University of California Berkeley <2_o REMARKS ON THE PRACTICABILITY OF EMBRACING , THEIR COLONIZATION; WITH AN APPENDIX. BY ISAAC M'COY SECOND EDITION, NEW-YORK: PJRINTED BY GRAY AND BUNCE, 224 CHERRY-STREET. 1829. A 3 REMARKS. CHAPTER 1 The principles on which Europeans first met the Aborigines of Ameri ca followed by ruinous consequences. The Indian title to the soil legal. Its legality may be acknowledged without detriment to the United States. THE design of the following pages is to exhibit the obligation which the people of the United States are under, to meliorate and substantially improve the condition of the Aborigines of our country, together with the means for attaining this most desirable object. From among the many things which might be said on this subject, I shall endeavour to select a few, which I deem worthy of special notice. I suppose that the increasing wretchedness of the Indian tribes with whom the Europeans have come in contact ever since their settlement in this country, may be traced to the degradation in which they found them. They were, at that time, sunk to the level of nature, and had ceased to feel the influence of a spirit of improving enterprise. Though in possession of physical means for the elevation of their character, yet they were destitute of mental cultivation.* This fact produced the same effect upon all who discovered, and set-, tied different portions of the country, whether Spaniards, English or French. If some were cruel, and others humane, the difference origi nated in the feeling each brought with them from their mother country, and not in different views of the national rights of the natives. Neither the one, nor the other, met the Indians as on an equality with them selves. It requires no argument to prove that all agreed in supposing the Indians possessed no legal title to the soil on which they were found, and that they were too destitute of national character to be met on an equality in negociations. That they had claims on our sympathies, has never been denied by any good man that they had a legal right, as a nation, to any portion of the territory, has never been admitted by any government which has come in contact with them. Thus low were the Indians sunk, either in fact, or in the estimation of Europeans, on their discovery of America. They did not possess moral ability to elevate themselves, nor have they since been put in pos session of that ability by their more fortunate neighbours. Our views, and our prejudices in relation to them, continue ; their degradation, and their wretchedness remain ; the latter increasing in proportion to the natural comforts of which the savage state is necessarily deprived by its proximity to that of the civilized, when the loss of the former is not supplied by a transfer from the comforts of the latter. The continuance of Indian miseries, is no more a matter of surprise, than the continuance of our prejudices in relation to them. The causes not being removed, improvement in their condition ought not to be anti cipated* In evidence of the assumption that the legality of Indian title, to territory, has never been admitted by any European government which has claimed possessions in North America, nor by the United States, it is sufficient for our present purpose, to refer 1st. To an opinion expressed in a plea before the Supreme Court of the United States, by one of our first statesmen, who says, "What is the Indian title? It is mere occupancy for the purpose of hunting. It is not like our tenures; they have no idea of a title to the soil itself. It is overrun by them, rather than inhabited. It is not a true and legal possession. Valid, b. 1. 81. p. 37, and 209, b. 2. p. 96. Montes quieu, b. 18. c. 12. Smith's Wealth of Nations, b. 5. e. i. It is a right not to be transferred, but extinguished. It is a right regulated by trea ties, not by deeds of conveyance. It depends upon the law of nations, not upon municipal right. Fletcher vs. Peck, Crunch. Vol. 6. p. 121."* 2d. To the opinions on this subject expressed by the Commissioners at the treaty of Ghent, " The recognition of a boundary gives up to the nation in whose behalf it was made, all the Indian tribes and coun tries within that boundary." 3d. To the perfect accordance with the above opinions of all public acts of every nation concerned in the question. Within the jurisdiction of the United States, it is not admitted that one tribe has aright to convey its nominal claim to another tribe, with out the permission of the Government of the United States. Treaties,, held with the Indian tribes for the extinguishment of their title, are* viewed by us in the light of praiseworthy " moderation" on the part of our Government, resulting from a desire " of giving ample satisfaction to every pretence of prior right." Believing that the doctrine which influenced Europeans on their dis covery of America, and which has been entailed on us, is unsound, and has ever boen a fruitful source of calamities to the natives, and the un necessary occasion of much perplexity to the United States, I solicit the reader's attention to a brief consideration of the subject. What claim to the soil, could the people of the United States, or any other people, prefer to an impartial tribunal, which the natives could not plead with equal, or additional propriety? Speak we of the right of discovery? The Indians are the Aborigines of the country. We have not discovered an uninhabited region, but a peopled country. Let us suppose the Chinese at this day to be ignorant of the country of the United States ; a company of ships arrive at Jamestown, and set up a claim to the whole of the United States' territories. Would we readily admit that the law of nations mnde it theirs by the right of discovery? They take possession; but when retiring before a people of an en- * I quote from Morse's Indian Report, Appen. p. 283. 4. This I consider ap propriate, because these opinions have, through the medium of that Report, re cently been called up to the view of the public. tirely separate interest from ours, and of superior strength, could we suppose, that on the great day of retribution, they would he free from all accusations of injustice towards us, and that they would " then ap pear in the whiteness of innocence T' Prefer your plea, and the Indian adopts it against us with peculiar propriety. But they are savages. The names we have given to the Indians are merely arbitrary, and are made to signify nothing more, than that their manners and customs differ from ours ; and, in our estimation, are less desirable. Let us suppose invaders of our rights, urging the same plea, and our question is answered. We found the natives living in those modes of life which they, as a free people, chose for themselves ; and we should be found by our invaders in the exercise of the same liberty. Surely the round of nature cannot furnish an argument to justify the taking away of a people's country, merely because the inhabitants have their peculiar modes of living; when too, these modes of life, which differ from those of other nations, are the result of their own free choice, and have never disturbed the peace of others. But they are merely hunters, " and what is the right of a huntsman to the forest of a thousand miles, over which he has accidentally ranged in quest of. prey ?" This is not quite the fact. The Indians are huntsmen ; and so have always been, to a certain extent, a large portion of our population on the frontiers of our settlements. The Indians never lived wholly by hunting ; and a portion of subsistence of white settlers, has almost in variably been taken by the chase. But nobody ever thought that this circumstance affected the legality of their titles to land. It is not true that the Indians were merely " huntsmen, accidentally passing over forests of a thousand miles." They were people at home, and furnishing imperishable monuments of the antiquity of their resi dence. Here they had lived longer than the existence of the oaks in whose shades they reclined from time immemorial. Their country was divided among the several tribes ; and if the bounds of each was not fixed with an exactitude equal to that which marks the boundaries of our several States and Territories ; yet, it was with a precision which they deemed sufficient, and which we admit, met the exigencies of their situation, equally as well as our lines meet the circumstances of ours. War among themselves, whether on ac count of disputed territory, or of some other thing, was nothing new in the history of nations. It becomes us to feel for their misfor tunes; but not on account thereof, to frame a pretext for possessing our selves of their country. What law of nations has prescribed the amount of land a people must cultivate in proportion to each individual ; the portion of food they must take from the waters, or the woods ; and the distances they may, and may not travel in pursuit of their occupations, in order to render them eligible to the possession of territory, and to national character 1 ? We have been told, that " the pilgrims of Plymouth obtained their right of possession to the territory on which they settled, by titles as fair and unquestionable as any human property can be held. They received their charter from their British Sovereign. The spot on which they fixed had belonged to an Indian tribe, totally extirpated by that devouring pestilence which had swept the country before their arrival. The country thus free from all exclusive possessions, they might have taken by the natural right of occupancy."* Now, does it not seem strange that this should be the only instance since the world was made, in which a tribe of people had been " totally extirpated" by a devouring pestilence 1 Is it not astonishing, that no entire tribe of Indians has been destroyed ; that no state in the Union has been wholly depopulated, by that devouring pestilence, since the landing of the pilgrims ? But let the nameless disease, or the yellow fever, if you please, de stroy some, and drive back others, until the inhabitants shall all have left the District of Columbia. Then another company from England may land in that place, and set up their claims to the district, by " the natu ral right of occupancy." Such a supposed reversion of fortune, fur nishes its own comment. They received their Charter from their sovereign. And what right, pray, had their sovereign to charter away the lands of other people, without their consent'? In that day, if the land could be called by an Englishman " remote," and its inhabitants " heathen and barbarous" a sufficient pretext was found for dispossessing the rightful owners, and for giving it to others. It is on these grounds that we hold our " fair and unquestionable titles" to the country. To what a pitch of vainness must men have arrived, when they could fit out ships and men to take possession of an entire country, regardless of the rights of the Aborigines, and then teach their children to laud the innocence of such a trans action ! As an apology for our conduct, we have been told that these were " erratic nations," incapable, by the smallness of their number, of peo pling the whole country." Now I would ask for some evidence to sup port this assertion. Where is the nation, or tribe, that is erratic in a na tional capacity] Precisely the reverse is the fact. It is well known that each tribe is peculiarly attached to its own district; and few indi viduals are found who do not cling to the land of their ancestors, and hover over their tombs, until forced to retire by means not to be resisted. Let us be pointed to one single tribe that was, or is erratic, and so much of the matter at issue shall be conceded. But it is fearlessly asserted that no such tribe has ever been known to exist on our continent. That the Indians have emigrated from one country to another, is not .denied ; but it was not because they were wandering tribes, which never sought or possessed a permanent residence. The Delawares, for in stance, who resided many years in what is now the State of Indiana, once inhabited around the Delaware bay, and at this time, most of them are west of the Mississippi river. But the reasons for their exchanges of country, are too well known, to allow us to denominate them a wan dering nation. Indians have, in some instances, migrated from one section of coun try to another, from causes which existed wholly among themselves; and we have done the same. Each tribe traverses at pleasure its own district, as the business of individuals requires, and we are habitually * It is not a want of respect for the venerable pilgrims of Plymouth, that indu ces me to mention them particularly; but it is -because the sayings to which I am replying-, have lately come before the public, and therefore claim particular atten tion. 7. pursuing a similar course of conduct. Individual Indians, or Deputed companies, occasionally pass into the territories of a tribe to which they do not belong, and by common consent, attend to their private business, or to the business of their tribe. So, also, among us, the people of one State, are ordinarily, in the prosecution of their business, passing through the territories of others. We are told that " the Indians claim too much territory for their numbers they are too thinly scattered over the country: Europeans have not, therefore, deviated from the views of nature in confining them within narrow limits." Precisely the same thing might be urged against us by Chinese invaders. It is well known that the States and territories in the Union, which are at this time partially settled, would contain with convenience, and with increased convenience too, more than five times the number at present inhabiting them. Our Chi nese invaders might plead against us our own arguments, that the pro portion of inhabitants sustained in their country, was more than tenfold greater than that in ours, and, therefore, they " would not deviate from the views of nature in confining us within narrower limits." Again, it has been asserted that " the Indians have no idea of a title to the soil itself." This is an assumption without the shadow of rea son ; indeed, it is at variance with the recurrence of positive and well known facts. It has been the misfortune of the Indian that he was in capable of recording on parchment his views of this subject, or of pub lishing them to the world, and pleading his own cause. But ask the Commissioners of the United States, w r ho have encountered so many difficulties in negotiating with the natives for cessions of their lands, and they will tell you, that the assumption is untenable. Look to the whole course of Indian conduct relative to the case, ever since the settlement of whites on the continent, and an united voice, as of many waters, will tell you. Or, visit the Indians in their tents, and they will tell you themselves, and that too, in expressions of grief and despair, that, un less your heart be cased in adamant, will make you both sigh and weep. Indians are actually sitting by me while I pen this paragraph : I cannot be mistaken. May I not, without fear of contradiction, assert that no claim to any portion of the United States' Territories, can be preferred, which will not apply in favour of the Aborigines 1 Since it is not true, that their iitle is " mere occupancy for the purpose of hunting," as we have been told, but that this has been their home for ages, beyond the stretch of mortal research, may I not say that their claims are, in many respects, superior to ours, and sustained by all the rules of justice by which the claims of individuals, States, and Nations, are supported ? In defence of the conduct of England and the United States, we will not plead their superior strength over that of the natives, because such a plea would be too shocking to the well known humanity of those na tions. What then, may we ask, has been the cause of a departure from the .common usage of civilized nations in regard to the Indians, but their ignorance and degradation ? But, in the matter of Indian reform, we must take things as we find them. We cannot now retrace the steps of two hundred years. And further, the policy of which we complain did not originate with the United States ; it was commenced prior to the existence of the Union. It has been entailed on us, rather than adopted by us. Such is the 8 Wisdom with which our government is constructed, that a happy tone of feeling has, in many honourable instances, softened the severity of maxims, to which despotic governments gave birth. I shall omit a recital of those considerations which are designed more especially to awaken our sympathies, and content myself by simply stating the undeniable fact, that on our borders and within our settle ments, thousands of these wretched people still exist. This fact forces upon us the inquiiy, What ought to be done with them, all things con sidered? They are evidently, with slight exceptions, incapable of taking care of themselves. This incapacity, however, can no more affect their just rights, than a fever, which would incapacitate one of our citizens for business, would affect his. Found within the defined limits of the United States, it becomes our Government to assume their guardianship. This, it will be said, has been done. True ; but has it not been done at the expense of all Indian rights ? By our Government, provision is made for minors and invalids. It would be affecting cruelty to deprive such of their just rights, to deny the legality of their claims to land, and doom them and their posterity to poverty and degradation ; to do more to forbid them by law, and common prejudices, to hope for equal privileges with the more fortunate. Assuming the guardianship of the Indians, and at the same time ad mitting the legality of their claims to territoiy, would no more entitle them to privileges among us which they could not judiciously exercise, than the laws of a State, providing for minors and guarding their pro perty, would entitle them to an active voice in the affairs of govern ment. It has been thought that by admitting the legality of Indian title to soil, we should concede to them the entire right to convey the same as they might choose, to foreigners., or to individuals of our own nation, who would take advantage of Indian ignorance to their immediate ruin, and to the great disadvantage of the United States. But these conclusions do not necessarily follow the premises laid down. A boy of ten years old might be induced to sell his patrimony for a whistle. The state is at no loss to provide against such trifling. It assumes the management of the property of the minor. Why ? Be cause the minor is incapable of managing it himself. In this assump tion, the capacity only of the minor is denied, not his rights. The le gality of his claim is not predicated upon the supposition that he is to become an active citizen, but upon the justice of the case. For, if the minor should decease, the same law which secured the property to him, points to the next legal claimant, though he also be a minor. I cannot apprehend danger to my doctrine, from the mere circum stance, that in one case the supposition rests upon a descendant of a citizen of the United States ; and, in the other, upon one whose an cestors have never been acknowledged as such. We are speaking of things as they at this time exist. We have marked off the boundaries of the United States, and have said, that " the recognition of a boundaiy gives up to the nation, in whose behalf it was made, all the Indian tribes and countries within that boundary." We have already said, that they belonged to us ; therefore they come properly within the spirit of the case stated in relation to minors. Further, our civil institutions do positively secure the rights of aliens within our territories. They are allowed to hold property in fee. Our laws secure to them their right in property while they live, and in case of death, the same descends securely to their heirs. Is it argued that minors are properly within the reach of our laws ? So are the Indians. Our laws extend to the Indians, just as far as we choose to have them. We do not impose on them taxes, nor any por tion of the burden of our civil, or military institutions. This is so far merely a remuneration for the denial to them of privileges granted to other foreigners. Indians are committed to our state prisons for felony, and have been regularly proceeded against, in cases of murder, convict ed and hung. It cannot be denied, that the Indians are really cogni zable by our laws, which are made to affect them just so far as, in the wisdom of our Government, the subject requires ; and this is the case in relation to minors. In the present state of things, I cannot conceive any reason why our Government may not exercise over them the necessary guardianship, and still allow the legality of their claims to the lands owned by the tribes severally. Nor do I discover that in admitting this, we necessa rily concede any principle to our disadvantage. That portion of their lands which our convenience requires us to possess, will be placed no farther out of our reach than it is at present. When, in the construc tion of public works, the lands of minors are found so situated as to render it necessary for government to interpose, they know how to meet the exigency. The land is taken, and in lieu thereof, a fair price se cured to the proper owner. If some of the Cherokees, and others in the south, who have become capable of understanding and contending for their rights, not by arms, but by argument, should be disinclined to part with their lands, the cir cumstance would be no more vexatious to us did we admit their muni cipal right. Force is not to be used in this case. Whether this for bearance in our Government arises out of the questionableness of the tenure by which we claim, or out of the pledges which, in our " mode ration," we have given those tribes, or from both, matters not; all righteous men agree that their lands cannot be forced from them. Moreover, I hope to be able to show, that difficulties in relation to any of our north-western tribes, similar to those which have recently occurred with some of the southern, may easily and certainly be pre vented ; and that by admitting the legality of Indian title to their seve ral territories, we shall place ourselves in full view, and within conve nient reach, of all the means necessary to be employed in the case. CHAPTER II. The Character and Condition of the Indians. It is remarkable that with the opportunities of more than two centu ries to become acquainted with the Aborigines of our country, their cha racter and condition should at all times have been so imperfectly under stood by us. It is thought by some, whose judgments are doubtless en titled to great respect, that no other branch of public business is so little 10 understood, as that which relates to Indians. So little is known even by the benevolent Societies, which have been formed for their relief, that missionaries who labour among the natives, usually find far more trouble in managing the mistaken notions of their patrons, than they do in contending with those of the people of their charge. Without pre tensions to any remarkable discoveries on this subject, I beg leave to state a few things relative to their character and condition, which my long residence in their country has afforded me an opportunity of ob serving. I have supposed that Indian calamities, as they now exist, originated in their degradation, and have until this time been cherished by the same general cause. This is not a solitary case ; the condition of the wretched Africans is fully in point, and strikingly illustrative of the po sition we have taken. No one will venture to say that the African is enslaved because of the blackness of his skin ; neither can any man of sober mind, suppose the thing in itself to accord with the laws of justice between man and man. The fact is, Africa, that portion at least of which we speak, is too destitute of national character to command re spect, and therefore, in the usage of other nations, its natives cease to be treated as human beings entitled to common rights. Her oppression is not owing to a want of physical strength to contend with other nations. She is not the only nation incompetent to with stand the power of her neighbours ; and yet the people of those weaker nations are not shipped by thousands for slave markets. Whatever Africa may suffer, she is incapable of complaining. Raise her in point of talent even with Portugal, and slave ships might as well go to Ire land to lade, as to Guinea. Men as they come into existence are pretty much on an equality. Whether we find the infant in the bark wigwam, or in the lordly palace, it is subsequently that he is to be made the savage or the sage. For it is not a question at all, whether the mental faculties of Indians gene rally, are equal to those of their more enlightened neighbours. The fact is universally admitted. But with them, there being a total absence of the thousand means which operate to produce refinement of society, they continue unimproved through every stage of life. They are chil dren of nature merely, from the infant lashed to the board, to the wrin kled father who bends over the tomb. At first sight of Indians by Europeans, there became fixed in the lat ter a consciousness of superiority, which still exists, and is evinced in all our conduct in relation to them. We never meet an Indian on a level, as we meet a white man ; we always look down upon him. This self-complaisance may, in no small measure, be traced to the odium entailed on them by Europeans, and which, unfortunately, has not been removed by our better Government. They have neither been allowed the privileges granted to other foreigners, nor the protection granted to every citizen of the United States. Even the inhabitant of a cell in a States' prison retains inviolable his right in property his posterity are not forbidden to aspire above the evils occasioned by the crimes of an unprincipled father. But of the Indian we say, he has no legal title to the soil. In this respect he is virtually placed beneath the condition of the most degraded of our own citizens. Were they allowed the rights of others, the feelings- of our community generally might become such as we exercise towards other poor people, but it 11 seems impossible in the nature of things that the prejudices of society, so destructive to them, can subside, so long as the principle exists which confirms their degradation. Like Cain, they are driven out from the face of the earth, and are become fugitives and vagabonds in it, and every one who finds them, heaps upon them miseries according to the spirit of the times. Few, even of those who declare themselves to be devoutly in favour of Indian reform, are aware of the extent of Indian degradation ; I mean, the distance beneath us at which our feelings place them or, of the extent of the affecting consequences. Of the latter, we may judge by the facts, that since our settlement in the country, several tribes have become totally extinct; while to others is left a remnant, lan guishing under evils, which menace the existence of the whole Indian population. I attempt no exaggeration. My subject needs not the aid of paint ing. Facts, stubborn facts, immoveable as mountains, can be pro duced. Before we proceed further, it is proper to observe, that there are many, very many, abuses of power, of office, and of granted license, in car intercourse with the Indians, which have never been fairly ex hibited to the public ; abuses, with which our Government is in no way chargeable : of which it is formally, and in most instances, totally unacquainted, and which 1 shall not attempt to expose. My object is not to attach blame to any individual, or to any particular class of men among us. For, were errors of this kind to be corrected, which indeed is desirable enough, still no more would be done, than the lopping off of some of the exterior branches, while the main body and roots would remain in full vigour. The axe must be applied to the root of the tree. From the days of Elliot down to the present time, the grand mistake in the business of Indian reform, seems to have been, applying emolli ents to the surface of the sore, instead of probing the wound to the bot tom. There is something among us, not among the Indians, radically wrong in this business : this wrong must be righted, or the Indians must be ruined, and Christians reproached. I would ask those sorrowful hearts, which express astonishment that the Indians on our north-western boundaries, should continue so long in this fertile, fine country, to suffer, pine, and perish; if they suppose any other race of human beings would do otherwise, under similar cir cumstances 1 Our children are forced up the elevation of improvement by artificial operations of a thousand kinds ; but this machinery is not brought to bear in like manner on the improvement of the Indians. With all the pains taken to smooth our sons of nature, too many of them at last remain crooked and rough. No wonder then, if in the ab sence of vital principles, the experiment of Indian reform should dis appoint our hope. You have your missionaries at Gayhead, Stockbridge, Brothertown, Oneida, among the Tuscaroras, Tonawantas, Senecas, Wyandots, Ot- tawas, Puttawatomies, Miamies, &c. but the most that they can do in the present posture of affairs, is to soften, as it were, the pillows of the dying. They have been instrumental in benefiting a few; nevertheless, in a national capacity, all those tribes, as well as others near at hand, west of Lake Michigan, and west of Mississippi river, continue to dwin dle they are positively perishing, and perishing rapidly. 12 Through the instrumentality of your missionaries, some of the natives, no doubt, have become pious, and have gone, or will go, to a better country in the heavens, where their condition will be ordered by princi ples very different from those which have governed the conduct of men towards them, while upon earth. A few have acquired some knowledge of letters, and of labour ; so far this is well. But let none imagine that these tribes, and many others, are, as tribes, improving their condition generally. I say it, without fear of contradiction, that their condition is becoming more and more miserable every year I repeat it they are positively perishing. How can it be otherwise ! What is there to induce a love of life, or to stimulate to good action, with an Indian 7 Whether the reflection be just or not, he views himself completely at the disposal of a people who have taken from him his country ; I do not say his hunting ground, I say his home, where sleep his fathers back to unknown generations ; a people who declare that he never had a legal right to the soil. In ad dition to this, he finds that no man treats him as an equal. The very manner of salutation to an Indian, and the mode of conversation with him, remind him that he is considered as an inferior. You point your children to examples of respectability in civil society, and exhort them to walk in their footsteps, in the confident expectation of possessing that character which is rather to be chosen than gold and silver than " precious ointment." The Indian, in view of the same example, could only say, " My son, that is what the world calls a re spectable, honourable man, but it is impossible for you ever to arrive at similar honours." Thus from childhood the innate passion for fame, essential to human greatness, when kept within the influence of meek ness and prudence, is stifled by every thing which surrounds it. But one will say, Why do not the Indians adopt habits of industry ; and the circumstance itself of the acquisition of property would operate powerfully to conquer the prejudices of their white neighbours, and might enable them to take hold on all the means essential to their great ness ? All this is true ; but where is the spot on the continent upon which it could be expected that they would feel encouraged to labour ? They are at best only tenants at the will of our Government. Where is the place on which they can erect houses in the hope of inhabiting them, and make fields in the expectation of being allowed to cultivate them? They can call no place on earth their own, and therefore it is not astonishing that they should generally be disinclined to habits of industry. None of the tribes have an assurance of undisturbed possession of any spot. If we ought to make an exception, it would relate to the little patches in New- York and the New-England States; and these, whatever may be their liberties to remain, are so situated as to be exposed to destroy ing evils by which their numbers are diminished much more rapidly than if they were upon our frontiers, where they would be allowed room to run, as the whites approached them. I have said that among us, not among the Indians, there was some-r thing radically wrong in relation to that wretched people of whom we speak. In evidence of this assertion, I appeal to the fact that the con dition of the Indians becomes more and more deplorable, as the whites approach nearer to them. Those who are pent up by the whites on small reservations in New-England, New- York, and Ohio, decline more 13 rapidly in proportion to their numbers, than the tribes farther west, on the borders of Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois; and the decline of these latter is more rapid in proportion than those still more remote. Let it stiJl be borne in mind, that wherever we discover a decrease of numbers, we see an increase of calamities ; and the increase is not chiefly on ac count of the wild game being chased away by the sound of the white man's axe, as has sometimes been supposed. For were there not greater evils to which they are subjected ; were they permanently settled, un touched by any morbid atmosphere emanating from us, they would na turally enlarge the field as the wild game decreased. Numerous are the evils resulting to these people from the approach of the whites ; (a poor commendation indeed of a Christian nation) but perhaps all' these evils may be traced to the same general cause the mark of infamy fixed upon them by the whites. As to commerce, they are not approached as men entitled to just dealings, but are considered as fair game for every sharper. It is true. Government has made laws regulating Indian trade. But the trade is riot carried on in Washington city, where the President of the United States can daily look into it. It is carried on in the Indian country, extending into the forest a thou sand miles from our settlements. It is not possible for Government to guard the rights of the Indians in such situations ; even in the little pro perty they acquire in peltries and fur. Those generally, who are em ployed, as clerks, &c. and sent into the Indian country with goods, are not remarkable for scruples of conscience. Our chief hope, therefore, that justice in dealing will be done to the Indians, arises from competi tion in trade. We have not so much cause to complain of prices as nominally fixed, as we have of impositions practiced upon Indians, for which they can obtain no possible redress. The example of unprincipled white men among the natives, is ex tremely pernicious, and tends greatly to debase their minds. But the destroying effects of ardent spirits among them, is horrid in the extreme, Whiskey, they find all over their country, but find it more plentifully as they are situated nearer to the white settlements. In these latter cases, our Government is not at all blameable, only as it has rendered the Indians radically ignominious. It has made laws forbidding the introduction of ardent spirits into their countiy; but it has not pow r er, in the present posture of affairs, to enforce their observ ance. The evils of intemperance have not been perceiveably lessened by all the laws made to repress it. It is a lamentable truth, that the evil increases annually, and occasions a fearful \vaste of human life ; as a specimen, take the following. In the fall and winter of 1825 6, in the neighbourhood of the Carey Missionary Station, near Lake Michigan, twenty-five Indians were either directly murdered by the hands of their own people, or otherwise lost their lives, by drunkenness. Besides this, there is a mass of misery, indescribable in its character, resulting from this same source; such as the destruction of health, aggravated poverty, distresses of hundreds of half-starved children, &c. Missionaries, who, after much labour by precept and example, have kindled up a little spirit of improvement among the people of their charge, have, again and again, had the mortification to see the same almost entirely extinguished, by this irresistible evil. Under all the destructive, discouraging obstacles, arising from intoxication, and from numerous other sources, it is astonishing that missionaries should be 14 able to collect schools, secure a tolerable attendance, and in otber re spects, really improve the condition of a few. Friends to the natives are apt to solace themselves, with the reflection that the days of war and bloodshed, between the United States and the Indians are past all is now peace. The Indians may pursue their modes of living without the wastirigs and woes of war. But will you believe me, if I say, that the Indians generally are more miserable, and that they waste away faster, when at peace with us, than when at war? I presume there is no doubt of this fact with any one, who has an op portunity of discovering the process of Indian affairs among themselves. The truth is, the hope of .bettering their condition for the present, for they cannot see far off, is a prominent consideiation with them, in in ducing hostilities.* Our Government has always granted to the Indians peace, whenever they asked for it. Therefore, if at any time they believed their condi tion to be the worse for war with us, they knew that they could make the exchange for peace. In time of war, they and we are necessarily separated ; and on this account the cankerous evils which result to them from coming into direct contact with us, are avoided. I took the liberty, not long since, of suggesting that the condition of those small bands who are on little reservations in New-England, New- York, and Ohio, surrounded by white population, is worse than that of those who have more latitude on our frontier. It is probable that they may be more plentifully supplied with food and raiment, but I have no hesitation in repeating that their numbers decrease faster than those of the other tribes ; and that they are more debased in principle, and posi tively more worthless, than those with whom I am comparing them. This sentiment is the result of my own personal observation, as well as of the concurrent testimony of the most authentic information. Man is formed for society. The seclusion of the hermit is a depar ture from the directions of nature. Society we must have, and if we cannot be allowed that which is good, we must mingle with that which is worse. The society which Indians generally find among the whites, is that of the most degraded and worthless kind ; and those who are pent up by the whites, feel the effect of this principle most sensibly. Even the good men, who surround and pity them, do not take them into their society as they would so many whites, under similar circum stances. Doomed, therefore,, to mingle with their own corrupt selves, and the very filth of civilized society, from infancy to old age, and from generation to generation, they grow worse and worse. What, let me ask the reader, could you hope for from your own sons and daughters, were they destined to be brought up in similar circum stances 1 What can be more deplorable than the condition of this scattered, pealed, and perishing people ! When parents improve the passing moments around the cheerful fireside, in encouraging counsel to their hopeful sons and daughters, well fed and warm, let them not forget the thousands of families in the wilderness, each couched around a little fire, half-starved, half-naked, and homeless. You are directing your children to habits of industry, by which they may secure a competency of the blessings of nature. They are to * Exceptions to these remarks, when applied to the southern Indians, will be explained hereafter. 15 have fields and houses, shops and ships. To them are explained the comforts of virtue, and the pleasures of good society. To their view are held up the offices of trust, honour, and profit, in the most happy and flourishing government that ever existed. Now, you say, my sons and my daughters, with us there are no privileged orders. God and nature hold out to you these incentives to virtue, greatness, and happi ness ; over which is inscribed in golden capitals, " Whosoever will, let him take of them freely." Listen now,Ientreat you, to the language of yon Indian father and mother, to their sons and their daughters. " Children, you see and feel our wretchedness this stormy night. You have no prospect before you, but that of increasing calamities. Our situation is more lamentable than was that of our father and mother, and yours is destined to be still more dreadful ; and every generation of us, is doom ed to sink deeper, and deeper, and deeper, in woes, until the last of our tribe sinks into the depths of oblivion. We are melting away before a people of superior wisdom and strength; who, with lordly looks, are striding over the lands on which have dwelt our fathers back to unknown ages, declaring us ineligible to a participation with them in the blessings which they so plentifully enjoy !" What can we expect of a people under such circumstances, but that they give up all for lost, and like too many among us, who only fancy themselves in desperate circumstances, abandon themselves to drunk enness, and to every abomination? We do not pretend that all their poverty and sins have grown out of the circumstance of our becoming their neighbours. They were poor and wicked when we first beheld them. But we say, that their depravity and sufferings have been in creased by our proximity to them, and their hopes cut off by our policy. They are too deeply sunk in the mire, to be able to extricate themselves. It therefore rests with us to say, whether they shall be left to perish, or whether they can be, and shall be, " taken out of the horrible pit, and miry clay, and set upon a rock, and their goings established ;" or ra ther, they established in a home which they can call their own. It has been greatly the misfortune of Indians that their white neigh bours have generally supposed them to be inflexibly attached to their huntings, and other wild customs. To admit that Indians are attached to the modes of life to which they have been accustomed, and to their religious ceremonies, is saying: nothing more than that they are human beings ; for such is the case with all people. But there is scarcely a heathen nation upon earth, of which we might not, with more propriety, suppose that such attachments were inflexible. The Aborigines were never, since we became ac quainted with them, worshippers of Idols. We all know that there ex ist among them religious ceremonies, which are taught by parents ta children ; but they have no ecclesiastical idolatrous establishments, like the Chinese, Burmese, or Hindoos. The Indians believe in the exist ence of God the Great Spirit, and of other Good Spirits. They be lieve in the existence of evil spirits ; among whom they suppose one, who deserves to be styled, the " very bad spirit." These notions of God, and of his superintending providence, have had a tendency to ennoble their minds, as well as their acts, and to render them superior to most heathen nations in point of liberal views.* * It has been stated by some good, but mistaken men, that the Osages did not believe in the existence of the Great Spirit, and in other kindred doctrines. Had this been true it would have formed an anomaly in the history of Indian character 16 Indeed, I think that, in a comparison of religious sentiments with the Indians, some refined people in Christendom ought to blush at their own bigotted attachments. I suppose the natives have always been in the habit of killing witches ; but [ very much question if ever there was a man upon the continent chased out of his country, imprisoned, or whipped, for his religion, before the settlement of the whites in it. We admit, that with all its hardships, there is something fascinating in the life of the hunter ; the white man on our frontiers feels it. Yet it is certain that the attachment of the Indians to a hunter's life is not so obstinate but that they will voluntarily exchange it for a better, whenever they become situated where the love of life, and the hope of enjoyment, can be cherished in their bosoms. This has been the case with the Cherokees, and some others to the south who have adopted habits of civilized life. It was not merely the diminution of the wild game which induced those southern Indians to abandon the chase, for hundreds of them are now decently farming on the west side of the Mississippi, contiguous to good hunting grounds. They have adopted civilized habits because of their superior advantages to the hunter state. These people have rea dily enough relinquished attachments to Indian habits, not because their prejudices were originally less obstinate than those of other tribes, but because they happened to be situated where their hopes of enjoying the fruits of their labours were more encouraging than those of their more unfortunate northern brethren. To the concurrent testimony of all who are engaged in the labour of Indian reform, I add my own unqualified assertion, resulting from an experience of more than ten years actual residence in the Indian coun try, that there exists among our Indians no attachment to any pernicious manners or customs, that will not yield to sound argument, righteous example, and the offer of a better condition. I suppose that no heathen nation on the earth can be found, so easily accessible to all the customs which render civilized life blessed, and to the doctrines of the gospel, which guide to heaven, as the American Indians were, when Europeans first became acquainted with them. The entire absence of idolatry, of established forms of religion, to which all must bend, and their ideas of the existence of God, and 1 will add, of the sources of good and evil, threw the door of access to them wide open. Had they not at that time been trampled under our feet had they been approached as men, entitled to meet their fellow men upon equitable terms had they been greeted with the charities of our holy religion, our^ better things would have been received by them with open arms, and every tribe would have called us blessed. In our northern districts, attempts were made in very early times, by worthy men, to reform the Aborigines. While we are happy in the and manners. Since the first edition of this manual was published, I have been at most of the Osage villages, and I must say that no tribe with which I am ac quainted gives more unequivocal evidence than they do, of belief in the existence of God, his superintending providence, and the immortality of the soul. An inquirer seldom has the good fortune to understand the Indian's language, his modes of thinking, or his notions of decorum. The Indian generally hears questions as the result of mischievous design, of impertinence, or of stupidity. Against the first he cautiously guards, the second he insults, and with the last he sports. Hence his answers are usually insincere. 17 opinion that no effort for the christianizing of the Indians, was wholly- unsuccessful, we must deeply regret, what we now distinctly perceive, that those well-meant, labours were performed under all the disadvantages of blind European prejudices in relation to the Indians. Those pious hearts had too recently been transplanted from the sterile plains of re ligious bigotry, to expand with liberal views of the character, and of the just rights of man. Missionaries in these days are enabled to profit by the days that are past. But now they find the prejudices of the natives exceedingly ob stinate ; they have been matured by more than two hundred years, and cherished by a thousand considerations, each of which has annually grown heavier and heavier: after all, let it be borne in mind, that it is not inflexible attachment to the hunter state, or to other rude habits or ceremonies, of which missionaries complain. It is a want of confidence in the purity of our motives. The Indians feel themselves forsaken and friendless. The proffered hand of friendship has, a thousand times proved a snare, and the voice of kindness been deceptive. With what spirit remains to them from the ravages of dissipation and despair, they feel towards us, as we should feel towards invaders of our country and rights, who were fattened with plentitude, and basking in affluence, on the fields of our fathers, while we, with our ragged, half-starved off spring, stood soliciting the elm to lend us his coat to shelter us from the snow. But convince the Indians that you are true men, and not spies, that though they had thought the Great Spirit deaf to their groans, and all men had risen up against them, yet he does pity, they have some sincere friends, and they will leap for joy. Yes, I have seen them un der such circumstances melted into tears. I have seen that their confi dence swelled to extremes, and in their enthusiasm they were ready to deem the missionary more than an ordinary man. Indians are not untameable. Give them a country as their own, under circumstances which will enable them to feel their importance, where they can hope to enjoy, unmolested, the fruits of their labours, and their national recovery need not be doubted. But, let the policy of our Government in relation to them, continue as it has been, and as it now is, and, with the exception of the Cherokees, and their immediate neighbours, I know of no tribe, nor part of a tribe, no, not one, within, or near to all the frontiers of Arkansaw, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, or Ohio, nor one of those bands on small reservations in New-York or New-England, of whom we can indulge any better hope than that of their total extermination. Even over those whom we have excepted above, a gloomy cloud is gathering, of which we shall speak hereafter. I fear the public are not fully aware of this fact, especially the Chris tian public, who would more especially shudder at the thought, and who have been hoping for better things. I fear, too, that missionaries are sometimes afraid to tell the worst of this part of the story, lest the bene volent societies and individuals at a distance, who patronize the mis sions, should become discouraged, and decline the prosecution of the undertaking. I know that there cannot exist with them, any sinis ter motive to such a forbearance, because their labours, the labours of their whole lives, are gratuitously devoted to this enterprise. But, they have been eye-witnesses of Indian wickedness and sufferings. They have heard fathers begging them to have mercy on them and their off- 3 18 spring, and entreating them not to forsake them ; they have seen the mother digging roots for her children, and have beheld the emaciated frames of those who, in winter, had lived weeks upon acorns only, or who, in summer, had fed for days upon boiled weeds alone. They have heard the cries of children suffering with hunger, and seen the frozen limbs of the half-naked sufferer. Among these wretched people they have formed congregations, which delight to hear of " a better country," and with whom they unite in grayer and praise. They have collected scores of lovely children into their schools and families, who are taught to call them fathers and mothers, and to look to them as their best friends, without whose help they are undone. They have heard some of these children in secret prayer, covered with the mantle of night, upon their knees imploring the Lord God Almighty, to re ward the kindness of their benefactors, to continue his mercies to them selves, and to pity their less favoured, their suffering kindred. Under these, and kindred considerations, missionaries dare not indulge a thought of forsaking the people of their charge. For them they will labour, in their sorrows they will sympathise, and among their tombs they will be buried. It is possible that, under the influence of such zeal for the temporal and eternal welfare of the Indians, missionaries may fear to tell what they think might be heard with discouragement by the patrons of missions. These are the reasons for the omission, if they have not fully advertized the public, that the tribes to which I have just referred, are perishing are perishing. If there is any missionary among the tribes under consideration, who can say otherwise of the people of his charge, let him publish the fact, and I will rejoice that I have been mis taken, and I will join him in hosannas to the Son of David. A brief recapitulation of the foregoing, furnishes us with the fol lowing summary : Europeans brought with them to this country undue prejudices against the Aborigines ; they viewed them as a con temptible race, undeserving the rights of nations or of men. The com mencement of their career, in matters relating to the Indians, was radi cally wrong, and upon these wrong principles we have ever since acted. We cannot go back and undo the errors of two hundred years. We find a suffering people calling on us for sympathy and for justice, the peculiarities of whose condition give extraordinary weight to their claims upon both. These people, with few exceptions, are positively perishing, and perishing rapidly.- They will inevitably be extirminated, unless we rescue them. The present course of kindness towards them, of our Government, of Societies, and of individuals, will not prevent their ruin, because they continue to sink deeper and deeper in wo. To this summary we append the following inquiries. Do we possess ample means of placing this suffering people, in the enjoyment of the blessings of civilized life, as participated commonly by the citizens of the United States 1 Can these means be employed without injustice to ourselves, as a nation, in the present posture of affairs 1 To these questions I humbly, but very confidently, undertake to reply. CHAPTER III. In the claims of Indians to the soil, we find ample means for all the pur poses of Indian reform. I have already attempted to prove that the Indians have a legal right to the soil of the territories they inhabit, until the same be by them fairly transferred. We have admitted their incapacity to manage their own affairs ; and have suggested the propriety of the United States assum ing a guardianship of them ; and that this should not be done, at the ex pense of their just rights. Admitting the legality of their claims to the soil, it follows that in the same they possess property, fully adequate to all the demands of the process of their reformation. This property can be applied to the relief of the Indians without taking one dollar from our treasury. Where then could be the loss to us 1 It would be loss, only in anticipation ; one source of revenue to the United States would be lessened; namely, that from the sale of public lands. But the chang ing of the direction of this stream would be for the righteous purpose of allowing it to water the fields to which it does rightfully belong ; and in so doing, we should no more than discharge a just debt, the payment of which we cannot withhold without violence to the better feelings of the human heart. Admitting that the state of society and the policy of our Government imperiously require us hereafter to possess ourselves of large portions of Indian territory, yet neither the one nor the other requires us to deny to the Indians an equivalent. In the construction of public works, you take the land of the minor, because your convenience requires it; but you secure to him an ample remuneration. He is incapable of stipulat ing for the terms of this remuneration ; therefore you do it for him. The Indians are, also, incapable of stipulating for profitable terms. It would become us to do this for them, and that too, by fixed and right eous rules. At the treaty of Chicago, signed Aug. 29, 1821, held with the Put- tawatomie, and parts of the Chippewa and Ottawa tribes of Indians, there were ceded to the United States, within the limits of Michigan Territory, 4,472,550 acres of land, and within the State of Indiana, 460,800 acres, making an aggregate of 4,933,350 acres. Twelve and a half cents per acre, which amounts to the sum of $616,668:75, we suppose to be sufficient to meet all the expenses of the treaty at which the purchase was made, and the expenses of surveying and preparing the land for market. The minimum price of Govern ment land is $1,25 per acre. At auction it often s^lls much higher. But on account of expenses of purchase, and of sales, and on account of unsaleable lands, our calculations reduce the real value, and say it is worth, clear of all expense or purchase, &c. sixty-two and a half cents per acre.* The purchase under consideration at this rate, is * If it should occur to any one that our allowance for unsaleable lands is too small, I would remind him that we are not to calculate their amount from what is unsold. It is well known that millions of acres of valuable lands are now in mar- 20 worth to the United States, really, $3,083,343:75. We therefore ac quire, in this transaction, free of all costs, the very respectable sum mentioned above, which sum we can apply to the benefit of the Indians without taking a single sixpence from the property of any citizen of the United States. The people to be benefitted by this sum cannot ex ceed in number seven thousand souls. In the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Louisiana, Alabama, Missi- sippi, and Missouri, and in the territories of Arkansas and Michigan, the United States have acquired lands from the Indians to the amount of 214,219,865 acres. Let us moderate our calculations, and say the land is worth to us, clear of all expense, 50 cents per acre, we then have acquired in it a real property of $107,109,932:50. Let it be ob served, this sum has been acquired by purchases made within only nine States and Territories, out of twenty-six. And further, there yet re mains in the States and Territories named, a considerable amount of land to which the Indian title has not been extinguished. The above sum would have been worthy of our government in the work of Indian reform, and commensurate to all the exigencies of such an enterprise. Admitting that it is greater than would have been neces sary, still it could all have been applied without loss to us ; and in pro portion as w r e diminish the amount to that which would have been ac tually required, we find a positive profit to ourselves. While on this point, it might not be amiss to indulge a thought occa sionally on the circumstance, that millions of acres of Indian lands have come into our possession without treaty, or the formalities of pur chase or pay ; and on the small amount, in the aggregate, which pur chased the residue, in all the states not named above. I do not pretend to say that any plan adopted now, ought to operate retrospectively. 1 have made the foregoing calculations, merely for the purpose of showing what might have been done, and what may be done in future, with entire convenience to us. There are yet millions, many millions of acres of valuable territory, which have not been ceded to the United States. It is their application only, to the benefit of the Indians, that we ask. I declare myself at a loss to conceive what reasonable objection any man could make to this measure. Again, should the above be considered a sacrifice on our part, should it be considered too great a change in our policy in relation to the In dians, then, we would propose that they be allowed the use of those funds for a given time ; say thirty years, and let the interest only of the stock be employed for their benefit. This would be, in itself, only allowing them the use of their lands for that period, with the express understand ing that, at the expiration of the term, all their claims would be relin quished to the United States for ever. By the act which creates these ket, unsold for no other reason than because the United States acquire lands of the Indians so frequently, and to such a vast extent, that great latitude is afforded to purchasers to stretch over the country in the selection of favourite spots, leaving behind them much valuable land, which, were it not for the reasons just now assigned, would soon yield to the United States the value of one dollar and twenty- five cents per acre. Again, let Government put all their unsold lands which are now in market, at seventy-five cents, and at fifty cents per acre, according to their comparative value, and your markets will presently be crowded with purchasers, and unsold lands will soon become scarce. funds, we acquire the Indian territory ; from which they retire, leaving us the entire occupancy of the same. This, as I trust we shall learn in the sequel, would be vastly better for the Indians, than the actual occupancy of those lands for the same length of time. No objection, therefore, arises to our proposal from the consideration of their interests. And it will at first sight be abundantly obvious that the measure would be greatly more advantageous to the United States than to allow them to reside on those lands for that period. Were we to allow them the interest only of the funds created by the sale of their lands, after paying all expenses thereon, occasioned by treaty, survey, &c. the proceeds of the treaty made at Chicago, in 1821, that is to say, the interest on $3,083,343:75, at six per cent, per annum, would be $185,000:62^. This annuity, as before stated, would be for the benefit of about seven thousand souls. By the same calculation, the annual interest on the sum we found just now, created by the acquisition of Indian lands in nine States and Territories, to wit, the sum of $107,109,932:50, would be $6,426,595:95. Were we expending at this time the annual sum last mentioned, on only a portion of our Indians, we should be doing no more than paying them the interest of a debt which we justly owe, of the principal of which, our proposal does not solicit the payment. At the time this manual was first published in 1827, a portion of the Puttawatomie tribe, in number about 3,500 owned, as was supposed, in Indiana and Michigan 5,000,000 of acres. This, at sixty-two and a half cents an acre, is worth $3,125,000; the interest on which, at six per cent, per annum would be .$ 187,500. Let us take another view of this subject. The Chippewas inhabit along the line between the United States and Canada ; the greater por tion of them on the Canada side. Let us leave them, and perhaps some others, entirely out of our present calculations ; and on this account leave out so much of our north-western territory, as lies north of the forty-sixth degree of northern latitude. We will then suppose, upon a safe calculation, that we still have remaining in the north-western terri tory, that is, south of the forty-sixth degree of latitude, ana 1 north of the State of Illinois, and west of lake Michigan, and east of the Mississip pi river, 45,000,000 of acres. Suppose there is yet, as was the case in 1827, within the States of Illinois and Indiana, and the Territory of Michigan, 10,000,000 of acres of Indian land, not ceded to the United States, which, added to the 45,000,000 mentioned above, make 55,000,000 of acres. This, at the rate of sixty-two and a half cents an acre, would be worth to us, free of all cost, $34,375,000. The inter est on which, at six per cent, per annum, would be $2,062,500. The tribes to be benefitted by the above sum are Ottawa, Puttawatomie, Winebago, Menominee, Sauk, and Fox. The plan under consideration will not suffer at all by the supposition that all these lands could not, at once, be turned into profitable stock, for neither would the process of Indian reform require it. The lands of course would be obtained from the natives from time to time, as would best suit the convenience of our Government. There would also be a space of time in each case, between the ceding of it to the United States, and the actual application of nett profits on the same to the use of the Indians. But each case provides for itself. The be nefit would commence and increase with the beginning and growth of 22 the nett profits thereon. And if, as our plan proposes, the profits to the Indians shall be limited to a certain number of years, that period would be fixed according to the commencement of the emolument, and in pro portion to the sum that would be of necessity advanced for the purpose of so disposing of the Indians, as to enable the United States to settle the land without inconvenience to the former. Still the amount of profit to the Indians, for the property under consideration, would ulti mately be the same. Without doubt, the revenue would commence, and would increase on a scale sufficiently large to meet the necessities of any civilizing operations that our Government might choose to adopt. The same calculation^ will apply, with similar advantage, less or more, to the Miamies, and to all others on small reservations in Ohio, New-York, and New-England, and others on our borders, and who might require our attention, west of the Mississippi river. Take particular notice the sum just stated, would be provided at no higher expense to us than what would be tantamount to allowing the Indians to remain on their lands the aforementioned term of thirty years, and then relinquishing them to us -for ever, without any further consideration. The question, therefore, turns upon this single hinge Can we afford the Indians the use of those lands for thirty years, upon the consideration that they shall ever afterwards be ours, admitting that they may enjoy such use, or its equivalent, without remaining in the way of our settlements, or of our business 1 This being admitted, we take possession of the lands immediately, and instead of allowing them a residence thereon, apply to their use, for the same term of time, the interest of a supposed real stock which we would have in the said lands. What reasonable objection could we raise, to allowing the Indians to enjoy the benefits of their lands a few years longer, when we should, in the mean time, derive all the advantages, of settling on those lands ? If our Government should choose positively to invest the stockjmder consideration, then there would be at the end of these years, belonging to the United States, not only the country itself, but also a disposable fund of $34,375,000. This, we must recollect, is only one verse in the chapter. The calculations which have led us to this fund, include only the Indians south of the 46th degree of northern latitude, east of the Mississippi river, skirting for its southern limits the northern parts of Illinois and Indiana, and extending a little distance into Michigan Ter ritory, east of Lake Michigan. All others, with their millions of terri tory, have been left out of our calculations. Further, if it be necessary to make the matter still more favourable on our part, let us suppose that in the operations of our present policy, some of those northern tribes will occupy their present places fifteen years, before the United States will have extinguished the whole of their claims, and the few who will be alive, shall have fled to some more remote district, according to the ordinary fate of the Indians ; still, during the whole of this term of time, they are in our way, to the great annoyance of the settling of the country. But, let us suppose that the plan under consideration would remove them in five years ; this would secure to us the earlier occupancy of ten years, of the country in question. This would be placing in our hands, the stock contemplated, ten years sooner than we should otherwise realize it, which would be equal to the pay ment of ten years' interest to the Indians for the same term which they 23 would otherwise have occupied their lands. Or, in other words, it would be equal to a deduction of ten years, from the term of the thirty years, which we have supposed the interest would be payable to them. The advantages which this view of our subject discloses, must go far in the recommendation of our plan. I trust we shall be able to make it appear, that our plan is of a Character to justify the above conclusions ; not in exact proportion of time, as mentioned above, nevertheless, in a proportion more or less favourable, of which, the above calculation will be found illustrative. It is but justice to our scheme to state, which I do with a good degree of confidence, that by it a current annual expenditure of the United States, on about the section of country which we have last had under consideration, without benefit to the Indians, of at least $65,200, will be turned into the account of positive advantage to the natives, or not be expended at all. And also, that another item of current annual expen diture of $66,531, may be diminished more than one half. The first item alluded to, of $65,200, is the aggregate of annuities paid to those Indians within the district under consideration. There has been a lamentable waste of public treasure upon Indiati treaties ;* and I as confidently assert, that there is a lamentable waste of public moneys in Indian annuities. Our Government is not in the habit of taking their lands for nothing. But it is extremely doubtful whether the thousands of dollars annually paid to the Indians, as matters are, render them any service. My own opinion is, that all things consider ed, their annuities are worse than useless. No person could have been more favourably situated for arriving at a just conclusion on this point than myself. Having been actually among them for ten years, I am well acquainted with their circumstances both before and after receiving annuities ; and declare that I have found no reason for inclining to a different opinion from that just now expressed. I am inclined to be lieve that there are few, if any, Indian Agents, who are of a different opinion. Indians usually waste much of their annuities on ardent spirits. The occasion of receiving their pay collects them together into large bodies,, and exposes them to greater excesses. In 1821, eight murders among themselves occurred at arid near to Fort Wayne, before they left the neighbourhood where their moneys had been paid to them. In the same year, 1821, a few days after the close of the treaty of Chicago, when of course they had the means of procuring whiskey, -seven persons, of both sexes, were murdered among themselves, on the same ground, in the course of twenty-four hours. If our conclusion, that the annuities paid to the Indians, do them an injury rather than a service, it becomes exceedingly desirable to put a stop to this' expenditure ; or rather to direct its application to the positive benefit of the natives, according to the design of our Government. That these annuities may be thus ap plied, I believe, will be admitted by all who dispassionately consider the subject. Some pledges lately given, that it would appear that our plan provides for the earlier removal of the Indians which are found in our way, than * This remark is not intended to criminate the officers of our Government, who negociate treaties, and perform other similar services. Those men proceed ac cording to their instructions. The error is in the policy of the Government. 24 can be hoped for from existing measures, and also provides for th# abridgement of an annual expenditure which at this time amounts to about $66,531, I hope to redeem a few pages hence. Should it be asked, Why it is desirable to create a larger fund for the benefit of the Indians, if what we have already bestowed upon them has been wasted, and worse than wasted ? I answer, an increase of funds,, to be applied in a similar way, is not desirable. That is, to put cash into their hands, or to put blankets on their backs. In the two cases the result is about the same. If you give them clothing, or the means necessary for hunting, there are persons ready to buy the same for whis key and trifles, and to shop up the very same articles to sell to the In dians afterwards, for peltries and fur. There are two items of annual expenditure of Government on the Indians which have not been wasted or lost. The first is, the annual appropriation of $10,000, specially for purposes of Indian reform. This sum has been placed by Congress at the disposal of the President of the United States. The latter has determined to apply it, not in hiring men to go among the Indians to civilize them, because in many instances he would unwittingly appoint unsuitable persons ; but he has determined to apply it in conjunction with benevolent Associations, who have embarked with zeal and Christian prudence in the work of civiliz ing and evangelizing the Indians. A more judicious regulation, both as it regards Congress and the President, could not be made. In this ar rangement, we have the best security for the just and useful application of these funds, of which the imperfection of man admits. Take as an ex planation of the whole*, the details of the case as it exists within the superintendency of Indian agency, at Detroit, Michigan Territory. Schools are established in the Indian country, actually among them* At these establishments youths are taught letters, and labour, both do mestic, agricultural, and mechanical ; and, in a word, whatever is ne cessary for the improvement of Indian condition. The men, (and the women too) who are employed to manage these establishments, are re gular members of Christian churches, and are accountable to the same for their conduct. There are, also, special agents of religious benevolent Associations, formed in various parts of the" United States, for the ex press object of promoting purposes of benevolence. These Associa tions are composed of men of the first standing in society. They are indeed the select men of the different religious denominations. To these Societies and Associations, the missionaries are accountable. The ser vices of the missionaries are all gratuitous. This circumstance has a powerful tendency to exclude all temptation to abuse their trust. To the Societies under whose patronage they generally labour, they account annually, semi-annually, or quarterly, as the case requires. In addition to this, the Society orders as often as it deems it expedient, a special and competent Agent to visit the establishments, and to report the condition of the mission. The missionaries are also required to report annually to the President of the United States. In addition to all this, an Agent is appointed by the President of the United States, to visit annually, the several es tablishments, and to report. All these reports to the Societies, and to the Government, are either published to the world, or are left open for examination at any time. Thus guarded, we may safely calculate that these funds will be applied to the very best advantage. And thus far 25 we are very bold in the assertion, in every instance of the application of any portion of them, blessings to the poor savages have sprung up, and have caused the wilderness to resound with songs of joy. The second item of" public expenditure on the natives, which is pro fitably employed for them, is the amount arising from special stipulations in treaties for education purposes ; stipulations, in the spirit of the case, perfectly in accordance with the doctrine we have advanced. These funds, like the direct appropriations of Congress, are placed at the dis posal of the President, who wisely directs their application through the sime channel as the former. CHAPTER IV. The only feasible Plan for reforming the Indians, is that of colonizing them. HAVING arrived at a certainty of the fact that we have at our disposal more than ample means for the accomplishment of all the purposes of Indian reform ; means, too, which can be applied without disadvantage to us, and probably, to our own positive profit ; it now becomes us to in quire, What plan will most likely be successful in accomplishing the re formation of the Indians ? Without ceremony, I offer for consideration the plan recommended to the wisdom of Congress by Mr. Monroe, late President of the United States, and highly commended in a Report of Mr. Calhoun, then Se cretary of War, on which the first resolution was moved in that respect able body by Mr. Conway, of Arkansas, which was afterwards happily amended by Mr. Barbour, Secretary of War, and which has since been called up to the consideration of Congress by gentlemen whose remem brance will be grateful to the enlightened Indian, and to the friends of Indian reform, while history lives to tell of generous deeds.* This plan proposes the concentration of all the tribes in some suitable portion of country, under such guardianship of our Government as shall be found conducive to their permanent improvement ; together with the guaranty, on the faith of the United States, of said 'country to them and to their posterity for ever. We have already discovered to a certainty, that some measures more efficient than those heretofore employed, must be adopted, or the Indians must perish. Increase the appropriations for their reform, and the ope rative means of improvement will take a wider range ; but leave the Indians situated as they have been, and as they now are, and they will, " nevertheless, pine away and die. We may theorize by our firesides, but facts will speak for them selves. The policy which has been pursued with the Aborigines for about 200 years, is to pen them up on small reservations, or to encourage them to retire farther back into the forests. Now if ever one tribe of Indians has flourished under the circumstance of either of these situations, we will hope that the like may happen again. But if such an event has never occurred, we may confidently assure our selves that it never will. * Since the publication of the first edition of this Report, we have been inform ed that Col. Thomas Benton, of Missouri, moved the consideration of this subject in Congress, prior to the resolution submitted by Mr. Conway. 4 26 Objections to our long continued policy are not merely of a negative character, such as to say, " those tribes do not thrive ;" but, our objec tions say positively, that the policy is ruinous, and that it has never, in a single instance, failed, and never, in a single instance, will fail, to be prolific in fatal consequences to the Indians. Several tribes have be come totally extinct, and of some, scarcely the remembrance exists. Others, once numerous and powerful, are now reduced to a few dozens, or less, of poor, miserable, worthless beings ; and the condition of all such is becoming more and more pitiable every year. The degrees of declension and misery are in a regular gradation from those tribes which have a dying remnant, up to those who are but just beginning to melt down by the approach of the whites. We could easily point to parti cular instances of the rapidity of decline, and of its alarming extent ; but this would be consuming time in proof of what is clear to demonstra tion to all who are acquainted with the history of the Indians. We are now admonished, in terms clear and distinct, the language of well-known facts, what we ought not to do. The question, therefore, presents itself singly, What ought we to do ? Let the history of the Che- rokees and their neighbours, teach us. These people have been allowed to occupy a situation similar to that contemplated in the colonizing plan, under consideration. So far as the circumstances of their situation have been in accordance with the spirit of the proposed plan, so far those tribes have thriven. By all the circumstances in which there has been a departure from the spirit of our plan, has their improvement been retarded. These tribes have been permitted to live where, in some degree, they could cherish a spirit of national ambition. They have felt themselves somewhat at home. They owned a tract of country, sufficiently large, to allow them to feel their importance as a people. Notwithstanding the United States had not acknowledged their claims to soil to be legal, like those of the citizens of the United States, yet such were their cir cumstances, that they felt less apprehension of being 'removed, than others of whom we have spoken. They were neither running before the advance of white population, nor pent up on a little spot by a people with whom they could not associate upon an equality. They were so situated as to feel the force of incentives to improvement. They could witness the prosperity of the whites, and hope, that, by imitating their example, they might arrive at similar excellence. Not by mingling with the whites it was among themselves alone, that they could find the sa lutary mediocrity of society. Happily for them, they had latitude to think, to hope, and to act. Such a situation, though materially better, being far less affected by the prejudices, and by all the evils resulting from the contiguity of the whites, does our colonizing scheme offer " to those who are ready to perish." The improved condition of these people not only demonstrates the practicability of Indian reform, but also declares, as on housetops, that we have always been in error with respect to the inveteracy of Indian habits. We now know that if Indians are favourably situated for improve ment, they will improve themselves. The work of civilization among the Cherokees appears to have been commenced by themselves ; and, by themselves, without assistance from the whites, carried forward to a very hopeful and happy extent. With the exception of a well-meant, but limited effort of the United Brethren, who were very worthy men, it was 27 not until the year 1803 that any thing like efficient missionary labours were commenced among them. Even these labours were on a limited scale, and soon discontinued. In the year 1817 the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions commenced their successful career in that country. And it was still later that the Baptist Board of Missions formed an establishment in the eastern part of the nation. At this time they were comparatively a civilized people. It appears that these people had made great improvement in the arts of civilized life, many years prior to 1803. " In 1806, they had as sumed, to a greater extent, not only the habits, but even the form of government of a civilized nation. At a kind of national meeting, they formed a constitution, chose a legislative body, and passed a number of laws, among which, was one act imposing taxes for public purposes." In 1810, it is said their number was 12,395. There were in the nation 583 negro slaves, 19,500 cattle, 6,100 horses, 19,600 hogs, and 1,037 sheep. They had in actual operation 13 grist mills, 3 saw mills, 3 salt-petre works, and one powder mill. They had 30 wagons, between 480 and 500 ploughs, 1600 spinning wheels, 467 looms, and 49 silver smiths. Circulating specie was supposed to be as plenty among them, as was common among the white people of the neighbouring countries. On their roads they had many public houses, and on their rivers conve nient ferries. Many of them were learning different trades according to their particular inclinations.* As a further illustration of their improved state, take the following extract from their national Committee and Council, published in the Columbian Star, at Washington, March 11, 1826. I give the follow ing resolutions as they were passed among themselves, and written down with their own hands. " Resolved by the national Committee and Council, that an agent or agents shall be appointed to solicit and receive donations in money, from individuals or societies through the United States, for the purpose of establishing and supporting a national Academy, and for procuring two sets of types, and a press for a printing office, to be established at New- town, in the Cherokee nation. " Be it further resolved, that the treasurer be, and he is, hereby author ized to apply $1500, out of the public funds towards the objects herein specified." This press is now in operation, and issues a weekly news paper. To the foregoing evidences of the improved and flourishing condition of the Cherokees,! add extracts from the letter of David Brown, a Chero kee, written by himself at Willstown, (Cherokee nation,) Sept. 2, 1825, addressed to the editor of the Family Visitor, at Richmond, Virginia. " These plains [in the Cherokee country] furnish immense pasturage, and numberless herds of cattle are dispersed over them. Horses are plenty, and are used for servile purposes. Numerous flocks of sheep, goats, and swine, cover the valleys and hills. On the Tennessee, Usta- nala, and Canasagi rivers, Cherokee commerce floats. In the plains and valleys the soil is generally rich, producing Indian corn, cotton, to bacco, wheat, oats, indigo, sweet and Irish potatoes. The natives car ry on a considerable trade with the adjoining States, and some of them export cotton in boats down the Tennessee to the Mississippi, and down * See Brown's Hist, of Missions, 1st American Edition, Vol. 2, p. 505. 28 that river to New-Orleans. Apple and peach orchards are quite com* mon, and gardens are cultivated, and much attention paid to them. Butter and cheese are seen on Cherokee tables. There are many pub lic roads in the nation, and houses of entertainment kept by natives. Numerous flourishing villages are seen in every section of the country. Cotton and woollen cloths are manufactured here. Blankets of various dimensions manufactured by Cherokee hands are very common. 'Al most every family in the nation grows cotton for its own consumption. Industry, and commercial enterprise, are extending themselves in every part. Nearly all the merchants in the nation are native Cherokees, Agricultural pursuits, (the solid foundation of our national prosperity,) engage the chief attention of the people. Different branches in mecha nics are pursued. The population is rapidly increasing. In the year 1819, an estimate was made of all the Cherokees. Those on the west were estimated at 5,000, and those on the east of Mississippi at 10,000 souls. The census of this division of the Cherokees has again been taken within the current year, [1825] and the returns are thus made: Native citizens, 13,563 white men married in the nation, 147 white women, do. 73 African slaves, 1,277. If this summary of Cherokee population from the census is correct, to say nothing of those of foreign extract, we find that in six years, the increase has been 3,563 souls. National pride, patriotism, and a spirit of independence, mark the Che rokee character. Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, and Moravians, are the most numerous [religious] sects [in the nation.] Some of the most influential characters are members of the church, and live consist ently with their professions. Schools are increasing every year ; learn ing is encouraged and rewarded. The female character is elevated and duly respected. Indolence is discountenanced. We are out of debt, and our public revenue is in a flourishing condition. Our system of government, founded on republican principles, by which justice is equal ly distributed, secures the respect of the people. Newtown is the seat of government. The legislative power is vested in a national Commit tee and Council. Members of both branches are chosen by and from the people, for a limited period. In Newtown a printing press is soon to be established ; also, a national library and a museum." In view of the preceding facts, it is presumed that none will hesitate to admit that the Cherokees are a civilized people. They have among them men of classical education, and of refined manners. It is not pre tended that every individual deserves the appellation of civilized, neither does every individual whom we claim as a citizen of the United States merit the title. No one more reveres the character, or admires the valuable labours of the devoted missionaries who have aided the Cherokees, than I do. We make honourable mention of the excellent Moravian missionaries, and of the worthy Mr. Blackburn ; but both these efforts have been too limited to have a sensible bearing upon the condition of the nation. I must say, it was neither missionaries, nor our benevolent Government, that taught those people to raise cattle, sheep, and swine ; to build houses, plant orchards, make roads, establish ferries, and houses of public en tertainment ; to plough and reap, to spin and weave ; to establish a form of civil government, regulated by a code of wholesome laws, &c. These, and similar blessings, they had acquired prior to any efficient efforts, either on the part of benevolent societies, or of our Government, for the melioration of their condition. Recently, benevolent societies, and our Government, have very happily contributed to the progress of improvement among these people ; but their aid has been chiefly in the matters of education and religion. I have long wondered that the fact, that the Cherokees had climbed to their present elevation in the scale of civilization, without assistance from any other people, except the little lately afforded them, should have been so generally overlooked, by those who wrote and spake of them. The omission is calculated to lead us into error in the matter of Indian reform ; and I have no hesitation in saying, that it has already produced this effect ; or rather, it has cherished old established errors in relation to this subject. So long as the public are impressed with the belief, that the Cherokees have been brought from the savage to the civilized state, by means of civilizing agents which have been sent among them, no thing else is dreamed of in relation to other Indians, than the employ ment of similar means alone. They seem to forget that ever since the year 1646, the time that Elliot commenced his ministry among the na tives, we have been laboiiring for some of the more northwardly tribes, and that they have, all the while, been perishing under our hands. They act as if wholly ignorant of the fact, that the Cherokees have acquired their greatness in the absence of the very remedies which alone they seem inclined to apply to the relief of others. Doubtless, it would have been fortunate for the Cherokees, if they had, all along, been am ply supplied with civilizing agents. Their progress in the arts of civiliz ed life would have been greatly facilitated by such auxiliaries ; but they can be considered, in the work of Indian reform, nothing more than auxiliaries. Benevolent Societies and Government may unite in the employment of those auxiliaries, and yet the people perish place the Indians in a situation favourable to their improvement, yet leave them to encounter the inconvenience of the absence of those auxiliaries, and they will, nevertheless, civilize themselves. Every one can easily perceive, notwithstanding the above observa tions, that in the present state of our country and of the Indians, agents for civilizing and evangelizing them, (for the work ought always to be thus blended,) are most desirable to the accomplishment of our under taking ; and I do heartily wish that every one could, also, as distinctly perceive what to me appears no less plain, that unless we colonize these people, and place them in circumstances similar to those of the Cherokees, they will inevitably perish. Let it be borne in mind that I am not now theorizing ; I am stating plain matters of fact, which speak for themselves >the language of which I think cannot be misunderstood by any one. The inferences I have made are such as all must admit. With the improvement of outward circumstances has been the actual increase in numbers of the Cherokees. This is as we might expect it, and the fact serves still further to develope the causes of decrease of those with whom we are contrasting them. Can any thing in nature be more plain and convincing, than the striking contrast between the miserable wretches on small reservations, or those on our frontiers, not one of five hundred of whom own either cattle, sheep or swine, and not one of ten thousand of whom own either mill, spinning-wheel, or loom, house, or furniture ; and those flourishing countries, towns, and villages, which are inhabited by the Cherokees ? 30 A thousand sayings might be added corroborative of the preceding remarks, and in support of the conclusions which force themselves upon our judgment ; but our object is doubtless attained. There is but one mode of reasoning in the case that is, so long as Indians remain un der the circumstances of the one, they must dwindle ; when placed in circumstances similar to the other, they will thrive. For the latter and more favourable situation, the colonizing plan, and that alone, provides. The causes of the opposite processes are not obscure. The one is sunk into the depths of degradation, and has before it no prospects to cherish hope, and a spirit of improvement while precisely the reverse is hap pily the case with the other. The colonizing plan contemplates the elevation of the Indian charac ter. The degradation stamped on them by our first acts towards them, is to be removed by the very first step to be taken in the measure. We denied the legality of their title to the soil. We are now to assign them a country, and to say to them in the language of truth, never to be re voked, this is yours yours for ever. This will be beginning precisely where we ought to begin, at the very point where the evil began, and which has been the seat of disease ever since. The colonizing plan proposes to place the Aborigines on the same footing as ourselves ; to place before them the same opportunities of im provement that we enjoy, and the same inducements to improve those opportunities. The result, therefore, cannot be doubtful. The colony would commence and improve, much after the manner of all new set tlements of whites, which have been begun and carried forward, under favourable circumstances. Improvements in houses, fields, &c. would at first be rude and ordinary, but every succeeding year would add to their value, and would increase the number of domestic animals, and the comforts of life in general. Schools would be established among them for the instruction of their youth, which, on account of the poverty of the parents, as well as their ignorance of the advantages of education, would, at the commencement, be charity schools. As the state of so- ciety would improve, the calls for charity would diminish, until children, when receiving an education, could be supported by their parents. As by the acquisition of property, the necessity for hunting would be su perseded, and they rendered stationary within reach of the schools, the attendance of the youths would be additionally secured. While, at the same time, both old and young would be kept constantly within the sphere of instruction, in morality, literature, and labour. As circum stances might require, schools of a higher order would be established, and the number of natives qualified to fill every department in ah improv ing community, in the house, the field, the shop, the school, the state, and the church, would annually increase. Experience has taught us that a fruitful source of obstacles to Indian reform exists in the community of right in property, which prevails to too great an extent among the Indians. In cases in which the comfort of society requires the blending of property in common, we often find it divided, and vice versa. The husband and the wife, for instance, have their separate claims to their property; and the husband would almost as soon think of selling the horse of his neighbour, without leave, as that of his wife ; while their lands, in which the individuality of right, ex cept in the case last stated, ought to be identified, are held in common by all. 31 i This community principle, intrudes itself into the domestic and daily comforts of society, to the serious disadvantage of the whole. An indo lent, worthless fellow, who will not grow a hill of -corn, will, day after day, spunge his more industrious countryman, as long as the latter has remaining any portion of the fruit of his industry. Thus it often hap pens that the most idle and improvident, live almost as plentifully as the more industrious, to the encouragement of the one in indolence, and to the discouragement of the other in industry. In the colony, a section of land, of proper dimension, would be mark ed off to each individual, as his own, under certain regulations securing his right against the intrusions to which his imperfect judgment would expose him. This circumstance could not fail to teach him to identify property and individual claims, in all cases where the happiness of so ciety requires it. A man could say, This land is my own, and would readily infer his supreme right to all its proceeds. The right of husband and wife being blended in their land, they would rationally be led to make a common interest in all property, as well as in labour, joy, and sorrow ; while incentives to industry and economy would present them selves to them, and to their rising posterity, from a thousand sources. Laws for the regulation of the community, would be provided by the United States' Government.* These at first would be few and plain, in proportion only to the wants of the case. In judicial, as well as all other transactions in the community, the natives themselves would be employed, so far as persons could be found possessing the requisite qualifications. Being concentrated, instead of dispersed over thousands of miles, trade and intercourse with the whites, could be regulated and maintained upon just and equitable principles. Ardent spirits could be effectually barred out of their country. In a word, all those local evils which are at present frittering away to nothing these wretched people would be avoided, and the advantages which are raising the Cherokees to great ness, would be enjoyed. The logical conclusion, therefore is, the result would be favourable. Here let us remark, that the Cherokees, to whose improvement we appeal with so much confidence and pleasure, are acquiring their cha racter and comforts amidst a pressure of opposing obstacles. The evils resulting from Indian degradation in the estimation of the whites, from the denial of their legal claim to the soil, &c. reach them also in a lamentable degree. Yet like men who could not brook the mise ries of a prison, they are, with Herculean courage, breaking their fetters asunder, and extricating themselves from a labyrinth of woes. The colonists under consideration would be placed in circumstances far more favourable to their improvement, than have been those of the Cherokees; consequently the improvement of the former would be proportionably more rapid than has been that of the latter. What then follows ? These miserable Indians, gathered from their wretched abodes, in which they had been perishing, and placed in " a good land," a land acknowledged to be their own, removed from all the baleful causes of their former calamities, and possessed of all the means which have given character and consequence to their countrymen and kin dred, the Cherokees, not the slightest probability forbids our confident * See this subject considered again in Chapter vi. 32 expectation that they will be lifted up from the dust, to the enjoyment of comforts similar to those possessed by ourselves, and that they will be prepared to call those blessed who wiped away their tears. The plan of colonizing the Indians promises to relieve us from all the inconveniences arising from their hostilities ; from unwholesome sentiments which foreigners have an opportunity of instilling into their minds ; from their residence among us on small reservations, where they have become a nuisance to society ; and from the great embarrass ment which we feel, when a few, better informed than their fellows, come out boldly, and plead their right to the soil, and appeal to the jus tice, humanity, and strength of the United States, for the defence of their claims. Had the colonizing plan been adopted fifty years ago, all the perplexing difficulties which have recently occurred with our southern Indians, on the subject of their claims, would have been prevented. It is to be hoped that our Government will foresee, in this proposed design, the remedy, and the only remedy, of evils which are otherwise likely to exist, arid to multiply to the sad inconvenience of both the white and red people. Some objections to the colonizing plan, can be more properly replied to, when we shall have completed our inquiries relative to the most eligi ble situation for the colony. I will also add, that the suitableness of a situation will increase the weight of every argument which we have ad vanced in favour of the design. CHAPTER V. The most eligible Situation for the Colony is west of the Territory of Arkansaw and the State of Missouri, and south-west of Missouri river. OUR next inquiry should be, Where shall we find the most eligible situation for the colony? Notwithstanding the people of the United States have spread over such a vast extent of territory which was once solely the abode of Indians, yet we consider it fortunate for our subject, that we possess much evidence in favour of the opinion, that the most favourable position for colonizing the Indians, that our territories ever afforded, remains at this time unoccupied by us. Obviously no part of our sea-coast ever could have been, nor ever can be, spared for such a purpose. In point of commercial advantages the shores of our Lakes on the north, are second only to our sea-coasts on the east and south, and do, therefore, for the same reasons, forbid them a home on their borders. Place then} any where in the interior of our country, where they will be surrounded by white population, and they will be still more in our way, than if placed on one of our borders just mentioned. Aside from vexation to us, their residence in the midst of white population would be the source of much evil to them. The North Western Territory has been spoken of as a suitable place for the colonizing of the Indians. But the whole of that, with the ex- 33 ception of the cold, wet regions, at the very sources of the Mississippi, must soon become a most valuable portion of the Union. It doubtless embraces a great deal of fertile soil, and all our maps tell us that the region is uncommonly well provided with water for navigable purposes. The tide of emigration of the people of the United States, is at this time pressing rapidly towards it ; and I am confident that it cannot be stopped on this side of it. Place them on the extreme northern limits of the ter ritory, and they would be immediately adjoining Canada. Bring them down to the southern part, arid they would soon be surrounded by the whites ; as much so as if they had been located in the state of Indiana. Carry them farther, and set them down between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, and our objections still extend to them, though, we ac knowledge, with less force as it respects the valuableness of country, and the speedy approach of white population. Along the vast chain of the snow-topped Andes, or Rocky Mountains, nature has spread, on each side, a barren desert, of irreclaimable steril ity. To what extent this sandy desert spreads to the west of those Mountains, and what exceptions to its barrenness may occur, we have not the means of knowing. Dr. James allows it an average width, on the east side of the mountains, of between 500 and 600 miles. We are pretty confident, however, that that part of it which will be found to be irreclaimable by industiy, will be far less than the above estimate makes it. We shall be safe in supposing the uninhabitable desert to be at least between three and four hundred miles in width. Add to this the regions of the mountains, and the desert on the west, and we have an uninha bitable region of five or six hundred miles in width, certainly, (with the exception of a few inconsiderable valleys within the region of the moun tain itself) and extending south and north into the Mexican, and Bri tish territories. This vast region is not termed 'a desert, merely on account of the partial, or entire, absence of timber, but chiefly because the soil itself is of a quality that cannot be rendered productive by the industry of man. No portion of our territories furnish so few inducements to civil ized man to seek in it a dwelling-place, as that under consideration. This wide desert must for ever form an important border to our white settlements within the valley of the Mississippi ; especially so, when we consider that the streams on each side ]eadfrom the mountains, and so far are calculated to direct commerce from this region, rather than to, or through it. Add to the foregoing considerations the impracticability of navigating most of the streams in the desert, as for instance the Platt, and the entire impossibility of canalling in that thirsty region, destitute of clay and stone, and we are assured that our conclusions are correct. From observation, and information derived from others on which I can rely, I suppose that soil and timber will admit of settlement about 200 miles west of Arkansaw Territory, and the State of Missouri. We propose that above the western line of Missouri, the Missouri river shall be the boundary of the Indian territory on the north-east and north, as far as the mouth of Puncah river ; thence up Puncah river as far as the country is habitable. By this we describe a country about 600 miles in length, between the latitudes of about 33 and 43, and 200 miles in width. Farther west we may suppose the country to be un^phabitable. This country is generally high, healthy and rich, its extent adequate to the purposes under consideration , and the climate desirable. Thus si- 34 tuated, with the desert in their rear, with no important navigable stream leading into their country, but precisely the reverse, with no induce ments in the sterile plains behind them to tempt the enterprise of white men, the colony would be on an outside of us, and less in our way than could have been imagined, had not nature thus marked the hourtderies for us. I cannot conceive why we may not relinquish to them this country, and assure them that it shall be theirs for ever. We admit that there is a scarcity of timber generally throughout the district we have described. It contains, however, abundance of coal, and experience in all prairie countries, in Indiana, Illinois, and Mis souri, tells us, that where there is not a defect in the soil itself, the tim ber will improve both in quantity and in quality, with the settlement of the country ; because the grazing of cattle, &c. opposes the annual fires which sweep over those grassy countries to the great destruction of the forests, and to the prevention of the growth of shrubs which take root in the prairies. By a judicious division of woodland and prairie, among the first inhabitants, there would be timber sufficient to meet the wants of many years ; and it is presumeable that its improvement would be equal to the increasing demands of the colony. A good grazing country must be, of all others, the best adapted to the condition of a people in their transition from the hunter to the civilized state. The comparative ease with which cattle were raised by our southern Indians, was no doubt a circumstance that greatly facilitated the improvement of their condition. In the case before us, we have not, after leaving the regions of Arkansas river, the dense and exten sive cane-brakes which have afforded winter's food for thousands of cat tle in the south. But that this is, nevertheless, an excellent grazing country, none will question ; and this very fact, I trust, will contribute not a little to its commendation. The plains will afford abundance of pasturage for summer, arid hay for winter. Objections to the place we are considering, will be raised upon the supposition that the native inhabitants of that country may become hos tile to the colonists. After observing that the same objections will apply with almost equal weight, to perhaps any other territory that could be thought of for such a purpose, we may remark that no doubt can be entertained of our being able to conciliate the present inhabitants. A portion of the emoluments which they would realize from the negotiations by which their claims to the country would be extinguished., so far as the case should require, might be expended in the improvement of their own lands, the erection of buildings, the furnishing of them with domestic animals, imple ments of agriculture,