
 1285 Mr. Hugh de Cantilupe, a digni- 
 tary in Hereford cathedral, being dead, 
 John de Clara, his executor, gave £20 
 out of his effects for poor scholars at 
 Oxford (Antiq. Univ. Oxon., i., 324). 
 
 My readers must understand that 
 these notes do not contain a tithe of 
 what I could say about many of the 
 persons they commemorate. 
 
 "" A great place for wine-merchants. 
 The archbishop had the prisage there, 
 which will be alluded to afterwards. 
 
 ■^ A kinsman, no doubt, of William 
 de Button, Giffard's predecessor and 
 successor at Bath and Wells. He was 
 precentor of "Wells (Cassan's Lives, 
 134). Cf. Abbrev. Plac, 152. Giffard 
 gave a stall at York to Thomas de 
 Button, afterwards bishop of Exeter 
 (Anglia Sacra, i., 565-6). 
 
 "William Button, the second, was nep- 
 hew of his namesake and was Giffard's 
 cousin (Cassan, 141). Giffard had the 
 charge of the temporalities during the 
 
 vacancy, and on March 8, 1267, he 
 wrote from London to order the bailiffs 
 of the manors, etc., throughout the 
 diocese of Bath and "Wells to surrender 
 them to Button, whose appointment 
 had been confirmed (Reg. Giffard, 81). 
 On July 7, Giffard sold to him for 
 600 marks all the winter-corn on the 
 manors belonging to that see, which 
 he had of the king's gift, having sown 
 it himself (ibid.). 
 
 Bishop Button made his will in June, 
 1275, from which it appears that the 
 archbishoj! owed him money. Thomas 
 de Button and Roger de Crukes, pro- 
 vost of '^Vells, were the executors 
 (ibid.). 
 
 y A Roman cardinal, to whom the 
 pope gave the stall of "Wetwang at 
 York. He resigned it, and a pension 
 of 80, and subsequently 100, marks 
 per annum was granted to him. 
 
 - "Jocalia" ma}-^ be more appro- 
 priately translated ornaments. 
 
 " In 1265 Simon de Insula was pre- 
 sented by Henry III. to the living of 
 Thornfagan (Reg. Giffard, Bath and 
 Wells). 
 
 ' I do not know who this person 
 M'as. Edmund de Mortimer, a power- 
 ful baron, had a son Edmund who was 
 rector of Hodnet (Dugd. Bar., i., 138). 
 Edmund, son of Roger de Mortimer, 
 was made treasurer of York in 1265 
 (Effid., i., 4.58, and Reg. Giffard). Ox- 
 ford castle had been in Giffard's cus- 
 tody.
 
 310 FASTI EllORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 fee at our translation/ 5 marks and a half; to Hugh do Ba- 
 bington to buy a robe " et penulas " for the use of our mother, 
 4/. 5s. 5d. ; to James dc Lougeton to buy coffers and certain other 
 necessaries for dame Alice de Mandevill, 28s. 9d. ; a release to 
 our valet, Walter le Barber, of his accoimt of 100 marks which 
 he carried for us to Paris when we were elected to the see of 
 Bath and Wells.'' July 20. To our beloved sister, dame Alice 
 de Mandevill,* 10 marks, and to dame Matilda de Tywe,'^ 10 
 marks. Aug. 16. To Gilbert, our steward at Norton, 55s. 5d., 
 which he has expended at our order for the staying of our dear 
 sister, dame Matilda, ^^ at Norton from the feast of St. Dunstan to 
 that of SS. Marcellinus and Peter. Oct. 1. To our valet, R. de 
 Ascoc', 83/. at St. Botulph's fair. Oct. 31. To Philip le Taillur 
 and Hemy le Waleys, citizens of London, 236/. 
 
 1269, March 2. To the friars preachers of Gloucester, two 
 quarters of corn, and one quarter to a woman at Gloucester. 
 March 4. To the bailiff of Norton, 28s. as a gift, and for the 
 pigs which we had of him at Wykham. March 27. For the 
 expenses of masters G. de Sancto Leofardo^ and H. de Bran- 
 deston' and J. de Wudeford, chaplain, 9/. 10s. ; to the clerks 
 officiating in the church of York on Easter day in our presence, 
 18s. April 2. To Hugh de Babington, 100/. to lay out for us 
 at St. Ives' fair. April 9. To Simon, bailiff of Cawood, 10/. to 
 buy stock. April 20. To the dean of York, 120/., which we 
 borrowed of him for the king's use.-'' June 1. To Hugh de 
 
 ' The earl marshal required a palfrey appendix, 78-9). 
 
 caparisoned as his fee. * Official of the court of York (R«g. 
 
 '' Gififard was consecrated at Notre GifFard). On Oct. 22, 1274, Mr. G. de 
 
 Dame in 1266. S. Leofardo had the archbishop's letters 
 
 ' An unnoticed sister of the arch- authorizing him to borrow 60 marks 
 
 bishop. In 1279 Edmund de Mande- for the business of Mr. G. (ibid.). In 
 
 ville resigned the stall of Stanwick at 4th Edw. I., he, Thomas de Munkegate, 
 
 Ripon (Reg. Wickwaine). In 1301 official of the court of York and'^Mr' 
 
 bishop Gilfard left 40s. to Edm. de Simon de Clervaus, etc., were in trouble 
 
 M., a friar mmor (Thomas, 80). Cf. for hearing matters not relating to 
 
 Dugd. Bar., i., 206. wills (Rot. Hundred., i., 108). He held 
 
 ■/ John and Gilbert de Tjwe were many pieces of preferment, and was 
 canons of \ork m 1241. In 1225 Sir bishop of Chichester, 1288-1305 
 John deTywa, kmght, presented Gil- 'Dean of Sarum, archdeacon of 
 bert de Tywa to the living of Wath- Dorset and bishop of Salisbury in 1287 
 ^o^n'^?o' r^}""""- ^^"°°^'' (^^^^- ^^^1-' (Prynne, iii., 359. Cassan, 197, etc.). 
 6950, 43 J) i On Feb. 6, 54th Henry III., 
 1 , ?,,^ °1^ Giffard left to the the king acknowledges that the arch- 
 church of W orcestcr a vestment which bishop has lent him £120 in his great 
 had been given to him by his sister need. The sum of £20 has been repaid 
 dame ilabel Giffard, abbess of Shaftes- out of the profits of our mint, and we 
 ti!F;'''p -, ^® ^""^ ^° ^^"^ ^" "'^"- promise to pay the rest soon (Reg. 
 Tl\f f, ''"'^ ""^ ""^""^ " '^^'^'^^^ " ^^ff^''^' 7« *)• Giffard, it will be seeil 
 ^\mZ ^f ^ \ monastery, a pot or was obliged to borrow the money of the 
 
 for wltPr 'ir"" /^"pi ''''"^; ^w ^"°*^^'^ ^^^''- He was frequently employed in 
 tor water, etc. (Thomas's Worcester, raising supplies for the king. 
 
 i
 
 1266 — 1279.] ARCHnisHOP giffard. 311 
 
 Babingtoii, 553/. to pay our debts. Juno 7. To Fr. Th. Thulus 
 20 marks for a pallrey ; to dame S. de Ileriz^ three oaks from 
 our woods at Sherwood.' June 25. An order to the hailiff of 
 Chirchden to pay to Rop;er tlie miller of Oxford 20s. to ])rovide 
 necessaries for our kinsman William de Grenefeud'" at Oxford, 
 whilst he is studying there, because it would be difficult for us 
 to send money to him on account of the perils of the ways. 
 July 23. To Richard de Button, our valet, 20/. for the use of 
 master William de Bolynton." Sept. 22. To Wm. le Escoc' and 
 Wm. le Wareu^, of Pontefract, 27/. 10s. for 11 casks of wine. 
 Sept. 24. To William de Burdeaus, 32/. 8s. 8d., to Peter le 
 Gascopi, 72s., and to Galfrid de jNIaund, 4/. for wines bought of 
 them. Nov. 25. To Gregory, prior of the friars of Mount 
 Carmel at York, 30s. for certain things which we have ordered 
 him to procure. Dec. 1. To Reyner, citizen and merchant of 
 Florence, 200 marks. 
 
 1270, Jan. 16. To R. de Ascoc^ the monies which Wm. 
 Suwell has laid by, i.e., 52/. of the temporalities, and 30/. which 
 Clement, oiu' clerk, placed with him out of the synodals, etc., 
 for the expenses of our hospice. Feb. 10. An order to pay 200 
 marks to the merchants to expedite our affairs in the court of 
 Rome '^ut usurarum voraginem vitemus ad prsesens.^' Feb. 19. 
 To Simon, bailiff of Sherburn, 200 marks towards the expenses 
 of our hospice. Feb. 27. To Mr. W. le Rus/ sub-dean of 
 Wells, and the other executors of J., once sub-dean of Wells, 20/. 
 for goods belonging to the said J., bought for our use. April 14. 
 To Robert de Ascoc', 100s. from the goods of persons who have 
 died intestate, for the use of our house. May 25. To Reyner 
 de Luk, or Thomas his deputy, merchant of Lucca, 200 marks 
 which we had of him at London for the expenses of our hospice. 
 July 11. To Baldwin de Frivil,^' our nephew, 60s. ; to two valets 
 
 * Tn 1244 Jollan de Nevill paid "' A very valuable entry. It refers, 
 
 20 marks to the king for his leave to no doubt, to William de Greenfield, a 
 
 marry Sara, late wife of John Heriz, kinsman of GiUard, and afterwards 
 
 who seems to have died in 1241 (Exc. archbisbop of York. Giffard, it seems, 
 
 e Rot. Fin., i., 3G3, 426. Dugd. Bar., educated his youthful relation at Ox- 
 
 i., 685). Sarah, daughter and heiress ford. 
 
 of Sir John de Heriz, married Sir E.0- " The archbishop's proctor at Rome, 
 
 bert Pierpoint, temp. Edw. II. (Coll. « On Oct. 20, 1265, the siibdeanery 
 
 Top., viii., 340). Ab. Rot. Orig., i., 19. of Wells was given to Mr. ^V. Ic Riis, 
 
 ' There are several notices of Sher- the prebend of Buckland, ibid., to 
 wood in Giffard's register. Someone John do Holteby, the prebend of Hole- 
 is excommunicated for taking a hawk's combe to Roger, seneschal of my lord 
 nest. The deer, however, were the of Exeter, but be refused it, and then 
 chief care on the scene of the adven- it was given "in cra.st. S. Clem." to 
 tares of Robin Hood and his compa- Mr. AVm. archdeacon S. Sereni in tho 
 nions. Cf. Prynne's Coll., iii., 294. church of Quercy (Reg. Gilllird, as 
 " They wore outlaws, 'tis well known, bishop of Bath and ^^'ells at York, 
 And men of a noljle blood ; 70 b). 
 
 And many a time was their valonr shewn ,, ^ account of this family in Dugd. 
 
 In the lorrcst of merry bheerwood. .* "
 
 812 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 of the carl of Warwick bringing deer to Scrooby ; to tlie 
 
 messenger of niv lord of Worcester/ 2s. ; to J. Giffard, 60/. ; to 
 Stephen de Cormille for J. Giffard;' 661. 13s. 4d. ; to our cook, 
 for his wages, 20s. ; to A. Giffard, 20s. ; to the valet of R. de 
 :Monteforti* at Henby, by the hands of H. Peverel, 13s. 4d. ; to 
 the messenger of my lord Octobonus/ 12d. ; to repair our houses 
 at London, 15/. 12s. 8d. ; to the recluse at Doncaster, 6s. 8d. ; 
 to Spirioc going to the Holy Land, 12d. ; to two recluses at 
 Blyth, 12d. ; to Bissop de Craucumb, 18d. ; to a poor man at 
 Wikham, 12d. ; to R., our almoner, to buy shoes, 4s. 8d. j to 
 friar William de Hothum," 26s. 8d. ; to the friars minors of 
 Nottingham, 10s.; to a lame clerk at Iveden, 2s. Oct. 5. To 
 our beloved nephew, Robert de Escoc'," 20/. to lay out for us in 
 the fair of St. Botulph ; to oui' nephcAV Hugh de Babington," 
 
 2438, 2155). In 1269 there is a letter 
 from Ottobonus to the archbishop of 
 York about tlie disme granted by the 
 king to the pope (AVilkins, ii., 21). 
 There is much mystery about the war 
 with the barons. On Dec. 14, 1264, 
 the archbishop of York was one of 
 those appointed by Henry III. (then a 
 prisoner) to treat with Simon de Mont- 
 fort (roed., i., 449). When the rebel- 
 lion was suppressed, Giffard.then bishop 
 of Eath and Wells, was one of those 
 who arranged about the forfeited lands 
 (Dugd. Bar., i., 759). 
 
 " Some account of this great man 
 will be given afterwards. 
 
 ■' In 1301 bishop Giffard left to Hugh 
 de Escoce lOZ. and armour, and a legacy 
 to Joan his wife (Thomas's Wor., 80). 
 
 " Of Burghley, co. York, and Eol- 
 leston, Notts. Constable of Nottingham 
 castle and sheriff of Notts and Derby- 
 shire in 1271 (Coll. Top., viii., 313. 
 Eot. Hundred., ii., 312), sheriff of 
 Huntingdonshire, 23rd Edw. I. (Pari. 
 Writs., i., 267), Inq. p. m. 25th Edw. I., 
 dying seised of the manor of Burghley 
 (Cal. Inq., p.m., i., 133), Richard deBa- 
 bington being his son and heir (Abbrev. 
 Hot. Orig., 95). In 1301 bishop Gif- 
 fard left to Richard de Babington 10 
 marks and a horse (Thomas's, Wor- 
 cester, 79). On 12th September, 1312, 
 archbishop Greenfield granted to Lucy, 
 widow of Richard de Babington, who 
 held of him the manor of Burglile}'^ b3'^ 
 knight's service, the marriage of Hugh, 
 son and heir of the said Richard (Reg. 
 Greenfield). Cf. Coll. Top., viii., 313- 
 15. Rot. Hundr., ii., 319. Thoroton's 
 Notts. 
 
 Bar., ii., 103. Cf. Thomas's Wor- 
 cester, appendix, 79-80. Exc e Rot. 
 Tin., i., 210, 227, 243, etc. Coll. Top., 
 iv. 248. 
 
 « The archbishop's brother. The 
 carl of Warwick was William de Beau- 
 champ, who had just succeeded to the 
 title (Dugd. Bar., i., 227). In his will, 
 made in 1296, ho left to his countess a 
 cup which the bishop of Worcester 
 gave him (Test. Vet., 52). 
 
 "■ Sir John Giffard of Brimmesfield, 
 a kinsman of the archbishop, a soldier 
 and statesman, of whom there is an ac- 
 count in Dugd. Bar., i., 501. In 1271 
 he carried off and married a noble ladj', 
 Matilda Longspe, and paid a fine of 
 300 marks for espousing her (Feed., i., 
 488). He married, secondly, Alice 
 Maltravers, and, thirdly, Margaret de 
 Neville (Feed., i., 663), by whom he had 
 a son. Sir John Giffard. The father died 
 at Boyton, 27tli Edw. I. On " die sabb. 
 p. f. S. Mich.," 1271, Sir Peter de Mau- 
 ley, kt., pays to archbishop Giffard 20^, 
 part of the debt he owed to Sir J. Gif- 
 fard, who made it over to him (Reg. 
 Giffard, 72 6). In 1301 bishop Giffard 
 left to John Giffard, his nephew, 10 
 marks ; to dame JIargaret de Neville, 
 sometime wife of Sir John Giffard, his 
 niece, a cuii, etc. (Thomas's Worcester, 
 appendix. 79). Ab. Rot. Orig., i., 107. 
 
 ' A relation, probably, of the cele- 
 brated earl. 
 
 ' A well-known officer of the papal 
 court. During the contention between 
 the kinf; and his barons he took refuge 
 in the Tower, and was rescued by the 
 archbishop of York and others. ' The 
 date of this is uncertain (Ivnyghton,
 
 1266 1279.] ARCHBISHOP GIFFARD. 313 
 
 11/. 18s. 3d., to expedite our business at Nottingham castle. 
 Nov. 4. To tlic prior of Slielford three oaks from our wood of 
 Sherwood, for timber. Nov. 7. At Nottingham, to Steplicn dc 
 NorAvich, of our alms, 61. 2s. 9d., of the surplus of his account 
 for the year when he was our almoner ; to R., our chaplain, 4/. 
 to announce our election ; to friar H. de Misterton, 13s. 4d. ; to 
 our barber 2s. of our gift ; to a certain clerk of Hedon to buy a 
 shirt, 2s. ; to the nuns of Wilberfosse and Brunnum (Nunburn- 
 holme), 20s, each; to the friars preachers and minors* on the 
 day of the Nativity, B.M.V., 13s. 4d. each ; to friar William de 
 Hotham at St. Oswald^s, 2s. ; to the recluse of Eland, 3s. ; to 
 the nuns of Kirkeleye, 5s. ; to the nuns of Thikkeheued, 3s. ; 
 to the friars preachers of Donestaple, 2s. ; to J. de Neville, 
 133/. 6s. 8d. for the marriage of his wife ; to Simon de Insula, 
 28/. 6s. 8d. to repair our houses and quay at London ; to dame — 
 Peverel 113s. 4d. from her son^s church j^ to William de Grene- 
 feld 2s. for his expenses from London to Oxford; to Edward, 
 the king-'s son, 661. 13s. 4d. of our gift^ to Lucas de Luk, 
 71. 7s. for silks f to J. de Weston, 40s. for a silken zone for A. de 
 Manndevill; to master J,, called Le Romeyn,* 13/. 6s. 8d. of 
 our debt at Paris; to the clerks officiating in the church of 
 York at our mass on the festival of the Nativity, B.M.V., 18s. ; 
 to Agatha Giffard, 27s. 4d. ; to two minstrels, 40s. ; to master 
 J. de Craucumb,'' 40s. Nov. 14. To Roger Dousing, 8/., and to 
 
 ' Each of the four orders of friars York. On oct., B. M. V. 1275, at 
 
 had a monastery in York, and the Mi- Skefling, Sir S. dictus Constabulariiis, 
 
 norites an important one. The warden- knii,'ht, confessed that he had com- 
 
 ship of York had within it seven houses, mitted adultery with Katherine, wife 
 
 — York, Doncaster, Lincoln, Boston, of Sir John Dentorp, kni^'ht, and he 
 
 Beverley, Scarborough, and Grimsby. was fined 100^. The archbishop, in 
 
 Martin de Barton was the first custos consideration of his contrition, gave 
 
 of the Franciscans at York, Eustacius him the sign of the cross (Reg. Giflard). 
 
 de Merc coming after him. Two min- AYe find the culprit in another cha- 
 
 isters provincial of the order in Eng- racter on June 26, 1281, when the 
 
 gland, John Mardiston and John Tys- primate decides in favour of a marriage 
 
 syngton, were buried at York (Mon. between him and Catherine, dauirhter 
 
 Francisc, 27, 43, 561, 579, 321). In of Philip de Wynelesby (Reg. Wick- 
 
 1277 bishop Giffard was admitted to the waine). 
 
 suflFrages of the friars minors (Tho- " " Pro sericis ct sindon." 
 
 mas's Worcester, appendix, 35). Cf, * Afterwards archbishop of York. 
 
 Wilkins, i., 762. ' A kinsman of the archbishop, and 
 
 !> I cannot find out to which branch probably a son of Alice de Cornieille, 
 
 of the Peverels this lady belonged. sister of Sibilla, who married — Crau- 
 
 - No doubt for the crusade on which combe (Dugd. Bar., i., 502. lloarc's 
 Edward went, having previously ap- AViltes, i(6 supra, 201). He was a 
 pointed the archbishop one of the person of great consequence — arch- 
 guardians of his sons. In 39 Hen. III. deacon of the East Riding, canon of 
 the friars minors were ordered to preach Grendale, and incumbent of PY>liskirk, 
 in favour of this expedition (Mon. dioc. Ebor., and of Gousel (Goxliill), 
 Francisc, 620). There is in Gilfard's dioc. Lincoln (MSS. Ilarl., 6951, ];)«), 
 register a long and very curious list of of Sulhraden in 1265 (Reg. Gilfard, 
 the cnicesignafi within the diocese of bishop of Bath and Wells). He was
 
 311 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Philip de Barton, 121., which they lent us at the fair of St. 
 Giles at Wincliester. 
 
 1271, April 2. To a certain writer for each qnire"^ that he 
 writes for my lord, 16d. June 2. To the friars preachers of 
 Gloucester/ a mark, and two logs of wood for their fire, and to a 
 poor matron there half a quarter of corn. 
 
 1274, July 13. To our clerk, E. de Well,/ lOOZ. to buy 
 goods for us at St. Botulph's fair.^ August 11. We hear that 
 the friars preachers are going to hold their general chapter at 
 York on the feast B.M.V., an order to provide a banquet for 
 them. Sept. 25. An order to the bailiff at Beverley to buy 13 
 casks of Avine. Nov. 3. To the friars Carmelites of York, two 
 quarters of corn and 30s. 
 
 1275, March 7. To Walter, ovu' butler, 19/. to buy wine at 
 Hull. To the marshal of our horses, six colts from our stud at 
 Beverley. An order to the bailiff of that place to educate John 
 Aucher* and his two companions, in the school of Beverley, pro- 
 ■vdding them with e^ery necessary, and spending 30s. upon three 
 robes for them. 
 
 Archbishop Giffard died at York on the 25th of April, 1279,' 
 and was iuteiTcd in the minster, probably in the choir. When 
 that portion of the church Avas rebuilt, the remains of Giffard 
 and of several other archbishops were removed by the pious 
 
 summoned to parliament on several 
 occasions, and in 26th of Edward I. 
 bad the temporary charge of the great 
 seal at York. In 1295 he went to 
 Rome in the king's business, and is 
 called " a clerke gode and wys " (Pari. 
 Writs, vol. i. Cal. Rot. Pat., 59. 
 Fcpd., i., 817. Langtoft, ii., 262). He 
 died in 1308, and there was a chantry 
 at ivbich be was commemorated in 
 lork minster (Fabric Rolls, 299). 
 
 "* "Quaternus." Cf. glossary to " The 
 Priory of Finchale," 440. 
 
 ' Giffard resided occasionally at his 
 manors, co. Gloucester. In 1217 king 
 John gave archbishop Gray timber to 
 build bis bouses at Escott and Otiuton 
 (Rot. Claus., 297). 
 
 ■'' Edward de "Well, vicar of South 
 Kirkbv, ordained deacon at York, in 
 vigilia Paschse, 1268 (Reg. Giffard). 
 
 s There is an account of an extra- 
 ordinary scene at this famous fair in 
 1285 in Knyghton, col. 2466, and in 
 Trivet, 266. 
 
 * Robert le Archer married Alice, 
 niece of Alice de Craucombe. In 1244 
 Alice le Archer fined to the king for 
 the custody of the lands of her heirs. 
 
 In 1253 Archer's heir was a ward of 
 Sibilla de Giffard (Dugd. Bar., i., 502. 
 Exc. e Rot. Fin., i., 329, 411, 419 ; ii., 
 168). In 1301 bishop Giffard leaves 
 40s. to bis niece, dame Margaret Aucber 
 of Shaftesbury, 101. and armour to his 
 nephew, Sir Henry Aucber, knight, 
 and 10 marks and armour to his nephew, 
 Richard Aucber (Thomas's Worcester, 
 appendix, 79). Abbrev. Rot. Orig., 
 i„ 3, 5, 6. 
 
 On Nov. 28, 1315, archbishop Green- 
 field, another kinsman, orders his re- 
 ceiver at Southwell to pay 20Z. to dame 
 Margaret Auchier, a nun at Shaftes- 
 bury, elected abbess of that house, and 
 directs him to pay her every possible 
 attention if she stays at the manor of 
 Southwell (Reg. Greenfield.) 
 
 ■ MSS. Cotton, YiteUius, A, ii., 111. 
 The date is doubtful. Wikes (Gale, 
 ii., 108) says that Giffard died on the 
 Yigil of St. Gregory soon after Easter. 
 Peter de Ickham, on April 22 (Le 
 Neve, iii., 103, and Reg. Sacr. Angl., 
 44). Stubbs, on April 29 (col. 1726). 
 Inq. p. m., 27 April (Godwin, n. e., 682. 
 Le Neve, iii., 103).
 
 1266 1279.] ARCHBISHOP GIFFARD. 315 
 
 Thoresby to the presbytery immediately before the great east 
 window, and placed under monuments which had been prepared 
 for them. It was there that Leland saw them when he came 
 on his antiqiiarian toiu* into the North in the reign of Ilemy 
 VIII. / and they were there in the eighteenth century. 
 
 After Giffard^s decease^ on the 28th of April, the king com- 
 mitted the custody of the see, during the vacancy, to Thomas de 
 Norman vill and Mr. Henry de Newark, who was afterwards 
 archbishop. Giffard was in debt to the king, but his property 
 was not seized, as the bishop of Bath and Wells and Nicholas 
 Wudeford pledged themselves that everything should be paid.''' 
 One of the executors of Giffard^s will was his brother Godfrey, 
 bishop of Worcester. On the 21st of July, 1280, archbishop 
 Wickwaine made a general order to his bailiffs, directing them 
 to assist the executors in gathering in the effects of his prede- 
 cessor. They were released from their trust on the 2nd of 
 December, 1281.^ 
 
 Archbishop Giffard died seised of great estates. He pos- 
 sessed, iu a public or private capacity, manors in the counties 
 of Wilts (Boyton), Somerset, Hereford, Gloucester, Southants, 
 Notts, Oxford, and York.™ His brother, Godfrey Giffard, 
 bishop of Worcester, was fomid to be his heir." The favour 
 which the archbishop shewed to this kinsman excited some little 
 mm'muring and ill feeling. In 1270 one Adam de Filliby 
 complained at Rome of the conduct of the Northern primate 
 in making his brother archdeacon of York when he was only in 
 minor orders, and in giving him many benefices without a dis- 
 pensation, when he was deficient not only in clerical rank but in 
 learning. The archdeaconry seems to have been the only thing 
 that Godfrey Giffard held in Yorkshire, with the exception of 
 the living of Adlingflete, to which he was presented by John 
 de Eville in 1267." I find, however, that he had much prefer- 
 ment in the South. ^ Godfrey Giffard was a great man both in 
 
 J Lei. Itin. The antiquary gives a " Thorotou's Notts, 390. Dugd. 
 
 rough note of the inscription, " AValter Bar., i., 501. 
 
 Gisfart obiit vii Kal. Maii" — i. e., Apr. ° Reg. Giirard. 
 
 25. '' Coll. archdeaconry of Baruni Gth 
 
 * Reg. Wickwaine, 41. Prynne's November, 1265, res. 1267 (Le Neve, 
 
 Coll., iii., 224. Abbrev. Rot. Orig., i., 405), canon of Wells (Newcourt, 
 
 i., 33. The bishop of Bath and "Wells i., 59), rector of the greater niediety 
 
 was Robert Burnell, sometime arch- of the church of Atleburgh (Blome- 
 
 deacou of York. In 22nd of Edw. I. field's Norfolk,]., 523), April 28, 1267, 
 
 letters of protection were granted to collated to the archdeaconry of York 
 
 Mr. Nicholas de Wodeford, rector of (Reg. Giffard). Nov. 1, 1266, installed 
 
 FlatburyandWestbury (Prynne's Coll., to the living of Mells (Reg. Giffard, as 
 
 iii., 599). bishop of Bath and Wells, at York). 
 
 ' Reg. Wickwaine. April 3, the archbishoj) gives him leave 
 
 '" Cal. luq. p. m., i., G7. Abbrev. to borrow 60 marks in the court of 
 
 Rot. Orig., 33. Rome (Reg. Giffard). John Giffard
 
 310 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 church and state. He was a justice itinerant, chancellor of the 
 exchequer, and lord high chancellor of England. He presided 
 over the see of Worcester from 1268 to 1301, with many vicis- 
 situdes of fortune. The will of the bishop is a remarkable 
 document, and contains more than one allusion to his deceased 
 brother.? He bequeaths to the church of AVorcester his best 
 mitre which archbishop Giffard had given him, with amice, stole 
 and maniple, en suite, all covered with very precious pearls. 
 To the altar of the holy cross in that cathedral he left a cha- 
 sul)lc of red samite of his brother's gift.'' To his brother. Sir 
 William Giffard, he gave the ring of his chapel, a gemmel with 
 a ruby and an emerald Avhich the archbishop had left to him as 
 an heirloom, five ancient and costly rings on a silk riband 
 Avhich belonged to his ancestors at Boyton, together with four 
 bugle-horns at Boyton which were used as drinking cups, one 
 of Avhicli bad a foot of silver.* To his nephew, Mr. John de 
 Ebroycis (Evreux) ,' he bequeathed a mitre covered over vrith 
 pearls, which had once belonged to his uncle, the Northern pri- 
 
 was his nephew and heir (Abbrev. Rot. 
 Orig., i., 120). 
 
 1 Printed in the valuable collection 
 of records in the appendix to the His- 
 tory of AYorcester, by Dr. Thomas, 
 pp. 77-81. 
 
 "■ In the Anglia Sacra (i., 494) it is 
 stated that archbishop Giifard be- 
 queathed to Worcester cathedral, "in- 
 signia capella) pretiosa." 
 
 ' These striking and beautiful objects 
 were frequently the title-deeds of es- 
 tates. Such was the noble horn of 
 Ulphus, which is still preserved at York. 
 There are others at Puscy and Queen's 
 college, Oxford. Dr. Whitaker gives 
 an engraving of one in the possession 
 of lord llibblesdale (History of Craven, 
 ed. 1812, 36). In 1612 John Ireland, 
 Esq., of the Hutt in Lancashire, be- 
 queaths to Gilbert his brother and heir 
 " my plate of silver and guilt, one 
 chaine of gold, one sealinge ringe or 
 slLTuett of armes that was my father's, 
 together with the Home of Crotonn " 
 (Reg. Test, apud Ebor.). Henry I. 
 gave to the church of Carlisle the tithes 
 of a part of the forest of Inglewood 
 " et ecclesiam inde feoffavit per quod- 
 dam cornu eburneum quod dedit eccle- 
 siif predictoe, et quod adhuc (1290) 
 habet" (Rot. Pari., i., 38). 
 
 ' A son of — Giffard, the arch- 
 bishop's sister, by William de Ebroicis, 
 who was killed at the battle of Evesham 
 July 21, 1286, licence to him to be 
 
 absent from his stalls at Southwell and 
 Ripon, for three years, to study (Reg. 
 Romanus). He resigned the i^rebend 
 of Studley at Ripon in 1297, in which 
 year he was holding the stall of Oxton, 
 part ii., at Southwell (Le Neve, iii., 
 449. Reg. Newark). Archdeacon of 
 Gloucester 1288-1295 (Le Neve, iii., 
 77). In 22nd of Edward I. he had 
 letters of protection as archdeacon, 
 canon of Ripon and Southwell and 
 rector of Kempsey (Prynne, iii., 598). 
 On July 23, 1295, bisliep Giffard gave 
 him the living of Tredington (Anglia 
 Sacra, i., 517). Cf. Thomas's Wor- 
 cester, 142, and appendix, 50. Angl. 
 Sacr., ii., 509. 
 
 The familv of Brun were connected 
 vvith the archbishop by the marriage of 
 Albreda, daughter and co-heiress of 
 Walter de Cormeiles, with Richard le 
 Brun (Dugd. Bar., i., 424). The pri- 
 mate gave the living of Schipwit (Skip- 
 with) to N. de Brun his kinsman, and 
 the prebend of Osbaldmck to R. de 
 Brun his chaplain (Reg. Giffard). On 
 Sept. 3, 1291 , archbishop Romanus gave 
 a pension of 5 marks per annum to 
 William, son of William le Brun, till 
 he provided him with a benefice (Reg. 
 Romanus). In 1295 Mr. W. Brun was 
 rector of Lake, dioc. AVorcester (Angl. 
 Sacr., i., 517). Archbishop Greenfield 
 made Edmund le Brun succentor cano- 
 nicorum at York.
 
 1279 1285.] ARCHBISHOP WICKWAINE. 317 
 
 vante, ill the hope^ perhaps, that it miglit sometime rest upon 
 his brow. To the archbishop of Cauterbmy he gave a ring 
 with a lion graven on it set with emcrakls, to descend to his 
 successors in the see. The testator then mentions, singuhirly 
 enough, that he had received tlie sign of the cross in token 
 that he had devoted himself to the conquest of the Holy Land, 
 and he now leaves the sum of 50/. to equip a knight who is to 
 cross the seas in his stead on that adventurous voyage. 
 
 'ilUam tic SEickiXiainC seems to have been a native of 
 the South, but of his parents and early history there is nothing 
 known." He occurs to us for the first time on the 4th of 
 February, 12G2, Avhen he was instituted by the bishop of Lincoln 
 to the rectory of Ivinghoe, in Buckinghamshire. He was then 
 chancellor of the church of York, and held both these pieces of 
 preferment till he became archbishop." On St. Alban^s da)^, the 
 22nd of June, 1279, the chapter of York met to choose a new 
 diocesan ■,'^ eighteen of the votes Avere given to the chancellor, 
 two to Thomas de Corbridge, who was afterwards archbishop, 
 and one to Hugh de Evesham, a brother canon. ^ This was the 
 celebrated physician who obtained a place in the Sacred College 
 in 1281. Wickwaine was of conrse elected, and obtained the 
 royal assent to his appointment on the 4th of July.^ He then 
 went abroad to seek the pall. Nicholas III. referred the con- 
 sideration of the matter to the cardinals of St. Mark and St. 
 Mary in Porticu, and the decision of the chapter was thrown 
 over, not from any flaw in their nominee, but apparently from 
 some defect in the mode of procedure which they had adopted. 
 The pope, however, solved the difficulty by appointing Wick- 
 waine to the archbishopric of his own authority, as he had the 
 majority of votes, and that the see might be no longer vacant. 
 He consecrated him at Viterbo on the 19th of September, 1279, 
 and wrote a long letter on the same day to Edward I. acquaint- 
 ing him with what he had done.- On the 28tli of October the 
 
 " In 1282 Walter de "Wykewone, Stubbs, col. 1727. Licence to elect an 
 
 cellarer of Winchcombe, became al)bat archbishop was granted May 7, 1279 
 
 of that house (Angl. Sacra, i., .506). (Le Neve, iii., 103). 
 
 There are several places called AVicken ' I'rynne's Coll., iii., 225. 
 
 in the South of England. y Le Neve, iii., 103. 
 
 " MSS. Cotton, Claudius, B, iii., 89. ' Prynne, ut supra. Vitellius, ut 
 
 Lipscombe's Bucks, iii., 393. Le Neve, supra. Reg. AVickwaine. Ann. AVa- 
 
 iii., 163. verb, a])ud Gale, ii., 23 1, where he is 
 
 " MSS. Cotton,A''itelUus,A, ii., IIIJ. erroneously called treasurer. AA'ikcs,
 
 318 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 king restored the temporalities of his see, and the new prelate 
 was entlironed at York at the festival of Christmas.'' A con- 
 temporary writer represents him as stern in disposition, careful 
 in liis hahits, and emaciated in his personal appearance, yet a 
 good and a most conscientious man.* The records of Wick- 
 waine's life that are still preserved fully verify this description. 
 He was evidently a strict disciplinarian, and the heart of a monk 
 beat under the robes of an archbishop. He is said also to have 
 been a man of learning and education, and to have written a 
 work called the Memoriale.'' 
 
 As soon as Wickwaine arrived in England on his return 
 from the papal com't, he came into collision with the archbishop 
 of Canterbury on the old question, — the bearing of his cross 
 erect. It was set up, according to ancient custom, when the 
 travellers were in the middle of the sea and were in English 
 Avaters, and it was carried in the same position into the province 
 of Canterbmy. The missives of the Southern primate had 
 anticipated his arrival. The services were stopped in every 
 parish in which "VYickwaine halted ; if he had been a heretic 
 he could not have been treated worse, and, wherever he went_, he 
 could find no market, for the sentence of excommunication was 
 hurled against any one who ventured to sell to him. But the 
 worst has not yet been told. Adam de Hales, the official of the 
 archbishop of Canterbury, and his party, made an assault upon 
 Wickwaine and his friends. If the obnoxious symbol had not 
 been hastily removed, it would have been broken into frag- 
 ments. They abused and reviled the intruders to their hearts^ 
 content, affirming that they had their master's authority for 
 wliat they did, and that he would bear them out. A large 
 number of armed men were meditating a' more serious assault 
 uj)on Wickwaine wlien he entered London, but the archbishop 
 was forewarned, and reached the court by a diiferent route, and 
 he there obtained the temporalities of York.'' The king called 
 Peckham, the Southern primate, to account for his violence, 
 obliging him to recall his orders to his officials, and charging 
 him to be more wary for the future.* 
 
 For the next five years Wickwaine was most actively and 
 usefully employed in the laborious charge of his diocese. He 
 seems to have devoted himself entirely to that work, for with 
 the exception of his sending his serAdce against the Welsh in 
 1282, and his being required to demand and collect several 
 
 ibid., 108. Trivet, 254. Stubbs, col. ' Bale, Script., cent, x., 42-3. Ful- 
 
 1727. Ani;!. Sacra, i., 501. Walsing- ler's Church Hist., book iii., 79. 
 
 ham apud Camdeu, 49. '' Eeg. Wickwaine. Wilkins, ii., 43, 
 
 ' MSS. Cotton, VitelUus, A, ii., 119. Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 108. 
 
 * r.. ^^^'^^«'' "i-. 103. Floras Hist., 409. Cotton's Chron., 158. 
 
 Chron. Lanercost, 102. ' Prynne's Coll., 235-6.
 
 1279 1285.] ARCHBISHOP WICKWAINE. 319 
 
 subsidies from the clergy of his province for the xise of the king, 
 we never find his name alhided to in connection with the state/ 
 He stayed at home and worked diligently in his province. I 
 find the bishops of Carlisle, Worcester, and Sens assisting him 
 as suffi'agans on various occasions, but in his care for his flock 
 he seems to have relied almost entirely upon his own exertions. 
 He tried to do his own duty, and expected every one else to 
 copy his example. As I have said before, he was a rigid dis- 
 ciplinarian, and he paid more attention, perhaps, than any otlier 
 archbishop of York to the monasteries within his diocese. He 
 arranged and carried out a systematic visitation of all that he 
 had the power to reach. The reports of the commissioners 
 have in a few cases only been entered on the register, but that 
 volume contains what is of great importance, — the archbishop's 
 injunctions to each house, based of course upon the result of 
 tlie incpiiries that had been made. These disclose a great laxity 
 of discipline and a considerable falling away from rule and order. 
 I shall give my readers a portrait of the abbat of Selby in 
 December, 1278. 
 
 Thomas de Qualle (Whalley), abbat of Selby, does not ob- 
 serve the Benedictine rule ; he does not sing mass, nor preach, 
 nor attend chapter, nor keep discipline. He seldom eats in the 
 refectory, and never sleeps in the dormitory. He rarely enters 
 the choir, and scarcely ever hears matins but in his bed. He 
 does not \dsit the sick. He has his meals before laymen within 
 and without his monastery, and is quarrelsome, hot-tempered, 
 and altogether incorrigil)le. He has alienated some of the pro- 
 perty of his house, and gives its lands to the charge of grooms 
 and ribalds. He is grossly incontinent. He is under sentence 
 of excommunication for not paying the disme to the pope, but, 
 notwithstanding, he comes to the church. He laid violent 
 hands on brothers Robert of York and Thomas of Snaith, draw- 
 ing blood from them, and he dragged with his own hands Wil- 
 liam de Stormeworth from the choir of his church. He em- 
 ployed Elias Faunell, a sorcerer, to seek the body of his brother 
 when he was drowned in the Ouse, and gave him a large sum 
 of money. This valuable official was of course removed from 
 his post, but he Avas allowed to remain in the house, probably 
 as a simple monk. Many months had not elapsed before he 
 broke out of the monastery at night, carrying many things 
 away with him ! 
 
 In the year 1280 Wickwaine endeavoured to carry his visi- 
 tation into the North, and to examine into the state of the 
 
 -'■ Ibid., 275, 285-6, 289, 302. Pari. 1276, he is ordered to o\commiraicate 
 Writs., i., 11, 224, 228, 233. AVilkins, Llewellyn (Foed., i., 511. Prjnne's 
 ii., 41-2. Feed., i., 538. In Febniarv, Coll., iii., 1212). Foed., i., G07, 625.
 
 320 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 priory of Durham. The prior and the mouks most strenuously 
 resisted him. I shall not attempt to lead my readers through 
 the tedious mazes of the dispute, but shall content myself with 
 some of the more salient points in the controversy.^ The prior 
 was anxious to shelter himself under the wing of the bishop, 
 but the bishop went abroad and left the prior to his fate. He 
 proved himself to be an adept in the art of defence. Wick- 
 waine came to Durham, but he was met at the north gate 
 which led into the priory by the knights of the bishopric, who 
 would not suffer him to enter. Upon this he spoke to the 
 crowd aromid, and excommunicated all the officials of the 
 diocese. He then turned aside to Lanchester, appointing a day 
 for his return. When the time arrived, the sub-dean of York 
 and Robert de Pickering, who was afterwards dean, came to 
 hold the visitation in the place of their master, but they were 
 stopped upon Elvet bridge, and some partizans of the prior, 
 catching hold of the reins of their horses, would not suffer them 
 to approach. The contest, after this, went on with varying suc- 
 cess for the remainder of Wickwaine's life. Either party ex- 
 communicated the other. Commissioners were appointed by 
 mutual consent, who did little or nothing. Appeals were made 
 to Rome, but they were of little use. In 1283 the archbishop 
 paid another ^isit to Dm-ham in the hope of inducing the non- 
 contents to submit to him. The hope was a vain one. He went 
 to the church of St. Nicholas, and after he had addressed the 
 audience he was again on the point of excommunicating the 
 prior and his adherents, when some young fellows of the city 
 terrified him so much by their demeanour that he was obliged 
 to desist. He fled from the church, descending the steps which 
 still lead you towards the river, and, hastening across the Sands, 
 never paused till he found a sanctuaiy in the neighbouiing hos- 
 pital of Kepier. The ear of his palfrey, oh profane act ! was 
 cut off, and its master would have been very roughly handled 
 had not Guischard de Charron and Peter de Thorcsby, two 
 officers of the bishop's com-t, interceded in his behalf. " After 
 this he wisely kept aAvay from Dm-ham, and was never able 
 to oblige the prior to submit to him. This resistance rankled 
 in Wickwaine's mind as long as he lived, and it was the wish, 
 as a Durham chronicler tells us, to bring the papal power to 
 bear upon the offenders that induced him to set out in 1284 on 
 that journey to Rome from which he never returned. 
 
 The following extracts from archbishop Wickwaine's register 
 will give some idea of his life. In spite of his reputation for 
 
 f Hist. Duneltn. Scr. Tres, ed. Sur- are many documents relating to it in 
 - on^^^'^l^' ^^"^^- Prynne's Coll., Wickwaine's register. 
 lu., d09. Chron. Lanercost, 120. There
 
 1279—1285.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP WICKWAINE. 
 
 321 
 
 abstinence and parsimony the charges for the maintenance of 
 his household are large. 
 
 1279, Dec. 16. A bond to the executors of William Langton, 
 dean of York, for 200 marks, 27/., and 9/. for barley-malt sold 
 to us.* Dec. 27. A bond to Thomas Guydysion^ and the mer- 
 chants of Lucca for 316 marks. A pension of 20/. per annum 
 out of the stall of Kiiaresbro^ to John de Aletinghara,' one of 
 the king's clerks, till he be provided by us with some prebend. 
 
 1280, Jan. 16. We are indebted to the executors of Walter 
 GiflFard, our predecessor, in the sum of 95/. for hard corn fbla- 
 dum) and a stack (tassum) of old hay, viz., for the hard corn of 
 Scrooby, 18/., for that of Askham, 43/., for a stack and the corn 
 at Southwell, 34/. March 17. A bond for 20/. to the executors 
 of dean Langton for twelve dishes, twelve saucers, and two large 
 dishes of silver. On the feast of the Holy Trinity, another bond 
 to them of 6 marks for kitchen utensils, 10/. for wax, 16/. 6s. 8d. 
 for 7 casks of wine. May 24. The abbat of Furness repays 
 the archbishop 50 marks.'^ August 23. A request to the prior 
 of Birstall to provide for us in his lands beyond the sea two 
 dogs for the chase (canes perdriarios seu culherosj, and we will 
 repay him for them. Nov. 14. A bond for 300 marks to Peter 
 de Cestria.^' Nov. 29. An order to the bailiffs of Otley and 
 E-ipon to find provisions for our huntsmen whilst they are within 
 yom* bailywicks. Nov. 30. An order to the bailiff of Southwell 
 to supply us with geese, hens and other birds against the festival 
 of Christmas. Dec. 7. An order to the same officer to pay 100s. 
 to Simon, our poulterer, for his use ; and the bailiff of Beverley 
 
 says, " Look through all our histor}', 
 and you shall find that wherever the 
 clergy have smarted under any great 
 hardship, some of their own order have 
 been still at the bottom of it " (Rights 
 of Convocation, 358). There is no- 
 thing to shew that ]NIetinghara injured 
 the ck^gy in an}' way. 
 
 i Tiie abbat was " scolaris et disci- 
 pulus archiepiscojii " (Hist. Dnnelm. 
 Scr. Tres, G2). Cf. Beck's Ann. Fur- 
 ncsienses, 225. 
 
 * Supposed to have been an illegiti- 
 mate son of one of the Lacies, carls of 
 Chester. Prebendary of Bugthorpe 
 at York, provost of Beverley, rector 
 of Donford, Wliallev and Slaidburn, 
 etc. (A\'hitaker's Whalley, 50, 5'J ; 
 ^Vhallcy Couchcr Book, i., 94, etc. ; 
 Bridges's Northants, ii., 232, etc.) ; a 
 justice itinerant and a baron of the 
 Exchequer (Dugd. Chron., 28. Madox, 
 Hist. Exchequer, ii., 322. Foss's 
 Judges, iii., 74). In the 22nd of Ed- 
 
 * Nov. 8, 1287, the executors of 
 Wickwaine have paid to those of dean 
 Langton 350^., which the archbishop 
 owed them. 
 
 ' On Jan. 20, 1281, he was collated 
 to the prebend of Bole at York, which 
 he held till 1301, when he died (Reg. 
 Wickwaine, etc.). On April 13, 1301, 
 the stall of Weighton was ollered to 
 him, but he declined it. He was born 
 at Metingham in Suffolk (Fuller's AYor- 
 thies, ii., 337), and held a prebend at 
 Darlington in 1292 (Long.statl'e's Darl- 
 ington, 191). He was a great and an 
 upright law^'er, and was justice itine- 
 rant, and, in Eyre, a judge in the Com- 
 mon Bench and of Pleas (Dugd. Orig. 
 Jurid., 26, 44. Pari. Writs, var. loc). 
 He and Elias de Beckingham were the 
 only two judges who, in a corrupt age, 
 had the courage to remain honest 
 (Feme's Lacie's Nobilitie, 120. Fuller, 
 ii., 337). Atterbury, however, charges 
 him with injustice to the clergy, and
 
 322 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 is desired to release the man and dog that he has captured, as 
 Sir Roger Grymet has explained the matter to us. 
 
 1281, April 7. At Hornby in Lonsdale, a pension of 10 
 marks per annum to Mr. Walter le Breton/ the king's clerk, 
 till we provide him with a benefice. April 14. A bond for 200 
 marks to Mr. Robert de Scarthburg,'" dean of York. April 20. 
 A bond for 120/. to ]VIr. H., archdeacon of Richmond." We 
 have taken, through our men, from the forest of Wervelmor, 
 belonging to the lord Edmund the king's brother, three deer 
 and five fawns. June 1. At Coverham; a bond for 100/. to Mr. 
 Simon de Clarevalle," rector of Bulmer. July 8. To Mr. W. 
 de Bolington,P our clerk, 100 marks for his expenses to court. 
 July 27. An order to the bailiff" of Chirchden to pay his son 
 Henry 52s., which we have given him as a mark of our affection. 
 To Mr. Thomas, chancellor of the church of York, money for 
 iiis expenses to Rome on behalf of our church.* Oct. 16. We 
 have received from Mr. Roger de Holt a Bible which once 
 belonged to Mr. Roger Pepyn.'' Oct. 28th. An order to the 
 bailiff' of Ripon to provide provisions for our huntsman whilst 
 he is in your district.^ Nov. 17. An order to Wm, de Malton 
 to make things ready for our coiners at York as he had promised. 
 Nov. 19. We have made Mr. P. and Mr. G. Guydon masters of 
 our mint.'' 
 
 1282, Jan. 27. A pension of 10/. per annum out of our 
 chamber to our clerk Master Robert de Ros." March 14. To 
 
 ward I. he had letters of protection as 
 provost of Beverley and rector of Eud- 
 by and Whallejs canon of Lichfield 
 and Hereford, rector of Arksey, Eas- 
 inyton and Slaidburn (Prynne, iii., 
 598-9). No wonder that he could lend 
 money. 
 
 ' The kinc,' wrote to ask this favour, 
 Feb. 26, 1281 (Reg. Wickwaine). In 
 18th Edward I. Walter de Berton, clerk, 
 was in the Tower on a charge of treason 
 for counterfeiting the king's seal 
 (Prynne's Coll., iii., 410). In 24th 
 Edward I. "Walter de Berton, rector 
 of Bredon, dioc. Worcester, occ. (Rot. 
 Pari., i,, 227). 
 
 '" Eobert Ughtred, of Scarborough, 
 dean of York from 1279 to 1290^ a 
 statesman and a great man. I shall 
 not now describe his chequered life. 
 
 " Henry Newark, afterwards arch- 
 bishop of York. 
 
 " A son of Robert de Claris Vallibus, 
 citizen of York, by Eva, daughter of 
 William Fairfax (Longstaffe's Dar- 
 lington). In 18th Edward I. he, as 
 official of the archdeaconry of Cleve- 
 
 land, was in trouble in the king's 
 courts (Prynne's Coll., iii., 438). On 
 22nd April, 1301, he was allowed to 
 be non-resident on the rectory of Lythe 
 (which he had held for many years) on 
 account of ill-health (Reg. Corbridge). 
 
 p He was subsequently rector of 
 North Ferriby, near Hull. 
 
 » Thomas Corbridge, afterwards arch- 
 bishop. 
 
 "• Sub-dean of York. He died in 1267. 
 
 ' B}'^ a clause in the forest charter of 
 1297 foresters were forbidden to take 
 oats, etc., for themselves (Statutes of 
 the Realm, i., 120). 
 
 -' For an account of the York mint 
 I must refer my readers to the able 
 work of mv kind friend, Mr. Davies. 
 Cf. Rot. Glaus., 361. Plac. de Quo 
 Warranto, 8-9th Edw. I., 198. There 
 is a list of the officers of the York 
 mint, 32nd of Henry III., in Chron. 
 Job. Oxenedes, 322. Hugh de Samp- 
 son was mint-master in the time of 
 archbishop Gray (Reg. Wickwaine). 
 
 " Prebendary of St. Pancras, London, 
 a stagiarius of that church and arch-
 
 1279—1285.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP WICKWAINE. 
 
 323 
 
 our treasurer, Walter cle Gloucestre/ 36Z. 7s. 9d. for 15 casks of 
 wine at Hull. March 30. To Walter, the goldsmith of York, 
 61. 9s. 3d., the remnant due to him for 12 silver bowls, and for 
 making them and the bowls of maser. April 16. To Sir Richard 
 de Baunfeld, om' seneschal, 20 marks for the expenses of our 
 advocates fnarrcttores) and servants in the next parliament at 
 London, and for other matters of om'S there. May 16. I'hc 
 bailiff of Ripon is ordered to pay 10/. to Walter, our clerk, to 
 make provision against Pentecost. Oct. 7. To Mr. Robert de 
 Scartheburg, dean of York, 100 marks. Nov. 19. To the war- 
 den and brothers of the friars minors of Beverley, 10 marks. 
 Nov. 23. To John Roual, chaplain of the chapel of Thorp, 70s. 
 for his stipend and for lights, for the term of St. Martin, 1281.'" 
 Nov. 26. To the fi-iars preachers of Beverley, and their prior, 
 10 marks. Dec. 11. To dan Wm. de Capella, 20/. to make 
 purchases for us in Cleveland. 
 
 1283, Jan. 4. To Robert de Exon,^ our brother, 17 marks 
 and a half which are in arrear for his payment in Bristol. 
 Jan. 8. To Elias Drury, valet of Hamundy Box,^' merchant, 
 33/. 5s. 9d. for wine bought of him. Jan. 15. To dan Simon, 
 our receiver at York, 6/. 13s. 4d. for " jocalia," which we have 
 bought, and 39s. 8d. laid out in "jocalia," and presents made to 
 my lord of Dublin,' etc. Jan. 23. To William de Bolington, 
 clerk, 100 marks to expedite our business in the court of Rome. 
 Feb. 18. To Mr. H., archdeacon of Richmond, 200/. for goods 
 deacon of Loudon, rector of Much time with Hull. Hamund Box was a 
 
 Hadham (Newcourt, i., 60, 829-31). 
 22nd Edward I. he had letters of pro- 
 tection as rector of Hadham (PrynnCj 
 iii., 594). 
 
 " A great man. Canon of Beverley 
 prebendary of Ajiesthorpe, archdea- 
 con of York, and incumbent of Nor- 
 manton on Sore. He held the livings 
 of Norton com. Oxon. and Woodston 
 com. Hunts (MSS. Harl., 6950, 37, 
 78), and w^as dean of Chichester (Le 
 Neve, i., 256), eschaetor south of 
 Trent, 1302-7 (Pari. Writs., i., 132, 
 379. Chrou. Thorn, col. 2006), and 
 frequently employed in state affairs. 
 He was sometime archbishop AVick- 
 waine's receiver. Cf. Foss's Judges, 
 iii., 275. 
 
 " Cf. Prynne's Coll., iii., 674. He 
 was appointed to Thorp on July 26, 
 1280 (Reg. Wickwaine). 
 
 ■^ The only occasion on which this 
 person is mentioned. 
 
 * A merchant of Ijondon, and a 
 member of an honourable family in the 
 city whi(4i vvas connected at the same 
 
 sheriff of London in 1292 (Mon. Pran- 
 cisc, 503). July 22, 1289, licence for 
 two priests to be chosen by Hamundus 
 Box, citizen of London, to do service 
 in our chapel at Hull for the soul of 
 Robert de la Grave as long as the said 
 Hamund chooses (Reg. Romaruis). 
 March 14, 1309, licence for John Boox, 
 of Hull, to have service within his 
 manse there (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 - John de Darlington, a friar 
 preacher, was the author of a Concord- 
 ance, etc. (Chron.Lan., 156). He was 
 confes.sor to Henry III., and in 1277 
 he was made collector of the disme in 
 England against the rule of his order 
 (Walsingham, apud Camden, 4-7). He 
 was a friend of AVickwaine, and is 
 mentioned in his register. He was 
 consecrated archbishop of Du])lin at 
 AA'althani on Aug. 27, 1279, by the 
 archbishop of Canterbury, and died 
 near London in 1284 (Contin. Fl. 
 AVigorn., ii., 222, 231). Prynne's 
 Coll., iii., 1230. Cotton's Fasti Eccl. 
 Hib., ii., 12. 
 
 y2
 
 824 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 bought of him. Feb. 27. To Walter, the goldsmith. Ills, for 
 two silver cups bought of him at Christmas. March 8. A pen- 
 sion of 50 marks per annum from our chamber to Gerard de 
 (irandison/ nephew of Sir Otho de Grandison, counsellor of oiir 
 lord the king. April 14. To Alexander de Kirketon, our senes- 
 chal, 100 marks to lay out for us at the fair of St. Ives. June 14. 
 To Walter de Gloucester, our treasurer, 97/. 16s. 6|d. for wines. 
 June 15. Twenty marks to him to buy silver pitchers. June 22. 
 To Sir John de Eyvil,* 100/. f')r his expenses in making our 
 service in Wales. July 1. To ISIr. H., archdeacon of Richmond, 
 300 marks to advance our business in the court of Rome. 
 August 9. To Robert, rector of Sutton-on-Derwent, 20 marks 
 towards the reparation " pontis belli. ""^ 
 
 1284, March 6. A mandate against the ribalds and beggars 
 who wander about our diocese, especially among the monasteries, 
 seeking alms and pretending to be our messengers or kinsmen.'' 
 April 24. To Mr. John Clarell,"' 100/. to buy robes for us at the 
 fair of St. Ives. July 22. To Calmo, our baker, 180 marks to 
 make purchases for us at the same place. August 11. To the 
 prior of the friars preachers at York, 100s. of our gift. August 
 25. To Nicholas, of our chamber, 20/. to spend at St. Botulph's 
 fair. Sept. 10. To master William, the notary, 40/. for the 
 expenses of our clerks at Warwick. Nov. 25. To Mr. W. de 
 Eolington, our clerk, 200 marks to advance our business at 
 Rome. Dec. 13. To Alexander, our seneschal, 12/. 6s. 6d. to 
 buy sheep. Dec. 14. To master Bartholomew carrying 20/. for 
 the use of our lord the cardinal. 
 
 " He became prebendary of Apes- at Southwell from 1256 till he died iu 
 
 thorpe in November, 1283. His brother 1293 (Le Neve, iii., 437). In 3rd 
 
 Otho was recommended for a stall at Edward I. he and Henry le Vavasour 
 
 York in 1301. It is imjiossible to give were in trouble for making a park 
 
 an account here of this noble and illus- there (Hot. Hundred., ii., 311). In 
 
 trious family, and of the great services 1258-9 he was a messenger from the 
 
 which several members of it rendered king to the i)ope about Sicilian affairs 
 
 to the state and to letters. The name (Foed., i., 379). In June, 1275, Cla- 
 
 of John deGrandison, bishop of Exeter, rel), being the pope's chaplain, was 
 
 is quite enough to make it famous. made a proctor to represent the king of 
 
 * An account of him and his family, England in the French parliament 
 which resided co. Notts, is in Dugd. (ibid., 524). On July 2, 1282, arch- 
 Ear., i., 593. On 25th October, 1312, bishop "Wickwaine made him and two 
 an oratory was allowed to dame Matilda others his representatives at Eome 
 de Eyvill in the manor of Galmeton (Reg. V/ickwaine), and he was engaged 
 for vhree years (Reg. Greenfield). Sir in the dispute between that prelate and 
 John wa.s a justiciar (Prynne's Coll., the prior of Durham (Hist. Dunelra. 
 lii., 412). He seems to have taken the Scr. Tres, 61-2, 66). He occurs very 
 part of the barons in the war with frequently on the public records. The 
 llenrj' III. (Abbrev. Plac, 227). following notice of him is startUng. 
 
 ' Ihese quastores or brevigeri were In 22nd Edward I. he had letters 
 
 very troublesome, and the archbishops of protection as prebendary of South- 
 
 rf^^'' u r^"^^^ *^^"°^^"'^^^ ^^^^°^- "■^''1' I'^ctor of the chapel of Tickhill 
 
 Prebendary of Norwell Overhall ca.stle, and of Peningston, Harewood,
 
 1 
 
 1279 — 1285.] ARcnBisnop wickwaine. 325 
 
 1285, Jan. 13. To Richard de Bannfeld/ senesclial of our 
 house, to buy "jocalia/' 14/. 7s. 4d. Feb. 17. To the steward 
 at Wetwans:, 100s. for oats and peas, and 15/. to the executors of 
 Thomas de Liulham-'^ for sheep. April 18. To Walter, tlie bailiff 
 of Cawood, and dan Thomas de Sutton, everything necessary 
 for the construction of our quay at Thorp. April 24. To Calmo, 
 our chamberlain, 100 marks to spend for us at the fair of St. 
 Ives, and 20/. more on June 4. June 4. To master John, called 
 the Roman, 100/. in part payment of 1000/. we once received of 
 him. June 9- To the prior of Watton a loan of 200 marks. 
 
 On the 23rd of December, 1283, Wickwaine made a pro- 
 \dsion for which his successors had good reason to be grateful. 
 He had himself experienced the want of money Avhen he came 
 to York, and now he wisely and generously made an arrange- 
 ment which bound each archbishop for the future to leave a 
 certain quantity of stock and gear upon each of his manors for 
 the benefit of the prelate that came after him. He made a 
 rule, which the king confirmed on the 6th of October at Acton 
 Burnell, that the amount to be kept shoxdd be 602 oxen, 54 
 horses and 1000 sheep, to say nothing of the carts and other 
 necessaries, and these were to be distributed over twenty-three 
 places. On the part of Wickwaine this was neither more nor 
 less than a gift to his successors, and he evidently regarded it 
 himself in that light, for he says that he made it for the weal of 
 his own soul, and for those of the king and queen, Walter Gray, 
 sometime archbishop of York, and William de Rotherfield, the 
 late dean.^ 
 
 We are told by Stubbs that Wickwaine was a great builder 
 of churches, and that the greater part of the places of worship 
 within his diocese were consecrated during his archiepiscopatc^ 
 He is also to be remembered for the part that he took in the 
 translation of the remains of St. William in January, 1284. 
 As I have already given a description of the ceremonial on that 
 occasion, it is unnecessary to repeat it. 
 
 Wickwaine^s life was now drawing towards its close. On the 
 24th of August, 1284, Edward I. states that he had given the 
 archbishop leave to visit the papal court,' a journey which, as a 
 Durham historian informs us, had for its object the expediting 
 
 Babbeword, "Wbeteley, Estmarkam, <" In 4tb Edward T. Richard Baum- 
 
 Nortbwell, Walesby, Horeton, Edin^'e- fold, the archbishop's baiHlf at Otley, 
 
 ley, Briggeford, Liidham, Ileniiinge- was in trouble for some malvcrsaliou 
 
 ford, Staneford and Ouston. Trynne about a robber (Rot. Hundred., i. 106). 
 
 may well call him "an execrable plu- -'^ Canon of York, and brother of 
 
 ralist" (Coll., ill., 597). Cf. Hunter's archbishop Ludliam. 
 
 South Yorkshire, ii., 52. Clarcll was « Reg. "Wickwaine, and Prynne's 
 
 the founder of the friary at Tickhill Coll., iii., 311. '- Stubbs, col. 1727. 
 
 (Coll. Top., iv., 73). ' Prynne's Coll., iii., 321.
 
 326 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of liis suit with the great Northern priory .•?' The opposition 
 Avhich he met with from the monks of that house seems to have 
 hccn the chief cross and trouble of his life. He would gladly 
 have subjected them to himself, as his predecessor Murdac had 
 done more than a century before^ for he was animated by the same 
 energetic and vmcompromising spirit. To the latest hour of his 
 life he regretted that he had consecrated Anthony Bek, bishop 
 of Diu'ham/ for he rendered him no assistance in his claim. 
 Unable to obtain himself what he deemed to be right, he sought 
 for redress from Rome. Whether he ever reached that illus- 
 trious city and court it is difficult to say, but as he went or 
 returned he halted at the Cistercian house of Pontigny in Bur- 
 gmidy, a place of great renown in the twelfth and thirteenth 
 centuries. 
 
 " Est Pontigniacum pons exulis, hortus, asylum, 
 Hie graditur, spatiatur in hoc, requiescit in illo."' 
 
 Beckct had passed two years of his exile within those sacred 
 walls ; and more recently they had witnessed the death and the 
 alleged miracles of St. Edmund of Canterbury. Pontigny was 
 uoAY the destination of many bands of pilgrims and a place of 
 repute."' Wickwaine, who had all the feelings and much of the 
 austerity of a monk, would gaze upon it with reverence. We 
 are told, indeed, that he assumed the cowl in that monastery ;" 
 and he woiild have many incentives for doing so, for everything 
 that he saw around him would reproach or attract him. Wea- 
 ried and perplexed as he had often been, he would long for rest, 
 and the time 
 
 " When the spirit stoops 
 To drink with gratitude the cr3'stal stream 
 Of unreproved enjoyment ; and is pleased 
 To muse, and be saluted by the air 
 Of much repentance, wafting wallflower scents 
 From out the crumbling ruins of fallen pride 
 And chambers of transgression, now forlorn. 
 O calm contented da3^s and peaceful nights !" 
 
 A deeper and a more lasting repose than the poet pictures 
 was soon to be Wickwaine's lot. He was seized with a fever at 
 Pontigny, and died there on the 26th of August, 1285." He 
 Av as interred within those walls which overshadowed the tombs 
 of Edmund of Canterbury and many of his comitrymen, far 
 
 J Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 69. 1254. Stubbs (col. 1727) says that he 
 
 * Chron. Lanercost, 122. resigned the archbishopric and retired 
 
 Henriq., Phoenix Revivisoens, 46. to Pontigny. 
 
 "• Wickwaine himself granted per- » Stubbs, col. 1727. MSS. Cotton 
 
 mission to Roger do Malton and Hugh Vitellius, A, ii.. Ill i, the 27th of 
 
 de Methley to make a pilgrimage to August. Wikes (apud Gale, ii., 108) 
 
 1 ontigny, s.a. Malton was master of about Pentecost. Trivet, 263. Chron. 
 
 bt. Leonard's hospital, York. Lanercost, 122. Contin. Flor. Wigorn., 
 
 ■• Martene, Thes. Nov. Anccdot., iii., ii., 236. Lei. Coll., i., 179.
 
 1286 1296.] ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 327 
 
 away from the harder skies of Enj^land, and his own cathedral 
 beside the waters of the Ouse. The lioliness of his life has hxl 
 Stubbs to speak of him as a saint/' and he had that reputation 
 among many j)eople. His memory woukl be invested with addi- 
 tional renown by the fame of miracles said to have been wrouijht 
 at his tomb,* which seems to have acted as a febrifuge/ If the 
 church of York had l)een without a patron saint, the chapter in 
 all probability would have tried to secure the canonization of 
 Wickwaine. 
 
 On the 15tli of September, 1285, Edward I. committed the 
 custody of the temporalities of the see of York during the 
 vacancy to Sir Otho de Grandison, who made Malcolm de 
 Harcla his deputy. The proceeds, which amounted to the large 
 sum of 1812/. 12s. 4d., were devoted to the construction of the 
 royal castles in Wales.'' 
 
 Wickwaine made a will, of which Walter de Gloucester, 
 archdeacon of York, and Thomas de Wakefield, the sub-dean, 
 were the executors. On the 18th of June, 1286, Roger Suayn, 
 canon of Ripon, was authorized to sell the goods of the deceased 
 prelate for the execution of his will. About Martinmas, 1287, 
 archbishop Romanus acknowledged himself indebted to the 
 executors in the sum of 1056/. for cattle, corn, etc., and on 
 November 9 he received from them 220 marks on the score of 
 dilapidations. On the 9th of April, 1293, he authorized Thomas 
 de Corbridge, canon of York, and William de Blida, sub-dean, 
 to make an enquiry about some of the chattels of his prede- 
 cessor, which, it was alleged, had been deposited in the church 
 of York, and had been carried away.^ 
 
 J'0!}n 3^0manU5, or it IXoman, was the son of the treasurer 
 of York who bore the same names, and who seems to have 
 migrated from Italy to England." The father died at an ad- 
 
 p Stubbs, col. 1727. ' Pi-ynne's Coll., iii., 318, 433. Ab- 
 » Chron. Lanercost, 122. Stubbs, brev. Rot. Orig., i. In 1293 Malcolm de 
 col. 1727. Fuller's Church Histor}^ Harcley was one of the king's eschaetors 
 book iii., 79. Acta SS., June 8. The (Rot. Pari., i., 92), and he was much 
 author of the notice of St. William of employed in the service of the slate. 
 York in that collection , when at Pon- ' Reg. Romanus. In 12«() Harcley 
 tigny at the end of the seventeenth acknowledges the receipt of 100/. in 
 century, heard nothing of any worship ]>art payment for corn sold to Romanus 
 of Wickwaine, and supposed that his in the king's name, 
 reputation had been obscured by that " " Ex quadam pedissequa pro- 
 of St. Edmund. Liber de Melsa," inter creatus" (Knvghton, col. 2507). 
 MSS. Egerton, 1141, fol. 83. Stubbs, col. 1727. Prynne's Coll., iii., 
 *■ Chron. Lanercost, 122. 542. Abbrev. Rot. Orig., i., 228.
 
 328 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 ranced a<^e in 1256, having held in succession within the minster 
 of York the sub-deanery, the treasurership, and the archdea- 
 conry of Richmond. Matthew Paris" speaks in disparaging 
 terms of his avarice and peevish temper, but we must recollect, 
 on the other hand, that the north transept and the central 
 tower Avere erected by his munificence. The latter has been 
 re-faced or desti'oyed, but the former still delights the eye with 
 its grace and beauty. The treasurer was a friend of Grostete 
 and archbishop Gray, and was a person of consequence and 
 reputation.'" 
 
 His son, John Romanus, the archbishop, received his edu- 
 cation at tlie university of Oxford,^ and was well versed in 
 dialectics and theology.^ An imdated letter from Innocent IV. 
 is in existence which may possibly refer to him. It is addressed 
 to John, called Romanus, clerk, remembrancer of the papal 
 
 " Matt. Paris, 789, 792. 
 
 " Gray gave Romauus a pension of 
 20 marks per annum (Rot. Gray), and 
 Grostete vva.s liis correspondent (Gratii 
 Fascic, ii., 351. Grostete, Epp., 65, 
 203). He was a canon of York as 
 early as 1228, and was the first sub- 
 dean (ilSS. Cotton, Claudius, B, iii., 
 16. Le Neve, iii., 127-8), in which 
 year the pope empowered him to super- 
 sede an appointment to a stall at Sarum 
 (Wilkins, i., 563). 
 
 He founded about the year 1240 a 
 chantry at the altar of St. Andrew in 
 York minster, which stood against the 
 north-west pillar of the lantern. It 
 was for the souls of the donor, John 
 and Mary his parents, Cincius his priest, 
 and Eichard I. (Fabric Eolls, 217). 
 Romanus also established an obit for 
 himself (Domesday Book, 82), and 
 granted land in Goodramgatc, York, 
 to the vicars choral (Reg. Magn. Al- 
 bum, part iii., 11). 
 
 This is probably the same Cincius, a 
 canon of London, who wa.s robbed, and 
 carried off for five weeks, near St. 
 Alban's in 1231 (Matt. Paris, 313-16). 
 Romanus was appointed to enquire into 
 the matter (ibid., 316). He may also 
 be the Cincius " vir disertissimus Ro- 
 manus," who is the author of a preface 
 to Plutarch's treatise, De Virtute et 
 Vilio, and who wrote a letter to Vel- 
 leius about the translation of the De 
 Contemncnda Morte of Socrates. Those 
 pieces are in the library of Benet Col- 
 lege, Cambridge (Smith's Catalogue). 
 The work ascribed to Socrates is of 
 
 course the well-known Phfcdo of Plato, 
 whom Daniel Heinsius commends in 
 his poem on the same great theme,— 
 ' Namque illi Graiorum omnis sapieutia servit.' 
 
 Leland is quite v\Tong in saying 
 that John Romanus the son was trea- 
 surer of York. The father held that 
 post at his deatli, and, afterwards, the 
 succession of treasurers can be regu- 
 larly traced. This is an important fact 
 for deciding the date of the north tran- 
 sept of York minster, which was erected 
 by John Romanus, the treasurer. 
 Stubbs (col. 1727) makes the father the 
 treasurer, and says that he built the 
 north transept and the lantern tower 
 at his own cost, together with a great 
 part of the hospital of St. Leonard. 
 We are not necessarily to infer that he 
 built them lohilst he was treasurer : 
 Stubbs merely calls him so to distin- 
 guish him from his son. 
 
 •^ In 1295 archbishop Romanus writes 
 in behalf of the university, " Reco- 
 lentes memoriter ac sincero animo re- 
 censentes, quod quasi a primis cunabulis 
 scholastici studii ubera apud vos suxi- 
 mus in continuatione diutina donee 
 ad majorem solicitudinem Divina pro- 
 videntia nos vocaret" [Wilkins, ii., 
 214]. On St. Stephen's day, 1289, the 
 arclibishop and the chapter of York 
 assigned the house in the close at York 
 belonging to the stall of Dunnington 
 for a school (Reg. Romanus). 
 
 V Chron. Lanercost, 126. Knyghton, 
 col. 2507. Trivet, 263. Polydore Ver- 
 gil, 325.
 
 1 
 
 1286 1296.] ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 329 
 
 penitentiary, and in it tlic pope desires him not to accept a 
 bishopric without asking liis permission/ It is (piite possible 
 that the person here alkided to was the young Englisliman in 
 whom the prescient eye of his master had ah'cady detected signs 
 of future greatness. Many years, hoAvever, elapsed before it 
 arrived. The first preferment that John Romanus seems to 
 have enjoyed was in the cathedral of Lincoln. He became 
 prebendary of North Kelsey in 1258, and resigned it for the 
 stall of Nassington. In 1275 he was made chancellor, — a post 
 which he gave up for the precentorship in 1279." On the 7th 
 of December in that year he was collated by archbishop Wick- 
 waine to the prebend of Warthill at York,* the only piece of 
 preferment in that chiu'ch that he seems to have possessed. 
 
 Archbishop Wickwaine died in August, 1285, and on tlie 
 22nd of the following month the king authorized the chapter of 
 York to proceed to a fresh election. On the 29th of October 
 they chose Romanus^ and on the 30th informed Edward I. of 
 what they had done. He gave his assent on the 15th November^ 
 and Romanus went abroad to receive the pall and to be conse- 
 crated by the pope. The ceremony took place at Rome on the 
 10th of February, and the temporalities were restored to him 
 on the 12th of April.'' 
 
 When Romanus returned to England he was very nearly 
 having a collision with archbishop Peckham about the bearing 
 of his cross. On the 6th of April Peckham Avrote from Salt- 
 wood to the dean of the Arches and Mr. William de Haverbcrg 
 to inform them that he had heard that Romanus was to land on 
 Palm Sunday following with his cross erect, and directing them 
 to check him. An order Avas also given to the rural dean of 
 Dover forbidding any clerks to approach the intruder, and com- 
 manding the services to be stoj)ped in every parish where he 
 halted, if he made use of the obnoxious symbol of his authority. 
 The king had already heard that a quarrel Avas imminent, and 
 had tried to prevent it, ordering that provisions and everything 
 that Romanus and his suite required should be supplied to them 
 on their journey. On the 11th of April Peckham again wrote 
 to say that the archbishop, as he had heard, Avas in the priory 
 of Bermondsey Avith his cross erect, and he forbade every one 
 
 ' Baluzii Misc., ed. Mansi, i., 211. nies re(!cived by Eomanus on account 
 
 " Le Neve, ii., 83, 92, 191, 196. of the choir boys at Lincoln during his 
 
 Prynne, iii., 268. In his capacity as preccntorshij) (lleg. Romanus). 
 
 precentor of Lincoln, in 1285, Romanus * Reg. AVickwaine, 58 6. 
 
 came into collision with the king for *■ Le Is^eve, iii., 104-. Prynne's Coll. 
 
 bringing a suit against the prior of iii., 355. Stubbs, col. 1727. Trivet, 
 
 Huntingdon (Prynne, iii., 354). Jan. 263. Chron. Lancrcost, 121. Wikcs 
 
 1, 1288, quit claim to John Tebaud, apud Gale, ii., 113. MSS. Cotton Vi- 
 
 chapter-clerk at Lincoln, of the mo- tellius. A, ii.. Ill b.
 
 330 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.P, 
 
 to go near either the place or the prelate.*^ We hear nothing 
 more of the quarrel at that time, but Romanus, in all proba- 
 bility, proceeded quietly into the North, the king interfering in 
 his behalf to prevent any open dissension. The matter in dis- 
 pute was afterwards the subject of some fruitless debate and 
 negotiation/ The new archbishop was enthroned at York on 
 Trinity Sunday, the 9th of June, 1286/ His installation 
 banquet seems to have been on a magnificent scale. Several 
 of the letters of invitation whicii Romanus sent have been pre- 
 served, and from them we learn that among many others the 
 earls of Cornwall and Warren, the bishops of London and 
 Carlisle, the dean of Lincoln, Sir R. Sutton and Sir William de 
 Ros, knights, were asked to become his guests. i' The Latinity 
 of the archbishop was elegant and concise, and his epistles seem 
 to have been regarded as patterns of composition by his suc- 
 cessors in the see.'' 
 
 Romanus, like some of his predecessors, was in want of money 
 on his accession to office, and was obliged to fill his empty cofi'ers 
 by borrowing large sums. The following are some of the per- 
 sons to whom he was indebted. My readers will observe how 
 large a portion of the money-lenders were clerks, and they must 
 draw their own inferences from the fact. The archbishop would 
 naturally turn to them for assistance rather than to the foreign 
 merchants. He was obliged^ however, to have recourse to the 
 latter. 
 
 1286, May 18. The archbishop authorizes Mr. William de 
 Lincoln,' clerk, to contract a loan of 500 marks for him in the 
 com-t of Rome. Jime 10. A bond to Robert de Scartheburgh, 
 dean of York, for 1000 marks. A bond to Roger de Saxton for 
 50/., and to Coppo de le Cotenne, citizen and merchant of 
 Florence, of the company of the Frissinbaldi, and his fellows, 
 for 200/. June 18. A bond to Mr. Thomas de Wakefeld,^' sub- 
 
 ..Z Reg. Wickwcaine. Prynne's Coll., June 12, 1295, Bertrand and Simon, 
 
 ui'i 355. the cardinals, offer to act as mediators 
 
 ■■ When Eomanus was elected he en- between the two primates, and their 
 
 deavoured to get this point settled at proposition was accepted by Eomanus 
 
 Eome (Eeg. Eomanus). In May, 1287, (Eeg. Eomanus). 
 
 archbishop Peckham ordered the bishop / MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii.. Ill J. 
 
 of AYorcester to prevent the Northern «■ Eeg. Eomanus. 
 
 primate from raising his cross within * Some of the letters of Eomanus 
 
 his diocese (Wilkins, ii., 128), and Eo- are inserted in the book which contains 
 
 manus was obliged to seek for letters of those of Thoresby. The epistles of 
 
 safe conduct from the king (Eeg. Eo- these two prelates seem to have been 
 
 maaus). On Oct. 9, 1291, Mr. H., regarded as models of orthography, 
 
 dean of York, William, archdeacon of ' Dec. 29, 1286, Mr. W. de Lincoln 
 
 Notts, and Thomas de Corbridge were was collated to a stall at Beverlev. In 
 
 appointed to treat with the archbishop 1 290 he was at Eome in the archbishop's 
 
 ol Canterbury (ibid.). In 1295 there behalf (Eeg. Romanus). 
 
 IS a etter from archbishop Winchilsea i Prebendary of Botevant, chancellor 
 
 on the subject (\Vilkins,ii., 216). On and sub-dean of York, and canon of
 
 1286—1296.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 
 
 331 
 
 dean of York, executor of William our predecessor, for 96/. 
 July 12. A bond to Richard de Horton and Philip de Werkes- 
 worth, executors of the will of John de Wydington, canon of 
 Lincoln/- for 100/. July 24. A bond for 200 marks to the 
 merchants of Pystoria. July 27. A bond to Peter de Ccstria, 
 provost of Beverley, for 200/. ; to Adam de Patrington for 100/.; 
 to Mr. Thomas de Dalton for 20/,, and to Mr. Simon de Clare- 
 vall for 100 marks. July 31. A bond to William, dominus de 
 Huks,^ for 200/. Sunday before the festival of All Saints, an 
 order to Henry, archdeacon of Richmond, to sell the arch- 
 bishop's houses at Paris.'" Nov. 3. A bond for 300/. to Mr. 
 Thomas de Grimston," archdeacon of Cleveland, Mr. William de 
 Langton, rector of Croft, Walter his brother,*^ and Henry de 
 Mileford, executors of William de Rotherfeud (Langton), late 
 dean of York. 1287, Jan, 3. Authority to R. de Bamfeld, 
 canon of Southwell and rector of Stillingfleet, to borrow for the 
 archbishop 110 marks from the merchants, Jan, 24, A bond 
 for 16/. 16s. to the executors of Mr, Henry de Skipton, arch- 
 deacon of Notts, for silver plate bought of them,^ March 3, 
 Authority to Mr, William de Lincoln, canon of Beverley, and 
 Peter Diirandi of Lincoln, to borrow 100 marks for the arch- 
 bishop.? April 11. Bond for 200/. to Mr. Simon de Clarevall. 
 May 10. Bond to Richard Guydicioniis for 200 marks. Nov. 
 24. Bond to Henry de Mileford, executor of dean Langton, for 
 100 marks. 1288, Trinity Sunday. A bond for 1000 marks to 
 the dean of York. 1290, July 19. A bond for 200 marks to 
 
 Ripon. He was a favourite with the 
 archbishop, who granted an indulgence 
 of forty daj's to all who listened to his 
 preaching. In giving Wakefield the 
 chancellorship the primate spoke of 
 "personse tuse nota probitas, meritor- 
 umque tuorum odorifera famositas." 
 
 * Prebendary of Lafford (Le Neve, 
 ii., 160). Horton was treasurer of the 
 same church. Executors at that time 
 seem frequently to have acted as 
 trustees of the estate of their deceased 
 friend, and to have made the most of 
 his effects bj' becoming money-lenders. 
 
 ' He occurs in the Rot. Scotisc, and 
 was sheriff of Yorkshire 1305-7 (Drake's 
 Eboracum, 351), 
 
 '" On May 9, 1286, Romanus in- 
 forms bishop Bek that he had let his 
 houses in Paris to the nephews of 
 Matthew the cardinal. On Jan. 6, 
 • 1289, he desires his clerk, Robert de 
 Themlbj' to sell them for him, and, on 
 August 15, 1290, lie orders Mr. William 
 de Haxeby to sell them, and to examine 
 
 the accounts of William de Sens, citizen 
 of Paris, who had had the charge of 
 them. 
 
 Archdeacon Newark occurs as a 
 money-lender. On Dec. 27, 1286, he 
 lent the archbishop 20/, On March 
 16, 1287, he received from him 100 
 marks for first-fruits. On August 13 
 he lent the archbishop 47 maiks, 6s. 8d. 
 
 " Archdeacon of Cleveland 1280- 
 1289. Archbishop AVickwaine speaks 
 of him as "amatissimus et intimus 
 filius noster." 
 
 " The well-known bishop of Lich- 
 field and a great statesman. He was a 
 canon of York and master of St. Leo- 
 nard's hospital. 
 
 /' March 22, 1287-8, the archbishop 
 bu3's sheep of his executors for 10/. 
 April 1, he buys of the executors of 
 Mr. Thomas do Rarneby, rector of 
 Barmston, for 20 marks, the corn in 
 the laith and in the ground. 
 
 ' The money was lent by Durandi 
 de Lincoln, the father of Peter.
 
 332 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Richard dc Horton, treasurer, and Tliomas de Perar', canon of 
 Lincoln, executors of Mr. W. de Hancton/ canon of that church. 
 Jidy 24. A bond for 40 marks to Sir John de Reygate, kt.* 
 
 Archbishop llomauus took but little part in public affairs 
 after he came into the North ; indeed, at no period of his life 
 can we regard him as a statesman. In 1288 he had some dis- 
 sension with the king, for which he lost the temporalities of his 
 see ; it was, however, of short duration ; for, between the months 
 of March and August,' he was in Gascony with Edward." In 
 1290 he was present at the funeral of queen Eleanor, and at the 
 king's request he ordered prayers to be offered up throughout 
 his diocese for her soul." In 1291 he was required to render 
 military service against Scotland;'" and in the following year he 
 was mixed up in the negotiations about that kingdom.^ On 
 the 18th of June, 1294, he was enjoined to require the suffrages 
 of the people of his diocese for the success of the king and his 
 army on their way to Gascony, and on the 19tli of August he 
 was summoned to a council at Westminster about that country .2' 
 On two or three other occasions he was called to parliament ;- 
 but his name is not connected with any public office or with 
 any important act in connection with the state. 
 
 The whole of the time of archbishop Romanus seems to have 
 been devoted to his diocese. Henry, bishop of Whitherne," acted 
 for some time as his suffragan, and he was occasionally assisted 
 by one or two other prelates, but he seems to have relied for 
 the most part upon his own exertions. The annals of his life 
 are to be derived from his own official registers which are pre- 
 served at York, and they certainly shew that he was a zealous 
 and energetic archbishop. The acts of our early prelates have 
 been so little examined for biographical and historical purposes, 
 
 ' Neither of these canons appears on procure a subsidy for him from the 
 
 the Lincoln Ta-sti. York clergy (Feed., i., 673). 
 
 ' A commissioner of array in York- " On Sept. 9, 1286, he made his pro- 
 shire in 1300 (Pari. Writs., i., 345, fession of obedience to the archbishop 
 etc.). On Dec. 10, 1290, John de Eey- at Hexham, and had leave to go to 
 gate was bailiff of Sherburn (Eeg. Eo- Rome. He died Nov. 1, 1293 (Chron. 
 manus). ' Prjmne, iii., 1293. Lan., 155), being at that time cruce- 
 " Reg. Romanus. signatus. He .was at one time abbat 
 " Chron. Lanercost, 137. of S. Crux. On Jan. 13, 1294, John 
 " Feed., i., 753. Pari. Writs., i., 256. king of Scotland wrote to Romanus 
 ' Feed., i., 762. In 1292 Gregory about Thomas de Kirkcudbright, chap- 
 IX. wrote to the archbishop of York lain of Robert Bruce, who had been 
 and the bishop of Carlisle urging them elected bishop by John, prior of Whit- 
 to exhort the Scottish king to keep the heme, and his convent. On May 30, 
 peace (Chron. Lan., 146). 1294, the new prelate made his pro- 
 s' Pari. Writs., i., 261. Feed., i., fession of obedience to Romanus, and 
 802, 808-10, 834. ^ the bishops of Carlisle and St. Asaph 
 _ ' Pari. Writs., i., 25, 30-2. Feed., were asked to assist at his consecration, 
 1., 822. In 1286 the king begs him which took place at Gedling " die dom. 
 and the archdeacon of Richmond to in crast. B. Dionisii, 1294."
 
 1286—1296.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 
 
 333 
 
 that a short series of extracts from those of Romanus will be 
 interesting and novel. In the first place I shall give a list of 
 those persons to -whom the archbishop gave an annual pension. 
 These sums were frequently spontaneously granted, either from 
 affection or interest. Occasionally the king, in addition to the 
 stalls and benefices which he filled up himself or begged, re- 
 quested the prelate to place some court favourite upon his list of 
 pensioners, or some foreigner gave a hint that he would like to 
 be upon it, as the price of his good offices at the papal court. 
 These persons became occasionally a very serious burden upon 
 the archiepiscopal revenues. 
 
 1286, May 12. A pension of 20 marks per annum to Bene- 
 dict, cardinal of St. Nicholas in Carcere Tulliano, for his good 
 oflSces towards us and our church. 1287, Feb. 4. A pension of 
 10/. per annum to Ralph de Hengham,* clerk. April 18. A 
 pension of 10 marks per annum to William de Bm-neton,'" and 
 on May 10 one of 100s. to William de Saham,"^ clerk. Another 
 of 5 marks to John de Ousthorp,* clerk, at the instance of friar 
 William de Hothum,-^ till we provide him with a benefice. 
 
 * Son of Sir Andrew de Hengham, 
 of Hengham, in Norfolk. Chief justice, 
 archdeacon of Worcester, chancellor of 
 Exeter, canon of Hereford, Exeter, 
 Lincoln and London. He occurs fre- 
 quently in state documents. Foss's 
 Judges, iii., 261. Weever, Fun. Mon., 
 367. 
 
 ■^ A justice itinerant in 1302. Foss, 
 iii., 68. 
 
 ■* A justice of the King's Bench. 
 Ibid., 146. 
 
 ' He was a prebendary of Howden 
 (Reg. ii., Prior, and Conv. Dunelm., 
 69, 81). 
 
 / Prior-provincial of the friars 
 preachers in England, and a person of 
 verjr pleasing manners and of great 
 piety and learning (Chron. Lan., 133-1. 
 Fffid,, i., 766. Cotton's Fasti Eccl. 
 Hib., ii., 12). He was educated at 
 Merton coUege, Oxford, and at Paris 
 (Hist. Univ. Oxon., i., 324; iv., 14. 
 Cotton ut supra). In Februar)', 1289, 
 he is mentioned in connection with 
 the king's intended expedition to Pales- 
 tine (Foed., i., 703. Prynne, iii., 428), 
 and on May 8, seq., he had letters of 
 credence to the pope from the king 
 (ibid., 708. Prynue, 389). In 1292 
 he was concerned in Scottish politics 
 (ibid., 766). He was also intimately 
 connected with Eleanor, the consort of 
 Edward I., and had much to do in 
 
 settling her affairs (Manners, etc., of 
 England, 103, etc.). In 1298 he was 
 preferred to the archbishopric of Dulilin, 
 and was consecrated abroad by bishop 
 Bek. He died on Aug. 28, 1298, the 
 year of his election, in the Dominican 
 convent at Dijon in Burgundy. His 
 body was brought to London, and was 
 interred in the church of the Domini- 
 cans. Caius says that he was an author 
 (Chron. Lan., 133-4. Trivet, 306. 
 Prynne, iii., 772-3. Cotton, ut swpraj. 
 
 And now for a romantic story to 
 enliven a dull note. It comes from 
 MSS. Harl., 912. 
 
 De Monte Chyviott. Dominus Jo- 
 hannes de Hothom Elj'ensis opiscopus, 
 audivit a fratre AVillelmo de Hothom, 
 nvunculo suo, historiam qua> .'icquitur. 
 lletulit vcro quod erat in transmarinis 
 partibus quidam nobilis qui onniia sua 
 dimiserat propter amorcm Dei, et duxit 
 vitam heremiticam in neniore. Hie, 
 ergo, audiens quod talis frater de An- 
 glia transiret per patriam illam versus 
 capitulum generale, misit ad eum ro- 
 gans quod presenter ei loqucretur. Ad 
 quern cum venirot (venerat 'r) qua\s- 
 ivit si novit aliquem monlem in Mar- 
 chia Scocioc qui vocarctur Chyviott ? 
 qui dixit quod sciret. Quare, igitur, 
 qusero indicabo tibi. L^na, igitur, nocte, 
 audivi extra tigurium meum quasi mag- 
 nus populus transiret, et, respiciens,
 
 334 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Dec. 9. A pension of 5 marks to James Simbaldi, clerk, till we 
 can provide him with a benefice. 1288, Nov. 6. A pension of 
 10 marks per annum to Mr. Robert de Ros, archdeacon of Lon- 
 don, and Mr. R. de Branndon,^ canon of London, till we can 
 give each of them a stall. 1290, May 13. A pension of 20/. 
 ])er annum to Peter de Sabaudia,'' clerk, on account of his noble 
 birth and his relationship to the king, till we can find him a 
 prebend. Sept. 23. A pension of 5 marks to Nicholas, son of 
 Matthew Rugepall, merchant of Lucca, till we give him a bene- 
 fice. 1291, July 24. A pension of 10 marks per annum to Mr. 
 Richard de Herteford, till, etc. 1293, May 8. A pension of 
 100s. per annum to John de Vere, son of the earl of Oxford, 
 till we find him a stall at York.' Mem. He died in the same 
 year, and so the pension ceases. August 7. A pension of 100s. 
 to Thomas Brabazon, rector of Hungerton, dioc. Lincoln, on 
 account of the affection which his brother. Sir Roger Brabazon,-? 
 shews to us and our church, till we can give him a stall. 1295, 
 May 13. A like sum to Hugh de Cressingham,^'' clerk, till we 
 find him a prebend. 
 
 I now give in chronological order the following remarkable 
 series of extracts from the register of the archbishop. Their 
 
 vidi pedites transire in maxima multi- 
 tudinc, deiuque armigeros, deindeque 
 milites, ultimo tres reges nobilitatis 
 valde, unum a dextris et alium a sinis- 
 tris equitantes et quasi ducentes tertium 
 inter se. Et cum omnes trausissent 
 dolui nimis quod non conquisivi qui 
 essent. Et cito pervenei'uut trcs miseri 
 claudicantes a quibus conquisivi qui 
 essent illi precedentes. Qui responde- 
 runt quod omnes eraut demones excepto 
 uno, s(;ilicet illo ultimo, in medio, qui 
 fiicrat rex Arragonisc, — ductus ad mon- 
 tem Chyviott, qui est locus frigidus 
 valde, ut in frigido loco affligeretur 
 qui delectabatur in calidis cibis et potis. 
 Oh frigid and most impotent conclu- 
 sion ! and yet it is an appalling fate for 
 the disembodied spirit 
 
 " To reside 
 In thrilling regions of thick ribbed ice." 
 
 «■ Canon of Lincoln and London. 
 22nd Edward I. letters of protection to 
 him as rector of Littlebury (Prvnne's 
 Coll., iii., 594). 
 
 * A son of Thomas prince of Pied- 
 mont, and cousin of Edward I. Pre- 
 bendary of Newbald at York 1290- 
 1309, dean of Salisbury and Lyons, and 
 canon of Lincoln and Hereford. He 
 wa.s made archbishop of Lvons in De- 
 cember, 1308. Cf. Gall. Christ., iv. 
 
 161, 205. Baluzii Misc., i., 221, ed. 
 Mansi. L'Art de verifier les Dates, 8vo 
 ed., xvii., 168. Guichenon, Histoire 
 Generale de la Maison de Savoie, etc. 
 
 ' A son of Robert earl of Oxford, 
 unnoticed byDugdale (Bar., i., 191-2). 
 He was prebendarj' of Scamlesby at 
 Lincoln (Le Neve, ii., 202). 
 
 i Sir Roger Brabazon was a justiciar 
 and a person of consequence. 
 
 * A great man, justiciar and trea- 
 surer of England. In 21st Edward I. 
 archbishop Romanus allows him and 
 his fellow-justiciars to hold assizes at 
 York in the time of Septuagesima and 
 Sexagesima (Prynne, iii., 579). 22nd 
 Edward I. letters of protection to him 
 as canon of St. Paul's and rector of 
 Enderby, Kingsclere, Hatfeld, Chalk, 
 Berles, Barnton, Dodington, Cressing- 
 ham and Reymerston, "an insatiable 
 pluralist " (ibid., 597) Rector of Rud- 
 by, dioc. Ebor., in 1296. 
 
 The record of his pension is can- 
 celled, for he was killed in Scotland, 
 and so great was the hatred that the 
 Scots had for him, that they actually 
 flayed his dead body and tanned his 
 skin, and, cutting it in pieces, kept 
 them as memorials of their foe. Cf. 
 Knyghton, col. 2519. Walsingham, 
 73. Chron. Lanercost, 190.
 
 1286 — 1296.] ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 335 
 
 variety does not diminish from their interest. It would be diffi- 
 cult to find any historical notices of greater novelty and value. 
 1286, April 17. A letter from Edward I. to the archbishop, 
 requesting the prayers of the faithful for the soul of Alexander, 
 king of Scotland, who has recently died.^ April 23. An in- 
 dulgence for the brethren of the hospital of St. John Baptist 
 and St. Thomas the martyr at the bridge of Stanford, for the 
 repair of the said bridge, which has been destroyed by a 
 flood, and for the perpetuating of the mass B.M.V. thereon.'" 
 An indulgence to those who visit the church of Mansfield at 
 the dedication of two altars therein, viz., that of B.M. and S. 
 Katharine, and that of SS. William and Margaret, and another 
 for those contributing to the chapel of S.M. at Staner, near 
 Selby. An indulgence for the cathedral of Carlisle, which has 
 been destroyed by fire, and for the shrines of SS. Cuth])ert 
 and John at Durham and Beverley. An indulgence of 10 days 
 for the soul of John dictus Venesun, whose body lies in the 
 cemetery B. M. at Dover, on the north side. An indulgence of 
 40 days for the fabric of St. Saviour^s church, Bermondsey, and 
 one for the fabric of the house of the Augustinian hermits at 
 Huntingdon, which has been burned down. An indulgence for 
 the soul of Mr. William de Gyseley, Avho is buried in the monas- 
 tery of Kirkstall, and for the health of Richard de Halton 
 during his life and for his soul after his decease, together with 
 the souls of Robert and Alice, his parents, who lie before the 
 altar B. M. V. in the church of Halton, Lincolnshire. April 27. 
 An indulgence for the soul of dame Christiana Ledet," mother 
 of Sir Gerard de Furnivall, whose body lies buried before the 
 high altar of the priory of Byssemede, and her heart in the 
 church of the friars preachers at Cambridge ; also for the soul 
 of that noble lady dame Alice de Ros, whose body is interred in 
 the church of the friars minors at Lincoln. April 29. An 
 
 ' Alexander was the king's brother- Agnes his wife. 1312, 23 Aug., ind. 
 
 in-law, having married Margaret, of forty da3's for the health of Hugh 
 
 daughter of Henry III. He fell from de Everesdon, ahbat of St. All)an's. 
 
 his horse in a dark night, and broke 1312, Nov. 14, ind. of forty days to all 
 
 his neck (Knyghton, col. 2468). who listen to the preaching of the 
 
 '" A series of extracts of great im- monks of Durham. Dec. 28, ind. of 
 
 portance and novelty. It is impossible forty days to those who visit the church 
 
 to illustrate each as it deserves ; indeed of Bliburgh, co. liincoln, dedicated to 
 
 I do not profess to do it, although I St. Alkmund, and for the soul of 
 
 have a superfluity of materials. A^'alter, sometime rector there, who is 
 
 " Cf. Dugd. Bar., i., 720. Plac. de buried in the church. Ind. of forty 
 
 Quo. Warr., 396. Hunter's Ilallam- days to those who visit tlie chapel of 
 
 shire. Thoroton's Notts, 455. Bisliop St. Leonard in Kirkstead abbey. lud. 
 
 Kellawe's register at Durham contains of forty days for the souls of Thomas 
 
 many entries of this nature. 1311, de Kellawe, Agnes his wife, and Wil- 
 
 15 Dec, ind. of forty days for the souls liam their son. 
 of Sir AValter Faucombrige and dame
 
 336 
 
 FASTI EDORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 indulgence of 10 days for the souls of Elias de Stapleford and 
 Ilawis his wife, who are buried in the church of Stapleford." 
 May 1. An injunction to the people of the diocese of York 
 to pray for the good estate of the king and queen and their 
 children.^ An indulgence for the hospital of lepers dedicated to 
 S.M. Magd., near Pontefract, and another for the hospital of St. 
 Nicholas, near Beverley, Letters addressed by the archbishop 
 to the bishops of Bath and Wells, and Durham, William de Luda 
 and the archdeacon of Richmond, in behalf of John de Lither- 
 grynes,? who is not at present in the king^s service. June 15. 
 A royal mandate to the archbishop to summon before the justices 
 itinerant at York, Mr. William de Cliilbrd, Mr. Thomas de 
 Barneby, official of the bishop of Carlisle, and Mr. Henry Hay, 
 rector of Aughton, his clerks, for a transgression in hunting.'' 
 July 6. An indidgence, to last for three years, for the brethren of 
 the hospital S. Spiritus de Saxia, at Rome.* July 7. Adminis- 
 tration of the effects of Sir Thomas de Huks, kt., to Adam de 
 Derlington and Hugh de Collum, his executors. '^ Sept. 10. An 
 indulgence of 40 days for the church of Whitherne containing 
 the relics of St. Niniau, which has been burned down. Dec. 5. 
 A gift of two oaks from our park of Beverley to Mr. J. de Pen- 
 ningston." The following clerks, all having the first tonsure. 
 
 " Aug. 25, 1322, a chantry is founded 
 in the church of St. Ellen, at Staple- 
 ford, for the souls of Hugh de Staple - 
 ford and Alice his wife (Reg. Melton). 
 €f. Thoroton's Notts, 213. 
 
 p Another order anno 3, and another 
 anno 9. 
 
 1 A person much employed in state 
 affairs. A justice itinerant (Foss, iii., 
 124). 20th Edward I. he and Alice 
 his wife founded a chapel in their manor 
 of Lasenby, in which prayers were to 
 be said daily for the souls of Edward I. 
 and bishop Eek (Prynne, iii., 4G3). 
 In the same year the king authorized 
 him and the ahbat S. M. Ebor. to choose 
 a master for St. Nicholas's hospital, 
 York (ibid., 470). Eschaetor north of 
 Trent 25th Edward I. (Pari. Writs., i., 
 21)6). He Avas sheriff of Yorkshire Ije- 
 tween 1280 and 1286 (Drake's Ebora- 
 cum, 351). 
 
 ■■ Some of the archbishop's clerks 
 are in trouble for hunting. They were 
 of the same mind with Chaucer's 
 monk — 
 
 "He yave not of the text a pulled hen, 
 That saith, that hunters hen not holy men." 
 
 ' This was the hospital to which the 
 
 pope wished to appropriate the stall of 
 Fenton at York. It will be again men- 
 tioned. 
 
 ' There are many of these valuable 
 instruments in the early registers. 
 1287, Jan 24, administration of Sir 
 Robert Sutton, knight, to Stephen de 
 Sutton, his brother and executor. 1289, 
 May 3, (mm mission to receive the ac- 
 count of the executors of Sir Robert de 
 Ros. May 10, commission to hear the 
 account of Sir John Huse, Robert de 
 Sherington, and Jordan de Stokes, exe- 
 cutors of Sir Henry de Newmarch. 
 1293, JL1I3' 13, commission to hear the 
 account of the executors of Sir Robert 
 de Ros, knight. 1293, Dec. 5, the 
 will of Isabella de Fortibus, countess 
 of Albemarle, is proved at Tottenham, 
 and administration is granted to her 
 executors, the priors of Brommore and 
 Twynham and Sir William de Knouill, 
 knight. 1294, March 1, commission 
 to hear the account of the executors 
 of dame Amy de Percy. 
 
 " Canon of South Muskham at 
 Southwell, and probably of Beverley. 
 William Clifford, who has been recently 
 mentioned, was also a canon of South- 
 well.
 
 1286 — 129G.] ARCHBisnop romanus. 337 
 
 are degraded this year ; Jolm de Ilovcden for stealing 3s. 6d. 
 at York; Henry de Novocastro for breaking into a house at 
 Hoton in Bulmershire and stealing a tabard ; John de Fainfoss 
 (Fangfoss) for stealing 5 marks at Hoton-on-the-Wold; William 
 de Baildon for stealing at York 4- silver spoons^ and Robert de 
 Karl' for stealing some decretals valued at 5 marks." 
 
 1287, Jan. 27. Laurence de Crepings, rector of Hoton, ac- 
 knowledges that he owes the archbishop 20/. as a punishment 
 for incontinence. Feb. 16. Licence for the brethren of the 
 hospital of St. Anthony, in the diocese of Vienne, to collect 
 alms; another for the hospital B.INI. without Bishopsgate, Lon- 
 don ; and a third, of twenty days, for the repairs of the bridge 
 of Gloucester and the hospital upon it. August 17. A com- 
 mission to the bishop of Whitherne to dedicate the churches of 
 Oswaldkirk and Edstone, and to the dean of Bulmer to act as 
 the archbishop's deputy in dedicating the churches of Thor- 
 manby, Dalby, Bulmer and Ellington. There remain to be 
 dedicated those of Scalton, Whenby, Foston, Helmsley and 
 Wheldrake. The archbishop binds the rector of Foston under a 
 penalty of 5 marks to have his church built and ready for dedi- 
 cation within three years.'" Sept. 24. Licence to Sir Robert de 
 Baliol to have an oratory in his manor of Redness."^ Dec. 27. 
 An order to the bailiff of Southwell to give to the prior of the 
 hospital at Jerusalem 10 wild animals, viz., deer, fawns, etc., as 
 they come to the nets. 
 
 1289, Dec. 29. To Walter de Maydeston,y 400/. for the 30th, 
 by order of the king. 
 
 1290, May 15. The archbishop grants the first-fruits of the 
 archdeaconry of Richmond to Sir Otho de Grandison to enable 
 him to go to the Holy Land.- June 11. A mandate of enquiry 
 to the official of the archdeacon of York ex parte Sir Fulk Fitz- 
 warren of Alljcbury, dioc. Hereford, kt. We have heard that 
 Agnes Bacun, lady of Edlington, deceased, the late Fulk's sister, 
 left him by will a precious stone called asiniu', which Agixes, 
 davighter of Robert le Gru of Northampton, the maid of the 
 
 " These convictions of clerks are of churcli (Ucg. Wickwaine). Baliol was 
 
 painful frequency. knight of the shire for co. York 25tli 
 
 "" Some valuable dates. It must and 29th Edward I. (Pari. AVrits., i., 
 
 not, however, be imagined that churches 58, 94) . 
 
 were always dedicated as soon as they * Jan. 11, 1290, collated to a moiety 
 
 were built. There are some valuable of the church of Kendal (Keg. Ro- 
 
 notices of this kind in the York Fabric manus). May 5, 1.307, to have tlie 
 
 Rolls, 235-242. next vacant stall at York by papal 
 
 ■^ Au unrecorded member of a great i)rovision (Ilcg. (Greenfield). Bishop 
 
 house. March 23, 1273, licence from of Worcester 1313-1317. He was a 
 
 Gregory X. to Robert de Baliol to gi-eat ])olitician. 
 
 build a chapel in his manor-house at ■ This great man and his family have 
 
 Redness on account of the inundations, been already meulioucd. Cf. Dugd. 
 
 etc., which keep him from the parish Bar., ii., 17. 
 
 Z
 
 338 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 siiid Agues, lias kept on the plea tliat there are two persons of 
 the name of Fulk Fitzwarren ; one the brother, and the other 
 the nephew of her mistress." June 13. The arehbishop writes 
 to the bishop of Ely expressing his regret that he cannot be 
 present at his consecration.* Sept. 18. Licence to R., bishop of 
 Batli and Wells, to hold a special ordination within the diocese 
 of York to make J. de Langedon and Roger de Esserug, sub- 
 deacons.'' Nov. 28. A letter from Edward I. to the archbishop, 
 desiring the prayers of the faithftil for the soul of queen Allan or, 
 our wife, from our childhood.'' Dec. 5. Purgation of dame 
 Chi'istiana, wife of Sir Nicholas de Menil, kt., from the charges 
 of having prepared poison to kill her husband, and of having 
 committed adultery with Mr. W. de Grenefeud and Walter de 
 Hamerton.^ 
 
 " A very curious stor}^ On Jan. 12, 
 1290, administration of dame Agnes 
 Bacun de Edlington, who died " in 
 crastino festi S. Nicholai," and was 
 buried on the Sunday after, to William 
 de Eosevill and Richard de Rokeley, 
 her executors (Reg. Ilomanus). For 
 an account of the noble house of Fitz- 
 warren, cf. Dugd. Bar., i., 445. The 
 first Fulk in the family was nearly 
 killed by prince John, afterwards king, 
 who broke his head with a chessboard. 
 
 * William de Luda (Louth), pre- 
 bendar}' of Ampleford at York. " Vir 
 magnificus et eminentis scientise " 
 (Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 121). Conse- 
 crated at Ely, in the church B.M.V., 
 by John archbishop of Canterbury, 
 with great solemnity, on Nov. 23, 
 1290, having been ordained priest on 
 Oct. 1 (Contin. 11. Wigoru., ii., 243). 
 A great statesman. On Oct. 31, 1291, 
 on the marriage of a son of Sir John 
 de Potthou to a daughter of Sir Gilbert 
 de Luda, the archbishop ordered his 
 olHcial to pay over the money he held 
 belonging to the lady (Reg. Rouianus). 
 In 1292 Henry Newark occurs as one 
 of the executors of Gilbert de Luda 
 (Rot. Pari., i., 8G). Nicholas de Luda 
 was his son and heir (Abbrev. Plac, 
 307). Gilbert de Luda was mayor of 
 York in 1284 (Drake, 360). 
 
 ' A great favour. The bishop had 
 been canon of Grendale and archdeacon 
 of York. He was lord chancellor, and 
 was a very great man. He left a will, 
 of which Mr. William Burnell, dean 
 of AVells, and William de Hamilton, 
 were the executors, and Philip de Bur- 
 nell was the testator's nephew and heir 
 
 (Act. Capit. Ebor., 22). Asherugge was 
 a place in Bucks where Edmund, earl 
 of Cornwall, founded a college. Walter 
 de Asherugge was chaplain of Edward 
 II. (Archaiol., xxvi., 340). Roger de 
 Asherugge was a clerk of the chapel of 
 Edward I. (Lib. Garderobse, 314). 
 Langton is, I presume, the same person 
 who became chancellor in 1293. He 
 was prebendary of Fridaj^thorp at York, 
 and held many valuable preferments, 
 the highest of which was the see of 
 Chichester, to which he was raised in 
 1305. 
 
 '' The king saj^s she died " die Martis 
 proximo ante festum S. Andrese apos- 
 toli" (Reg. Romanus). Ob. 4 kal. 
 Dec. (28 Nov.). (Acta Capit. Ebor.). 
 The chapter of York ordered a full 
 peal to be rung when they heard of her 
 decease (Lib. Garderobse, 29), and on 
 July 10, 1291, Edward sent to the 
 church from Scotland, in memory of 
 his late wife, a chasuble, alb, and amice 
 (Fabric Rolls, 154). 
 
 Romanus at once granted an indulg- 
 ence of forty days for those who should 
 pray for the qvieen's soul, and this was 
 repeated on Dec. 8, 1290. On June 7, 
 1291, the archbishop wrote to the king 
 to say that his wishes had been attended 
 to (Reg. Romanus). Cf. Prynne's 
 Coll., iii., 448. Contin. Fl. Wigorn., 
 ii., 244. Archseol., xxix., 167, etc. 
 
 *■ A curious episode in the history of 
 this unhappy family. Greenfield after- 
 ■\vards became archbishop of York. On 
 Jan. 29, 1293, Romanus writes to the 
 king, who had ordered him to make an 
 enquiry on the part of J\Ienyl against 
 his wife, and says that the husband
 
 1286—1296.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 
 
 339 
 
 1291^ Feb. 7. Roger de Wycliton is made the archbishop's 
 proctor to enquire of Mr. GiftVed de Vezano^ canon of Cam bray 
 and chaml)erlain of the pope^ about the will of H. the cardinal./ 
 April 4. Dispensation for Thomas de Multon and Margaret his 
 wife. They have lived together^ and a son has been horn to 
 them, they not knowing that Isabel, the former wife of the said 
 Thomas, and Margaret, were first cousins.^ May 29. Licence 
 for Roger de Malton to go on a pilgrimage to Pontigny.* July 
 20. An order to pray for the soul of the queen-mother.' Sept. 4. 
 A commission to Mr. John Clarell, canon of Southw ell, to preach 
 in behalf of the crusade.-^ Oct. 10. Licence to dame Margaret 
 de Percy to reside for a year within the nunnery of Appleton, 
 provided that her attendants are not disorderly.''' 
 
 1292, Dec. 13. Licence to the archbishop of Dublin to use 
 his pall within the diocese of York.' 
 
 1293, Jan. 12. Licence to William de Mortimer and Alice 
 his wife to have an oratory at their pleasure within their manor 
 of Sibthorp. May 4. The archbishop requests the king to give 
 up to him Nicholas de Menill, clerk, who had been accused on 
 the testimony of two felons, William Cokerel and Reginald le 
 Hunter, of causing the death of William de Mowbray, Matilda 
 his wife, and William and Hilda their children, by firing their 
 houses and those of the vicar of Rudby. We have acquitted him 
 
 had driven his wife from his hoi*se and 
 refused to maintain her. His old age 
 made him disUke her (Reg. Romanus). 
 He was ordered to provide ahmony. 
 On May 13, 1310, archbishop Green- 
 field granted to dame Christiana de 
 Menyl, relict of Sir Nicholas de Menyl, 
 the marriage of Richard, son and heir 
 of Robert de Furneaux, knight, the 
 archl:>ishop's tenant at Lutterington 
 (Reg. Greenfield). Cf. Dugd. Ear., ii., 
 110. 
 
 •f Hugh de Evesham, among other 
 preferments in the diocese of York, held 
 the prebend of Bugthorpe and the 
 livings of Spofforth and Hemming- 
 burgh. He was a famous physician, 
 and wrote several works on medicine 
 and divinity. In 1281 he was made 
 cardinal priest tit. S. Laur. in Lucina. 
 He died of the plague in 1287. Gf. 
 Knyghton, col. 2435. Ciacon., i., 773, 
 etc. 
 
 s- Cf. Dugd. Bar., i., 568. Nicolson 
 and Burn's Cumb'^., etc., ii., 218. 
 
 '' He had been there before. He 
 was master of St. Leonard's hospital, 
 York, and of the hospital B.M. Magd. 
 at Ripon. He resigned the latter in 
 
 1291. On May 30, 1276, the chapter 
 of York presented him to St. Leonard's 
 hospital, Thomas, the former rector, 
 having died on the Sunday after Ascen- 
 sion-day (MSS. Cotton, Claudius, B, 
 iii., 18). 
 
 ' Eleanor of Provence, widow of 
 Henry III , who died in the nunnery 
 at Ambresl)ur3^ 
 
 J This person has been already men- 
 tioned. A list of the places at which 
 Clarell was to preach is given in the 
 register. In 1291 a provincial council 
 was held at York about the Holy Land, 
 and the proposed union of the Templars 
 and the Hospitallers (Chron. Lanercost, 
 143-4). William de llotham was a 
 gi'eat advocate of this crusade (Pryune, 
 iii., 428), which came to naught. 
 
 * A privilege only granted to great 
 ladies. Archbisho]) Wickwaine per- 
 mitted the wife of Roger de Mowbray 
 and her family to reside for awhile in 
 the monastery of Newburgh. 
 
 ' John de Saunford or Stanford, arch- 
 bishop from 1281 to 1294. He was a 
 Pranciscan, and a person of conse- 
 quence (Cotton's Fasti Eccl. Hib., ii., 
 12). 
 
 z2
 
 340 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 in oui- com-t. June 8. An order to use prayers for fine weather, 
 that the great rains may be stayed.'" August 27. Henry de 
 Br\irapton, an inhal)itant of Scarbrough^ about thirty years ago 
 made a vow to go to the shrine of St. James of Compostella. 
 On account of bodily infirmities he is unequal to the journey. 
 An order to Lam-ence de Wetwang, warden of the friars minors 
 at Scarbrough, to release him from his vow on the payment of 
 100s." Dec. 8. A general letter from the king. It has been 
 signified to us that William, son of Thomas de Lonesdale, lost 
 his right ear by the bite of a horse. This is not to be to his 
 prejudice." 
 
 1294, Jan. 30. A mandate to pray for the soul of Margaret, 
 some time queen of France.^ March 1. A letter from the arch- 
 bishop to the abbat of Fountains. We intend to pass a night 
 within your monastery on our way to Otley, but this visit is -not 
 to be used as a precedent.? June 16. We have received from 
 Robert de Percy 50 marks for the use of the hospital B.M. 
 ISIagd. at Ripon. The said Robert is to reside in the hospital 
 with one attendant, and to be maintained, and we give him a 
 robe yearly. Dec. 20. Licence for the canons of Furness, Cart- 
 mell and Cockersand to be ordained by the bishop of Carlisle.'' 
 
 Archbishop Rom anus surpassed all his predecessors in his 
 hospitality and munificence. He had a great number of knights 
 among his retainers, and did everything in his power to advance 
 the dignity and the fame of his eathedi"ftl. His name will always 
 be remembered in connection with the fabric. On the 6th of 
 April, 1291, he laid with his own hands the foundation-stone of 
 the present magnificent nave. The dean and the canons were 
 standing around him Avhilst he invoked the blessing of the Spirit 
 upon the work which was then begun.^ The archbishop was at 
 the south-eastern corner of the nave, hard by the transept of 
 Walter Gray, and in front of him were the tower and the 
 northern transept which his father had erected. How many 
 memories of bygone years would rush into his mind, even amid 
 
 '" On July 12 there was an awful i These visits were very heavy bur- 
 thunderstorm in the diocese of York dens. In 1309 a statute was passed to 
 (Chron. Lan., 154). " Transit annus prevent them (Statutes at Large, i., 
 isle multum frugifcr uec famelicus" 153). The monastery of Fountains 
 (Walsingham, 59). was at this time in a very bad state, 
 
 " Cf. Monumenta Francisc, 406. and the visit was a matter of neces- 
 
 Thus Piers Ploughman says, — sity. 
 
 "Tiij^rymes and paimcres " Dec. 10, 1289, licence to the bishop 
 
 Plightcn hem togidero, of Carlisle to Ordain the monks of Fur- 
 
 FortosekenseiutJame." ^^^^ Cartmell, Conishead, and Hex- 
 
 " It might otherwise have been ham, and a commendatory letter to the 
 
 thought that he was a felon. abbat of Furness, who is going to the 
 
 '' A similar order was made by the general chapter of the Cistercian order, 
 
 king in January, 1296 (Prynne, iii., Cf. Beck's Annal. Furnesienses, 238. 
 680. Feed., i., 83G). « Stubbs, col. 1728.
 
 1286 129G.] ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 311 
 
 that concourse, wlien he looked and prayed ! It was indeed a 
 high privilege for a father and a son to call into being so large 
 a portion of that noble and beautiful cathedral. 
 
 Koraanus was the founder of the prebend of Bilton at York, 
 which he established in 1294. He contemplated also the division 
 of the stall of Mashani into three and that of Laugtuft into two. 
 The arrangements for the last step seem to have been nearly 
 completed, and canons were actually appointed, but the proposed 
 scheme after all seems to have fallen through, and it was never 
 attempted afterwards. The king put his veto upon the project,'' 
 and the life of Romanus was too short, and his influence at court 
 too small, to enable him to obtain the consent of the sovereign. 
 The ai'chbishop was also a great benefactor to the church of 
 Southwell, and founded several stalls in that cathedral." One 
 great point in the life of Romanus was the opposition that he 
 offered to the encroachments of the papal power. His patience, 
 which was never great, must have been considerably taxed Ijy 
 the system of provisions to which he was obliged too frequently 
 to submit. Some of the best pieces of preferment in his church 
 and diocese were given away by the pope to foreigners, regard- 
 less of the wishes and the cognizance of the archbishop, who 
 saw that if this state of things continued his diocese would soon 
 run to waste. These favourites of the pope were of course non- 
 resident, and that feeling of annoyance and discontent Avas 
 already springing up which resulted, after a time, in the order 
 that no cardinal should be beneficed in England. In 1289 an 
 event took place which made a great stir throitghout the country. 
 The pope, Nicholas III., had given the stall of Fenton at York, 
 and that of Nassington at Lincoln, to his nephew Mattliew 
 Rubeus, cardinal deacon of S.M. in Via Lata, a man of great 
 learning and distinction, and tlie protector of the order of tlic 
 friars minors." The cardinal obtained the consent of his imclc 
 to the appropriation of the prebend of Fenton to tlic hospital of 
 the Holy Spirit at Rome, of Avhich he was the head. This 
 arrangement was so novel, and was fraught with so much danger 
 to the English church and her independence, that a great uproar 
 was at once made. The king wrote a strong letter of remon- 
 strance to the pope, in which he quietly hinted that Avhat lie 
 proposed to do would not be tolerated. The nobles of tlic king- 
 dom sent another missive couched in the same strain. But the 
 
 ' Reg. Romanus. Prynne, iii., 783. tecture of tliis church will throw great 
 
 Each of the divided stalls of Miusham light upon that of Vork, especially that 
 
 was to be worth 50 marks per annum of the tower and chaplor-liouse. There- 
 
 (Act. Capit. Ebor., 15). gister of archbishop Romanus contains 
 
 " Dugd. Mon., vi., 1311-15. Lo some documents relative to the fabric. 
 
 Neve, iii., 421, etc. Thoroton's Notts, ^.•' Ciaconius, i., 721-2. The cardinal 
 
 313-14. An examination of the archi- crowned five popes.
 
 342 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 most striking document in the whole controversy is a letter 
 addressed l)y Romanus to the cardinal himself, in which, with- 
 out raakinji; a personal attack upon that dignitary, he repre- 
 liends in vigorous aiid remarkable language the wrongs which 
 the church was suffering at the hands of the pope, who ought 
 to have been her protector.'" The examples of Grostete and 
 Bovill, his own predecessor, were no doubt in the archbishop's 
 mind, and he expresses himself with honest zeal and eloquent 
 indignation. I shall not apologize for placing the letter of 
 Romanus before my readers in the language in Avhicli it was 
 written, as a proof of the energy of his character, and as a speci- 
 men of his scholarship. 
 
 " Domino Matheo Rubecard pro prebenda de Fenton, cui in 
 annexionem hospitalis Sancti Spiritus de Urbe in Saxia de ilia 
 dicitur esse provisum. 
 
 " Domino M., Dei gratia Sanctae Mariae in Via Lata diacono 
 cardinali, J,, primas, ejusdem Ebor. archiepiscopus, etc., salutem. 
 Tacti sumus dolorc cordis intrinseeus, et taidio nobis est, nee 
 immerito, vita nostra, quum, ut videmus, commissa nobis Ebor. 
 ecclesia facta est nostris temporibus, utinam non nostris de- 
 mentis ! sub tributo ; tributo quidem gravissimo quo domesticis 
 suis et notis contra eursum materni moris occultantur ubera ejus 
 plena, et ignotisac alienigenis mutato caritatis ordine-suggenda 
 nudantur, sicque cogitur esurientibus propriis panem porrigere 
 alienis et lac sitientibus propriis extraneis propinare. Nee est 
 ex omnibus revera quos genuit qui occurrat; non utique qui 
 sustentet ex omnibus filiis quos nutrivit, dum inde imponuntur 
 onera humeris ejus, unde velut ab arce refugii relevaeionis dex- 
 teram implorare crediderat, inde gravamina venerimt unde pro- 
 fecto contra si)iritum procellse Dei auxilia proventura sperabat. 
 Nee solummodo collo ejus jugum lamentatur impositum, sed et 
 omnibus membris suis cum doloris ingeminacione deplorat. 
 Ecce etenim quod prater provisiones factas vobis et fratri do- 
 mini Portuensiis episcopi in ecclesia memorata, sanetissimus 
 pater, dominus noster summus pontifex, nunc tercio in provisione 
 cujusdam alterius eandem gravavit ecclesiam, et collegiatis etiam 
 ab ipsa velut a matre dependentibus non pepercit, sed provisiones 
 certis fecisse personis de vacaturis canonicatibus et prebendis 
 asseritur singulis earumdem, per quod et esedem ecclesise divinis 
 fraudantur obsequiis, cum non sit ex talibus personis qui pro 
 tympano psalmum reddant, et nobis prejudiciale nimis existat 
 cum collationes aliquae per nos factae personis idoneis per sedem 
 apostolicam jam annullatae dicantur, etprovidendi nostris elericis 
 et aliis indigcnis, qui personaliter residerent et divinaj hospitali- 
 
 "' Eeg. Romanus, 86.
 
 1286 1296.] ARCHBISHOP ROMANUS. 313 
 
 tatis exhibitione debita septies in die laudis cantica personarent, 
 A'el adempta potestas, \el saltern ad loiiga tempora sit dilata. 
 Porro de provisioiie vestra in prefata ecclesia a prineipio Cjuando 
 illud audivimus gaudc1)amus, sed nnnc merito dolerc jjosscmns 
 prsecepto quod ad sustentationem hospitalis Sancti Spiritus dc 
 Urbe^ cujus habetis eustodiam, sicut fertur, facta vobis dicitur 
 provisio memorata. Sic nostra prebenda, virtute provisionis 
 hujus vobis in ecclesia ipsa collata, reputatur alienata i)ei'i)etuo, 
 cum verisimiliter presuinatur quod futuri post vos custodcs hos- 
 pitalis ejusdeni sint eidem prebendte ad ipsius hospitalis supi)or- 
 tanda onera quasi jure hereditario successuri. Ex quo provenit 
 quod canonici valde perpauci ccclesife memoratse dcservivuit 
 dum ejus peculium ad remotas nationes abducitur, et de ipsius 
 spoliis alienis necessitatibus subvenitur. Fit quoque quod vclut 
 ilia exigua corpore animalia, sed artis eruditione perniaxima, 
 gens apum, quse non sibi sed aliis nectar melleum in thecis cereis 
 thesaurisat, velut etiam quaj sibi non semper sed potius aliis 
 vellera ferunt oves, non sibi quoque sed aliis juga boves .... 
 propriam ecclesia prelibata, non sibi vel suis obsequiis, non proxi- 
 mis et vicinis, sed exterorura usibus et gentis ignotte profecti- 
 bus conquisivit. Spoliatur hoc modo Elwracensis ecclesia et 
 Romanum hospitale vestitur ; altare nudatur Eboracensis eccle- 
 siae et certum amictitur Sancti Spiritus hospitale. Tollitnr 
 Anglicis hospitalitas et transvehitur ad Romanos. Ilis dcmitur, 
 illis augetur. Hi denique seminant, illi metunt. Hi laborant, 
 illi vero manducant. Sic, sic, pater et domine reverende, El)or- 
 acensis tractatur ecclesia, sic patrimonium ejus expenditur, sic 
 proficit incrementis. Utinam sit qui adjuvet et non totalitcr 
 desoletur ! Verumtamen non fuit hoc pia intentio ac dcvota 
 clarje memoriae catholicorum regum Anglise et aliorum Ciiristi 
 fidelium, qui nedum prefatas nostras ecclesias, sed et totam 
 ecclesiam Anglicanam ad dilatationem fidei orthodoxse fundantes, 
 eas temporalium bonorum largitionibus dotaverunt ami)lissimis, 
 et libertatum immunitatibus munierunt, sed ea nimirum con- 
 sideratione constat sic cos eisdera ccclesiis fuisse nnuiificos ut, 
 cum delictorum expiatione, consequerentur per hoc salubre re- 
 medium animarum, cultus divini nominis augeretur, servaretur 
 hospitalitas, eleraosinai darentur pauperibus, et per niinistros 
 idoncos ad quos pro tempore ex eisdem bonis ecclesiastica sti- 
 pendia devenirent, servire prefatis ecclcsiis person alitcr tene- 
 rentur. Ad hajc pietatis opera pietatis amici ct miscricordiie 
 scctatores in extructione sanctarum ajdinm lapidcs jactavcre 
 primarios, ad hajc bona dotalicia concesscruiit, ad h;cc immuni- 
 tatem cirograplia sunt largiti. Non fuit corum in talil)us cogi- 
 tatus quod ipsorum eleraosinai in usus ccderent cxterorum, (pii 
 licet vellus evellere non tamen pecoris vultum agnoscunt, bala-
 
 31 i FASTI EBOttACENSJbitJ. [a.D. 
 
 turn nesciunt, linguam i^orant^ et postes sacros nedum terere 
 pedibus scd videre iiegligunt aediura sacratarum, quamquam 
 ipsarum uberibus educentur. Sane mirari corapellimur vebc- 
 meiitcr quod vos saltern^ qui eidem ecclesise^ presertim post vestrse 
 pi'omotioiiis eventum^ jam eratis obnoxii, gravaminibus his sub- 
 secutis occurrere non curastis, cum^ sicitt firmiter credimus^ illis 
 resistere vestrfe circumspectionis industria potuisset, quae ad 
 obstacula majora tollenda et favoris exliibenda potiora sufFragia 
 vii'es habet, ad quae nihilominus bufFragari spes preconcepta debu- 
 erat, qtiam a longe retroactis temporibus et reposuimus in gi'atiae 
 vestrse sinu et adhuc nodis indissolubilibus repositam retinemus ; 
 reverendse dominacioni vestree devotissime supplicantes quod 
 recommendatam liabentes in caritatis visceribus ecclesiam me- 
 moratam contra persecutionum incursus et turbines^ eidem vos, 
 si placet, defensionis clypeum apponatis, et indempnitati ejus- 
 dem Eboracensis ecclesise quae canonicis residentibus orbatam 
 se fore conqueritur super alienatione prefatae prebendae, quam 
 perpetuitatem, occasione clausulae pro sustentatione predicti 
 hospitalis apostolicis insertae Uteris per quandam successionem 
 quasi heriditariam in successores vestros deputandos ad custo- 
 diam hospitalis predicti transfundendam, quod absit, non abs- 
 que gravi prejudicio ipsius ecclesiae comminatur, pro futuris post 
 vos temporibus tarn pie quam misericorditer dignemini prae- 
 cavere; exhibentes vos, si placet, inter tot gravamina quibus 
 premimur, procuratoribus nostris in curia favorabiles et benignos 
 super promotione propitia petitionum nostrarum quas ipsi vobis 
 nostro nomine duxerint exponendas, ut qui gravamur in plui^i- 
 bus saltem per vos in aliquibus relevemur. Datum apud Jaccam, 
 xij kalendas Octobris/'' 
 
 The opposition of the archbishop and the king to this scheme 
 of alienation was successful, as the project was abandoned. The 
 sovereign indeed put his veto upon it, which was decisive. The 
 cardinal sometime afterwards endeavoui'ed in vain to induce 
 him to alter his determination.^ 
 
 We must not shut our eyes to the defects in the character 
 of archbishop Romanus. Persons with his energy and resolution 
 are very frequently in extremes. He was subject to an unhappy 
 infirmity of temper, of which the Italian blood that was flowing 
 in his veins must have been to a great extent the cause. He 
 was nearly always involved in some quarrel or dissension which 
 had its origin in the clashing of contending interests, or some 
 petty jealousy or dislike. It is painful to trace the path of an 
 archbishop througli the darkness of the past by the light of 
 enmity and discord. 
 
 ' PrynneV Coll., iii., 416-18, 625, 934. Rot. Pari., i., 33. Foed., i., 740, 754.
 
 1286—1296.] ARCHBISHOP romanus. 315 
 
 The relations between arclibisliop Romanus and his chapter 
 were by no means of an amicable kind. He had a fend with the 
 dean, apart from his brother-canons. The dean, Robert Ugh- 
 tred of Searbrough, got into trouble, among other reasons, 
 because he was a pluralist, holding, in addition to his office, the 
 prebend of Husthwaite at York, a stall at Beverley, and the living 
 of Adlingflete. In September, 1287, the archbishop deprived 
 him summarily of his deanery and his canoury at York, and 
 ordered the chapter to elect a new superior. A com])romise 
 seems to have been effected, as in ]\Iay, 1290, the dean con- 
 sented to resign all his preferments, the archbishop giving him, 
 at the instance of the king, an annual pension of 400 marks for 
 his life. He did not enjoy it long, as he died in the same year. 
 At his decease he was in arrear to the archbishop, probaljly for 
 some due or fine for non-residence, and tlie executors of his will, 
 Sir Robert Ughtred, knight, and John his brother, were put 
 under a sentence of excommmiication, which was removed in 
 May, 1293.^ 
 
 The archbishop^s contention with the chapter was on the 
 question of his right to hold a visitation of the minster, and 
 when he mooted this claim, he found that he was treading on 
 very delicate and dangerous ground. The controversy seems to 
 have been so warm that in 1287 the king authorized Edmund, 
 earl of Cornwall, to act as mediator between the combatants.*' 
 On the 20th of May, 1288, they agreed to submit the matter to 
 arbitration, the bishop of Norwich acting for the archbishop, 
 and William de Corner, the precentor of Y'^ork, for the dean. 
 On the 24th of September the bishop of Chichester took the 
 place of his brother of Norwich, who was prevented by illness 
 from attending. In consequence, probably, of their award, an 
 arrangement w^as made on the 21st of November, 1290, Avith 
 reference to the power of visiting the chapter. It contains a 
 great number of minute articles. The chief of them are as 
 follows : — The dean was to pay the archbishop canonical obedi- 
 ence without infringing upon the privileges of the chapter. The 
 archbishop might visit the minster once in five years, if he cliose, 
 but not by deputy. He must intimate his intention by letter 
 to the chapter, and they were to give the formal notice. The 
 archbishop alone was to enter the chapter-house, two members 
 of the cathedral body, who were to be sworn to secrecy, acting 
 with him. Any canon might then make his complaints. If 
 any fault were detected, the archlnshop was to allow the oficndcr 
 six months to amend it, and, in case of default or neglect, he 
 was to award proper punishment in the chapter-house, with the 
 
 * The account of these quarrels is taken chiefly from the archbishop's register. 
 ' Fojd., i., 679.
 
 316 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 advice of the canons. — This is the sum and substance of the 
 regulations about the visitation. Some arrangements were also 
 made about the hearing of causes, which are of little interest. 
 
 The greatest struggle that Romanus was engaged in, and 
 that Avliich caused him most annoyance and anxiety^ was that 
 which he had with Anthony Bek, bishop of Durham." There 
 had been for a long time a soreness between Durham and York 
 on the question of supremacy and the right to hold visitations, 
 which had given much trouble to archbishop Wickwaine. The 
 feud Avas running high when Romanus came to the see of York_, 
 but by the kind interference of cardinal Hugh de Evesham an 
 arrangement was made with the prior and convent of Durham, 
 by which the archbishop of York was allowed to have the con- 
 trol of the diocese during the vacancy of the see.* This seems 
 to have given satisfaction, and the sentence of excommunication, 
 in Avhich Wickwaine had involved the monks of Durham, was 
 now withdrawn. Romanus, however, was soon in the middle 
 of another controversy with Bek, the wealthiest and most 
 influential prelate of his day. It began, probably, about the 
 question of the subjection of the see of Durham to York, which 
 Bek was far too high-spirited to submit to. In 1290, when 
 Romanus was at the fimeral of queen Eleanor, the king in vain 
 endeavoured to reconcile the two Northern prelates. On the 
 31st of July, 1291, when the archbishop was at Hexham, he 
 sent his clerks, Henry de Tymparon and William de Thorneton, 
 to bishop Bek to propose that the dispute should be referred to 
 arbitration, but the offer was in all probability rejected. Roma- 
 nus now resolved, if possible, to go abroad and plead his cause 
 before the pope. The king, after much hesitation, allowed him 
 to make the journey, and he started on the 1st of November, 
 1291. He was honourably received at the papal court, and con- 
 tinued there till the spring of 1292, but from the silence which 
 exists about his mission we may conclude that it was unsuccessfid. 
 In the beginning of the following year, 1292, matters at last came 
 to a crisis. John de Amelia, a notary, and William de Wrelton, 
 alias De Piks, two of the archbishop's clerks, no doubt under 
 his directions, went to Durham to deliver to Bek or his servants 
 a citation from their master. Bek was then in Scotland with 
 the king, but his officials acted as their lord would have done if 
 he had been at home. John de Maydenstan treated the hostile 
 mandate with contempt, and, seizing the luckless messengers^ 
 
 " The authorities are, Prynne's Coll., Angl., 150-1 ; Fuller's Worthies, n. e., 
 
 m., 456, 560-5, 1293 ; Rot. Pari., i., ii., 540 ; Drake's Eboracum, 430. 
 102-5; Chron. Latierco.st, 110-11, 1,37; * Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 73, aud 
 
 Knyghton, col. 2502, 2507; Coiitin. appendix, 93, etc. 
 11. Wi-orn., ii., 267; Madox Bar.
 
 1286 1296.] ARCHRISHOP ROMANUS. 3 17 
 
 shut them up in the dungeons of Durham castle, of which 
 he was the constable. Romanus was abroad when this adven- 
 ture took place, but he Avrote from Yitcrbo, where he was pro- 
 bably Avith the pope, on the 6th of April, 1292, to his ofKcial at 
 York, commanding him to denounce the bishop of Durham as 
 excommunicated. He sent also a recpiest to Bogo de Clare, 
 who, he probably thought, Avas bold enough to do anything, 
 desiring him to beard the lion in his den by proclaiming the 
 sentence in the priory of Durham, at the same time giving him 
 a quiet hint that it Avould be Avell for him to say nothing at all 
 about his being treasurer of York. Bogo would know Bek avcII, 
 and would do nothing of the kind. The thought that he would 
 refuse to act seems to hoxe occurred to the archbishop, as on 
 the 19th of April, a few days afterwards, he issued a like com- 
 mission to the prior of Bolton, who published the sentence of 
 excommunication. Like a Avise man, with the fear of imprison- 
 ment before his eyes, he kept within sight of Yorkshire, for he 
 performed the duty which was assigned to him at Northallerton 
 and Darlington. Bek had been thrice warned, but he cared 
 not a Avhit for the ban ; he kept the two unfortunate officials in 
 captiAity, and set at naught their master. 
 
 In the following year the dispute came under the cognizance 
 of parliament. It Avas laid before the king, in all probability, 
 by Bek, and EdAvard took the matter up with vehemence. It 
 appears that when the bishop of Durham Avas excommunicated, 
 he Avas with the kiijg in Scotland, and the monarch regarded 
 the denunciation of his favourite prelate, Avhilst he was thus 
 occupied, as a personal insult to himself. To obtain the release 
 of his clerks Romanus ought to have proceeded against Bek 
 in the king's court. The injury to the royal prerogative Avas 
 assessed by the officers of the crown at the large sum of 20,000/. 
 The archbishop pleaded his oavu cause, and tried to justify his 
 conduct. It had never entered into his head, he said, to offer any 
 slight to the king. The bishop of Durham Avas his suffragan ; after 
 repeated Avarnings he had been disobedient, and the archbishop 
 in excommunicating him had merely acted in accordance Avith 
 ecclesiastical laAv. In ansAver to this the royal advocate stated 
 that Bek Avas a temporal as Avell as a spiritual dignitary ; tliat 
 he was prince palatine as avcU as bishop of Durham, and that a 
 sentence of excommunication, Avhich Avas an ecclesiastical cen- 
 sure only, Avould injure him in his secular character. Bek had 
 a right to order the men to prison in his character of prince 
 palatine, with Avhich the arehl)ishop had nothing Avhatever to 
 do. The decision of the parliament Avas mianimous against 
 Romanus, and he Avas committed to the ToAver for his offence. 
 The nobles, however, interceded for him, and he placed himself
 
 348 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.B. 
 
 at the king's mercy. He was, restored to the royal favour^ but 
 only after submitting to a fine of 4000 marks. 
 
 This was not the only reverse which E,omanus experienced 
 in the same parliament. Some time before this the king had 
 expelled the Jews from England^ and had appropriated their 
 possessions. Among the suft'erers Avas a person of the name of 
 Bonamy^ who had lived at York. When Romanus was on his 
 way home from the papal court he halted at Paris, where he 
 met Bonamy. The Jew told hin^ that he had lent the prior and 
 convent of I3ridlington the sum of 300/., which was still owing 
 to him, and begged him to recover it for him. It was afterwards 
 insinuated that the archbishop bought the debt; but this he 
 denied, and it is only fair to believe him. When Romanus 
 came back to England he made an official visitation of the priory 
 of Bridlington, and the existence of the debt being proved the 
 archbishop compelled the prior to pay the 300/. to one of his 
 officers. It was an obligation, he told him, which the convent 
 could not conscientiously diso^vn. Quite true, my lord arch- 
 bishop, but the money ought to have gone, not to yourself, but 
 to the Jew or the king. Romanus, by receiving it, put himself 
 at the mercy of the prior, who lost no time in complaining of 
 his diocesan for concealing money which belonged properly to 
 the crown. The case was of course decided against the arch- 
 bishop, but we are not told to what penalty he was subjected,'' 
 His conduct, to say the least, was suspicious in the extreme ; 
 and most persons will be inclined to think that it was highly 
 reprehensible. 
 
 The catalogue of mischief and contention is not yet ex- 
 hausted. In 1294 Romanus quarrelled with the prior and 
 sub-prior of the monastery of the Holy Trinity at York, and ex- 
 communicated them, taking possession of their goods, although 
 they were exempt from his jvirisdiction.'^ He had also a keen 
 fight with Bogo de Clare, a well-known delinquent, and the 
 notorious pluralist who has been already mentioned.'' The 
 archbishop was clearly a hot-headed and a most indiscreet person. 
 Knyghton tells us that covetousness was his chief infirmity, and 
 his conduct in the case of the Jew would certainly seem to shew 
 that he had inherited that grovelling vice which is said to have 
 characterized his sire./ The contests in which Romanus was 
 perpetually involved bear a melancholy testimony to the way- 
 
 ' Prynne's Coll., iii., 565-6. Rot. (Rej?. Romanus. Rot. Pat., i., 138). 
 
 Pari 1., 99, 100, 120. " Ibid., 610. / Col. 2507. The words which Eras- 
 
 Keg Konianus. Prjnne, in., 128i, mus uses in his colloquj^ on " Opulentia 
 
 etc. In 1293 he had suits with Thomas sordida " are applicable to him, " Illi in 
 
 ae mville and Nicholas de Segrave hujusmodi sordibus educato prccter lu- 
 
 lit?.; f^ ' ^''wPi; ^® ^^^'^ ^^^« ^ ^'"'m "il"l erat dulce" (Colloq., ed. 
 serious affray with Boniface de Saluciis 1650, 495).
 
 129C — 1299.] ARCHBISHOP Newark. 349 
 
 wardness of his temper^ his impatience of control^ and his un- 
 willingness to brook even the idea of a rival, 
 
 " Ncc qnemquam jam ferre potest Cacsarvc priorem 
 Pompeiusve ijarem." 
 
 Tlie archbishop died suddenly at Burton, near Beverley, 
 where he had a residence, on the 11th of March, 129G. His 
 remains were brought to York, and were honourably interred in 
 the minster on the Saturday following.^ It is not known where 
 he was first laid ; but when archbishop Thoresby began the re- 
 building of the choir, he removed the bones of Romanus, and 
 deposited them in the presbytery, placing over them a marble 
 stone Avhicli was decorated with brass/' 
 
 Homanus died in the king^s debt, and security Avas obliged 
 to be taken that payment should be made as far as his effects 
 extended.' Knyghton tells us that the arclibishop^s executors, 
 of whom John de Leke was one,-' refused to act, and that the 
 charges of his funeral were borne by strangers, whilst no gifts 
 for pious uses were made on the day of his interment, and not a 
 prayer was offered up for the repose of his soul.* The charge 
 of the temporalities of the see during the vacancy Avas entrusted 
 to John de Lithegreynes.^ 
 
 After the decease of Romanus his executors gave into the 
 king's wardrobe a cup of white silver and a ring with a sapphire, 
 which had belonged to him.™ 
 
 iCnrg tic ll^Tctoarift was a native, in all probability, of a 
 little town in Nottinghamshire. Of his parentage there is no- 
 thing known, but he seems to have been a kinsman of William 
 de Newark, who was a canon of Southwell and archdeacon of 
 Huntingdon." 
 
 e MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., II. in Foed., i., 987, 1005, 1009, lOlG ; 
 
 111 b. Stubbs, col. 1728. Prynne's ii., 10, 46. He was bishop elect of 
 
 Coll., iii., 642. Knyghton (col. 2507) Dunkeld in 1309 (Fwd., ii., 8G), and 
 
 speaks of a mean funeral. In the in 1311 the poi)C elected him archbishop 
 
 Chron. Lanercost it is said that the of Dublin (ibid., 132). He died in 
 
 archbishop died abroad (170). 1313, and was buried in Westminster 
 
 '' See Thoresby's Life. abbev (Cotton's Fasti, ii., 14). 
 
 '■ Reg. jMelton, 18, 31. Cf. Knyght- * Knyghton, col. 2507. 
 
 on, col. 2502. ' Prynne's Coll., iii., 674. 
 
 > Eeg. Newark. In 3ith of Edw. I. '" "Wardrobe Accounts, 315. A gift 
 
 John de Leke wa.s the king's almoner of his to the king is mentioned, ibid., 
 
 (Prynne, iii., 1160). Chaplain of prince 318. 
 
 Edward, 28th Edward I. (Lib. Garde- " He was archdeacon of Huntingdon 
 
 robse, 31). There arc letters to the in 1281 and 1282, and died in the latter 
 
 pope in his behalf from Edward 1. and end of 1286 (Le Neve, ii., 49). He
 
 350 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Newark appears to have risen in importance through his 
 state services and his connection with the court. He was one 
 of the clerks and chaplains of Edward I., and in that capacity- 
 lie was sent hy the king to the pope on the 12th of December, 
 1276, to announce the part which he intended to take in the 
 proposed crusade, and in the following year he was acting as 
 the king^s proctor at the papal court, and was busily engaged 
 in making preparations for that expedition." In 1281 he was 
 appointed to quiet the distui-bances between the English and 
 the Hollanders/ and in January, 1283, he was one of those 
 who were ordered to collect the subsidy for the expedition into 
 Wales within the bishopric of Durham.? On the 1st of Fe- 
 bruary, in the same year, he was selected to arrange the amount 
 of service that was due to the king from the knights to the 
 north of the Trent.*" In the summer of 1290 Newark was 
 sent as an ambassador to Scotland to contract an alliance be- 
 tween the heir to the English throne, and Margaret, daughter 
 of Eric king of Norway, queen of Scotland.* The year 1291 
 saw him with Edward I. at Norham, and he was deeply involved 
 in the intricacies of Scottish politics.^ In 1292 the king granted 
 him letters of protection." On the 1st of January, 1296, he was 
 one of the commissioners who were deputed to make a truce 
 with France, and treaties with Guelders and Flanders. *" Indeed, 
 he seems to have taken a very prominent part in public affairs 
 during the reign of Edward I., and to have been a thorough 
 man of business and a skilful and active statesman."" 
 
 Whilst Newark was thus engaged in the service of his 
 country he was in the possession of numerous and important 
 ecclesiastical preferments. In 1271 and 1275 I find that he 
 
 was also prebendary of Farrendon at de Egliston ; and the other 4 to the 
 
 Lincoln (Reg. Romanus). On July-11, nuns of Molseby by Mr. W. de Blida 
 
 1287, archbishop Romanus denounced (Reg. Romanus). Cf. Thoroton's Notts, 
 
 those who had abstracted a charter 197. 
 
 which testified to Thomas de Lincoln, On June 18, 1298, archbishop New- 
 clerk, being the heir of Mr. Wilham ark collated his chaplain, William de 
 de Newark. On Feb. 11, 1288, the Newark, to the stall of North Musk- 
 same prelate ordered Mr. Henry de ham at Southwell, which he had him- 
 Newark, archdeacon of Richmond, to self vacated. He seems to have held 
 convert to its intended purpose the it until 1340 (Le Neve, iii., 428-9). 
 100?. which Mr. William de Newark, " Prynne's Coll., iii., 193, 197. Feed., 
 archdeacon of Huntingdon, gave in his i., 537, 542. /> Feed., i., 597. 
 will to hire a chaplain to sing for his i Prynne's Coll. iii. 303. 
 .-oul. 1289, March 21, the sum of 10 •■ Feed., i., 625. 
 marks which had been given to Ma- ' Ibid., i., 734-6. Prynne, iii., 395, 
 tilda Adelyn, of Newark, deceased, is 398-9. 
 
 paid over to the archbishop by Mr. W. ' Feed., i., 767, etc. Prvnne, iii., 
 
 ^f..,^'^^^"" ^^'^ tlie other executors of 504, etc. " Prynne, iii"!, 683. 
 
 \\ illiam de Newark ; 6 marks of it are " Ibid., 748. Feed., i., 834-5. 
 
 ordered to be paid by the archdeacon " Knyghton (col. 2528) calls him 
 
 of Richmond to the daughters of John " magnus clericus."
 
 129G 1299.] ARCHBISHOP NEWARK. 351 
 
 was prebendary of Brownswood in St. PauFs cathedral/ and in 
 January, 1293, he occurs as a canon of tlie church of AVells.3' 
 In 1296 he vacated the living of Basingham, in the diocese of 
 Lincoln.- But it was with the proAince of York that he was 
 principally connected. On the 30tli of March, 1270, he was 
 presented to the living of Barnby, which he resigned in the 
 same year/ and on the death of archbishop Giffard in 1279 the 
 king made him and Thomas de Normanvill the keepers of the 
 temporalities of the see of York.* With archbishois Wickwaine 
 Newark seems to have been a great favourite. Soon after he 
 became primate he made Newark archdeacon of Richmond, and 
 on the 20th of December, 1280, he was collated to the stall of 
 Holme, which he resigned for that of Strensal on the 9th of 
 November, 1283. '^ In that year the archdeacon seems to have 
 been advancing his master^s interests in the coui't of Rome, and 
 they were associated together in more than one pecuniary trans- 
 action.'' Soon after archbishop Romanus came to the see we 
 find Newark lending him money, and the archdeacon found a 
 patron in that prelate, who gave him the stall of Great Musk- 
 ham at Southwell on the 4th of June, 1287,* and appointed 
 him his vicar-general on the 12th of March, 1288, dm-ing his 
 absence with the king in Gascony.-^ In the spring of 1290 
 Newark was elected dean of York. The archbishop ordered the 
 chapter to install him on the 12th of May, and that ceremony 
 took place on the 10th of June.^ Newark then resigned the 
 archdeaconry of Richmond, but he held the stall of Weighton 
 with the deanery till he was advanced to the primacy.'' In his 
 position as dean he had a collision with archbishop Romanus, 
 who endeavoured to extort from him a profession of obedience, 
 and an acknowledgment of his right to visit the cathedral.* I 
 have already stated how this disj)ute was arranged, and it is 
 unnecessary to refer to it again. Newark was present on the 
 6th of April, 1291, when Romanus laid the foundation-stone of 
 the new nave of the minster,-' and in the progress of that work 
 he could not fail to be deeply interested. 
 
 ■»■ Newcourt, i., 120. Le Neve, ii., rebuilt tlie houses belonging- to it near 
 
 365. the minster (Reg. Konianus, 6\) a). 
 
 y Prj'nne, iii., 577. ■' The stall w;us burdened with an 
 
 ' MSS. Harl., 6951, 32 S. annual pension of 50 marks to Adenul- 
 
 " Eeg. Giffard. phus, a cardinal, by an old arrange- 
 
 * Prynne, iii., 224. Normanville ment. Newark was one of the sureties 
 
 was a justiciar and eschactor be3'ond of Romanus for the payment of his fine 
 
 Trent (Rot. Pari., i., 38). to the king (Drake's Eboracum, 430). 
 
 " Reg. Wickwaine, 3, 114. Torre Reg. Romanus, 70 i. 
 
 says that he was made archdeacon of -f Reg. Romaiuis. 
 
 Richmond on Nov. 12, 1281. s He wa.s admitted on May 20 (Act. 
 
 '' Reg. Wickwaine. In 1286 Newark Capit.). * Le Neve, iii., 137. 
 
 farmed the prebend of Ulleskelf, and ' Acta Capit. i Stubbs, col. 1728.
 
 352 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Archbishop Romanus died in March, 1296, and when on 
 the 26th of that month the king gave his permission to the 
 chapter to choose a new primate, they responded by electing 
 their OAvn dean on the 7th of May/ The appointment appears 
 to have satisfied the king, who gave his assent to what had been 
 done, on the 5th of June. Edward also wrote to the pope, beg- 
 ging him to shew favour to Newark, and to give him the pall. 
 He told him that he had made him a guardian of the kingdom 
 during his own absence in Flanders.' For some reason or other, 
 with which we are unacquainted, nearly two years passed away 
 before Newark was consecrated. That ceremony at length took 
 place in York minster on the 15th of June, 1298, Anthony Bek, 
 bishop of Durham, officiating, with the assistance of the bishops 
 of Lichfield, St. Asaph, and Cork.'" The temporalities had been 
 restored to him on the 22nd of June in the preceding year." It 
 was by the special permission of the pope that Newark was con- 
 secrated at York. He professed his inability to visit the papal 
 court on account of the wars which were then raging abroad." 
 
 Archbishop Newark has left very little at York by Avhich he 
 can be remembered. His life, after his accession to office, was 
 so short that he had no opportunity of distinguishing himself 
 in his new sphere of duty. In 1297 he was a member of the 
 council of Edward the king's son,^ and in that year and 1299 
 he was summoned to the parliament at London.* He is also 
 mentioned in connection with the gathering-in of the taxes 
 within his diocese,'' and once or twice he came into collision 
 with the royal prerogative in judicial matters ; the cases, how- 
 ever, were of slight moment.-' One pious act of the archbishop 
 has been handed down. He covered with buildings a piece of 
 waste ground at Hull, and with the rents he endowed a chap- 
 lain for each of the manors appertaining to his see, at Cawood, 
 Burton, and Wilton, and a chantry priest, who was to perform 
 service at the altar of St. William, in York minster, for the souls 
 of the kings and queens of England, and the primates of the 
 Northern province.' 
 
 Archbishop Newark died on the feast of the Assumption of 
 the Blessed Virgin, 1299, and was interred at York." He left 
 
 * Ibid. MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, p Pari. Writs., i., 61. 
 
 ii-. Ill*- » Ibid., i., 55,78. 
 
 ' Eeg. Newark. PrjTane, iii., 675. <■ Prynne, iii., 671, 692, 740-1, 789. 
 
 '" EeK- NeAvark. Stubbs (col. 1728) Wilkins, ii., 235. 
 
 makes the day June 21, and MSS. Cot- ' Prynne, iii., 779, 793-4. 
 
 ton, Vitellius, A, ii., Ulh, the 25tli. ' Ibid., 862-3. Cf. Fabric Rolls, 236, 
 
 " Prynne, ni., 767. In Act. Capit. wliere some work of his at Newark is 
 
 Ebor., 8 J, is a hst of some stock be- perhaps alluded to. 
 
 longing to the treasury which the arch- " MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 
 
 bishop had when he was first elected. 11 1 i. Stubbs, col. 1728. Trivet, 316 
 
 " Ibid., 642. Knyghton, col. 2507. 
 
 -circa.
 
 1300—1304.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP CORBRIDGE. 
 
 353 
 
 a •will, of which two distinguished brothers, William and Robert 
 de Pickering;, both of them deans of York, Averc the exccntors. 
 On the 18th of July^ 1306, archbishop Greenfield appointed 
 some commissioners to receive the acconnt of their administra- 
 tion. The task of the executors seems to have been a thankless 
 and a laborious one. They did not obtain their release till the 
 29th of March, 1311, and it was then found that they had 
 received 5592/. 16s. g^d.," and paid 6010/. 2s. O^d., so that 
 they were actually losers by their executorship. 
 
 J^MfjOl^^S tie ^OrtrttJge was bom within the pro\nnce of 
 York, and was a native, in all probability, of the little village of 
 Corbridge in Northumberland, which is situated on the Tyne.'" 
 It was formerly a place of so much importance that it sent 
 members to parliament; but its incipient greatness was soon 
 
 de Corbrig, rector of Kipask (Kippax), 
 to be non-resident for tbree years (Reg. 
 Greenfield). Feb. 28, 1318, a similar 
 permission (Reg. Melton), and on Sept. 
 7, 1327, lie was made collector of the 
 money to be raised for the nniversity 
 of Oxford (ibid.). In 1318, Thomas de 
 Corbridge, S.T.P., became canon of 
 Thorngate,at Lincoln,and hewasburied 
 there. His arms, on a cross fitche five 
 escallops, were on his tomb (Le Neve, 
 ii.,222). Pr3mne's Coll., iii., 903. Rot. 
 Pari., i., 394.. In 1313, Thomas do 
 Corbridge was ordered to go abroad with 
 the king (Foed., ii., 212). 
 
 Robert de Corbridge, instituted on 
 Sept. 25, 1301, to the living of Roos on 
 the presentation of Kirkham prior}'. 
 Sept. 26, licence of non-residence for 
 seven years " ad scolas." On Aiiril 9, 
 he had letters dimissory. He made hi.s 
 will on the Saturday after the feast of 
 the Circumcision, 13 17, being then 
 rector of Roos. To be buried at the 
 east end of the churchyard. 100s. for 
 his funeral expenses, and 15 marks and 
 his best ]»ortiphor noted to Peter de la 
 Wardrobe to celebrate for him for two 
 years. To the church a missal and his 
 better veslmcnt. ^ly sister Alice and 
 Stephen and Andrew her children, and 
 Peter, son of my lirothor Richard, called 
 Marcschall (Pr. Feb. 1, 1348). 
 
 " Peg. Greenfield. On "die Sabbati 
 p. f. Assump. B.V." Newark's exe- 
 cutors proved his will before the chap- 
 ter. On " die Martis p. f. S. Gregorii," 
 at the request of Peter de Ros and R. 
 de la Ford, canons of York, the goods 
 of Newark were sequestered on account 
 of something due to the church. They 
 were deposited in the house of the friars 
 minors at York, and on the next day, 
 G., the chamberlain, and H. de Newark, 
 friars minors, brought nine large and 
 four small chests to the chapter (Act. 
 Capit., 9 b). On Nov. 21, 1301, a com- 
 mission was appointed to receive the 
 accounts of Newark's executors (Reg. 
 Corbridge). 
 
 "• Reg. Romanus. Several other 
 persons of the name of Corbridge, who 
 were probably related to the arch- 
 bishop, occur in the registers of York. 
 
 H. Corbridge was a clerk of arch- 
 bishop Giffard. 
 
 Thomas de Corbridge has licence to 
 be ordained, being then an accolite, 
 AprU 9, 1301. Sept. 25, 1301, Mr. 
 Thomas de Corbridge, dictus de Mal- 
 ton, to the church of Brunum. Sept. 
 26, licence to him to be non-resident 
 for seven years to study. Sept. 29, he, 
 being the archbishop's clerk, was col- 
 lated to a stall at Rii)on, which, after 
 all, he did not obtain (Reg. Corbridge). 
 1313, Oct. 4, licence to Mr. Thomas 
 
 A A
 
 354 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 absorbed in the wealth and influence of the neighbouring town 
 of Newcastle. Hexham, with its stately monasteiy, was in the 
 immediate vicinity, and young Corbridge would thus be brought 
 into connection with the officers of the see of York, and their 
 lord and master. He received an university education, and was 
 a master in theology and a person of repiitation and learning.* 
 Stubbs commends his erudition in the highest terms, and speaks 
 of him as a kind of admirable Crichton.^ 
 
 The first piece of preferment that Corbridge held at York 
 was the stall of Osbaldwick, but it is not known when he was 
 first proDioted to it.' This he gave up in 1279, when he was 
 advanced to the chancellorship on the elevation of Wickwaine 
 to the archiepiscopate." On the 16th of January, 1280, he and 
 Heniy de Newark, archdeacon of Richmond, were appointed to 
 enquire into the recent election of Robert de Scarborough to 
 the deanery.* On the 25tli of June he was collated to the pre- 
 bendary of Stillington,*^ and in 1281 he was at Rome on some 
 business connected with the minster, and archbishop Wickwaine 
 defrayed the charges of his journey. On the 16th of June, 1290, 
 he was made sacrist of the chapel of St. Sepulchre at York, and 
 he resigned the chancellorship.'^ This office, which was an 
 honourable and lucrative one, involved its occupant in no little 
 difficulty and annoyance. It had become vacant by the death 
 of Percival de Lavannia or Lavagna, an Italian of rank and 
 wealth, and at his decease Nicholas IV. gave archbishop Roma- 
 nus permission to bestow it upon an Englishman. Romanus 
 offered it to Corbridge, who accepted it on the condition that 
 he should have it without suit or annoyance of any kind. On 
 these terms he gave up the chancellorship, to which Thomas de 
 Wakefield, the sub-dean, was appointed, William de Blida suc- 
 ceeding him in that office. Corbridge, however, on taking 
 possession of the manors of the sacristry, foimd that there was 
 trouble and litigation enough," and, availing himself of the 
 condition that he had made, he again entered into his stall as 
 chancellor. He ought really to have known what the condition 
 of the sacristry Avas before he accepted it ; by his present con- 
 duct he threw the chapter of York into confusion, dislocated 
 
 ' Trivet, 316. Knygbton, col. 2528. Hugh de Evesham to examine clerks 
 
 •' Stubbs, col. 1728. " Sacrse theo- (ibid.). 
 
 logiEc doctor egregius, et non solum " Eeg. Wickwaine, 59. 
 
 theologise, immo quod raro uni mor- <* For the account of this controversy 
 
 talium accidit, omnium artium libe- cf. Acta Capit., i., 2. Eeg. Eomanus. 
 
 rahum professor extitit incomparabilis." Stubbs, col. 1729. 
 
 / Eeg. "Wickwaine, 59. Cf. LeNeve, ' The church of Calverley, the re- 
 
 ^'•' 206. venues of which John Scot claimed 
 
 " Le Neve, iii., 163. against Corbridge. On July 6, 1290. 
 
 oTQ^f^'' ^^c^^a.ine, 58 b. Dec. 17. Eomanus ordered James de Langtoft, 
 
 1279, licence to the chancellor and Mr. his sequestrator, to seize them.
 
 1300 130i.] ARCHBISHOP CORBRIDGE. 355 
 
 the arrangements which had been recently eftected, and made 
 Wakefiekl and Blyth his enemies. When his conductj which 
 was justifiable enough, came to the ears of the archbishop, he re- 
 garded him as an intruder and threatened to proceed against him. 
 Blyth now claimed to be installed as sub-dean, but the chapter 
 ci\dlly declined, and the choir was watched lest the archbishop 
 should come and bring about the installation. The precaution 
 was a wise one, for Romanus came to the minster, and the door 
 into the choir was not opened to admit him till he had promised 
 to do nothing about Blyth until the dean, Henry Newark, had 
 returned from Scotland. When the dean came back he visited 
 the archbishop at Ripon, and the primate begged him to recal 
 Corbridge who had started for Rome, and to get the dispute 
 quietly arranged. Newark assented ; but when he reached York 
 and called the chapter together, he would be astonished when 
 he saw Blyth present a citation from the archbishop, ordering 
 the dean and canons to appear before him. This looked very 
 like double dealing on the part of Romanus. The chapter now 
 despatched Philip de Alnwick, their auditor, and Andrew de 
 Tang, a notary, to the archbishop who was still at Ripon, to 
 expostulate and to express their dislike of controversies and 
 quarrels. The primate exhibited liis usual infirmity of temper 
 and spoke very angrily and indiscreetly, and the two emissaries 
 of the chapter were thrown into prison. The dean and his 
 brethren were now summoned to appear before Romanus at 
 Cawoodj but they were too cautious to pay any attention to his 
 bidding. Corbridge in the meanwhile was pushing his case at 
 Rome, but he was unsuccessful, and, refusing to cede his point, 
 he was excommunicated on the 27th of July, 1290, and the 
 sentence continued in force till the 24th of March in the follow- 
 ing year. 
 
 On the 5th of September, 1299, Edward I. gave the chapter 
 of York permission to elect a new archbishop in the room of 
 Henry de Newark./ They met on the 12th of November, and 
 John de Metingham, John de Cadamo and Robert de Pickei'ing 
 were appointed to scrutinize the votes. The majority fixed \ipon 
 Corbridge,^ and on the 16th the king assented to their choice.* 
 He went to Rome and was consecrated by Boniface VIII., on 
 the 27th of February, receiving at the same time the pall. The 
 pope, however, obliged him to resign his right of election into 
 his hands and afterwards gave him the archbishopiic of his own 
 authority. On the 30th of April Edward I. ordered the tem- 
 poralities of the see of York to be restored to him. They 
 
 •^ Le Neve, iii., 104. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 112. Stubbs, 
 
 «■ Prvnne's Coll., iii., 859. MSS. col. 1729. * Le Neve, iii., 101. 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 had been in the custody of GeofiFrey Russell and Lambert de 
 Tiykinfjjham.* 
 
 ' When Corbridge became archbishop of York he of course 
 resigned the sacristry of the chapel of St. Sepulchre and the 
 stall of Stillington. They were given by Boniface to his great- 
 nephew Francis, son of Peter Gaetano, a noble Italian.-' In 
 1301 Gactano seems to have resigned the sacristry, and Cor- 
 bridge, at the request of the pope, gave it to Gilbert de Segrave, 
 a person of great learning and ability, who was afterwards 
 bishop of London.^ Edward I., however, was most wishful that 
 one of his ovm. clerks, John de Bush, shovild have not only that 
 office, but the prebend of Stillington, considering that it was 
 his right to give them away as they had become vacant by the 
 archbishop^s accession to the primacy. Corbridge was now in 
 a difficulty ; he refused to admit the Idng's right, and pleaded 
 in his defence the wishes and claims of the pope. On the 6th 
 of June, 1304, Bush came to the archbishop at Selby, bringing 
 a letter from the king who was then in Scotland, in which he 
 remonstrated with the primate for his disobedience. The arch- 
 bishop replied that he was ready to appoint a commission to 
 enquire into the merits of the case. Bush murmured at this, 
 and denied the necessity of the proceeding, upon which Cor- 
 bridge quietly observed, that the king, when he presented him, 
 would of course do nothing contrary to the laAv. Bush now 
 tried a legal remedy, and he was successfid. The archbishop 
 was brought before the king's eoiu'ts and lost his cause, being- 
 deprived, as a punishment, of the temporalities of his see, which 
 remained in the king's hands till his decease. Bush recovered 
 the prebend of Stillington, for which he had been a petitioner. 
 The sacristry came into his hands at a later period. As soon as 
 Corbridge died, the chapter of York acted very ungenerously, 
 and did an act of gross injustice. They removed Gilbert de 
 Segrave from the control of the chapel of St. Sepulchre, and 
 entrusted it to Bush.^ The appointment, as the result shewed, 
 was a most unsatisfactory one, for the ne^v sacrist paid no atten- 
 tion to his duties. 
 
 •■ MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 112. dence. Ahbrev. Plac, 251-2. 
 Stubbs, col. 1729. Prynne's Coll., iii., * On Sept. 13, 1309, archbishop 
 
 860. Durinj,' this time the king and Greenfield empowered the abbat of St. 
 
 queen occupied the residences of the Mary's, "i'ork, and Robert de Ripling- 
 
 archbishop at their pleasure. We find ham, the chancellor, to enquire into a 
 
 them at London and Cawood (Lib. claim for 40 marks which Gilbert de 
 
 Garderobnt', St, 03, 108). Segrave, archdeacon of Oxford, made 
 
 ■' For an a(;count of this controversy, on the executors of Corbridge (Reg. 
 
 see Trynnc, SGO, 1111, 1182. Feed., Greenfield). 
 
 1., 1000 ; ii., 21—24. Stubbs, col. 1729, ' A clerk of the king 28th Edward I. 
 
 where there are sewi-al statements (Wardrobe Accounts, 314) ; rector of 
 
 which are not verified by historical evi- Beckenham, Kent, in 1306 (Hasted,
 
 1300 — 1304.] ARCHBisnop corbridge. 357 
 
 This was not tlie only collision that Corbridge had with the 
 king. There was a great deal of angry feeling between them 
 about the ehurch of Beverley. The archbishop gave great 
 offence by his conduct whilst Edward was in that town, and, as 
 a mark of his displeasure, the liberties of the place were taken 
 possession of by the crown. They were restored on the 1 1th of 
 June, 1301 .'" In 1304 Aymon de Carto, the provost of Beverley, 
 and Corbridge, had a very serious quarrel on the subject of 
 the visitation of the chiu'ch, to which the king was made a ])arty. 
 The provost was anxious that the matter in dispute shoidd be 
 decided, not at Rome, hut before the national courts, and Cor- 
 bridge was as eager to prevent this. The archbishop had many 
 charges against Carto for neglect of duties, extortion, etc., and 
 besides all this, he was a pluralist, as he held, in addition to the 
 superintendence of the church of Beverley, the precentorship of 
 Lyons, the provostship of Lausanne, and the church of Duncar- 
 nayn in the diocese of Lismore. In June, 1304, Carto was 
 excommunicated for his contumacy, and Robert de Al])er'\nck 
 was made provost of Beverley in his room. He was afterwards 
 raised to the episcopal bench abroad." 
 
 The debated point of the right of the Northern primate to 
 carry his cross erect was not lost sight of whilst Corbridge Avas at 
 York. On the 25th of April, 1300, the archbishop of Canterbury 
 wrote to the bishop of London to say that his brother in the North 
 had been following the obnoxious precedent which his prede- 
 cessors had set, and he ordered that no one should stoop to 
 receive his blessing. On the 25th of January, in the following 
 year, he sent a deprecatory letter on the same subject to his 
 suffragan the bishop of Lincoln." 
 
 The name of archbishop Corbridge occurs very rarely among 
 the state papers of the day. In 1294 he had the royal letters of 
 protection.^ In 1300 I find him attesting the exemplification 
 of the bull of pope Boniface for the extension of the truce be- 
 tAveen France and England.* In 1301 he Avas summoned to the 
 meeting of the parliament at Lincoln, and to those at West- 
 minster and London in 1302. In 1303 he was requested to 
 send his contingent to serve against the Scots. *■ The great 
 Northern war Avas now raging, and the names of Wallace, Brus 
 and Douglas would be ringing through the Avliole of Yorkshire. 
 The city of York Avould thus become the great rendezA'ous of 
 
 — , 88); canon of St. David's in 1307 '" Prynnc's Coll., iii., 861. 
 
 (Pari. Writs, i., 185) ; a imlilic notary " Eeg. Corbridge, 98-100. "Rot. 
 
 (Pell Records, 105); a trier of peli- Pari., i., 102. 
 
 tions in parliament, and nnichoccui)ied " Wilkins, ii., 255,201. 
 
 in parliamentary work (Foed., i., 973. '' Prvnrie, iii., 598. » Ibid., 872. 
 
 Rot. Pari., i., 182. Pari. Writs, var. " Pari. Writs, i., 89, 112, 114, 116, 
 
 locis, etc.). Stubbs, col. 1729. 367, 370.
 
 358 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the English armies and a place of unusual importance. In 1298 
 the courts were removed to it from Loudon, and they continued 
 there for seven years/ The king and his family were frequently 
 in the neighbom-hood/ The following extracts from the arch- 
 bishop^s register will throw some light upon the history of the 
 time as well as upon the proceedings of Corbridge within his 
 own diocese. 
 
 1301^ May 31. The archbishop receives from William de 
 Newai'k, canon of Southwell^ a missal of the York use, which 
 we promise to restore to him when it is required. June 14. The 
 will and codicil of dame Eva de Tibtoft" are proved before the 
 primate in the house of the fi'iars minors at Doncaster, and 
 administration is gi-anted to Roger de Wordham, rector of Ark- 
 sey, and Adam de Radegrave, rector of Little Blakham in the 
 diocese of Norwich. June 17. An indulgence of 40 days for 
 the chui'ch of Ripon in which the relics of that glorious con- 
 fessor, St. AVilfnd, are preserved.'' Jmie 19. The archbishop 
 wi'ites to Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, allo\^"ing Michael de 
 !Merton and Reginald de Kington, friars minors, who are going 
 with him to the wars of Scotland, to act as confessors for natives 
 of the diocese of York."' Sept. 24. A dispensation of non-resi- 
 dence to Mr. Ralph de Ne\ill, rector of Middleham,-" to enable 
 him to study for two years. Oct. 3. A commission to Pati-ick 
 de Braferton and Richard de Stowe to enquire for those who 
 have deserted from the army in Scotland, having received their 
 wages.y Nov. 2. John de Cave and Ralph, oui' bailiff at Bever- 
 ley, appointed justices Avithin that liberty to see into the use of 
 bad money .^ Dec. 17. Edward de Clenient gives to the trea- 
 
 • Eot. Pari., i., 143. bishop's seal might be put to it, which 
 
 ' See the "Wardrobe Accounts. TVal- was done. For the acts and deeds of 
 
 singham, 74. Knyghton (col. 2-524) this prince-like noble,— the greatest 
 
 mentions the subsidy granted by the man in the North of England, see 
 
 archbishop and the clergj' towards the Dugd. Bar., i., 105, etc. 
 
 ^^ar. ^'^On Sept. 19, 1306. Ucence to Mr. 
 
 " Daughter of Pain de Chaworth Robert de Xeville, rector of Well, and 
 
 (Dugd. Mon., ii., 38). On Oct. 10, deacon, to studv for two 3'ears (Reg. 
 
 1298. the administration of the effects Greenfield). These were, no doubt, 
 
 of Sir Robert de Tipetoft, knight, was members of the baronial house of Ne- 
 
 grauted to dame Eva, his widow, Sir ville. On June 8, 1314, a confirmation 
 
 Baldwui de Manners, knight, and Roger of two chantries in the chapel of Tho- 
 
 de^SArtham, priest (Reg. Newark). Sir raldebv par. Avsgarth, made bv the 
 
 Robert was with. Edward I. in the Holv king, the earl of Richmond, and Mary 
 
 Land (Test. Vetust., 8). de Neville, lady of Middleham (ibid.). 
 
 " Cf. Fabric Rolls of York, ed. Sur- y In 31st Edward I. the sanctuarv- 
 
 tees Society, 235. Walbran's Ripon, men at Beverley and many thousands 
 
 _ of thieves and outlaws had been allowed 
 
 Un July 15, 1300, William Namy to enlist. This accounts for the cha- 
 
 tinngs the earl's will to Thorp with his racter of the army (Prvnne, iii., 1010). 
 
 seals appended, and delivers letters Cal. Rot. Pat., 60 
 
 li om his master begging that the arch^ ' In 1299 a statute was passed against
 
 1300—1304.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP CORBRIDGE. 
 
 359 
 
 surer and chancellor two piles and three ordinary trussels for 
 the archbishop's mint." 
 
 1301, July 19. The will of the countess of Warwick is proved 
 at Sprotburgh before Reginald de St. Albans and "William de 
 Beverley, the archbishop's clerks, John de Wolfington, dioc. 
 Worcester, representing two of the executors, Guy, earl of War- 
 wick and Sir John de Hastings, and J'ohn de Schukel)erewe 
 appearing for Robert, prior of Kenilworth, and JNlr. Thurstan de 
 Keswick, co-executors.* Sept. 15. A general letter against 
 those who have broken into Beverley park."^ Oct. 24. Licence 
 for George, rector of Dinnington in Morthen, to be absent from 
 his living for a year at the request of Sir Brian Fitzalan.'' 
 Dec. 20. Sir William de Ros, jun., of Iiigmanthorp, does 
 homage to the archbishop in the chapel of Scrooby for tlie 
 manor of Muskham." Dec. 25. Licence to John de Drokenes- 
 ford,-/ canon of York, to have a private confessor. 
 
 1302, March. Licence for Roger de Blida, rector of a moiety 
 of the church of Rotherham, to be absent for a year in the ser- 
 vice of the earl of Warren.^ Nov. 29. A licence for Humphrey, 
 son of Walter de Beauchamp, rector of Harewood^ to be non- 
 resident for a year to enable him to study.'' 
 
 false money, pollards, etc. (Statutes, i., 
 131). In 1301 the use of foreign money 
 was prohibited. Walsingham, 77. 
 Foed., i., 919. Wikes, apud Gale, ii., 
 127. Statutes of the Realm, i., 218. 
 
 " In ] 300 liberatio cuneorum. Pon- 
 tius de Couwers and Simon de Senis 
 the archbishop's monej'ers (Reg. Cor- 
 bridge). 
 
 * Maude Fitz Geoffrey, widow of 
 AVilliam de Beauchamp, earl of War- 
 wick, died in May or June, 1298 (Dugd. 
 Bar., i., 229). Cf. Test. Vetusta, 52-4. 
 
 " A statute was passed about break- 
 ing into parks in 1293 (Statutes, i., 111). 
 The parks at Beverley gave the arch- 
 bishops of York much trouble. 
 
 ^ For the splendid services of this 
 great man see Dugd. Bar., i., 53. His 
 monument in Bedale church is one of 
 the finest sepulchral memorials in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 ' Ingmangthorp is near Wetherby. 
 On Oct. 11, 1298, the archbishop re- 
 ceived at York the homage of Sir W"\\- 
 liam de Ros, jun., of that place, for 
 the manor of Muskham, which he held 
 by knight's service, and his brother, 
 Thomas de Ros, did homage for the 
 manor of Douseljy, co. Lincoln, which 
 he held by the same tenure. There is 
 a good deal of information about this 
 
 family in Thoroton's Notts, 346, 374. 
 In 1300 Thomas de Ros, son of Sir 
 "\Mlliam de Ros, of Ingmangtlior]), did 
 homage in the presence of Sir William 
 de Ros, his brother, for the manor of 
 Douseby. 
 
 ^ He never actually obtained a stall 
 at York. A very great man, a courtier, 
 and a statesman. Canon of Northwell, 
 at Southwell, 1304-9 (Le Neve, iii., 
 440) ; rector of Dalston, Cumberland, 
 1292 (Reg. Romanus) ; rector of Child- 
 wall, 1307 (Reg. Langton, at Lichfield); 
 canon of Lichfield, AVells, and Lincoln 
 (Le Neve, i., 595,038 ; ii., 191); keeper 
 of the king's wardrobe, 1301-5 (Pari. 
 Writs, i., 105, etc. Dugd. Chron., 34); 
 lieutenant, treasurer, and chancellor of 
 the exchequer (Cal. Rot. Pat., G8. Pell 
 Records, 116. Madox, ii., 165,305); 
 cf. Pari. Writs and Feed., in many 
 ])laces ; chaplain to Ihe i»o])C ; bishop of 
 Bath and Wells, 1309-1329. 
 
 s A ver}' great man, and the gene- 
 ralissimo of the army in the North. 
 Trivel, 299, Knyghton, col. ^2524, Rot. 
 Scot., Vanl., and Pari. Writs, passim. 
 Cf. Dugd. iJar., i., 80, etc., Hunter's 
 South Yorkshire, and the History of 
 the House of Warren by Watson. 
 
 * Walter de Beanchsini]) of Alcester 
 was a Ijrothcr of A\illiam earl of AVar-
 
 360 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 1303, Jan. 11. An indulgence of forty days to all praying 
 for the king and queen and their children, the peace of the 
 kingdom and the good estate of the church.* Feb. 15. A man- 
 date to the vicar of Thorp against those who have broken into 
 the treasury at Thorp, and carried away, among other things, 
 charters and muniments relating to our church. April 13. An 
 order to pray for the* king and queen, his son and the army 
 going against the Scots. May 27. Licence to Sir William de 
 Vavasour to choose a confessor whilst he is absent in the wars 
 in Scotland.-' August 4. We have received by the hands of 
 Robclard, our valet, from Walter de Ailesbury, executor of the 
 will of Edmund, late earl of Cornwall,'*' a ring of gold which was 
 bequeathed to us in his will. 
 
 1304, Feb. 28. Mandate to the chapter of Beverley to pre- 
 vent tournaments and duels in Lent.^ March 30. Licence to 
 Sir Geoffrey de Hotham, knight, to liave an oratory for life 
 within his manor at Cranswick.™ March 30. Commission to 
 consecrate the cemetery of the Carmelites who have lately taken 
 up their abode within the boundaries of the parish of St. Saviour, 
 York. June 11. An indulgence of forty days for the fabric of 
 York minster." 
 
 Archbishop Corbridge died at Laneham, Notts, on the 22nd 
 of September, 1304. His remains were removed to Southwell, 
 and were interred in the collegiate church on the 29th.'' His 
 
 wick (Diigd. Bar., i., 229). Cf. E,ot. at Asherugge, Bucks, where he had 
 
 Pari., i. 1539. He was seneschal of the founded a college, on Oct. 1, 1300, s. p., 
 
 king's hospice (Lib. Garderoboe, 13, etc.) and was buried with great ceremony at 
 
 • Prynne, iii., 1153. The papacy Westminster abbey (Walsingham, 78). 
 
 was nowin trouble (AValsingham, 87-8). This ring was for the archbishop for 
 
 Mar. 26, 33rd Edward I., an order to the time being (Tabric Rolls, 214). On 
 
 the keepers of the spiritualities of York 28th August, 1304, the archbishop 
 
 for prayers to be offered up for the soul granted an indulgence of forty days for 
 
 of Blanche duchess of Austria, sister the repose of his soul (Reg. Corbridge). 
 
 of Margaret queen of England (Prynne, Fosd., i., 930. Lib. Gard., 32-3. 
 
 iii., 1107-8. Foed., i., 972). ' These jousts, etc., generally marked 
 
 i Of IlasleAvood, which he had leave the presence of the court or army, 
 
 tocrenellate, 18l,h Edward I. (Gal. Rot. They were sometimes put down with a 
 
 Pat., 53), custos civ. Ebor. 5th Edward high hand. Dec. 30, 1299, mandate 
 
 II. (ibid., 73), and a great soldier. Cf. to the sheriff" of Yorkshire to prohibit 
 
 Dugd.Ear.,ii.,19. HiswillisintheDur- tournaments (Feed., i-, 917). 
 
 ham Wills, ii., 13, etc. The church of '" Not mentioned by Dugdale or in 
 
 York will long treasure his name. Jan. any pedigree of the family. He was 
 
 1, 1300, Robert le Vavasour, subdeacon, one of the collectors of the quindisme 
 
 son of Sir AVilliam le Vavasour, to the in Yorkshire in 29th of Edward I. (Rot. 
 
 church of Freston (Reg. Corbridge). Pari., i., 242). Abbrev.Plac, 279. Ab- 
 
 Waher le Vavasour was son and heir of brev. Rot. Orig., i., 249. Pari. Writs, 
 
 Sir William. On Dec. 13, 1315, bishop var. loc. He was a partizan of Thomas 
 
 Kellawe grants the marriage of Alienor, of Lancaster (Feed., ii., 230). In 1330 
 
 his widow, " ratione manerii de Coke- he founded a house of Austin friars at 
 
 feld," to Nicholas, son of William de Hull (Coll. Top., iv., 132). 
 
 Holteby (Reg. Kellawe, 262 a). " Printed in the Fabric Rolls, 154-5. 
 
 A cousm of the king. He died " MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A,ii., 111.
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 3G1 
 
 resting-place is beneath a large blue marble slab close to tlie 
 pulpit. It was originally covered with a brazen effigy of the 
 prelate Avhich has been destroyed, but the inscription which ran 
 around it might recently be deciphered.^ 
 
 The archbishop left a will, of which Lambert de Trykingham, 
 Mr. John de Nassington, senior, and William de Jaftbrd were 
 the executors.? On the 5th of January, 1311, archbishop Green- 
 field appointed William de Estden'' and others to receive the 
 account of their administration, and on the 21th they wei'c 
 released from theii' responsibility. The care of the temporalities 
 of the see during the vacancy Avas placed in the hands of Lam- 
 bert de Tryldngham and John de Byron.'' The dean and chapter, 
 as usual, attended to the spiritualities. 
 
 'illiam tic ffircnfcuti, or ffircrnfi'cltl, was the next arch- 
 bishop of York. He was in every respect a most distinguished 
 man, being a wise and active prelate and an illustrious and 
 useful statesman. The presidents of the see of York during 
 the fourteenth century occupied a high position among the 
 great men whom it was the j)olicy of the Edwards to gather 
 around them, and their good deeds will be long remembered in 
 the North of England. 
 
 The birthplace and parentage of Greenfield have not been 
 discovered, but we know that he was connected with several 
 families of antiquity and distinction.' He was perhaps a native 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1729. Ob. Sept. 30 (Chron. St. Sepulchre's chapel at York. On 
 
 Lan., 202). 22nd August, 1312, Nicholas, vicar of 
 
 p History of Southwell, 277. Topclitre, and John de Eseb}', the exe- 
 
 ' Lambert de Trykingham. A jus- cutors of his will, were released (Rcy. 
 
 ticiar and a baron of the exchequer Greenfield). 
 
 (Dugd. Orig., 36, 31), 41, etc.); rector "■ June 2, 1308, commission to confer 
 
 of Harby, co. Leicester, 1275 (Nichols's the next vacant stall at Beverley on our 
 
 Leicestershire, ii., 213); the king's clerk, William de Estden. In 1310 
 
 tallager, 33rd Edward I. (Jladox Ex., he was holding the prebend which once 
 
 i., 741) ; canon of Halloughton, at belonged to Mr. Peter Evmorici. On 
 
 Southwell, 1310 (Le Neve, iii., 423); Jan. 14, 1310, AVilliam de Estden, 
 
 mavster of Sherburn hospital, Durham, canon of Bevcrlev, Mr. Niciiolas do 
 
 1313 (Reg. Kellawe, 238). Cf. Pari. ("alveton, Robert 'do Bluutcsdon, and 
 
 Writs, var. loc. Toss's Judges, iii., Nicholas de Molcndinis, were ordered 
 
 533. to receive the accounts of tiie executors 
 
 John de Nassington. A canon of of Corbridgo (Reg. Greenfield). In 
 
 York. It is impossible to speak here of 20th Edward I. he was treasurer of the 
 
 this great man and the services and exchc(i[uer at Dublin (Cal. Rot. Pat., 
 
 distinctions of his family. 55). 
 
 William de Yafford was rector of ' Pr3'nne's Coll., iii., 1085-7, 1114-15. 
 
 Croft, to which he was instituted Nov. ' ilentioned in Hist. Co. Lincoln, 
 
 2, 1300 (Reg. Coi'bridgc) ; a cauoa in ii., 149. In Carow's Survey of Corn-
 
 362 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of a little hamlet, which bears his name, in Lincolnshire, and 
 he was related to the ancient houses of Giifard, Babington, and 
 Freville. The university of Oxford was his ahna mater, and 
 the charges of his education were defrayed by his kinsman 
 archbishop Gifiard. Little did that prelate think that the 
 youthful cousin whom he befriended would at a fiiture time 
 repay his pious care by governing the same see which he himself 
 moderated, and surpass him in his zeal for the interests of his 
 church and in his brilliant services to his country and his king. 
 Greenfield was a student at Oxford in 1269 and 1270, and 
 became a doctor of civil and canon law." He was a courtier 
 also as well as a scholar, and Stowe happily describes him as 
 " an eloquent man and pithie in counsell."^" 
 
 Greenfield obtained preferment in the church at an early 
 age. On St. Thomas's day, 1269, whilst he was still at Oxford, 
 his kinsman archbishop Giffard collated him to the stall of 
 Halloughton at Southwell,'" which he resigned in the summer 
 of 1272, having been promoted on the 29th of July to a pre- 
 bend at Ripon.'' In the month of August, 1287, he occurs as 
 canon of Laughton in the church of York. 2' He was also pre- 
 bendary of Holborn in St. PauFs cathedral, and dean of Chi- 
 chester in 1299 and 1303.' I also find that he was incumbent 
 of Blockley in Worcestershire between 1291 and 1294," and in 
 the latter year, on the 22nd of September, he obtained the 
 rectory of Stratford- on- Avon, which he held till he became 
 archbishop.* He was also the temporal chancellor of the diocese 
 of Durhain.'^ 
 
 We must now turn to Greenfield's services to the state, 
 which were numerous and valuable. He was one of the clerks 
 of Edward L, probably in connection with the chancery. On 
 
 wall (ed. 1602, ]). 59) it is said that he of Monkton, which was sequestered on 
 
 was a Cornish man. Fuller (Worthies, account of Greenfield's non -residence. 
 
 1., 212) makes the same assertion, pro- The sequestration was relaxed May 10, 
 
 bably confounding the name of Green- 130.3 (Reg. Corbridge). In the taxa- 
 
 field with Grenville. It must be remem- tion of pope Nicholas he is called canon 
 
 bered, however, that llichard de Gren- of Studley, and, in the Nova Taxatio, 
 
 ville, the founder of that family, came of Skelton. The inaccuracy of these 
 
 into England at the Conquest with taxations is well known. 
 
 AValter Giffard, earl of Bucks, whose " Keg. Romanus. He held it till he 
 
 daughter he married. Cf. Quart. Rev., became archbishop. 
 
 cii., 297; Wright's Essays, i., 134. ' Newoourt, i., 156. Le Neve, i., 
 
 « Trivet, 339. Tanner, Bibl., 341. 256. 
 
 " Annals, ed. 1615, p. 209. Fuller's " Nash's AYorcestershire, i., 104. 
 
 Worthies, i., 212. " Vireloquentia,con- ' Dugdale's Warwickshire, w.e., 479. 
 
 silio el curialitate prseclarus " (Stubbs, Greenfield had letters of protection in 
 
 col. 1729). 1296 as canon of York and Ripon and 
 
 "■ Reg. Giffard. Le Neve, iii., 423. parson of Stretford super Avenam 
 
 ' Coll. p. m. dom. Wm. le Vavacur. (Prynne, iii., 682). 
 
 (Reg. Giffard). The stall is not men- "^ MSS. Surtees. Hutchinson's Dur- 
 
 tioned, but it seems to have been that ham, i., 256.
 
 1304 — 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 363 
 
 the 3rd of Febniary^ 1290, he was one of the three persons 
 Mhom the king sent to Rome about the sxi1)sidy for the crusade.'' 
 This was the adventure in which the celebrated friar, "William 
 de Hotham, took so gieat an interest, and Greenfield, ])ossi])ly, 
 was indebted to him for his introduction to the notice of the 
 king. In 1291 Greenfield was engaged in treating with the 
 kings of Arragon, Sicily, and France.* In the following year 
 lie was ^dth Edward at Norham when he was busy with the 
 affairs of Scotland,/ and he and J. de Lascy were appointed to 
 pay the debts Avhich the king had incurred since his coronation.^ 
 In 1295 he received a summons to the parliament at West- 
 minster, and he was called to the meetings of that bodv and of 
 the council in 1297, 1298, 1299, 1301, and 1302, in his capacity 
 as clerk of the council.''' On the 1st of January, 1296, he and 
 others were sent to make a truce with France and treaties with 
 Guelders and Flanders.' On the 25tli of April, 1302, he was 
 made one of the king^s proctors to carry on negotiations with 
 France, and on the 15th of Augvist he was empowered to treat 
 for peace with that country.' On the 30tli of September he 
 was advanced to the honoru'aljle position of lord chancellor of 
 England,^' having been previously a clerk in the chancery. He 
 held that office with credit and distinction for three years.' 
 
 On the 19th of October, 1304, the king authorized the 
 chapter of York to elect another archbishop,'" and on the Itli 
 of December their choice fell upon Greenfield, who was at that 
 time dean of Chichester and chancellor of England." He re- 
 ceived the royal assent on the 21th." He told the king in the 
 presence of his council at Lincoln that it would be necessary 
 for him to go to the papal court, and on the 31st of December 
 Edward wrote to the pope and cardinals in his l^ehalf, speaking 
 of his merits and ser\ices in terms of high praise. ^^ The pon- 
 tifical chair was at that time vacant through the decease of 
 Benedict X., and, as some time elapsed before his successor 
 was appointed, the stay of Greenfield at Rome was necessarily 
 prolonged. Edward urged upon the new pope and the cardinals 
 the necessity for haste, and on the 2nd of October, 1305, he 
 granted letters of protection to Greenfield, which were to remain 
 in force until the following Christmas.'^ On the 30th of January, 
 
 <* Foedera, i., 726, 741. Prynne, iii., ' Pr^'nne, iii., 1010. 
 
 429. ' Peed., i., 74-4-5. '" Le Neve, iii., 105. 
 
 f Ibid., i., 767. Prynne, iii., 506. " MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 112. 
 
 s Rot. Pari., i., 85. Stubbs, col. 1729. 
 
 * Pari. Writs, i., 29, 35, 65, 79, 91, » Le Neve, iii., 105. 
 
 103. Feed., i., 889. Prynne, iii., 884. z" Feed., i., 968. Prynne, iii., 1073-4. 
 
 ' Feed., i., 834-5. Prynne, iii., 748. » Prvnne, iii., 1112. In Fad., i., 
 
 i Foed., i., 940, 942, 945. Cf. Lib. 1008, Is a letter from the kin<r to the 
 
 Garderoba", 90. cardinals, dated on the 25th of January, 
 
 * Cal. Hot. Pat., 63. 1306, urgint; the consecration.
 
 364 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 1306, the archbishop-elect was at leng:th consecrated by Cle- 
 ment V, at Lyons/ On the 10th of February the king gave 
 him a letter of safe conduct/ with which he returned to Eng- 
 land, and he received the temporalities of his see on the 31st 
 of March/ 
 
 The cost of Greenfield^s residence at Rome, and the sums 
 which he was obliged to disburse to hasten his consecration, 
 were enormous." He came back to England literally a beggar. 
 On the 30tli of May he required of the dean and chapter the 
 profits which they had derived from their administration of the 
 spiritualities of the see during the vacancy/ He was obliged 
 also to borrow money on a very large scale, and his resources 
 were thus crippled for several years. On the 21st of November, 
 1306, he wi'ote to William, cardinal priest of St. Potentiana, 
 professing his entire inability to pay the money which he owed 
 at Rome, and begging the pope to respite him till Christmas. 
 He had not, he states, received any of the revenues of the 
 archbishopric for the current year, as they had been assigned to 
 a certain nobleman,'" and he could neither pay the disme im- 
 posed by the pope nor the troisdisme for the expedition to Wales, 
 to say nothing of the costly equipment of ten knights which he 
 was required to provide. On the 15th of February Greenfield 
 wrote to another cardinal to entreat for a little longer time, and 
 pleading as his excuse the great straits he was in and his poverty.* 
 On the 26th of June, 1307, Francis Rodolossi, and the company 
 of the Bellardi at Lucca, of which he was a member, entered 
 into an obligation to pay for the archbishop to the chamberlains 
 of the pope and the college of cardinals the large sum of four 
 thousand florins. 2^ This sum, probably, would release Greenfield 
 from his debts at Rome, but the borrowed money was to be 
 raised and repaid, and to do this he was obliged to throw him- 
 self upon the kindness of his friends. On the 26th of Decem- 
 ber, 1306, the abljat of Selby lent him 20/. On the 29th he 
 asked for the following loans, which he promised to repay in 
 two months. Mr. Thomas Eadberbury,^ canon of York, lent 
 
 "• MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A., ii., 112. "> John de Britannia, earl of Eich- 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1729. mond. 
 
 • Cal. Hot. Tat., 66. Prynne, iii., ^ On Jan. 25, 34th and 35th of Ed- 
 
 1146. ward I., the king wrote to J., cardinal 
 
 ' Prynne, iii., 1145-6. LeNeve, iii., of SS. Marcellin and Peter, in behalf 
 
 105. of Greenfield (Prynne, iii., 1159). 
 
 " Fuller (Worthies, i., 212) say.s that v The archbishop might say with 
 
 Greenfield spent nine thousand five Piers Ploughman — 
 hundred marks, on what authority I 
 
 do not know He alsosays that Green- " ^t^,tl,\lTXtl^''''' 
 held received two benevolences from 
 
 his clergy in one year. = Canon, successively, of Osbaldwick 
 
 " Ileg. Greenfield. and AVetwang, and archdeacon of Cleve-
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 365 
 
 him 100 marks, and the prior of Kirkham the same s\im ; the 
 abbats of Meaux and Whitljy, the priors of Bridlin<>ton, Gis- 
 bm-gh, and Nostell, each 40 marks ; the priors of Malton and 
 Newburgh each 20/. ; the prior of Watton and Mr. W. de Lin- 
 cohi, canon of BeA'erlcy, each 40/. ; the priors of Pontefract 
 and Drax and Mr. H. de Carleton, canon of Beverley, 20 maiks 
 each, and Mr. J. de Markenfiekl 60 marks. On tlie 5th of 
 March the archbishop was borrowing again ; lie obtained from 
 Walter de Gloncester, canon of Beverley, 100 marks and 40/. ; 
 from the priors of Bolton, Worksop, and Thurgarton, from each 
 20/., from the prior of Lenton 40 marks, for three months, and 
 from Walter de Langton, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, the 
 large sum of 500 marks. On the 31st of May John de Droke- 
 nesford lent him 100 marks. He received 40/. from Stephen de 
 Bella Aqua, his valet, on the 5th of June, and at jNIichaelmas, 
 1308, he borrowed 100/. from Walter de Bedmnde." I have 
 reason to believe that these were onh^ a few of the archbishop's 
 creditors who aided him in extricating himself from his diffi- 
 cidties. It vnll be observed that all the money-lenders were 
 ecclesiastics. The Jcavs had disappeared some years before, and 
 the greater part of the treasure of the country was now stored 
 away in the chests of some wealthy clerk or in the coffers of tlie 
 monastery. 
 
 The city of York at this time must have been a place in 
 which any prelate woidd be glad to take up his abode, even 
 though it cost him the ransom of an emperor before he could sit 
 down in the chair of Paulinus. We should be much struck 
 Avith the appearance of the capital of the North at the begin- 
 ning of the fourteenth century. In the arrangement and build- 
 ing of its streets Ave should observe perhaps no difference between 
 it and any other mediaeval town. They resembled the close 
 narrow wynds which may still be seen in Scotland, and the 
 population, too large in proportion to the space that it occupied, 
 as well for protection as from choice, Avas crowded Avithin the 
 Avails. The houses Avould be principally of lath and plaster, 
 jointed together by beams of Avood turned and twisted in fan- 
 land. He was also precentor of Lich- co. York, treasurer of York, prebendary- 
 field (Le Neve., i., 579), vicar-^^eneral of Barnby at Ilowden, incumbent of 
 and prebendary of Wellington, ibid. Rijiple (Nash's ^^'orcos1ersllire, ii., 
 (Shaw's Staffordshire, i., 299). He died 299). In 1323 he exchanged Ikrnby 
 35th Edward I., seised of nmnors, etc., for a stall at Credilon, and in 1329 ho 
 in Oxfordshire and IJerks (Cal. Tncj. gave up the treasury at York for the 
 P. M., 1., 216), and he left a will in living of North Fcrriby (Uog. ii., Pr. 
 which he bequeathed a cup of the value and Conv. Dunelui., 80. Keg. Mellon), 
 of twenty marks to archbishop Green- A remembrancer in the Exc!ie(|uer 
 field. (^ladox, ii., 2G7), and an a.<.<i.4ant of 
 
 " Reg. Greenfield. Walter de Bed- the council to the parliament, 1310 
 win, rector of Catton and Aughton, (Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 42), etc.
 
 366 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 ciful devices, and there would be much picturesqueness in the 
 quaint gables and windows and buttresses that were around 
 you. A residence of stone, from the difficulty of procuring it, 
 must have been a great rarity. Here and there you would 
 come upon the abode of some person of consequence, whose inn 
 or hospice stood by itself in an enclosed com-t. The Jews had 
 till very lately been the moneyed class within the city, but their 
 recent banishment had directed the stream of wealth into other 
 channels, and the class of rich merchants was springing up 
 which made York so famous. The number of trades that existed 
 there in mediaeval times is indeed remarkable, and there was 
 considerable traffic upon the river. But whilst the coffers of 
 the citizens were being filled by honest exertion, art and reli- 
 gion were advancing with equal strides. The four orders of 
 mendicant friars had recently established themselves in the city, 
 and were begging their way, as fast as they could, to riches. 
 Most of the churches were in existence which even at this day 
 startle the traveller by their frequency, and they were being 
 filled with chantries and other memorials of the living and of the 
 dead. The number of the windows that they contain, and their 
 height in the walls, shew how difficult it was to obtain light in 
 the crowded localities in which they were erected. On the 
 Northern side of the city you will see many signs of the pro- 
 gress that religion had made and of the wealth that had been 
 la\dshed on her. Without the walls was the monastery of St. 
 Mary encircled by the haia and fossa, the petty cause of too 
 much bitterness and contention, and its stately church was now 
 rising from the ground in all its glorious beauty. Within the 
 fortifications, but in too close proximity to its neighbour, was 
 the spacious hospital of St. Leonard, which had its origin in the 
 munificence of Athelstan, and had recently been almost entirely 
 rebuilt by John Romanus, the treasurer of the minster. Far- 
 ther up the street you entered into the close containing the 
 residences of the canons and their dean, and archbishop Roger's 
 palace. In the centre of this space there was nothing now but 
 bustle and confusion. The magnificent nave of the cathedral 
 was rising inch by inch, and casting into the shade every edifice 
 around it, and you could hear on every side the creaking of the 
 wains as they rolled slowly up the narrow causeway from the 
 river to the minster, with the voices of the masons and the 
 chipping of the stone. 
 
 One great reason for this accession of wealth and influence 
 to York was the political importance with which it had been 
 invested. The wars with Scotland had converted it into a mili- 
 tary position, and it became for a time, as it were, the capital 
 of England. In 1298 Edward I. held a parliament in the city,
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 367 
 
 and the archbishop and tlie clergy granted him a subsidy of a 
 fifth.* The courts of justice were also removed thither from 
 Loudon, and they did not return for seven years. In 1299 a 
 large army assembled at York under tlie command of John de 
 Warren, earl of Surrey, for service in Scotland. '^ There were 
 two more parliaments there in 1299 and 1300 in the presence 
 of the king,*^ and Edward spent some time in tlie city in 1306. 
 The position of the archbishop as a great potentate in tlie North 
 would necessarily involve him in negotiations with Scotland and 
 in the wars that too frequently interrupted them. He was 
 obliged, at a great cost, to find a contingent for the army, and 
 the presence of the court so near his own residence, although it 
 enhanced his dignity, woidd add greatly to his anxieties and 
 expenses. He Avould frequently be called upon to play the host 
 to the distinguished men who were passing to and fro, and his 
 assistance would be often sought for and required in the councils 
 of the nation. Archbishop Greenfield was summoned to the 
 parliament at Westminster in 1306,'' and on the 2nd of July 
 in that year he and the bishop of Lichfield were made the 
 guardians of the kingdom./ In 1307 lie was called to Edward's 
 last parliament at Carlisle, and there he proclaimed the peace 
 between France and England.^ After the death of that intrepid 
 monarch, which occurred shortly afterwards, his scejitre fell 
 into very feeble hands. Greenfield, however, was closely con- 
 nected with English politics during the reign of Edward II. 
 On the 26th of August, 1307, the new king summoned him to 
 the parliament at Northampton to deliberate, among other mat- 
 ters, about his coronation, and on the 18th of January he Mas 
 in^•ited to that ceremonial, which was to take place at West- 
 minster.'^ In consequence of the suspension of archbishop 
 Winchelsea the pope had desired Greenfield to ofliciatc on that 
 occasion, but a reconciliation was subsequently eftected between 
 the king and the Southern primate, who Avas thus enabled to 
 maintain and exercise his privilege.' The reign of the new king 
 was anything but a happy one. Greatness was always within 
 his reach, for he was ])y no means destitute of ability, but he 
 forgot it among the fops and fools Avho surrounded liini. His 
 partiality for Gaveston and tlie Despensers aroused the anger of 
 his barons, and Yorkshire spoke out against his folly through 
 the mouth of her favourite, Thomas earl of Lancaster. These 
 
 * Knyghton, col. 2528. Walsingham, s Pari. Writs, i., 182-3. Chron. 
 
 74 Lanercost, 206. 
 
 ' riores Hist., 431. Knyghton, col. * Fopd., ii., 4, 27. 
 
 2530. Walsingham, 89. 'llot. Pari., « AVilkins, ii., 295. Somncr's Can- 
 
 i., 35. '' Walsingliam, 77. terbury, ii., 62. In Flores Hist., 458, 
 
 ' Pari. Writs, i., 164. it is said that Greenfield and Eck con- 
 
 / Feed., i., 989. Cal Rot. Pat., 66. serrated Edward.
 
 368 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 troubles and dissensions and the easy temperament of the king 
 aroused the hopes of the Scots^ who were eager to avenge their 
 wrongs and vindicate their nationality. The war between the 
 two comitries broke out with redoubled fury, urged on by all 
 the fiery energy of Robert de Brus. The weapons of the church 
 were thrown into the scale against him, and the murder of 
 Cumyn and his brother in the friary at Dumfries had brought 
 upon him the sentence of excommunication which had been 
 hurled against him by the pope. It is not probable, however, 
 that " Carrick^s outlawed chiefs' cared much either for his 
 curses or his blessings. On the 12th of August, 1309, the 
 ])ishops of Durham and Whitherne were desired to denounce 
 the culprit, and when they did so they would hear around them 
 the note of preparation and the clash of arms. On the 5th of 
 August the king requested the archbishop to raise one hundred 
 men on his manor of Hexham for Scottish service,-' and about 
 the same time Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucester, Edward's 
 nephew, who afterwards fell at Bannockburn, 
 
 " Indignus quern sors tarn sseva ma.neret," 
 
 was Greenfield's guest at Bishopthorp, and his uncle, who was 
 then at York, assui'ed the primate that the visit should not be 
 regarded as a precedent to the injury of his successors or him- 
 self.^ In 1311 the archbishop was again asked to supply men 
 for Scotland.' The Christmas of that year was spent by Edward 
 in York, and he then ordered the walls of the city to be 
 strengthened, and to be made ready for defence. He was now 
 joined by Piers de Gaveston and his friends, whom his father 
 had \\dsely removed from his society, and the old favourite was 
 welcomed with open arms.'" Among the frivolities of that court 
 even the careless observer would detect angry looks and open 
 murmurings. The nobles and the commons were watching 
 their monarch in dismay. The disasters which soon fell upon 
 the country would be regarded as a righteous punishment of 
 weakness and evil-rule. The sword of the Scot became the 
 avenger of the national wrongs of his foemen. The summer 
 of 1314 witnessed the calamitous defeat at Bannockburn, when 
 the pride of Edward was laid low. 
 
 " And the best names that England knew 
 Claim'd in the death-prayer dismal due." 
 
 i Feed., 11. 83. Rot. Scotisc, 1., 70. archbishop was peremptorily ordered 
 
 * Ibid., 95. to come to the king before he started 
 
 ' Eot. Scot., 1., 101. for France (Foed., 11., 210). Walter de 
 
 '" Walslnghara, 99, 101. Trokelowe, Langton,bishopofLichfield, was thrown 
 
 Ann. Edward II., 10, 117. Carte's Gas- into prison at York, for having been 
 
 con, etc., Eolls, 1., — . Stowe's Chron., the means of driving Gaveston Into 
 
 ed. 1615, 215. On May 1, 1313, the exile (Adam Murimuth, 13).
 
 1304 — 1315.] Auciinisiiop Greenfield. 309 
 
 It \^•as with great difficulty that tlie English sovereign made his 
 escape from that field, and he seems never to have paused in his 
 flight till he foimd himself at York. He liad there a large 
 meeting of his council to discuss the affairs of the nation, and, 
 on the Thursday before Michaelmas, Edward, in his own chamber 
 within the palace of the archbishop, made John de Sandal, 
 archdeacon of Richmond, lord chancellor of England." Green- 
 field, like a loyal patriot, could not fail to be troubled at the 
 reverse which his country had sustained, and he took an active 
 part in the attempts to rescue her from her misfortunes. On 
 the 4th of January, 1315, he and the bishop of Durham were 
 excused from their attendance at parliament, as tlicy were then 
 busily engaged in protecting the marches of England against 
 the Scots." 
 
 Whilst this internecine Avarfarc was raging in the North of 
 England, a great, and I may call it an unhappy, movement was 
 taking place within the church. The famous society of the 
 Knights of the Temple was being destroyed. The leaders of 
 Christ^s flock manifested a strange ingratitude when they struck 
 a fatal blow at that illustrious order. A period, comprising 
 only two centuries, witnessed its creation and its ruin. It arose 
 when the swords of the conquering Moslems were already 
 gleaming over Europe, and it united against the bold invaders 
 the soul of the chivalry of the West. The pilgrims who came 
 out of the beloved but distant East had many a talc to tell of 
 their sufterings and their wrongs, how the infidel trod upon the 
 shrines which a glorious presence once ennobled, and the praises 
 of Mahmoud Avere heard where Christ once walked and spoke. ^ 
 A shiver ran through the whole Christian world when it heard 
 the news. Uninvited and unaided a little band of knights 
 devoted themselves to the dangerous task of protecting the 
 travellers to Jerusalem, and they took their name from the holy 
 temple, which was its chief ornament. The zeal for (Jod's 
 cause and the spirit of adventure soon increased their numbers, 
 and they formed themselves into the sacred order of the Tem- 
 plars. The union in them of valour and devotion added greatly 
 to their popularity. The chivalrous daring of the knights, their 
 heroism in the field and in the cloister, the fascinating charm 
 of the enterprize that they took up, the stirring praises of St. 
 Bernard, soon won for them a position such as no religious Ijody 
 
 " Feed., ii., 255. Edward held a par- " Al grnn piaocr, che qi.ella prima visU 
 
 liameat at lork m 1313 (Murimiltll, Alta contrition succcsse, mista 
 
 20). l>c timoroso, e reverente nffetto. 
 
 « Ibid., 260. Rot. Scot., i., 137. ^'^''^ •'V P«na f;v:">=:"'- 1« yista 
 
 -r%T 1 ■ 1 i/->>T Ver la CittJi, di CliriHto iill)ergo elettoi 
 
 W alsitli^liam, 1U7. Dove morl. dove scpulto fue, 
 
 f Their feelings are easily imagined. Dove poi rlvesti le membra sue."
 
 370 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 has since occupied. The heart of the whole of Christendom 
 was yearning towards the East. The Templars were delighted 
 to evoke this" feeling, and to join in the energetic action that it 
 prompted. They took the lead in every crusade, they were the 
 first to carry the standard of the cross into the Moslem van- 
 guard : — 
 
 " Chieftains, lead on ! our hearts beat high, 
 
 Lead on to Salem's towers ! 
 Who would not deem it bliss to die 
 
 Slain in a cause like ours ? 
 The brave who sleep in soil of thine 
 Die not intombed, but shrin'd, O Palestine !" 
 
 The most dashing exploits were theirs ; they could exhibit the 
 most patient endurance. There were few places of note in 
 Palestine and the East Avith which the Templars were not asso- 
 ciated for some adventurous feat or some reverse heroically 
 borne. We think of the holy city so often lost by them and 
 retaken, avc think of Antioch and Damascus, of the shores of 
 Acre which have witnessed in a later day our own triumphs, 
 and of that host of noble warriors who fell among the hills 
 which overlook Gennesaret. 
 
 The close of the thirteenth century saw the last crusade, and 
 the Moslems, against whose progress the Templars had so long 
 been a successful barrier, were now unmolested in their advance. 
 The Red Cross Knights were now unoccupied, and they flocked 
 homewards to settle down upon their estates in Europe which 
 had been given to them in bygone years by kings and nobles. 
 They busied themselves with local politics, and amassed great 
 stores of wealth. The more interest they took in secular affairs 
 the more unpopular did they become. Men began to think, 
 and with some reason, that they were not in their proper sphere, 
 without remembering that it was not through the Templars' 
 fault that the passage to the East was closed. The enthusiasm 
 for the rescue of the holy places disappeared, and the exploits 
 of those who had shed their blood to win and keep them from 
 the infidel were forgotten. Avaricious monarchs heard with bated 
 and then quickening breath of the hoards of money which the 
 Templars had amassed, and Edward I. seized upon the treasure 
 in their house in London ; but, mimindful of the wrong, the 
 leaders of the noble brotherhood fought and fell by his side at 
 Ealkirk. In 1307 a deliberate assault was made upon the body 
 in France, where Philip le Bel was their oj)ponent. The new 
 pope, himself a Frenchman, was on the king^s side. The com- 
 mission of incredible crimes was laid to the Templars' charge — 
 the most atrocious offences against decency and morality, and 
 hideous blasphemy. Was it likely that a society which had
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 371 
 
 especially devoted itself to the service of the cross, and had 
 surrendered fortune and life for the sacred cause which it had 
 adopted — was it likely that its members would belie their glo- 
 rious traditions and their practice and their vows ? It was 
 impossible. Doubtless there were among the Templars many Bois 
 Guilberts^ half priests half soldiers, with too great a share of 
 the spirit of the latter, but the conduct of the great mass of 
 the order seems to have been irreproachai)le. It was doomed, 
 however, to destruction, and the first blow was given in France 
 with frightful vehemence. E\idence, which a modern court of 
 justice would reject in derision, was listened to against the 
 society, and noble gentlemen were led to the stake and the 
 torture rather than confess themselves guilty of offences which 
 they had never perpetrated.*' 
 
 In the autumn of 1307 various attempts were made by 
 foreign potentates to prevail upon Edward II. to enter into the 
 league against the Templars. He discredited the stories which 
 were narrated to him, and withstood for a time the importmii- 
 ties of those who besought his co-operation. At the request of 
 the pope, however, he changed his policy, and acted with such 
 secresy and vigour that in January, 1308, the greater part of 
 the Templars, resident in England, and their property, were taken 
 possession of by the royal officers. Clement V. was now eager 
 for their punishment, and we must see how they fared in the 
 North of England. On the 12th of August, 1309, the pope 
 sent two bulls to the archbishop of York ; the one Avas a general 
 denunciation of the culprits, and especially of those Avithin the 
 province of York ; the other was a mandate for the institution 
 of an official enquiry. He also nominated the commissioners 
 who were to act in that behalf. They were the archbishop him- 
 self, the bishops of Durham, Lincoln, Chichester, and Orleans, 
 the abbats of Lagny and St. Germain des Champs in France, 
 M. Sicard de Vaur, canon of Narbonne, chaplain to the pope 
 and auditor of the causes of his palace, and Guy de A^ichy, 
 rector of Hesli fsicj in the diocese of London. The cxiiortations 
 the pope were backed by a letter from the king of France, in 
 which he earnestly requested the arcld)ishop^s co-operation.'' 
 Greenfield evidently did not like the duty which he was called 
 upon to discharge. On the 26th of September he positively 
 declined to take any part against the Templars within tlie pro- 
 vince of Canterbury. He told the pope that the bishops of 
 Lincoln and Chichester could not act in the affairs of the pro- 
 
 1 There is an interesting account of •• The original letter is in Green- 
 
 this persecution in a volume entitled, lieUrs register. From that repository 
 " The Knights Templars, by C. G. my account of the Tomi^lars is drawn, 
 Addison, Esq. 8vo. London : 18 12." unless some other authority is given. 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 vincc of York, and his peculiar relations with the Southern 
 primate would not allow him to go into their dioceses. He 
 expressed his readiness, however, to do what he could, and 
 wrote to tlic bishop of Lincoln to suggest a friendly meeting at 
 Lancham, Notts, on the 2nd of July, 1310, when the matter 
 might be considered. The abbat of Lagny and Sicard de Vaur 
 were in England, and for two years the clergy of the diocese of 
 York were taxed for their support. They were, no doubt, the 
 means of expediting the persecution. On the 11th of March 
 Greenfield wrote from London to summon a proAdncial council 
 to enquire into the allegations against the Templars. It was 
 to be held at York on the 20th of May. Before it assembled, 
 the culprits, who were confined in York castle, were examined. 
 They were twenty-four in number, and came from Yorkshire 
 and seven adjacent counties. They had been in the castle since 
 the autumn of 1309, although they had been in restraint for a 
 much longer period. The names of the sufferers must be per- 
 petuated. They were William de Grafton, senior, preceptor of 
 Ribstan, Ralph de Roston, Thomas de Stannford, Henry de 
 Kereby, Thomas de Belleby, of Peuhil, Robert de Langton, 
 William de la Fenne, preceptor of Faxflete, Richard de Kese- 
 wyk, Stephen de Radenhalgh, priest of Westerdale, Michael 
 de Sowreby, priest of Sorenty (?), in the diocese of Durham, 
 Godfrey de Arches, preceptor of Newsham, John de Walpole, 
 Ivo de Etton, Henry de Craven, Roger de Hugyndon, Henry 
 de Rouclyf, Galfrid de Wylton, Walter de Gaddesby, Richard 
 de Ripon, Thomas de Tliresk, Richard de Shefeld,* John de 
 Ebreston, William de Midelton, and Walter de Clifton. To 
 these a twenty-fifth may be added, Thomas Streche. The exa- 
 mination of the prisoners lasted from the 28th of April to the 
 4th of May, but it prodiiced no fruits. The knights had no- 
 thing to confess ; they denied the charges of blasphemy, etc., 
 which were brought against them, and asserted the orthodoxy 
 of their faith.' They told but little of their own history. 
 Grafton said that he had been admitted into the order at 
 London, more than thirty- two years before, by Robert de Torvile, 
 then grand preceptor in England. William de la Fenne took 
 the oaths at Chaplay, in the diocese of Chichester, some fifteen 
 years previously from Guy de Foresta, at that time grand pre- 
 ceptor. Stannford had been a brother for thirty years, having 
 been niitiatcd in Cyprus by William de Beaujen. Roston had 
 been a member of the order for twenty-three years, and entered 
 
 ' He is called E,o^'er in another list. apostatized from the order through fear 
 On May 17, 1311, the king wrote on of death, 
 hehalf of John de Eberston, who had ' Chron. Lanercost, 215.
 
 1301— 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 373 
 
 it at Lciitini in Sicily." What stirring adventures and liow 
 much rongli life such men must have seen ! 
 
 The council met at York on the 20th of jMa}^ and most of 
 the ecclesiastics of the North were there, with the exception of 
 Anthony Bck, bishop of Durham, who was then seriously ill." 
 Nothing, however, was done, as the examination of the knights 
 themselves had been unsatisfactory, and farther evidence was 
 required. The meeting, therefore, was adjourned to a future 
 day. In the meantime the archbishop was not idle. On the 
 25th of May he, in conjunction with the abbat of Lagny and 
 Sicard de Vaiu', cited the knights, who were still at large, to 
 appear before them at Laneham on the 2nd of Jidy. Only 
 eight are mentioned, so it is evident that the exertions of the 
 Northern sheriffs had been eminently successful. Thc}^ Avere 
 William de Grafton, jun., John de Usflet, Edmund de Latimer, 
 otherwise called de Garvyle, John de Poynton, Richard En- 
 gayne, Ralph de Bulcford, Stephen de Stapelbrigg,'" and Walter 
 le Rebel. On the 1st of June the archbishop commissioned 
 Henry de Botelesford, his penancer, and John de Hemming- 
 burgli, dean of the Christianity of York, to hear the confes- 
 sions of the Templars in York castle, if anything farther could 
 be extracted from them.* Every attempt was also made to 
 secure fresh evidence. On the 20th of June Greenfield ap- 
 pointed several of the clergj'^ to examine the servants and 
 retainers of the Templars who had been with them at their 
 houses or manors of Ribstau, Wetherby, Newsham, and Tem- 
 plehurst in the West Riding of Yorkshire, Eaxeflete and Wythcle 
 in the East Riding, and Foukebrigg, Westerdale, Penhill, and 
 Cowton in the North. What this enquiry produced avc are not 
 informed, but it is not probable that it brought to light any- 
 thing of importance. The archbishop was at Laneham on the 
 2nd of July, and the bishop of Lincoln was with him by 
 appointment. The Templars who were summoned never made 
 tlicir appearance, and they were excommunicated. 
 
 Before there Avas another meeting of the provincial council 
 at York some evidence Avas taken in London relating to the 
 proceedings of the Templars in the Northern province, Avhich 
 may be considered a fair sample of that Avhich was generally 
 produced against that body. It was mere hearsay of the most 
 
 " Wilkins, ii., 371. It is there said '" Stapelbrii^p: was cau,L,'ht at Salis- 
 
 thatthisexatninatiou was taken in May, biir^' in 1311, and made a confession, 
 
 1311. after which hewas reconciled (Ad(Uson). 
 
 " Bek seems to have been a friend of ' On Jniy 8, 1311, a similar coni- 
 
 the Templars. On May 2 1, 1308, Wm. mission was issued to AVilliam de Lan^'- 
 
 de la More, the English yraud master, toft and Mr. riiiiip de Boulton (110^. 
 
 was placed in his charge (Fu-d., ii., 45). Grccniield).
 
 374 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 contemptible kind. Mr. John de Nassington/ the official of 
 tlie archbishop of York, deposed that he was told by Sir Miles 
 de Stapleton and Sir Adam de Everingham, that when they 
 were once the guests of the grand preceptor at a banquet at 
 Templehurst, they were informed that many of the knights had 
 come there to pay worship to a calf ! Sir John Eure, sheriff of 
 Yorkshire, said that he had once asked William de la Fenne, 
 the preceptor of Westerdale, to dine with him, and after dinner 
 the preceptor took out of his bosom a book Avhich he gave to 
 Lady Em'c to read, and she found a paper in it full of blas- 
 phemy against Christ. Like a prudent woman she shewed it to 
 her husband, who spoke about it to his guest, and he laughed 
 the matter off, and nothing more was said about it for six 
 years. De la Fenne, in answer, said that he recollected the 
 book, but knew nothing of the paper which it contained. 
 William de la Forde, rector of Crofton, deposed that William 
 de Reynbur, an Augustinian friar lately deceased, informed him 
 that he heard the death-bed confession of Patrick de Rippon, 
 Templar, son of William de Gloucester. He told him that on 
 his entrance to the order he was stripped to the shirt, and taken 
 to a secret chamber, where he was ordered to spit upon the 
 crucifix and dishonour it in a more gross way, and, finally, to 
 kiss and worship the image of a calf, which he did. The testi- 
 7nony of this witness was somewhat shaken when he acknow- 
 ledged that he had only heard of this story after the institution 
 of the proceedings against the knights. We find also that 
 several of the IMinorites came forward to give e\idence which 
 was of the most contemptible description. Robert de Otering- 
 ham asserted that he was once at Ribstan, and when grace was 
 said after a meal, the chaplain turned round to the brethren, 
 and made an observation which will read most appropriately in 
 Latin, Diabolus vos uret ! The same friar had a marvellous 
 tale of something that he saw at Wetherby at midnight through 
 a keyhole in the chapel, when he thought that he had sui-prised 
 the inmates at their orgies. Another Minorite had heard that 
 a Templar had been seen running about a field in a demented 
 state, and crying out that he had sold himself to the evil one." 
 These creatures had a purpose to falfil, and like their ancestors 
 in baseness whom the Roman annalist denounces, " Sic dela- 
 tores, genus homiuum publico exitio repertum, et pcenis qui- 
 dem numquam satis coercitum, per prsemia eliciebantur.'-' 
 
 * On Aug. 19, 1311, Eobert de Pick- in Pickering's hands during the arch- 
 
 eriny,\-icar-general, made him penancer bishop's absence (Foed., ii., 167). Pick- 
 
 for the Templars (Eeg. Greenfield). ering probably sent them to the 
 
 On Aug. 18, the king ordered the she- monasteries. 
 nfF of Yorkshire to place the Templars ' Wilkius, ii., 358-9. 
 
 1
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 375 
 
 Greenfield, however lie might dislike severity, was obliged 
 to proceed against the accused Templars. On the 21st of Feb., 
 1311, he summoned another provincial council" to consider 
 what was to be done. It was to meet at York on the 24th of 
 May. All the prelates and dignitaries of the North were invited 
 to it, together with several members of the mendicant orders, 
 who took an especial interest in the crusade against the knights. 
 They Avere Mr. John Gower, S.T.D., Mr. Thomas de Clifford, 
 William de Okam, S.T.D., friar Thomas de Middleton, S.T.D., 
 Friars Preachers, Hichard de Wetwang, an Augustinian at York, 
 and Adam de Lincoln, a Minorite from the same city. The 
 council had eleven sittings, the last being on the 30th of July. 
 The proceedings commenced with the celebration of tlie mass of 
 the Holy Spirit, followed by a sermon from the archbishop, 
 who stood at the high altar. When this was over the primate 
 explained the object of the meeting, and the members then 
 went to their work. The result was, on the whole, a proof of 
 the good sense of the Northern clergy. The punishment of 
 death was not awarded, as in other countries, and there was no 
 cruelty nor torturing. The Templars, twenty-four in number, 
 were brought from the castle, and were persuaded to submit 
 themselves to the council. It Avas then ordered that each of 
 them should be sent to a religious house within the province of 
 York to do penance for his errors.* This decision gave some 
 umbrage to the monasteries,'' but the Templars, as a rule, 
 appear to have conducted themselves with propriety, and before 
 a year had expired the archbishop had released nearly the AA^hole 
 of them from the sentence of excommunication.'' A due pro- 
 vision for their wants Avas agreed upon and Avas granted by the 
 
 ° Marcli 13, 1311, an order to the the vicar-gencral against the abbat and 
 
 sheriff of Yorkshire to bring the Tern- convent of Kirkstall for allowing, 
 
 plars before him (Reg. Greenfield). through their negligence, Roger de 
 
 * Eperston was sent to Salley, Craven Shefeld to leave their mon;i.stery. 
 
 to Pontefract, Keswick to Kirkham, Stannford gave some trouble at Foun- 
 
 Langton to Bridlington, Gaddesby to tains by using violent language and 
 
 Jervaux, Stannford to Fountains, Wil- refusing to comply with rules, but a 
 
 ton to Whitby, Sheffield to Kirkstall, sharp reproof brought him to his 
 
 Kerby to Rievaux, Walpolc to Byland, senses. 
 
 Radenachs to AYorksop, Clifton to Shel- '' All were released in 1312 (Reg. 
 
 ford, Hughendon to Gisburn, Streche Greenfield). They were kindly treated, 
 
 to Nostell, and Grafton to Selb^'. On Aug. 15, 1312, the archbishop per- 
 
 Stubbs (col. 1730) ascribes this arrange- mitted William de Grafton, sen., to 
 
 ment to the kindness of Greenfield, leave Solby abbey for a month, on ac- 
 
 but it did not, I think, originate with count of business in the dioceses of 
 
 him. York, Lincoln, and London (Reg. 
 
 '^ On March 1, 1312, a letter to the Greenfield). In the 4th of Edward 
 
 abbat and convent of Rievaux for re- III. William de Grafton was absolved 
 
 fusing to supply food to Henry de from his vows, and was allowed lo turn 
 
 Kerreby. They are ordered to do so. to a secular pursuit (Cul. Rot. Pat., 
 
 At the same time there is a letter from 109).
 
 376 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 king, amounting to a considerable sum, out of tlieir sequestered 
 estates/ Years passed away, and on the 31st of August, 1319, 
 the pope made an order that any Templar, if he chose, might 
 take the vows required by the monastery in which he was resid- 
 ing, hut two only seem to have availed themselves of his per- 
 mission Avithin the diocese of York/ 
 
 Within a fortnight after the termination of the gathering at 
 York archbishop Greenfield took his journey towards the South. 
 Clement Y. had convoked a general council, which was to meet 
 in the month of October at Vienne in Dauphiny, and on the 
 1st of June Edward II. desired the Northern primate to come 
 to London, as he was anxious that he should go abroad to be 
 present at the great assembly in France, to which he had been 
 summoned. On the 26tli of July he directed him to remain at 
 home, and to come to the parliament at London. Greenfield, 
 however, after all, went to Yienne, the king giving him letters 
 of credence and safe conduct on the 10th of October.i' The 
 archbishop was welcomed by the pope, and occupied an honom^- 
 able position at the council, sitting next after the cardinals and 
 the archbishop of Treves.'' The afl'airs of the Templars and 
 their offences were fully discussed. The meeting was prorogued 
 till the month of April, 1312, and then, in the presence of 
 Greenfield, the ancient order of the Temple was finally dis- 
 solved. On the 15th of Aiigust in that year the archbishop 
 directed his official at Y'^ork to make the announcement that it 
 had ceased to exist. 
 
 A considerable light will be thrown upon GreenfieWs archi- 
 episcopal career by the following extracts from his register. 
 They not only illustrate his public and his private life, but give 
 
 ' On Sept. 30, 1312, William de Rouclyf, Streche, and Gaddesby had an 
 
 Grafton receives from the archbishop annual pension of six marks (The 
 
 the sura of 95Z. 4s. for the stipends of Knif>-hts Hospitallers in England, ed. 
 
 himself and his twenty-three brethren Camden Soc, 209). June 6, 1321, a 
 
 within the diocese at York from the request to the prior of St. John at Je- 
 
 Sunday . . . the feast of St. Nicholas to rusalem to pay to Ealph de Boston, 
 
 the Sunday before the feast of St. Peter formerly a Templar, the stipend as- 
 
 ad Vincula next ensuing. On Dec. 6. signed to him by the general council 
 
 1311, the king ordered Alexander de (Reg. Melton). 
 
 Cave and Robert de Amecotes, keepers f Deo. 18, 1319, an order to the prior 
 
 of the lands, etc., of the Templars in and convent ofGisburgh to allow Robert 
 
 the county of York, to pay the wages de Langeton, once a Templar, to enter 
 
 above mentioned, which were agreed their house, and on Sept. 29, 1320, a 
 
 upon at the general council (Reg. similar direction to the abbat of Selby 
 
 Greenfield). The Templars lingered in behalf of Henry de Kerby. 
 
 for a long time in the monasteries. s Feed., ii., 135, 141, 145. Cal. Rot. 
 
 On April 2, 1335, an order wa.s made Pat., 73. 
 
 to pay to Thomas de Streche, who was '< Stubbs, col. 1730. Labbe, Cone, 
 
 at Nostell, the arrears of his pension of xi., 1557. Adam Murirauth, 15. Ba- 
 
 five marks per annum (Reg. Melton). ronii Ann., Raynaldi, xxiii, 533.
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 
 
 377 
 
 us some curious glimpses of the state of manners and morals in 
 the North of England. 
 
 1307, ]\larch 25. A commission addressed from Rose castle 
 to the bishop of Lichfield and Coventry authorizing him to con- 
 secrate the bishop of Bangor at Carlisle.' April [), at Beaure- 
 payr, the archbishop certifies to a marriage having taken place 
 between John, son of Sir John de Eglesclif, knight, and Juliana, 
 daughter of "William de Eglesclif. They were married in the 
 church of St. Saviour in the Marsh in York on the 4th of June, 
 1294, by Stephen the rector.^ A letter to the pope recommend- 
 ing the translation of St. Robert of Lincoln.'^' April 28. An 
 order to cite Sir Nicholas de Meynell and Lucia, daughter of 
 Sir Robert de Tweng, to answer to a charge of adultery.' May 
 23. A commission to liberate from prison Sir William Sampson, 
 knight, who has been excommunicated for divers offences, 
 amongst others, for incest with Isold and Clemence his own 
 daughters. He is ordered to do penance at Nottingham, Newark, 
 and Southwell. June 5. Licence to the official at York to 
 sprinkle with holy water the churchyard of St. Martin in Mickle- 
 gate, which has been polluted. Two boys were fighting in it, 
 and the nose of one of them bled. August 7. An indulgence 
 of forty days for the soul of Edward I. " Marcuit et aruit flos 
 militiae.^^'" 
 
 1308, Jan. 9. An oratory to Sir John de Gray, knight, in 
 the manor of Farewath. Jan. 21. An indulgence for the fabric 
 
 ' The bishop, Griffin ap Torweth, 
 was consecrated on the following day 
 by Walter de Langton, bishop of Lich- 
 field. The court was then at Carlisle. 
 
 J When parish registers were un- 
 known, ages, marriages, etc., could only 
 be proved by some such document as 
 this. The archbishop was at Beure- 
 paire, near Durham, the country-house 
 of the prior, of which some ruins still 
 remain. 
 
 * Bishop Grostete. Archbishop Ilo- 
 manus wrote a strong letter to the pojje 
 in favour of his canonization (Reg. ilo- 
 manus). On May 6, 1307, the king 
 made the same request (Feed., i., 1016. 
 Prynne, iii., 1185)), but in vain. Gros- 
 tete was not a person whom the papal 
 court would be likely to canonize. 
 
 ' A very singular story. Nov. 2, 
 1305, the chapter of York announce 
 that William de Latimer has been ex- 
 communicated at the instance of dame 
 Lucy, daughter of Sir Robert de Tweng. 
 Sept. 4, 1309, commission to receive 
 the purgation of dame Lucy de Tweng, 
 
 wife of Sir William de Lat3-mer, knight, 
 for adultery and incest with Sir Nicho- 
 las de Me3'nyl. Ou the Friday after 
 the Epiphany, 1309, Meynyl and the 
 lady enter into a bond to jiay 10^. each 
 to dan Henry de Botelford, the keeper 
 of the fabric at York. On Jul\- 8, 
 previously, Meynyl as a punishment 
 liad been fined 10/. by the archbishop 
 (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 The frailty of Lucy de Tweng cast a 
 doubt upon the legitimac}' of her lius- 
 band's son, but on July 1, 1328, it 
 was found out, upon a formal enquir}', 
 that Sir ^^'illiam, the rcpuled son of 
 Sif A^'illiam dc Latymcr, was ncjt ille- 
 gitimate, but the son of Latimer and 
 Lucy de Tweng (Reg. Melton). 
 
 '" The king died at Burgh on the 
 Sands, not far from Carlisle, on the 
 7th of July (Fir,-d., i., 1018). On Oct. 
 28 tlie archbisliop was desired to pray 
 fur the new king (ibid., ii., 9), " The 
 floure of Cristendara" (Peter Langtoft, 
 n. e., 311).
 
 378 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 of the churcli of St, Andrew at Bordeaux." April 9. To Sir 
 Godfrey de Melsa, knight, a gift of two or three deer, out of 
 oiu' park at Beverley." April 11. The archbishop writes to 
 Stephen de Mauley, archdeacon of Cleveland, begging to see 
 the deeds relating to the privileges of the prior and convent of 
 Diu'ham in Howdenshire and Allertonshire, about which he has 
 spoken to him.^^ May 3. Commission to the bishop of Whit- 
 herue to dedicate the church of the Friars Preachers at Yarm 
 which has been lately built. June 13. At Meaux, William de 
 RoUeston of Beverley, Adam his servant, John Golding of 
 Beverley, and John de Esingwald laying their hands on the 
 archbishop's cross, promise that they will not again break into 
 the park of Beverley.? J^^ly 17. An order to Robert de Bar- 
 delby, canon of York, and William de Threntoft, rector of 
 Knesale, to fine to the king for five knights' fees, for which we 
 are bound to find service in Scotland. *■ August 23. A mandate 
 to the chapter of Ripon not to hold markets in the minster. 
 Sept 10. A licence for the consecration of the altar B.M.V. in 
 the church of the Carmelites at Nottinarham.^ Oct 6. An ora- 
 
 " A place of great consequence and 
 value to England. There was more 
 than one connection between it and 
 York. In September, 1308, Bertrand 
 de Fargis, a canon of Bordeaux, was 
 made archdeacon of the East Riding. 
 In 34th Edward I. Richard de Haver- 
 ings, a canon of York, was constable of 
 that town (Prynne, iii., 1094). This 
 is the person who was elected arch- 
 bishop of Dublin, but he never went 
 there, for a very strange reason. He was 
 so often prevented by stormy weather 
 from making the passage to Ireland, 
 that he gave it up, thinking that Pro- 
 vidence was against him. The story 
 reminds us of the famous De Courcy 
 and his adventure. 
 
 » The most important of all the 
 archbishop's parks. De Melsa was the 
 head of a good Holderness familv. In 
 5th Edward II. William de Melton 
 paid three hundred marks to the king 
 for the custody of some of the lands of 
 Godfrey de Melsa (Abbrev. Eot. Orig., 
 i., 190). Cf. Hot. Pari., i., 326. 
 
 p Mauley was a great man and a 
 member of the Yorkshire house. A 
 cousin of bishop Bek (Misc. Doc. treas. 
 Durham, 495), prebendary of Bug- 
 thorpe, archdeacon of Cleveland, rector 
 of Baynton and Hemmingburgh, co. 
 York. He had the living of Ouston, 
 CO. Lincoln (MSS. Harl., 6951, 32), the 
 
 deanery of Auckland, and the rectories 
 of Houghton and Haughton, co. Dur- 
 ham (Reg.Kellawe, 22,29). Seneschal of 
 Durham castle, and vicar-general (MSS. 
 Surtees), dean of Wimborne, and arch- 
 deacon of Lichfield (Hutchins' Dorset, 
 ii., 534). He had much to do with the 
 translation of St. William. He died 
 on the Friday after the feast of St. 
 Laurence, 1317, and was buried in York 
 minster, — but see Prynne, iii., 1243. 
 Abbrev. Plac, 258. 
 
 For the dispute about Howdenshire, 
 etc., see Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 105. 
 
 ? In 1323 a special commission was 
 issued to try those who had broken into 
 Beverley park (Pari. Writs, ii., part ii., 
 228). 
 
 '■ This service was a great burden to 
 the archbishop. Bardelby was a clerk 
 in the chancer3\ I shall speak of him 
 afterwards. 
 
 ' Nov. 23, 1310, licence to the Friars 
 Minors of Nottingham to have their 
 church and its altars consecrated. May 
 17, 1311, licence to the Carmelites of 
 Hull to have their church consecrated 
 (Reg. Greenfield). Sept. 17, 1314, 
 licence to the bishop of Enachdune to 
 dedicate an altar newly erected in the 
 house of the Friars Minors at York 
 (ibid.). John Bate was the chief orna- 
 ment of the last-mentioned house (Lei. 
 de Script. Brit., 434).
 
 1304—1315.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 
 
 379 
 
 tory to Anora de Pirponut in tlie manors of Holm, Wodehouse, 
 and Weston.' 
 
 1309, Jan. 15. The archbishop grants to Thomas, son of 
 Robert de Grenefeld, and Joan, daughter of John Attcwcll, 
 and their heirs, two mesuages, four bovates, and eight acres of 
 arable land, and six and a half acres of meadow in Sherburn." 
 May 21. Bull of Clement V. excommunicating Robert le Brus 
 for many enormities, and for killing with his sw ord John and 
 Robert de Comyn, of the diocese of Glasgow, knights, for 
 refusing to join him in his proceedings against the king, one in 
 the cloister and the other in the church of the Friars Minors at 
 Dumfries, near the high altar." Nov. 9. We have corrected, 
 on her own confession, dame Joan de Corewenne, relict of Sir 
 Thomas de Corewenne, knight, for adidtery with Sir Simon 
 Ward, knight.'" 
 
 Among these friars there were many 
 distinguished men who were natives of 
 Yorkshire and of the Nortli of Eng- 
 land. Among the Carmehtes were John 
 de Eboraco, Galfrid Ahevanti, "Walter 
 Kellaw, John Chelmerton, and John 
 Goldston — all of them Yorkshiremen. 
 Stephan de Patringtou was the con- 
 fessor of Henry V. Robert Baston was 
 a brother of Philip Baston, prior of the 
 house at Scarbro', and was born at 
 Yox'k. He wrote several works on 
 Scottish politics. Bishop Scrope is well 
 known (Bibliotheca Carmelitana, i., 
 coll. 534, 581, 809, 836, 853 ; ii., 149, 
 686, 764, 829, 971-2). 
 
 Among the Preachers were Robert of 
 York, John de Derlington, Thomas 
 Stubbs, John de Heglescliff, and Holcot 
 (Quetif, Scriptores Ord. Predic, i., 
 prefat., xxv, 395, 625, 631, 671). Nor 
 must archbishop Hotham, who has 
 been already mentioned, be forgotten 
 (ibid., i., 459-60). " Huomo da com- 
 parare con i piii rari soggetti del suo 
 tempo, nella dottrina et bonta della 
 vita" (Pio, Hiiomini illustri di S. Do- 
 menico. Bologna, 1607. Part ii., 107). 
 Cf. Ware's History of Ireland, ed. 1764, 
 ii., 326. Touron, Histoiredes Uommes 
 Illustres de I'ordre de Saint Dominique, 
 i., 603-8, ed. Paris, 1743. Tanner, 
 Bibl. Brit., 414. 
 
 ' Annora, daughter and heiress of 
 John Manners, married Sir Henry 
 Pierpoint (Coll. Top., viii., 345). Ab- 
 brev. Plac., 222. 
 
 " A settlement on their marriage. 
 On Jan. 7, 1311, Thomas, son of Robert 
 de Grenefeld, was made keeper of the 
 
 woods and warren at Sherburn and Ca- 
 wood. On Tuesday, the feast of the 
 Purification B.V., Robert de Grenefeld 
 and William his son were made guard- 
 ians of the lands of Godfrey de Melsa 
 at Hodeleston on account of the mi- 
 nority of John his son and heir (Reg. 
 Greenfield). Robert de Grenefeld is 
 mentioned in Abbrev. Plac, 250. 
 
 " A document, hitherto unknown, of 
 much historical importance. 
 
 " The church of God saw Comyn fall." 
 
 The murder itself is described with 
 painful minuteness. "In ejus refrige- 
 rare sanguinem calentem gladio nou 
 contentus, nisi sanguinem ipsum cj us- 
 que cerebrum, avulsum de capite, super 
 dictum altare feritate difl"underet besti- 
 ali." Cf. Chron. Lan., 203. Poed., i., 
 982, 987. Prynne, iii., 1021.. On Jan. 
 14, 1315, an order to denounce as ex- 
 communicated Brus and his accom- 
 plices (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 '" On 21st September Ward promi.ses 
 that he will forfeit 20^. if it occurs 
 again (Reg. Greenfield). On June 17, 
 1298, Sir Simon AVard did homage at 
 Ripon for lands in Guiseley, Gevildalo, 
 and Kirkby Wharf, held by kuight- 
 ser\'ice, and for Newby, held for the 
 service of the fourth part of a knight's 
 fee (Reg. Newark). On Nov. 21, 1306, 
 Sir Simon le Wardc, knight, jun., son 
 of Sir Simon le AVard, decea.sed, did 
 homage for Guiseley, etc. In July, 
 1309, he was a justice of assize for tlie 
 liberty of Ripon (Reg. Greenfield). Ho 
 ^^•ill occur again. He was sheriff of 
 Yorkshire 1315-1321 (Drake, 351).
 
 380 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 1310, April 5. Licence for William de Ayketon, rector of 
 Berewyk, to be absent from his living for a year in the service 
 of Alesia de Lascy, countess of Lincoln/ June 8. To John le 
 Warner, of Eipon, at the oversight of Sir Robert de Conyers, 
 knight, two oaks from our wood at Thornton, one for our house 
 at Kipon lately belonging to John Trenys, and the other to 
 mend the bridge at Killingdall. June 9. A letter to William, 
 bishop of St. Andrew's, in behalf of Beatrix de Hodsak, late a 
 nun at Coldstream, which place she left on account of the war. 
 She is now living at a house of anchorites near Doncaster, and 
 the archbishop asks for her to be allowed to return. s' June 22. 
 Commission to receive the probate of the will of Beatrix, late 
 wife of Geoffrey, son of Robert le Staunton, co. Notts.* July 
 22. A deer from our park at Hecksgrave to Sir John Lysours, 
 knight, and another to William de Dogmerfield, our seneschal 
 of Sherwood forest. August 24. Robert de Hendeley, Adam 
 his brother, and Ythell his groom, have beat and womided 
 William Tyas, esquire of the countess of Lancaster, in the church 
 of Pickering : a commission to the chapter to enquire and to 
 exact satisfaction. August 28. Licence to John de Rolleston, 
 one of the seven clerks in the church of Beverley, and chaplain 
 of the chantry of the fraternity of St. Nicholas, to carry the 
 standard of St. John of Beverley to the wars in Scotland, by 
 the king's order." Sept. 15. Licence to Margery, sister of the 
 late Sir Brian Fitzalan, to have an oratory for three years in the 
 manor of Baynton.* Oct. 17. The archbishop gives sixteen 
 shillings from his tenement near Otley which the lepers hold of 
 him, to repair the bridge of Otley. Dec. 31. An order to the 
 bailiff of Ripon to provide the necessary materials for the con- 
 struction of a chapel in our manor at Ripon. '^ The archbishop 
 writes to the bishop of Norwich to say that Walter de Boynton^ 
 
 •^ The wife of Henry the last earl. to be the harbinger of victory, like that 
 
 'J In 1296, when Edward I. was in of St. Cuthbert of Durham. 
 Scotland, he made his headquarters in „ ^nd thus with girdle round his waist, 
 
 the nunnery of Coldstream (Trivet, whereon the banner-staff might rest 
 
 289). These wandering nuns are men- At need, he stood, advancing high 
 
 tioned in Walsingham, 79. '^^"' gli""-'»s ^'^^^^^^ pageantry. 
 
 * A good old family, co. Notts. Edward T. went to Beverley in 1289 to 
 
 " Oct. 13, 129G, an order to John de visit St. John's shrine (Walsingham, 
 
 Warren, earl of Surrey, and guardian 75). He was frequently there, and 
 
 of Scotland, to prefer to the next vacant Beverley was sometimes put in anta- 
 
 bcnefice of the value of 20Z. or marks gonism with York. The battle of 
 
 Gilbert de Grj-mmesby, for bringing Agincourt was fought on St. John's 
 
 the banner of St. John of Beverley day. Cf. Lib. Garderob., 27, etc. John 
 
 and staying with it in Scotland during de Ilolleston was master of the hospital 
 
 the war (Feed., i., 848. Prvnne, iii., of Newton in Holderness, 5th Edward 
 
 667. Lib. Garderoba", 51, 331). The II. (Abbrev. Eot. Orig., i., 195). 
 banner was returned 29th Edward I. * Not mentioned in Dug. Bar. 
 
 (Prvnne, 910). The ensign was deemed ' Oct. 15, 1314, ordination of a per-
 
 1301 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 381 
 
 rector of Ersham, in liis diocese, a native of the East Riding, 
 has broken Avith his servants into oiir park at Beverley, to hunt. 
 The bishop is requested to correct him. 
 
 1311, Jan. 18. John Tankard, of Pontefract, layman, has 
 struck and di-awn blood from Henry, vicar of Aldbro\ lie is to 
 o-o to Rome for penance. Jan. 19. Letters dimissory, for minor 
 orders, to John de Wyclyve, rector of Wyclyve.'' Marcli 30. 
 Licence for Sir Ralph de Buhner, knight, to choose a confessor. 
 April 5. A relaxation of the sentence of excommunication pro- 
 nounced against Mr. Robert de Baldock and Roger de Waltham 
 for impeding the archbishop's visitation of the diocese of Dur- 
 ham. May 16. Proving of the will of Henry de Lacy, earl of 
 Lincoln, and administration granted to Nicholas de Reding, 
 Robert de Silkeston, John de Sandale, the king's treasurer, and 
 Sir Henry le Scrop, knight, executors.'^ June 4. A gift to the 
 prebendary of Wistow of ten loads of thorns and other brush- 
 wood to enclose his placea at Wistow. June 19. We have given 
 to master Peter de Insula four or five bucks, noAV fat, in Cawood 
 park, and three oaks there, and licence to Sir John de Insula, 
 or some one in the name of the said Peter, to take and hiuit 
 the ^y\\d beasts within our liberty of Hexham.-^ 
 
 1312, Feb. 24. Licence to the parishioners of Newark to 
 remove a certain chapel built by H., our predecessor, in the 
 churchyard. It is useless, and the room is wanted : the mate- 
 
 petual chantry in the chapel built a baron of the exchequer and a great 
 
 within the archbishop's manor of Ripon, man. The public records contain nnicli 
 
 and William Swaynby appointed the information about him. On March li), 
 
 priest (Reg. Greenfield, and Acta Ca- 1323, Eudo de Crosgat, rector of Fyn- 
 
 pit., 134-3-1368, 50). The chantry was gale, Ralph de Dalton, of \Vlialt(Mi, and 
 
 well endowed. Cal. Rot. Pat., 78. Richard de Knageston, executors of the 
 
 Abbrev. Rot. Orig., i., 212. will of Sir John de Insula, knight, are 
 
 ** A famous name. cited to say why they have not admi- 
 
 * The great earl died in 1312 (Dugd. nistered to his effects. 
 
 Bar., i., 105). On Sept. 27 Henry de On Nov. 20, 1298, archbishop New- 
 
 Pluckele and Thomas de Folcardeby ark gave Robert, son of Sir John do 
 
 were appointed " coadjutores " of Joan, Insula, a stall in St. Sepulchre's cliajiel, 
 
 countess of Lincoln, a minor, for the York (Reg. Newark). Richard de In- 
 
 dioce.se and city of York. She mar- sula, another son, was precentor of 
 
 ried Thomas, earl of Lancaster. On IJeverley and rector of Hotham. In 
 
 Dec. 22, 1313, she had leave to choose 1306 and 1308 he had i>ermission to 
 
 a confessor {Reg. Greenfield). Her be non-resident (twice) for two years 
 
 shrift would be a long one. at the request of his father (Reg. 
 
 •'' Peter de Insula was canon of Bole Greenfield). On Feb. 2, 1311, he w;us 
 
 and sub-dean of York. He was pro- made penancor for the diocese of Diir- 
 
 bably born at Bywell in Northumber- ham (Reg. Kellawc). On Oct. 21, 1317, 
 
 land, and, on that account, archbislioi) he gave n\) Ilotluunand the prcccnlor- 
 
 Corbridge, the native of an adjacent ship for the living of Long Newton, 
 
 village, calls him " carissiraus." Insula dioc. Durham (Reg. Jlolton). In 1313 
 
 was archdeacon of Carlisle, AV'ells, Exe- Richard de Insula, rector of Stockton, 
 
 ter, and Coventry, and dean of AVells. was ordered to go abroad with the king 
 
 He died in 1311. (Feud., ii., 212). 
 Sir John de Insula, his brother, was
 
 382 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 rials are to be used in the clmrcli. Feb. 26. A commission to 
 Robert de Pykerino;, canon of York, to receive the vow of 
 cliastity of Alice, widow of Sir Richard de Bingham, kniglit. 
 August 2. A general letter against those who detain the relics 
 and muniments belonging to the hospital of St. John at Not- 
 tingham. Sept. 4. A mandate to the bishops of Durham, Car- 
 lisle, and Whitherne to pray for the king and queen and the 
 peace of the kingdom. Sept. 13. Licence to J. de Amcotes, 
 one of the seven clerks of the belfrey at Beverley, to be absent 
 for a year in the service of Stephen de Mauley, archdeacon of 
 Cleveland.^ Oct. 24. A commission against Sir Richard le 
 Waleys, knight, and Paulina, wife of Sir John de Graas, who 
 is with him in his house, living in adultery.^' Nov. 12. Licence 
 for Cristiana, daughter of Nicholas de Cayli, to reside in the 
 nunnery of Clementhorp till she is nine years old, at the request 
 of her father and friends.' Nov. 13. A monition to the parish- 
 ioners of Worksop to repair the north-west tower of their church, 
 which is in decay .•^ Dec. 27. Purgation of Sir Gerard Salvayn, 
 knight, and Margaret, wife of Sir Robert de Percy, knight, 
 who were charged with adultery.* An order to the bailiff of 
 Beverley to take twenty-four deer in our park there and give 
 them to our friends in those parts, as we shall tell you viva 
 voce. Dec. 31. Licence to the prior and convent of Hexham to 
 sell a corrody to Sir John de Swinburn, for a lady a cousin of 
 his.^ 
 
 1313, Feb. 17. Citation of Mr. Francis de Luco, vicar- 
 general of Francis Gaytani, archdeacon of Richmond, for extor- 
 tions from the clergy, etc. He travels about with fifteen and 
 
 s April 13, 1313, licence for John le Colville, to stay at Swyne till she is 
 
 Porter, one of the seven clerks at Be- twelve. Oct. 27, 1315, licence to Mar- 
 
 verle.y, to be absent in the service of garet, sister of Sir Nicholas de Meynil, 
 
 Sir llenry de Perc}^, knight (Reg. sheriff of Yorkshire, to stay for a year 
 
 Greenfield). at Clementhorpe (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 * John le Graas, of Studley Royal, J A valuable architectural notice, 
 
 was sheriff of Yorkshire in 1309. On Another monition was given on Jan. 5, 
 
 March 14, 1334, an order to pay the 1314. On May 7, 1314, the prior and 
 
 cost of an enquiry in a case of bastardy convent of Worksop had the arch- 
 
 of Isabel, daughter and heiress of John bishop's permission to fell, for the use 
 
 le Graas (Reg. Melton). See Walbrah's of their house, two hundred oaks in 
 
 acco\mt of the lords of Studley. Aug. their wood of Roumwode (Reg. Green- 
 
 22, 1313, a commission against dame field). 
 
 Juliana, wife of Sir Roger deGrimston, * Salvin was high sheriff of York- 
 knight, and, on June 8, another against shire in 1310, 1312, and 1313. Cf. 
 Margaret, widow of Sir John de Grey, Surtees's Durham, iv., 117. He was 
 knight (Reg. Greenfield). Adultery, a hot-tempered man, and was fre- 
 etc, were too frequent. quently in trouble. Eschaetor ultra 
 
 ' March 24, 1312, the abbat and Trentam 1st Edward II. (Abbrev. Rot. 
 
 monks of Selby are prohibited from Orig., i., 156), a soldier and statesman, 
 visiting Clementhorp or spending the ' Not mentioned in the pedigree of 
 
 night there. Nov. 13, 1314, licence Swinburn in Hodgson's Northumber- 
 
 to Agnes, daughter of Sir William de land, vol. i., part ii., 231, etc.
 
 1301—1315.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 
 
 383 
 
 sometimes witli tAventy-four horsemen, each accompanied by a 
 dog, for hunting. It is a great burden to tlie clergy to be 
 obliged to entertain them.'" April 9. The archbishop prohibits 
 any adoration of an image of the Virgin lately set up in the 
 chm-ch of Foston. There is a great flocking of simple people to 
 it, as if there were any more virtue in it than in any other 
 image." April 16. At Burton, the archbishop absolves Sir Peter 
 de Mauley, knight, for incest with Alyna, daughter of Sir 
 Thomas de Furnivall, his wife^s sister, on the condition that he 
 pays one hundi-ed marks to the fabric of York minster." June 
 27. Mandate to Peter de Dene to summon Sir Ranulph de 
 Nevyll, Anastasia, his daughter, Alexander and Sir Robert de 
 Nevyll, knight, sons of the said Sir Ranulph, jNIaria their sister, 
 and Christian de Sutton, to reply to certain articles.^ June 28. 
 Commission to enjoin penance on dame Alianor, wife of Sir 
 Walter le Vavasour, knight, for divers excesses.'? July 14<. To 
 Sir Robert Hastang, knight, of our special favour, eight oaks 
 from our wood of Thornton, fit for timber. Sept. 19. The arch- 
 bishop requests the abbat of St. Mary^s, York, to give an annual 
 pension to his clerk, Robert de Grenefield, on account of his 
 confirmation.'' Dec. 31. Licence to G., bishop of Enachdune, 
 to ordain Robert de Holden, a domestic chaj)lain of the earl of 
 Lancaster. Dec, 31. Licence to John de Stapelton to have 
 service, for two years, performed by a competent person in a 
 chapel of old foundation in the churchyard of Melsanby.* 
 
 '" An official gets into tronble : — 
 
 " He was a prickasoure a right : 
 
 Greihoundes he hartde as swift as foul of flight : 
 Of pricking and of hunting for the hare 
 Was all his lust, for no cost wolde be spare." 
 
 Luco afterwards became canon of 
 Laughton at York. Francis Gaetano, 
 archdeacon of Richmond, was cardinal 
 deacon of S.M. in Cosmedin. He was 
 nephew of Boniface VIII. 
 
 " A very remarkable entry (^Vilkins, 
 ii., 423). On Feb. 20, 1314, sentence 
 against those who worship an image of 
 the Virgin in the monastery of Brid- 
 lington (Reg. Greenfield). This re- 
 minds us of the words of bishop Becok. 
 The Lollards in after years raised the 
 same cry against images (Walsingham, 
 363). 
 
 A titled culprit, who wUl be men- 
 tioned again. Fines of this kind were 
 frequently devoted to the fabric. 
 
 p Bishop Kellawe is said to have 
 made Sir Ranulph Neville do penance 
 for incest with his own daughter (Lei. 
 Coll., ii., 334). These are frightful 
 revelations. On Sept. 13, 1312, dame 
 
 Petronilla de Nevyll had leave to have 
 service performed in her manor of 
 Rudham. She was old and could not 
 go to Banbj'Wisk (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 There is a long a<;count of Peter de 
 Dene, his romantic life and his strange 
 fortunes, in the Journal of the Arcluco- 
 logical Institute. 
 
 » This lady and her husband have 
 been already mentioned. The early 
 wills of the Vavasors disclose a curious 
 state of morality. In 13tli Edward II. 
 Rol)ert le Vavasour gives lands in 
 Thorpuuderwood and Einewyk to 
 Fountains abbey for the souls of AVm. 
 le Vavasour, his father, and Walter, 
 his brother (Abbrev. Plac, 335). In 
 my extracts from the registers and 
 other books of records I have preserved 
 the spelling of the names and places as 
 I found them. 
 
 "■ A customary claim. The king 
 a^ked Greenfield to do the same thing 
 for Robert de Cottingham on his own 
 accession to the .see (Prynne, iii., 1153). 
 
 ' A chantry was founded in the 
 church of Melsanby for the souls of
 
 384 FASTI EBORACENSES, [a.D. 
 
 1314, March 25. Commission to Henry de Wilton, official, 
 and John de Wodehonse, rector of Sntton-on-Derwent, to de- 
 noimce in the church of York the insnlt done to us by some 
 one on the part of Pandnlph de Sabellia, throwing in certain 
 papers at the gates of our manor of Cawood.^ April 3. Com- 
 mission to absolve Sir Ralph de Neville from excommunication 
 for. striking Alan de Morton, canon of Marton in Graltres, and 
 for a matter relating to tithes. May 2. Licence to the prior 
 and convent of Newburgh to receive into their house, as an act 
 of charity, among the poor of Chi-ist, a chaplain broken down 
 with age, Stephen de Sandale, who officiated for a long time in 
 the chapel of Sandbeck near Maltby. May 16. The archbishop 
 pardons his tenants at Hexham 59/. 14s. 6d. on account of the 
 losses they have sustained from the Scots by plundering and 
 fire." August 4. A mandate from the archbishop to Mr. J. de 
 Nassington, jun., INIr. Philip de Nassington, and Mr. William 
 de Stanes, proctors in the court of York, ordering them to plead 
 the cause of Joan, daughter of the late comte de Bar, against 
 John de Warren, earl of Sm'rey, in a suit for divorce." Sept. 8. 
 Citation of Joan countess of Surrey. John, earl of Surrey, tells 
 us that when he was a minor and a ward of Edward I. he was 
 obliged by certain noble men and women of England to marry 
 her through fear, although related to her in the third and fourth 
 degrees. The citation is to be made at the castles of Conisbro'' 
 and Sandal, and she is to be summoned to appear before the 
 archbishop. Sept. 15. An oratory to John, earl of Surrey, at 
 Clifton, near York, during the continuance of the present par- 
 liament, provided that Walter, archbishop of Canterbury, does 
 not go there with his cross erect.'*' Oct. 18. Licence to Sir 
 Henry de Percy to have service in his chapel at the Friars 
 Preachers, York.* Dec. 10. Sir Nicholas de Menyl has sum- 
 Alan and Henry de Melsanby (Reg. cident, upon which these extracts throw 
 Cart. Mon. de Easby). Alan de Mel- much light. The lady was a daughter 
 sanby and Adam and Henry his brothers of Henry, comte de Barr, and a grand- 
 are enshrined in the Liber Vitaj of daughter of Edward I. The marriage 
 Durham, p. 96. was an unhappy one, but no divorce 
 
 ' Some libellous papers. Savclli, an could be procured. The two, however, 
 Italian, had a contest with Eichard de lived apart (Hunter's South Yorkshire, 
 Cornubia for the slall of l^orth New- ii., 108, and Watson's History of the 
 bald, which was decided at Rome in house of Warren, ii., 8, etc. Coll. Top. 
 favour of the former. Great violence and Geneal., vii., 133). 
 was used, and armed men were em- " A cautious provision. York was 
 
 ployed (Reg. Greenfield and Melton. now filled with persons of distinction, 
 Feed., ii., 142, 202). Savelli was no- in attendance upon the court and par- 
 tary of pope John XXII., and died in liament. The king gave the archbishop 
 1320. leave to erect his cross in the city 
 
 " There is an account of these de- (Feed., ii., 253). 
 structive raids in the Chron. of Laner- ■^ The family of Percy had an " inn" 
 
 co.st. in Walmgate. On Dec. 27, 1313, the 
 
 " An obscure and extraordinary in- archbishop appointed a commissioner
 
 1301 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 385 
 
 moned clivers rectors, vicars, etc., to come to liim at Easino^Avokl 
 with horses and arms for service in Scotland. "We forbid them 
 to fi:o.^ Dec. 19. Licence for Richard, bishop of Durham, to 
 dedicate an altar transferred from one place to another in his 
 chapel at Welhalle.' Dec. 25. Licence for Albreda, daughter 
 of Sir Robert de Percy, knight, to have an oratory in her 
 manor of Sutton-upon-Derwent, where she resides." 
 
 1315, Jan. 9. Mandate to pray for the soul of Philip, late 
 king of France, at the request of Edward IL, who says of him 
 that he has on all occasions been a well-wisher and a friend of 
 us and oui* kingdom.* Jan. 14. A commission to Mr. John 
 Gower, S.T.P., rector of Wheldrake, to preach at Northallerton 
 on Monday, the feast of S.S. Fabian and Sebastian, before the 
 army on its way to Scotland, and the Friars are desired to preach 
 against the Scots.'' Jan. 17. A letter to the abbat S.M., York, 
 enjoining him not to exact 2d. in each mark from the dignities 
 and stalls at York for the Scottish war."^ Jan. 29. A mandate 
 to the executors of Sir John de Barton, of Oswaldkirk, knight, 
 who has been killed in Scotland, to prove his will.^ March — . 
 A commission to correct offences and misconduct in our house- 
 hold at Cawood. March 11. A commission to the parish priest 
 of Birkin to hear the confession which a parishioner of his. 
 Sir William de Holand, knight, is most anxious to make.-^ 
 August 6. A general denunciation of those who with an armed 
 force have taken possession of the church and manse at Eg- 
 manton. The corpse of Roger de Bergh, the late rector, is in 
 
 to hear the confession of Sir Henry de The praise he bestows was excessive 
 
 Percy (Reg. Greenfield). I shall not (Walsingham, 77). April 13, 3;kd 
 
 attempt to describe his greatness and Edward I., an order to praj^ for the 
 
 his magnificent services. soul of Joan, queen of France (Prynne, 
 
 y Menyl was high sheriff of York- iii., 1107). Feed., ii., 258. 
 
 shire. An arra}'' was being made to ' The Friars were the great preachers 
 
 protect the Marches and to avenge of the day. Gower was probably an 
 
 Eannockburn. orator, — 
 
 ' Bishop Kellawe built this manor- „ . . „ ,, ., ■ 
 ■. tr 1 /TT- i x\ 1 o " An specially anoven every thing 
 house near 1 ork (Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Excited he the peple iu his prechyng." 
 Tres, 97). Every trace of it has dis- 
 appeared, but I have a portion of a "^ Jan. 17, 1315, licence to the dean 
 minute survey of the place made in the and chapter to take 2d. from each 
 reign of Elizabeth, when many of the mark " contra Scotos " (Reg. Green- 
 residences of the bishop were allowed field), 
 to fall into decay. ' He was summoned to serve in 
 
 " Sir Robert, who is elsewhere men- Scotland on June 30, 1314 (Rot. Scot., 
 
 tioned, was the owner of Bolton Percy i., 145). 
 
 and Sutton-on-Derwent and a great •'"A gallant soldier, who occurs as a 
 
 benefactor to York minster (Abbrev. partizan of the earl of Lancnster in 
 
 Plac, 210). In 21st Edward I. he had 131(5 (Knyghton, 2533). In 7th of 
 
 licence to crenellate his residences at Edward it. the king pardoned him for 
 
 Sutton and Bolton (Cal. Rot. Pat., 56). his share iu the death of Gaveston 
 
 * The father-in-law of Edward II. (Pari. AVrits, ii., 66). 
 
 C C
 
 386 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the house and it cannot be interred, nor can service be per- 
 formed. 
 
 It is through such materials as these that the past comes 
 back to us with the lights and shadows with which it was once 
 chequered. Great men who have long since mouldered into 
 dust are again alive. We hear of the wars at which their hearts 
 once beat. We see them in their homes, — their joys and sor- 
 rows are laid open ; we know what they did and gave ; we can 
 criticize their virtues and their crimes, and we forget for awhile 
 that these men lived and died more than five centuries ago. 
 
 It is very pleasing to have so many witnesses of archbishop 
 Greenfield^s piety and zeal. His register, a stout folio in two 
 parts, speaks to us with many tongues. The primate was a 
 most excellent and pains-taking diocesan. The details of mo- 
 nastic life which his acts exhibit are most remarkable. Green- 
 field tightened the cords of discipline around his monasteries in 
 a way that none of them would like. He was constantly visit- 
 ing them and correcting offences even of the most minute kind. 
 He was very strict also with his clergy on the question of non- 
 residence, but he must have been much thwarted and annoyed 
 by the number of foreigners who w^ere sent over to him for 
 preferment. It would be most mortifying to him to find that 
 when he had collated one of his own clerks to a benefice, some 
 stranger arrived with a provision from the pope which he could 
 not venture to oppose, and that, occasionally, a thii'd claimant 
 would spring up for it in the person of the king. When this 
 was the case, as it not mifrequently was, how could the arch- 
 bishop reward the men who deserved his favour ? He was 
 dragged into the courts of justice or before the papal consistory, 
 angry and disgraceful brawls took place in the churches them- 
 selves, and much scandal and bickering ensued. Greenfield, 
 however, did his best to attend to the interests of his flock, and 
 he laboured, for the most part, with success. It was almost 
 impossible for him to do everything himself. I find therefore, 
 withovit surprise, the bishops of Whitherne and Enachdune^ 
 acting as his suffi-agans, and he now and then was aided by his 
 brethren at Carlisle and Durham. 
 
 The relations between Greenfield and the ecclesiastics within 
 the diocese of Durham, although not entirely satisfactory, were 
 generally amicable. The arrangement that had been made be- 
 tween Bek and Corbridge seems to have been adhered to. 
 Greenfield and Bek had but little intercourse. We find them 
 associated together in the enquiry about the Templars, to whom 
 
 «■ In 1306 and 1313 Thomas, bishop to that effect. In 1314 G., bishop of 
 of'V^ hitherne, was acting as suffragan. Enachdune, was acting (Reg. Green- 
 April 11, 1314, a commission to him field).
 
 130-4—1315.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 
 
 387 
 
 both were favourable. Bek died in the spriiif^ of 1311, and 
 Greenfield then went into his diocese and rviled it during the 
 vacancy of the see. He removed the sentence of suspension 
 which the deceased prelate had laid upon some of the monks of 
 Durham for their opposition to him during his visitation, but 
 on the 26th of March he himself excommunicated William the 
 prior,^ Henry de Stannford the sub-prior, the sacrist, and Adam 
 de Boy\ill, one of the monks of Durham, together with Robert 
 de Baldock^ and Roger de Waltham,-' two of the clergy of the 
 county, for endeavouring to impede him in his work. With the 
 exception of Boyvill, they were forgiven soon afterwards.'^ 
 During his stay in Durham Greenfield visited the archdeaconries. 
 
 * Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 96, 98. 
 Stannford became prior of Finchale. 
 
 ' A great but unfortunate man. His 
 preferments were numerous. In the 
 North he was rector of Bradford (Reg. 
 Melton) and Welton (Reg. ii., Prior, 
 and Conv. Dunelm., 67), rector of 
 Whickham and canon of Chester (ibid., 
 22-3). He had a pension of 100s. from 
 the priory of Durham, which he gave 
 up on the 4th of May, 1314, for one of 
 10 marks (ibid., 26). Richard de Bal- 
 dock, prebendary of Weighton at York, 
 was his brother. Robert de Baldock 
 became lord chancellor of England. 
 The chroniclers give an account of his 
 unhapp}^ fortunes and his end. 
 
 J Of this person some account may 
 be acceptable. He was a native of Wal- 
 thani (Fuller's Waltham Abbey, 20). 
 Rector of Arksey 1294-1319 (?) (Hun- 
 ter's South Yorkshire, i., 327). Mar. 
 31, 1304, Benedict XI. grants him a 
 dispensation to hold the rectories of 
 Long Newton and Egglescliffe, and ca- 
 nonries at London, Darlington, Auck- 
 land, and Chester, and bishop Kellawe 
 confirmed it 23rd March, 1314 (Reg. 
 Kellawe, 118). April 5, 1306, Clement 
 V. allowed him, being then bishop 
 Bek's private chaplain, to hold bene- 
 fices of the value of 200 marks per ann. 
 (ibid., 119). He was temporal chan- 
 cellor of Durham (MSS. Surtees and 
 Prynne, iii., 996), and a pensioner of 
 the monastery there (Misc. doc. Pr. 
 and Conv. Dunelm., 3439, 4562). He 
 was prebendary of Cadington Minor 
 at London, and a royal chaplain (New- 
 court, i., 130), and on June 28,~1322, 
 the king made him archdeacon of Bucks 
 (Le Neve, ii., 68). In 1334 he had 
 licence of non-residence on his rectory 
 
 of Hatfield (Reg. Melton). He was 
 keeper of the king's wardrobe at the 
 time of his death, which took place in 
 1342 (Reg. ii.. Prior, and Conv. Du- 
 nelm., and Reg. Kellawe, 347). He 
 gave some messages, etc., in London 
 to keep two priests to pray in the 
 chapel of St. John Baptist for his soul, 
 those of his parents, and bishop Bek, 
 and gave it costly vestments, some of 
 which were set with precious stones. 
 He also founded an oratory on the 
 south side of the choir, with a glorious 
 tabernacle, splendidly carved and co- 
 loured (Dugdale's St. Paul's, n. e., 21-2). 
 
 Waltham wrote a book called the 
 "Compendium Morale," which was 
 very popular in the middle ages. It 
 is somewhat in the style of Valerius 
 Maxim us, and is pleasantly drawn up. 
 There is a fine copy at Diu'ham (B, iii., 
 24) in the library of the dean and 
 chapiter, which ends thus : — 
 
 "Exjilicit Compendium Morale de 
 quibusdam dictis et factis, exemplaribus 
 antiquorum, per Roger um de Waltham 
 canonicum London, compilatum, qui 
 simplici opere suo hio concludeus, cum 
 0\idio, libro de Ponto, ait 
 ' Leta quidem letiis cecini, cano tristia tristis, 
 
 Conveniens operi tempus utrumrjue suo.' 
 
 Sic Domino et Beatac Maria) Virgini se 
 commendans. Amen." 
 
 I can trace six other <;opies of this 
 book. Fuller says that \A"altliam wrote 
 other works, especially one called " Ima- 
 gines Oratorum." His account as kecjier 
 of the Great AVardrobe was among the 
 Stowe MS.S., and is now in the pos- 
 session of lord Ashburnham. Cf. Lei. 
 Comm. de. Script. Brit., 264, and Bale, 
 cent, iv., 302. 
 
 * Reg. Greenfield. 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 and the call-roll of the clergy and the proceedings of the visitor 
 are presented at York. This is the earliest list that we possess 
 of the incumhents of any district in the North. The archbishop 
 took some interest in the election of Richard de Kellawe to the 
 vacant see, the whole process of which he entered in his register. 
 He consecrated him at York on Whit Sunday, 1311/ receiving 
 from his new suffragan the profession of obedience^ which he 
 always carefully observed. 
 
 We must not expect to find that the old feud about the cross 
 between the two primates had been given up. It broke ovit 
 several times while Greenfield presided over the Northern pro- 
 vince, but with no great violence. When the archbishop-elect 
 went abroad after his election, the king wrote a letter to the pope 
 begging that he might be allowed to carry his cross erect on his 
 retm-n.'" In February, 1306, when Greenfield came back to 
 England, Edward sent an order to the archbishop of Canterbury 
 that no violence should be offered to him, although it had been 
 intended." On his route the Northern primate paid a visit to 
 the abbat of St. Augustine^ s, Canterbury, but he took especial 
 care that his presence should entail no annoyance upon his 
 host." In the spring of 1312, when Greenfield was on his way 
 to the council at Vienne he met with such rough usage at the 
 hands of the servants of the archbishop of Canterbury that the 
 king again stepped in to protect him as he returned.^ When 
 he arrived in York, on the 1st of December, Greenfield em- 
 powered Adam de Osgodby, Robert de Bardelby, John de 
 Markingfeld, William de Melton, and Mr. John de Franceys, 
 canons of York, to state his position in the controversy to one 
 of the cardinals. In the autumn of 1314, when the coiu"t was 
 at York, there was a great risk of a collision. The archbishop 
 of Canterbury was on his way to that city, and it was not likely 
 that he would cede a single point to his rival in the North. On 
 the 31st of August Greenfield ordered his official and the dean 
 and chapter of York to resist him if he asserted the offensive 
 privilege, and directed the ser\dces to be suspended at every 
 place and church at wliich he halted, unless it were the royal 
 chapel. Instructions were also given to the archdeacon of Not- 
 tingham to check the Southern primate on his entrance into the 
 diocese.' The king, hovrever, put an end to the danger by 
 ordering Greenfield to allow his' brother to carry his cross erect 
 during his stay in York.'' He would submit most unwillingly. 
 
 ' Hist. Dunelin. Scr. Tres, 92. In ° Chron. W. Thorne, col. 2005. 
 
 1311 Greenfield granted an indulgence Prynne's Coll., iii., 1146. 
 
 of forty days to those visiting the shrine p Feed., ii., 167. 
 
 at Durham (Raine's St. Cuthbert, 103). » Reg. Greenfield. 
 
 •" Fa'd., i., 969. •■ Feed., ii., 253. Trokelowe Ann., 
 
 " Wilkins, ii., 284. 29.
 
 1304 — 1315.] ARCHBISHOP Greenfield. 389 
 
 On the 12tli of June in the following year, when there was a 
 chance of Greenfield going into the diocese of Worcester, a 
 strict injunction was given to the hishop by his superior that he 
 should not permit the sacred symbol to be raised.* 
 
 The clergy of Yorkshire were indebted to archbishop Green- 
 field for some useful constitutions which were promulgated at a 
 synod held at Ripon on the 30th of September, 1306. They 
 are identical, as Wilkins observes, with those dra^ai up in 1289 
 by Gilbert, bishop of Chichester, one of GreenfielcFs oldest 
 friends, and a kind patron to him. Some special injunctions 
 were added to the eff'ect that no appeal or obedience should be 
 paid to Canterbury. The arclibishop had another meeting of 
 his clergy at Laneham in 1311, and he there gave them another 
 set of constitutions.' 
 
 Turn we now from official duties and state employments to 
 the private life of the arclibishop. Let us look at him in his 
 palace and home, and not in the council-chamber or on his 
 throne. The following graphic details, which require little com- 
 ment or illustration, give us an interesting picture of his every- 
 day life. 
 
 1307, May 14. An order to pay to Thomas Dodington and 
 John de Marcadel 34/. 14s. 9d. for wines. May 26. For 180 
 sheep bought of Thomas de Marston, 12/. 15s. June 4. To 
 Mr. Robert de Hampton and the executors of Walter Oliver, 
 36/. for 300 sheep and 180 ewes reckoned by the greater hun- 
 dred. August 13. To the abbat of St. Mary^s, York, the col- 
 lector of the disme for the relief of the Holy Land, 100/." 
 Dee. 29. We have received of John de Ripon, bailifi* of Sher- 
 burn, 20/. in part payment of 100 marks for oaks sold out of 
 Outwode. 
 
 1308, April 11. To William de Grenfeld," our nephew, 120 
 marks for cloth bought at Stannford fair. May 12. To Richard 
 de Pole'" 55/. for 15 casks of wine bought of him. June 1. To 
 John le Warnner, of Munketon, money to j)ay for 40 oxen and 
 80 sheep purchased for our larder. June 17. To Nicholas de 
 Molendinis 20/. for certain business of ours which he has to 
 transact at London. Oct. 21. To Mr. John de Nassington, 
 
 ' Reg. Greenfield. Aug. 4 the abbat and convent received 
 
 ' Wilkins, ii., 285, 409-15. 100 marks from him as a subsidy to the 
 
 " The money was never u,-ed for church of Rome (Reg. Greenfield), 
 
 that purpose. The abbats of St. Mary's, " On Nov. 1, 1318, AVilliam de 
 
 York, were frequently collectors for the Greenfield, one of the adherents of the 
 
 pope. On Dec. 5, 1307, there was earl of Tiancaster, has a <,'enoral pardon 
 
 another payment of 100 marks to him (Pari. Writs, ii., part ii., 131). 
 
 for the Holy Land. On May 2, 1308, *" One of the De la Poles of Hull, a 
 
 Greenfield paid him 100 marks on family afterwards ennobled. He was 
 
 account of the " decima bienuialis " kniLchted, and died in 1315. Cf. Test, 
 
 which was due to the king, and on Ebor., i., 7-
 
 390 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Mr. J. de Craucumbe, and dan Adam de Sheffeud^ executors of 
 Mr. John de Craucumbe, archdeacon of the East Riding, 
 34/. 13s. 2d. for sheep, lambs, and hay. Oct. 24. To Giles le 
 Morton, onr servant at Thorpe and at the granges at York, 12/. 
 for com for seed. 
 
 1309, Jan. 25. To Giles le Morton, servant at our granges 
 at York, the money necessary for making a foss in the Old 
 Baily,-^ for procuring plants to put in the said foss, and for 
 repairing the road to the mills. Feb. 5. For six casks of wine, 
 18/. Feb. 18. To Eudo de Assarto, our chamberlain, 100/. for 
 the expenses of our hospice. March 10. To John le Graas, 
 sheriff of Yorkshire, fom' oaks for timber in our wood at 
 Thornton. March 24. To Clement, shipman of the abbat of 
 St. Mary's, York, 5s. which he spent whilst canying timber to 
 our manor at Patrington. July 21. To Richard de Wystowe 
 10/. to buy animals to give to our lord the king if he chances to 
 journey to Scotland this way. July 27. To Lambert de Triking- 
 ham, seneschal of out lands, 20/. in part payment of his fee 
 (which was 40 marks). August 7. Matthew, rector of Little 
 Saudal, pays to Eudo, our chamberlain, 40s. for the reconciling 
 of the churchyard of Little Sandal.^ August 9. To Toctus, 
 brother of Frysotus de Monte Clare, 64/., in which John de 
 Britannia, earl of Richmond,- says that he is bound to him for 
 corn during the vacancy of the see. The letter was dictated 
 by the archbishop. 
 
 1310, March 24. To Giles le Morton, keeper of our granges 
 at York, 66s. for hay bought of John de Pelham," keeper of 
 the king's oats. The said John has intimated to us that he has 
 oats for horses to sell at York at 4s. a quarter, and that he can 
 sell as much as we want. April 11. To Thomas, bishop of 
 Whithenie,* 100s. as a gift, and an honest hospice at York 
 against the time of our general council. May 2. To Giles le 
 Morton, keeper of our gi*anges at York, money sufficient for 
 the repairs of our manor at Thorp and our palace at York. 
 
 •^ The Old Bailey is in York on the Nov. 5, tlie churchyard of Harewood. 
 Micklegate side of the Ouse, in the 1310, April 16, the churchyard of kS.M. 
 direction of Clementhorpe. It will be at the <<ate of York castle. The shed- 
 again mentioned (Drake's Eboracum, ding of blood was the cause of the 
 265). pollution. The cost of reconciling a 
 
 » A slip of parchment inserted in churchyard was, it appears, 40s. 
 
 Greenfield's register tells us that the ' Cf. Dugd. Bar., i., 51. 
 
 following churches, etc., were recon- " He is mentioned once or twice in 
 
 oiled during the year 1309. June 30, the Pari. Writs. 
 
 the church of West Eetford ; July 8, » He made his profession of obedi- 
 
 the churchyard of Little Sandal ; Au- ence at Scrooby on the 26th of June, 
 
 gust 3, the chapel of Laxton Morhous ; 1306 (Reg. Greenfield). On 20th Sep- 
 
 Oct. 10, the churchyard of Dunham ; tember, 1314, the king gave Thomas, 
 
 Sept. 24, the churchyard of Bramham ; bishop of AVhitherne, leave to visit his 
 
 Nov. 4, the churchyard of Bardesey; diocese (Rot. Scot., i., 131).
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 391 
 
 May 19. To Nicholas de Molendinis 57/. to make provision for 
 us in the fair of St. Ives. IMay 21. To repair our mills at 
 Ripon 17 oaks, under the supervision of Sir Robert de Coygners'^ 
 and the bailiff of Ripon. June 1. To William, son of Robert 
 de Grenfeld oiu' kinsman, 20/. for the repairs of the houses of 
 the manor of the clim^ch of Bolton Percy. July 4. To John de 
 Wynton our butler, 71/. 7s. lid. for wines iDought at Hull. 
 Anj:?ust 25. To Sir Thomas de Cohdlle, knight, lord of Coke- 
 wold, 100/. for the service due from us to the king in the Scot- 
 tish war. Oct. 14. To Sir Rol)ert de Coyners, knight, 50/. for 
 a horse sold by him to us at Ripon fair for the use of John 
 Giffard.-^ 
 
 1311, March 4. An order to pay the expenses incurred by 
 our messengers holding a provincial council at Durham. July 4. 
 To the bishop of Whitherne 20/., for acting as our suffragan 
 during our absence. July 8. An order to pay the money for 
 building om' study in our camera at Cawood, and for repairing 
 the front of our chapel at Burton. 
 
 1312, August 21. To William de Langtoft, keeper of the 
 fabric of the church of York, 100/., which we have promised 
 and graciously conceded for the said fabric* Sept. 12. To 
 H. de Wodhouses, servant of our manor of Cawood, money 
 sufficient to carry on our work there to its completion. Nov. 
 13. For Avines bought at Hull, 8^ marks. Nov. 15. An order to 
 Henry de Henney, canon of Ripon and our receiver there, to pay 
 10/. to the keeper of the fabric of two bridges near Ripon which 
 have been broken down. Nov. 23. To Roger de Thornton, our 
 receiver at York, 24s. lid. for repairing our old crozier.-/" For 
 
 *■ Probably of Ripon. On June 1 5, to Eobert Coigners (Reg. Melton). 
 
 1304, lie and Adam deMiddleton, clerk, This is, I presume, the person whose 
 
 were made justices of assize for the marriage archbishop Melton bought in 
 
 libert}' of Ripon. On Aug. 30, 1310, 1333 for Joan his niece for the sum of 
 
 he, Adam de Middleton, rector of Arn- 60 marks. He is a witness in the 
 
 cUffe, and Thomas de Fyssheburue, had Scrope and Grosvenor Roll (ibid., ii., 
 
 a similar commission, and Conyers had 317). 
 
 another on Jan. 18, 1314. On Nov. '' Probably Sir John Giffard of Brim- 
 
 11, 1309, he was appointed to enquire mesfiold, the archbishop's kinsman, or 
 
 into a dispute between the archbishop one of the Gitfards of Weston. On 
 
 and the abbat of Fountains about the Feb. 10, 130!), Greenfield gives an ac- 
 
 boundaries of the moor or pasture near quittance to dame Margaret Gilfard for 
 
 the vill of Colhou (Reg. Corbridge and 50 marks, part of a debt of 100/. in 
 
 Greenfield). which she was bound to us for Sir .John 
 
 June 7, 1313, dom. Thomas le Con- Gilfard of Weston (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 yers occurs as the sequestrator of the ' On May 21, 1306,_ Greenfield 
 
 archbishop within the archdeaconries granted an indulgence of forty days in 
 
 of Notts, Cleveland, and the East Rid- behalf of the minster. In the preface 
 
 ing (Reg. Greenfield). to the Fabric Rolls, p. xi, T have stated 
 
 On August 11, 1336, a loan of 10 erroneously that he gave a donation of 
 
 marks to Sir Robert Coigner.s, knight. 500 marks to the fabric. The real 
 
 June 25, 1338, another of 20/. to' his donor was his successor Melton, 
 
 executors. August 3, another of 25/. / The parcels are, " In cruce domini
 
 392 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 making a new one^ 40s. For furs to set upon our mantle bought 
 by Thomesyne, 12s. For the York fairs on the feast of St. 
 Peter ad Yiucula^ 26s. 8d. Dec. 16. A loan of 40/. to the prior 
 of Watton in his great necessity. Dec. 21. To Peter de Badde- 
 fosse 16 marks for four casks of wine. 
 
 1313, Jan. 5. To the Friars Preachers at York 40s., to the 
 Friars Minors 2 marks, to the Augustinians 20s., and to the 
 Carmelites 20s., to enable them to keep the festival to-morrow. i' 
 Jan. 14. To Adam Munketon, goldsmith of York, for making 
 our new crozier, 20s., and 16d. for testing the silver used 
 thereon ; for quicksilver 6d., and for three gold florins bought 
 for g-ilding the said crozier, 12s. lOd. For a saddle bought for 
 John Fauconberge,^ 5s. 6d. Jan. 29. To Walter de Brikyuhale, 
 5s. 7d. for the cost and apparatus of our Bible. Feb, 11. To 
 Nicholas de Molendinis 40/. for certain matters which we told 
 him to do. Feb. 13. To the goldsmith for making the cover of 
 our cup, 12s. ; for one florin bought to gild it, 4s., and for mak- 
 ing it, 3s. March 5. To a wine merchant 9| marks for two 
 casks of new wine. March 29. To Adam de Munketon, gold- 
 smith, 14/. 7s. 9d. for the making and the metal (pondere) of 
 seven salvers (scutellarum) and six cups of silver. April 27. 
 To Gaylard de Laden, 10/. 16s. 8d. for four casks of wine bought 
 for our use at Hull, and to Arnald de Leulk, 40/. for 16 casks of 
 wine bought there. June 7. To ]\Iargery de Wyghtou for straw 
 fUteria/ bought for our use, 10 marks. June 13. To William 
 de Grenefeld, our nephew, 40 marks on our business. June 19. 
 To John de Sandwich 40 marks to make provision for us at 
 London. July 26. We have pardoned Robert de Mering, of 
 Southwell, 40s. in consideration of a colt we have bought of 
 him. July 15. To Robert de Bluntesdon, 200/. to make pro- 
 vision for us at the next fair at St. BotulpVs. Sept. 3. To 
 Mr. John de Weston,-' the king's chamberlain in Scotland, or to 
 
 facieuda; in liondere, primo, 7s. 3d. "Our Lord Jesu, as holy writ devlseth, 
 la diminutione operis, 8d. : in vivo Yave us ensample of fasting and praieres. 
 
 „„„„„4 i 1 A T ■ p riierfore we mendicants, we sely freres, 
 
 argento empto pro eadem, 4d. : m fac- Ben wedded to poverte and continence." 
 
 tura ejusdem crucis, 6s. 8d. : in ij flo- 
 
 rinis et di. auri emptis, 9s." Their life, soon after tlieir introduction 
 
 «■ In the Wardrobe Account of Ed- into England, must have been any- 
 
 ward I. (ii, etc.) similar gifts occur. thing but pleasant, as Eccleston speaks 
 
 The Friars were not ignorant of good of their cro\vding together for warmth, 
 
 living if Piers Plowman, Chaucer, and " like a litter of pigs?' 
 Buchanan are to be believed. Their * A son of Walter de Fauconberge 
 
 migrator}^ life was one of their chief and a ward of the archbishop of York, 
 
 characteristics : that they would justify He will be again mentioned. 
 in the words of Erasmus, " Tales er- ' Lib. Garderobse Edward I., 33. 
 
 rones eraut apostoli; talis erat et Do- ■> Paj-master at Berwick 1299, 1300 
 
 minus Jesus;" and for their fasting, (Lib. Garderobse, 145). An eschaetor 
 
 etc., the lines of the poet might be and much concerned in Scottish affairs 
 
 their warrant :— (Foed., ii., -199. Eot. Scotiie, i., 61
 
 1304 1315,1 ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 393 
 
 Peter Bonavicta, merchant, of the company of the Bardi, 100 
 marks. Oct. 25. To the ahhat of St. Mary's York, 100/. which 
 we are compelled to pay in these days in hehalf of onr predecessor 
 J. Romayn for a certain disme imposed in his time. Nov. 16. 
 A loan of 120 marks to Mr. P. de Dene* which he has horrowcd 
 from us in the time of his gi^eat need. Dec. 23. To the }i;old- 
 smitli at York for the metal and the making of six silver cups, 
 41. 18s. 7d. To Peter de Badefos, 15/. for five casks of wine 
 which he sent to Cawood. 
 
 1314, Jan. 25. An order to pay the money required for 
 making a new gate in our manor of Hexham and for other 
 works there. Feb. 11. A loan of 40/. to the prior and convent 
 of Hexham on account of the frequent inciu'sions of the Scots. 
 Feb. 20. To John de Sandwich money sufficient to buy half a 
 web of cloth of the suit of our winter livery, and a thick 
 variegated far for dan William de Melton.' To the Friars 
 Preachers and Minors of Y^ork, 40s. each, and to the Augus- 
 tinians and Carmelites, 20s. each, of our alms, and let each 
 convent be asked to permit every priest in their houses to say a 
 mass for the soul of Robert de Grenefeld, our brother, lately 
 deceased. March 22. To John the goldsmith at York, and others, 
 71. 7s. 6d. for certain small things. May 12. To Thomas Frere, 
 William Curtays and Roger de Upton of Doncaster 20 marks 
 for the repairs of the causeway between Doncaster bridge and 
 a bridge outside the town called Wylghebrigg. May 26. To 
 the keepers of the fabric of the church of St. Peter, York, 50 
 marks, of our special favour. May 28. To William de Yasconia, 
 Avine merchant, 25/. 2d. for 8 casks of red wine bought of 
 him, and to Peter de Badefosse, 33/. 16s. Id. for 10 casks of red, 
 and 1 pipe of white wine bought of him. May 31. To the repairs 
 of 2 bridges at Ripon, 10/. June 18. To John de Merkingfeld 
 100/. as a loan to restore his fortunes, with God's help, for we 
 are much concerned at his unhappy case.'" July 18. To John 
 
 etc.). Constable of the Tower of Lon- ward II. he was chancellor of the Ex- 
 don (The French Chron. of London, checincr (Madox, ii., 320), liavin-,' been 
 55). Constable of Bordeaux, 1st of ap]iointed to the ottice two years before, 
 Edward III. (Cal. Rot. Pat., 99). when he had the royal permi-ssion to 
 * Prebendary of Grendale at York, crenellate his house at Markenfield, 
 which he gave up in 1322, when he near Ripon, which still remains (Cal. 
 took the cowl in the monaster}^ of St. Rot. Pat., 70). He was occupied occa- 
 Auf^ustine, at Canterbury'. He made , sionally in state matters (Rot. Scot., i., 
 a will in favour of that house, but tirinj,' 70. Rot. Pari., i., 419. Pcrd., ii., 219, 
 of his profession, ran away. Thome 409), and lent money to the monastery 
 gives an amusing account of his re- of l)urham {\lv^. Kellawc, 71). lie 
 capture. was executor of WilUam de Hamilton, 
 ' Afterwards archbishop. dean of York and lord chancellor of 
 '" Prebendary of Warthill at York England, M'ith \vhom he had been long 
 and Studlej"^ at Ripon, and rector of coiniccted. He got into trouble and 
 Escrick. In the 5th and 6tli of Ed- was excommunicated on account of his
 
 394 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 de Okham/' tlie king's cofferer, 100 marks for our service in the 
 Scottish war in 1313. July 22. To Nicholas de Molendinis, 
 10/. IGs. 8d. for cloth and furs for our use, and to Peter de Bade- 
 fosse, 40/. 6s. 8d. for a pipe of wine. July 12. To Henry de 
 Cawod, our poulterer (poletarioj, 171. 3s. 5d. to buy oxen, sheep, 
 and pigs for gifts to the king and queen." August 6. To 
 Nicholas de Molendinis, 200/. to provide for us at St. Botulph's 
 fair. August 14. To John de Sandale, lieutenant of the 
 treasury, 40/. which we have granted to the king for the wages 
 of forty footmen who are to be sent to Berwick to guard that 
 town in its great need.^ August 19. To a goldsmith at York, 
 69s. 2d. for the metal and the making of four silver cups. To 
 a certain baker at York for consecrated bread fpanis DominicusJ 
 lately sent to Sir Hugh le Despenser, and Ralph de Mehermer.'? 
 Sept. 22, To Sir John de Wylmerton, knt., 200 marks which we 
 have granted to om' kinsman Sir John Giffard of Brymmesfield 
 to help tov^ards the payment of his ransom in Scotland. To 
 Sir Henry de Wylmerton, knight, 100 marks which we have 
 given to Sir Baldwin de Fryvill, knight, oiu* kinsman, towards his 
 ransom in Scotland. Oct. 3. To Sir Simon Warde, knight, 20/. 
 for the same purpose.'' Sept. 24. To John de Sulle,'' 10/. which 
 we have lent him in his great need. Nov. 6. To William de 
 Ponteburgi, our bailiff at Sherburn, money to pay for fifty fiu's 
 bought at Pontefract for our winter livery. Nov. 21. To the 
 Friars Preachers of Beverley tlu'ce qiiarters of corn. Dec. 9. 
 To the bailiff of Sherburn money to pay the wages of John 
 Lousing our carpenter. Dec. 10. To Peter de Badfos 50 marks 
 
 maladministration of that trust, and qurc et absentibus et catecbumenis, jus 
 this,probably, is tbe"miseria" to which suraendse eucharistia3 non habentibus 
 Greenfield alludes. Markenfield's will mittebantur, ut ipsis essent vice sacra- 
 was made in 1321, and is in the registry menti. Fractio panis dicebatur eulo- 
 of the dean and chapter of York. giarum benedictio, quae a presbyteris 
 " A baron of the Exchequer. vel episcopis fiebant ante cibi sump- 
 » Walsingham, lOi. tionem seu prandium ; quas eulogias 
 p Cf. Chron. Lanercost, 224, etc. amicis vel convivis in communionis 
 Fa?d., ii., 248. symbolum distribuebant." See also 
 " England was roused — on every side Ducange sub voce Eulogia. 
 Courier and post and herald hied, r rpj^g consequences of the defeat of 
 To summon prince and peer, -p, ■, ^ -nr n .1 • i,„,„ 
 At Berwick bounds to meet their liege Bannockburn. V> e see from this how 
 Prepared to raise fair Stirling's siege the ransoms of the prisoners were 
 With buckler, brand, and spear." raised. Wylmerton had been a captive 
 ' It is impossible to speak here of himself, and Ward is, erroneously, said 
 these great men. The panis may be to have been killed on that fatal field. 
 thus explained, "Quoque appellata Wylmerton is probably the same person 
 sunt eulogia ea panis KXaafxara, qiise that was executed for treason at Bristol 
 in veteri ecclesia ad alias paroecias, aut in 1322 (Murimuth, 37). Miracles are 
 ad peregrinos (TriSrtixovvras, ut dictum, said to have attested his excellency, 
 mitti solebant. Similiter etiam Latini ' Chamberlain of Edward I. in 1306 
 eulogias dixere frusta panis benedicti (Feed., i., 998). Abbrev. Eot. Orig., 
 quidem, sed non in usum eucharistiae, i., 36.
 
 1304 1315.] ARCHBISHOP GREENFIELD. 395 
 
 for red vestments of " siklatmi/^' which belonged to Sir Henry 
 de Percy, with parures, stole, and maniple, embroidered. 
 
 1315, Jan. 14. To Hugh Saunterre," our valet, and Giles de 
 Morton, " domicello nostro," money to buy for each of them the 
 following arms, "one aketun, one haubergcon, and one bacinet,^^ 
 and gamitlets and a lance. Jan. 27. To Gaillard Cessime, wine 
 merchant of Gascony, 20 marks 13s. for 4 casks of wine. 
 Feb. 13. To Stephen de Bella Aqua,'' bailiff of Southwark, 74s. 
 8d. which he paid for stone and flint bought for making a 
 certain chamber in our manor of Scrooby. To John de Moubray 
 and Peter de Mauley 50 marks each, as captains of these parts, 
 appointed by us and our clergy for the defence of this province 
 against the Scots.'" March 30. INIandate to the receivers at 
 Chirchedon to buy 3 casks of good wine, as we intend to 
 come there this summer. April 8. To the bailift' of Sherburn 
 for 55 lambs^ furs, bought for our use at Pontefract, the 
 necessary money. April 18. To Wm. de Grenefield, our nepliew, 
 50 marks for certain business of ours. April 26. To William 
 de Thorp, our baker (panetarioj , 20/. to buy horses for our use 
 at Ripon fair. IMay 5. To Sir Robert Coigners, 20/. which we 
 have lent to him. May 6. To Peter de Badefos, 49/. 14s. 2d. 
 for 15 casks of wine at Hull. May 17. To the keeper of the 
 bridges at Ripon,^ 20/. To our steward at Scroby, money to 
 buy certain things required to build a chamber in our manor 
 there. May 28. To the keeper of the fabric of the church of 
 York, 50 marks for the more expeditious progress of the work 
 this summer, August 11. A loan of 50 marks to Sir Ralpli 
 Pitzwilliam.y August 23. A loan of 20/. to Henry de Knares- 
 burgh minister of the house of St. Robert of Knaresburgh 
 and his convent on account of their great need. August 31. 
 
 ' In 1295 the cope of John Mansel Vavasonr for 200 marks (Reg. Green- 
 
 " de panno aureo qui vocatur ciclatona" field). Plac. de quo Warranto, 188, 
 
 was in the treasury of St. Paul's (Dug- 193, 212. 
 
 dale's St. Paul's, n.e., 1318). Other "" On 16th March 200 marks more 
 
 instances occur in Ducange under the were given to four captains, and a like 
 
 word cyclas. Cf. Knyghton, col. 2740. sum on the 26th (Reg. Greenfield). 
 
 " Walsingham, 107. There was a ' On 26th August another sum of 
 
 great levy ahout this time in Yorkshire lOZ. for them to A^'illiam le Littester, 
 
 (Rot. Scot., i., 165). burgess of Ripon (i1)id.). 
 
 " He was bailiff of Ripon in 1307. -" In 21th of Edward I. he occurs a.s 
 
 The family belonged to Nottingliam- brother and heir of Geoifrev Pitz- 
 
 shire. Cf. thoroton's Notts, 321. John william (Abbrev. Rot. Orig., "i., 96). 
 
 de Bella Aqua (Uellew) married Lade- He was custos of Ncwca.stle and Car- 
 
 rina, one of the daughters and co-heirs lisle in 1315 (Rot. Scot., i., MO), and 
 
 of Peter de Brus (Madox, Bar. 51). was much cmiiloyed in the service of 
 
 On " die Dom. in crast. Omn. Sanct.," the state. Por an account of him and 
 
 1309, Isabella de Bella Aqua granted to his ]irinccly fortunes, see Hodgson's 
 
 William, son and heir of Sir John de Nortlnnuborland, vol. ii., part ii., 27-i. 
 
 Bella Aqua, her son, his own marriage Poss's Judges, iii., 89. 
 which she bought of Sir William le
 
 396 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 To the prioress and convent of Clementhorpe, 40s. of our alms, 
 and to a poor man, who made a ditch in the garden of our 
 palace to carry off the superfluous water, 2s. Sept. 5. To 
 the prior of St. Mary's York, 20/. for the covering of our houses 
 at Westminster. Sept. 10. To Stephen de Bella Aqua money 
 to buy 50,000 or 60,000 turves, and 6 marks for making a 
 certain mill of ours at Laneham. Nov. 18. To the Friars 
 Preachers and Minors of York, each 5 marks, and to the 
 Augustinians and Carmelites 40s. each, on account of the 
 excessive dearness at the present time.* 
 
 Archbishop Greenfield died at his manor house at Cawood 
 on the festival of St. Nicholas, Saturday, December 6, 1315," 
 and was interred within the minster of York to which he was a 
 generous benefactor. He lies in the north transept on the 
 eastern side, in the corner adjacent to the choir aisle. The 
 monument which commemorates him, although much mutilated 
 and injured, is a very striking one. The marble slab that 
 covers his remains has been plated with brass, of which nothing 
 is in existence save a portion of the figure of the archbishop 
 which time and neglect have almost entirely obliterated. He 
 wears his mitre, and is clad in fall canonicals, and his hand is 
 raised in the act of benediction.* Above the figure there towers 
 a lofty overarching canopy of rich decorated work surmounted 
 by a statuette of Greenfield who is seated in his chair. '^ This is 
 a valuable memorial of the skill of a recent master mason of the 
 cathedral. Between the tomb and the wall there once stood 
 the altar of St. Nicholas, for, as the decease of the archbishop 
 occurred on the festival of that saint, this place, most happily 
 and appropriately, was selected for his interment. At the 
 time of Greenfield's death two chantries were in existence at 
 that altar, and on the 28th of April, 1316, Richard de Cestria, 
 canon of York, added a third at which the soul of the archbishop 
 was especiallj^ commemorated.'^ 
 
 About 1735 the tomb was opened and a fine gold ring with 
 a ruby was taken from the dead man's finger. It is now deposited 
 among the treasures in the vestry. The lines of Hugo Grotius 
 may be applied to it : — 
 
 ' Kn3^ghton (col. 2532) speaks of the * Engraved in Waller's Sepulchral 
 
 " caristia tritici " in 1307, but he does Brasses, and in Drake, 432. 
 
 not allude to this year. Murimuth, ' It was 1)ehind this tomb that the 
 
 however, mentions it (p. 24), and says wretched fanatic Jonathan IMartin se- 
 
 that a quarter of wheat was worth 30s. creted himself in 1829 when he set fire 
 
 and more. Cf. Sprotti Chron., 77, and to the minster. In 1434 the arch- 
 
 Trokelowe, 34. The corn could not bishop's tomb was enclosed (Fabric 
 
 ripen in consequence ofthe wet weather. Eolls, 53). 
 
 " MSS. Cotton, Vitelliiis, A, ii., 1 12. * Fabric Eolls, 299. Domesday book 
 
 Stubbs, col. 1730. penes Dec, and Cap. Ebor., 52 b.
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 397 
 
 " Aunulo, qui thecam potcras liabiiisse scpulclirum, 
 Hscc, natalis erit nunc tibi, tlieca, locus." 
 
 I find also that Greenfield bequeathed another ring to the dean 
 and chapter to decorate the feretory of St. William. This came 
 into their possession on the 7tli of January, 1316." 
 
 Goodwin tells us, without stating his authority, that the 
 archbishop bequeathed his library to the monastery of St. 
 Alban^'s,-^ which at that time was in very high repute. His will 
 has not occui-red to me. Thomas de St. Albans^, canon of South- 
 well, and William, son of Robert de Greenfield, the testator^s 
 nephew, were the executors.^ They were released from the 
 responsibility of their charge on the 16th of August, 1322.''' 
 
 ^^^^tlliam XiC lilcltOn, the forty-second archbishop of York, 
 was a person of whom all contemporary writers si)eak Avith 
 respect and admiration, and he must be regarded as one of the 
 greatest prelates that ever presided over the Northern province. 
 He was of humble origin, but he raised himself to distinction by 
 his natural abilities and his unflagging energy, and became one 
 of the most conspicuous and useful statesmen of the age in wliich 
 he lived. Nor were his services to the church less remarkable 
 from his connection with the court. ^ It is, indeed, difficult 
 to do full justice in a narrow space to so illustrious a man. 
 
 He was a native of a little hamlet, called INIelton, in the 
 parish of Welton near Howden,-' which is situated aljout five 
 miles from North Cave, and nine from Beverley and Hull. Tlic 
 district in which he was born Avas under the control of the see 
 of Dui'ham from very early times, and the prior and convent 
 of that renowned monastery were the patrons of the churcli in 
 
 ' Fabric Rolls, ed. Surtees SocicW, of the executors. Oct. 10, 132i, the 
 
 214. There was in the treasury, by king orders Mr. Thomas de St. Albans 
 
 the gift of Greenfield, a pontifical ring to be summoned to pay the sum of 
 
 with an emerald in the middle sur- 193^. I7s. 5^d. to archbishop Melton 
 
 rounded by four rubies and four large (Reg. Melton), 
 
 pearls (ibid.). ' " Licet de curia regis esset assnmp- 
 
 / De Prsesuhbus, M. e., 685. He pro- tus, religiosam tamen vitam habuit ct 
 
 bably derived his information from the honestam" (Lanercost Chron., 233). 
 
 famous Golden Book of St. Albans' > Mr. Nichols makes him a native of 
 
 which is in the Cottonian library. Melton Mowbray (History of Lciccs- 
 
 «• Drake's Eboracum, 432. tershire, ii., 25'J). There are pedi- 
 ' '' March 4, 1319, commission to Mr. « grces of the family in Baker's North- 
 Dennis Avenel, canon of Beverley, and ants, i., 673 ; Poulson's Holderness, ii., 
 Thomas de Cave to receive the accounts 199j Hunter's South Yorkshire, ii., 162.
 
 398 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 which Melton would worship in his boyhood. They befriended 
 him in his struggles Avith the world, but it was in all probability 
 to bishop Bek and archbishop Greenfield that he was mainly 
 indebted for his rapid progress in the court and church. The 
 neighbourhood from which he sprang produced another great 
 man about the same time, John de Hotliam, lord chancellor of 
 England and bishop of Ely. 
 
 In 1300 Melton occurs as one of the ostiarii of the wardrobe 
 of Edward I., and he was comptroller of the same department at 
 the accession of his son, an office which he was holding in 
 1315.'^ In the spring of 1308 he went abroad with Edward II., 
 being at that time the secretary of that monarch, in the charge 
 of the temporary seal.^ On the 20th of April, 1310, the king 
 sent a commendatory letter in his favour to the pope, praising 
 him highly, and saying that he had been in his service from 
 his boyhood. This seems to shew that there was then some 
 prospect of Melton's rising to greatness, and this is the more 
 probable from the fact that Edward wrote in the same strain to 
 the pope and cardinals on the 12th of November, 1312.™ On 
 the 12th of August, in the same year, he went as a commissioner 
 from the king to the barons and probi homines of the Cinque 
 ports," and he was sent abroad on May 3, 1313, with letters of 
 protection, on the king's business, and the constable of Dover 
 was ordered to make arrangements for the passage of Melton 
 and his companions." On the 1st of August, in the same year. 
 Melton was one of the commissioners who were to look to the 
 protection of the marches of England against the Scots, and on 
 the 12th of June, 1314, he and others had letters of credence 
 to archbishop Greenfield, as the representatives of the king, in 
 the convocation of the clergy that was to meet at York to consider 
 the subject of the expedition into Scotland which ended in the 
 disastrous defeat at Bannockburn.^ 
 
 Whilst Melton was thus employed, he was a pluralist of the 
 first water. He seems, indeed, to have been beneficed in every 
 part of England, but it must not be inferred that he held all 
 his pieces of preferment at the same time. In 1299 he was 
 presented to the rectory of Refham, in the diocese of Lincoln, 
 which he was holding in the following year, 5' On the 10th of 
 
 * Liber Garderobse, 45, 87,95, 166, " Feed., ii., 211. 
 
 181,332. Madox, Hist. Exch., i., 74. p Ibid., 249. Rot. Scotije, i., 113. 
 
 Rot. Scotise, i., 143. Pell Records, 118. Pari. Writs, vol. ii., part i., 421 ; part 
 
 Pari. AVrits, vol. ii., part ii., 10. ii., 77. On August 13, 1313, he was 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 29. Pari. Writs, vol. sent to various prelates within the pro- 
 
 ii., part ii., 11,43. In 1343 he gave vince of York to ask for loans against 
 
 the great seal to the keepers thereof by the Scots (ibid., vol. ii., part ii., 65). 
 
 the king's order. i MSS. Harl., 6951, 33. Cal. Inq. 
 
 '" Feed., ii., 107, 187. Post. Mort., i., 165. 
 
 " Pari. Writs, vol. ii., part ii., 43.
 
 1317 1310.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 399 
 
 July, 1301, he was instituted, at the presentation of the abbat 
 and convent of St. Mary^s York, to the rectory of Hornsea in 
 Holderness.'" On the 2nd of January, 1305, he obtained the 
 first part of the prebend of Oxton cum Crophill at the church 
 of Southwell,"" and on the 13tli of March, 1308, he was instituted 
 to the rectory of Lytlie, at the presentation of Sir Peter de 
 Mauley, and he made a diligent enquiry into the dilapidations 
 of his living.'^ On the 27tli of August, 1308, he was made dean 
 of the college of St. Martin-le-grand," and archdeacon of 
 Barnstaple, in the church of Exeter on the 13th of October." 
 In 1309 he became prebendary of Louth at Lincoln."' On the 
 3rd of May, in that year, he gave up his stall in the collegiate 
 church of Westbury, in the diocese of Worcester, to Mr. William 
 de Lincoln for his prebend at the altar of St. Michael at 
 Beverley, to which he was collated. On the 2nd of June he 
 was presented by Edward 11. to the stall of South Cave at 
 York, but it was found upon enquiry that Neapolio, a Roman 
 cardinal was in possession of it in virtue of a papal provision, 
 and Melton did not obtain it.-^ On the 30th of July he was 
 collated by archbishop Greenfield to the prebend of Northwell 
 at Southwell which John de Drokenesford had held, and on the 
 6th of October he was preferred, by the same prelate, to the 
 provostship of Beverley .^^ In the same year he was presented 
 by the king to the rectory of Thorpland in Norfolk.- On the 
 23rd of March, 1310, he was collated to the stall of Driffield at 
 York, exchanging for it, with John de Cadomo, his prebend in 
 the collegiate church of Darlington, and he was installed by 
 the chapter on the 15th of August." On the 4th of August he 
 was instituted to the rectory of Spoffbrth at the presentation of 
 Sir Henry de Percy.* In 1312, on the 4th of July, Richard 
 Kellawe, bishop of Durham, granted him an annual pension of 
 20/. for the good service he had rendered him,'^ and Melton Avas 
 in the receipt of a similar gift of ten marks per annum from 
 Weaker de Langton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, which 
 he gave up on the 12th of November, 1318, when he no longer 
 needed it.'' On the 8th of April, 1312, the prior and convent 
 
 *■ Eeg. Corbridge, 33 h. Reg. Green- Oliver's Beverley, 390. Cal. Rot. 
 
 field, part i. Instituted again May 7. Chart., Ul, 147. Plac. de quo War- 
 
 ' Le Neve, iii., 447. ranto, 636. 
 
 ' Reg. Greenfield. - Blomefield's Norfolk, vii., 98. 
 
 " Newcourt, i., 426. Kempe's St. <" Reg. Greenfield. ActaCapit., 16 J. 
 
 Martin-le-Grand, 102. Mon. Francisc, In August, 1311, when Robert de 
 
 506. Plac. de quo Warranto, 452. Cal. Pickering was elected dean. Melton 
 
 Rot. Chart., 140. " Le Neve, i. , 406. received the vote of Robert de Rippling- 
 
 *" Ibid., ii., 180. ham, the chancellor. 
 
 ' Reg. Greenfield, part i., 12-13. * Reg. Greenfield, part i., 80 a. 
 
 y Ibid., part i., 46 6. He was col- '' Reg. Kellawe, 4 b. 
 
 lated to it previously on Oct. 22, 1308. '' Reg. Melton. He had also a pen-
 
 400 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of Dm-hara gave liim tlie rectory of Welton, his native parish, 
 Ijut he resigned it on the 14th of September following/ and ou 
 the 13th of January he is said to have been preferred to a stall 
 in the church of Howden/ On the 21st of November, 1314, 
 he received the living of Castre, Northants, which he gave up in 
 1316/ and in September, 1317, he resigned that of Brigham, in 
 Cumberland, upon his promotion to the archbishopric of York/' 
 The death of archbishop Greenfield in December, 1315, 
 vacated the see of York, and on the 13th of that month the 
 king gave the chapter leave to proceed to a new election. On 
 the 2 1st of January they fixed upon Melton at the king^s request, 
 and on the 5th of February Edward assented to their choice. 
 On the 8th the king ^Tote in Melton^s behalf to the pope and 
 gave him letters of safe conduct to enable him to leave the 
 kingdom.^ On his arrival at the papal court he was subjected 
 to a lengthy and tedious delay occasioned, no doubt, to a great 
 extent by the death of Clement V. His wishes, however, were 
 thwarted by some attaches of the papal court, among whom 
 may be mentioned Pandulph de Savelli, George de Poregia, and 
 Fi'ancis Gaetano, all of whom were beneficed in Yorkshire and 
 had some gnidge, in all probability, against the archbishop-elect. 
 On many occasions the king wrote to the pope and cardinals in 
 Melton^s favour, at one time protesting against the delay, and 
 expressing the mischief which it might occasion in consequence of 
 the incursions of the Scots, at another time remonstrating with 
 the opponents of the confirmation and imploring that it might at 
 once be made.-' Smooth words, however, as well as rough were 
 impotent, and the consecration was actually delayed until the 
 25th of September, 1317, when it took place at Avignon.* On 
 
 sion from the prior and convent of prebend of Driffield, taxed at 100?. per 
 
 Coventry. There is a singular letter annum; the stall of St. Michael at 
 
 from prince Edward relating to it in Beverley, worth 17Z. ; and the provost- 
 
 33rd Edward I., which certainly shews ship worth 40?. 
 
 that Melton was fond of money (Ninth ' Stubbs, col. 1730. Le Neve, iii., 
 
 Eeport of the Deputy Keeper of Public 106. Fopd., ii., 285. Cal. Eot. Pat., 
 
 Records, appendix, ii., 247-8). 79. On 19 kal., Jan., 1315, the chap- 
 
 ' Reg. ii., Prior, and Conv. Dunelm., ter asked the king's leave to proceed to 
 
 i.. Ill J. ^Yhen Melton was elected a new election (Reg. Dec. and Cap., 
 
 archbishop he wrote a kind letter to the sede vac). 
 
 prior asking him to be present at his i Foed., ii., 297-8, 300, 305-7, 310, 
 entbronization. He also lent the con- 312-15,318-19,327,332-3,341. Ed- 
 vent 100 marks (Misc. Documents penes ward calls Melton "prsedilectns clericus 
 Dec. and Capit. Dunelm., 4603, 4967). et familiaris noster." On April 20, 
 
 ■^ MSS. Torre. Hutchiason's Dur- 1317, the pope wrote to the king to 
 
 ham, iii., 451. say that he had ordered a cardinal- 
 
 «■ MSS. Hark, 6951, 57 b. Bridges' bishop to hear the matter (Feed., ii., 
 
 Northants, ii., 501. 326). Carte's Gascon, etc., Rolls., ii., 
 
 * Reg. Melton. He resigned at the 6—9. 
 
 same time the rectory of Hornsea, * Stubbs, col. 1730. MSS. Cotton, 
 
 valued at 50 marks per annum; the Yitellius, A, ii., 112.
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 401 
 
 the 8tli of October Edward restored to Melton the temporalities 
 of liis see.^ The new primate was at Beverley during the cele- 
 bration of the next Advent^ and on the 14tli of February he 
 was solemnly enthroned at York, the festivities on that occasion 
 lasting for three days.™ 
 
 When Melton returned into the North he was plunged into 
 the vortex of Scottish politics which occupied his attention for 
 the remainder of his life. The peace of the Borders was being 
 continually broken, and it was necessary for the English soldiers 
 and statesmen to be always on the alert. On the 27th of 
 January, 1318, the archbishop was summoned to a meeting of the 
 parliament at Lincoln," and on the 18th of ISIarch he was one 
 of the commissioners appointed to make a truce with Scotland." 
 Negotiations, however, were throAvn aside, and on the 8tli of 
 Jmie the proposed meeting at Lincoln was deferred in conse- 
 quence of the news that the Scots were at that time in England. 
 The restless marauders broke into Yorkshire in the month of 
 May, plundering and burning what they could as they passed 
 along. The towns of Northallerton, Boroughbridge, Knares- 
 brough and Skipton in Craven were destroyed, and Ripon was 
 only saved from ruin by the tenants paying down to the invaders 
 the large sum of 1000/.^ On the 5th of June the archbishop 
 excommunicated the Scots for the mischief they had caused at 
 Ripon and Otley. They had done very serious injmy, besides, 
 to a large portion of his diocese. The value of chui'ch property 
 in Yorkshire was depreciated by that raid to the large amount 
 of 1000 marks, and as many as sixty benefices were injured. 
 The chm'ch of Tadcaster was destroyed, and that of Pannal 
 burned, as the invaders had tarried at that village. The toAvcr 
 of the church of Knaresbrough still bears the marks of the fire 
 that was kindled around it in the vain hope of bringing it to the 
 ground and destroying the fugitives whom it sheltered. The 
 abbey of Fountains was for some time the head- quarters of the 
 Scots, and, as may be expected, the substance of that noble 
 house was entirely wasted or taken away.* Corpses and smok- 
 ing Aillages marked the path of the retreating foe. The utmost 
 vigilance was required to prevent the recurrence of the inroad. 
 The archbishop was made one of the keepers of the marches,*" 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 344. 437. Beg. Melton, where there is a 
 
 '" Stubbs, col. 1731. The bishops, list of the places injured. On Jan. 1, 
 
 abbats, justiciars, etc., were invited to 1319, the archbishop ordered his own 
 
 the enthronization (Reg. Melton). tenants at Ilipon to pay their quota. 
 
 " Pari. Writs, vol. ii., part i., 173, In Lcland (Coll., i., 250) it is said that 
 
 175, 178. the Scots killed many of the clergy, 
 
 " Feed., ii., 358. Rot. Scotiae, i., etc., at Ripon. This information is in 
 
 179. Murimuth, 38. 
 
 p Chron. Lanercost, 235. Pari. i Reg Melton. Cal. Rot. Pat., 83. 
 
 Writs, vol. ii., part i., 181. Feed., ii., •■ Cal. Rot. Pat., 83. 
 
 D D
 
 402 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 and on the 10th of June and the 25th of August he was ordered 
 to array his servants and send them against the Scots/ On the 
 20th of October he was summoned to the parliament at York, 
 and, on the 16th of December and the 13th of January follow- 
 ing, he was again desired to prepare his tenants for service 
 across the Tweed/ 
 
 The year 1319 found Edward II. keeping his Christmas at 
 Beverley, as he was eager to punish the Scots for their recent 
 foray into England. The attempt of Edward Brus upon Ireland 
 had ended in a signal failui'e, and his brother Robert had been 
 formally excommunicated by the pope. On the 6th of May 
 the archbishop was summoned to a parliament to be held at 
 York." The king was gathering together for his expedition all 
 the forces that he coidd collect, when he was distressed to hear 
 that the governor of Berwick had treacherously surrendered 
 that town to the enemy, and he hastened northwards to recover 
 it. On the 21st of July archbishop Melton wrote to the bishop 
 of Durham, the dean and chapter, and the official, of York, solicit- 
 ing the prayers of the faithful on behalf of the expedition, and 
 granting an indulgence of forty days to those who offered them. 
 On the 4th of September the primate wrote to the abbat of St. 
 Mary^s and other dignitaries requesting them to meet him on 
 the ensuing Friday at the chiu'ch of the Holy Trinity in Mickle- 
 gate, York, and to join in a solemn procession, with its custom- 
 ary litany of supplications, for the success of the royal forces." 
 On the same day a very different order was issued by the king, 
 and it came to York — the herald of alarming news. It told the 
 archbishop that whilst the English monarch and his chivalry 
 were at Berwick, Randolf, earl of Moray, and the famous Doug- 
 las were making a raid into the kingdom in another direction, 
 and Melton and the chancellor, John de Hotham, bishop of Ely, 
 were ordered to array and lead against them the 2^osse comitatusy 
 The crozier seems to have been thrown aside for a more potent 
 weapon, and the warrior-bishops seem to have taken aU the 
 precautions that civilians could adopt.-^ The soldiers were absent 
 
 • Pari. Writs, vol. ii., part i., 502, days to those who complied (Reg. Mel- 
 
 505, 511, 512. ton). "What a contrast to the spirit 
 
 ' Ibid., 182, 511-12. Feed., ii., 382. and the temper of the present age ! la 
 
 Rot Scotisc, i., 190. Wilkins, ii., 485. 1321 Melton granted another indulg- 
 
 " Pari. "Writs, ii., part i., 197. ence of forty days to all who prayed for 
 
 " Reg. Melton. On March 10, 1318, the king, and another in July, 1319 
 
 Melton enjoined the people of his dio- (Hist. i)unelm. Scr. Tres, appendix, 
 
 cese to pray for peace, there being at 123). 
 
 that time dissensions between the king "• Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 525. Rot. 
 
 and his barons (ibid.). On the 20th of Scotis, i., 202. 
 
 July the king asked for their prayers ^ We think of the archbishops of 
 
 (Feed., u., 402), and, on October 3rd, Orange and Poggio in the Gierusa- 
 
 JMelton granted an indulgence of forty lemme Liberata :—
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 103 
 
 in the Nortli, but tlic exhortations of their diocesan Avoiikl ])ring 
 the clergy into active service with as many of their parishioners 
 as they could persuade to accompany them. A motley crew of 
 10,000 men is said to have been collected, many of whom Mere 
 better acquainted with the breviary than the sword, and all 
 seem to have been completely ignorant of discipline and military 
 ari'ay.^* Parsons, ^dcars, friars of divers orders and hues, citizens 
 of York who left unwillingly their merchandize, grooms and 
 ribalds were sent into the field. The invaders had made a daring 
 but unsuccessful attempt to seize the queen in the neighbour- 
 hood of York ; they had actually destroyed the suburbs of that 
 city, and were now lying about twelve miles off on the promon- 
 tory between the Swale and the Ouse, near the little village of 
 Myton where the two streams unite. On the 12th of October 
 the English 10,000 came up to them in disorderly array and 
 shewing a front that any enemy would rejoice to encounter. 
 The Scottish forces must have watched them with eager satis- 
 faction till they crossed the river by which their retreat was 
 intercepted. Several haystacks were now fii'cd, and the smoke 
 drifting into the eyes of the Englishmen blinded and bewildered 
 them. In the middle of the confusion and right through the 
 smoke, the Scots came down upon them, and they tm'ned and 
 fled to the right hand and the left. They were thrust into the 
 river to be drowned, or perished by the sword upon its banks. 
 Great numbers were killed, whilst others were carried away into 
 captivity, amongst whom was William de Armin who was sub- 
 sequently bishop of Norwich. Nicholas de Fleming, the mayor 
 of York, was one of those wdio fell, and the fugitives seem to 
 have been rescued from complete destruction only by the night. 
 The marauders now made their way homewards and escaped 
 from the English army, carrying with them an immense booty. 
 The Scots, in memory of the profession of a great number of 
 their opponents, gave to that contest, if such it may be called, 
 the title of the white battle ; and the English soldiers, in bitter 
 ridicule of the prowess of the clerical warriors, called that meet- 
 ing and its debate " the chapter of Myton."*'- 
 
 "Poi duo pastor de'popolispiegaro The Brus, ed. 1856, p. 404-5, the fol- 
 
 Le squadre lor, Guglielrao ed Ademaro. i„..,; i;„„„ 
 
 L'uno, e I'altro di lor, che ne' divini lowing hnes occur :— 
 Uffici gia tratto pio ininistero, " The archbisliop of York tha mad 
 
 Sotto relmo premendo i lunghi crini, 'I'liar oapitanL', and till consalo 
 
 Essercita de Tarme hor I'uso fero." Has taiie that tlia in plaiip battale 
 
 Wald assale the Hcottisiiien, 
 y There is an account of the battle That fer fewar thin tha war then. 
 
 in Chron. Lanercost, 239. Lei. Coll., Than he diKpiait his baner 
 
 Ar-.-\ AHt n 1 T, ti i And other bischopis that tliar wer. 
 
 11., 462-474. 13 uchanan, Herum ocot. » . . 
 
 Hist., 8vo, Francofurli, 263. Muri- Of tha yhet thro, hundrctu war 
 
 muth, 30. Walsindiam, 112. Troke- i'!-«st]s "'»' <l<\'t '"'i'l that chas; 
 
 » .K ° Tharfore that bargane calht was 
 
 lowe, 40. 'f l,p chaptour of Mytoun, for thar 
 
 ' Rot. Scot. , i., 204. In Barbour's Slaue sa mony prestis war." 
 
 D 1) 2
 
 404 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 If archbishop Melton was present at this disastrous adven- 
 ture, it was the first and the last time that he tried his fortunes 
 in the field. How the English soldiers would laugh at his puny 
 and unsuceessful efforts when the army came back from Ber- 
 wick ! Edward returned to York with all speed as soon as he 
 heard the news. On the 15th of September Melton and several 
 other commissioners were sent to Carlisle to propose an armis- 
 tice, to which the Scots, who had secured everything that they 
 desired, very readily assented." In the following month the 
 courts of justice were removed from London to York, and re- 
 mained in that city for half a year. The hopes of England 
 seemed now to centre in the metropolis of the North. The 
 king was there, full of indignation at tlie recent mishap and yet 
 fearful for the future. He was dealing with a subtle and potent 
 enemy, and time was necessary to bring together another army. 
 On the 15th of January, 1322, Melton Avas ordered to explain 
 Edward^s intentions by causing his declaration to be read in 
 the churches,* and on the 19th he was authorized to treat with 
 Hobert de Brus.'' On the 7th of February, and on two other 
 occasions in the same year, he was directed to supply men or 
 money for the Scottish war and to provide his customary service. "^ 
 His diplomacy, therefore, had been unsuccessful. In the autumn 
 of 1322 there was another inroad of the Scots into Yorkshire, 
 They swept over much of the same ground which they had 
 devastated in 1319. The king sent John de Britannia, earl of 
 Richmond, with a body of soldiers to watch their movements, 
 but he incautiously allowed himself to be surprised among the 
 hills between By land and Rievaux. The invaders, who were 
 at home among the rocks, made prisoners of the English com- 
 mander and a number of his men. Edward, never dreaminsr 
 tliat danger was so near, was all the while in the monastery of 
 Rievaux. He fled in haste, two of the monks serving as his 
 guides, leaving all his plate and treasure behind him, of which 
 the enemy possessed themselves. After scouring the country 
 towards the east and south as far as the Wolds, and receiving a 
 large sum of money from the inhabitants of Beverley for sparing 
 
 In Hardyng's Chronicle, n. e., 309, And xv hundreth Englyshe there he slewe, 
 
 there is the following description of the ^"'' ''T® '"^ ''"'"* "■"** ^^""^ Kdward full 
 
 1 ff . glad, 
 
 Daiue : With prysoners many, mo then men knewe, 
 
 " To Boroughbrydge by East and West he The byshop fled fro the felde full woo bestad, 
 
 brent With his clerkes that then were full mad." 
 And home agayne with many a piysoner. 
 
 Without hanne or lette of his entent, « "Pmd ii 4.^4. Pari "WrifB ii 
 
 With mykell good, but in Myton medowe, <■ oon ' ' 
 
 nere pari 1., ^60. 
 
 To Swale water, laye then with great power * Pari. Writs, ii., part ii., 17. 
 
 Walter Wareyn among the hay kockes e J'oecl. ii. 441. 
 
 Upon"the bvshop) sodeiiiy with Scottes "" ^^^^- Writs, ii., part i., 544, 558, 
 
 yssued. ■ 568, 620. Wilkins, ii., 514.
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 405 
 
 their town, they returned leisurely into Scotland.* They carried 
 off with them the earl of Richmond, and several years passed 
 away before he could be ransomed. He had already become 
 acquainted with the troubles of captivity, as he had been taken 
 prisoner in his youth in the wars in France. 
 
 A very distinguished man comes prominently forAvard about 
 this time in the history of the North of England, and plays a 
 conspicuous part in the annals of the nation. It was long before 
 Yorkshire forgot one of the greatest of her favourites, Thomas, 
 earl of Lancaster. Royal blood was flowing in his veins, for he 
 was a grandson of Henry III., and he had a spirit far more fitted 
 to control an empire than that which animated his feeble-minded 
 cousin who now sat upon the throne. An alliance with the 
 heiress of the Lacies gave him imbounded influence and a 
 princely fortune. He was far too powerful to look with in- 
 diflierence upon the busy world of politics around him, and too 
 honest to countenance the follies of the monarch and his 
 courtiers. When the hireling Gaveston was in the flush of his 
 ambitious career, Lancaster was one of the nobles who drove 
 him into exile and set themselves to work to correct the abuses 
 in the administration of the kingdom ; and when that haughty 
 minion subsequently returned, the stout earl was one of those 
 who took him prisoner and sentenced him to death. After this 
 event there was a turn in the tide of the fortunes of Lancaster. 
 The king regarded him with the most bitter hatred; but domestic 
 affliction was the thorn which rankled in his side. His wife 
 dishonoured her ancient name by her disloyalty to her husband, 
 and the monarch rejoicing at his trouble, contemptuously re- 
 jected his demand for redress. The indignant noble, when he 
 looked around him, found that other peers were as discontented 
 as himself. He rushed into rebellion, for he was a man with a 
 vast number of friends and retainers and a fearless spirit. He 
 raised a large army to vindicate his rights, but a little subtle 
 diplomacy on the part of Edward caused it to be disbanded. 
 In 1321 the ridiculous partiality of the king for tlie Pespenscrs 
 again aroused the anger of the nobles, and there was a meeting 
 at Sherbuju in Elmet where a confederacy was organized which 
 resulted in the banishment of the favourites. Untoward circum- 
 stances, however, produced the dismemberment of the league, 
 
 ' Walsinfrlmm, apud Camden, 113. '' Schir Jnhne of nrotanc thar was tane 
 
 Chron. Petrib., 163. Chron. Lauer- Ami ncht feleof his folk war slane. 
 
 cost, 247. In Leland (Coll., i.. 250) The Bulk of the Croniclis of Scotland, 
 
 it is said that the burgesses of Beverley iii., 256. Murininth, 38. Walsins^- 
 
 paid down the sum of 400/. Buchamm, ham, 113. Galfr. lo Baker, 66. Ot- 
 
 Rerum Scot. Hist., 8vo, Francofurti, terbourue, i., 62, 110, " apud Bydlaud 
 
 265. Fordnn, Scotichronicon, ii., 279. baukes." Trokcloue, 64. 
 Barbour's The Brus, ed. 1856, 434.
 
 406 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D, 
 
 and in the following year Edward had the opportunity presented 
 to him, which he had so long coveted, of efl'ecting the ruin of 
 Lancaster. The earl and his followers came into collision with 
 the royal forces at Boroughhridge and were compelled to submit 
 to them. The captors led him in triumph to Pontefract with 
 every mark of ignominy, and there, on the 22nd of March, he 
 was put to death in the sight of his own castle.-^ The circum- 
 stances attending the execution were calculated to impress the 
 scene upon the beholders, and encircled the memory of the 
 dead with fond and affectionate regrets. The victim had always 
 been a favourite, and when he died, as the people thought, in 
 his country^s cause, their sympathy was exhibited in a remarkable 
 way. The same sufferings which led the people of the North 
 to desire the canonization of archbishop Scrope, and Henry VI., 
 induced them to regard Thomas of Lancaster as a saint. His 
 mutilated body was interred in the parish church of Pontefract, 
 and, on the 7th of October, 1322, archbishop Melton issued a 
 mandate forbidding any one to approach his tomb for the pur- 
 poses of devotion. He found it necessary to repeat his injunc- 
 tion on the 24th of August in the following year. On the 24th 
 of February, 1327, when the tide was turned in favour of the 
 friends of Lancaster, he adopted a very different tone. The 
 concourse of worshippers to Pontefract had not slackened, and 
 the country was ringing with the report of miracles which had 
 attested the sanctity of the deceased earl, when Melton wrote a 
 letter to the pope to mention what had occui'red, and to request 
 the appointment of a commission to enquire into the circum- 
 stances of the case.^ Nothing in all probability was done, but 
 the fame of the gi-eat nobleman was not soon extinct. On the 
 30th of October, 1343, archbishop Zouche, at the earnest en- 
 treaty of Henry, earl of Derby, set at nought the prohibition of 
 Melton, and permitted service to be done by a monk in a 
 chapel on the hill at Pontefract,'' and on the 21st of May, 1354, 
 archbishop Thoresby made a similar concession.' The chapel 
 
 f Lei. Coll., ii., 46J>-5. Chron. La- reported miracles (Coll., ii., 466). The 
 
 nercost, 244, etc. Trokelowe, 10, 53- beads of the earl were treasured in the 
 
 63. Mon. Malmesb., Vita Edward II., monastery of Durham (Eaine's St. 
 
 124, 178, 220. Kny^hton, col. 2539- Cuthbert, 122). 
 
 41. Froissart, ed. Johnes, i., 4, etc. * Reg. Zouche. On Dec. 15, 1327, 
 
 Scak Chron., 148-9. Feed., ii., 478, a royal order was issued prohibiting 
 
 etc. Walsingham, 116. Galfr. le Ba- any unauthorized person collecting mo- 
 
 ker, 65. Hardyng {n. e., 310) says,— ney for the chapel on the hill where 
 
 "Tiiovoiio woe i,„„^„.i *T 1. „ the earl was beheaded (Foed., ii., 726. 
 
 iheie he was headed anone upon tlie hyll, r^e -i ■ i i-,r^H\ r\ ^n tit u t oorw 
 
 Aud buryed was there in a chapell fay/e." ^f. ibid., 707). On 7th March, 1330, 
 
 and April 3, 1331, the king wrote to 
 
 e Reg. Melton. Leland says that the pope requesting that he might be 
 
 lord chancellor Baldoek " caussid xiiij canonized (ibid., 782, 814). Cal. Rot. 
 
 Gasco}Ties well armid to watch the Pat., 100. 
 
 hiUe a certen tyme " on account of * Reg. Thoresby. On 24th of May,
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 407 
 
 was on tlie place of the earVs execution, and was perched on an 
 eminence adjacent to the town. 
 
 I have just alluded to archbishop Melton^s attempt to check 
 the expression of the feelings of the people of the North towards 
 their favourite. He had previously done what he could to assist 
 him, having induced his clergy to make a grant of 2000 marks 
 to Lancaster. On the 9th of April, 132.2, the king censured 
 him for his conduct and desired him to express his contrition 
 by making a similar gift to himself.-' Later in the same year 
 Melton was ordered to array his tenants beyond the Trent, and 
 was summoned to the parliament at YoTk, which was to have met 
 in the first instance at Ripon.''^ It was on this occasion that all 
 the enactments against the Despensers were annulled. The 
 monarch and his court spent their Christmas at York, and pre- 
 parations were being made for the renewal of the campaign 
 against the Scots. On the 5th of April, 1323, the archbishop 
 desired the people of his diocese to put up their prayers in 
 behalf of the proposed expedition.' There seems, however, to 
 have been little cordiality between Melton and the king. Edward 
 would not forget how the primate had aided Lancaster, and he 
 would see that he looked with disgust upon his follies and mis- 
 government. The feeling of the monarch towards Melton was 
 shewn in the tone in which he addressed him. On the 21st of 
 May the archbishop was peremptorily summoned to attend a 
 council at York early on the morning of the 23rd, and on the 
 30th he was at a similar meeting at Bishopthorpe, when the 
 subject of a truce with Scotland was mooted and considered.™ 
 It was on this occasion that Henry de Beaumont was guilty of 
 rudeness to the king, for which he was sent to prison.'' On the 
 18th of June, 1323, Melton was made a justiciar for the county 
 of Notts, to try the commissioners of array who had been guilty 
 of malversation and oppression." On the 2nd of February, 
 1324, he had letters of protection to carry him to the parliament 
 at London.? On the 6th of August he was requested to give his 
 aid in arraying soldiers within the county of York, and on the 
 
 1361, the arclibishop confirms the ordi- * Feed., ii., 496. Pari. Writs, ii., 
 
 nation of a chantry made by Simon part i., 567. Between 1317 and 1325 
 
 Symeon on the hill near Pontefraet, in Melton was frequently summoned to 
 
 the chapel where Thomas, earl of Lan- parliament (ibid., ii., part i., 173, 175, 
 
 caster, was beheaded (169). 20th Nov., 178, 182, 197, 215, 219, 23 1, 215, 261, 
 
 1361, ordinatio novaj vicaria; de Ponte- 290, 317-18, 329, 331, 350). 
 
 fract et cantarire pro anima Thoma} ' Reg. Melton, 
 
 quondam comitis Lane, (ibid., 109). '" Pari. AVrits, ii., part i., 286. Mu- 
 
 Cf. Test. Ebor., i., 281. rimuth, 37. 
 
 / Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 566. On " Foed., ii., 520. Abbrcv. Plac, 342. 
 
 the 28th of February Melton had been " Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 634. 
 
 ordered to raise soldiers to oppose the '' Ibid., part ii., 268. 
 earl (ibid., i,, 550).
 
 408 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 8th of November he Tvas desired, with others, to treat -with the 
 representatives of Robert le Brus.? On the 21st of December 
 he was summoned to send his service into Gascony, and on the 
 30th he was called to the council at Winchester/ Melton seems 
 now to have recovered altogether the good opinion of the king, 
 for on the 3rd of June, 1325, he received the honourable ap- 
 pointment of lord treasurer of England/ There are some letters 
 in his register relating to the fortifying and the victualling of 
 the castles of Dover and Rockingham,' which shew that his 
 office was no sinecure, but it does not appear that he held it 
 long, 
 
 A deep mystery is hanging over the history of the period, 
 and we know but little of the latter days of Edward II. and of 
 the intrigues which placed his youthful son upon the throne. 
 Upon the imprisonment of his old master, Melton seems to have 
 looked with great displeasure. The archbishop owed everything 
 to Edward^s kindness, and he did not forget him in his adversity. 
 He refused to be present at the coronation of the new sovereign," 
 and although he did not desert the court, he would regard its 
 proceedings with vexation and distrust. On the 12th of May, 
 1326, he was ordered to prepare himself and his retainers to 
 defend his king and country,* and in the following year on the 
 15th of April, he had letters of safe-conduct to enable him to 
 join the court at Stamford.*" At Christmas he was at Walling- 
 ford with the young monarch and his mother,^ and he was one 
 of Edward's guardians.2' Soon after this the archbishop was 
 implicated, to all appearances, in a very dangerous intrigue, an 
 attempt to upset the government of the new king. Edmund, 
 earl of Kent, was the leader, and he is said to have been abetted 
 by several prelates, of whom Melton was one. The archbishop, 
 according to the confession of one of the delinquents, entered 
 with heart and soul into the enterprize, and promised to supply 
 the earl Avith men and money. He was arrested, and obliged 
 to answer for his share in the conspiracy. The verdict was one 
 of acquittal, and Melton brought an action against his accusers, 
 assessing the damages for the wrong which had been done to 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 565, 578. curiales diu conversatus, mores tamen 
 
 •■ Pari. Writs, ii., part i, 326, 684. a con\ictu non traxit, set, obviatus An- 
 
 He was also ordered to send his service glorum cupiditati, per Dei graciam ini- 
 
 into Gascony on May 17 and August 2, imlutus semper permansit " (Mon. 
 
 1325 (ibid., 697, 714). Malmesb., Vita Edward TI., 237). 
 
 ' Ibid., pt.u., 272. Dugdale (Chron. ' Reg. Melton. 
 
 38) says that he was elected on July 30. " Anglia Sacra, i., 367. 
 
 Cal. liot. Pat., 96-9. He had a lieute- " Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 749. 
 
 nant m that office (Madox, Hist. Exch., " Foed., ii., 703. 
 
 ii., 41). "Eboracensis ille, Willelraus ' Walsingham, 126. 
 
 nomine, olim curiaUs, in orani com- " Barnes's Edward III., 4. 
 
 misso fidelis extitit, et qnamvis inter
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 409 
 
 him at 1000/." This is scarcely reconcilcal)le with the state- 
 ment of the author of the Peterbro' chronicle, that the arch- 
 bishop fearlessly acknowledged his participation in the scheme, 
 and said boldly that for the good of the state he would emperil 
 his own life and everything that he possessed." 
 
 In the spring of 1327 the young monarch and his court were 
 at York making ready for an expedition into Scotland. He 
 and the queen- mother were residing in the monastery of the 
 Greyfriars, and around them were all the luxury and pom]) 
 which that rich century could prodvice.* The city was filled 
 with soldiers and their captains, eager to avenge the reverses of 
 past years, and among them were the men at arms from Hainault 
 under the guidance of their gallant count. Every village, also, 
 in the neighbourhood was thronged with fighting men, many of 
 whom, as if in mockery of their profession, " were cloathed all 
 in cotes and hoods embrodered with floures and branches verie 
 seemelie, and used to nourish their beards,^^ a practice which 
 tempted a Scottish wag to fasten the following " rime" to one 
 of the church doors in the city, 
 
 " Longbeards hartlesse, painted hoods witlesse, 
 Gaie cotes gracelesse, make England thriftlesse." 
 
 I shall not detail the quarrels of that army in the camp, or its 
 adventures in the field among the forests and moors in the 
 wilds of Durham. The march was full of picturesque incidents, 
 sudden alarms, 
 
 " When those behind cried forward, 
 And those before cried back ;" 
 
 the startled deer leaping in and out among the spears and 
 ensigns, and the bold and gallant Douglas charging among the 
 English tents in the silence of the night.'' Whilst these things 
 were going on in the North, the queen-mother and her yoiuiger 
 children were the guests of archbishop Melton in his palace at 
 York, and the city was strictly guarded, the primate aiding the 
 mayor and citizens in rearing and manning the fortifications.'' 
 On the 23rd of November, after the return of the army, 
 
 ' "Walsingham, 129. Chron. Laner- * Lei. Coll., ii., 307-i75. Froissart, 
 
 cost, 265. Knyghton, col. 2555. Frois- i., 39-4.5. 
 
 sart, i., 83. Ivot. Pari., ii., 31-2, 5J.. <^ Froissart, i., 62, etc. Chron. La- 
 
 Miiriniuth gives the evidence against ncrcost, 260. Kn3'ghton, col. 2552. 
 
 Melton from the lips of the informer. Scala Chron., 154. Lei. Coll., ii., -1.75. 
 
 " Ly dit, qe le ercevesqiie de Evervvik Barbour's The Brus, ed. 1856, 456-7. 
 
 ly raanda per un chapelyn, Sir Aleyn, Murimuth, 54. Hardyng's Chronicle, 
 
 une lettre de credence, et fnt la ere- n. e., 316. 
 
 dence tiele : q'il ly aidroyt a la deli- '' Foed., ii., 709-11. There was some 
 
 verance soun frere de v niille Ii et outre controversy' between the archbishop 
 
 quant q'il aveit, e quant q'il pareit ren- and the corporation about tlie walls 
 
 dre." " Chron. Petrib., 165. (Keg. Melton). Stubbs, col, 1731.
 
 410 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Melton was empowered by the king to treat for a peace with 
 Scotland, and he and the bishop of Lincoln were authorized to 
 grant letters of safe conduct to the ambassadors from that 
 country." On the 10th of December the archbishop was 
 summoned to a parliament which was to meet in York/ Soon 
 after this that fair city witnessed a more brilliant spectacle 
 than the sight of an army eager for the field or the assembling 
 of the council of the nation. This was the marriage of the 
 youthful monarch to Phillippa of Hainault which was solemnized 
 in the minster at the end of January 1328. Archbishop Melton 
 and John de Hotham, bishop of Ely, officiated at the ceremony, 
 and the whole country was wild with joy and excitement.^ Of 
 this alliance an illustrious off'spring was the fruit. There flowed 
 from it the noble chivalry of the Black prince, the generous 
 greatness of the progenitor of the royal house of York, and the 
 sage and cautious wisdom of " time-honoured Lancaster. ^^ 
 
 In 1330 the conspiracy of the earl of Kent occurred which 
 has been already alluded to. Melton's assumed participation in 
 that rash attempt must have exposed him to no little danger 
 and must have lost him the favour of the king. Edward, however, 
 was too generous to be malicious or revengeful, and he was too 
 well aware of the merits and services of Melton to allow him to 
 continue in disgrace. On the 16th of February, 1331, the arch- 
 bishop was made a conservator of the peace between England 
 and Scotland,'' and on the 28th of November he was again 
 advanced to the post of lord-treasurer of England which he 
 held till the month of April in the following year.^ On the 
 26th of June, 1332, the king asked him for an aid towards the 
 marriage of his sister to the duke of Guelders, and, in the 
 autumn, Melton seems to have been present at the parliament 
 at Westminster.-^ On the 1st of December he, Robert de Strat- 
 ford and GeoflFrey le Scrope, or any two of them, were empowered 
 to open the council of the nation at its meeting in York.'^ The 
 parliament seems to have been summoned again to York in the 
 spring of 1334,^ and on the 12th of June in that year Melton was 
 desired to ask the clergy of his diocese to give their assistance 
 against the Scots who had recently been signally worsted at 
 Halidon Hill. After this Melton appears to have taken but 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 723-4. Rot. Scotia, i., * Foed., ii., 809. 
 
 223. ' Dugdale, Chron. Jurid., 40. Cal. 
 
 / Knyghton, col. 2552. Foed., ii., 'Rot. Pat., 109. J Knyghton, 2560. 
 
 725. On two occasions, on 18th Aug. Foed., ii., 840, 844. 
 
 and 23rd Sept., orders were given for * Feed., ii., 848. KnygMon, col. 
 
 the removal of the treasury to York 2562. Chron. Lanercost, 270. Jan. 4, 
 
 (Foed., ii., 713). 1333, breve regium pro pari, apud 
 
 «■ Different dates are assigned to this Ebor. (Wilkins, ii., 570). Rot. Pari., 
 
 ceremony. Knyghton, col. 2552. Chron. ii., 67. Walsingham, 133. 
 
 Lanercost, 260. Lei. Coll., ii., 476. ' Barnes's Edward III., 83.
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 411 
 
 little 'interest in public affairs. We find liim now and then 
 engaged in tlie collection of subsidies and aids for the king,'" 
 and in 1339 he was on several occasions made a coramissoner 
 of array to gather men together for the wars in Scotland." 
 
 The great variety of Melton's avocations in connection witli 
 the state did not cause any delay or neglect in the administra- 
 tion of his diocese. He seems to have been a man who did 
 with all his might whatever he took in hand, and tliis, no doubt, 
 was the main cause of his success in life. His archiepiscopal 
 register, which extends to more than 1200 pages, shews that 
 he was an energetic prelate, prompt in action, zealous in the 
 suppression of vice and irregularity, and a good shepherd of his 
 flock. He lived in an eventful period and witnessed changes 
 around him such as no archbishop of York perhaps has ever 
 beheld. Two monarchs died whilst he was connected with the 
 court, the one surrounded by the warriors who were to fight 
 their country's battles, the other terminating an unhappy 
 existence by a still more unhappy end. Melton saw the rise 
 and the fall of Lancaster ; that drama so rich in incident and 
 misfortune was acted before his very eyes. He would hear with 
 joy or grief of the exploits on the IBorders, of the fatal rout at 
 Bamiockburn and of the triumph at Halidon Hill, of the 
 chivalrous daring of Brus and Douglas, Fitzalan, Bohun, 
 Percy and D' Argentine. The story of their gallant deeds Avould 
 be frequently recoiinted in the halls of Bishopthorpe and York, 
 and many a mass would be said and many a prayer would be 
 offered up for the champions and the cause of England. The 
 archbishop, however, had anxieties of his own in Yorkshire. 
 He would grieve bitterly over those oft-recurring inciirsions of 
 the Scots which turned his diocese into a wilderness. He was 
 obliged to welcome within the walls of York the troops who 
 were continually streaming towards the North bent on conquest 
 or revenge, and the city presented, far too frequently, all the 
 pomp and bustle of a camp. Their presence portended, as he 
 was well aware, a long succession of subsidies from his afflicted 
 
 •" Feed., ii., 888. On Oct. 23, 1334, pose (ibid., 1005). On Feb. 8, 1338-9, 
 
 and on July 5, 1335, Melton was de- a mandate to him to call upon the 
 
 sired to have prayers offered up for the clergy for a subsidy (10G9), and again, 
 
 kincr (Eeg. Melton, and Foed., ii., 89G). 10th Oct. seq. (10^2). 
 
 On 26th March, 1336, he was requested " On Feb. 16, May 4, and Oct. 10 
 
 to procure a subsidy from his clergy in (Feed., ii., 1070. Bot. Scotisc, i., 561, 
 
 the convocation at York against the 573). In 1338 Melton gave the king 
 
 Scots (Foed., ii., 935). On Aug. 21 five hundred quarters of wheat towards 
 
 and 28, 1337, he and others were made provisioning the Scottish army (Rot. 
 
 commissioners to raise money in York- Scotise, i., 554). Wilkins enumerates 
 
 shire for the French war (ibid., 991, the meetings of the clergy at York dur- 
 
 994). On Nov. 1 the king a.sked him ing Melton's archiepiscopate,ii., 519-20, 
 
 and his clergy for a loan for that pur- 546, 583, 623, 629, 673, 711, 727, 735.
 
 412 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 clergy. The court also was very often in York, for it followed 
 after the army, and Melton had kings and queens under his 
 roof. He had been an attendant upon royalty from his youth, 
 and had long since discovered with Sejanus that 
 
 " The way to rise is to obey and please," 
 
 but still when he became a courtier he did not forget to be a 
 patriot. The wish to advance the interests of his country led 
 him to support the cause of Lancaster, and, perhaps, all but 
 wrecked his prospects and position in the conspiracy of Edmund 
 earl of Kent. 
 
 Archbishop Melton had a good deal of trouble with his 
 brethren of Canterbury about the bearing of the cross. I do 
 not find that there was ever any actual outbreak, but care was 
 always necessary to prevent it. It is needless to enumerate the 
 many occasions on which precautionary measures were adopted ; 
 suffice it to say that neither primate ever left his province un- 
 accompanied by some order from the king to direct that no 
 violence should be used towards him during his progress." But 
 this was not the only contention which Melton was involved 
 in on behalf of the privileges of his see. In 1327 he had a 
 quarrel with the dean and' chapter of York about the visitation 
 of the church, which was of so violent a character that the king 
 wrote to the pope to beg him to interfere. In the following 
 year the dispute was amicably settled through the intervention 
 of John XXII., and the visitor was not impeded in the per- 
 formance of his duties.^ In 1328 and 1329 Melton had a 
 fierce controversy with Louis de Beaumont, bishop of Durham, 
 about his rights in the peculiar jurisdiction of Allertonshire. 
 The men of the Bishopric and the borderers from Northumber- 
 land and Tynedale Avere arrayed on the side of their diocesan, 
 and were ready, if necessary, to take the life of the intruding 
 primate, who laid them under a sentence of excommunication, 
 
 " Feed., ii., 499, 544, 574, 604, 7l6, Mon. Malmesb., Vita Edward TI., 237. 
 739, 766, 844, 888, 904. Pari. Writs, Carte's Gascon, etc., Eolls, ii., 8. 
 ii., part i., 263, 291, 318-19, 352. Ibid., p Stubbs, col. 1731. Foed., ii., 725. 
 part ii., 274-5. Cal. Rot. Pat., 115. "Wilkins, ii., 547. In 1327, "visitatio 
 Aug. 7, 1318, a letter to the archdeacon thesaurarise Ebor." The chapter resist. 
 of Notts to desire the archbishop of Nov. 25, a letter to the king " ad 
 Canterbury " ne crucem deferat in amovondumvimlaicalemabeccl.Ebor." 
 prov. Ebor." June 3, " 1334, litera 1332, " compositio inter Dec, et Cap. 
 officiali Ebor. ad tractandum cum arch. super formam visitationis " (Reg. Mel- 
 Cant, pro bajulatione crucis." July 4, ton). 1333, Feb. 3, letter to the pope 
 1335, " relaxatio sequestrationis inter- from the king asking him to take away 
 positsc in ecclesiis Ebor. pro bajulacione his sentence of suspension from the 
 crucis Cantuar " (Reg. Melton). Wil- church of York, %n account of the 
 kins, ii., 525, 526. There is a curious quarrel between "P. S. Stephani in 
 story about Melton and archbishop Re- Cselio Monte Card.," and Mr. William 
 gmald in the Anglia Saora, i., 365. de la Mare (Foed., ii., 819).
 
 1317—1340.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 
 
 413 
 
 for wliich they cared not. The church of Leek seems to have 
 been the centre of the attack^ and it was regularly garrisoned ; 
 but at length the king stepped in to prevent the shedding of 
 blood, and the controversy was stayed.'? On the death of Beau- 
 mont, Melton was for some time in disgrace with the sovereign 
 for advocating the claims of Robert de Graystanes, the historian, 
 to be his successor, and for consecrating him at York.*" The 
 appointment, however, was subsequently set aside, and none 
 can regret it who know that the great scholar Richard de liury 
 was the prelate who was selected. Archbishop Melton had also 
 a long controversy about the dues in the port of Hull.'' 
 
 The following brief notes of some of the more remarkable 
 documents in archbishop INIelton's register will give some idea, 
 at all events, of the variety of his official duties. I have taken 
 no pains to extract the ordinations of livings, the foundations of 
 chantries, etc., which that noble volume contains. There is no 
 lack of materials for history and biography ; their very multi- 
 plicity obliges me unwillingly to pause.' 
 
 1318, Jan. 21. Licence to John de Hotham, bishop of Ely, 
 to have ser\dce performed in a fair chapel recently built at Thre- 
 houses, his birth-place." May 1. We have received from the 
 executors of our predecessor, 100/., in part payment of the sum 
 
 1 Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 104-6. 
 On Oct. 29, 1329, the king interfered 
 (Foed., ii., 774-5). Melton had ex- 
 communicated the bishop (Reg. Mel- 
 ton, 491). Cal. Eot. Pat., 106. 
 
 •• Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 120. 
 Chron. Lanercost, 276. Anonym. 
 Hist. Edward II., apud Hemingford, 
 ed. Hearne, ii., 404. Feed., ii., 882. 
 Cf. Murimuth, 74, where it is said that 
 peace was made between the king and 
 Melton at the intervention of Bury and 
 the nobles. 
 
 • Feed., ii., 697, 710, 850. Hot. Pari., 
 i., 431-2; ii., 39, etc. Reg. Melton, 
 420, etc. Frost's Port of Hull, 120. 
 Tickell's Hull, 73, etc. Cal. Rot. Pat., 
 108. 
 
 ' I well remember placing this noble 
 volume some years ago in the hands of 
 my kind friend the late historian of 
 South Yorkshire. His words and looks 
 of astonishment are not forgotten. " I 
 have ventured," he said, " to write a 
 work on Yorkshire topography without 
 consulting this book, which I never saw 
 before. It would take me six months 
 to examine it properly." 
 
 " A very great man. He was a 
 Yorkshiremau by birth. The names 
 
 of his parents were Alan and Maude, 
 and his uncle was archbishop of Dublin. 
 He was canon of Dublin, rector of 
 Rowley and Cottingham in Yorkshire, 
 and prebendary of Stillington. In 
 1316 he became bishop of Ely, and he 
 held that post for twenty years. His 
 offices in the state were numerous and 
 his services considerable. He was suc- 
 cessively chancellor of the Irish and 
 the English exchequer, lord treasurer 
 and lord chancellor of England. It is 
 impossible to enumerate his acts in this 
 place. Cf. Feed. var. loc. Cal. Rot. 
 Pat., 69, 74, etc. Rot. Scot., i., 113, 
 etc. Anglia Sacra, i., &1-7. Fa.sti Eccl. 
 Hib., ii., 193. Thoroton's Notts, 449, 
 452. Bentham's Ely, 156-7. New- 
 come's St. Alban's, 412. Reg. Kellawe 
 at Durham, 115. Reg. Langton at 
 liichfield. Fo.ss's Judges, iii., 265,444. 
 Carte's Gascon, etc.. Rolls, i., 70. 
 
 On Dec. 7, 1318, arclihi.shop Melton 
 authorized liira to dedicate the church 
 of North Cave " de novo con.slrucla." 
 It had probably been built by Hotham 
 himself. On 24th Sei)tcmber, 1314, 
 bishop Kellawe, of Durham, whilst at 
 Naburn, granted an indulgence of forty 
 days in behalf of the chapel B.M.V.
 
 414 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of 200 marks due to us for oxen and horses appertaining to the 
 stock of the archbishopric, which is deficient." July 26. Letters 
 testimonial in behalf of Aveline, daughter of Peter de la Twyere, 
 who has been imjustly defamed.'*' August 24. A pension of 40s. 
 per annum to Wm. le Cossale.^ August 31. A commission to 
 dedicate the church of the Augustinians at Hull. Oct. 11. 
 Licence to the abbat and convent of Selby to have the chapel 
 of Armyn consecrated. Nov. 3. Permission to Sir John de 
 Segrave, knight/ and Christiana his wife to have as their con- 
 fessor William de Drayton, a Friar Preacher. Nov. 8. An 
 indulgence for the cathedral of Carlisle which has been burned 
 by the Scots. Dec. 7. To John de Fontibus, the queen^s clerk, 
 four marks for his annual pension." Dec. 16. Leave to J., 
 bishop of Glasgow, and J., bishop of Ely, to hold an ordination 
 within the diocese of York. 
 
 1319, Feb. 12. Bond from Walter de Fauconberge, son and 
 heir of Sir John de Fauconberge, knight, deceased, to keep the 
 archbishop and the executors of his predecessor harmless. Dame 
 Ela de Fauconberge, his mother, is dead, and he promises to 
 divide her substance with John and William Fauconberge, his 
 brothers, and Arnebrough and Joan his sisters, of whom the 
 archbishop is the guardian." March 18. An indulgence of 30 
 days to all who hear the mass of Robert de Bardelby,* canon of 
 
 in the church of South Cave, for the ton's Notts, 228. Foss's Judges, iii., 
 
 good estate of Alexander de Cave and 418. 
 
 Joan his wife, and for the souls of Peter * A great warrior. Custos Scotiai 
 
 and Elen de Cave, his parents, who are (Trivet, 340. Knyghton, col. 2530), 
 
 buried in the church of All Saints at where he shewed great valour (Walsing- 
 
 South Cave (Beg. Kellawe, 133). ham, 87). He was taken prisoner at 
 
 " Soon afterwards the archbishop Bannockburn. 
 
 buys a number of sheep. 190 wethers ' Elsewhere called John de Fonte- 
 
 and 33 ewes are bought at Wilton, 8 neio. • John de Fontenay, the king's 
 
 wethers and 19 ewes at Patrington, the clerk, had a controversy about the liv- 
 
 price of each being 2s. Id., — 28Z. 2s. 6d. ing of Utford, in the diocese of Lin- 
 
 41 lambs at Patrington and 172 lambs coin (Feed., ii., 449). A John de Fon- 
 
 at AVilton, the price of each 20d. ; sum tibus, the phj^sician of queen Margaret, 
 
 191. 8s. 4d. On the death of Greenfield, was advanced to a stall at Eouen in 
 
 Melton, then keeper of the king's ward- 34th of Edward I. (Prynne, iii., 1159). 
 
 robe, Walter de Norwich, the treasurer, a Cf. Thoroton's Notts, 448-9. Coll. 
 
 and John de Insula, bought the corn Top. and Genealog., iv., 262. 
 
 and wine belonging to the deceased * PrebendaryatDunningtonatTork, 
 
 primate (Abbrev. Rot. Orig., i., 223). which he exchanged in 1323 with Gil- 
 
 " A Holderness lady. On 28th Nov., bert de la Bruere for a stall at Chi- 
 
 1318, the king writes to the archbishop Chester ; canon of St. Sepulchre's cha- 
 
 and complains that some malicious cita- pel, and incumbent of Moor Monkton 
 
 tions and charges for adultery, etc., (Reg. Melton. Cal. Rot. Pat.,86). He 
 
 have been made in his diocese. He was a clerk in the Chancery, and was 
 
 requests they may be stopped (Foed., ii., much employed in parliamentary woi'k 
 
 379). Cf. the Frere's Tale in Chaucer. (Pari. Writs, Feed., Madox, Cal. Rot. 
 
 ' A native of Cossale, Notts, aud a Pat., etc.). In 1316 he founded a 
 
 baron of the Exchequer. Cf. Thoro- chantry at the altar of St. Michael ia
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 415 
 
 York and the king's clerk^ on Easter day, and pray for the good 
 estate of tlie said Robert and his father and mother. April 20. 
 Sir Wm. le Constable is allowed to have an oratory in his 
 manors of Holm and Flay neb urgh during the archbishop's 
 pleasure. May 26. The archbishop grants time to dame Mar- 
 garet, relict of Sir Geoffrey Maucovenant, to enable her to re- 
 build the chancel of the church of Esington, in "Wytbistrande."*^ 
 July 26. An order to pray for fine weather, on accoiint of the 
 excessive rains. Oct. 1. Licence for Martin de Alnewick,'' S.P.P., 
 a Friar Minor, to hear the confessions of Sir Henry Fitz- 
 hugh and Sir Robert de Hastang, knights, Garnius de Weston, 
 Nicholas de Ask, Lady de Charmues and Sara her domicella in 
 the parts of Richmond and Hexham. Oct. 22. Elen, widow of 
 Nicholas Flemyng, mayor of York, takes the vow of continence 
 before the archbishop in his chapel at Bishopthorp.'^ 
 
 1320, Jan. 29. An order to the bailiff of Chirchdon to give 
 three oaks for timber to Mr. William, the queen's chandler./ 
 Feb. 1. Letters testimonial in behalf of John, bishop of Glas- 
 gow, who can receive nothing from his see on account of the 
 war with Scotland. March 1. Licence for Roger de la More, 
 rector of the moiety of the church of Ketilwell, to be absent from 
 his living in the service of Sir Henry le Scrop, knight, justiciar 
 of the king. May 16. A dispensation, "super defectunataliimi," 
 to William, son of Henry le Scrop, knight. May 19. An order 
 to prevent tournaments and jousts near the city of York.^ June 
 17. The abbat and convent of Rufford enter into an obligation 
 to entertain for a day and a night each archbishop of York on 
 his first coming into his diocese. July 24. John de Pickering, 
 chaplain, is absolved from the sentence of greater excommuni- 
 cation for breaking into the close of the manor of Mr. Dennis 
 Avenel, canon of Beverley.'' August 18. An indulgence for the 
 conventual church of Pontefract. Sept. 9. An annual pension 
 of 40 florins to Oldred de Laude, and another of 20 florins 
 to Mr. John de Rocca, advocates in the Roman com't. Sept. 
 10. Licence of non-residence to John de Mauley, rector of 
 
 the cliurch of St. Dunstan in the West of St. Wilfrid at York (Reg. Melton). 
 
 (Newcourt, i., 336). Cf. Toss's Judges, This church, which is now destroyed, 
 
 iii., 50, 226. ' Sir Geoffrey is was in Lendal. A chantry was founded 
 
 mentioned in the Eot. Scotise. for Fleming in it (Drake 337). 
 
 '' Alnwick was divinity reader at -'' April 24, 1318, to "William de la 
 
 Oxford among the Friars Minors (Mou. Mare two oaks for timber Irom our 
 
 Francisc, 553), and an author (15ale, wood of Outwodo, and, on May 1st, 
 
 cent, v., 401). timber to mend the church of Cawood. 
 
 * Fleming was maj^or of York, and *' The usual accompaniments of an 
 
 was killed at the battle of Myton. army. 
 
 Aug. 22, 1320, an indulgence of forty '' Avenel was archdeacon of the East 
 
 days for the soul of Nicholas de Flem- Riding, an office to which he was prc- 
 
 ing, whose body is buried in the church ferred in 1322.
 
 416 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Baynton, that he may make a pilgrimage abroad.' Sept. 2G. 
 The archbishop amiounces the canonization of Thomas, late 
 bishop of Hereford.-' The 10th of October is the day appointed 
 for his commemoration. 
 
 13.21, Jan. 2. An order that no toll or custom be taken 
 from the citizens of York when they come to Beverley. Jan. 8. 
 Bull of Pope John XXII. for the safe conduct of Robert de 
 Brus and the Scottish bishops to the papal court.* Jan. 12. A 
 letter of safe conduct to our valet, John de Mar, to go to New- 
 castle to provide hay, fuel, oats, etc., for us, and a missive to 
 Richard de Emeldon, the mayor, in his behalf. Jan. 23. An 
 indulgence for the fabric of the church of York.' March 24. 
 Leave to the Carmelites of Scardeburgh to erect a chapel and 
 set up a tower with a bell in it in their house.'" May 28. An 
 indulgence of 20 days in behalf of the church of St. Patrick at 
 Lameley in the diocese of Durham, which has been destroyed 
 by the Scots." July 2. Licence to Margaret Malbys, a young 
 girl, sister of Sir Wm. Malbys, knight, to stay in the nunnery 
 of Swyne till she be ready for the veil. Sept. 3. An order to 
 break the seal of Peter de Wyverthorp, prior of Bridlington, 
 who has resigned his office." Dec. 21. Absolution of John de 
 AVhiteby, clerk, for using necromancy.^ 
 
 ' He is mentioned as seised of the 
 manors of Doncaster and Mulgrave in 
 the Ninth Eeport of the Deputy Keeper 
 of the PubHc Records, p. 76. What 
 was the motive that led Mauley across 
 the seas ? 
 
 " fXfyas 5e fxe 9vfxhs ineiyfi 
 
 Arj/xov is aWoSavaiv levat." 
 
 J The archbishop grants an indulg- 
 ence to those who visit his tomb. The 
 bull of canonization is given in Melton's 
 Register. The king was very anxious 
 for the canonization (Fopd., ii., 355, 
 363, 385, 443). The bishop, of course, 
 was Thomas de Cantilupe. Cf. Wil- 
 kins, ii., 651. The canonization was 
 solemnized in 1348 in great state 
 (Barnes's Edward III.. 420-1). 
 
 * Brus was anxious that the sentence 
 of excommunication that had been 
 passed on him should be recalled. For 
 this object he sent Randoli)h, earl of 
 Murray, to Avignon in 1323. In Feed., 
 ii., 413, is a bull of John XXII. ex- 
 communicating Brus. In the Bulk of 
 the Cronicles of Scotland, iii., 258, are 
 these lines : — 
 
 " Quhen all this thing es brocht to sic an end. 
 Ambassadouris this ilk king Robert send, 
 Greit men of gude wer greitlie till advance, 
 Ane to the paip and uther unto Fiance." 
 
 ' Another was granted on Jan. 6, 
 1324-5. On Feb. 12 there was a letter 
 for the qusestores. Cf. Fabric Rolls of 
 York, p. 159-60. 
 
 '" Richard I. gave the church of 
 Scarbro' to the abbey of Citeaux. The 
 Cistercians at Scarbro' were very jealous 
 of the Friars (Beck's Furness, 88), and 
 there was some contention between 
 them. The rector of Scarbro' seems 
 hitherto to have been desirous that the 
 Carmelites should worship 
 
 " Withouten noise or clatering of belles." 
 
 " A little nunnery in the upper part 
 of T3medale. It was destroyed by the 
 Scots in 1296 (Chron. Lanercost, 174), 
 and the marauders seem to have pene- 
 trated again into that wild and romantic 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 " The seal was broken, especially on 
 the decease of a dignitary. There is 
 much information on this point among 
 the muniments at Durham. 
 
 p What hadst been at, sir clerk ? at 
 what forbidden arts 
 
 " The time when scritch-owls cry, and ban-dogs 
 howl, 
 And spirits walk, and ghosts break up their 
 graves ?"
 
 1317—1340.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 
 
 417 
 
 1322, Feb. 7. Licence to Joan de Lacy, countess of Lincoln, 
 to liave John, chaplain of IMelclieburn, for her confessor. 
 March 22. Thomas de Brounetofte, a monk of Blyth, is sent 
 to the court of Rome to be absolved for consecrating Christ's 
 body twice over.? March 25. A commission to absolve Ilum- 
 plu*ey de Bohuu, earl of Hereford, from the sentence of excom- 
 munication.'" July 5. Sir Wm. de Brus, knight, is absolved 
 from the charge of drawing blood from Michael de Harcla. He 
 denies it.'' July 8. Licence to Thomas de Wake, lord of Lydel, 
 to build a monastery of Augustinians in his vill of Cottingham, 
 by the leave of the pope.' July 16. Administration of the 
 effects of Sir Nicholas de INIenill, knight, to Nicholas de Menill 
 and John de INIenill, brother of the deceased." A general sen- 
 tence against those who have concealed the deeds of Sir Henry 
 le Vavasour. 
 
 1323, Feb. 4. Sir Geoffrey de Upsale," knight, is ordered to 
 maintain his wife. April 4. An order to receive the purgation 
 of Sir Peter de Maidey, knight, who is charged with having 
 committed adultery with Alice Deyvill. April 21. A commis- 
 sion to dedicate the altars in the monastery of Thurgarton, 
 which has been constructed de novo."^ June 23. A general 
 sentence against those who have dragged Philip de Deen from 
 
 » A verj' heinous offence. The cul- 
 prit said that he did it ignorantly. On 
 June 8, 1323, the archbishop ordered 
 Bruntoft to be expelled from Blyth for 
 rebellion and insolence. There seems 
 to have been a great lack of discipline 
 in Blyth abbey. 
 
 »• He was killed on the 16th of March, 
 1321, at Boroughbridge, whilst he was 
 arrayed on the side of Thomas, eai'l of 
 Lancaster. He died in a very peculiar 
 way (Dugd. Bar., i., 184. Coll. Top. 
 and Geneal., iv., 76). He was buried 
 in the church of the Friars Preachers 
 at York. Kuvghton, col. 2540. Galf. 
 le Baker, 65. ^ De la Moor, 596. 
 
 • Sir William Brus founded a chantry 
 in the church of Pickering for the souls 
 of himself and Matilda his wife, Adam 
 and Matilda, his parents, Mr. William 
 and Mr. Robert de Pykering, his an- 
 cestors and heirs, his uncles and aunts, 
 and William and Alexander de Bergh 
 (Domesday Book, apud Ebor., 152). 
 Tlie Pickerings were cousins of the 
 founder. " In Pykering chirch I saw 
 two or three tumbes of the Bruses, 
 wherof one with his wife lay in a chapel 
 on the south syde of the quier, and ho 
 
 had a garland about his helmet. Ther 
 was another of the Bruses biried in a 
 chapel under an arch of the north side 
 of the body of the quier, and there is 
 a cantuarie bering his name" (Lei. 
 Coll., i., 6. Lei. Itin., i., 65, cd. 1769). 
 
 ' The public records are filled with 
 notices of this great baron. See Dugd. 
 Bar. The establishment at Cottingham 
 was soon transferred to Ilautenprize. 
 The pedigree of the Wakes recently 
 published by the Architectural societies 
 is by no means a correct one. See Hot. 
 Pari., ii., 194, etc. 
 
 " On August 23rd the vicar of 
 Ormesby was made the coadjutor of 
 Nicholas Menyl, who was a minor. 
 
 " A commissioner of array N.R.Y. 
 in 1318 (Rot. Scotire, i., 185). He had 
 a pardon given to him for his share in 
 the death of Gaveston, being a retainer 
 of the earl of Lancaster (Feed., ii., 
 230). 
 
 " A monastery co. Notts, which 
 was erected in the twelfth centui-}' by 
 Ralph Deyncourt. Its foundation 
 ought to have been mentioned among 
 the good deeds of archl>ishop Thurstan 
 (Thoroton's Notts, 302). 
 F, E
 
 4\8 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 the church of the Augustinians at York, where he had taken 
 sanctuary, and removed him to the marshal's prison/ 
 
 1324', Jan. 22. Dame Beatrix, widow of Sir Robert de Percy, 
 lord of Sutton-on-Derwent, took the vow of chastity before the 
 archbishop at Cawood. June 24. Commission to the arch- 
 bishop of Armagh to confer the first tonsure, and to confirm 
 children within the diocese of York. 2' 
 
 1325, Sept. 3. Absolution of Roger de Mora for saying 
 mass in the presence of the Scots who are excommunicated.* 
 
 1326, March 3. Licence to Thomas Wake, lord of Lydell, 
 to transfer his monastery from Cottingham to a place called 
 Hautenprise." March 17. An order to Robert, servant at the 
 Grange at York, to give to John de Waltham, the king's mes- 
 senger, a quarter of wheat, of our special favour. April 1 . The 
 king writes to the pope to say that thieves have broken by night 
 into the archbishop's chapel, and have carried off his pall and 
 other ornaments. He begs for another pall for him.* April 18. 
 An order to our bailiff at Beverley to give to Thomas White- 
 heade, our servant at Kynalton, two strong but not valuable 
 colts, and nine three-year-old colts, to work at Kynalton in 
 ploughing and waining, and the bailiff at Southwell is directed 
 to give him timber to repair the chancel of our church at Kyn- 
 alton. June 12. Certificate of the baptism and conversion of a 
 Jew, viz., Walter de Notyngham, in the church of St. Mary, 
 Nottingham, on Monday after the Octave S. Trin., 1325. Sir 
 Walter de Goushill and Richard de Whatton, knights, and 
 
 •^ In 33rd of Edward I. William, son Every orthodox churctnian would now 
 
 of Eichard de Whitgift, fled for pro- regard Brus with the utmost detesta- 
 
 tection to the churchyard and altar of tion ;— 
 
 the church of Whitgift, and was drag- « a wretch beneath the ban 
 
 ged away. The king ordered him to Of pope and church for murder done 
 
 be released (Prynne's Coll., iii., 1105). ^^y^l "" ^''f ff "•«'' altar-stone ! 
 
 rni /. 11 • /«■ /. 1 »> ell mayst thou wonder we should know 
 
 _ y The following suffragans of arch- Such miscreant here, nor lay him low, 
 
 bishop Melton have occurred to me. Or dream of greeting, peace or trace 
 
 April 28, 1318, commission to David With excommunicated Bruce." 
 
 " Eecreensis episc," to reconcile the " Removed thither from Cottingham. 
 
 churchyard of Masham. He had been John XXII. sanctioned the change on 
 
 acting for two years (Reg. Sacr. Angl., Jan. 1, 1327. On Oct. 31, 1327, the 
 
 143). On Nov. 19, 1326, Rowland, archbishop granted a licsence for the 
 
 late archbishop of Armagh, was com- performance of service at Hautenprize. 
 
 missioned to celebrate orders. On 27th The founder nominated Thomas de 
 
 October, 1332, the bishop of Carlisle Overton, a monk of Broune abbey, dioc. 
 
 was made suffragan. In 1335 the Lincoln, as the first prior (Reg. Melton), 
 
 bishops of Lincoln and Norwich assisted In the 15th of Edward II. Thomas 
 
 the archbishop. March 28, 1340, the Wake, the king's cousin, had leave to 
 
 bishop of Corbavia was licensed to act. found a religious house at Newton 
 
 ' Some tale hangs upon this entry, (Cal. Rot. Pat., 90), and to crenellate 
 
 but what was it ? More received a his manor-house at Cottingham in 1st 
 
 licence of non-residence in 1320 to join of Edward III. (ibid., 99). 
 
 the suite of Sir Henry le Scrope. * Feed., ii., 624.
 
 1317 13^0.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 419 
 
 Orfranniaj wife of Robert Ingram of Nottingham^ were his 
 sponsors/ 
 
 13,27, Jan. 28. Licence from the abbat of Westminster for 
 the bishop elect of Whithern to be consecrated in a chapel in 
 that abbey ."^ Feb. 24. Leave for dame Joan Lnterel, lady of 
 Gameleston, on account of old age, to eat whatever kind of 
 pnlse and stuffed meats she pleases. May 5. An agreement 
 between the archbishop and Robert le Constable of Flaynburg. 
 Constable is to perform the archbishop^s service in Scotland, 
 recei^dng for it 100/. May 26. An indulgence of 40 days to 
 those who hear the preaching of the monks of Durham.' 
 
 1328, Jan. 4. Penance enjoined by the archbishop to Sir 
 Peter de Mauley, knight, for adulteiy with Sara de London. 
 On every Friday in Lent, the Ember days and Advent, for seven 
 years, he is to fast on bread and small beer, and on Good Friday 
 and the vigil of the festival of All Saints, to use only bread and 
 water. He is to make a pilgrimage to the shrines of S. Wil- 
 liam of York, S. Thomas of Hereford, B.M. at Southwell, S. 
 John of Beverley, and S. Wilfrid of Ripon, and is to be " fusti- 
 gated " seven times before a procession in the church of York 
 " in sola basna, capucio deposito.^^-^ J^ily 29. An indulgence of 
 40 days for the fabric of the church of Ripon. Sept. 1. Licence 
 for Sir Wm. de Malbys, knight, to remove the bones of his 
 father and mother. Sir John and dame Agnes de Malbys from 
 the church of Acaster Malbys to Rievaux abbey, Avhere the 
 remains of his ancestors are interred.^ Oct. 11. An indulgence 
 for the dedication of the altar in the house of the Friars Car- 
 melites at York. The archbishop dedicated it on Tuesday, Oct. 
 5. Oct. 24. Licence for Wm. de Boy ton, rector of Lockington, 
 to take the body of Wm. Danyel from the churchyard into the 
 church. 
 
 ' On March 21, 1334, the archbishop (Raine's St. Cuthbort, 103). 
 
 certified that Walter Con versus, for- f A salutary example. Mauley was 
 
 merly called Hagyn in the Hebrew an old offender, and the archbishop, 
 
 tongue, was baptized at Nottingham on probably, was glad to catch him. In 
 
 June 30, 1325. the 9th of Edward II. the king ordered 
 
 '' Commission to John, bishop of an enquiry to be made into an affair in 
 
 Carlisle, to consecrate him, which he which he, Maule\', and others were 
 
 did " die Dominica in vigilia i)urif. concerned. The}' had opened and car- 
 
 B.M.V.," the new prelate making his ried off a car containing as many as 
 
 profession of obedience to York. In seven nuns from Wattou abbey ! (Cal. 
 
 1323 the archbishop wrote letters Rot. Pat., 80). 
 
 against his being consecrated at Rome. «■ The little church of Acaster still 
 
 ' There is a mandate from bishop remains, and would, probabl}', have 
 
 Hatfield in the same behalf issued in sheltered at the i)resent day the monu- 
 
 13i6 (Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, appen- ments of the Slalbis. The abbey of 
 
 dix, 135). In 1334 archbishop Melton Rievaux is in ruins, and there are no 
 
 granted an indulgence of forty days to memorials of the dead to be espied 
 
 those visiting St. Cuthbert's shrine within its walls. 
 
 E E 2
 
 420 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 1329, May 30. Licence for Sir Eobert de Eccleshale, knight, 
 to enter a religious order with the consent of dame Matikla de 
 Codenoure, his wife/ August 10. The archbishop dedicated 
 and consecrated the church of Wakefield, the great altar in 
 honour of All Saints, and that of B.M.V, on the south side, the 
 altar of St. Nicholas on the north, and that of St. Peter in the 
 middle of the church.* 
 
 1330, March 8. Appropriation of the church of Stretford to 
 Eggleston abbey, the annual revenues of which before the war 
 used to be taxed at seven marks, but now, in consequence of 
 the war, they cannot be taxed at all.-^ Sept. 24. Licence of non- 
 residence to Mr. Robert Baldock, rector of Bradford. 
 
 1331, May 3. A loan of 100 marks to Wm. de Cusance.^ 
 August 21. A letter in behalf of John Akerman of Bruges, 
 who has taken sanctuary at Norwich for killing Sir John Nele, 
 knight, at Courtrey.' 
 
 1332, Sept. 19. Acquittance from Cardinal Neapolio"' for 
 his pension of 80 florins. Dec. An acquittance to the abbat 
 and convent of Whitby for a pension of 100s. to Wm., son of 
 Henry de Melton." 
 
 1333, Feb. 12. A loan of 50 mai'ks to dan Richard de Bury," 
 
 '' On Jan. 30, 1469, in the church of 
 Manfield, Joan, wife of "W'ilHam Coke, 
 of that village, gave formal permission 
 to her husband to take orders (Orig. 
 penes Tho. Witham, cler., de Larting- 
 ton). 
 
 ' A valuable architectural date. 
 
 i This house was at all times borne 
 down with poverty. The remains of 
 the abbey exhibit the plainest work- 
 manship. Tlieir chief charm is derived 
 from the glorious combination of sce- 
 nery, tlie hill and wood and water that 
 are around them. 
 
 * Canon of Thorp at Ripon 1311- 
 1338, when he exchanged it with Wm. 
 de Dalton for a prebend at Auckland 
 and another in the chapel of 13 ridge- 
 north. Prebendary of Lincoln and 
 London, archdeacon of Cornwall, etc. 
 (Le Neve, i., 398; ii., 161, 44.4). He 
 was also keeper of the king's wardrobe 
 15th Edward III. (Pell Rei^ords, 149), 
 and treasurer of the exchequer, and 
 was much emplo3'ed in state affairs. 
 
 ' Some interesting adventure of 
 which we know nothing. The lists of 
 those who took sanctuary at Durham 
 and Beverley have been published by 
 the Surtees Society. 
 
 '" Neapolio Ursinus, cardinal of S. 
 Hadrian in Tribus Foris, a Eoman by 
 
 birth, was one of the leaders of the Sa- 
 cred College, in which he had a seat for 
 nearly sixty 3'ears. He died at Avignon 
 in 1347 (Ciaconius, i., 904, etc.). He 
 was canon of South Cave at York and 
 Sutton at Lincoln. Cf. Foed., ii., 577, 
 etc. He had many benefices in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 " The archbishop's nephew and bro- 
 ther, who will soon occur again. 
 
 "The illustrious bibliomaniac, and 
 the gem and grace of the North of 
 England in the fourteenth century. 
 Statesman, bishop, scholar, " nihil te- 
 tigit quod non ornavit." How few in 
 that age would throw aside the cares of 
 office, for Bury had been chancellor and 
 treasurer of England, and solace them- 
 selves in the untrodden paths of litera- 
 ture and taste. What a delight it must 
 have been to the bishop to find himself 
 at Auckland with such companions as 
 Bradwardin, Fitz-Halph, Burley, and 
 Holcot, and refreshing himself among 
 the many tomes which he had collected, 
 
 " Ducere soUicitse jucunda oblivia vitse." 
 
 "Prelat pieux et charitable, politique 
 fin et habile, bibliophile savant et spi- 
 rituel, il sut se faire aimer par ses 
 contemporains, non pour ses dignites, 
 ni pour sa fortune, mais pour les pre-
 
 1317—1310.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 
 
 421 
 
 canon of York. Feb. 21. A loan of 200 marks to John, bi.s]iop 
 of Winchester.^ Oct. 19. A dispensation from John XXII. to 
 Sir Geoffrey Luterell, knight, and Agnes, daughter of Sir 
 Richard Sutton, knight, who have married, not knowing that 
 they are related in the third and fourth degrees. Dec. 3. A 
 licence to baptize, bury, etc., in the chapel and chapel-yard 
 B.M. at Hull. 
 
 1334, Feb. 23. A licence of non-residence to Robert de 
 Creyk, rector of Ackworth, as long as he officiates in the chapel 
 of queen Philippa. April 9. A commission to the abbats of 
 Fountains and Kirkstall to absolve the body of Sir Simon Ward, 
 knight, late deceased, from certain sins which he had committed.? 
 August 5. An order forbidding any one to listen to the teach- 
 ing of friar Henry de Staunton, hermit. Oct. 7. A licence to 
 beg for the fabric of Whitby abbey. Oct. 23. A similar licence 
 in behalf of the house of St. Sepulchre, at Jerusalem.'' Oct. 24. 
 A loan of 1000 marks to the king. 
 
 1335, June 6. To Robert de Malton, domestic chaplain of 
 
 cieuses qualites qui le distinguaient a 
 la fois, comme homme de Dieu, comnie 
 homme d'Etat et comme homme de 
 science " (Philobiblion par Ricliard de 
 Bury, ed. Paris, 1856. Notice Bio- 
 graphique, xvi). 
 
 p A very great man and a native of 
 Yorkshire (Hunter's South Yorkshire, 
 i., 54. Cal. Eot. Pat.,72). Arcladeacon 
 of Richmond, prebendary of Gevendale 
 and Riccal, canon of Beverley and 
 Southwell, incumbent of Stillingfleet 
 and Lockington, in Yoi'kshire, and 
 Eadcliffe-on-Sore, co. Notts, canon of 
 Lincoln and London, and treasurer of 
 Lichfield (Le Neve, ii., 417 ; ii., 140 ; 
 i., 581). Prebendary at Howden (lieg. 
 ii., Pr. and Conv. Dunelm., 10). Rec- 
 tor of Simondburne. Northumberland, 
 6th Edward II. (Reg. Kellawe, 177 b). 
 Rector of North Mimms, Herts, 1312 
 (MSS. Harl., 6951, 73. Clutterbuck's 
 Herts, i., 460). Chancellor of the ex- 
 chequer, treasurer and lord chancellor 
 of England, chamberlain of Scotland, 
 and much employed on state business 
 (Feed., Cal. Rot. Pat., Pari. AYrits, and 
 Rot. Scotia?, var. loc. Dugd. Chron., 
 31, 36. Madox, Hist. Exch., ii., 53, 
 etc. Liber Garderobse, 5. Rot. Pari., 
 i., 266-7. Introd., Pell Records, 44th 
 Edward III., xxiv., etc, Toss's Judges, 
 iii., 296). 
 
 1 Late sheriff of Yorkshire and a 
 man of importance. On 12th August, 
 
 1336, the archbishop says that Sir 
 Simon de Ward, late deceased, owed 
 him 221., and desires that the sum 
 should be raised out of his eflects at the 
 oversight of Sir John le "Ward. Melton 
 was very careful in looking after his 
 debts. On April 7, 1337, he ordered 
 the goods of Sir John Mauleverer, de- 
 ceased, to be sequestered, to recover 
 20^. which he owed to him. This sys- 
 tem of money-lending would give the 
 archbishop extraordinary influence. 
 Stubbs, indeed, says as much. 
 
 Monsieur Johan Warde is one of the 
 witnesses in the Scrope and Grosvenor 
 controvers3\ " Et dit auxi qil ad une 
 cliambre en un manoir q'homme ap- 
 pelle Gyvendale one lez armoz de Scrop 
 sont rays et depeyntez o'' la ])areye en 
 quelle chaumbre souut Ics armez du S'' 
 de Nevyll, les armoz du S'' de Percy, 
 les armez du S'' de Clifford" (i., 118). 
 An interesting picture of an old manor. 
 
 •• On Scpt.'l6, 1336, Melton granted 
 a licence for begging to the representa- 
 tives of the ho.spitals of the Holy Sjiirit 
 at Rome and St. Anthony at Vienne, 
 and, on Nov. 20, another was given to 
 the master and brethren of the hospital 
 of St. Thomas the :\lartyr at East- 
 bridge near Canterbury. The whole 
 country seems to have been overrun 
 by these peripatetic mendicants, among 
 whom, necessarily'', were many impos- 
 tors.
 
 122 FASTI EBOllACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 John, earl of Cornwall, the king^s brother, 200 marks as a loan 
 for the use of the said earl. Oct. 15. Licence for John de 
 Bampton, rector of Foxholes, to be non-resident. He is a tutor 
 in the family of Sir Geoffrey le Scrop, the king^s justiciar. 
 
 1337, March 11. Licence to remove the ancient and disused 
 chapel of St. Peter, in the churchyard of Dewsbury, employing 
 the materials on the fabric of the parish church. 
 
 1338, April 10, A mandate to the bishop of Carlisle to pray 
 for the king.* 
 
 1340, March 18. Licence to enclose Isold de Knesall in a 
 house contiguous to the wall of the church of Knesall.* 
 
 In the time of archbishois Melton ecclesiastical architecture 
 was at its full perfection, and great works w^ere going on in all 
 the cathedral churches within the province of York, to which 
 the primate must have been more or less a patron. No one 
 should shrink from rendering his homage to the age which pro- 
 duced these masterpieces of Clu'istian art. 
 
 " — tibi res antiquse laudis et artis 
 Ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontes :" 
 
 Piety, surely, coidd not be dead, when she bore such fruits 
 as these. It was to no momentary impulse or capricious influ- 
 ence that our cathedrals owed their origin. They were the 
 offerings of men full of devotion and self-sacrifice, who, if they 
 gave largely in the cause of Grod, never thought that they gave 
 too much. What they did was well done, and they built for 
 their spiritual descendants rather than for themselves. Arch- 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 1026. William de Hat- (Fabric Eolls, 125). 
 field, one of the jounger children of ' During the latter years of each 
 Edward III., died about this time, and archbishop thedocuments in his register 
 Avas interred in York minster. He was generally become less numerous. The 
 born in 1336. The monument ascribed reason is an obvious one. The docu- 
 to him is in the north aisle of the choir. ments were not transcribed when they 
 The marble effigy of the youthful prince were drawn up, but were kept till a 
 is wrought with wonderful skill and certain number had been collected, 
 beauty. It has been said that the niche At the death of any archbishop many 
 in the wall in which it is laid was not of these would be frequently lost, and 
 made for it ; this is an error, as the some would l>e necessarily regarded 
 canopy above and behind the figure is with less interest, especially such as 
 powdered, as I discovered, with the related to private matters. The various 
 plaitagenista. The effigy, however, parts which constitute a register were 
 had been removed to another part of not bound together till after the decease 
 the church, and was restored to its of the archbi'shop, and then, occasion- 
 present position about eighty years ago ally, original documents which had 
 by the poet Mason when he was pre- been missed were inserted between the 
 centor (Corr. of Ma.son and Gra}^, ed. leaves. Even in those years with which 
 Mitford). The fact that one of her most care has been taken omissions 
 children was interred in the minster may sometimes be detected, when a 
 probably accounted for the gift of the comparison is made with some coutem- 
 richly embroidered bed of queen Phi- poraneous register, 
 lippa which was made to the chapter
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 423 
 
 bishop Melton gave at one time to the fabric of tlic clmrch of 
 York a sum which, in the money of tlie present time, is equi- 
 valent to many thousands of pounds." He restored the tomb 
 of St. William. He finished the western portion of the nave of 
 the minster/ and on the exterior, in the most conspicuous posi- 
 tion, on that glorious fagade, his munificence is strikingly com- 
 memorated. He sits above the central doorway, graven in 
 stone, in his archiepiscopal attire, with his hand still raised in 
 the attitude of benediction. Over his head is the finest Gothic 
 window in the world, built in all probability by himself, and 
 still beaming with the glowing colours with which he adorned 
 it. On either hand is an effigy of a benefactor of the church, 
 the heads of the noble houses of Vavasor and Percy, bearing in 
 their arms the wood and stone which they once gave. Any one 
 might be proud of a monument like that ! But this is not the 
 only architectural memorial which archbishop Melton has left 
 behind him. His name is traditionally connected with the 
 erection of the noble church of Patrington in Holderness. He 
 helped to raise the glorious minster, of which Beverley may still 
 be proud, and at Ripon"' and Southwell he is not yet forgotten. 
 Great indeed was he in the offices which he filled and in the 
 gifts that were prompted by his munificence ; but, with the true 
 spirit of the age in which he lived, he did not forget the little 
 hamlet in which he was born and the humble parents from 
 whom he sprang. He built and endowed a chapel in the village 
 of Melton, in which father and mother and son were to be com- 
 memorated. The worshipper in that tiny shrine Avould muse 
 with no little pride upon the noble fortunes and the piety of his 
 compatriot. 
 
 Many pleasing traits in the character and disposition of 
 Melton have been handed down to us, and the historian Stubbs 
 speaks of the archbishop in a manner which shews that he was 
 well acquainted with the prelate whom he commends. He 
 made great additions to the dignity and the revenues of the 
 archiepiscopate, without trespassing in any way upon the patri- 
 mony of the needy. His poor tenants had no oppression to 
 complain of. The fines imposed by Melton^s seneschals were 
 not exacted, rents were lowered, and debts and arrears were 
 frequently forgiven. Affluence and plenty were around him, 
 and the servant was revelling in abundance whilst the master 
 
 " When archbishop Zouchc visited deiitalem partem navis cc(;lesi?e beati 
 
 the chapter in 1313 this sum of 500 retri^Ebor., dcc Ubris argenti appositis 
 
 marks was still unpaid (Acta Capit. cousiinimabat (Stubbs, col. 1731). 
 
 Ebor.). '" In 1331 Mellon made slalutcs for 
 
 " Tumbam Sancti Willelmi sump- the church of Kipou (Dugd. Mon., vi., 
 
 tibus XX libi'arum reuovabat. Occi- 13G8).
 
 424 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 was as frugal as a hermit. Courtier altliougli he was, Melton 
 would fast and pray so often that his chaplains and officers 
 Av ere worn out when they tried to copy him. Matins he never 
 missed;, and the mendicant never appealed in vain to his cha- 
 ritable heart. His diocese was most sedulously attended to. 
 For many years he held in person or by deputy as many as five 
 ordinations. He frequently confirmed and visited the sick. It 
 was not unusu^al for him to absolve the bodies of the dea^l, 
 and he would leave his chariot, and, taking his stole and book, 
 release them from the guilt of the offences of their past lives.'^ 
 When the chronicler mentions this circumstance, our thoughts 
 wander unconsciously to the scene of the disaster at Myton. 
 We see the archbishop, full of grief at the mishap, passing 
 hastily and anxiously among the dying and the dead, speaking 
 words of peace to those on whom the light of life was still rest- 
 ing, and pardoning or trying to pardon those who had gone into 
 that land of silence where earthly defeats as well as victories 
 are forgotten. 
 
 There is no evidence to shew that Melton was a person of 
 any literary distinction. He was too sagacious, however, and 
 too good not to pay due respect to the scholar and his work. 
 Bred as he had been in the service of his country, he coidd 
 value well the peace which the student covets and creates. Mel- 
 ton was a kind friend to the university of Oxford. On the 5th 
 of March, 1324', when that illustrious abode of learning was at 
 a low ebb from distui-bances withm its own walls, the archbishop 
 took it under his protection, and, on the 7th of September, 
 1327, he authorized the making of a collection throughout his 
 diocese for its relief, ^ On the 7th of March, 1331, he appro- 
 priated the church of Aberford to University College, It is 
 
 ' Stubbs, col. 1731. to John de Hesele. He left the muui- 
 y Tleg. Melton. On Nov. 11, 1346, ficent sum of 300Z. to purchase advow- 
 Amandus de Hauwyk, clerk, proctor sons or lands to maintain j>erpetual 
 for the master and scholars of Uui- scholars or masters of arts in the uni- 
 versity hall, Oxford, received from the versity of Oxford, or in whatever place 
 chapter of York the sum of 101. in part the university should be transferred to 
 payment of a bequest in the will of Mr. (Reg. Test. Ebor.). 
 Robert de Riplingham, late chancellor Riplingham was a fellow of Merton 
 of York (Acta Capit., Ebor.). college, which had been founded about 
 Ri])lingham by his \vill, dated Jan. sixty years before by the bishop of 
 14, 1331-2, left lOOZ. to secure the Rochester. IMerton college was first 
 prayers of several priests for the souls established at Maldon, in Surrey, and 
 of himself, Walter de Merton, bishop it was from thence removed to Oxford, 
 of Rochester, archbishop Newark, and The troubles which had recentlj' assailed 
 others. To the scholars of Merton the university suggested to Ripling- 
 college he gave his silver spoons, a cup ham's mind the possibility of its re- 
 and a goblet, his books of Concordance, moval to some other place. The legacy 
 his book of Sentences, the Summa of above mentioned seems to have been 
 master Henry de Mandario, and all his lost (Wood's Antiq., Univ. Oxon., iv., 
 other books save those which belonged 43, Smith's Annals of Univ., Coll., 99).
 
 1317 1310.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 425 
 
 pleasing also to know that a member of that illustrious seminary, 
 the learned author of the Philobiblion, held a stall at York during 
 Melton^s arehiepiseopate, and to see that the great seholar found 
 a patron in his diocesan. A halo rests around the memory of 
 Kichard de Bury, the scholar-hishop of Durham, who first kin- 
 dled the lamp of learning within the classic walls of Auckland, 
 where a Tunstall, a ISIorton and a Butler have since worked and 
 thought. The annals of his life, his wanderings in quest of 
 books, the a\ddity with which he devoured them, the number of 
 his literary friends and his intimacy with Petrarch, form a bright 
 spot in the history of the North. What a contrast to the 
 unlettered pride of Louis de Beaumont his predecessor in the 
 Palatinate, who, although he was allied to kings and princes, 
 was ignorant, strange to say, of the Latin language. On tlic 
 day of his consecration, when he was making his profession of 
 obedience to the archbishop of York, he stumbled, with a readi- 
 ness which a refractory suffragan might envy, at the word 
 metropoliticce, and passed it over with the convenient words, 
 Seyt pur dit. On another occasion, whilst he was officiating at 
 an ordination, he faltered at the words in anigmate, and con- 
 fessing himself to be a Davus when he ought to have been an 
 (Edipus, he astonished the listening clerks by the observation. 
 Far Seynt Lowis, line fu pas curtays, qui c' est parole icy escrit.' 
 In spite of the disasters of the nation and of the warfare 
 which reduced many of the clergy in the North to beggary, 
 archbishop Melton was a very wealthy man. He Avas a cautious 
 and prudent person, and Avas very frugal and sparing in his 
 tastes and requirements. His register presents him to us as 
 one of the great money-lenders of the day. Scarcely a year 
 seems to have elapsed without some thousands of marks passing- 
 through his hands in the way of loans. The archbishop had 
 debtors in every class of society. The monarch himself required 
 money, and he found it in Melton^s coffers. The barons and 
 knights stood in need of it to provide their equipment for the 
 wars, or, perchance, to pay their ransom, if they were iu\fortu- 
 nate enough to be captured, and they got it from the northern 
 primate, occasionally leaving behind them as a pledge for its 
 repayment some of the plate which formed almost the sole orna- 
 ment of their castles and halls. The poor abbat, or prior, whose 
 granges had been destroyed by the marauding Scots, received a 
 loan from his diocesan which ena))led him to provide subsistence 
 for his distressed brethren. The a1)ility to supply the wants of 
 so many petitioners, shews that Melton Avas a man of great 
 wealth and substance. It would make him courted and treated 
 
 ' Hist. Dunelin. Scr. Tres, 118.
 
 426 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 with respect by all^ and would add very greatly to his influence/ 
 It is quite possible that the possession of these riches would 
 dull some of the finer lines in Melton^s character^ 
 
 " <I>X6oVTa'i' BivfiaTwu V7rep<pev 
 'Yvrep TO ^eXTiaTov — 
 
 It enabled him, however, to befriend his kinsmen, whom 
 he was, perhaps, too fond of advancing and pro\dding for. The 
 archbishop was desirous of " making a family," and he made it. 
 The greater part of his wealth seems to have come to the chil- 
 dren of his brother Henry. He was fond of purchasing and 
 trafficking in land for their use; and the knightly house of 
 Melton of Aston, which was fostered and upreared by his muni- 
 ficence, took its place soon after its founder^s decease among 
 the greatest families in Yorkshire. 
 
 Archbishop Melton maintained his household and lived in a 
 style which befitted his high position. The number of his 
 retainers was very considerable, and there was no want of hos- 
 pitality or munificence in his palaces. The following extracts 
 will give a more graphic picture of the requirements of the times 
 in which he lived and of the domestic economy of his household, 
 than any remarks or observations of mine. 
 
 1318, Jan. 22. To Simon Rose, our attorney, 100s., if neces- 
 sary, to provide counsel for the archbishop. Nov. 4. To John 
 de Ecclesclif, bishop of Glasgow, 5 marks towards his expences.* 
 
 1319, March 10. To Thomas Deyvill, our bailiff at Ripon, 
 40s. for the use of our tenants in the bailywick of Ripon, who 
 are coming to York to go with the king into the North for the 
 defence of the kingdom, and 20s. for a standard of silk for the 
 said tenants.*^ July 30. To Walter, the clerk, of Beverley, 
 79/. 16s. 8d. for cloth bought of him. Nov. 11. To Henry de 
 Melton, our brother, 20/. as a gift. 
 
 1320, Jan. 7. An order to the park-keepers at Beverley to 
 give to Mr. Richard de Melton, rector of Brandesburton, a deer. 
 August 5. To Mr. Richard de Melton,'^ rector of Lythe, 200/. 
 to make provision for us at St. Botulph^s fair. 
 
 1321, July 25. To William Lumbard, 112s. 3d. for our summer 
 
 " Stubbs, col. 1731. (Quetif. Scriptores Ord. Predic, i., 
 
 * There is no bishop of this name in pref., xxv). 
 
 Keith's Fasti of the Scottish church. " It was in this year that the Scots 
 
 The bishop of Glasgow at this time was ravaged the Eipon country, 
 
 a person of the name of John Wiseheart. '' He occurs, also, as rector of Gilling 
 
 He was probably acting as a suffragan and seneschal of the archbishop's hos- 
 
 for Melton like the Irish prelate who is pice. On Jan. 19, 1327, Eichard de 
 
 mentioned below. Ecclesclitf has been Melton, rector of Brandesburton, was 
 
 mentioned before. He was a Friar collated to a stall in St. Sepulchre's 
 
 Preacher, and was successively bishop chapel at York, 
 of Bethlehem, Connor, and Llandaff
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 427 
 
 liverey.* August 8. To the Friars Preachers in their general 
 chapter at Pontefract assembled, 100s. August 20. An order 
 to repair the kitchen of the manor of Otley at the oversight of 
 John, ^acar of Otley. 
 
 1322, Jan. 23. To John, bishop of Clonfurt, 20s. as a gift. 
 May 22. To Gregory de Thornton, knight,/ 20 marks in part 
 payment of 100 marks due to him for our service to be rendered 
 in Scotland to the king, which he is to do. May 23. Sir Tho- 
 mas Ughtred, knight, releases the archbishop from the payment 
 of his wages due for the same service.^ 
 
 1323, June 1 . To Thomas de Escrik and Richard de War- 
 wick, our household servants, for the use of the king and queen 
 and their servants, 94/. 6s. 8d., and for the use of Sir Hugh le 
 Despenser, jiin., the best silver cup in our chest, of which avc 
 send you the key, and a smaller cup to Eleanor his wifc^ 
 
 1324, July 12. To Henry de Melton, our brother, two stots. 
 July 24. To Robert Valeyns,' canon of York, two deer for his 
 feast during his residence. 
 
 1326, Feb. 2. To Henry de Melton, our brother, a gift of 
 ten marks. June 18. To Richard de Gretford, our bailiff at 
 Hull, the money for ten casks of wine. July 19. An order to 
 pay ten marks for the expenses of the archbishop's horses in 
 London. Oct. 20. To Mr. Robert de Dufton and Mr. William 
 de Carleton, 40s. for their expenses in going to Scotland in oiu' 
 behalf. An order to give to William de Ayton, brother of Ralph, 
 late perpetual vicar of Sherburn, 4^ marks of silver, a silver*, 
 piece, a cup de murro, a portiphor of the Sarum use, and a pix 
 covered with pearls, and he to enter into a bond to answer to 
 us about the dilapidations of the vicarage. Oct. 21. An order 
 to Roger de Somervill, sheriff of Yorkshire, to pay for the arch- 
 bishop forty marks for the wages of Sir Henry Fitzhugh, knight, 
 who is going to the aid of the king in the train of John, earl of 
 
 ' In Stubbs (col. 1731) it is said that covirtier to a ro3'al favourite. 
 Melton gave out his liverey twice a 3'^ear. ■' Robert de Valoit,'iics, precentor of 
 
 f A farther sum of 60^. was paid to York 1317-1320, in which year lie ox- 
 
 Lim on July 4, 1322. changed it with Thomas de Ecrton for 
 
 s The agreement between him and the rectory of Clive in the diocese of 
 the archbishop was made Sept. 9, 1318. . Worcester. In 1323 he became canon 
 Ughtred was to serve vnih. "x hommes of Warthill, which he held for twenty 
 d'armes od X chevauxcovertz." There j'ears. He died in 13 13, and was buried 
 is an account of several members of the in the chancel of the church of North- 
 house of Ughtred of Kexby in Dngd. fleet, of which he was rector. He was 
 Bar., ii., 141, and in the public re- probably a residentiary of York. In 
 cords. Sir Thomas was summoned to 1313, when archbisho]i Zouche visited 
 parliament 18-3Sth Edward III. He tlie minster, it wa.s rep(>rted to him that 
 died in 1365, and was buried at Catton, there were " dissensiones et discordiso 
 his son Thomas administering to him detestabiles " between Valoigncs and 
 on the 4th of July. John de Gilfard, a brother canon (Acta 
 
 * The archbishop is playing the Capit. Ebor.).
 
 428 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Surrey, and, on the same day, a loan of 200 marks to Sir Wil- 
 liam de Ros, lord of Hamelake. 
 
 1327, Jmie 30. To dan Nicholas de Hugate,-^' 100/. to give 
 to the king and qneen. July 2. To Robert de Wodehous,* 
 keeper of the king's wardrobe, for the king's use, 500 marks in 
 money and gold florins '' de agno, cathedra et mace,^'^ to the 
 value of 300 marks, as a loan. Nov. 9. The archbishop desires 
 Mr. Alan de Conyngesburgh, Lis proctor at the court of Rome, 
 to make a present for him of 1000 florins to the pope. Nov. 25. 
 To Mr. John de Thoresby going to the court of Rome, 20/.™ 
 
 1328, August 12. To the king fifty marks to buy him a 
 palfrey. August 29. To Philip de Redmere, our valet, 20/. for 
 certain works of ours at Hull. 
 
 1330, April 9. An order to pay to Mr. Robert de Bridling- 
 ton for the use of William," son of Henry de Melton, 1000/., 
 
 } Provost of Beverley 1315-1338. 
 Prebend of Barnby at York 1317. 
 Archdeacon of Gloucester 1317 (Le 
 Neve, iii., 77). Canon of Howden and 
 Saltmarsh at Howden (Reg. ii., Pr. and 
 Conv. Dunelm., 107). Master of St. 
 Nicholas's hospital at York (Dugd. 
 Mon., vi., 710). Incumbent of Lythe 
 and Welwick. In I7th Edward II. he 
 occurs as receiver of monies to be spent 
 in Aquitaine (Pell Hecords, 136. Ab- 
 brev. Rot. Orig., i., 276). In 2nd of 
 ?41dward III. he was appointed to super- 
 intend the preparation of the apart- 
 ments in the palace of the archbishop 
 of York for the celebration of the king's 
 marriage (Pell Records, 140). He was 
 canon of Asgarby at Lincoln (Le Neve, 
 ii., 101), and his will was proved on the 
 12th of July, 1338 (MSS. Harl., 6954, 
 55 6). A chantry was founded for his 
 soul in York minster in 1357 at the 
 altar of SS. James and Katherine (Fa- 
 bric Rolls, 286). 
 
 * A younger sou of Sir Bertram de 
 Wodehouse, of Kimberley, by the heir- 
 ess of the Feltons (Blomefield's Norfolk, 
 ii., 543). Chaplain to Edward IL, clerk 
 of the wardrobe, chancellor and baron 
 of the exchequer and lord treasurer of 
 England (Feed., ii., 398, 419, 787, 
 1040. Cal. Rot. Pat., 105-6, 109, 132. 
 Rot. Scot., i., 139. Rot. Pari., ii., 79. 
 Madox, Hist. Exch., ii., 327. Dugd. 
 Chron., 39-42. Lib. Garderobsc, 73. 
 Foss's Judges, iii., 314, 539). Prebend 
 of Knaresbro' and archdeacon of Rich- 
 mond, canon of Hereford, Lincoln, 
 Southwell, and Lichfield, incumbent of 
 
 Boney and Tyverington. In his will, 
 which was made iu 1345 (Test. Ebor., 
 i., 13), he desires to be buried in the 
 church of the Austin canons at Stam- 
 ford. The author of the metrical pe- 
 digree of the family of Wodehouse tells 
 us, whilst speaking of the nephew of the 
 treasurer, — 
 
 " His uncle Robert, being Uigli Treasurer 
 Of England, one who had sonietimc before 
 Bin Richmond's dean and chaplain to tlie 
 
 king, 
 So pious and discreet his life had bin." 
 
 ' A most valuable description of these 
 coins, which, in the absence of gold at 
 home, English bankers, etc., wei'e most 
 anxious to procure. I believe that 
 coins of all these three types are not now 
 in existence. Peter de Dene in his will 
 made in 1322 mentions Florins "deagno 
 et mas" (Chron. W. Thorn, col. 2037). 
 
 '" Afterwards archbishop. He arose 
 into importance through his skilful di- 
 plomacy at Rome. A farther sum of 
 30/. was given to him by Melton on 
 Dec. 2nd at Newcastle. In 1326 he 
 occurs as receiver of Melton's chamber 
 and his private chaplain. 
 
 " Afterwards Sir William de Melton, 
 knight, of Aston, the archbishop's 
 nephew and heir, set. 23 in 1340. He 
 died in 1362, leaving a son and heir, 
 Sir William, set. 23, whose mother was 
 Joan, sister and co-heir in her issue of 
 Thomas lord Luc}', who died July 4, 
 1369 (Baker's Northants, i., 673. Hun- 
 ter's South Yorkshire, ii., 162). I 
 make some additions to the pedigree. 
 
 The will of Sir William Melton, the
 
 1317—1340.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 
 
 429 
 
 and for tlie use of Thomas, John and Joan the brothers and 
 sister of the said William, 100/. each. April 24. An order to 
 Simon de Swanlond to buy 10,500 small florins of Florence to 
 prosecute our cause in the papal court against the bishop of 
 Dm-ham." June 1. To dan. John de Elghton, chaplain, cele- 
 brating at Melton for the souls of our parents, a wage after the 
 rate of five marks per annum. June 8. Thomas Fox, the re- 
 ceiver at Hexham, is ordered to construct a good and a stout 
 gaol at that place. 
 
 1331, May 17. An order to the receiver at York to have 
 made for the archbishop a silver cup of the price of 40s., and 
 another of 2^ marks or 30s. May 21. To Adam Coppendale of 
 Beverley, 100/. 4s. for cloth bought of him for oui' summer 
 liverey. May 24. To Walter de Kelstern, 185/. 8s. Id. for 
 plates of white silver, and to Henry de Belton,^' 327/. 18s. 9d. 
 for plates of white silver received from him through the hands 
 of Mr. Robert de Bridlington and John de Nottingham.'? 
 
 second, is printed in Test. Ebor., i., 
 246. He died in 1398, having been a 
 witness for the Scropes in 1386 (Scrope 
 and Grosvenor Roll, ii., 301), and his 
 widow, shortly afterwards, took the 
 vows before archbishop Scrope in the 
 following manner : — 
 
 " In the nome of Jhesu Crist, Amen. 
 Y Katerine de Melton de Aston, of the 
 erchebisshopricke of York, byfor you 
 hier, worsshepful fader in God and lord 
 Eichard by the grace of God erche- 
 bysshop of York, primat of Engelond 
 and legat of ye court of Rome, in the 
 wyrsship of Gode and h3's moder Seinte 
 Marie maiden and al seintz of heven, in 
 your holy handes make avowe and by- 
 hot that y shal kepe my body henfor- 
 word in chastitee, and in token of this 
 avowe y make this seyne of the holy 
 cros whith my owne honde ■\-." 
 
 A Mr. William de Melton was some- 
 time the archbishop's i-eceiver at Hex- 
 ham. Possibl}' he was the issue of the 
 following marriage which is entered in 
 archbishop Melton's register. Jan. 13, 
 1307, Clement V. grants a dispensation 
 to William, son of Nicholas de Melton, 
 and Christian his wife, who had married 
 although they were related, and had 
 had four children. The consanguinity 
 was thus shewn. A person called 
 "Anketinus diaconus," had two chil- 
 dren, Thomas and Agnes. Ralph " dic- 
 tus clericus" was theson of this Thomas. 
 Ralph had a son Ralph, the fatlier of 
 JIaud, mother of William de ^Melton. 
 
 Agnes, daughter of Anketinus above 
 named, was the mother of Alexander 
 Paslewe, who was the father of Geoffrey, 
 the sire of Christian. I scarcely think 
 that this document relates to the parents 
 of the archbishop. 
 
 On Oct. 4, anno 22, archbishop Mel- 
 ton writes to the bishop of Durham to 
 enquire about an exchange of benefices 
 as proposed by William ^Melton, rector 
 of Alston, and John de Bridlington, 
 rector of a moiety of the church of 
 Roxby in the diocese of Lincoln (Reg. 
 Bury, 311). June 22, 1370, ind. Mr. 
 AVilliam de Melton in vie. de Withornse, 
 having exchanged for it his rectory of 
 Brandesburton with Thomas de S. Mar- 
 tino (Reg. Thoresby). Mr. William de 
 Melton was ordained priest at York on 
 the Saturday after St. Lucy's day, 1358, 
 A^'illiam de Ferriby giving him a title 
 (ibid.). 
 
 " The contest betw'een Melton and 
 bj). Beaumont is elsewhere alluded to. 
 
 p Mayor of York 1334-7 (Drake, 
 360-1). On July 2, 1336, the prior 
 and convent of Durham allowed him 
 and the other parishioners of All Saints, 
 Ousegate (Pavement), to build houses 
 in the churchj'ard, where the dead were 
 not interred, to support a chaplain in 
 honour B.M.V. in the said church 
 (Keg. ii., Pr. and Conv. Dunelm., 1076). 
 Belton founded a chantry there on 4th 
 of July, 1347 (Drake, 294). 
 
 * A John de Nottingham was dean 
 of Lincoln in 1340 (Le Neve, ii., 32).
 
 430 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 August 9. To Richard de la Mare*" and Thomas de Ergom their 
 expeuses, etc.^ in taking the fattest of the deer in our parks, 
 CO. Notts. August 20. To Mr. Richard de Snoweshull and 
 Richard de Grimeston of York, goldsmith, 1001b. of silver 
 plate.'' August 31. To Willliam de Cliff, the money necessary 
 for himself and men, his horses and dogs, whilst taking the 
 ferae in our park at Beverley, and salt for salting what he takes.' 
 Sept. 22. To William de Melton, son of Henry de Melton de- 
 ceased, our brother, 1000/. as a mark of our affection. Nov. 22. 
 To Mr. Richard de Eryom," canon of York, 100 marks to ex- 
 
 *■ A cousin of the archbishop. I shall 
 notice several other members of the 
 family. 
 
 ' The York mint was in full play 
 during this archiepiscopate, and I shall 
 give some new and valuable notices of 
 its progress. A great quantity of mo- 
 ney seems to have been struck at York, 
 but there are few peculiar mint-marks, 
 such as are observed on the coins of the 
 bishops of Durham. Their absence may 
 be easily accounted for by the fact that 
 York was not a palatinate like Durham ; 
 such a privilege, therefore, as the use 
 of mint-marks could not properly be 
 assumed. 
 
 Mr. Eichard de Snoweshill was Mel- 
 ton's mint-master. Meltou made him 
 his receiver, and he became rector of 
 Huntington near York. He made his 
 will on the 27th of August, 1349, in 
 which he desired to be buried in the 
 choir of the church of All Saints at 
 Huntington, near the vestry- wall, if he 
 dies in the diocese of York. He gives 
 a legend to the church, and leaves 10s. 
 to buy a stone coffin in which his body 
 is to be laid. Pr. 7th August, 1349 
 (Eeg. Zouche). 
 
 The following extracts relate to the 
 operations of the York mint at this 
 time. August 7, 1331, an order to 
 Mr. John de Notyngham, the arch- 
 bishop's receiver at York, to give to 
 Mr. Eichard, the goldsmith, of Grimes- 
 by, whom we have appointed our ma- 
 gis^er cuneorum, all our silver plate in 
 your keeping. August 8, Mr. Eichard 
 Snoweshill appointed custos cambii, and 
 on the same day, Nottingham, the re- 
 ceiver, is directed to give him 200 lb. 
 of silver to hand over to Eichard, the 
 goldsmith, to coin into money. Aug. 
 28, 1331, the receiver is ordered to pay 
 Snoweshill 100^. for the use of the mint, 
 and on August 31 the same officer is 
 
 ordered to place in his hands the arch- 
 bishop's silver plate. Dec. 28, 1331, to 
 Mr. E. de Snoweshill, our receiver at 
 York, the mone}'' he has spent " circa 
 missionem cuneorum nostrorum apud 
 London et pro ipsis cuueis ibidem fabri- 
 candis," and for bringing them to York, 
 and, also, for making a chasuble for 
 our chantry in York minster. March 
 13, 1333-4, acq. of the accompt of 
 Snoweshill as keeper of the mint, 3110. 
 lib. arg. 4s. lid. remaining in his hands. 
 The accounts run from August 8, 1331, 
 to Michaelmas, 1333, and are jmssed. 
 Jan. 12, 1337-8, an order to the re- 
 ceiver at York to buy silver plate for 
 our use. 
 
 ' August 5, 1334, an order to pay to 
 William de Cliff and his companions 
 the money they require for hunting for 
 us at Eipon. 
 
 " Prebendary of UUeskelf, which he 
 held from 1322 to 1338, when he died. 
 His history is a remarkable one. He 
 made his own way in the world, as in 
 June, 1304, he is mentioned in arch- 
 bishop Corbridge's register as " Eichard 
 de Er^'um super Tees, pauper clericus." 
 He soon rose into importance, Kellawe, 
 bishop of Durham, having taken him 
 by the hand. In 1313 he was pre- 
 bendary of Lanchester, and in receipt 
 of an annual pension of 66s. 8d. from 
 the convent of Durham (Eeg. ii., Pr. 
 and Conv. Dunelm., 35, 61. Hist. 
 Dunelm. Scr. Tres., appendix, 107). 
 On Dec. 3, 1315, the dean and chapter 
 of York ask Kellawe to ordain Mr. 
 Eichard de Erium, rector of St. Nicho- 
 las's, Durham (Eeg. Kellawe, 155 b). 
 In November, 1316, he was made canon 
 of Saltmarsh at Howden (Eeg. ii., nt 
 supra, 79 b). He is very frequentl}" 
 mentioned among the acts of bishop 
 Kellawe. In June, 1322, he exchanged 
 his stall at Howden with Eichard de
 
 1317—1340.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 
 
 431 
 
 pedite tlie business of ourself and our cliurcli at Rome. Nov. 28. 
 To Mr. John de Barneby, onr domestic chaplain^ 1500 Horius 
 for our affairs iu the court of Rome. Nov. 29. ^Vn order to tlie 
 receiver at Howden to give to John de Haytefekl as many hens 
 " de lak " at this time, and Avhenever he comes to you, as the 
 sumpter horses of our poultry store, can carry to us at York, 
 and the wheat and barley " de doddes," which are due to us 
 from Howdenshire, to be brought to our manor of CuAvood." 
 
 1332, Jan. 18. To Mr. John de Notingham, the expenses of 
 his journey to and from St. OswakFs, Gloucester. Jau. 19. To 
 Mr. Thomas Sampson,'" official of om* court at York, two deer 
 from our park at Beverley. Feb. 21. An order to pay 100s. for 
 building a grange at Boulton. April 5. To John le Waryner, 
 money to repair our camera at Ripon. May 14. An order to 
 Mr. Robert de Bridelington,-^ seneschal of om- lands, to pay 
 1000 marks of the money of our cousin which is in yoiu- hands 
 to David earl of Athol.^ May 25. To dame jNlargcry de Mel- 
 
 Osgodby for the prebend of Ulleskelf. 
 In April, 1323, he was presented to the 
 living of Brompton in Pickering Lj'th, 
 which he held till he died (Reg. Mel- 
 ton). On July 8, 1324, he was one of 
 the persons appointed to settle the dis- 
 putes between France and England 
 " ratione castri de Monte Pessato " 
 (Poed., ii., 558). He died in 1338. See 
 Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, 104. 
 
 " Some curious customary rents. In 
 Best's Farming Book, which has been 
 published for the Surtees Society, there 
 is the following explanation of " doddes." 
 " Many have alledged y' white wheate 
 is ye best to mingle and sowe with rye 
 and y' it will bee ye soonest ripe, but 
 wee finde experimentally y' Kentish 
 wheate is ye best or y' wlaich (here- 
 abouts) is called dodde reade, and be- 
 sides it is a larger corne, and a wheate 
 y' will sell as well amongst rye as ye 
 other." 
 
 "■ A distinguished man. lie was 
 son, I believe, of John Sampson, who 
 was knight of the shire for Yorkshire 
 in 1298, and was closely connected 
 with the families of Sutton and Malbys. 
 He held at various times the livings of 
 Aca«ter Malbys, Halmby, and Mister- 
 ton, and was warden of the chajiel of 
 Sutton in Holderness, canon of Holme 
 at York, and a residentiary and pre- 
 bendary of Beverley. In 13 i2 the 
 canons of York elected him their dean, 
 but the appointment was set aside by 
 
 the pope after a long and angry con- 
 troversy. Sampson was cmplo^-ed in 
 state aflliirs(Foed., ii., 794, 870, 947; iii., 
 116. Rot. Scot., i., 590-1. Hot. Pari., 
 ii., 105). There are letters from him 
 in existence describing the victory at 
 Neville's cross (MSS. Bodl., 208G, 18), 
 and he was very useful in advancing 
 the building of York minster. He 
 died in 1319, having made a noble will 
 which is still unpublished. His wealth 
 was enormous. 
 
 ^ Private chaplain of Melton. In 
 February, 1320, he exchanged his stall 
 in the church of All Saints, Derby, for 
 that of Welton at Lincoln (MSS. llarl., 
 6951, 111). He was canon of Nuu- 
 wick at Bipon, AVoodburgh at South- 
 well, and South Newbald at York, the 
 last of which he obtained in 1330 in 
 exchange for the stall of Parva Cestria 
 at Derby. He held, also, the livings 
 of North Ferrib}^ Claworth, and El- 
 neley. He died in 1332. On Dec. 29, 
 1331, the custody of the marriage of 
 Richard, .son and heir of Richard do 
 Forncus, was entrusted to Bridlington. 
 Robert and William F., his brothers, 
 are mentioned (Reg. Melton). 
 
 v This was for the manor of Gains- 
 borough. The bargain was cancelled. 
 On March 15, 1333-4, the archbishop 
 desired the money .should be received 
 back from the earl, together with the 
 deeds.
 
 432 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 touj our kinswoman, three quarters of wheat and five of malt. 
 June 16. To Richard de Danport, tanner of Pontefract, 107s. 
 for thirty-one hoods and twenty-one super-tunics furred with 
 hudge, and forty-four lambs^ furs for our summer liverey. 
 June 24. To Mr. Ivo, the mason, five marks for stone bought 
 at Tadcaster for our worlc at York. August^ 1. To the Augus- 
 tinians at Lincohi, in their general chapter there, two marks. 
 August 24. To dan Richard de Melton, seneschal of our hospice, 
 200 marks to make provision for us at St. Botulph's. Sept. 29. 
 To Mr. Robert, our cook, money enough to buy 2000 stockfish 
 in the next fair of St. BotulpVs, with his expenses. Nov. 12. 
 To John de Dyock, the money necessary to hire a ship to bring 
 "piastre ston^"* from Gainsbro^to Southwell. 
 
 1333, May 4. To "William de Fereby,- our domestic clerk, 
 100/. for the expenses of our hospice. Oct. 18. An order to 
 Mr. Richard de SnoweshuU, our receiver at York, to repair and 
 make a glass window in our chapel, the east window of our 
 chamber, a new window in our study, and a new partition 
 (particula) in the west end of the great hall of our palace, and 
 to pay 40s. for a silver gilt cup. Oct. 21. An order to pay 100s. 
 for a pontifical ring. Oct. 23. To Adam de Coppendale of Bev- 
 erley, 39/. 17s. for spices. Nov. 1. To Simon, master of the 
 schools at Newark, for the expenses of our kinsmen William 
 and Thomas de Melton and their tutor as long as they are 
 there, 2s. 5d. per week. Nov. 2. To John de Esk, 24/. for two 
 bovates of land bought for the use of our beloved kinsman Tho- 
 mas, son of Henry de Melton." 
 
 ' A kinsman of the archbishop, and His will is in Test. Ebor., i., 103. Cf. 
 a member of a great clerical family Fabric Rolls, 123, 286, etc. Ferriby 
 which held many preferments in York- leaves to the fabric of York minster 20 
 shire. Ferriby is near the archbishop's marks, and all the books which for- 
 birthplace at Melton. It would be merly belonged to archbishop Melton, 
 tedious to enumerate minutely the pre- " A very interesting notice of the 
 ferments of William de Ferriby. Suf- education of the archbishop's nephews, 
 fice it to say that at one time or other The eldest has been already mentioned, 
 he held the archdeaconry of Cleveland, His uncle seems to have allowed him 
 the chancellorship and the stalls of 100s. a year after he left school. 
 Bilton, Holme, and Dunnington at On May 30, 1332, Mr. William le 
 York, where he was a residentiary. He Burton, vicar of Kirkby Moorside, re- 
 was also canon of Ripon, Southwell, ceived the charge of Thomas, son of 
 and Salisbury, dean of Hereford, chan- Henry de Melton, a bo^'. On May 14, 
 ceHor of Beverley, and prebendary at 1335, the care of Thomas and John, 
 Chester and Osniunderley. He held sons of Henry de Melton, was entrusted 
 the livings of Brompton, Claworth, to Mr. William de YafFord, parson at 
 Stokesley, North Ferriby, Hugate, the altar B.M. Magd. in York min- 
 Carleton in Lindrick, Kippax, Acaster ster. On Dec. 5, 1335, William de 
 Malbys, the mastership of Bawtry hos- Ferriby, the anihbishop's domestic chap- 
 pital, and the rectory of Watford, lain, ;vas made their curator (Reg. Mel- 
 Northants. He was executor of arch- ton). On March 30, 1351, there was 
 bishops Melton and Zouche, and dying a commission to ordain Mr. Thomas de 
 in 1379 was buried in York minster. Melton, rector of Hotham (Reg.
 
 1317 — 1340.] ARCHnisiiop melton. 433 
 
 1331, Jan. 15, To Roger de Monkcton, jeweller of York, 
 52s. lid. for a cup and two pieces of silver. April 12. To Adam 
 de Coppandale of Beverley, 10/. 21 d. for two ells of canvass. 
 May 10. An order to reward Robert Parxyng, William Basset, 
 John de Trevanyon, William Scot and John dc Anlaghl)y, advo- 
 cates, of York, for their advice and assistance in our business. 
 May 19. To William de Popelton, seneschal of our hospice, 
 fifty marks as a gift to our lady Philippa the queen, and money 
 to buy two carcases of oxen, three of pigs, and six of sheep to 
 give to the king.* June 3. To Mr. Thomas Sampson, otficial of 
 our court at York, sufficient money for our cause agaiust the 
 archbishop of Canterbury.'^ July 10. To Richard Lune, steward 
 at Otley, 20/. for building and repairing oiir houses in the 
 manor there. August 1. To John Levenyng,'^ our valet, the 
 money required for hunting for us, and storing what he takes, at 
 Southwell and Scrooby. August 10. An order to pay the money 
 for the silver chain of our seal, and for a case to it. August 13. 
 To Robert the plumber, money for lead nails used in oiu' chapel 
 and oriole at York. August 21. An order to Nicholas de 
 Siglesthorn, our receiver at Beverley, to pay ten marks to the 
 keeper of the fabric, towards the fabric of the high altar there, 
 and twenty marks towards the fabric of the nave.*^ August 31. 
 To John de Worne, 100 marks for the charges at the custom- 
 house and the expenses connected with our wool which has been 
 exchanged in Flanders. Oct. 31. To Thomas de Ougtered, 
 knight, who is about to go to Scotland, 40/., and he requires 
 for the present the use of some part of his silver vases. His 
 request is granted.-^ 
 
 1335, Feb. 19. Release of the accompt of Richard de Snowes- 
 liill, our receiver at York. He has in hand belonging to us, 
 1712/. 14s. 6d., thirty-six " florinos regales,^^ forty-nine '' de 
 agno," and forty-six " de Florentia," wdth a silver cup gilt and 
 enamelled, an ewer gilt and enamelled, pledged by Sir John 
 Cromwell^ for twenty marks, and two '^inpele,'' pledged by Sir 
 
 Zouclie). In 1358, on the Saturday as standing in the same relationship to 
 
 after St. Matthew's day, he was made that prelate. 
 
 deacon at York, his title being a chantry ' A very valuable date. About tlie 
 
 to which he was appointed by William year 1321- there was a papal indulgence 
 
 de Fcrriby. He was ordained sub- issued in behalf of the church of Be- 
 
 deacon on the vigil of the feast of verloy. Cf. Cal. Kot. Pat., 101-. 
 
 Trinity preceding (Reg. Thoresby). ^ Sir Thomas light red has borrowed 
 
 * In this year Edward III. won his money of Melton, leaving his plate as 
 
 great victory at Halidon hill. a pledge for its repayment. 
 
 ''- No doubt arising from the haju,- s Apr. 11, anno pont. 10, a loan of 
 
 lalio criicis. 20 marks to Sir John Cromwell, who 
 
 ■' A cousin of the archbishop. In gives as a pledge a cup and ewer of 
 
 1336 a Richard de Cardoyl is mentioned silver. 
 
 F F
 
 434 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Fulk Fitzwarren, for 20/. April 2] . To William de Wirkes- 
 worth, 200 marks and more for our summer livery. 
 
 1336, April 5. To the prior of Wartre, 100/. at the oversight 
 of John de Melton, to the use of the said John and Margery 
 his wife our kinswoman. July 13. An order to Mr. Richard de 
 Snoweshill to give out fourteen ells of silk for our summer 
 livery. Dec. 11. We have received from our receiver at York, 
 842/. lis. lOd. of our new money. '^ 
 
 1337, Jan. 8. To Thomas Fox, our receiver at Hexham, 23s. 
 4d. for making our mill at Alwenton.* April 27. To Sir Wil- 
 liam de Erghom, knight, ninety marks for a mesuage, a bovate 
 of arable land and the adA'owson of the chu.rch of Aston, which 
 we have bought of him.-' May 8. To Roger de Middleton, 100 
 marks for the manor of North Milford bought of him. 
 
 1338, June 7. To Mr. Thomas Sampson and dan Nicholas 
 de Hugate, canons of York, 500 marks to the use of the fabric 
 of the church.''' Sept. 21. To dan Richard de Melton, rector of 
 Brandesburton, 30/. for the making of the work of our chapel 
 at Melton, together with the sum of 20/. due from the ex- 
 ecutors of Nicholas de Hugate. 
 
 1339, Feb. 4. To Mr. Thomas Sampson or Thomas de Lud- 
 ham, keeper of the fabric of the church of York, 100 marks for 
 the glazing of the window newly constructed at the west end of 
 the cathedral.^ May 14. An order to Mr. Giles de Reddmere'" 
 to provide for us some good parchment at Lincoln, paying for 
 
 * Was this the jiroduoe of the York bishop of the manors of Ottery St. 
 mint or Florins, etc., which had been Mary, co. Devon, Kingsclere, and Bunt- 
 obtained in tlie way of exchange ? worth, Hants, and Killom, co. York 
 
 '■ Aug. 24, 1351, Thomas Fox, rector (Cal. Inq. P. M., ii., 62). 
 of Gilling in Ridale, and John Luk, * Stubbs (col. 1731) says that Mel- 
 rector of Haltwhistle exchange (Reg. ton gave 700 marks, and there is no 
 Zouche). reason to doubt his accuracy, although 
 
 J The manor of Aston, W.R.Y., the whole amount is not accounted for 
 
 came into Melton's hands in 1332, in the register. No one can suppose 
 
 when Thomas de Auuby passed it over that all the items of the primate's ex- 
 
 to him (Hunter's South Yorkshire, ii., penditure are entered in that book. 
 162). "Aston's secret shade "was in ' The beautiful west window, the 
 
 subsequent years the patrimony of the glass of which is still perfect, 
 family of Darcy, and, in still later days, '" A kinsman of the archbishop, 
 
 sheltered the poet Mason, who became Canon of Hungate at Lincoln (Le Neve, 
 
 precentor of the minster of York. ii., 99). He made his will on the Wed- 
 
 f n 1334 Melton granted letters of nesday before the feast of St. Barnabas, 
 
 attorney to Thomas de Lelom, his valet, 1347, in which he desired to be buried 
 
 to take possession in his name of the in Lincoln cathedral, before the great 
 
 manor of Killom from Peter, archbishop cross in the nave, near the tomb of Sir 
 
 of Rouen, and his chapter. The arch- William de Boloyn. To the fabric he 
 
 bishop knew in what peril the property: gave 40s. To Juliana, his sister, a nun 
 
 of aliens in Eugland was placed, and , at Irford, 2 marks. To Thomas de 
 
 he was wisely selling his lands in that Geynesburgh, chaplain, vicar in the 
 
 country (Reg. Melton). In 8th Edward cathedral, 20s., and his portiphor of 
 
 III. Melton was enfeoffed by the arch- the Liucoln use, and to him and Wm.
 
 1317 1340.] ARCHBISHOP MELTON. 435 
 
 it 40s. or 50s. July 25. To dan Richard de Melton, 25/. for 
 our cliapel at Melton. 
 
 1340, Jan. 7. We have received from Sir Antony de Lucy," 
 knight, 200/. in part payment of 400/. due to us for the marriage 
 of William de Melton our kinsman, and this money the arch- 
 bishop gives on the 13th, as a special favour, to his cousin 
 Richard de la Mar." 
 
 Archbishop Melton died at Cawood on the 4th or 5th of 
 April, 1340, and was interred in the north aisle of the nave of 
 York minster, near the font.^ Mr. Drake, the historian, thus 
 describes the opening of his tomb in 173 . ''On the laying 
 the new pavement of the church the stone which covered the 
 grave of this prelate was taken up. It was of blue marble, very 
 large, but quarterly cloven, and had been plated with brass on 
 the borders, and all over the middle part of it. Upon trial for 
 a vault the workmen came, at about two yards depth, to six 
 large unhewn stones, which laid cross and cross, as a drain is 
 covered. Upon removing two or three of them we discovered a 
 curious walled grave of ashler stone, in which the archbishop 
 was laid. He had been put in a lead coffin, and afterwards in 
 a mighty strong oaken one ; but both were so decayed that it 
 was easy to get to his bones. On the top of the uppermost 
 coffin, near his breast, stood a silver chalice and paten which 
 had been gilt. On the foot of the chalice was stampt a crucifix 
 of no mean workmanship, and on the inside of the paten a hand 
 
 de Redmer, his brother, all his books 25th November, 1365, and was buried 
 
 which are not set apart for the Friars in York minster. 
 Preachers at Lincoln. Pr. 20th June, Thomas de la Mare, brother of Wil- 
 
 1347 (Reg. Zouche). liam, also called " consanffuineus" by 
 
 Philip de Redmer " consanguiueus the archbishop, was sacrist of St. Se- 
 arch' "is mentioned in Melton's register, pulchre's chapel. In 1338 he became 
 Philip, son of John de Redmer, occurs canon of Weighton, exchanging for it 
 in Abbrev. Rot. Orig., i., 156. his rectory of Stratford, dioc. Lincoln. 
 
 " A great warrior and statesman. He died at Clareburgh, Notts, on 6th 
 
 Melton mai-ried his nephew to Lucy's of October, 1358, and was buried there, 
 
 daughter. His will is in Test. Ebor., i., 68. It 
 
 " The family of De la Mare were is a valuable document, and several of 
 
 connected mth the archbishop, and the Meltons are mentioned in it. 
 were preferred by him. The name is '' His obit was observed on the 4th 
 
 a suggestive one. (Reg. Magn. Album, part iii., 112). 
 
 William de la Mare " consanffuineus It is said that ho died on the 5th in 
 
 noster," once called W. de la Mare de Stubbs, col. 1731. MSS. Cotton, Vi- 
 
 Melton, held many offices. At various tclhus, A, ii., 112. On April 6, 1310, 
 
 times he was canon of South and North the dean and chapter of York send 
 
 Newbald andUUeskelf and treasurer at William de la Mare and two others to 
 
 York, prebendary in St. Sepulchre's the king to tell him that the archbishop 
 
 chapel. All Saints Derby, provost of died on the 5th, and to ask leave to 
 
 Beverley, incumbent of North Ferriby, choose a successor (Act. Capit.). Bur. 
 
 Wath.and Waltham. On Jan. 1, 1319, "in crast. S. Georgii" (Chron. Lan.). 
 
 he was made seneschal of all the arch- Mr. Baker (Hi.st. Northants) is wrong 
 
 bishop's manors and lands. He died in saying that Melton died on April 1 1. 
 
 F F 2
 
 * 
 
 436 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 giving the benediction. We could not find that he had been 
 buried in his robes ; his pastoral staff laid on his left side, but 
 no ring could be met with. His bones, as they laid together, 
 measured six foot, which argues him to have been a very tall 
 man. His grey hairs were pretty fresh ; after w^e had taken a 
 short survey of the ewuvice of this once famous man, the grave 
 was closed up in the manner it was before ; but the chalice and 
 paten were carried to the vestry.^"? 
 
 Archbishop Melton left a will, of which "William de la Mare, 
 canon of York and provost of Beverley, William de Ferriby, 
 canon of York and rector of Stokesley, and William de Wyrkes- 
 wortli, rector of Slaidburn and prebendaiy in the chapel of St. 
 Sepulchre, were the executors, and they had their release on 
 the 6th of November, 1345. It appears that with all his wealth 
 the archbishop had not paid proper attention to the buildings, 
 etc., belonging to his see, as on the 14th of November, 1342, 
 the executors bound themselves to pay to his successor the large 
 sum of 4000 marks on the score of dilapidations.'' Melton, 
 however, left great wealth behind him, of which perhaps he was 
 a little too fond, and his nephew William de Melton of Aston 
 was found to be his heir, being at that time twenty-three years 
 of age.'' The archbishop died seised of the manors of Kings- 
 clere and Buntwortli, co. Southants, Killam, Aston and Towton, 
 within the honour of Pontefract, North Milford, Kirkbywharf, 
 Abholme and Sherburne in Yorkshire, and Upston, co. Notts. ^ 
 All these estates came into the possession of his nephews, whose 
 descendants were among the highest knightly families in York- 
 shire. 
 
 On the 1st of February, 1355, William de Ferriby, an exe- 
 cutor of the deceased prelate, and probably in accordance with 
 his wishes, established two chantries to commemorate his bene- 
 factor and kinsman. The endowment consisted of twenty-six 
 marks per annum out of lands in Hotliam, Northcave, Melton, 
 Ferriby, Swanland and Elveley. The first of these chantries 
 was in the chapel of St. James at Melton, which the primate 
 himself had erected. The other was at the altar of the Holy 
 Innocents in York minster. Two priests ofiiciated there and 
 made special mention of the soul of the archbishop and that of 
 Edward of Carnarvon, king of England, through whose means 
 he had risen to greatness. Each of these chaplains received the 
 sum of five mai'ks per annum." 
 
 » Drake's EboracmVi, 433. Eot. Orig., i., 224. 
 
 •■ Eeg. Zouclie. " Keg. Thoresby. Domesday book, 
 
 • Baker's Northants, i., 673. penes Dec. et Cap. Ebor., 55-7. Fabric 
 
 ' Cal. Tnq. P. ]\I., ii., 94. The names Rolls of York minster, 286. Hutchin- 
 
 of the keepers of the temporalities after sou's Durham, iii., 477. 
 
 Melton's death are given in Abbrev.
 
 1342—1352.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP ZOUCHE. 
 
 437 
 
 On the 20th of January, 1359-60 Elias de Walkington, the 
 siib-chantor of the vicars choral, made an arrangement with 
 Ferriby and De la Mare, by which the obit of the archbishop 
 was to be annually observed on the 4th of April." 
 
 ^ ., illiani la EoudjC is said to have been a younger son of 
 William, lord la Zouche of Haringworth, Xorthants, by ]\Iaude 
 daughter of John lord Lovel, and to have been born at his 
 father's seat."' But whether these were his parents or not, his 
 very name bears witness to his illustrious birth. The lords of 
 Haringw^orth were famous for their hospitality, and in Kenneths 
 time the proverb, " to go a Zouching, was commonly applied to 
 an unbidden but welcome guest."'' 
 
 Zouche w^as probably engaged in the service of the king in 
 early life, as we find him acting as a clerk of the wardrobe in 
 1332. y On the 8th of May, 1329, he was sent to France to 
 make provision for the king against his arrival ; and on the 6th 
 
 " Eeg. MagQvim Album, pt. iii., 112. 
 MSS. Cotton, Claudius, B, iii., 297. 
 
 " Bridges' Northants.ii., 318. There 
 are pedigrees of the family of Zouche 
 in Dugdale's Baronage, i., 688, etc. ; 
 — Warwickshire, 42 ; Nichols's Leices- 
 tershire, ii., 372, but the archbishop 
 is not mentioned in any of them. The 
 name Zouche is of French origin " de 
 stirpite sicco," as Camden says (Ue- 
 maines, ed. 1674, p. 191), the " durum 
 ex stirpe genus" of Virgil, and the 
 primate fully verified the derivation by 
 his prowess in the field. 
 
 On the 4th of November, 1314, arch- 
 bishop Zouche made his brother, Sir 
 Roger la Zouche, knight, his seneschal 
 at Hexham (Reg.). In February, 1346, 
 he was retained by him, with six others, 
 to defend the Marches of Scotland, 
 and on that account he wa.s excused 
 from going abroad with the king (Feed., 
 iii., 69). 'On the 4th of July, 1315, 
 Sir Roger, who is described as belong- 
 ing to Leicestershire, had orders to 
 cross the sgas with the sovereign (ibid., 
 52), and on 12th of January, 1359, he 
 and three others were desired to raise 
 an hundred archers for service (ibid., 
 416, 441). 
 
 Henry la Zouche, perhaps a brother 
 of the archbishop, was presented in 
 
 1346-7 by Sir 'William la Zouche, of 
 Haringworth, to the rectory of Barb}', 
 Northants (Baker, i., 264). In the 
 year 1350 he was made prebendary of 
 South Cave at York, which he ex- 
 changed for the stall of Ami)lef()rd with 
 Henry de lugleby on the 12th of Aug., 
 1351. He diedliolding it in March, 
 1361-2, being at that time archdeacon 
 of Sudbury, having been appointed in 
 January, 1351 (Reg. Zouche. Le Neve, 
 ii., 491). 
 
 ' Kennet's Par. Ant., ii., 472-3. The 
 following testimony is borne to the hos- 
 pitality of the Herberts : " It was an 
 ordinary saying in the countrey (Mont- 
 gomeryshire) at that time, when they 
 saw any fowl rise, ' Fly where thou 
 wilt thou wilt light at Black-hall'" 
 (Life of Edward lord IIerl)ort of Cher- 
 burg, ed. 1770, p. 5). The inscription, 
 whicli was formerly engraved upon the 
 village cross at Sprotborough, was an 
 honour to the Filzwilliams (Hunter's 
 South Yorkshire, i., 318). 
 
 " Who so is huiiijiy and list well oate 
 Let him come to'Sprotbiirgh to his ineate, 
 Ami for a night and for a day 
 Ili.s lior.se shall have both corne and liny, 
 And no mane shall aske him where he goith 
 away." 
 
 y Pell Records, 142.
 
 438 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of June, 1335, he was present in the camera of the Friars 
 Minors at York, when the gi-eat seal was given to the arch- 
 hishop of Canterbury. Before this time, however, he had ob- 
 tained church preferment. On the 10th of December, 1329, he 
 was collated to the archdeaconry^ of Barnstable in the church of 
 Exeter, which he must have given up on the 12th of July, 1330, 
 when he was advanced to the archdeaconry of Exeter." He 
 exchanged this office with Thomas de Nassingtou for the rectory 
 of Jakelee on the 10th of June, 1331.* On the 9th of March, 
 1334, he was admitted by archbishop Melton, on the provision 
 of the pope, to the next vacant prebend at Southwell, but it does 
 not appear that he ever actually enjoyed one. On the 11th of 
 February, 1336, he was promoted in a similar way to a stall at 
 York. In 1336 the canons of that cathedral elected him their 
 dean, and he was installed on the 12th of November. On the 
 29th of June, 1338, Zouche made his obedience to archbishop 
 Melton in the chapel of the palace at York in the presence of a 
 goodly company of ecclesiastics.'^ He was collated to the pre- 
 bend of Ufton at Lichfield, of which he had only a brief tenure, 
 on the 9th of April, 13i0.'^ 
 
 The deanery of York was an honourable and an arduous 
 office, but Zouche had still time to spend in the service of his 
 country. The post which he held had been already occupied 
 by several distinguished statesmen, for the deans of York had 
 rare facilities for making themselves useful in the controversies 
 and the wars with Scotland. Zouche, in this resj)ect, was no 
 exception to his predecessors, and he rose in early life to gi'eat- 
 ness. In 1337 he was made lord treasurer of England, and he 
 seems to have held the office in the 15th Edward III.* On the 
 23rd of April, 1337, he was one of the persons who were to 
 arrange about the wages of the soldiers who were on their way 
 to Scotland, and, on the 26th of June, he and others were 
 directed to summon the army to York./ On the 28th of the 
 same month he was ordered to be present at York to state the 
 king^s intentions about his turbulent neighbours in the North. 
 On the 28th of August he was one of the commissioners who 
 were appointed to raise money in Northants for the French war,^ 
 and on the 6th of October he was requested to act upon the 
 Borders, in fortifying the towns, treating with the Marchmen 
 
 ' Foed., ii., 762, 909. ' Cal. Rot. Pat., 128, 131; In 1339 
 
 " Le Neve, i., 393, 406. Zouche, as treasurer, was abroad in the 
 
 * MSS. Harl., 6951, 1015. Nas- king's behalf (ibid., 134). Dugd. 
 sington was canon of South Newbald Chron., 42. Avesbury's Edward III., 
 
 at York, and died in 1346. 46. Feed., ii., 964, 1094. 
 
 ' Reg. Melton. / Rot. Scot., i., 489, 494. 
 
 ■* Le Neve, i., 633. e Fwd., ii., 979, 994.
 
 1342 — 1352.] ARCHBISHOP zouche. 439 
 
 and other necessary business.'^ On the 19th of January, 1340, 
 Zouche, in his capacity of treasurer of England, together with 
 several others, was deputed to open the parliament at West- 
 minster in the absence of the king.' 
 
 Archbishop Melton died in the spring of 13 10, and, on the 
 13th of April, the king issued his conge d^elire to the authorities 
 at York. On the 2nd of May, the chapter assembled, and two 
 candidates were proposed, the dean and William de Kildesby, 
 Edward the Third^s secretary and favourite, who was a notorious 
 pluralist. The wishes of the sovereign seem to have been openly 
 expressed in Kildesby^s behalf, but they were disregarded ; as 
 out of eighteen voters who were present, Zouche obtained the 
 suffrages of all but five. The archbishop-elect and his friends 
 seem to have suspected that some controversy would ensue, and 
 Zouche took the singular but wise precaution of being installed 
 on the day of his election.-' A vehement contention now broke 
 out ; Kildesby leaving no stone unturned to carry his point, and 
 the king vigorously assisting him.^ On the 14th of March, 
 1341, Edward wrote to the pope entreating him to support his 
 favourite against Zouche.' The quarrel had the effect of delay- 
 ing the settlement of the question for more than two years, but 
 it ended in the defeat of Kildesby, as Zouche was consecrated 
 by Clement VI. at Avignon, on Sunday the 7th of July, 1342.'" 
 On the 8th of September the king granted him letters of safe 
 conduct to enable him to return home, and, on the 19th, the 
 temporalities were restored to him." On Sunday the 8th of 
 December, the festival of the Conception of the Virgin, the new 
 archbishop was solemnly enthroned in his cathedral, and there 
 was a banquet in the palace for which great preparations were 
 
 * Ibid., 1100. Eot. Scot., i., 503. privy seal (ibid., 1129. Rot. Pari., ii., 
 
 '■ Foed.,ii.,1106. Rot. Pari., ii., 107. 132. Eot. Scot., i., 625. Cal. Rot. 
 
 > Stubbs, col. 1731. MSS. Cotton, Pat., 138). He was canon of Wetwang 
 
 Yitellius, A, ii., 112. Le Neve, iii., and treasnrer at York, warden of the 
 
 106. * Stubbs, col. 1732. chapel in Tickhill castle (Hunter's 
 
 ' Feed., ii., 1118. South Yorkshire, i., 236), prebendary 
 
 "' Stubbs, col. 1732. MSS. Yitellius, of Darlington 20th October, 13 tl (Reg. 
 
 ut supra. After a long delay, for the Bury, 3 17), rector of Worfield, dioc. 
 
 pope " electos Eboracensem et Lincolni- Lichfield (\Yillis, i., 175), canon of 
 
 ensem tenuit in curia languentes, et Southwell, Bath and AVells, Ilowden, 
 
 nullatenusexpeditos" (Murimuth,115). Lincoln, Ijondon, etc. In 13i3, after 
 
 The same writer says that Clement YT. his disappointment at York, lie had the 
 
 appointed Zouche to York on June 26, king's permission to make a pilgrimage 
 
 whose election had been hindered on to Jerusalem, and was allowed to retain 
 
 account of an alleged resignation (p. all his preferments (^Fo'd., ii., 1220-2). 
 
 133). He died at Caen on the 20th of Jul}^ 
 
 " Foed., ii., 1210-11. William de 1317, after an active life. Robert de 
 
 Kildesby was a great man. On Dec. 2, Kildesby, canon of South Cave at York, 
 
 13 to, he was made master of the rolls was his brother. Cf. Angl. Sacr., i., 
 
 (Foed., ii., 1143), and between that 22, 40. Carte's Gascon, etc., Rolls, i., 
 
 year and 1342 he was keeper of the 111.
 
 440 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 made. One incident in the programme of that great day was 
 the presence of Hugh, the ahbat of Jorevaux, to render his sub- 
 mission to his diocesan." 
 
 For two or three years after archbishop Zouche^s arrival in 
 the North he seems to have devoted himself entirely to the re- 
 quirements of his diocese, and it is probable enough that his 
 collision with the king on the question of his appointment was 
 the cause of his being temporarily unoccupied in the service of 
 his country. Before long, however, he had an opportunity of 
 displaying in a pre-eminent degree his patriotism and his valour, 
 There began to be some uneasiness on the Borders, and all eyes 
 were turned towards their troublesome and restless neighbours. 
 In the autumn of 1345 a Scottish army broke into Cumberland 
 and did much mischief, but this foray was only the prelude to 
 a more serious camjjaign. In the beginning of the following 
 year, when the danger became imminent, the king shewed that 
 he had forgiven the archbishop by making him one of the war- 
 dens of the ]Marclies, and Zouche, in his new capacity, was most 
 actively employed.^ In the month of July Edward went abroad 
 and began his career of victory in France, and, about the same 
 time, David king of Scotland made another raid into Cumber- 
 land, but it was not of a grave character. The news of the 
 glorious triumph at Cressy came across the seas to England,? 
 but the conqueror^s mind was ill at ease when he heard of the 
 attitude which the Scots were assuming. On the 2nd of July 
 the archbishop was ordered to go to the Marches with all his 
 power,*" and, on the 25th, the king sent his clerk, Richard de 
 Saham, to bring him some news from the Borders. On the 20th 
 of August Edward desired the mayor of York and others to 
 levy men at the oversight of Zouche, Henry lord Percy and 
 Ralph lord Nevill whom he had made commissioners of array.* 
 All these precautions were salutary and wise. In the month of 
 October the Scots broke into England with a large army bent 
 upon something more than plunder. They rolled down Tyne- 
 dale, scattering the inmates of Lanercost and Hexham, and 
 wasting the country as they came. They passed from thence 
 into the bishoprick of Durham, and drew themselves up upon the 
 green hills which overlook the Wear from the west, and within 
 view of the stately towers which still adorn the capital of the 
 palatinate. The news of their arrival had run through York- 
 
 » MSS. Cotton, Vitellius, A, ii., 112. ' The king wrote to Zouche an- 
 
 Eeg. Zouche. nouncing the victory. The letter is 
 
 f Rot. Scot., i., 663, 670. Zouche printed in the Retrospective Eeview, 
 
 had given the king great offence, and, 7i. s., i., 120. 
 
 as Seneca says in his Medea, " Gravis "" Ibid., 672. 
 
 ira regum est semper." ' Foed., iii., 87, 89.
 
 1342 135.2.] ARCHBISHOP ZOUCHE. 441 
 
 sliire, and the archbishop, nothing daunted by the peril of the 
 undertaking, immediately took the field. Queen Philippa re- 
 mained behind at York whilst the primate Avent forth to the 
 battle, 
 
 " Infula cui sacra redimibat tempora vitta, 
 Totus coUucens veste atque insignibus armis." 
 
 The heads of the gTeat houses of Percy, INIowbray, Neville, 
 Scrope and Rokeby went with him, and an army Avas soon 
 collected. It rested for awhile at Richmond, and then entered 
 the Bishopric at Barnard castle, under the command of the 
 archbishop. On the night of the 16th of October they were in 
 Auckland park, the troops being divided into three Ijodies, one 
 of which Avas led by Zouche.' Early on the morning of the 17th 
 he had a sharp skirmish with Sir William Douglas and a troop 
 of horsemen in which the Scots Avere Avorcited. On the mon-ow, 
 the 18th of October, the two armies met on the hills to the Avest 
 of Durham which look doAvn upon the city. It must have been 
 a striking sight to see the warrior-prelate going among his men, 
 cheering and encouraging them and giA'ing them his benediction. 
 His prayers Avere heard ; for before that day Avas over the royal 
 invader was a prisoner, and the floAver of the chivalry of Scot- 
 land Avas torn and dead. That was a A-ictory Avhich the monks 
 of Durham never afterwai'ds forgot. The chronicler of that 
 noble house has told us a romantic story of Avhat then occurred 
 to them." A vision is said to have Avarned the prior and his 
 brethren to be present at the fight, but they were not in warlike 
 guise, with spear and panoply and sAvord. They elevated on a 
 spear one of their most precious relics, the corporax cloth of St. 
 Cuthbert, and, fearless of injuiy or AATong, they Avent to pray 
 for their countrymen in the middle of the battle. 
 
 " — The prior of Durham with holy hand 
 Raised, as the vision gave command, 
 Saint Cuthbert's rehc — far and near 
 Kenned on the point of a lofty spear." 
 
 Some sacred influence seemed to hover around the suppliants, 
 for the foemen touched them not. They Avould hear the ring- 
 ing shouts around them, the cries of the vanquisher and tlie 
 wounded. They could see, Avhen they looked up, the ebb and 
 the flow of the fight, until at length the enemy Avas pushed ott' 
 the green romided hills, among Avhich they stood, and di-iven in 
 
 ' Por an account of tile battle, etc., Poems, 39-44. Arch. iEliana, ». s. 
 
 see Chron. Lan., 3 IG, etc. ; Knyghton, Hardyng's Chron., n. e., 328. Galf. le 
 
 col. 2590; Stubbs, col. 1732 ; Lei. Coll., Baker, 172. Avesbury, 145. Fordun, 
 
 ii., 470. Murimuth (177) and the ii., 341. 
 
 Monk of Malmesbury (250) say that " Rites of Durham, ed. Surtees Soc, 
 
 the battle was chiefly won by the York 20-5, 50. Ilist. Dunelin. Scr. Tres, 
 
 clergy. Walsingham, 167. Minot's appendix, 434-5. Durham AV ills, 29-30.
 
 442 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 wild confusion towards the North. With what joy and gratitude 
 would the delighted monks welcome the conquerors when they 
 returned to them ! They would lead them down the narrow 
 pass which opened out into the city, and there before the sacred 
 shrine the knees of the wearied soldier were bent in thankful 
 acknowledgment of his triumph. It was probably the first time 
 that archbishop Zouche entered that stately temple. When he 
 visited it again he would see the trophies of the battle which he 
 had done so much to win, the famous black rood of Scotland, 
 and the banners of the slain or captured nobles waving over St. 
 Cuthbert^s shrine. 
 
 The disgrace of archbishop Melton^s defeat at Myton was 
 now wiped out, and Zouche had Avon for himself not only com- 
 mendation for his energy and patriotism, but the reputation of 
 a successful general. He sent his valet, William de Hugate, to 
 the king with the news of the victory," and Edward was profuse 
 in his thanks and praises. He begs the archbishop to continue 
 his hitherto successful care in guarding the Marches. The 
 monarch speaks, in a spirit characteristic of that noble age, of 
 the mercies that had been vouchsafed to him, how thankful he 
 was for God's goodness, of which he was unAVorthy."' The cloud 
 which had hung between Edward and Zouche seems now to 
 have been removed. On the 10th of December the king re- 
 quested the archbishop and several of the great men in the 
 North to give him their presence and their advice at West- 
 minster, where the war might be discussed,^ and, on the 18tli 
 of November, 1350, he shewed his especial favour to the 
 Northern primate by condoning all his past shortcomings on 
 account of his great services, particularly in the battle of Dur- 
 liam.2' This concession is partly, no doubt, of a general cha- 
 racter, but it also has reference to the offence which Zouche 
 had given to Edward when he was elected to the see of York. 
 
 The archiepiscopal career of Zouche was not a long one, but 
 it was signalized by activity and a painstaking attention to his 
 duties. His was essentially a reign of peace, and no controversy 
 seems to have disturbed it." He received a subsidy from his 
 
 " On Dec. 11 the king orders him a coUigere" (Feed., iii., IVO), and on 
 reward of 10^. (Feed., iii., 98). Some March 1, 1351, he was asked to con- 
 two or three prisoners who had been voke his clergy, and obtain from them 
 captured in the battle fell to the arch- a subsid}' in aid of the French war 
 bishop's share, and there is some corre- (ibid., 214). 
 
 spondence about them in Feed., iii., 95, » Cal. llot.- Pat., 160. Feed., iii., 
 
 105 ; Rot. Scot., i., 687. 210. 
 
 " Feed., iii., 91-2. Rot. Scot., i., ' Feb. 18, 1343, commission to Mr. 
 
 675. Thomas Sampson, jur. civ. prof, and 
 
 ■^ Feed., iii., 97. Eot. Scot., i., 679. official, John de Aton, canon of Lin- 
 
 On Sept. 5, 1348, the king desired coin, and Robert de Askeby, our do- 
 
 Zouchc " prociuratioues cardiualium lucstic chajilain and rector of Washing-
 
 1342 1352.] ARCHBISHOP ZOUCHE. 413 
 
 clergy on his accession to office, and, at the same time, lie re- 
 quested the heads of the various religious houses within his 
 diocese to give a benefice to some poor clerk. The register of 
 the see during this period mentions the establishment of a large 
 number of chantries and the appropriation of many livings. It 
 also contains the following entries. 
 
 1342, On the Sunday after All Saint's day, the archbishop, 
 at the request of the king, grants a pension of 100s. per annum 
 to Reginald de Donynton," clerk, till he can provide him with 
 a benefice. Nov. 17. An order to the receiver at York to })ay, 
 at the oversight of William de Popelton, the money required 
 to repair oui' houses at York to be ready for our installation 
 banquet.* 
 
 1343, June 15. To the nine canons in residence at York 
 two oaks each and their fagots, from our wood of Langwath. 
 August 4. Bull of Clement VI. denouncing Louis, duke of 
 Bavaria, as an enemy of God and an excommmiicated heretic.'^ 
 August 27. An order to pray for fine weather.'' 
 
 1344, July 18. Ralph, bishop of Lcthlyn," appointed siif- 
 fragan. Oct 21. Licence to John de Stafford, rector of St. 
 MichaeFs, Ouseb ridge, Y^ork, to be absent for a year in tlic 
 service of the earl of Derby. Nov. 10. To Thomas Wadilove, 
 the runner of our treasuixr at York, a stipend of a penny 
 a day. 
 
 1345, Jan. 21. To Mr. Robert de Askeby and John de 
 Sutton, clerk, our domestic chaplains, their expenses whilst 
 absent on the business of our mint. June 23. A mandate to 
 pray for the king and his army. 
 
 1346, April 17. Licence to the abbat of St. Mary's, York, 
 to hear the confessions of his monks. June 2G. A general 
 sentence against those who have entered Aberford church and 
 killed John de Byngham, clerk, whilst he was on his knees 
 
 ton in the diocese of Durham, to treat ' Cf. Chron. Lanercost, 253, 301, 
 
 with the archbishop of Canterbury etc. Knygliton, col. 2553, 2565. ]\Iu- 
 
 •' super bajulationecrucis." InZouche's riinuth, 60. The duke was mixed ui> 
 
 Register, 253-4, are some statutes made with the affairs of tlie anti-])ope and was 
 
 at a s3'nod at York. made emperor. Barnes's Edward 1 II., 
 
 " In 13i7 the king presented him to 410. Cf. Earonii Ann., llaynaldi, 
 
 the stall of Barnby at York, and he xxiv. 
 
 died holding it in 1319. Cf. Feed., ii., '' On Oct. 24, 13 15, the chapter of 
 
 988, 1060. In 1325 Reginald do Do- York grant an indulgence of forty days 
 
 nington was sheriff of Lincolnshire to those who pray for the removal of 
 
 (Pari. Writs, ii., part i., 339). the " acris intemperics" (Acta Capit., 
 
 * On the 9th of February the re- Ebor.). 
 
 ceiver, Mr. William de Wirkesworth, ' Another conunission to him on 
 
 was desired to pay for the provision Sept. 10. The archbishop gives him 
 
 that had been made for the banquet, at a pension of 10 marks per annum and 
 
 the oversight of .Tohn de Thorp " di- the fees. Jan. 20, 13 14-5, 10 marks to 
 
 lecti clerici nostri." him for his salary.
 
 444 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 praying. August 9. An order to pray for the king and liis 
 army going to France/ 
 
 13^7, May 3. To Mr. Thomas Sampson, official of the court 
 of York, 50/. for his fee.^ October 5. Licence for Simon de 
 Stowe, rector of a moiety of the chiu'ch of S.M. Castlegate, 
 York, to be absent in the service of dame Joan Fitzwauter, lady 
 of Egremont. 
 
 1348, Feb. 21. Commission to John de Coniston, a Carmelite 
 friar, to hear the confessions of Sir John de Haryngton, knight, 
 and his wife.'' March 5. Hugh, archbishop of Damascus, is 
 appointed suffragan with a pension of 40 marks per annum and 
 the fees.' April 11. Letters testimonial to a marriage between 
 Robert de Swylington and Avora, daughter of Sir Stephen 
 Waleys, knight, deceased. They Avere contracted on the Mon- 
 day before the feast of St. Thomas the Apostle, 1347, in the 
 house of Thomas Easy in Micklegate, York, and were afterwards 
 publicly married. May 11. Sentence against those who have 
 hindered the procession at Southwell on the feast of Pentecost, 
 coming up to the high altar with swords, clubs, etc. June 11. 
 The feast of St. Bartholomew : the provost and scholars of 
 Queen^s college, Oxford, put themselves under the protection of 
 the archbishop and his successors.-' July 28. An order to pray 
 for the removal of the mortality and infection of the air.* 
 
 1349, Feb. 4. A commission to the official of the archdeacon 
 of York to hear confessions, on account of the mortality and 
 pestilence in various parts of our diocese. April 28. Mandate 
 to the bishops of Carlisle, Durham, Whitherne, etc., to publish 
 the letters of the pope about the indulgence on behalf of the 
 mortality. June 26. Commission to Hugh, archbishop of 
 Damascus, to dedicate the cemeteries of the chapels of Egton 
 and St. Thomas near Beverley. July 10. To dedicate in haste, 
 on account of the pestilence, the chapel and cemetery of St. 
 Oswald at Fulford. July 15. The cemetery and chapel of 
 
 ■^ The year of the famous hattle of in part payment of his salary. On 
 
 Cressy. August 27, ISlt, Simon, bishop of 
 
 «■ Feb. 13, 1350, a similar sum to the Whitherne, made his obedience to the 
 
 official, Mr. Gilbert de Welton, doctor archbishop at Cawood. There is an 
 
 of laws. interesting notice of archbishop Hugh 
 
 * There are many other licences for in tlie Foed., iii., 229. 
 
 the friars to hear confessions and preach. > This college will be mentioned after- 
 
 On Nov. 16, 1348, Hugh de Warmesby, wards. 
 
 a Friar Minor of Doncaster, was au- * There is a dreadful account of this 
 
 thorized to act as confessor to dame pestilence in Knyghton, col. 2598, etc. ; 
 
 Margery de Hastinges and her family Murimuth, 178 ; Walsiugham, 1G8 ; 
 
 for a year. Foed., iii., 198, where it is said that a 
 
 ' There are other commissions to him great ])art of the people, especially the 
 
 dated on June 5, 13 19, Jan. 27, 134-9- operatives and servants, died of the 
 
 50, and March 4th, 1351-2. March 6, plague. 
 1347-8, a payment of 10 marks to him
 
 1342—1352.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP ZOUCHE. 
 
 445 
 
 Cleseby par. Staynwegges. July 17. Tlie cemetery at Wilton. 
 July 23. The chapel and cemetery of Semer par. Kndby, and 
 the chapel of Brotton par. Skelton. August 1. The cemetery 
 of the chapel of Barton par. Gilling, to be used during the pes- 
 tilence, and, on August 7, the chapel of Eseby par. Stokesley.' 
 
 1350, Feb. 20. To John de Acome, canon of St. Sepulchre's 
 chapel, York, 20/. for oui' business in the court of Rome. Feb. 
 27. To Sir Henry Percy, sen., 50 marks for his fee. April 9. 
 To Sir Thomas de Hokeby, knight, late sheriff of Yorkshire,'" 
 20/. July 24. Licence of non-residence for a year to A\ illiam 
 Neuport, rector of Arncliff," in the service of lord Percy. 
 
 1351, Jan. 7. A letter to the chapter of York enjoining them 
 to make Roger de Ledes, a vicar-choral, do penance for drawing 
 blood from a clerk of the cathedral in the minster. Feb. 5. 
 Licence for John de Chesterfield,'' rector of Foston, to be absent 
 from his benefice for 2 years in the service of Sir "William la 
 Pole^ knight. June 7. To John de Flete of York 44 marks of 
 
 ' Stubbs (ool. 1732) tells us tliat the 
 plague began at Micliaelmas. In 1319 
 there was a great mortality in the city 
 of York, which continued till St. 
 James's day. Avesbury (257) says, 
 
 " Mors prima communis mc ter i. minus uno." 
 
 The scourge, it will be seen, extended 
 to the most remote and the healthiest 
 villages in the county of York. These 
 orders for the consecration of cemete- 
 ries tell a sad tale. Cf. Galf. le Baker, 
 189. Fordun, ii., 317. The clergy 
 suffered very severely (Statutes of the 
 Realm, i.,-378). 
 
 "■ Sir Thomas Rokeby of Rokebv, 
 sheriff of Yorkshire 1337, 1343-50 
 (Drake, 352), a great soldier, and one 
 of the leaders at Neville's cross. For 
 an account of him see Scrope and Gros- 
 venor Roll, ii., 308-9. In 1327 he 
 brought Edward III. in sight of the 
 Scots at Stanhope park (Foed., ii., 717. 
 Barnes's Edward III., 12. Qiconomia 
 Rokebeiorum). 
 
 " A retainer of the noble house of 
 Percy. Rector of Arnchire 1319, which 
 he gave up for Spofforlh. This he ex- 
 changed in 1359 for the rectory of 
 Bishopwearmouth, co. Durham. In 
 1362 he again acquired the living of 
 Spofforth, and was allowed to hold that 
 of Bishopwearmouth with it. In 1365 
 he gave up Spofforth for the prebend 
 of UUeskelf at York (Reg. Zouche and 
 Thoresby. Reg. Hatfield, at Durham, 
 
 43, 52, 58). Newport died in 1366, 
 and his will is in Test. Ebor., i., 80. 
 A chantry was founded for him at tlie 
 altar of St. Gregory in York minster 
 (Fabric Rolls, 281). 
 
 The love of non-residence was in- 
 creasing. The words of Piers Plougii- 
 man may appropriately be cited : — 
 
 "Parsons anti parisshe preestes 
 Pleyned hf;m to tlie bisshope, 
 That hire piinsshes weien pouere 
 Sith tlie pestilence tyme. 
 To have a licence and leve 
 At London to dwelle. 
 
 Some serven the kyng, 
 
 And his silver tellen 
 
 In cheker and in cliauncelrie, 
 
 Chalangen hise dettes 
 
 Of wardes and of wardemotes, 
 
 Weyves and streyves. 
 
 And somme serven as servauntz 
 Lords and ladies, 
 And in stede of stywardes 
 Sitten and demen 
 Hire messe and hire matjnis 
 And many of hire houres 
 Am doon un-devout licke." 
 
 " The king's chaplain. Canon of 
 Grendale at York. Ordained accolile, 
 sub-deacon and deacon in 1319, being 
 then rcclor of Plcslay and Foslon (Reg. 
 Zouche). Ho had leave to be non- 
 resident at Foston in 1352, 1353, and 
 1361. Che.-iterfield was prebendary of 
 St. Stephen's, Westminster, 1318-58 
 (Newcourt, i., 7 17), and canon of Clialk 
 at Wilton, dioc. Sarum (Phillips's "NA'ilt- 
 shire Incumbents, 40).
 
 446 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 silver for wines bought of him. Sept. 6. The archbishop orders 
 the use of a new service in honoui' of the Virgin, and others for 
 tlie translation of St. Thomas of Hereford and St. Ambrose.^ 
 Oct. 4. A letter against the begging friars, ordering them not 
 to seek alms in the churches " libris apertis more qusestus." 
 Dec. 11. Commission to William, bishop of Sodor and Man, to 
 celebrate orders. 
 
 1352, Feb. 1. A mandate to pray for Henry, duke of Lan- 
 caster, who is going abroad against the enemies of the faith and 
 cross.? March 9. General letter against those who have dragged 
 William de Echardeby from sanctuary at Wetheral. April 11. 
 Licence to the dean of Pontefract to exhume the bodies of three 
 men interred in the churchyard of All Saints, Pontefract, who 
 were condemned by the justices, and to inter them " in loco de 
 Sancto Victore,^^ near the town, which is said to be dedicated, 
 where it has been the custom to bury criminals who have been 
 hung. May 6. Commission to William de Bokenham, prior of 
 the Carmelites at Coventry, to wash away with holy water a 
 stain of blood in Beverley minster. May 7. Licence for Thomas 
 de Percy ,*■ rector of Catton, to be non-resident for two years to 
 study. May 14. An acquittance to William de Newport, rector 
 of ArnclifFe, an executor of the will of Sir Henry de Percy, sen., 
 knight, for a horse called Lyarde de Patrington, in our hands at 
 the time of our decease, as a mortuary on account of the church 
 of Catton, and also for a gold ring with a stone called an eme- 
 raude f and, on the same day, the executors release the arch- 
 bishop from the pension of 100 marks granted by him to the 
 said Henry, the archbishop paying 100/. for all arrears. 
 
 For some time before his death archbishop Zouche was 
 afflicted with a very serious bodily infirmity, and it -was the 
 
 p Both to be with Novem Lectiones, Catton, " ad pres. regis, custodis ter- 
 
 and the hymn Salvator, mundi domine, rarum patris tui dom. Henrici de 
 
 to be said on each double festival in- Percy." On June 17, the pope allowed 
 
 stead of that Te lucis ante terminum. him to hold a stall at Chester-le-street, 
 
 On Feb. 11, 1343-4, the archbishop he being then but 19, in respect for 
 
 makes some alterations in the services Edward Til. and Isabella his mother, 
 
 for the feast of the Conception B.M.V., Percy being their cousin (Reg. Zouche). 
 
 Good Friday, and the feast of St. Percy was bishop of Norwich from 
 
 Martha. They are to be specially kept. 1355 to 1369 (Le Neve, ii., 464-5. Test. 
 
 "1 Zouche calls him " regni Anglise Vet., i., 84). 
 
 membrum nobile et columpna una." » In his will made in Sept., 1349, 
 
 "\^liilst on his way to Palestine, he was Henry, lord Percy, leaves the archbishop 
 
 arrested at Cologne by the emissaries 100 marks, which he owes him, and 
 
 of Otho, duke of Brunswick. This " unum annulum pontificalem cum 
 
 origmated a duel, which will soon be ameraude" (Test. Ebor., i., 61), and he 
 
 alluded to (Barnes's Edward III., 465). bequeaths to Sir Balph Neville " duos 
 
 He was called the good duke of Lan- bacinos quos dominus archiepiscopus 
 
 caster, and was a famous warrior. mihi dedit." 
 
 •■ March 31, 1352, inst. in rect. de
 
 1342 1352.] ARCHBISHOP ZOUCHE. 447 
 
 consciousness of its presence and the recollection of the perils 
 from which he had escaped, that induced him, we may helieve, 
 to make the last disposition of his worldly substance and commit 
 himself into the hands of his God, His will is dated at llii)on 
 on the 28th of June, 1349, and seems from internal evidence to 
 have been di'awn up in one of those blessed intervals of health 
 which sick persons are occasionally permitted to enjoy. There 
 is little in the document to interest my readers, indeed it seems 
 to have been prepared for the special purpose of securing the 
 foundation of a chantry. The testator simply directs his re- 
 mains to be interred within his cathedral, and leaves the sum of 
 300 marks for the establishment of a perpetual chantry in York 
 minster, which is to be served by two chaplains who are to do 
 service for his soul, and it is to be dedicated to God, his mother 
 the Blessed Virgin, All Saints, and especially to SS. Mary 
 Magdalene and Martha. The remainder of his estate is left to 
 the disposition of his executors, Ralph lord Neville of Raby, Sir 
 Roger Zouche, knight, his brother. Sir Marmaduke Constal)le, 
 Sir William de Place and Sir Christopher Mallory, knights, Mr. 
 Gilbert de Welton, William de Ferriby and Roger de Stiendby, 
 clerks, and Anketil Mallory, esq., the two last being placed in 
 the most responsible position, as nothing is to be done by the 
 executors without their cognizance. There is an allusion in the 
 will to the archbishop^s parents, which shews that they were 
 then alive.' 
 
 The erection of this chantry, although mentioned in the 
 archbishop's will, was not altogether left to the care of his 
 executors. The founder began the building of it himself. lie 
 wished it to be contiguous to the south wall of the choir, with- 
 out detracting in any way from the beauty of that part of the 
 fabric, and he was desirous, as the best means of carrying this 
 into effect, that the master-mason at the minster should have 
 the management of the work. It is pleasing to observe the 
 affectionate way in which the consent of the chapter of Yoi-k 
 was sought for and granted. They speak to each other Avith 
 the kind and touching sympathy of old friends, and in those 
 words, few although they are, the melancholy conviction seems 
 to be expressed that their intercourse in this Avorld would ere 
 long be at an end." 
 
 The erection of the chapel seems to have been begun in 
 1350," and it was the founder's intention to have been laid in it, 
 
 ' Printed at length in Test. Ebor., i., mouth, rectori alt. S. Laurencii in ccd. 
 
 5-78. cath. El)or., iOL pro diversis expcnsis 
 
 " York Fabric Holls, ed. Surtees circa constructionem capellac nostras 
 
 Society, 168-9. ibidem. April 25, 1351, a similar sum 
 
 " Nov. 16, 1350, Roberto de Swet- for the same purpose, to John deAcome,
 
 448 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 but before it was completed he was called away to his account. 
 He died at Cawood on the 19th of July, 1352, and on the 8th of 
 August he was interred before the altar of St. Edward, in the 
 nave, hard by the remains of his predecessor archbishop Melton."' 
 When Stubbs wrote his chronicle, no monument had been 
 erected to commemorate him ; " a proof," as the historian sar- 
 castically observes, " of the noble disposition of his parents 
 and of those whom he had benefitted exceedingly." But he 
 needs no memorial of that kind, when you gaze npon that 
 glorious nave Avith its triumphs of sculpture and of art, which 
 the prelate, who is now sleeping beneath your feet, once assisted 
 in creating ! 
 
 The chapel Avhich archbishop Zouche began was probably 
 completed after his death ; but its subsequent history is involved 
 in mystery aiid doubt. Within eight years after his decease the 
 rebuilding of the eastern portion of the cathedral commenced ; 
 and as the Norman choir was gradually removed, the chapel 
 which was appended to it could not occupy the same position. 
 The new choir was wider than its predecessor, and the arcli- 
 bishop^s chapel, therefore, must have been taken down. After 
 that time no trace whatever of the chantry has occurred to me. 
 There might possibly be some difficulty about the rebuilding, and 
 the chapter may have appropriated the endowment to that pur- 
 pose ; perhaps the executors of Zouche^s will were as careless of 
 their trust as they were of erecting a memorial over their benefac- 
 tor^s grave, and the endowment was neglected. The present office 
 of the chapter clerk, which was at one time the vestry of the 
 cathedral, is supposed to be Zouche's chapel ; at all events it 
 cannot be far from the position which that building originally 
 occupied. At the east end there are still traces of an altar and 
 its accompaniments, but their presence in this place proves but 
 little, as we know that the service was transferred for awhile 
 from the minster to the vestry in 1394. The room is now the 
 depository of the records of the dean and chapter, which remind 
 me of the courteous attention that laid them open to me, and of 
 the many long hours that have been spent upon their pages. 
 The labours of past years, which have filled these volumes, rise 
 
 canon in the chapel of the B.V.M. and 25/. 9s. 7d. more than they received. 
 
 the Holy Angels. Nov. 18, 1351, an- «■ Stubbs, col. 1732. Acta Capit. 
 
 other sum of 40/. to Swetmouth and Ebor. His end is thus described in the 
 
 Acome. On May 10, 1352, the account metrical chronicle of the archbishops 
 
 of the two is passed. They are called of York in MSS. Cotton, Cleopatra, C, 
 
 " custodes novse fabricse capellse nostrse iv. : — 
 
 juxta latus australe ecclesise nostrse 
 
 "cathedralis Ebor. noviter inchoatse." "Hie Willelmus pontifex anno suonono 
 
 Tbp arfniint runs frnni Arivil 9"^ 1 q^O Quievit a labonbus suis fine bono, 
 
 j.ne account runs irom Apiil Z6, irfoU, ^p„j ym^m propriam Cawod vocitatam, 
 
 to April 28, 1352, and they have spent Eboracus habuit glebam tumulatam."
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 449 
 
 vividly before the writer wlien he accidentally finds himself 
 on this scene of his exertions, 
 
 " And as a hare whom hounds and horns pursue, 
 Pants to the place from whence at first he flew." 
 
 On the 2nd of April, 1353, archbishop Thorcsby cmpo-^cred 
 Mr. William de la Mare and John de Wodehouse, canons of 
 York, John de Crakhall, doctor of decrees, and Adam de Twy- 
 silton, commissary general, to enquire into the dilapidations of 
 the houses and woods belonging to the see, and into the damages 
 done by the executors of his predecessor. This strengthens tlie 
 inference that there was some neglect of duty on the part of 
 those officials. 
 
 Jli^OfjTl tl0 ^|}OlTSiijg was one of those great and good men who 
 were the glory of the fourteenth century. That was indeed, in 
 every respect, an illustrious age. Whilst the chivalry of Eng- 
 land was winning renown in the wars in France, every liberal 
 art was being fostered and cherished at home, and John de 
 Thoresby stood in the front rank of that band of worthies who 
 signalized themselves by their taste and learning. It is with a 
 feeling almost akin to veneration that I look back upon his 
 many services to his comitry, his pious zeal and his open-handed 
 munificence. 
 
 We are indebted to a scion of the family of Thoresby, in a 
 later age, for an account of his ancient house of whicli he was 
 so proud. The name of honest Ralph Thoresby, the Leeds 
 antiquary, would be a credit to any pedigree in Yorkshire. 
 There is a little hamlet of the name of Thoresby hard l)y the 
 well-knoAvn castle of Middleham in Wensleydale, and there, in 
 all probability, it was that the archbishop of York was born. 
 His father, Hugh de Thoresby, was the owner of the place, and 
 Ids mother was Isabel, daughter of Sir Thomas Grose of Suffolk.* 
 
 ' Thoresby's Vicaria Leodiensis, 185, Richard de Thoresby, incumbent of 
 
 etc., where there is a Hfe of the arch- Bugbrooke, Northants, 13 18-9, and 
 
 '■ bishop. Ducatus Leodiensis, ed. Whit- rector of Oundle 1352 (Bridgcs's Nortli- 
 
 aker,69. Diary, i., 225, 366. Thoresby ants, i., 487; ii., 408). May 16, 1355, 
 
 gives an engraving of a figure of the coll. prcb. at St. Andrew's altar, Bcver- 
 
 archbishop taken from a window in the ley, exchanging for it with Thomas do 
 
 minster. He is holding a church in Helvvell, his prebend of Ilatherdon in 
 
 his right hand. the cha])el at AVolvcrhamjiton (Reg. 
 
 ThefoUowingpersons were, no doubt, Thoresby). June 25, 1355, collated by 
 
 related to the archbishop, but in what the archbishop to the free chapel of 
 
 degree I cannot say. Ferrybridge, which, on July 2ud, ho 
 
 G G
 
 450 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 Far be it from me to question a genealogy of which a herald of 
 some note has said^ " In my opinion, I never saw any descent 
 so well travelled, nor so truly set down/^ It would ill be- 
 come me to differ from the decision of my compater,^ and the 
 illustrious authorities by which he is supported. 
 
 John de Thoresby was probably induced to take up the 
 profession which he adopted, by the good fortune of his uncle 
 Peter, who held several important offices in the bishoprick of 
 
 exchanged with John de Donyngton 
 for the stall of Sharow at Eipon (ibid.). 
 There is a letter extant from the arch- 
 hishop in behalf of his cousin, Eichard 
 de Thoresby, canon of Beverley, " super 
 ti'avis sibi debitis," in MSS. Cotton, 
 Galba, E, x., 80. On May 12, 1350, 
 there is an order from the king to 
 Ilichard de Thoresby, keeper of the 
 hanaper of the chancery, to pay for 
 him certain monies (Feed., iii., 106). 
 
 John de Thoresby, doctor of laws, in- 
 stituted on Oct. 24, 1353, to the rec- 
 tory of Lilford (Bridges's Northants, 
 ii., 242), which he resigned in 1373 
 for the provostship of Beverley (MSS. 
 Harl., 6952, 6). On Dec. 7, 1367, he 
 was admitted on the authority of the 
 pope to the stall of Grendale at York, 
 and on 19th of December, 1369, he ex- 
 changed his stall of Offle}' at Lichfield 
 with Mr. John Turke for the prebend 
 of Nunwick at Ripon (lleg. Thoresby). 
 On August 20, 1360, he and others 
 were appointed to treat with David 
 Brus(Foed., iii., 506). The archbishop 
 wrote to the bishop of Lincoln asking 
 him to grant a licence of non-residence 
 to his kinsman, John de Thoresby, 
 rector of Lilleford, " ad scolas " (MSS. 
 Cotton, Galba, E, x., 85). He was 
 one of the archbishop's executors (Test. 
 Ebor., i., 90). 
 
 'Elias de Thoreshy, on Nov. 7, 1361, 
 exchanged the hospital of Bawtry with 
 John de Grantham for a stall in St. 
 Sepulchre's chapel at York. On May 
 26, 1362, he exchanged his rectory of 
 Northcoles, dioc. Lincoln, with the 
 same person for the rectory of S. Trin., 
 Goodramgate, York. On Feb. 9, 1362,3, 
 he exchanged the last-mentioned living 
 for that of St. Dennis in Walmgate, 
 which, on July 10, 1367, he exchanged 
 for the rectory of Gamelston, Notts. 
 This he again exchanged on Nov. 27 
 for the rectory of Weston. On Aug. 
 2, 1371, he was collated to a stall in St. 
 
 Sepulchre's chapel, York (Reg. Thores- 
 by). On December 16, 1391, Elias de 
 Thoresby, rector of Weston, makes his 
 will, desiring to be buried in the church 
 of Weston. He leaves 7 marks to be 
 given to the poor on the day of his 
 burial, and 10 marks for the expenses 
 of the funeral and the entertainment 
 for his neighbours, besides the corn 
 and malt and everything that can be 
 provided at the rectory. To the fabric 
 of the church of York he leaves 20s., 
 and he leaves 40Z. to three chaplains 
 who are to celebrate for him at Weston. 
 To William Thoresby he gives 40s. To 
 the fabric of the bell-tower of Weston 
 church, 20s. To John, rector of '\\'i\- 
 ford, a silver cup with a cover. To the 
 prior of Bridlington, two silver cups. 
 To the prisoners at Lincoln, 40s. He 
 appoints as executors, John, rector of 
 Wilford, John, vicar of Wheatley, John 
 Golias, chaplain, and llobert de Thores- 
 by. The will is dated at Stretton, and 
 was proved at Tork on Jan. 14, seq., 
 Thoresb3s one of the executors, re- 
 nouncing (Reg. Arundel). 
 
 William de Thoreshy, rector of a 
 moiety of the church of Cotgrave, 
 made his will on Friday, the feast of 
 S.S. Vitus and Modestus, 1347. To 
 be buried in the cemeter}^ of the church 
 of AH Saints at Cotgrave. To Juliana, 
 his sister, 5 marks. To Isold, his sister, 
 10 marks. To John, son of Beatrix de 
 Thoresby, 40s. and 10 ewes. To his 
 brother John, 20s. To his brother 
 Adam, a horse, etc., at Thoresby. Pr. 
 June 21, 1347 (Reg. Zouche). 
 
 In 1344 John de Thoresby, a friar 
 preacher, was ordained priest at Newark 
 (Reg. Zouche). On July 20, 1349, 
 John, son of Cecily de Thoresby, was 
 collated, at the presentation of the king, 
 to the living of Aldwalby, and died in 
 1355 (MSS. Harl., 6951, 110 J.) 
 
 * Mr. Surtees, in his History of 
 Durham, iv., 94.
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 451 
 
 Durham, in addition to the rectory of Aysgarth in his native 
 vale/ The young Yorkshireman went to Oxford, where he 
 became a scholar of repute and a great lawyer." His learning 
 and his energy soon made for him a pathway through the world. 
 He became beneficed in Yorkshire, being instituted whilst he 
 was merely an accolite, on the 15th of October, 1320, to the 
 living of Bramwith on the presentation of Thomas, earl of Lan- 
 caster. We know not to Avhat extent the youthfid clerk was 
 interested in the fortunes of that ill-fated nobleman, but we 
 soon find him connected with archbishop Melton, and he was 
 made one of the members of that prelate^s household who were 
 in close attendance upon his person. In 1326 he was re- 
 ceiver of the archbishop^s chamber and a domestic chaplain, an 
 office which he filled in the autumn of 1328. In 1327 he went 
 in his master's behalf to the coiu't of Rome, and, in 1334', he is 
 described as his attorney, being evidently a person wise in 
 counsel and learned in the law.* He became a great ecclesiasti- 
 cal advocate and a proctor to the papal court, an employment 
 to which he was indebted for his reputation and his advance- 
 ment. 
 
 Thoresby soon became possessed of high clerical preferment, 
 and archbishop Melton was not his only patron. A clever and 
 an active lawyer would gain many friends. Between 1325 and 
 1335 he was incumbent of Honington in Warwickshire.^ On 
 the 17th of June, 1327, he was admitted by archbishop ISIelton, 
 on the provision of the pope, to the next vacant prebend at 
 Southwell, which seems to have been that of Norwell Overhall, 
 which he was holding in 1329.'^ In August, 1335, he resigned 
 his stall in the chapel of St. Sepulchre at York.* In March 
 1338-9 he occurs as archdeacon of London.-^ On the 4th of 
 January, 1339-40, I find him, as rector of Elwick in the diocese 
 of Durham, making a grant of a messuage near his chin*ch to 
 the priory of Tynemouth, and in the spring of the following 
 year he resigned the mastership of the hospital of St. Edmund 
 at Gateshead.''' On the 22nd of jNIay, 1340, the king appointed 
 
 ' Rector of Aysgarth, a son of Hugh University of Cambridge. He must 
 
 de Thoresby, and the archbishop's mean Oxford, 
 
 uncle (Ducatus Leodiensis, 69). Tern- * Hog. MeUon. 
 
 poral chancellor of Durham in 1289, " Dugdale's Warwickshire, n. e., 427. 
 
 and constable of Durham castle (MS8. He appropriated this living on Feb. 25, 
 
 Surtees, ined.). Master of Kepier hos- 1350-1, to the priory of Coventry (Tho- 
 
 pital in 1311 (Reg. Kellawe). Cf. Ab- mas's AVorccstcr, 180). 
 
 brev. Rot. Orig., i., 38). '' Reg. Melton. Le Neve, iii., 437. 
 
 " Vicaria Leodiensis, 189. A diritje Plac. de Quo AVarr., 6 18. 
 
 was performed for him at Oxford on *" Reg. Melton, 
 
 penult. Feb. (Avesbury, 302). Bale, ■'' Le Neve, ii., 320. Did he ever 
 
 cent, vi., 493. Godwin (687) says that enjoy it ? 
 
 Thoresby was a great benefactor of the «■ Reg. Bury at Durham, 321 b, 
 
 G G 
 
 9
 
 452 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 him to the stall of South Muskham at Southwell/ and he is said 
 to liave held that of Warthill at York in 1343/ but I have seen 
 no documentary evidence of the fact. On the 29th of September, 
 1343, he was instituted to the rectory of Oundle, Northants, 
 which he held till 1347.-? In 1343 he resigned the li\ing of 
 Sibbesdon in the same county.''^ He was prebendary of (Thorn- 
 gate at) Lincoln in July, 1345, when the pope wrote to inform 
 him that he had advanced Thomas Lisle to the see of Ely.^ 
 
 Thoresby, it will be observed, was indebted to Edward III. 
 for more than one piece of preferment. We know not when he 
 was first introduced to that monarches notice, but it is probable 
 that his abilities as a lawyer were the cause of his rapid advance 
 in honours and position. He seems to have been the king^s 
 proctor in the court of Rome, and to have won the good opinion 
 of all with whom he was connected by his diplomatic skill and 
 his integrity. On the 7th of March, 1330, Edward sent a letter 
 by Thoresby to the pope and cardinals, begging for the canoni- 
 zation of his father's foe, Thomas, earl of Lancaster,'" who had 
 given the ambassador his first li\ing. In 1336 Thoresby 's 
 friendly relations with the pope were imperilled by a singular 
 adventure. A summons to appear before the pope on some 
 question of appeal was served upon him in open court in Eng- 
 land ; the papal messengers were at once thrown into prison as 
 guilty of a contempt, and were only set free when queen 
 Philippa interceded in their behalf." This seems to have done 
 Thoresby no permanent injury, as on the 16th of March, 1340, 
 he went again to the papal court to procure a dispensation for a 
 marriage which was to take place between Hugh le Despenser 
 and a daughter of the earl of Salisbury." In the same year he 
 was a trier of the petitions which were presented to the parlia- 
 ment from England and Flanders,^ and he is said to have gone 
 as one of the royal envoys to Rome on the question of a peace 
 with France.? On the 21st of February in the following year 
 he was appointed master of the rolls, and he held that office till 
 the month of July, 1346.'- In 1343 and 1345 he had the tem- 
 porary charge of the great seal of England.^ In 1344 he was 
 
 340 J. On March 1, 1340-1, Mr. ' Foed., iii., 55. He was canon of 
 
 Walter Faucomberg was presented to Lincoln in 1347 (Le Neve, ii., 222). 
 
 the hospital of St. Edmund at Gates- '" Feed., ii., 782. 
 
 head, then vacant by the resignation of " Foss's Judges, iii., 523. 
 
 Mr. John de Thoresby. Mr. Gibson, ° Feed., ii., 1119. 
 
 in his Tynemouth Priory, gives a dif- p Rot. Pari., ii., 112. 
 
 ferent date to this grant to that house i Barnes's Edward IIL, 207. 
 
 (i., 149). * Le Neve, iii., 431. -■ Dugd. Chron., 45. Newcourt, i., 
 
 ■■ Ibid., iii., 220. 339. Foed., ii., 1151. Le Neve, i., 
 
 J MSS.Harl.,6951, 103S. Bridges's 294. 
 
 Northants, ii., 408. ' Cal. Rot. Pat., 146. Foed., ii., 
 
 * MSS. Harl., ut supra. 1231 ; iii., 53. Carte's Gascon, etc.,
 
 1352 — 1373.] ARCHBISHOP tiioresby. 453 
 
 sent to the pope to tell liim how the truce with France had been 
 broken.' In 1345 he was present when John, dnke of lirittany, 
 did homage to the king." On the 25th of Noveml)er, in tlie 
 same year, Clement VI. addressed him in a friendly letter in 
 which he besought him to assist with all his energies tlie two 
 cardinals who were coming to England in the vain hope of pre- 
 serving the peace between that country and France." In 1315 
 and 1346 Thoresby had the charge of the privy seal,"" and in the 
 latter year he was variously employed. I find that he was one 
 of the collectors of the quindisme, and on the 8th of September 
 he was one of those who were desired to announce the king^s 
 wishes to the parliament. On the 22nd of October he was made 
 one of the commissioners who were appointed to treat Avith 
 France at the instance of the pope and cardinals, and Clement 
 wrote to him a letter full of gratitude for his services in the 
 cause of peace.* They had been attended hitherto by little 
 success. The crowning victory at Cressy, which had just been 
 won, scattered the pride and the hopes of the chivalry of France, 
 and was a bitter mortification to the chief pontiff and the court 
 of which he was the centre. Ten years after this, after the 
 defeat at Poictiers, which the cardinal of Perigord had done his 
 utmost to avert, some wag wrote the folloAving verses in Avhich 
 he treated with derision the partizanship of the pope : — 
 
 " Ore est le pape devenu Franceys 
 E Jesu devenu Eugleys, 
 Ore serra veou qe fra plus, 
 Ly pape ou Jesus. "y 
 
 In 1347 Clement VI. shewed his regard for Thoresby by 
 appointing him bishop of St. Da\dd's. The king gave him the 
 temporalities on the 14th of July, and he was consecrated on 
 the 23rd of September." There is nothing known of what he 
 did in his Welch bishoprick, but we hear of Thoresby in another 
 character and in a more conspicuous position. In the year in 
 which he was elevated to the episcopal bench he was in attend- 
 ance upon the king at Calais with ninety-nine persons in his 
 retinue," and he, no doubt, took part in the stirring incidents of 
 that romantic siege. On the IGth of June, 1319, Thoresby had 
 a still loftier step, for he was raised to the woolsack as lord 
 chancellor of England.* On the 4th of September in that year 
 
 Eolls., i., 114. Kalendars and Inv. of ' Feed., iii., 89,92. Rot. Rirl., ii., 
 
 the Exchequer, i., 158, 160. 160. 
 
 ' Barnes' Edward III., 313. Toss's " Knyshton, col. 2615. 
 
 Judj^^es, iii., 523. ' I^e Novc, i., 291. Jones and Free- 
 
 " l.^'oed., iii., 39. man's History of St. David's, 303. 
 
 f Ibid.,' 64. ° Vicaria Leodiensis, 189. 
 
 "• Ibid.', iii., 53, 86. * Le Neve, i., 294.
 
 454 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 a papal bull translated him from St. David's to Worcester, and 
 the temporalities were restored to him on the 10th of January, 
 and the spiritualities on the lltli/ The duties of his office in 
 the state delayed his enthronization until the 12th of September, 
 13ol/ and Thoresby's connection with Worcester must have 
 been brief and unsatisfactory. He was destined to fill a higher 
 and a more honourable position. The Northern primacy was 
 vacant in 1352 by the decease of archbishop Zouche, and on the 
 25th of July the king desired the chapter to proceed to the 
 election'' of his successor. With one voice they fixed upon 
 Thoresby, and sent Gilbert de Welton to acquaint him with 
 their decision and to urge him to assent to their postulation 
 which had been forwarded to the pope. He gave them his reply 
 from London on the 6th of September, and his letter is couched 
 in that graceful and flowdng Latinity which Thoresby had al- 
 ways at his command. He expresses his extreme surprise at 
 the intimation which he has received, and wonders that the 
 electors have passed over better men among their own body. 
 Without giving them a decisive reply, he is profuse in his 
 expressions of gratitude and longs for an opportunity to shew 
 his kindly feeling towards his benefactors and their church. At 
 the same time Thoresby seems to have despatched another letter 
 to his patron Clement VI., desiring his advice. He thanks him 
 for his past goodness to him in raising him to two sees in suc- 
 cession, and, mentioning what has occurred, he refers the 
 matter to the pope's judgment. He will abide altogether by 
 his decision, relying upon that kindness which has so often been 
 shewn to him. The letter was one with Avhich Clement would 
 be pleased, and no one could better appi-eciate the merits of the 
 Avriter. The wishes of the chapter of York were acceded to. 
 The pope, however, appointed Thoresby of his own right, and 
 not as the person postulated by the electors. Clement wrote 
 from Avignon on the 22nd of October, 1352,^ and the tempo- 
 ralities were restored by the king on the 8th of February.^ 
 Thoresby, it will be remembered, was at this time chancellor of 
 England, and was unable to disengage himself from the official 
 claims upon his time. On this plea he made William de la 
 Mare his vicar-general in the diocese of York, on the 20th of 
 January, 1352-3. Like many of his predecessors, Thoresby 
 was in want of money at his accession to his new dignity, and 
 
 ' Ibid., iii., 57-8. was held on August 16 (Acta Capit. 
 
 '' Thomas's Worcester, 180. Anglia Ebor.). 
 
 Sacra, i., 534-5. / Printed in the appendix to Tho- 
 
 " On July 20 the chapter ^mte to mas's History of Worcester, 116-19. 
 
 the king to say that Zouche died on the The bull is in Foed., iii., 249. Reg. 
 
 19th, and to ask for leave to choose his Thoresby. 
 
 successor. A meeting for that purpose e Foed., iii., 251-2. Le Neve, iii., 107.
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 455 
 
 he complained of his necessities to the pope. The clergy, liow- 
 ever, assembled in synod on the 8th of IMay, and j:;rant(>d their 
 diocesan a very liberal subsidy, the seculars giving him 8d. and 
 the religious 12d. in each mark/' The new primate was all tlic 
 while engaged in the South, and from an order which the king 
 made on the 1st of Api'il that he should bear his cross erect 
 without being molested/ we can see that the old quarrel with 
 Canterbury had not yet died out. A few months after this 
 Thoresby turned his face towards the North. On the 8th of 
 September he was solemnly enthroned at York, and the cere- 
 mony was witnessed by a great concourse.-' The archljishoj) 
 then laid upon the high altar as an offering a small gilt crucifix 
 of great value, containing, among other relics, a portion of the 
 true cross. This was returned to him on the 10th of October, 
 that he might have the use of it for the remainder of his life, 
 an engagement having been made that it should be restored 
 after his decease under a penalty of 100/.''' 
 
 Thoresby, like S, faithful pastor, devoted for the future the 
 greater part of his time to the duties of his diocese, and gradu- 
 ally disentangled himself from all state employments. It was 
 some time, however, before he could release himself, and even 
 after his resignation of office his services were still occasionally 
 required. Men were loath to lose him, for he was one of the 
 most able and most popular statesmen of the day. He was one 
 of the sponsors of Philippa the infant daiighter of Lionel duke 
 of Clarence,' and Edward III., whom he very faithfully served, 
 held him in high esteem. In 1355 Thoresby Avas one of the 
 wardens of the cinque ports, and on the 1st of July, when the 
 king was starting on his French campaign, he was made one of 
 the regents of the kingdom during the absence of the sovereign.'" 
 On the 27th of November, 1356, the archbishop resigned the 
 charge of the great seal, which the king received with many 
 expressions of affection and regret." On the 16th of August, 
 1357, Thoresby was one of the commissioners appointed to treat 
 with the Scots for the ransom of their king who had been a 
 prisoner since the disaster at Neville's cross in 1316, and tlie 
 primate Avas engaged on several occasions in after years in the 
 same tedious negotiations." On the 20th of July, 1359, the 
 
 * Reg. Thoresby. '" Foed., iii., 305. Cal. Rot. Pat., 165. 
 '■ Feed., iii., 257. This date ought, " Fcrd., iii., Sll. In this year 
 
 perhaps, to be 1353. Thoresby begins to liold his ordinations 
 
 J Stubbs, col. 1732. at York himself. It is probable, therc- 
 
 * Fabric Rolls, ed. Surtees Society, fore, that before this he was generally 
 186-7. The treasury of York possessed non-resident. The ]>all seems to have 
 also of Thoresby's gift, " Una mitra been sent to him from Rome (Stubbs, 
 cum appeudiciis bene ponderans (ibid., col. 1732). 
 
 213). " Ibid., .365, 367-8, 372, 382, 506, 
 
 ' Hardyng's Chron., n. e., 333. 659. Rot. Scotise, i., 809, 861.
 
 456 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 king, as a compliment toThoresby, released his tenants in Hex- 
 hamshire from the payment of tenths and other state dues in 
 consequence of the good service which their lord had rendered 
 to his king and country.^ There is something very touching in 
 the manner in which Edward speaks of his faithful and affec- 
 tionate subject. He mentions his loyalty and goodness, and the 
 prayers which the trusty prelate had offered up in his behalf to 
 One who is mightier than man. He is now on the brink of old 
 age, and is eager for contemplation and repose, and the good 
 wishes and the blessings of his grateful sovereign are with him 
 in his retirement.* 
 
 That retirement was merely a new field of duty, holier indeed 
 and more peaceful than that which he had deserted. A good 
 man like Thoresby will find work for himself to do, wherever he 
 may be placed. Great and noble as were his services to the 
 state, we find the striking features of his character still more 
 pleasingly and usefully developed in his attention to his diocese. 
 He was truly great in everything that he attempted. He pos- 
 sessed a very practical mind, a thorough aptitude for business, 
 much energy and zeal, and a very kind and considerate heart. 
 These are qualifications which in any age are almost sure to 
 command success. Honest exertion, aided and set off with 
 habits of personal piety, and modulated by Christian charity, is 
 a noble gift. It was conspicuous in everything that Thoresby 
 did, and gave him an influence over others of which he could 
 scarcely be unconscious. Whenever money and labour were 
 required for others, he was always ready to bestow both without 
 any regard to his own ease or comfort, for he was thoroughly 
 unselfish. It is not often that we find a great statesman and 
 scholar surrendering his country for his flock, and making his 
 intellect subservient to the interests and welfare of his diocese. 
 I shall point out, one by one, the good deeds of the archbishop, 
 and shew with what success he moderated the great Northern 
 l)rovince. I shall first regard liim in the light of a peacemaker 
 *'lites et contentiones ubique delevit.^^'' MuKapLoc ol elpT^voiroLot. 
 
 The contention about the right to bear tlie cross erect had 
 been for several centuries a fertile and a painful source of con- 
 troversy between the Northern and the Southern primates. 
 This Thoresby very happily brought to an end. On the 20th of 
 April, 1352, a meeting took place, at the intervention of the 
 king,in the palace of Westminster, between archbishops Thoresby 
 
 '' Toed., iii., 436. On June 8, 1355, to the king "ehariotam cum attilio et 
 
 the archbishop was coiumissioned to sex equis de meUoribus quos habemus, 
 
 array Ilexharashire (Rot. Scot., i., 777). et dviobus valectis et duobus garcioni- 
 
 ' There is a letter extant from bus :" he sent them by E(ichard) de 
 
 Thoresby to the king's secretary, in E(avenser) (Reg. Neville, part ii., 20). 
 which he asks him to present for him *■ Stubbs, coL 1733.
 
 135.2 — 13/3.] ARcnBisHOP thoresby, 457 
 
 and Islipj and the following arrangement was effected. Each 
 primate was to be allowed to carry his cross erect in the pi'ovince 
 of the other, but, as an acknowledgement for this concession, 
 Thoresby, within the space of two months, and each of his suc- 
 cessors within the same period after his election, was to send a 
 knight or a doctor of laws to offer in his name at the shrine of 
 St. Thomas of Canterbury an image of gold of the value of 40/., 
 in the fashion of an archbishop holding a cross or some other 
 jewel. At parliaments and councils the Southern primate, as 
 the tenant of the most ancient and dignified see, was to sit on 
 the right hand of the sovereign on the higher seat with his cross 
 erect, the archbishop of York being on the left. The beai'crs of 
 that insigne, when they met in the open street, were to walk 
 abreast, but in a gateway or a narrow passage the cross of Can- 
 terbury was to have the precedence.* The pope, also, had his 
 share in the arrangement, and, as Fuller says, " to end old di\i- 
 sions, made a new distinction, primate of all England and pri- 
 mate of England, giving the former to Canterbury, the latter to 
 York. Thus, when two children cry for the same apple, the 
 indulgent father divides it betwixt them, yet so, that he giveth 
 the bigger and better part to the childe that is his darling. ^^' 
 It seems rather to me, pace Master Thomas Fuller, to be a dis- 
 tinction without a difference. The papal confirmation was made 
 in 1354," and the king, who must have been delighted at the 
 result, shewed in the same year how highly he was gratified by 
 Thoresby^s acquiescence. There is an order for the payment of 
 71. 8s. 5d. to Richard de Grymesby, goldsmith, for certain 
 images made in honour of St. Thomas of Canterbmy, and deli- 
 vered to John archbishop of York, of the king's gift, for his 
 oblation at Canterbury.* 
 
 The good offices of archbishop Thoresby were also employed 
 in effecting a reconciliation between the mayor and citizens of 
 York and the abbat and monks of St. Mary's abbey. There 
 had been many disputes between them on the question of boun- 
 daries. As early as 1262 there was an affray in which some of 
 the servants of the abbey were killed, and in 1315 and 131G 
 there was an active and ^dolent renewal of the quarrel. It 
 broke out again soon after Thoresby became archbishop, and a 
 suit was begun in the king's courts. The primate was fortunate 
 enough to allay it, and an agreement was drawn up to prevent 
 any recurrence of the disturbances."' 
 
 • Re,?. Laiir. Booth, 77 a. Printed ' Church History, hook iii., 39. 
 
 in the Angha Sacra, i., 43, 75. Tlie " On Feh. 22 (An^'Ua Sacra, i., 77). 
 
 3'ear 1353 "is also given as the date of- " Pell Records, IGl. 
 
 this arrangement. Stubhs, col. 1732. " Sliibhs, col. 1733. Drake's Ebora- 
 
 Wilkins, iii., 31, 51. cum, 581, 5'J7.
 
 458 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 I shall now gather some flowers from the archbishop^s official 
 acts. 
 
 1352. An order to the official at Worcester to solicit the 
 prayers of the faithful in behalf of Henry duke of Lancaster, 
 who is to be at Paris on the 4th of December to prove his in- 
 nocence and the justice of his cause in a single combat with the 
 duke of Brunswick/ 
 
 1353, April 11. A licence of non-residence for three years 
 to Stephen Maulyon/ rector of Sandal, in the suite of the queen. 
 May 4. Licence to Sir John Meaux, knight, to have the bones 
 of Godfrey Meaux his great-grandfather, John Meaux his grand- 
 father, Godfrey Meaux his father, and Scolastica and Joan his 
 sisters removed from the clmrch of Aldbrough to the priory of 
 Hautemprise in consequence of the encroachments of the sea : 
 they are to be buried in a place, in which, as we understand, 
 Sir John himself intends to be interred.- August 16. Sentence 
 of excommunication at the instance of John de Clone," our 
 domestic chaplain, custos of the free chapel at Ferrybridge, 
 against those who have plundered the said chapel of its books 
 and ornaments. Sept. 12. A commission to Gilbert, bishop of 
 Carlisle,* to bless chalices, etc. Oct. 21. A commission to Wil- 
 liam, bishop of Sodor, to confer orders, etc. 
 
 ' Lancaster chargcii the duke with 
 having arrested him whilst he was at 
 Cologne on his way to Palestine, and 
 challenged him to mortal combat. Cf. 
 Knygh'ton, col. 2603. Barnes's Edw. 
 III., 465-7. Froissart. Wilkins, iii., 
 27, 52. 
 
 y A Fleming, rector of Sandal and 
 canon of Wetwang. In 1343 he was 
 archdeacon of Winchester (Le Neve, 
 iii., 25). In 1357 he was dean S. Gau- 
 cherii, and, afterwards, in 13G4, of 
 Camhray (Gallia Christiana, iii., 71). 
 
 - A valuable entry in more respects 
 than one. It completely overthrows 
 the pedigree of the family of Meaux 
 which is given in Poulson's Holderness. 
 It also shews us the date of the present 
 church of Aldborough, as Sir John 
 Meaux, to whom the present licence 
 was granted, was buried in it and not 
 at Hautemprise, in 1377. A rich altar 
 tomb, which bears his q'^^^j, comme- 
 morates him, and the church in which 
 it stands is at the distance of a mile 
 from the still encroaching sea. Aldbro' 
 church, therefore, was built between 
 1353 and 1377. Sir John de Meaux 
 in his will (Test. Ebor., i., 100) desires 
 to be buried in the aisle of B.M.V. in 
 
 the church of St. Bartholomew at Ald- 
 brough, and orders his corpse to be 
 dressed for the grave in the garb of a 
 Friar Minor, he having become a bro- 
 ther of that order. 
 
 " Chaplain and executor of arch- 
 bishop Thoresby. On July 5, 1371, he 
 was instituted to the rectory of Kirkby 
 Eavenswath, exchanging for it his liv- 
 ing of Birkin with John de Middleton 
 (MSS. Harl., 6978), 4 V). On Feb. 5, 
 1379-80, he exchanged Ravenswath 
 with Eobert de W3'cliffe for the rectory 
 of St. Crux in York (Reg. Hatfield at 
 Durham, 169 h), and on the 26th of the 
 same month he was instituted to the 
 stall of West Wittou at Auckland, a 
 part of the above-mentioned exchange 
 (ibid., 170 V). On April 30 he was ad- 
 mitted to a prebend in St. Sepulchre's 
 chapel at York (Reg. Neville). A John 
 de Clone was the king's attorney 1339, 
 1310 (Dugd. Chron., 43). 
 
 * Gilbert de Welton exchanges in 
 1313 his rectory of Wistow, dioc. Lin- 
 coln, with Thomas de Ripplingham for 
 the sLall of Eton at Southwell and tlie 
 rectory of Claworth. In 1347 he was 
 made canon of Osbaldwick at York, 
 and in 1348 he gave up Claworth to be
 
 135,2 ISrS.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 459 
 
 1354j Jan. 25. An indulgence of 40 days in behalf of tlie 
 monastery of Helagli park^ which is in great decay.' May IG. 
 Licence for Alan de Corbrigg, rector of St. Peter the Little, 
 York, to be absent for two years from his benefice, to visit the 
 sepulchre of oui' Lord and the limina of S.S. Peter, Paul, and 
 James. 
 
 1355, Feb. 7. A bull of pope Innocent VI. granting an 
 indulgence of a year and forty days in behalf of the monastery 
 of St. Augustine, Canterbury, and another, ordaining that the 
 feast of St. Augustine be obser\^ed as a double festival throvigh 
 the whole of England.'' 
 
 1356, March 19. Licence of non-residence to Thomas de 
 Langetoft, rector of St. Helena's in Stonegate, at the request of 
 the prince of Wales in whose suit he is. August 14. An order 
 to pray for the prince of Wales and Henry duke of Lancaster.* 
 August 28. Commission of enquiry to Mr, John de Crakall, 
 doctor of decrees and canon of Ripon. Hugh Knyght, priest, 
 informs us that he was attacked at Wath by certain armed 
 laymen, and that he killed one of them in self-defence. 
 
 1357, Jan 11. Licence to Sir Henry le Scrop,-^ knight, to 
 have service in an oratory in his manors, and a commission to 
 consecrate the area, etc., for the conventual church, etc., of the 
 Carmelites at Northallerton. Feb. 18. Indenture between the 
 archbishop and Laurence de Florence about the making of sterl- 
 ings in the palace at York.^ Dec. 20. Dispensation for Mr. 
 William de Carleton, canon of St. Sepulchre^s chapel, York, to 
 
 the chantry priest in the archbishop's ' A monastery at a short distance 
 
 manor of Eipon. In 1349 he obtained from York, of which some remains are 
 
 the prebend of North Leverton at still in existence. It seems to have 
 
 Southwell, and was appointed an exe- been rebuilt about this time. 
 
 cutor in archbishop Zouche's will. He '' Cf. Chron. W. Thorn, col. 2120. 
 
 was bishop of Carlisle from 1353 to Labbe, Cone, xi., 1930. Wilkins, iii., 
 
 1363. Cf. Rejf. Zouche. MSS. Harl., 33. 
 
 6951,1036. Test. Ebor., i., 56. Foed., ^ The year of the battle of Poicticrs. 
 
 iii., 116. Le Neve, iii., 236. Nicolson Thoresby was desired by the king to 
 
 and Burn's Cumberland and Westmer- order thanks,<,nvinf,'s throughout his 
 
 land, ii., 266, etc. diocese for the victory (Barnes's Edw. 
 
 On Feb. 28, 1353-4, bishop Welton III., 517). In MSS. Bodl., C, iv., 
 
 was empowered to celebrate orders, 2080, are letters from him reciting the 
 
 and, on the 28th, to consecrate the order of the king for the thanksgiving 
 
 oleum and chrisma. (Smith's Catalogue). 
 
 On Jan. 17, 1358, the king gave leave -'" First lord Scrope of Masham and 
 
 to Michael, bishop of Whitherne, suf- father of Richard Scrope, archbishoji of 
 
 fragan of the archbishop of York, to York. He died in 1391, set. 76 (Scrojio 
 
 come to England on business relating and Grosvenor Roll, i., 131). 
 
 to his church and himself (Foed., iii. «" On May 2, 1353, the king allowed 
 
 387). In the same year a strange pre- Thoresby " duos cuneos monetalcs " at 
 
 late, Thomas, bishop of Chrysopolis, York (Feed., iii., 258). On July 18 
 
 was attacked at Kexby, near York. He there is a valuable order from the king 
 
 charged the bishop of Durham with about the York mint (ibid., 261. Da- 
 
 the assault, but he was acquitted (ibid., vies's York Mint, 33-4). 
 389).
 
 460 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 be absent from canonical hours on account of illness^ still receiv- 
 ing his distributions as a residentiary. 
 
 1358j Feb. 21. Absolution of William de Roston and John 
 his son. They were going through the fields at Esterton to 
 their work when John Pie, chaplain, lept upon them, being 
 armed. William Roston ran away, but a great dog belonging 
 to Pie pursued and caught him, and his master gave him a 
 grievous blow on the arm with a weapon called 2i glsham. Upon 
 this, the wounded man, to save his life, struck Pie on the head 
 cum, blado, and his son wounded him with an arrow. Sept. 6. 
 A mandate to pray for the soul of Isabella the queen-mother.'^ 
 Sept. 17. Permission to Sir Robert de Hilton, knight, to remove 
 the bodies of Matilda and Margery his daughters, who have 
 been dead for some time, from the lower part of the porch or 
 aisle of the Holy Trinity in the church of Swyne to a higher 
 place in the same porch, where the said Sir Robert intends to 
 be interred with others of his kin.' 
 
 1359, July 3. A commission to Geoffrey archbishop of 
 Damascus-' to act as suffragan. Oct. 20. To William de Burton, 
 citizen and merchant of York, 8/. 6s. 8d. for a long woollen 
 cloth bought of him for our use. 
 
 1360, Jan. 15. To om* kinsman, Robert de Thoresby, 10/. 
 for different works in oiu' manor of Thorp. Sept. 14. To Wil- 
 liam de Hovjmgham, goldsmith of York, 10/. in part payment 
 of the price of a silver dish which we bought of him to lay alms 
 in at our table. Nov. 3. To Richard de Leven, citizen and 
 tanner of York, 20 marks in part payment for furs for our livery.* 
 
 1361, June 9. Mandate to the prioress and convent of 
 IVIolseby to re-admit to their house Elizabeth de Neville some 
 time an apostate. July 12. An order to pray for the removal of 
 
 * She died at Risings, near London, cestors, and Sir Ralpli de Greystock 
 
 on 22nd of August, 1358, and was (Reg. Melton). Curiousl}' enougli, the 
 
 buried at the Grey Friars (Barnes's manor of Swine afterwards came into 
 
 Edward III., 550-1). From April 30 the pos.session of the Meltons with the 
 
 to May 14-, 1358, she was residing in heire^;s of Hilton (Poulson'sHolderness, 
 
 London at the house of the archbishop ii., 198). 
 
 (Archa?ologia, XXXV., 453). Murimuth, i Ou August 10, 1359, Thomas, 
 
 191. Coll. Top. and Geneal., v., 278;. bishop of Norwich, was authorized to 
 
 ' Extensive alterations were being confirm for the archbishop. He was a 
 
 made in this curious old church. In Percy, and was, therefore, connected 
 
 January, 1361-2, there is a monition with the North. Some suffragans of 
 
 to the parishioners of Swine to contri- the archbishop will be mentioned after- 
 
 bute to the new work of the nave and wards. 
 
 tower of their church (Reg. Thoresby). * June 10, 1361, 201. more to him 
 
 The monuments of the Hiltons are a for our livery against Christmas. Oct. 
 
 conspicuous feature in the Trinity aisle. 3, to Richard de Wateby, citizen of 
 
 On April 24, 1347, a chantry was York, 40Z. to provide our "liverey, and, 
 
 founded in the church of Wynestede on Feb. 4, 33^. 6s. lOd. to him "for the 
 
 by Sir Robert de Hilton, for the souls same purpose. 1362, April 18, to 
 
 of himself, Margaret his wife, his an- Richard Wardrober, 40/. for our hverey.
 
 1352 — 1373.J ARCHBISHOP thoresby. 461 
 
 wars, pestilences, and other troubles of the kingdom.' July 21. 
 To the Friars Minors and Augustinians of York 5 marks each 
 for their general chapter to be celebrated at York. Oct. 1. To 
 Elias de Thoresby, receiver of our chamber, 1000/. for the 
 expenses of our hospice. Oct. 3. To Mr. AValter de Skirlawc,'" 
 our beloved clerk, 21/. 15s., for our expenses in the court of 
 Rome. 
 
 1362, Feb. 1. Licence to the inhabitants of Staynburn, par. 
 Kirkby Overblows, to have service in the cemetery of their chapel 
 there dui'ing the continuance of the pestilence." Feb. 26. Com- 
 mission to absolve Sir Adam de Everingham," knight, who has 
 been excommunicated for laying violent hands on Richard de 
 Halghton, rector of a moiety of the church of Derfeld. May 6. 
 To John Boys, 57Z. 16s. 9d. for 567 sheep bought at Ripon. 
 
 1363, April 18. An order to pray for the prince of Wales 
 and his army, they being detained by contrary winds. July 20. 
 An order to pray for fine weather on account of the harvest. 
 Oct. 2. William Strother, canon of Kirkham, is absolved from 
 the sentence of greater excommunication for giving the eucharist 
 to Robert Corbet, chaplain, without the leave of his curate. 
 The relaxation is to last till Michaelmas, 1364, on condition 
 that he goes to Rome for absolution.^ 
 
 1364, June 29. To Robert de Thoresby, our esquire, 100s. 
 for the building of a new chamber in our manor of Thorp.? An 
 
 ' There was a great pestilence this which the outUne of his crozicr could 
 
 year which carried oif three bishops easily be traced. He now lies in the 
 
 and Henry, duke of Lancaster (Muri- north aisle of the choir, between the 
 
 muth, 195). In Hardyng's Chron., organ and the wall, before the stone 
 
 330, it is said, — seat which he erected for the aged uiou 
 
 „ ^ ^, , o - i. ,r . '\^'ho were to sit thereon and offer ui) 
 
 " In that same yere was on Sainct Maury s, , , . /• i • i « 
 
 day, their i^rayers for his soul. A gorgeous 
 
 The greatewinde and earthquake mervelous, brass, fifteen feet ill length, onco CO- 
 
 That gi-eately gav the people all atfray, ^^j.^^ i^js remains. The matrix is now 
 
 So uredfull was it then ana perelous, i ■ i i /■ ii i^ l i • 
 
 Specially the wind was so hoistous laid before the altar-steps, and is erro- 
 
 The stone wailes, steples, houses and trees, neously ascribed to bishop Beaumont. 
 Were blow downe in diverse ferre coun- « Walsingham (179) says of this 
 
 *'^®®^' year, " Moriebantur plures morbo litar- 
 
 "' The great and good bishop of Dur- giae, inulta infortunia prophetantes : 
 
 ham. He was a Yorkshireman by muliercs insuper decessere per fluxum, 
 
 birth, and was a great benefactor to et erat communis pestis bestiarum." 
 
 his native county. He gave largely to Great winds also prevailed, 
 the choir and central tower of York ° 28th Edward I. Prob. set. Adoe de 
 
 minster, and a chantry was founded Evcringham fil. et hocr. Roberti de 
 
 for him at the altar of St. Cuthbcrt. Everingham (Abbrev. Plac, 2J2). 
 
 He was one of the greatest builders of ,, _ . ., • ,, , .- «• •,. 
 
 s-L.^ yya^ KjLx^Kix A,u.y^^^. n " To Wash this blood from off my guilty 
 
 his day, and was a man of prince-like '^ lumd." 
 
 muniiiceace. M}' collections for his 
 
 life are far too numerous even to abbre- ' 1301-5, lOl. more for it on Feb. 
 
 viate here. I saw him about fifteen 13. On IMarch 22, 10^. more. On 
 
 years ago at Durham, when his tomb May 2, 10^. more. On June 10, 100s., 
 
 was disturbed, swathed in lead, through and 100s. on J uly 15.
 
 462 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 indulgence of 40 days to those who relieve two brethren of 
 Armenia whose monastery has been destroyed by the Saracens. 
 1365, March 14. Lease of the archbishop's mint, for two 
 years, to Andrew de Florencia, at a rent of 20 marks per an- 
 num. April 27. Absolution of John de Gaytford, Gervase de 
 Pecco, etc., for cutting off the head of John de Wynteworth, 
 chaplain, till they can go to Rome for absolution. July 2. Ex- 
 communication of those who have broken into the monastery at 
 Pontefract and carried away plate, jewels, and a pix before the 
 altar of St. Leonard. August 5. Licence of non-residence for 
 two years to William Wyclyf,*" rector of Wyclyf, to enable him 
 to study. Sept. 9. An order to the parishioners of Worksop to 
 
 •■ An interesting extract. In 1361 
 a William de Wj'clitfe was one of the 
 fellows of Balliol whilst John de Wy- 
 clifFe, the reformer, was master of that 
 college (Fascic. Zizan.,prefat., xi). This 
 licence of non-residence was, in all pro- 
 bability, to allow him to return to 
 Oxford. He is probably identical with 
 William de WyclifTe, who was insti- 
 tuted on the 7th of August, 1363, on 
 the presentation of John de Wj'cliffe, 
 to the rectory of AA'yclifTe in Yorkshire 
 (MSS. Harl., 6978, 1, 2, extracts from 
 a register of the archdeacons of Rich- 
 mond which is now lost), and witli Mr. 
 William de WyclifFe, rector of Wy- 
 cliffe, wlio was ordained accolite at York 
 on the Saturday after St. Matthew's 
 day, 1363 (Eeg. Thoresby). After this 
 we hear nothing of him. 
 
 In 1368 another William de WyclifFe 
 was ordained accolite, sub-deacon, dea- 
 con, and priest at York, Easbj' abbey 
 giving him a title (Reg. Thoresby). 
 
 We now come to two greater person- 
 ages, who accompany each other through 
 life, as they began it, in the most per- 
 plexing propinquit3\ One of them is 
 the celebrated reformer. 
 
 On Saturday before St. Mark's day, 
 
 1350, John de VYhytecliff was made an 
 accolite in the house of the Eriars Mi- 
 nors at York, and John de AVycliffe an 
 accolite at the Friars Preacliers in the 
 same city on the Saturday after St. 
 Lucy's day in the same year. In 
 1350-1, also, John, son of William de 
 Wykliff, and John, son of S3'mon de 
 Wycliff (the names of the fathers being 
 fortunately given to distinguish the 
 two), were ordained sub-deacons at the 
 Friars Preachers, deacons at Pentecost, 
 
 1351, in St. Mary's abbe}"^, and priests 
 
 in York minster on the Saturday after 
 St. Matthew's day, 1351, the officiating 
 prelate being Hugh, archbishop of Da- 
 mascus (Reg. Zouche). This informa- 
 tion is entirely new. 
 
 Mr. Shirley has spoken about these 
 two persons in a note to the Fascic. 
 Zizan. I agree with him that an argu- 
 ment can be drawn with difficulty from 
 the spelling of an old name. It is still 
 remarkable tliat one of the two John 
 Wy(;lifles, i. e., the prebendary of Chi- 
 chester, was called John Whytcliff in 
 his will and before it. One of the ac- 
 colites at York is also " WhyteclifT," 
 but only in that instance ; and as Wy- 
 klif is much more akin in sound to 
 Whytcliff than WyclifF (the name of 
 the village is always pronounced hard), 
 the presumption is that in John, son of 
 Symon de W3'clifF, we have the master 
 of Balliol and the reformer. I do not, 
 however, set much value upon this in- 
 ference. 
 
 It may, I think, be safely assumed 
 that the reformer is one of these two. 
 Both of them had their title from Eg- 
 gleston abbey, which is within three 
 miles of the little village of WyclifFe. 
 They were both, therefore, Yorkshire- 
 men. The genealogy of the W3'clifFes 
 at this earl3" period is beset with diffi- 
 culties, and I shall not now weary m\' 
 readers with a long piece of genealo- 
 gical criticism. The little church of 
 WyclifFe, with the sparkling Tees rush- 
 ing b3' it, will well repay a visit. It 
 contains some interesting sepulchral 
 memorials of the family, including one 
 to an only son, the last hope of that 
 ancient house, which was erected b3'^ 
 his father, who reared it, as he observes 
 with much feeling, " non sine summo
 
 1352 — 1373.] ARCiinisiiop thoresby. 4G3 
 
 desist from wrestling, archery, indecent dances and singing, in 
 their chui'chyard/ 
 
 1366, Jan. 16. To John de Beverley, tailor, for a long cloth, 
 " de tanneto," 11/. 4s. April 20. Sentence against those who 
 have laid violent hands on the dean of Pontefract, and killed 
 John de Whitthened, his servant. July 7. To John de Hclwill,' 
 canon residentiary of York, two oaks in our wood of Langwath, 
 and their faggots, oirr accustomed gift at this time. Oct. 9. A 
 commission to absolve Adam de Wordelworth, chaplain, for 
 killing John de Staynton, at l?erneslay, in self defence. Nov. 
 17. An order to pray for the prince, who is going abroad to help 
 the king of Spain." 
 
 1367, April 13. Licence of non-residence for two years to 
 John de Ledcombe, rector of Castleford, to be in the king^s 
 service, and, on May 5, a similar licence to Elias Brithewell, 
 rector of Bramwith, in the service of John, duke of Lancaster. 
 Dec. 6. An order stopping markets being held on Sundays in 
 the porch and churchyard of Whitgift, and prohibiting eatings 
 and drinkings there. 
 
 1368, Oct. 26. An order to pray for the removal of the pes- 
 tilence. 
 
 1369, March 3. John, son of William Chapman, of Great 
 Driffield, aged 8, was giving hay on the feast of St. Edmund 
 the king, 1363, to a certain horse belonging to William Ichon, 
 of Crauncewj'k. The horse being unbroken, bit off the greater 
 part of the boy's right ear. A certificate to that effect. May 8. 
 
 rerum humanarum fastidio." As ' Canon residentiary of York and 
 
 Waller says of the only son of lord prebendary of Barnby from 1349 to 
 
 Andover, — 1387. He was also rector of Misterton 
 
 "'Tis not a single corpse alone does lie and Rowley. By his will, dated on the 
 
 Under this stone, but a whole family ; 3rd of March, 1386-7, he desired to be 
 
 His parents' pious care, their name, their ji^terred in York minster, and gave the 
 
 And ail their hope, lies buried with this sum of lOOs. to the fabric. 
 
 boy." " The famous expedition into Spain 
 
 My father was born within a mile of in behalf of king Pedro, 
 
 the villat^e of Wychffe, and I have often ,, ,, , . , ,, . ..,„,.,, 
 
 , II- ii i i vr u„ • ;« . „<• ' For wluclie the prince with all his hole power 
 
 heard him say that at the begmning of jj^^g j^^^ Spain to helpe hym to conquer." 
 the present century the dialect of the 
 
 neighbourhood was so identical with The great battle of Najara and the 
 
 the language of the reformer's version exploits of Sir John Chaiidos and his 
 
 of the New Testament that he would illustrious leader are matters of history, 
 
 undertake to read any chapter of it to There is a long account of the fight in 
 
 an old person, and it would be under- " The Black Prince," edited for the 
 
 stood thoroughly, with the exception Eoxburghe Clul), 250, etc. The prayer 
 
 perhaps of a word or two. of the victor is a striking one : — 
 
 ' A practice which had arrested the „r. • 
 
 ji l^iu.v.;ivv y-, , ■ • "Que je ne sui pas cy venuz 
 
 attention of Giraldus Cambrensis in Fors pur droit estre sustenuz 
 
 the twelfth century. He speaks, in Et proesce et pur franchise 
 
 terms of reprobation, against the salta- Qe mon cocr scmontu et attiso 
 
 i ,., ' ," , . ■ De conquestre Tie de honour 
 
 tiones and cantilense then prevalent in j^ ^.^^j. guppUe qeu cesti jour 
 
 churches (Gemma Ecclesiastica, 119). Voillez gardcr moy et ma gent."
 
 464 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 An order to pray for the king, queen, and prince, and for the 
 removal of the pestilence." May 20. To Mr. J. de Waltham,"" 
 for his expenses in going to London, to the parliament to be 
 held at Westminster on the octaves of the festival of the Trinity. 
 June 5. An order to repair the nave of St. Peter the Little, 
 York. July 7. To Mr. Robert de Patrington, master-mason, 
 14 marks for repairing the -windows in the chapel of our manor 
 at Cawood, and to Henry de Miryman as much as is due to him 
 for the custody of our manor of Thorp. 
 
 1370, May 31. A commission to receive the vow of chastity 
 of Beatrix wife of Andrew Gower.^ 
 
 1372, Feb. 18. Licence to Nicholas de Swanland, rector of 
 St. Cuthbert^s, York, to pull down some houses at the east end 
 of his church, built at his own cost, and to use the materials in 
 enlarging and repairing the choir. Nov. 9. Licence to Isabel 
 de Faucomberge, widow of Walter de Faucomberge, knight, to 
 remove his body from before the image of the Holy Cross in the 
 church of Gisburgh to that j)art of the church in which liis 
 ancestors are interred. 2' 
 
 1373, Nov. 5. A grant of the wardship and marriage of John 
 son and heir of John de Langton of York to William Gray, 
 citizen of York, and Robert de Wyclif,* rector of St. Crux, 
 York. 
 
 " There was a great pestilence, and 
 the corn was much injured by floods 
 fO'alsingham, 18-i). 
 
 " A person wlio had many prefer- 
 ments in the church. Canon of Lich- 
 field, York, Southwell, and Brom3'ard, 
 sacrist of St. Sepulchre's, York, ofhcial 
 of the court of York, master of the 
 hospitals at Bawtry and Beck, Norfolk, 
 canon of Lanchester, incumbent of 
 Hunmauby, Cortenale, Saxbj', Steeple- 
 Langford, Towcester, and Heversham 
 (Reg. Thoresby. Nichols's Leicester- 
 shire, ii., 312. Blomefield's Norfolk, 
 viii., 190. MSS. Harl., 6952, 4, 10; 
 ibid., 6978. Le Neve, i., 603. Misc. 
 Doc, penes dec. and cap. Dunelm., 
 4196). He was an executor of arch- 
 bishop Thoresby in 1373 (Test. Ebor., 
 i., 90), and was his kinsman (MSS. Cot- 
 ton, Galba, E, x., 85). 
 
 He was probably the uncle of John 
 de Waltham, archdeacon of Richmond 
 and bishop of Salisbury, one of the 
 favourites of Richard II., " who hadde 
 pleased the king so greatly that (though ' 
 many murmured at it) he commanded 
 him to bee buryed at Westminster 
 among the kings." His brazen effigy 
 
 is still gleaming over his resting-place 
 on that sacred platform. 
 
 ' A name to which the poet Gower 
 has given a great interest. Would that 
 his origin could be safely traced to the 
 county of York ! On Dec. 17, 1342, 
 archbishop Melton allowed Alice, widow 
 of John Gower, of Cold Ingleby, to 
 have an oratory for three years in her 
 manor there (Reg. Melton). The 
 question of the origin of the poet has 
 been discussed by Sir Harris Nicholas 
 in the Retrospective Review, second 
 series, ii.. Ill, and by Dr. Reinhold 
 Pauli in his introduction to the Con- 
 fessio Amantis. Their researches prove 
 that the poet lived in the South, and 
 had estates in Suffolk, but nothing 
 more. He might still have been a na- 
 tive of Yorkshire, as Leland says he 
 was. One of the persons mentioned in 
 the transfer of the Suffolk estates, Guy 
 de RoclifTe, who was also interested in 
 them, was a Yorkshircman, and it must 
 not be forgotten that Gower had a lease 
 of the manor of Southwell, co. Notts. 
 
 y Some notices of this family have 
 already occurred. 
 
 ' The Langtons and the Grays were
 
 1352—1373.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 
 
 465 
 
 The following horrible crime was committed at Beverley in 
 November, 1372. A shoemaker of the name of William de 
 Wattou, who had been for some time deranged, came into the 
 church of St. Mary in that town. The poor creature observed 
 a priest of the name of Peter de Aldegat, and went up to him, 
 as if to make his confession, with his hands folded after the guise 
 of a penitent. " Woe is me that ever I was born,^'' he said : " by 
 God's heart I will go and drown myself." " Far be this from 
 thee," said the priest, " for then thou wouldst be lost both in body 
 and soul." The lunatic then cried out, as if some sudden idea had 
 flashed across his mind, " He wanted to kill me unless I would 
 be friends with Adam de Coppandale. I will kill myself." Aid- 
 gate replied, "Away with the thought. Hope in God and pray 
 here, and I wall soon make Adam de Coppandale and all his people 
 thy friends." He then went away, and told the master and the 
 kinsmen of the madman to come and take him away, saying 
 that he was insane. On his return, Watton, who no doubt had 
 
 two wealthy and distinguished families 
 in York. 
 
 Of Eobert de WycliflPe, who was very 
 probably a near relation of the re- 
 former, perhaps a nephew, some account 
 may appropriately be given. He was 
 a man of wealth and influence. On 
 the 2nd of August, 1362, he was in- 
 stituted to the rectory of Wyclifle on 
 the presentation of Katherine, widow 
 of Eoger Wycliffe. He held it only 
 for a year (MSS. Harl., 6978, 1 a). In 
 1368 he was ordained sub-deacon at 
 York, being rector of St. Crux in that 
 city (Reg. Thoresby). On May 14, 
 1375, he was collated to a prebend at 
 Auckland (West Witton), vacant by 
 the death of David, son of Sir Thomas 
 de Ingilby, knight (Reg. Hatfield, 79«). 
 On Feb. 5, 1379-80, he exchanged the 
 rectory of St. Crux, York, for that of 
 Kirkby Eavenswath with Jolin de 
 Clune, and on the 26th of February 
 Clune was inducted into Wycliffe's 
 stall at Auckland, which was part of 
 the exchange (ibid., 169, 170). From 
 1377 to 1423 he was rector of Eudby, 
 having been appointed by Philip, lord 
 Darcy (Graves's Cleveland, 165), and 
 on Jan. 17, 1382-3, he was instituted, 
 at the king's presentation, to the rec- 
 tory of Romaldkirk, which he held till 
 he died (MSS. Harl., 6978, 10 b), hav- 
 ing obtained it in the way of exchange 
 with Richard de Middleham for the 
 living of Ravenswath. 
 
 He was closely connected with bishop 
 
 Skirlaugh. From 1399 to 1402 he was 
 constable of Durham castle. On Feb. 
 3, 1390-1, he occurs as temporal chan- 
 cellor of Durham, and he continued 
 so till Skirlaugh's death. He was also 
 his receiver-general (MSS. Surtees, and 
 Hutchinson's Durham, i., 324), and 
 one of his executors (Test. Ebor., i., 
 311). Wycliffe died at Kepier hospital, 
 near Durham, of which he was master, 
 in 1423 (Surtees's Durham, iv., 65). 
 
 WyclilTe was connected as executor 
 or trustee 'witli several great person- 
 ages. He was an executor of ^larger}', 
 widow of Sir William de Aldeburgli, in 
 1391 (Test. Ebor., i., 152), of Philip, 
 lord Darcy, in 1399 (ibid., 255), and of 
 Sir John Depeden, in 1402 (ibid., 299). 
 His own will and schedule of be({uests, 
 full of interesting and valuable matter, 
 are in Durham Wills, i., 66, and Test. 
 Ebor., i., 403. 
 
 From notices of the Wyclitfes which 
 have been given before it will be seen 
 that they were a great clerical family, 
 I can scarcel}'^ identify the following 
 person with the ecclesiastic of whom I 
 liave been speaking. On March 28, 
 1338, Eobert de Wycliff was ordained 
 priest in the jiriory of Durham by 
 Boniface " Corbavien' episc," AV alter 
 de Sta))olton giving him a title of 5 
 marks (Eeg. Bury, 307 «). On the 
 vigil of the feast of the Trinity, 1363, 
 Nicholas, son of John de Wyclilf, 
 was ordained priest at York (Reg. 
 Thoresby). 
 
 II II
 
 466 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 suspected his errand^ stabbed him in the breast with his knife, 
 and the priest died of the wound. The bailiffs, who were in the 
 chiirch hearing mass, at once seized the murderer, but his victim 
 adjured them by Christ^s body to do him no harm as he did not 
 know what he was doing, and he forgave him before God. The 
 prisoner was shut up in the house of Thomas de Waghen and 
 went raging about during the night with a drawn knife, saying 
 that he heard and saw his enemies devising his death. It was 
 discovered that on one occasion he had cut off his mother^s hair. 
 She submitted in fear and trembling to the operation, and the 
 maniac afterwards thanked God that he had not choked her. 
 This is a fearful pictm^e. It is dreadful to think of the times 
 when there were no receptacles for lunatics ; who were permitted 
 to wander about at their will among their friends and kinsmen. 
 It will be seen from the extracts which have just been given, 
 that several ^dolent assaults upon ecclesiastics are mentioned. 
 They are a very fair criterion of the spirit of the times. Those 
 are indeed evil days when the garb of a clergyman cannot pro- 
 tect him from insult and wrong. But, as a general rule, when 
 such is the case, the fault is to a great extent to be ascribed to 
 the church itself. The cords of discipline have been slackened 
 till it becomes perilous to draw them tighter. An evil example 
 has been set by those who profess to teach/ and, as Dryden 
 tells us, 
 
 " If they be foul on whom the peojtle trust, 
 Well may the baser brass contract a rust." 
 
 The trumpet has been giving an uncertain sound. And so 
 it was in the middle of the fourteenth century. There was, in 
 many respects, a great decline in morals and in devotion. We 
 find laymen and clerks killing and wounding one another, 
 churches desecrated, the privileges of sanctuary abused, and 
 all the grades of society distorted and confused.* The church 
 seems to have been powerless to correct or regenerate. Internal 
 weakness and corruption made her voice very weak, if it could 
 be heard at all. It is a very grand sight to see a man like 
 Thoresby pusli himself boldly forward in such a crisis into the 
 fore-front of the battle, with the skill to originate, the energy to 
 carry out his plans, and the honesty to scourge offenders whether 
 
 " Gower is not complimentary when In l^cke of hem, that ben unware 
 
 bp i«? "siiPnVincr of tliP nnstnrs of bis Shepherdes, which here wit beware 
 
 ne is speaKing oi ine pai^iors or nis ^-p^^^ ^^^ worlde iu other halve. 
 
 day m the prologue to his Coniessio The sbarpe pricke instede of salve 
 
 Amantis. After many severe words he They usen now, wherof the heie 
 
 gjjYg Tbey hurtc of that they shulden hele. 
 
 •I ' And what sheep, that is full of wulle 
 
 Upon his hacke, they toose and puUe." 
 For an account of several cases 
 DevoirredTsTn ev'ery'skie' *'"'"" sacrilege, see Knyghton, col. 2628. 
 
 'Lo, thus to-broke is Criste's foldc j Fnr nn npfnunf nf spvprnl fnsps nf 
 
 Wherof the flock withoute guide ^*^^ ^^ account 01 several cases ol
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 467 
 
 tliey were friends or foes. The archbishop of Canterbuiy made 
 bitter complaints to him about the wretched state of the churcli 
 of England ; how the high and mighty gave her no siipport^ and 
 how lier influence had departed.*^ Thoresby spoke to his brother 
 primate some strong and earnest words of comfort, and prepared 
 himself for the battle. His eagle eye saw at once that this was 
 the time for action, and his zeal for God^s cause induced him to 
 withdraw himself from the clash of party warfare in which he had 
 honourably achieved so many brilliant successes, that he might 
 strive to win a bolder victory, the reformation of the churcli. 
 There is nothing to prove the assertion which has been made, 
 that he was dissatisfied with his creed ; he merely cndeavoiu'ed to 
 purify and not to overthrow what was before him ; and yet there 
 are many points in his character that remind us of Wycliffe, and 
 it would be curious to know if there were any connection between 
 the primate and his compatriot. Both were natives of the 
 North Riding of Yorkshire, and it is possible enough that they 
 were kinsmen. Both were animated, in matters of discipline at 
 least, by the same earnest and fearless spirit, but Wycliffe step})ed 
 out of his way to do what Thoresby attempted to effect through 
 the ordinary paths which the church suggested to him. It was 
 indeed a time for energetic action, and Thoresby knew it. The 
 country around him had been desolated by the plague and the 
 wars, and the spirit of irreligion had crept in and established 
 itself too securely. The people were in a state of gross ignor- 
 ance, and many of the clergy, if they were disposed to work at 
 all, were not fit to teach. Some ivere wandering away from 
 their parishes in the trains of knights and nobles, or haunting, 
 in quest of secular preferment, the purlieus of the court. ]\Iany 
 livings were held at the same time by one man, whilst others, 
 through the system of papal provisions, were possessed by 
 foreigners.*^ A fierce fight was raging on this point between 
 the king and pope, in which the ecclesiastical sovereign and his 
 party were ultimately worsted. At the close of the reign of 
 Edward III. the power of the cardinals in this country came to 
 an end.^ It had been dominant for many years in tlie chiu'ch 
 
 " Reg. Al. Neville, part ii. Among "Thougbe that his chauncolle roof be alle to- 
 
 i liores by S letters. And on the hye awtere rcyne or snewe, 
 
 '' The poet Occleve gives strong evi- ire rekketlie nut, the cost may be forborne 
 
 deuce (De llegimine Principum, cd. fristoa house to repaire or make newe; 
 
 Roxburghe Club, 1860 ; p. 51):- ^"''i.owe °'" "'"' ''* *"""' '"""^ " ''"'""' 
 
 Undir his cure, he takethe of it no kepe : 
 
 " A dayes now, my sonc, as men may see, He rckkethc never how rusty ben his shepe." 
 
 O chirche to o man may nat suffise ; ... 
 
 But algate he mote have phiralitee, ' In tlie same register there IS a 
 
 Eiies he ban not lyve in no wise. strong letter from Edward III. to one 
 
 I'irrrSer^Soll-'S^'^t moule, "^ ^I'O cardinals reprehending him for 
 
 But to his cure loketb he full foule. Calling hun a fool ! it was probabl}'
 
 468 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 of York to its exceeding detriment. Since the commencement 
 of the fourteenth century, more than thirty of these dignitaries 
 had held the highest offices in tlie minster whilst they were 
 of course non-resident. Between 13J;3 and 1385 the deanery 
 was in their hands. The first of the three who occupied it, 
 Helie Talleyrand/ cardinal-bishop of Alba, the fruitless inter- 
 cessor at Poictiers, might have been the "lucidum ecclesise 
 sidus," as his friend Petrarch called him in Italy, but he never 
 shone at York. He was far better acquainted with the intrigues 
 of the sacred college at Avignon, the vineyards of his ancient 
 house at Perigord, and his college at Toulouse. His successor 
 at York and in the cardinalate, Anglicus Grimaldi, adopted the 
 cause of the anti-pope, and was ejected from the deanery which 
 he never once saw. The wisdom and the learning of Adam de 
 Eston could not preserve him from the same fate, although they 
 saved him from the vengeance of Urban VI., when five of his 
 brother-cardinals, who had joined him in a conspiracy against 
 the pope, were fastened up in sacks and tlirown into the sea. 
 When the heads of the cathedral at York were thus non-re- 
 sident, it was not to be expected that there would be much order 
 or discipline observed in the church that they neglected. It was 
 not in the power of Thoresby to check the system of pro\dsions ; 
 he was indeed too closely bound to the papal court by the 
 strongest ties of gratitude to attempt to do so even if he had 
 possessed the power ; and there was a continuous influx of car- 
 dinals into his diocese whilst it was under his care.^ He did, 
 however, what he could to see that the church of York was 
 properly attended to. On the 12th of May, 1362, he visited 
 the chapter, and there he reprehended the system of non-resi- 
 dence, of which archbishop Melton had formerly complained to 
 him.* The dean, of course, was not there, and the forty poor 
 
 addressed to one of those dignitaries prolongatus est ad extraneos et alieni- 
 
 who had a stall at York. genas, qui velut surdi et muti suorum 
 
 -'' " Consanguineo di presso die tutti ovium balatum non intelligunt, de mor- 
 
 i Principi della Francia, uomo di gran- sibus luporum non curaut, sed velut 
 
 senno e valore pe' suvi tempi, e assai mercenarii videntes lupum venientem 
 
 lodato dagli Scrittori di quell' eta, e fugiunt, auferunt vellera lac et lanam, 
 
 sopra gli altri dal Petrarca, e da altri lucra captantes, semper dorsa ab oneri- 
 
 molti, per la dottrina e prudenza " bus divertentes, prout dolor ymmo im- 
 
 (Cardella, Memorie Storiche de' Car- mensus dolor, sed utinam ejus doloris 
 
 dinali, ii., 133). auferatur occacio potentia Salvatoris." 
 
 s In the letter and common place * The letter is in Neville's register, 
 
 book which is called the second part of part ii., 16 b. The archbi.shop speaks 
 
 archbishop Neville's register, fol. 6 b, of the non-residence of the canons at 
 
 is the following sentence which would York, and wishes to have the poor 
 
 express Thoresby's feelings about the stalls augmented with the rich. It is 
 
 cardinals, and it is probably from his possible that Zouche was the writer, 
 
 pen : — and not Melton. 
 
 " Heu niichi quia incolatus meus
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 469 
 
 persons, to whom he was bound to supply food, were forgotten. 
 The sub-dean, also, was non-resident, and his liouse in the elose 
 was in decay. Braidvtre, the treasurer, had never been in York 
 since he was appointed, and the sacristans and clerks of the 
 vestry had received from him no wages. The vicars experienced 
 a more than common share of blame. Many of tliem had bad 
 voices, and those who could sing sang wrong. Wlien they left 
 the Beddern and went into the city they were dressed after tlie 
 fashion of squires, in very unelerical attire, Avith knives sticking 
 in their girdles, and baselards dangling between their legs.' 
 
 Thoresby was not a man to be daunted by difficulties and 
 obstructions. Ignorance was one of the great vices of the age, 
 and he resolved to assail it. He caused to be drawn up, in tlie 
 form of a catechism, a brief statement of what he deemed to be 
 necessary for salvation, comprising the articles of belief, the ten 
 commandments, the seven sacraments, the seven deeds of bodily 
 and ghostly mercy, the seven Aartues and the seven deadly sins, 
 and in them we see the first faint shadowings of an English 
 ritual. These were prepared in a tw ofold form, and were issued 
 from Cawood on the 25th of November, 1357. The first was in 
 Latin, and was apparently to be perused by the clergy, to the 
 neglect and ignorance of whom the archbishop boldly and 
 sharply ascribes the existence of the evils of the times.-' The 
 
 ' ^cta Capit. Ebor. Tab. Rolls, 242. et quod vice nostra injungant parocliia- 
 
 •' The preamble runs as follows : — nis suis, viris et mulieribus, quod ijisi 
 
 " Johannes, etc. ; dilecto filio archi- et eoruui singuli pra}raissa omnia dili- 
 
 diacono nostro, etc. Quia nonnulli genter audiant et addiscant, et quod 
 
 Christi fideles, quibus, licet immeriti, hoec parvulos sues, filios et lilias, 
 
 prsosidemus, non simt, quod doleuter clare doceant, et ipsos ad li;oc addi- 
 
 gerimus, saltern in grossis et necossa- scenda conipellant : et quod salteui in 
 
 riis Christianse legis observantiis in- singulis quadragesimis dicti curati ]ia- 
 
 structi, quod tarn ex nostra, quam ex rochianos suos, an ha}c sic didiscerint 
 
 rectorum, vicariorum et sacerdotum et sciverint et sic liberos snos instruxe- 
 
 parochialium, qui ipsos juxta susceptse rint, examinent; exquisite injungentes 
 
 curse debitum haberemus instruere, in- nou parent ibus in liac parte jKjcuiten- 
 
 curia, ne dicamus ignorantia, dicitur tiam salutarcm, quam pro tempore, 
 
 evenire, per quod, quod Deus avertat, prout eorum requirit iuobedientia, stu- 
 
 de facili via patere potest erroribus et deant aggravare. Et ne qiiis super hiis 
 
 gravibus periculis animarum. Nos vo- per iguorantiara se valcat excusare hipc 
 
 lentes, ut tenemur, super hoc reme- sub verbis planis et incultis, ut sic le- 
 
 dium apponere salutare, sacro appro- vius in publicam dediicantur notitiam, 
 
 bante cleri nostrarum diocesios et pro- fecimus annotare." 
 vincise consilio, super hoc sic duximus A^'e gather from this that the English 
 
 ordinandum.ut quilibet rector, vicarius, of the document that will be shortly 
 
 capellanus parochialis et curatus alius, given was of the plainest and rudest 
 
 saltem diebus Uoniinicis, sine exquisita kind. 
 
 verborum subtilitate exponant, seu ex- There are copies of this mandate, 
 
 ponere faciant, populo in vulgari, arti- the creed, etc., slightly varying from 
 
 culos fidei, prsecepta tam Novi quam the above, among the JISS. at Lam- 
 
 Veteris Testament!, opera miscricordise, both, 408, 577 (Tanner, IJibl. Brit., 
 
 virtutes principales, gratise sacramenta 711). Of. Wharton's note ad Hist. 
 
 et peccata mortalia, cum sua sequela ; Dogmatic, Archiep. Ussher, ed. KI'JO,
 
 470 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 other was in English verse, which is so uncouth that it is diffi- 
 cult to distinguish it from prose. This was translated from the 
 Latin by John de Taystek (Tavistock or Garrick ?) , a monk of 
 St. Mary's abbey, and it is entered on the register of archbishop 
 Thoresby's official acts. Mr. Halliwell has printed it in his 
 Yorkshire Anthology, and it is also to be found in the Vicaria 
 Leodiensis of Ralph Thoresby, who did not know, however, that 
 it was in verse.''' The English version was intended for the 
 benefit of the laity, and, that it should be properly understood 
 and a,ppreciated, the archbishop gave it as Avide a circulation as 
 he possibly could. Copies were multiplied and dispersed in 
 various forms, and the primate " sent them in small pagyantes 
 to the common people to lerne it and to knowe it ; of whiche 
 yet manye a copye be in England.''^ So wrote some one in the 
 fifteenth century. The word " pagyantes '^ opens out a very 
 interesting field of speculation. It is the name applied to the 
 miracle plays which were once so popidar and so common. Was 
 the North of England indebted to Thoresby for the introduction 
 of these instructive, yet somewhat profane, representations ? It 
 is very probable indeed that he would press them into his service 
 to arrest the attention of the wayfarers in the streets, and please 
 the eyes and ears of the unlettered crowd. The Crede or Belief 
 play was one that was once acted and recited in York.'" It will, 
 
 pp. 430-1. See also Hanner's Specimen Book of Martyrs, i., — . 
 
 of Errors ia Burnet's History of the '" B3- will, dated August 2, 1446, 
 
 Reformation, part i., 56-7. William Revetour, of York, chaplain, 
 
 * Yorkshire Anthology, 297-31 1. leaves " frateruitati Corporis Christi in 
 Vicaria Leodiensis, 213-35. Mr. Hal- Eboraco quemdam librum vocatum le 
 liwell derived his copy from MSS. Harl., Crede play, cum libris et vexillis eidem 
 1022,74-80. At the end of the poem pertinentibus " (Test. Ebor., ii., 117). 
 in this MS. is the following account of Tavistock's verse would certainly re- 
 its authorship : — quire all the paraphernalia of the ban- 
 
 " Transumpta crat ista predicacio a ners, etc., to render it attractive, 
 
 lingua Latina in nostram maternam Eor an account and specimen of these 
 
 liuguam de mandato domini Johannis plays at York, see Mr. Davies's volume 
 
 de Thoresby, Ebor. Archiep., per vener- of York Records of the Fifteenth Ceu- 
 
 abilem et discretum virum Johannem de tury ; Drake's Eboracum, appendix, 29- 
 
 Taystek, monaclium monasterii beatse 32 ; (Croft's) Excerpta Antiqua, 105- 
 
 Mariao Ebor., anno Domini millesimo 10 ; Camden Miscellany, iv., No. 3. 
 
 trescentesimo quiiiqnagesimo septimo." The manuscript collection of the old 
 
 ' "Syr William Thorsby,archebishop York miracle pla3's, which was for- 
 
 of Yorke, did do drawe a treatise in merly in the possession of the corpora- 
 
 Eng'yshe by a worshypful clorke whose tion of York, is now in the library of 
 
 name was Garryk. In the whiche were tlie earl of Ashburnham. Among the 
 
 conteyned the artycles of beiefe, the vij many treasures from Stowe which that 
 
 dedly sines, the vij workes of marcy, nobleman has gathered together is the 
 
 the X comaundements ; and sent them . following work : — 
 
 in small pagyantes to the common " A poem on the Trinity by William 
 
 people to lerne it and to knowe it, of of Nas.syngton, a proctor or advocate 
 
 whiche yet manye a copye be in Eng- in the ecclesiastical court of York. 4to. 
 
 land'' (Dibdin's Ty])ogr. Ant., iii., 257). A curious MS. of 640 pages, ])artly on 
 
 Fascic. Zizan., prefat., xiii. Foxe's vellum and partly on paper, written
 
 1352 — 1373.] ARcuBisirop thouesby. 471 
 
 I think be some day discovered that this is the poem by John 
 de Tavistock. 
 
 The poem, if such it can be called, is, with a few exceptions, 
 without rhymes. It was drawn up, as the archbishop tells us, 
 vrith studied plainness, and it is very uncouth and quaint. As 
 it has been printed twice before, although by no means accu- 
 rately, I shall only give on the present occasion the i)reamble 
 and the Ten Commandments. The document is a valuable one, 
 not only for philological purposes, but also as the creed of the 
 inhabitants of Yorkshire in the fourteenth century. The writ- 
 ings of Buonaventure and St. Thomas Aquinas, the Seraphic 
 and the Angelic doctors, and those of that now almost forgotten 
 scholar, from A?hom they derived so much, Peter Lombard, the 
 Master of the Sentences, have supplied the author with many 
 of his materials, another verification of the words of the earliest 
 of our English poets, 
 
 " Out of olde fieldes, as men saitlie, 
 Conietli all this new corne from yere to yere ; 
 And out of olde bookes, in good faitbe, 
 Cometh all this new science that men lere." 
 
 My reader must tax his own ingenuity and patience to ex- 
 plain the many curious words that are presented to him. 
 
 Als that a gret clerk" shewes in his bokes, et est secundo Senfcnci- 
 aruin, distinctlone j^rima, of all the creatures tliat God made in lieven 
 and in erthe, in water, or in ayre, or in ought elles, the soveraignc 
 cause and ye skill whi that he inaide thainie was his oweu gode will 
 and his godenesse, thurgh whilk godenesse, als he is all gode, he wold 
 y* som creatiu'es of thas that he made were comnuuiers of that blisse 
 that evermore lastes. And for no creature might come to that ilk 
 blisse withouten knawyng of God, als that clerk techis, uhi supt'ct, 
 he made skilwise creatures angels and man of witt and of wisdome to 
 knawe God al myghten, and thurgh yaire knawyng love him and serve 
 him, and so come to that blisse that thai were made to. This maner 
 of knawyng had our forme fadirs in ye state of innocentz that thai 
 were made in, and so shuld we have had if yai had noght syniied 
 noght so mikell als hali saules has now in heven, hot mikel mare than 
 man has now in erthe ; for our forme fadirs synned, sais the prophet, 
 and we bore ye wickeduesse of thaire misdede. 
 
 Tren ultimo. For ye knawyng that thai had of God Almighten, 
 thai had it of Goddes gift at thaire begynnyug witli outen travaile 
 or trey or passyng of tyme, and all ye knawynge yat we have in yis 
 
 about the j^ear 1480." I should con- famous Abolard, for Ihoro were other 
 
 jecture that the date is a century earlier, things thought of besides love 
 
 and Nassinsrton, in all probabilit)', as- „„ „ , . , , .^ „ , ., 
 
 • i 1 mi 1 • I • V • 1 "Near Paraclete s white walls and Sliver 
 
 sisted Thoresby m his religious work. springs." 
 
 " Petri Lombardi Scntentia;, fol. 
 
 Lovanii, 1566. Lib. ii., distinctio pri- This preamble is in metre, but I 
 
 ma, 157-161. Peter Lombard owed print it, as a curiosity, in prose. It is 
 
 many obligations to the works of the written so.
 
 472 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 world of him is of heryng and leryng and techyng of otliir of the 
 lawe and tlie lare yat langes till hali kirk, ye whilke al creatures that 
 loves God Almighten awe to knawe and to kun and lede yaire lyve 
 aftir, and so com to yat blisse yat never more blynnes. And forthi 
 that mikell folke now in yis world ne is noght wele ynogh lered to 
 knawe God Almighten, ne love him, ne serve him als thai suld do, 
 als thair dedis oft sithe openly shewes, in grete peril of thaime to 
 lyve and to saule, and peraventure ye defaute in thaime that has 
 thaire saules to kepe, and suld teche thaime, as prelates, persons, 
 vikers and prestes that er halden be deit for to lere thaime, oure 
 fadir ye erce bissshop, yat God Almighten save, that als Saint Paula 
 sais of Jhesu Crist (Paulus ad Thimo", secundo capitulo), will that al 
 men be saufe and knawe God Almighten : and namely thas undir- 
 loutes that to him langes has treted and ordayned for commune profet 
 thurgh the consaile of his clergie, yat ilkane that undir him has 
 kepyng of saules, openly on Inglis open Sonoundaies teche and 
 preche thaim, that thai have cure of, the lawe and the lore to knawe 
 God al mighten, yat principali mai be shewed in yis sex thinges. In 
 the fouretene poyntes that falles to ye trouthe. In ye ten comande- 
 mentez that God has gyven us. In ye seven sacrementez that er in 
 hali kyrk. In seven dedis of merci until our even Cristen. In ye 
 seven vertues that ilk man sal use, and in ye seven dedely sinnes that 
 man sal refuse. And he comandes and biddes in al that he may, that 
 all that haves kepyuge or cure undir him enjoygne thair parochiens 
 and thair sugettes that thai here and lere this ilk sex thinges, and oft 
 sithes reherce tham til that thai kun thaime, and sithen teche them 
 thair childer, if thai any have, what tyme so thai er of eld to lere 
 tham. And that persons and vikers and all paroche prestes enquere 
 diligently of thaire sugettes in the Lentyn tyme, when thai come to 
 shrift, whethir thai kun this sex thinges, and if it be funden that thai 
 kun thaim noght, that thai enjoygne tham opon his behalve and of 
 payne of penaunce for to kun them. And forthi that nane sal excuse 
 tham thurgh unknalechyng for to kixn them, our fadir the ercebissshop 
 of his godenesse has ordayned and bidden that thai be shewed openly 
 on Inglis omanges the folk. * * * * 
 
 The secund thyng of the sex to knowe God Almightea, 
 Is the Ten Comandemeutz" that he has gyven us. 
 
 " See Petri Lombard! Sent., lib. iii., ye ten comanndementis. Of feith, 
 
 distinct, xxxvii. l)e decern preceptis hope and charite. The Paternoster, 
 
 quomodo contineantur in duobus man- Tlie Ave Marie. Tlie Crede. The 
 
 datis charitatis. Cf. 0pp. S. Bonaven- werkis of bodih mercy. The werkis 
 
 turse, ed. 1609, v., 414-27. 0pp. S. of gostU mercy." An accoimt of the 
 
 Thomse Aquinatis, vi., 142, etc., ed. creation, baptism, etc., follows. 
 1^94. la a copy of the York Breviary, 
 
 In the library of the dean and chapter printed at Paris by Francis Regnault, 
 
 of York, xvi., L, 12, is a curious MS. some one had written the following 
 
 in English written soon after Thores- couplet, the meaning of which is ob- 
 
 by's period, and no doubt with the vious : — 
 same object that was so dear to his "Keep ten, 
 
 heart. A brief summary of the con- ^'^^ ff^^"' 
 
 tents may be given. " Here bigynneth AnTwin heaven."
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 473 
 
 Of the whilk ten, the thre that er first 
 
 Augh us haly to hakl oiientes oure God, 
 
 And the seven that er aflir ouentes our even Cristen. 
 
 The first comandement charges us and techis 
 That we leve ne loute nanc false goddes : 
 And in this comandement is forboden us 
 Alkyns m^^sbeleves and al mawmetries, 
 All fals enchauntementez and all sorceries, 
 Al fals charmes and al mtcliecraftes, 
 All fals conjurisons and all wicked craftcs 
 That men of mysbyleve traistes ojion. 
 Or hopes ony help in withouten God Almighten. 
 
 The secund comandement biddes us noght take 
 
 In ydelship ne in vayne the name of oure God : 
 
 So that we trow noght in his name, hot that is stedofast, 
 
 That we swere noght be his name but bihovely, 
 
 And that we ueven noght his name but worshipfully. 
 
 The third is that we sal liald and halowe our halida}', 
 
 The Sononnda^' and all otliir that falles to the yhere. 
 
 That er ordayned to halowe thurgh halikirk. 
 
 In whilk dales all folk lered and lawed. 
 
 Awe to gyf tham godely to Goddes service 
 
 To here it and say it aftir thair state is. 
 
 In worship of God Almighten and of his gode halowes ; 
 
 Noght than for to tent to tary with the world, 
 
 Ne lyve in lykyng ne lust that the flesh yernes, 
 
 Bot gladly to serve God in clennesse of lyfe. 
 
 The ferth biddes us do worship to fadir and to modir, 
 
 Noght anely to fleshli fadir and modir 
 
 That getes and fosters us forthe in this world, 
 
 Bot til our gastely fadirs that has hede of us. 
 
 And teches us how to lif til liele of oure saules, 
 
 And til our gastely modir that is halikirk, 
 
 To be buxom tharto and save the right of it. 
 
 For it is modir til all that Cristenly lyfes. 
 
 And als swa til ilk man that worshipfull is, 
 
 For to do worship aftir that it is. 
 
 The fift biddes us that we sla naman. 
 
 That is at say bodily ne gastely noutliir. 
 
 For als mony we sla in that at we mai 
 
 Als we sklaundir or bacbite or falsly defames. 
 
 Or fandes for to confound thani that noght serves, 
 
 Or withdrawes lyvelade fra tham that nede haves. 
 
 If we be of haveyng for to help tham. 
 
 The sext comandement forbedes us to syn, 
 Or for to foly fleshli with any woman, 
 Outhir sib or fremmed, wedded or unwedded. 
 Or any fleshly knawyng or deid half with any 
 Otliir than the sacrement of matermoyne excuse, 
 And the lawe and the lare of halikirke teches. 
 
 The sevent comandement biddes us noght stele. 
 In whilk is forboden robbyng and revyng, 
 Al wrangwise takyng or withhaldying.
 
 474 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 Or liiding or belying of otliir men godes, 
 
 Oga3'ne thaire wit and thaire will that has right to tham. 
 
 The aughtand biddes us we sal here 
 
 No fals wittenes ogayne our even Cristen : 
 
 In whilk is forboden al maner of lesyng, 
 
 Fals conspiracie and forswerying : 
 
 Whare tburgh our even Cristen mai lese thair catell, 
 
 Faith, favour or fame, or any thyng elles 
 
 "VVhethir it be in gasteli or bodili godes. 
 
 The neynd is that we noght yerne oure neghtebure house. 
 
 In whilk is forboden al wrangwise covatise, 
 
 Of land or of lithe or of ought elles 
 
 That mai noght be lifted ne raised fro the ground, 
 
 Als thing that is stedefast and that mai not be stirred. 
 
 The tend and the last is that we yerne noght 
 
 The wife of our neghtebure, ne of our even Cristen, 
 
 Ne his maiden ne his knave, his ox nor his asse. 
 
 In whilk is forboden us to yerne or to take 
 
 Ony thing that may be stirred of othir men godes, 
 
 Als robes or richesse, or othir catell, 
 
 That we have no gode title, ne no right to : 
 
 For what thing so we gete, or tas in othir wise, 
 
 We mai not be assoiled of the tresjtas : 
 
 Bot if we make assethe in that at we may, 
 
 To tham that we harmed withaldand thaire godes. 
 
 And in cas that we have tburgh false athes, 
 
 Als in assises or othir enquestes, 
 
 Wittandly and wilfulli gert oure even Cristen 
 
 Lese thaire i?atermo3'ne or thaire heritage, 
 
 Or falsly be desesed of land or of lithe. 
 
 Or fals divorce be made, or ony man dampned. 
 
 Of al we do that we may unto the party, 
 
 Yit may we noght be assoiled of oure fals athe, 
 
 Bot of our bisshop or him that has his powere, 
 
 For swilk eas is rively reserved til him selven. 
 
 This ten comandementz that I have nowe rekend 
 
 Er umbilouked in twa of the godspell (Luce x° ca") 
 
 The tane is that we love God over al thinges, 
 
 The tothir that we love oure even Cristen als we do oure selven ; 
 
 For God augh us to love halye with hert. 
 
 With al oure might, with al oure thought, with word and with deid. 
 
 Oure even Cristen alswa augh us to love 
 
 Un to that ilk gode that we love us selven : 
 
 That is that thai welefare in bodi and in saule, 
 
 And cum to that ilk blisse that we think to, 
 
 Who so dos this twa fulfilles all the othire. 
 
 There is no evidence to shew what reception tlie remarkable 
 formulary met with, of which a specimen has been given, or 
 what effect it had upon the religious belief of the North of 
 England. But when the people looked at their archbishop, 
 they could see that he was in earnest. His practice was as pure 
 and simple as his precepts. He coiild be seen going about his 
 diocese exhorting and correcting, neglecting no portion of his
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 475 
 
 varied and extensive duties. His private life seems to have 
 been one continued round of work and devotion ; tlie day l)Cfj;au 
 with the celebration of matins, and the services for the hours 
 were regularly observed. The archbishop and his almost ex- 
 hausted clerks were present at them all.^ The clergy and the 
 primate fi'equently met for deliberation in synods and councils// 
 and many wise enactments were then made. On the 18th of 
 April, 1364, Thoresby promulgated a set of constitutions which 
 met some of the errors of the times.'' One of them was to pre- 
 vent the holding of markets, wrestling matches and archery 
 meetings, etc., in churches and chui'chyards. Another forljade 
 games and sports at wakes. Mothers and niu'ses were ordered 
 to keep their children out of their own beds for fear of overlay- 
 ing them. Priests and clerks were to be attired in a seemly 
 dress. All fraudulent assignments of property were reprobated, 
 and some minute directions were given about tithes, the stipends 
 of chaplains and others, and clandestine marriages. 
 
 It was of course Thoresby's great desire to improve the tone 
 and character of his clergy. Whilst archbishop Zouche presided 
 over the see, some thousands Avere admitted into orders, but a 
 great number of them were in all probability laid low by the 
 pestilence in 1349. A visitation of this severity is generally 
 followed by a great deterioration of morals and manners. When 
 Thoresby, therefore, came to York in 1352 he would find not 
 only a paucity of clergy, but much ignorance and inattention to 
 their duties among the ecclesiastics of Yorkshire. One of his 
 chief endeavours was to add to their numbers and increase their 
 efficiency. His ordination lists, which have been preserved, 
 shew us how he laboured. He very rarely permitted any one 
 to assist him in this part of his episcopal duties,'' and the care 
 which he bestowed upon it would soon bear its fruits. To give 
 some idea of the extent of his work, the proceedings of a single 
 year may serve as a specimen. In the year 13G9 the archbishop 
 held three special and four general ordinations, at which he 
 officiated himself. At these, as many as 300 became accolites, 
 187 sub-deacons, 163 deacons, and 161 priests. They Avere to 
 officiate in Yorkshire, a part of Nottinghamshire, and in those 
 portions of Lancashire and Westmerland which were comprised 
 in the archdeaconry of Richmond. When we contrast such 
 numbers as these with the scanty lists sent forth by the prelates 
 
 p Stubbs, col. 1733. In 1365 " Thomas episc. Magnassien' " 
 
 1 Wilkins, iii., 39,85,91,96. officiated thrice, and "Robert cpiso. 
 
 '' Reg. Thoresby, 141. Wilkins, ill., Lambren' " twice in 1366. From 1370 
 
 68. to the cud of Thorcsby's: Hfe the laliour 
 
 ' From 1350 to 1361 Thoresby of- of the ordinations fell entirely on " Ric. 
 
 ficiated himself. In 1361-4, " fr. Galf. Sermon' episc." 
 episc. Milieu' " acted once in each year.
 
 476 FASTI EBORACENSES. . [a.D. 
 
 at the present day, we may well be startled at the difference. 
 But we must not forget the reasons which, in the middle ages, 
 made so many throng into orders. Canons, and monks, and 
 chantry-priests, in addition to the regular parochial clergy, 
 come then before ns. The light is now quenched in the chapel 
 and the oratory, and the monastery, which once perhaps had a 
 hundred inmates, is now untenanted by one. 
 
 These ordination lists are a perfect study for the thoughtful 
 and enquiring mind. There are foui' or five of them in each 
 year of Thoresby's archiepiscopate, and the ceremonial usually 
 took place in York, at the minster, Bishopthorpe, St. Mary^s 
 abbey, one of the houses of the friars, or, perhaps, now and 
 then, elsewhere. We have no means of knowing to what ex- 
 aminations the candidates were subjected; but the test, in all 
 probability, was a slight one, and considering the humble origin 
 and the almost necessary ignorance of many of those who sub- 
 mitted to it, it could scarcely be otherwise. If a man was 
 desirous of a degree in an university, he frequently obtained the 
 permission of his diocesan to desert his li\dng for a year or two 
 in after life. Comparatively few, it will be observed, became 
 either deacons or priests : the duties of a cantarist could be 
 performed by persons of an inferior grade, and, possibly, the 
 two higher steps necessitated a stricter examination, from which 
 the majority would shrink. A benefice, indeed, could be held 
 by a person who was in no orders whatever, although of course 
 he could take but little part in the sacred duties that devolved 
 upon him. A mediaeval ordination list is a suggestive picture of 
 clerical life which very few have looked upon. The youth comes 
 before his diocesan frequently without a patronymic, and finding 
 for the first time in his life that he stands in need of a surname, 
 he adopts the title of his birthplace. Richard the son of Wil- 
 liam the baxter would convey a perfect notion of identity in 
 Ravenser, but not beyond it ; and, when he assumed the higher 
 orders, he called himself Richard de Ravenser, by which appel- 
 lation he was long honom^ably known. William or John Tho- 
 mases son, was not deemed euphonious or distinguishable by the 
 world in which he wished to rise. The patronymic, also, was 
 occasionally discarded for the name of the birthplace. Henry 
 Daniel of Wakefield became Henry de Wakefield bishop of 
 Worcester and lord treasurer of England. The prefix dominus, 
 dan or Sir, which so frequently meets your eye, is applied more 
 frequently, I think, to the possessor of a benefice than to a 
 graduate who comes before you with the word magister. Here 
 is a rector or a vicar from another diocese with letters dimissory 
 from his bishop, and next to him, perhaps, is a graduate of 
 Mcrton or of Baliol with his fellowship for his title. The ques-
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 477 
 
 tion of what constituted a title to orders is full of interest. No 
 one required one till he wished to become a sub-deacon ; and 
 then a canon, or a monk, or a beneficed clergyman had enough 
 when he mentioned his monastery or his living. No difficulty 
 was raised when the candidate had some means of liis own or 
 was in receipt of a stipend of five marks, about 80/. per annum 
 of our money, from his father or a friend. Any one who did 
 not come under the above category sought a title from some 
 religious house, for it had the privilege of gi\ing one. We 
 sometimes see a little monastery containing, perhaps, ten or a 
 dozen monks, giving five or six titles in a year. In all proba- 
 bility they could be bought. Some indeed might say that the 
 recipient had been subjected to some preliminary course of 
 training within its walls. This, no doubt, was in many instances 
 the case, but it could scarcely be so when the religious house 
 was a nunnery. 
 
 Another way in which it was in the power of Thoresby to 
 improve the tone of his diocese was by the encouragement of 
 learning and by promoting persons of eminence and reputation. 
 He was himself a man of no mean or ordinary attainments. He 
 received his education at Oxford, where he was well acquainted 
 with Divinity and the canon law.'^ The ease and happiness of 
 his Latin correspondence are great. His letters wej^e regarded 
 as masterpieces of composition by his contemporaries," and if 
 a selection from them were published in the present day, they 
 would be read with pleasure even by those who have derived 
 their style from the purest models of classical antiquity. A few 
 specimens of them will excite the interest and curiosity of my 
 readers. 
 
 I. Arcliiepiscopus significat ahhati Ehor. qualiter monachtis smts 
 jam redit ad monaster imn. 
 
 Salutem, etc. Venit ad nos," quasi columba suam radians ad 
 fenestram, confrater vaster fratar J. de Gr., commeusalis nostar caris- 
 simus, qui jam in prseterito festo Nativitatis Dominica? nedum Diviui 
 verbi pabulo sad gestus honasti modastia tam salubritar ([uam lauda- 
 bilitar nos rafecit, quam nostri considaratione habere velitis propansius 
 commendatum. Sibi fratarnae caritatis didcedinam at spiritualioris 
 communionis habundautiam petimus, impendentes per ([uod noa ad 
 votiva vestra iuvaniri volumus pro tempore promptioras. Et quia 
 quidam, ut dicitur, murmuraut contra eum, fiugautas eum quaidam 
 sinistra nobis contra vestrum aliquos praedicasse et correetiones in 
 
 ' Bale, cent, vi., 493. many of them, also, in MSS. Cotton, 
 
 " There is a large collection of them Galba, E, x. 
 
 in that farrago of curious matter, the " This, probably, was the monk, 
 
 second part of the Eegister of arch- C4arrick, or Tavistock, vvho was busy 
 
 bishop Alexander Neville. There are with the creed, etc.
 
 478 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 capitulo vestro fieri procurasse, ipsum ab impositis hujusmodi sub 
 verbo veritatis plenius excusamus, quia revera super hoc totaliter est 
 immuuis, et ideo nullus vestrum sibi improperet ex hae causa. Circa 
 vero principium quadragesimse ipsum libenter haberemus, nobis ad 
 maguum nostrum solatium assistentem, quern ad hoc liceuciare velitis 
 cum scripserimus pro eodem. Feliciter in Domino valeatis."" 
 
 II. Arcliiepiscojjus eleganter scrihit cardincdi. 
 
 Beneficiorum aifluentia multiplicium quae nobis, licet iumeritis, tarn 
 liberaliter impendidit vestra dominatio gratiosa eidem dominationi 
 supra vires nos efficit obligatos. Sed cum non habeamus quicquam 
 temporale condiguum quod vobis digne possimus rependere pro re- 
 ceptis, lUe, quaesumus, vobis tribuat, qui supra meritum prsemiat uni- 
 versos. Quoddam tamen memorale, beet modicum, aifectionis, et 
 obsequii debiti verum signum, unam videlicet capam, vobis trans- 
 mittimus per dilectum clericum nostrum W. de S(kirlaugh), presen- 
 tium portatorem, cui in dicendis ex parte nostra velitis credulam, si 
 placuerit, dare fidem. 
 
 III. Archiepiscopus eleganter significat alteri episcopo quaJiter 
 cura ecclesicB divisa est plurihus pastoribus in partern solicitudinis 
 vicarii Christi scilicet papce, ut sic qtiisque agnoscat gregem suam. 
 
 Convalescente dudum statu sanctse matris ecclesiae, cooperante 
 semine verbi Dei, fides sibi cultores allexit, sicque propagante sobole 
 distinctse fuerant per sanctos patres in ecclesia prelaturae, ut sub 
 plurium pastorum vigiliis qui in partem solicitudinis capitis ecclesise 
 vicarii, videlicet Jhesu Christi, sunt vocati, gregi melius provideretur 
 Dominico, et dum siium quisque pastorem agnosceret, salus proximior 
 cuilibet pararetur. Sed revera admirationem nobis jugiter multi- 
 plicem (sic) quod vestra circumspectio fines sic distinctos excedens, in 
 alienam segetem falcem mittit, non contenta terminis quos posuerunt 
 patres nostri. Nostis enim quod talis prioratus nobis et non alii 
 prseter Komanam ecclesiam insolidum est subjectus, tamen, ut dicitur, 
 voluntarie minis opprimitis, subtrahendo, etc. 
 
 IV. Archiepiscojms eleganter commendat magistrum Thomam de 
 Nevill^ iturum ad curiam Bomanam cardinali Petragoricensi et rogat 
 corditer pro eo. 
 
 Revereudissimo in Christo patri et domino domino Taillere Dei 
 gratia episcopo Albanensi Eboracensis ecclesiseque decano, Johannes 
 ejusdem ecclesise archiepiscopus, Angliae primas, cum votiva sua re- 
 commendatioue reverentiam omnimodam et honorem. Generis cla- 
 ritas et morum gravitas ordinata quibus filius in Christo carissimus 
 magister T. de Nevill, natus nobilis et praepotentis baronis domini 
 Eadulphi de Nevill, canonicus Ebor. et magister in artibus, qui etiam 
 
 "■ Erasmus in liis book, " De con- will be remembered how Pliny discusses 
 
 scribendis Epistolis," would scarcely this point with his friend Tacitus. Of 
 
 coincide with Thoresby in his liking course he is against brevity, and covets 
 
 for short letters, " Illic mihi blatero the ingens copia verborum. 
 quispiam arropta censoria virgula, So- " Of Thomas de Neville something 
 
 lonis leges dictabit, clamabitque de- will soon be said. The cardinal to 
 
 lendam esse epistolam quae non intra whom the letter was addressed was 
 
 duodecim versiculos constiterit." It dean of York. He died in 1364.
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 479 
 
 in jure civili lavite stiuluit et pro fecit emiueuter, noscitur insignitus, 
 digue proveuiente iutuitu attolli laudibus, et fidelis testimouii suii'ra- 
 gio propalari. Saue cum idem magister Thomas sacrosauctam lloma- 
 uam curiam ex certis de causis, per Dei gratiam adire disponat, ipsiim 
 quern ex familiari notitia sic fore scimus genere, moribus, et sciencia 
 couspicuum, domiuationi vestra^ revereudse, qua? ex mirata vobis 
 uobilitatis et bonitatis exuberautia libenter intelligitur super diguos, 
 votiviori quo possumus recommendamus aflectu : corditer suppli- 
 cantes quatiuus ipsum nostri consideratioue habere velitis, si placet, 
 propensius commendatum et gratiosoribus prosequi cousiliis et aux- 
 iliis in agendo paternitatem vestram. 
 
 Tlie following letters shew that the archbishop was not 
 devoid of humour. 
 
 Y. Ziitera testimonialis missa per arcMepiscopuvi alteri episcopo 
 quod talis clericus est superstes, et Icstus, et non mortuus, prout fama 
 laborat. 
 
 Eeverendo in Christo patri et amico nostro carissimo domino A. 
 de B., Dei gratia Exou. episcopo, J. eadem permissione, etc., salutem 
 et semper excrescentia fraterua? foedera cai'itatis. Quia locorum 
 distantia et relatorum levitas iucousulta plerumque veritatem ob- 
 nubilaut, et vias aperiuut ad errores, pium et meritorium fore credi- 
 mus fidum veritati testimonium perhibere. Cum igitur, ut audivimus, 
 quorumdam in partibus vestris habeat assertio socium nostrum caris- 
 simum venerabilem virum magistrum W. de Ex(on.)^ canonicum 
 ecclesia? nostrae Ebor. diem suum clausisse extremum, scire velit vestra 
 sinceritas pro constanti quod die datse praesentium idem magister W. 
 ad nos venit apud manerium nostrum de Cawode, sanus, hillaris, et 
 jocundus, et pro nobis, qui quandam discrasiam habemus, aptam 
 ordinavit sui gratia medicinam, et pro certo eum a magno tempore 
 non vidimus ita laetum ; quod vobis sub verbo veritatis fideliter con- 
 testamur. Incokimitatem vestram diu conservet, etc. 
 
 VI. Arcliiepiscopus concjratulatxir cuidam seni jyei' verba Jocosa, et 
 regratiatur sibi de Uteris sibi missis, et rogat ut habeat eum in precibus 
 suis. 
 
 Seni senex salutem, et in senectute bona diutine prosperare. Venit 
 nobis in suavitatem odoris receusita memoria specialis amicitiae, ac 
 gratoB liberalisque familiaritatis, quas semper in vobis pra3 ceteris 
 invenimus, et valde cedenter votis nostris pra?sentialiter vos videre ut 
 mutuis possemus colloquiis, et solatiis conibvcri. Sed cum hoc loco- 
 rum distantia commode non permittat, suppleat, qua-sumus, de- 
 fectum corporalis pra?seutia) meutalis pra?sentia? plenitude, qua? latius 
 se diifundit ; nam sicut scribitur " ho?z tebi animat est animn, quiii 
 verius ubi amaty Unde consideratioue amoris antiqui, quem inter 
 nos non antiquatum esse credimus, velitis in devotiouibus vestris 
 memores esse nostri, requireutes vos semper cum fiducia, si qua; volu- 
 
 J' William de Exonia, ma.sler in theo- about 1360. Cf. Ftcd., ii., 1101. Ful- 
 
 logy, arts, and medicine, became pre- Icr's Worthies, ii., 305. Fa-d., iii., 82. 
 
 bendary of Riccal in 1336. He held Queen Philippa prc^^ented him in 1339 
 
 stalls at Lincoln and Exeter. He died to the rectory of Castleford.
 
 480 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 eritis nos facturos, ad quorum placabile complementum inveuietis ex 
 animo nos paratos. Sit diu vobis aetas valida, quae, licet pruinosa 
 iusenescat in capite, virtuosa tamen insenescat incremento. 
 
 VII. Arcliiepiscopus recommendat se mac/istris de cancellaria regis." 
 Socii et amici carissimi, cederet nobis ad augmentum lastitire de 
 
 prosperitate vestra audire placeutia, et quia de nobis similia libenter, 
 ut confidimus, audiretis, dilectioni vestr^e arridentem jam nobis, laud- 
 etur Deus, sauitatem corpoream nuntiamus, gerentes in votis vobis 
 et vestrum singulis facere quae sciverimus fore grata. Et quidem jam 
 rem novam aggredimur, nunc laboribus, nunc solatiis, indulgentiis, 
 plus quandoque vacantes in visitatione nostra venationi Veneris quam 
 ferarum. Et sic caveat dominus W. de L., ne commissa sua prae- 
 terita jam in lucem erumpant ; quod si forsan contigerit, propter 
 reliquias antiquae familiaritatis agemus mitius cum eodem. Alia non 
 occurrunt jam scribenda, sed agenda nostra penes nos, cum emer- 
 serint, habere velitis affectione solita, si plaeuerit, commendata, nos 
 semper in votivis fiducialiter requirentes. 
 
 VIII. ArcMejjiscopus scribit cuidam veteri amico suo, jocando, et 
 Togat eum vlsitare eum et habelit honum vinv/rn. 
 
 Venerunt ad nos in exultatione spiritus dilectionis vestrae literse 
 pluries nobis missae, quae, licet de veteri dicamus, inuecata procedant 
 pharetra, cum juvenem et Isetum animum repraesentant, dinn in eis 
 apta connexione jocosa sapidis ministretis. Et quidem merito dici 
 debet placabilis baec mixtura per quam avida mens scientia instruitur 
 et hillaritas provocatur, sed cum hillaritas floridam producat aetatem 
 debet potissime senibus esse grata. Et quia bonum vinum cor ex- 
 billarat, ut alludamus potatorum proverbio, vinum subtile facit in 
 sene cor juvenile, ipsius usum moderatum jocundo vobis consilio 
 sancimus ; ut cum ad partes veneritis nos personaliter visitetis, ut de 
 antiquis possimus communicare praeludiis, et de vino nostro cum 
 appendiciis ad recreationem vel reuovationem juventutis mutuae vobis 
 participabimus laeta manu. 
 
 We acquire from these letters a very pleasing impression of 
 Thoresby's powers of composition^ and they shew us, also, that 
 their benevolent writer was neither a bigot nor a fanatic. A 
 man who could use his pen with so much facility and in so 
 pleasing a manner, could speak no doubt with the same ease 
 and readiness. There must have been in him the voice and the 
 hearing of a courtier. The skill which he had manifested in 
 diplomacy must have aided him in his diocese, and there would 
 
 ' An amusing and familiar letter, 1352 to 1370. Henry de Ingleby held, 
 
 ■written probably soon after Thoresby in succession, tlie stalls of Ampleforth 
 
 became permanently settled in the and South Cave. Richard de Ravenser 
 
 North, to his old friends in the chan- was a canon of York and provost of 
 
 eery otEce. Several of them held pre- Beverley. The list might be increased, 
 
 ferments at York. Da\id de "Wooller, "Who the delinquent was to whom 
 
 master of the rolls, whom Thoresby Thoresby humorously alludes I know 
 
 speaks of as " socius noster carissimiis," not. 
 was prebendary of Fridaythorp from
 
 1352 — 1373.] ARCHBISHOP thoresby. 481 
 
 be many even there to admire tlie learning which had attracted 
 the attention of Edward III. and Clement VI. John Bacon- 
 thorp inscribed to the archbishop his commentary on the Ethics 
 of Aristotle/ and Thoresby himself was not imknown in the 
 w orld of letters. He is said to have entered into the lists with 
 the INIendicant Friars/ who had been bold enough to preach 
 that mortuaries ought not to be rendered to the priest. Against 
 them, as Bale informs us, Thoresby wrote " Processum quendam" 
 in one book, commencing with the words " Pridem sanctisshnus 
 in Christo pater." The second part of archbishop Neville^s 
 register contains several pieces which may perhaps be ascribed 
 to his predecessor. They consist of a series of extracts from the 
 Vulgate and the Patristic writings, some fragments of letters, 
 and a portion of a Catholicon, or dictionary of difficult terms. '^ 
 It does not go beyond the first letter of the alphabet. 
 
 Among the great men who became beneficed in York minster 
 during Thoresby^s archiepiscopate, it is enough to mention the 
 names of Alexander de Neville, his successor in the see, Robert 
 Bray brook, bishop of London, Henry de Wakefield, bishop of 
 Worcester and treasurer of England, cardinal Simon de Lang- 
 ham, archbishop of Canterbmy, William de Courtney, of whom 
 it is unnecessary to speak, and John de Waltham, bishop of 
 Salisbury. But there are two others with whom Thoresby was 
 intimately connected at York who must not be forgotten, Wal- 
 ter de Skirlaugh,'' bishop of Durham, his private chaplain and 
 
 " Vicaria Leod. and Bale. Cf. Bibl. abreviatus, in quo reperies omnes dif- 
 Carmelitana, i., col. 750. It is there ficultates sacrae scriptura;, qiue con- 
 said erroneously, that Thoresby died siieverunt legi et recitari communiter 
 in 1474, and Bacon in 1346. in ecclesiis, expositus, quantum ad ia- 
 
 * In Antiq. Univ. Oxon., i., 475, tellectum literalem ac moralem, se- 
 John Toresbie is mentioned as an op- cundumordinemalphabeticum." There 
 ponent of the begging friars, who by are two or three leaves of it. 
 their meddling had become an intoler- "* In MSS. Cotton, Galba, E, x., 74, 
 able nuisance. "Wycliffe, Fitzralph, and is a letter from Skirlaugh to the arch- 
 others, took the same side. Cf. Wal- bishoi) excusing, for many reasons, his 
 singham, 173. I do not suppose that long sta}' at Home. Thoresby writes, 
 Thoresby's encounter with the friars and says that Skirlaugh has told him 
 was an angry or a serious one. His that Peter, cardinal bishop of Pra'nesle, 
 will is enough to shew that there was archdeacon of York, has left by will 
 no ill-feeling towards them remaining 100 florins to the church of York ; and 
 in his mind. See the prefaces to the he desires that measures be taken for 
 Fascic. Zizan., and the Monum. Fran- securing it for the fabric (ibid., 82). 
 cisc, by Messrs. Shirley and Brewer. In 1354 and 1356 Skirlaugh was 
 Bale says the friars were " ad id invitati Thoresby's domestic chaplain. In 1358 
 ac concitati a quibusdam primoribus, he was ordained accolite, deacon, and 
 qui talia solvere jure debebant." subdeacon at York, by letters dimis- 
 
 '■ This account of Thoresby's works sory, his title being the rectory of 
 
 is taken from Bale, cent, vi., 493. Vi- Preston Bisset, co. Bucks. In 1361 
 
 caria Leodiensis, 189. Tanner Bibl. he was made archdeacon of the East 
 
 Brit., 711. Biding (Beg. Thoresby). 
 
 "Incipit tractus, catholicon dictus, Skirlaugh's connection with Thoresby 
 
 I I
 
 482 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 correspondent, and the well-known William of Wykeham/ 
 From these two distinguished ecclesiastics, so renowned for their 
 architectural taste, Thoresby, in all probability, derived many 
 hints for the work that he effected in his own cathedral, and it 
 is likely enough that the beautiful structiire which Skirlaugh and 
 Wykeham would gaze upon as it arose from the ground at York, 
 would awaken that zeal in the same cause which led them to 
 imitate the example of their patron at Winchester and Durham. 
 This brings before us the glorious choir which Thoresby 
 commenced at York, and which was far superior in beauty to 
 that which Conrad once raised in the sister-church of Canter- 
 bury. Years had passed away since archbishop Melton com- 
 pleted the western fa5ade, uncrowned still by its two stately 
 towers, and glazed the noble window which is its chief grace, 
 whilst, towards the east, the choir of archbishop Roger, in- 
 significant as it must have been in size and decoration, was still 
 
 and with York made him take great 
 interest in the rebuilding of the choir. 
 His arms, six osiers, in cross, inter- 
 laced, are cut in stone in the north 
 choir transept, which, perhaps, he 
 helped to build. 
 
 They also occur in the lantern tower, 
 "magnam partem campanilis, vulgo 
 lantern, minsterii Eboracensis con- 
 struxit, in medio cvjus operis arnia sua 
 posuit" (Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores 
 Tres, 144). This, however, was done 
 after his death. In his will, dated in 
 1403, Skirlaugh bequeathed 100 marks 
 to the fabric of the minster (Test. 
 Ebor., i., 309). In addition to this 
 sum, I suppose, his executors paid to 
 the keeper of the fabric in 1415 the 
 sum of 521. for the wages of six masons 
 for a year (Fabric EoUs, 32). The 
 lantern, probably, was being built in 
 this year. 
 
 I look, I must confess, with much 
 distrust upon the inferences drawn 
 from the appearance of shields of arms 
 in churches, and other heraldic devices. 
 They were frequently carved, I believe, 
 as is the case in the present da}', long 
 after the part of the building which 
 they ornament was completed. The 
 person to whom they carry us, was a 
 benefactor to the church, and probably 
 to that part of it, but the inference as 
 to the exact date is unsafe. These 
 shields, I believe, were often left blank 
 till the building wa.s finished, and for a 
 good reason. A work, for example, 
 extends over twenty years. If during 
 
 the first five all the stone shields were 
 covered with the bearings of those who 
 had contributed up to that time, there 
 would be no room left to commemorate, 
 perhaps, some far greater benefactor 
 at a later period, or towards the close 
 of the work. When everything was 
 done, a proper and a fair selection 
 could be made. Much caution also 
 should be used in inferring dates from 
 stained glass. 
 
 ^ This great man was prebendary of 
 Laughton at York, when he was ad- 
 vanced to the see of Winchester. He 
 had also been a canon at Beverley and 
 Southwell. Thoresby wrote to con- 
 gratulate him when he became a bishop 
 (Reg. Neville, part ii., 26 aj; and be- 
 tween him and Wykeham there was 
 much intimacy and friendship. 
 
 In 1357 Wykeham was custos of the 
 royal works at Windsor castle, and at 
 the same time he was actually th« 
 keeper of the king's dogs at that place ! 
 Eleven years after this he was bishop 
 of Winchester. The story of his life 
 is part of the history of England, 
 "neither do I doubt," says Stowe the 
 chronicler, "but he that thus lived is 
 now with God, whom I beseech to raise 
 up man}' like bishops in England." 
 Had not his birth-place been ascer- 
 tained, I should have tried to fix it in 
 Yorkshire, and yet Fuller says, " How 
 can his cradle be certainly fixed in any 
 place, when it is equally rockt betwixt 
 twenty villages of the same denomi- 
 nation."
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 483 
 
 untouched. The contrast would be deemed a painful one, and 
 would excite many a remark. On Trinity Sunday, 1318, Tho- 
 mas Sampson, a wealthy canon who had had somewhat to do 
 with the erection of the nave, left the sum of 20/. to the new 
 choir, if the work was begun within a year after his decease, 
 thus fulfilling a promise which he had frequently made to Tho- 
 mas de Ludham and Thomas de Patenham the keepers of the 
 fabric.-^ The time passed away and the legacy was unclaimed, 
 and it is probable enough that the French wars, the pestilence, 
 and the long continued illness of archbishop Zouclie were a great 
 bar to the commencement of the building. When Thoresby 
 came to the see in 1352, he found the minster overburdened with 
 debt,^ another reason for delay, but he was not a man to be long 
 satisfied with inactivity, and, as soon as he could disengage 
 himself from his state employments, he threw himself Avith heart 
 and soul into his work at York. The mifinished and neglected 
 condition of the cathedral caused him much grief.^ On the 25th 
 of January, 1354, he granted an indulgence of 40 days to those 
 who contributed to the fabric, and on the 19th of January, 1356, 
 the chapter wrote to ask him to give them timber to complete 
 the ceiling of the nave.' In 1359 and 1360 the archbishop gave 
 several sums of money to the fabric fund of the church.-' The 
 chapter and the primate had noAV made up their minds to begin 
 the erection of a new choir, the old one being removed by 
 degrees as it could be dispensed ^dth. On the 20th of July, 
 1361, Thoresby aided the good work by ordering his manor- 
 house at Sherburn to be pulled down, that the stone, a scarce 
 and valuable article, might be made use of in the minster.'^ Ten 
 days after this, he laid the foundation-stone of the new choir, 
 accompanying the act by a gift of 100 marks towards the under- 
 
 f Test. Ebor., i., 54. lapides sanctuarii in capite omuiuiii 
 
 «■ MSS. Cotton, Galba, E, x., 61. platearum. Et quae olim fueram for- 
 
 * Among the observations in Ne- mosa corruotristis et anxia, etc." (G i). 
 
 ville's register, part ii., is the following • Most oftliese documents, and others 
 
 which I refer to Thoresby and his connected with the fabric about this 
 
 church. He is using the Vulgate. period, may be found in the York 
 
 " No"^ ecclesia Ebor. (in margine). Fabric Rolls, published by the Surtees 
 
 Capud meum doleo, conturbatus est in Society. 
 
 ira ocLilus uieus, anima mea, et venter ^ 1359, April 20. To John de Cod- 
 
 meus, quia corona capitis fere deciditur, 3'ngham, master of the fabric of the 
 
 fere deficit in doloribus vita mea. Nam Church of York, 20/. for tiie more 
 
 ubi in primaria fundatione fueram in rapid completion of the said fabric, 
 
 reverentia, sicut domina gentium, 1360, Nov. 24. An order to pay the 
 
 princeps provinciarum, libertatibus et like sum to him. The same on Jan. 7, 
 
 privilegiis radiata et dotata, facta sum seq., and 30Z. on April 14, 1361. This 
 
 opprobrium gentium serviens sub money was i)robably sjient in com- 
 
 tributo ; facies mea qusc aliquando pleting what was wanting in the nave, 
 
 fuerat formosa pra} singultuosis sus- or in making preparations for tlie com- 
 
 piriis et nimium etfusis lacrimis supra mencement of the choir. 
 
 carbones denigratur, dura dispersi sunt * Fabric Rolls, 174-5. 
 
 I I 2
 
 484 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 taking.' In addition to tliis sum, he prompted and stimulated 
 the munificence of others by indulgences granted by himself and 
 obtained from the chief pontiff, and during the remainder of his 
 life he gave yearly to the fabric fund the generous benefaction 
 of 200/."' I cannot estimate the amount of Thoresby^s gifts 
 to the choir only, in the money of the present day, at a lower 
 sum than 37,000/., and this, in all probability, is considerably 
 under the mark. When, in addition to this, we take into con- 
 sideration the money which must have been derived from other 
 sources, it is impossible to doubt the accuracy of the historian 
 when he tells us that the Lady-chapel or presbytery was finished 
 in the archbishop's lifetime." 
 
 In confirmation of the accuracy of the chronicler, we have 
 
 ' The order to pay it is dated on 
 Aug. 1 (Reg. Thoresb}^). " In primi 
 positione lapidis centum marcis de suo 
 propria dotavit " (Stubbs, col. 1733). 
 
 '" " Postea annuatim, dum vixit, 
 fahriccB prcedicta ducentas libras per- 
 solvelat " (Stubbs). The following 
 extracts from Thoresby's register shew 
 the regularity of his payments, and the 
 accuracy of the chronicler. 1361. 
 Oct. 3, 50Z. 1362. April 13, 100?.; 
 Aug. 9, 100?. 1363. April 16, 100?. ; 
 Nov. 3, 100?. 1364. July 6, 100?.; 
 Dec. 4, 100?. 1365. June 13, 100?. ; 
 Oct. 16, 100?. 1366. June 24, 100?.; 
 Nov. 5, 100?. 1367. May 7, 100?.; 
 Oct. 23, 100?. 1368. April 20, 100?. ; 
 Nov. 14, 100?. 1369. Aug. 15, 100?. 
 1370. Jan. 28, 100?. ; July 28, 100?. ; 
 Nov. 25, 100?. 1371. June 15, 100?.; 
 Nov. 1, 100?. 1372. March 10, forty 
 marks in full paj^ment of 100?. ; 25 — , 
 100?. 1373. Feb. 11, 100?. ; July 24, 
 100?. The keepers of the fabric during 
 this period were John de Codyngham 
 (Cottingham), John de Sandale, Adam 
 de Henedlay (Henley), John de Lagh- 
 ton or Leghton, and John de Ferriby. 
 
 The sum total of the above gifts is 
 no less than 2,376?. 13s. 4d., which was 
 bestovved entirely upon the choir ; in 
 addition to which there is the following 
 gift: April 5, 1362, To Robert de 
 Rithre, lord of Rithre, 20?. for twenty- 
 four oaks which we have bought of 
 him for the fabric of our church at 
 York. To bring this large sum to the 
 money of the present day we cannot 
 multiply it by less than fifteen, and 
 this produces nearly 36,000?. 
 
 " " Et ut opieri prcedicto suhvenire 
 devoiionem fidplmm. ar denims excitaret. 
 
 omnibus ejusdem fabric ce benefactoribus 
 indiilgentias largissimas a sanctissimis 
 patribus apostolicis concessas, sua peti- 
 tione impetravit, et ad remedium ani- 
 marttm suorum subjectorum et aliorum 
 quorumcunque manum adjutricem ^jrcE- 
 bentium, cum propriis indulgentiis et 
 henedictione miro affectu illas par- 
 iicipavit" (Stubbs). This is borne out 
 by the Fabric Rolls, 175-6, and other 
 places. Everything was done that 
 could swell the fabric funds. The 
 brevigeri were sent about even into the 
 diocese of Lincoln to beg (Fabric Rolls, 
 178 ; Lit. qusest. pro fabrica Ebor., 
 21 Oct., 1356, etc.). In 1360-1 the 
 chapter made a tax of a twentieth, to 
 last for three years. On Oct. 12, 1365, 
 the dean of the Christianity of York 
 was ordered to levy the recent subsidy 
 to the fabric of 4d. in each mark from 
 the clergy of his deanery ; and on the 
 20th a commission was issued to collect 
 2d. in every mark from all spiritual and 
 temporal benefices in the diocese, to- 
 wards the fabric fund. In the eighth 
 of Richard II. the value of the church 
 property alone within the province of 
 York was taken at 40,000 marks per 
 annum (Chron. Thorn., 2164). By 
 these means large sums would be 
 gathered together, and I cannot think 
 that the f.ibric fund would in any year 
 in Thoresby's lifetime, after the choir 
 was begun, be vmder 600?., and this is 
 a low estimate when we recollect that 
 a third of it was contributed by the 
 archbishop. With such a sum as this 
 wielded by active hands the presbytery 
 could easily be finished in less than 
 twelve 3'ears.
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 485 
 
 decisive evidence tliat the presbytery was in nse within a short 
 period after the decease of its alleged builder. On the 17tli 
 of August^ 138J;, John de Waltham, sub-dean of York and 
 Thoresby^s kinsman, in a codicil to his will which was made at 
 Newbald near York, left the sum of 20/. to two chaplains who 
 were to perform service in the new ivork of the church of York, 
 for the souls of his master, archbishop Thoresby, Henry de 
 Ingelby and others. The new work was the choir, as is shewn 
 by many documents and Avills, and here we have an intimation 
 that a portion of it, which was of course the presbytery, Avas so 
 far complete that services could be done in it which were to ex- 
 tend over two years. It may be inferred from the mention of 
 this period of time that the work was finished, as the chaplains 
 could not, nor would they, be asked to sing for two years con- 
 tinuously in a place where they might be interrupted by car- 
 penters and masons, and stone and wood. It is well known that 
 these masses, for obvious reasons, were performed immediately 
 after the decease of the testator. If the presbytery had not been 
 ready to allow the priests to officiate in it, or if there was likely 
 to be any delay in carrying out the wishes of Waltham, the sub- 
 dean, of all people, would have known that, and would have 
 expressed himself differently. The conclusion, therefore, is irre- 
 sistible that the presbytery was finished in 1381. Where could 
 Thoresby be more appropriately commemorated than at the altar 
 which he had founded in that place ? Otherwise, some different 
 altar must have been in use in the same part of the cathedral 
 at that time, and why should it not ? In my memoir of arch- 
 bishop Arundel I shall give some new and decisive evidence as 
 to the date of the western portion of the choir. 
 
 One of the main wishes of Thoresby in all this labour and 
 expense was to provide a place where the mass of the Blessed 
 Virgin might be daily celebrated." Accordingly the work began 
 
 " " In ecclesia Ebor. non fuerat Lady qiieare tvlier they sinye messe be- 
 
 aliquis locus congruus ubimissagloriosse hynde the hiyhe aulter" and he was 
 
 Dei genetricis et Virginis Maria; cotidie buried at the east end of the church, as 
 
 in ipsa ecclesia celebranda decenter is said in his wife's will. This proves 
 
 poterat celebrari " (Fabric Eolls, 174. where the Lady chapel was and is : 
 
 Thoresby's words). This document most certainly it was not the chapel, 
 
 has reference to the choir onl}', and once adjacent to the north wall of the 
 
 Stubbs gives us the result when ho says, nave, of the foundation of archliishop 
 
 " Idem archiepiscopus, ut verus amator Roger. That was always called tiie 
 
 J^iryinis capellam ejusdem Dei gene- chapel of St. Mary and the Iloly 
 
 tricis et Viryinis Maria — pereyit " Angels, or that of St. Sc]iulchre, and 
 
 (Stubbs). The only portion of the never at any time the Lady chapel, 
 
 church which is or has been called What Thoresby of Leeds and Gent of 
 
 the Lady chapel is that at the east York say on this point is of no value, 
 
 end, where there was an altar of St. and no argument can be drawn from 
 
 Mar}'-, and in 1557 Sir Leonard Beck- the fact that some richly sculptured 
 
 with desired to be buried " in our stones have been discovered in houses
 
 486 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 at the extreme east and proceeded westward, and there he con- 
 structed a Lady chapel or presbytery, full of rich sculpture and 
 painting, in the centre of which the altar to the Virgin was set 
 up. Tliis chapel occupies four bays of the choir towards the 
 wx^st, and the munificent founder, as Stubbs informs us, had the 
 priA'ilege of seeing it thoroughly completed in his lifetime.^ 
 Before that altar of the Virgin he caused six marble stones to 
 be laid to commemorate six of his predecessors who had been 
 inteiTcd in the old choir, which was farther westwards. He 
 was well aware that in course of time, as the old building that 
 was around them was removed, their remains would be disturbed. 
 He therefore took up their bones and placed them in the Lady 
 chapel under the six stones which were wrought for him by the 
 master-mason of the cathedral.* When Leland was making his 
 
 authenticity of which has not been 
 questioned, wrote that of Thoresby also. 
 The circumstance of Thoresby's life 
 not being in every MS., which is easily 
 accounted for, would be regarded by 
 many as a proof of its authenticity. 
 There could be no possible reason for 
 ascribing it falsely to Stubbs, and not 
 a doubt was thrown upon it till the 
 controversy about the choir began. 
 Even if Stubbs was not the author of 
 it, it is taken from a MS. of undoubted 
 antiquity, and it would possess, there- 
 fore, an independent value of its own. 
 
 With regard to the alleged errors in 
 the life, they remain to be proved. 
 There is no chronicle, I believe, which 
 will bear in every place the searching 
 test of collateral information, and mi- 
 nute points are often discarded. I will 
 say this, however, for Stubbs : no one 
 could have submitted the work of an 
 historian to a more searching examina- 
 tion than I have that of his, and, though 
 occasionally inexact, he is on the whole 
 wonderfully correct, and his life of 
 Thoresby is perhaps more correct, as it 
 is also more interesting, than any other. 
 I have given my readers an ojiportunity 
 in these notes of seeing this for them- 
 selves. It could not have been written 
 by any one who was unacquainted with 
 the person that he speaks of, as is the 
 case with the life of Melton also, and 
 there is strong corroborative evidence 
 of almost every fact that he narrates. 
 With regard to the building of the 
 choir Stubbs is very decisive, and his 
 testimony is incontrovertible. 
 
 ' " Idem arcTiiepiscopus — capellam 
 Virginis Marice — peregit. Ibique 
 
 at a little distance from the site of St. 
 S^ulchre's chapel. In the first place, 
 no one can say that the}^ belonged to 
 it, or to the minster at all, and, if they 
 did, the}^ cannot be brought forward 
 to shew that archbishop Thoresby 
 built it, for they are not of Thoresby's 
 time. They prove nothing. Stubbs 
 has described minutely the foundation 
 of St. Sepulchre's chapel b}^ archbishop 
 Roger, and its re-formation by Sewal 
 de Bovill in a way that leaves no doubt 
 as to its identity. Would he not have 
 been equally clear and precise in telling 
 us about Thoresby's alterations in it, if 
 he had made them ? 
 
 ^ " Idem vero archiepiscopus, ut 
 verus amator T^irginis, capellam ejiisdem 
 Dei genetricis et Virginis Maria mira- 
 hili artis scvlptitra, atque notahili 
 pietura peregit" (Stubbs). Nothing 
 can be more decisive than this. 
 Thoresb}^ began a Lady chapel and he 
 finished it. If, therefore, this Ladj'^ 
 chapel is the easternmost part of the 
 church, or the presbytery, and it can 
 be no other place, that part of the 
 minster was altogether built by Thores- 
 by, and, putting aside the corroborative 
 documentary proofs of this which are 
 given in the Surtees Fabric Eolls, the 
 architecture itself tells the same tale. 
 
 It has been said that the life of 
 Thoresby by Stubbs is not to be relied 
 upon, because it does not appear in 
 every MS. of that chronicler, and be- 
 cause there are blunders in it. 
 
 If criticism is of any value, internal 
 e\-idence will shew that the hand that 
 wrote the Uves, for instance, of Cor- 
 bridge, Greenfield, and Melton, the
 
 1352—1373.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP THORESRY. 
 
 487 
 
 tour in the beginning of the sixteenth century he observed the 
 stones where Thoresby placed them,'' and they still occupied the 
 same position at the close of the seventeenth century when they 
 
 plurimormn venerahUium pontificum, 
 prcBdecessorum siiorum, corpora, a choro 
 ^uperius translaia, propriis expensis 
 fecit tumulari" (Stubbs). 
 
 It has been shewn where this chapel 
 was. A\'^e are now told that Thoresby 
 interred in it the remains of six of his 
 predecessors. The following evidence 
 and that in the succeeding notes will 
 again shew the exactness of the chroni- 
 cler, and fix decisively the position of 
 that chapel and the tombs in it even at 
 the beginning of the eighteenth century. 
 
 1369, Feb. 18, an order from arch- 
 bishop Thoresby to pa}^ to master Ho- 
 bert de Patrington, master mason of 
 the fabric of the new choir of our 
 church at York, for the making of six 
 marble stones for the tombs of our pre- 
 decessors, for which we have entered 
 into an agreement with him, lOZ. Aug. 
 23, 1369, 10 marks more to him for 
 the same purpose, in part payment of 
 40^. 1373, June 12, lOOs. more to him 
 (Reg. Thoresby). 
 
 In the Fabric Roll for 1434 (ed. Sur- 
 tees Society, 54), among the smaller 
 expenses, there is an entry which shews 
 that the stones had been laid down 
 before the altar of the Virgin, and that 
 the brazen imagery was then fixed in 
 them or re-set. " In vadio j horainis 
 firmantis ymagines episcoporum in pe- 
 tra coram altare B.M., 6s. 8d." Fetra 
 clearly refers to the stones in front of 
 the altar. I'etra never means a pier, 
 and, besides, there is no pier before the 
 altar of the Virgin in which they could 
 be placed, supposing them to be statues 
 or images, nor are there traces of any 
 fixings in the lateral piers. 
 
 »■ In Leland's Itinerar}'^, viii., 14, 
 ed. 1769, is the following passage : — 
 
 " Sepul. Archiepiscoporum in orient. 
 
 parte ecclesisc. 
 1277. Walterus Gisfart obiit 7 Cal. 
 
 Mail, anno Dom. 1277. 
 1153. Henry Murdak obiit anno Dora. 
 
 1153. 
 1108. Gerardus obiit 12 Cal. Jun. anno 
 
 Dom. 1108. 
 
 Defuit inscriptio 
 1373. Johannes de Thoresby, quondam 
 
 Menevensis, poslea Wigorn. et 
 
 Ebor archiejiiscopus, qui fabricani 
 
 .... obiit 6 die Novembris anno 
 
 Dom. 1373. 
 1113. Thomas junior obiit anno Doni. 
 
 1113, 5 idus Mart. 
 1295. Johan. Romanus obiit anno Dom. 
 
 1295." 
 
 We thus see that in the reign of 
 Henry VIII. Leland saw at the east 
 end of York minster the tombs of seven 
 archbishops, of whom Thoresby was 
 one. The altar of iSt. Mary is in that 
 part of the church, and nowhere else 
 were there the tombs of six primates 
 together. The position of Thoresby in 
 the middle shews clearly that the place 
 of his interment was marked before 
 these stones were laid down, for, as 
 Torre draws them, th.ey were contigu- 
 ous to each other, and as Tli<iresby tells 
 us himself in his will that he had fixed 
 upon the place in which he was to be 
 laid (in loco alias ordinatoj , it seems 
 naturally to follow that the tombstones 
 of his predecessors, and perhaps his 
 own, were then in their proper posi- 
 tion. 
 
 The evidence of Leland is strongly 
 confirmatory of what has been said al- 
 ready. But an attempt has been made 
 to throw discredit upon his testimony'. 
 The grounds taken for this are the con- 
 fused state of the MS. where this pas- 
 sage occurs ; the fact that the passage 
 occurs, not in Leland's own MS., but 
 in a copy of it made by Stovve the an- 
 tiquary. It is also assorted that from 
 the nature of the information itself, it 
 was not taken by Leland from personal 
 observation, but from a MS. of lord 
 Scrope's. 1. It is well known that tho 
 omissions and misplacements in Le- 
 land's MSS., which are very numerous, 
 were caused not through Leland's care- 
 lessness, for he was very accurate as 
 far as he professed to go, but from the 
 neglect of those who arranged and 
 bound his MSS. after his decease. 
 Proper allowance should be made for 
 this. 2. Even if it was copied hy Stowe, 
 it was copied from licland's MSS., and 
 it is therefore trustworthy, for Stowe 
 was a careful and learned man, and 
 would copy faithfully as far a* possible
 
 488 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 were sketched and described by James Torre^ the well-known 
 and laborious antiquary/ 
 
 At that altar of the Virgin in the new choir^ before which 
 the remains of Thoresby himself were laid among those of his 
 predecessors which he had so honourably entombed, a cantarist, 
 who bore the same rank as the persunm of the minster, offered 
 up prayers for the archbishop^s soul. Stubbs tells us that he 
 derived his income from houses and lands of the primate^s own 
 procui'ing, but the history of this altar is a somewhat remarkable 
 one/ Henry lord Percy, who died in 1351, expressed a strong 
 wish to his executors that chantries should be founded by them 
 
 what was before him. 3. Supposing, 
 for the sake of argument, that it tvas 
 copied, as is said, from a book belong- 
 ing to lord Scrope, no family would be 
 better able to know what was in this 
 part of York minster, as it was their 
 burial-plaoe. But Leland was in York 
 himself, as his Itinerary several times 
 shews, and it was unnecessarj', there- 
 fore, for him to take from others what 
 he could see himself, for if Torre saw 
 these monuments in 1700, much more 
 could Leland almost two centuries be- 
 fore. The notes are roughly taken, 
 after his fashion, and they must not be 
 criticized as if their writer intended to 
 give a full and accurate account of what 
 he saw. The objection proves too much. 
 If these notes are not Leland's making, 
 the whole of his work, nay, his works, 
 I may say, are an imposture. They 
 are Leland all over. Many passages 
 might be given very similar to this 
 about York, for brevity and meagre- 
 uess of description are his failing, al- 
 though he was a shrewd and close ob- 
 server. Take the following notice of 
 Hereford cathedral (Itin., viii., 55): — 
 
 " In australi parte chori. 
 
 1198. Gul. de Vere episcopus Here- 
 forden : prsefuit 12 annis. Obiit 
 9 call. Januarii anno Doni. 1198. 
 Dominus Robertus Foliot epis- 
 copus Hereforden. 
 
 1147. Robertus de Melum sedit annis 
 . . . tempore Henrici 2 filii . . . 
 Hie fuit in omni genere litera- 
 rum insigniter eruditus. Obiit 
 anno Dom. 1147. 
 Dominus Robertus Betune epis- 
 copus Hereforden. 
 Dominus Reinelmus episcopus 
 Hereforden. 
 
 1516. Dominus Richard Maiew episco- 
 pus Hereforden., doctor theolo- 
 gise, rector turbse Magdalenensis, 
 archedecon of Oxford, (shanselar 
 of Oxforde, elemosinarius Henri 
 the 7, prsefuit Hereforden. eccl. 
 11 annis et amplius. Obiit 8 die 
 April, anno Dom. 1516." 
 
 ' Torre measured the stones, marked 
 their places in his map of the pavement 
 of the minster, and sketched them in 
 pen and ink. There were mitres upon 
 them, and other signs of archbishops, 
 formerly in brass, as he tells us, and 
 they were laid right in front of the old 
 altar of St. Mary, before the great east 
 window. An engraving of his drawings 
 and his verbal description of them is 
 given in the preface to my Fabric Rolls, 
 xviii. It will be seen therefore, by an 
 irrefragable chain of evidence, where 
 the altar of St. Mary and the chapel and 
 the tombs were of which Stubbs spjeaks, 
 and thus we know what part of the 
 church it was that Thoresby completed 
 before his death fperfecit — Stubbs). 
 Leland also tells us the same thing when 
 he says that Thoresby " de novo struxit 
 chorum," and "perfecit navim" (Lei. 
 Coll., i., 45, 121). 
 
 ' "Ibidem {i.e., at St. Mary's altar) 
 pro anima sua et animabus omnium 
 fidelitim defunctorum capellanum pro 
 suo perpetuo celebratarmn constituit. 
 Quern quidem capellanum suosque suc- 
 cessores habitum personalem in ecclesia 
 cathedrali prcsdicta gestaturum, ad 
 perpeUiam ejus memoriam composuit, 
 domos et possessiones de suo proprio 
 acquisitas, perjjetuam eleemosynam prcB- 
 dicto preshytero et successoribus suis 
 pro suo p)e^petuo contulit duraturas " 
 (Stubbs).
 
 1352 — 1373.] ARCHBISHOP thoresijy. 489 
 
 for the weal of his soul, but it was not apparently until 1362 
 that his son, Sir Henry Percy, and two of his executors, "William 
 Newport, rector of Spofforth and Sir Richard Tempest, knight, 
 carried his desire into effect. On the 10th of December in that 
 year the archbishop, in a very interesting and carefully con- 
 structed document, gave his consent to the establishment of four 
 chantries and laid down rules for their management. Three 
 were to be at Alnwick castle and one in the minster of York, 
 and they were all to be endowed with the profits of the church 
 of Kirkby Overblowers, which were ceded for that purpose by 
 Sir Henry Percy. Between the chantries at York and Alnwick 
 there is a marked and peculiar distinction. The three chaplains 
 at Alnwick were to pray for Henry lord Percy who was interred 
 in Alnwick abbey, Mary lady Percy, etc., and they were to bo 
 presented by the executors to the archbishop, and he was to 
 admit them. The cantarist at Y^ork, on the other hand, was to 
 be nominated by the archbishop and his successors, and pre- 
 sented by the executors. He was to pray for the good estate of 
 Thoresby and the canons during their lives, and for his soul after 
 his decease, together with the souls of his predecessors and suc- 
 cessors, and for those of lord Percy, etc., and others of his family. 
 There is no record here, it will be observed, of any endowment 
 in the shape of lands or houses by Thoresby himself, but still 
 the peculiar and prominent manner in which his name is con- 
 nected with the York chantry, makes it plain to me that he 
 must have been in some way or other pecuniarily interested in 
 its foundation." The fact, which we learn from Stubbs, that he 
 built and ornamented the place in which the chantry was erected, 
 is sufficient to account for this. Thoresby gave the executors 
 a position for the chantry chapel to which it was necessary to 
 add nothing in the way of decoration and appendages. Hence 
 it was that it was called the Thoresby-Percy chantry, and some- 
 times that of Thoresby only.*" It is impossible to suppose that 
 the archbishop would be allowed to take the lead in a chantry 
 in which he had no right and claim. The family of Percy would 
 not have tolerated such conduct. He could not be doing a wrong 
 or an injustice when the king, the chapter and Sir Henry 
 Percy sanctioned his proceedings, whilst the executors of the 
 deceased noble gladly accepted the arrangement, " scienter et 
 gratanter voto unanimi cum omnibus suis articulis acceptarunt, 
 
 " That this circumstance was not verbis adornant, non ideo pracdicaro 
 
 publicly declared is no proof against its quia fecerint, sed ut praedicarent, fe- 
 
 existence, and other feelings than those cisse creduntur. Sic quod magnificuni 
 
 of shame might easily prompt its con- referente aUo fuisset, ipso qui gesserat 
 
 cealment, as Pliny says to his friend recensente, vanescit." 
 Saturninus, " Si qui benefacta sua " York Fabric Rolls, 295, etc.
 
 490 FASTI EBORACENSES. [a.D. 
 
 applauserunt et emologanint/^"' This looks as if tlie arch 
 bishop had been doing them a favour instead of receiving one. 
 
 The shades of evening may be for a long time delayed, but 
 they must come at last : the sun must at length set.^ And yet 
 we may apply to the pious and now aged man the words in 
 which Beza addressed Tiraquellus, when in his friendly warmth 
 he spoke of him as the Varro of his time, 
 
 " Fortunate senex ! te nulla oblivio mortis, 
 Te nunquam totum toilet avara dies." 
 
 The good archbishop, who must have been more that seventy 
 years of age, fell into his last sickness in the autumn of 1373, 
 at his palace at Bishopthorpe. On the 12th of September, a 
 notary was summoned into the sick prelate's bedchamber to 
 draw up his will. The sentences are evidently written down 
 as they fell from Thoresby's lips. There is no display, and 
 nothing can be more matter of fact and concise. There are 
 in the will as many as fortj^-four legacies, all, with the excep- 
 tion of five, in money, the highest sum bequeathed being that 
 of 40 marks. The following legacies are probably to relations. 
 To Agnes and Margaret de Thoresby, 80 marks. To John 
 de Thoresby, 40 marks. To Robert Thoresby, 20 marks. To 
 Elias de Thoresby, 10/. Robert de Hackthorpe, notary, the 
 writer of the will, Henry de Greymsby, John de Cloune, Elias 
 de Thoresby and Thomas de Midelton, are each rewarded with 
 a silver cup with a cover. The domestics of the dying prelate, 
 the butler, barber, brewer, the keeper of the pantry and the 
 larder, and the page of the chamber are all of them remem- 
 bered. Two friars, John de Thoresby and William de Haynton, 
 wxre to have five marks apiece, and Idonea de Brunnom, a nun 
 at Hampole, 100s. To each house of begging friars in York 
 a bequest of five marks was made. The following persons 
 were then appointed executors. Sir Richard le S crop, 2' knight, 
 
 " Domesday book penes Dec. et Cap. " The seas are quiet, when the winds give o'er. 
 Ebor., 62 a, etc. This contains the So, calm are we, when passions are no more, 
 
 jjijvji., uij M/, ^^'^- For then we know how vam it was to boast 
 
 elaborate ioundation ol the chantries ot fleeting things, so certain to be lost. 
 
 from which the information in this Clouds of affection from our younger eyes 
 
 parai'raph has been mainly derived. Conceal that emptiness which age descries 
 
 ll, o ,i . V, i 11 The soul s dark cottage, batter d and decay d, 
 
 Thoresby was very anxious, as he tells Lets in new light, through chinks that time 
 
 us, about these chantries, " desideranter has made : 
 
 cupimus, quantum cum Deo possimus. Stronger by weakness wiser men become, 
 
 ' , , •• , • J- 1 X As they draw near to their eternal home : 
 
 quod cantariis hujusmodi de caetero Leaving the old, both worlds at once they 
 
 Ir.udabiliter deserviatur." The place, view 
 
 time and manner of celebrating the That stand upon the threshold of the new." 
 
 service at York were left to his discre- 
 tion, and we can easily imagine, there- " First lord Scrope, of Bolton. A 
 
 fore, why the altar of St. Mary in the .?reat soldier, and lord treasurer and 
 
 presbytery was selected. lord chancellor of England. He died 
 
 ' The beautiful lines of Waller sug- in 1403, set. 75, and in his noble will 
 
 gest themselves :— made in 1400 he left lOZ. to the new
 
 1352 1373.] ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 491 
 
 Mr. John de Waltham/ and Mr. John de Thoresby and dan 
 Heiuy de Barton/ canons of York, and Mr. Henry de Grcymsby, 
 and, as a last request, they were desired to make a fui'ther ac- 
 knowledgment of the services of the servants of the testator, 
 if his estate should permit of it. There is nothing to shew 
 that Thoresby was a wealthy man, or that he had a large and 
 expensive household. He had probably laid his treasure \ip 
 where alone it can be found. 
 
 John de Cloune and Elias de Thoresby were standing by 
 whilst the notary took down these words, and on the 31st of 
 October the three were summoned into the archbishop's presence 
 to listen to a codicil which he wished to make. He had but little 
 to say and add. If it happened that he went the way of all 
 flesh by reason of the infirmity which afflicted him, he desired 
 that his body shoidd be interred within foiu" days after his 
 decease in the place which he had otherwise arranged. To John 
 de Cloune, who was standing by, he gave one of his better cups 
 of silver, and he begged his executors to reward with his silver 
 plate those clerks belonging to his household who had small 
 benefices. He forgave Robert de Thoresby 10/. which he owed 
 him. To Agnes and Margaret de Thoresby, daughters of the 
 late Galfrid de Thoresby,* he gave 100/. due to him from 
 Henry de Barton. To the vicar of the church of Leeds he left 
 a robe which he had worn.'' The sick man said nothing more, 
 and this is our last glimpse of archbishop Thoresby. On Sunday 
 the 6th of November,'^ being St. Leonard's day, he passed away, 
 and his good deeds went with him. 
 
 They laid his remains before the altar of the Virgin, for 
 whom he had a profound veneration, in the lady-cha})el at York, 
 the " novum opus chori " which he had himself constructed.'' 
 
 work at York minster (Test. Ebor., i., in succession, of Biccal and Osbald- 
 
 275. Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, i., wick, and rector of Bolton Percy. Mas- 
 
 59). ter of the hospital of St. Mary Magd., 
 
 '■ The archbishop's kinsman. Thores- near Southwell, and canon of Lincoln, 
 by asked the bishop of Lincoln to allow * In 1350 Geoffrey de Thoresby re- 
 John de Waltham, rector of Corten- ceived the dilapidations due to bishop 
 hale, bachelor of laws, to be non-resi- Thoresby at Worcester (Thomas's Wor- 
 dent, that he might go to the schools cester, 179). In the llth of Edward 
 (MSS. Cotton, Galba, E, x., 85). Mr. III. he was made " assaiator monetae 
 John de Waltham, rector of Cortenhale, regiaj" (Cal. Hot. Pat., 130). 
 was ordained sub-deacon by Thoresby " The will and codicil are in Test, 
 at W^estminster, by letters dimissory, on Ebor., i., 88, etc. 
 April 23, 1356, at a special ordination, '' Acta Capit. Ebor. On the 7th the 
 deacon on the vigil of S. Trin., 1361, chapter order llobort do Newton, their 
 having the sacristry of St. Sepulchre's chamberlain, and John de Feriby, to 
 chapel at York as his title, and priest sequcstre Thorcsby's effects. Stubbs, 
 on Saturday after the feast E.xalt. S. col. 1731. There is a short notice of 
 Crucis, 1361 (Reg. Thoresby). Thoresby in Stowe's Chron., ed. 1614, 
 
 " Thoresby's domestic chaplain in 270. 
 
 1360. Treasurer of York, prebendary, * " Sepultus est coram altari heatee
 
 492 
 
 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 [a.d. 
 
 His predecessors in the see, whose bones he had honourably 
 placed there, were sleeping on either side. It was a noble sepul- 
 chre for a noble-hearted man. The brazen imagery that once L 
 decorated his tomb, nay the stone itself, has disappeared ; but his 
 good deeds, so numerous and so apparent, will perpetuate his 
 memory better than either brass or marble. 
 
 MaricB Virginis in novo opere chori, die 
 Jonis, in vigilia Sancti Martini " 
 (Stubbs). He was thus connected in 
 death with that altar which he had 
 constructed and honoured during his 
 life. This makes the chain of evidence 
 about the choir complete. Speaking of 
 his place of sepulture in his will, 
 Thoresby merely desires to be interred 
 " in loco per ipsum patrem alias ordi- 
 nate." There was no reason for him 
 to say more, as the place would be well 
 known, and the blank stone or space 
 among the graves of his six predeces- 
 sors would shew to all for whom it was 
 intended. 
 
 That Thoresby was laid there is evi- 
 dent from the statement of the metrical 
 chronicler of York (MSS. Cotton, Cleo- 
 patra, C, iv.). This writer mentions 
 some facts which are not in Stubbs or 
 any other writer, and he has therefore 
 an independent authority of his own. 
 The work seems to be in two parts, the 
 first stopping with archbishop Scrope, 
 the other, in a rather different style, 
 coming down to the time of archbishop 
 "William Booth. A person who lived 
 in the time of archbishop Scrope is a 
 valuable witness as to what happened 
 thirty years before. 
 
 The poet thus describes Thoresby's 
 burial-place and death : — 
 
 " Apud Thorp defungitur mundanis esutus 
 Eboraci ponitur scenosis indutus, 
 In capella Virginis Matris graciosce, 
 Inter coepiscopos prcesul gloriose 
 Quos defuniUs operis fecit hie levari 
 Et sic honorijice ibi tuviulari," 
 
 Leland describes the position of the 
 archbishop's tomb even more minutely. 
 Torre, Thoresby (Vic. Leod., 193), 
 Drake (Eboracum, 435), and Godwin 
 (6S7), give it the same position. 
 
 It has been suggested that a tomb on 
 the north side of the nave of the min- 
 ster commemorates Thoresby. From 
 the strongest and the most indisputable 
 evidence it has been shewn that he was 
 buried at the east end and not in the 
 nave. Tt has been said however (for 
 
 Stubbs's statement lias now been ad- 
 mitted to this extent) that the Lady 
 chapel in which he was interred was 
 that of St. Mary and the Holy Angels, 
 or that of St. Sepulchre, appended to 
 the nave. In answer to this I assert 
 that this chapel was never known as 
 the Lady chapel, and that the tomb, 
 now ascribed to Thoresby, is on the 
 outside of that chapel and not within 
 it, so that the words of Stubbs do not 
 apply to ic at all. 
 
 It may be said that the remains may 
 have been inside the chapel of St. Se- 
 pulchre, but that they have been re- 
 molded out of it. When could that 
 have been done ? Clearly not before 
 the Eeformation, for the chapel was 
 then in existence. "Who, I should like 
 to know, ever heard of the reforming 
 iconoclasts preserving or translating 
 a man's bones that were in their way ? 
 Nor could the removal have taken 
 place in queen Mary's days, because 
 then there would have been no wish to 
 destroy the chapel in which they were 
 placed. If Thoresby's remains were 
 removed at all from St. Sepulchre's 
 chapel, the change must have been 
 made at the Reformation, and then 
 either a new monument must have been 
 constructed for them, or a portion of 
 the old one set up in a new place. If 
 this were the case, the date of the 
 stone-work of the present monument 
 would be either 1373, the j^ear of 
 Thoresby's death, or at the period of 
 the Reformation. Both these hji^jo- 
 theses are completely overthrown by 
 the fact that the architectural fea- 
 tures of this sepulchral memorial prove 
 it to have been erected between 1480 
 and 1510, and they shew that it is not 
 a portion of an old tomb, but a new 
 one specially constructed for the posi- 
 tion that it occupies. Some years 
 after 1510 Leland saw Thoresby's 
 gravestone, with its inscription, in the 
 presbytery at the east end. 
 
 In December, 1862, this monument, 
 which had been injured, was completely
 
 1352—1373.] 
 
 ARCHBISHOP THORESBY. 
 
 493 
 
 There seems to have been some little controA'ersy betM'een 
 the executors of Thoresby and arclibishop Neville on the ques- 
 tion of dilapidations. On the 4th of October, 1374, those officials 
 met the archbishop in a chamber in his palace, called Pountc- 
 nysyn, and there, in the presence of his brother John, lord 
 Ne^'ille, they submitted themselves to his decree. On the 13th 
 of April in the following year, the executors Waltham, Thoresby 
 and Barton, paid to the primate 2350 marks on the score of 
 dilapidations, and 612 marks to supply the deficiencies in the 
 stock which was to remain on the archiepiscopal manors.-^ The 
 safest and Avisest course, perhaps, that any prelate could adopt 
 was to leave the adjustment of these claims to his successor and 
 his executors. 
 
 It has been said that Thoresby was raised to the cardinalate 
 by Urban V. Bale is the first person who makes this statement, 
 and he gives him the title of St. Sabina.^ Torre goes farther 
 than this, and gives a rough drawing of his seal with this in- 
 scription, S. Johis tt Sci P. ad Vincula presbyteri cardinalisJ' 
 There is no documentary evidence whatever of Thoresby^s ever 
 having been a cardinal,, and Ciaconius and the other biographers 
 
 restored, and the restoration has been 
 such as to give it a much earUer date 
 1, than belongs to it. Some Uberties also 
 have been taken with the sculpture, as, 
 for instance, two birds holding scrolls, 
 on either side of the central figure of 
 the Virgin, have been metamorphosed 
 into eagles with ears of wheat in their 
 mouths. I cannot say a word, however, 
 against the skill displayed by the ma- 
 sons, but no ancient monument, in my 
 opinion, ought to be restored. 
 
 When the tomb was examined, a 
 long box, more than six feet in length, 
 was found containing bones and frag- 
 ments of vestments. Tt was too nar- 
 row to admit of the reception of a 
 body, so that these bones must have 
 been gathered together and translated 
 to this place at the latter end of the 
 fifteenth century. Tradition, for the 
 last century and a half, has ascribed 
 this tomb to archbishop Hoger. It, 
 no doubt, contains the bones of some 
 icclesiastic, perhaps an archbishop, 
 'hose grave was disturbed, and as 
 re was no stone elsewhere ascribed 
 lioger, who was buried originally in 
 choir, it may perhaps be his. The 
 point cannot at present be settled, for 
 even the fragments of robes, if their 
 date could be ascertained, could prove 
 nothing. Adhuo sub judice lis est. 
 
 / Eeg. Neville. 
 
 s Cent, vi., 493. Thoresby, Godwin, 
 and Tanner quote Torre. Godwin, 
 however (». e., 687), questions the au- 
 thority of Bale. 
 
 * Through the kindness of my friend, 
 Mr. C. Sykes, I have been allowed to 
 examine the dramng made by Torre, 
 which is in the library at Sledmere. 
 The seal is a large oval one. In the 
 centre are the Virgin and child, under 
 rich canopies. To the right is a figure 
 of St. Peter with his keys, and below 
 him the letters S. Petrus. To the left 
 is a figure of pope Urban, with Ur- 
 banus under his feet. Below the Virgin 
 is a kneeling figure of a cardinal hold- 
 ing a crozier, and on either side is a 
 shield of arms. The charge on both is 
 the same, viz., two stags, one above 
 the other. The inscription in the text 
 occupies the usual position. Different 
 arms are assigned to Anglicus by Cia- 
 conius (ed. 1677, ii., col. 561). The 
 one bearing is probably that of his see, 
 the other that of his family. "Che 
 fu Decano della Slelropolitanadi York, 
 nato, o almeno oriundo dall'Inghilterra 
 per parte del padre, o sia dell'avo " 
 (CardcUa, Memorie Storiche de' Cardi- 
 naU, ii., 208). Cf. Gallia Christiana, 
 i., 823, etc.
 
 494 FASTI EBORACENSES. 
 
 of the members of the Sacred College never mention his name. 
 The person to whom the seal refers was not Thoresby at ali^ but 
 John Anglieus Grimaldi^ who was created cardinal-priest of St. 
 Peter ad Vincula, in September, 1366, by his brother. Urban V. 
 In the month of November, in the same year, he was made 
 dean of York, an office of which he was deprived in 1381. The 
 archiepiscopal seal of Thoresby, of which there is a fine im- 
 pression in the British Museum, and at least a dozen at Durham, 
 is a glorious specimen of sigillary art, and is very much richer 
 than that of his contemporary the dean. 
 
 END OF VOLUME I.
 
 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 
 
 pp. 13-15, etc. The Culdees. This peculiar name cannot be traced, I believe, 
 earlier than the ninth century, and the Christians of lona, etc., should, perhaps, 
 be called Columbites. As far as the creed and the practice of the Culdees and 
 Colunibites can be ascertained, I find no substantial difference between the two, 
 and I have used the word Culdees as a generic term, the followers of Augustine 
 and Wilfrid being of course excluded from it. It is a very remarkable fact that 
 the canons of York were called Culdees in the reign of Henry I., another reason 
 why I should use that word. 
 
 p. 37, note j. Bromton. The surname of the chronicler ought to be 
 Brompton. This error runs through the volume. 
 
 p. 44, line 22, and note. Akebargh. " I never could think that Aykhurgh 
 or Ayksburghe was the place alluded to by Bede, and called after James the 
 Deacon. If it is Jakesburgh, what are we to say to Aykescarth, Aykescough, 
 Aikbjs and Aikton ? and could the same process transmute Jakeswcll into Hawks- 
 well ? AVliy should not Hackford, near Hawkswell, have not been changed ? In 
 Gale's map, Aikburgh is placed between Hawkswell and Tuustall, near Catterick, 
 but in reality, Aikber, as it is now called, is near Fingall, a farmhouse by the side 
 of Fingall beck. As to Hawkswell, I think I have seen the Saxon personal name 
 of Havoc in Domesday book, at all events it is called Havocswell there. I exa- 
 mined the cross at Hawkswell most minutely on the I7th of November, 1831, and 
 several times within four years afterwards, and I am willing to make an affidavit 
 that there was no inscription upon it then." — J. R. W. 
 
 p. 63, note t/. For clearly, read perliaps. 
 
 p. 67, note i. For Chron. Petrol., read Chron. Petrib. 
 
 p. 72, line 4 from foot of page. For ^tla, read Oftfor. 
 
 p. 77, note i. For Ccenob., read Coenob. So also in the note on the next page, 
 in note g, p. 125, note i, p. 133, and note I, p. 134. 
 
 p. 78, bis. For Medhamstead, read Medeshamstead. 
 
 p. 80, line 5 from foot of page. For Grey, read Gray. 
 
 pp. 91-2, notes. For Fcedera, read Foedera ; also p. 240, note v, and p. 254, 
 notes V and y. 
 
 p. 96, note t, and p. 97, line 1. For pcenitentiale, read poeniientiale. 
 
 p. 97, note d. For Alcuini Op., read 0pp. : this also occurs at pp. 98, 101-3, 
 106-11, 121. 
 
 p. 99, line 9 from foot of page. For Ceomoulf, read Coenwulf. 
 
 p. 106. The hexameter line at the foot of the page should be, 
 " I tamen, i pro me, tu, cui licet, aspice Eomam." 
 
 p. 109 and note u. Aclete is very probably Auckland, co. Durham. Sochas- 
 burg is either Sockburn or Sadberge in the same county. W. H. D. L. 
 
 p. 118, note y. For Servatus, read Senatus. The same correction may be 
 made at pp. 117, 121, 127, 128.
 
 496 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 
 
 p. 134. One of the pins found in Wulstan's grave is in the collection S. A., 
 London. 
 
 p. 162, line 19 from top. For two, read/oifr. 
 
 p. 203. Ralph Deincourt founded the monastery of Thurgarton, Notts, by 
 the advice and at the entreaty of Thurstan (Thoroton's Notts, 302). 
 
 p. 209, line 6 of the poem on Thurstan. For indejinita, read indefinita. 
 
 p. 214. Fountains was the mother of eight religious houses, and not oi seven. 
 
 p. 220, line 7 from foot. There is a different account of the parentage of St. 
 William in Coll. Top. and Genealog., i., 219. It is there said that his mother 
 was Adela, daughter of Sir Robert Corbet, a concubine of Henry I. 
 
 p. 227, line 6 from foot. Honorius III. decreed the canonization of St. Wil- 
 liam by bull dated 15 Kal. Apr. anno x. (Addit. MSS., Br. Mus., 15351, fol. 311). 
 The translation took place as I have stated, and this may be regarded as the final 
 act of the canonization. 
 
 p. 230. In the treasury of York, circa 1500, there was " uuum feretrum 
 de berill " adorned with silver gilt, and precious stones, containing part of St. 
 William's hair (Fabric Rolls, 221). By will, dated April 24, 1506, Margaret 
 Norton, of Bilbrough, widow, left to Chr. Norton, " unam cathedram quae fuit 
 Sancti Willelmi Ebor. archiepiscopi " (Reg. Test. Ebor.). 
 
 p. 241, line 21 from top. For iinJiajjpy, read impious. 
 
 p. 245, line 25 from top. For thetv, read threw. 
 
 p. 291, note i. On " die Sabbati, qua cantatur Scicientes, 1221, apud Blidam," 
 the archbishop ordained Richard de Popeleswiirch, priest, the master and brethren 
 of the Temple giving him a title, " ad celebrandum in capella Novi Templi, Lon- 
 don., pro anima Johannis quondam regis Angliai illustris" (Rot. Gray). 
 
 p. 292, line 12 from top. In Gray's roll I find these most important notices : 
 " Anno 19, 9 Kal. Dec. Indulgentia pro fabria ecclesise Sovithwell. On 5 Kal. 
 Dec, pro ecclesia Ripon. On 17 Kal. Aug. 17, pro ecclesia Beverlaceusi 'misera- 
 bili ruina enormiter deformata.' " 
 
 p. 295, note v, last line. For Mng, read pope. 
 
 p. 313, note a. Read sindorC. 
 
 p. 321. Canes perdriarios — (?) pointers or setters. 
 
 p. 328, note w. Archbishop Gray instituted Chinchius, Romanus clericus, to 
 the living of Elveley. 
 
 p. 394, line 16 from top. In 1306 Sir John Gifiard made over to his kinsman 
 the archbishop the manor of Boyton, co. Wilts. He was to stay with the arch- 
 bishop and to be maintained by him., together with two esquires, six horses, and 
 six garciones. 
 
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