STATE SOVEREIGNTY. 
 
 ANB A 
 
 CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, 
 
 BEXJAMENT ROJMTAINE, 
 
 An Old Citizen of 'New-York. 
 
 To the Honorable John C. Calhoun, 
 
 NOW VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 NEW-YORK : 
 JAMES KENffADAY, PRINTER, NO. % DEY-STREET. 
 
 1832. 
 
STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A 
 
 I 
 
 CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, 
 
 BY 
 
 BENJAMOT ROMAINE, 
 
 An Old Citi/en of New-York. 
 
 To tlie Honorable John C. Calhoun, 
 
 NOW VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 J. KENNADAY, PRINTER, NO. 2 DEY-STREET. 
 
 1832. 
 

TO THE PUBLIC, 
 
 lu August 18:U. Vice President Calhoun's first and most extraordinary 
 publication, made its appearance, occupying seven columns of close newspa- 
 per "print, declaring the right of a state to nulify the laws of the United 
 States, on the ground^ of its Sovereignty. 
 
 It is a solecism in language and false in fact, to call that Sovereign* which 
 is subject to the control of another. What shall restrain a Sovereign pow- 
 er, but its limitations ? If the states are all Sovereign, and without an ef- 
 fectual check, or limitation, then is the United States Sovereignty null, be- 
 cause of its limitations : and this is the sum of the whole matter, now at 
 issue. 
 
 The Vice President now makes his second public appearance, in the 
 Charleston Mercury, of date the 23d August last, 1832, in twelve addition' 
 al columns of close newspaper print, which does not add a single impor- 
 tant idea to his seven column production of August 1831. The wordy webb 
 indeed, is now of far finer texture, and well calculated to the purposes of 
 it. It is a mere tfesue of political metaphysicks* to be believed without 
 the possibility of understanding it. 
 
 On the face of the matter, the Vice President is now drawn out by the 
 request of Governor Hamilton of South Carolina, who has been trans- 
 formed, in a few short month?, from a private soldier of the militia to a Ma- 
 jor Generalship, in addition to his gubernatorial command. 
 
 It would thus appear that all things are now ready to the noble work of 
 nulification : as originally planed by that notorious Englishman and mon- 
 archist, President Cooper of South Carolina College, and 1 Robert Y. Hayne / 
 and otephen Miller, Senators, and Geor^n Mo.Du .:*.- W R.Davis, 
 
 John M. Felder, John H. Grifen, W. T. Nockles and Rco rt W. fcarnwell, 
 all members of Congress : had also, jointly proclaimed, and fixed their 
 Signatures to a like manifesto. I am happy to make known, that all tnese 
 gentlemen are of South Carolina only. 
 
 i It is now already seen, in every direction, that Vice President Cal noun's 
 "sentiments and opinions of the relation vthicfi the states and general gov- 
 
&rnmcnt now bear to each other,' arc repeatedly quoted, and are widely 
 spreading their most deloterieuo effects, throughout our states, throughout 
 this continent, and, no doubt, throughout Europe also. It has alreedy con- 
 taminated, in a greater and a less degree, the entire region of the South. 
 * * It sweeps along like the dark and deleterious Sirocco winds, over Affric's 
 burning sands," and " like a new born mist, now seems to blot the sun ! !" 
 
 I have no personal enmity to gratify, n y partialities are favourable to the 
 Vice President as a man, but! can have no idea of half-work in so impor- 
 that a matter, as now agitates the public mind. I only regret to have fail- 
 ed, in several efforts, to elicit some competant talent, in aid of so vast a 
 
 With this apology, and with the most profound respect, 
 I am, the Publics, most 
 
 Obedient Ilu.nble Servant, 
 
 BENJAMIN 7 ROMAINK. 
 
MTATJ3 SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 BT 
 
 AN OLD CITIZEN OF NEW-YORK: 
 
 TO TPIE HONORABLE JOHN C. CALHOUN, 
 
 Now Vice President of the United State?. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I have the honor of a short personal acquaintance 
 with you, sought for and had, during the late war, 
 at the city of Washington, on the several occasions of 
 my official duties there. I have listened to your " sen- 
 timents" on the floor of Congress, with pleasure : 
 and the promptness of your subsequent answers to my 
 several written communications, gave me a favorable 
 opinion of your fitness for office, 
 
 Your very laboured publications to sustain an exis- 
 ting "paramount" Sovereignty in our several States, 
 since the adoption of the present Constitution of the 
 United States, has occasioned a general surprise, and 
 much painful regret. Your Station, the time, man- 
 ner, and perplexing matter of your address, has made 
 it a subject of the highest importance, not to us only,, 
 but very specially to the Republics of South America,- 
 who had adopted our model, and now held in a con- 
 fused struggle of formation, from this impractica- 
 ble doctrine, sought to be sustained among us. 
 
 Of this anti-federal germ you now stand forth 
 the unequaled advocate, although we have a deep ex- 
 perience, and certain knowledge of,its distructive ten- 
 dencies. This I now r pledge myself to substantiate, 
 in a few short numbers, and which, in strict proprie- 
 ty, are addressed to you as my special auditor. It is 
 evident that a great and mighty change of political 
 sentiment, is about to pervade a large portion of this 
 globe. Such great changes, whether religious or po- 
 litical, are of rare occurrence. Europe has been held 
 under the uniform power of personal despotisms, for 
 more than, two thousand years, and the struggle now 
 
(ft 
 
 is if theif institutions are to be eternal ! Our written 
 model of republican Constitution, has gone forth thank 
 God, and yet stands foremost in this high career of 
 social melioration. Hence, Sir, the vast concern to 
 sustain it in all its original puriety, and as it was a- 
 dopted by a united Sovereign people, and as now dis- 
 played by its ample energies, all operating, in due 
 checks and balances, and resting mainly on the single 
 lever of the elective franchise. 
 
 It is on this part of your address, I am now con- 
 strained to animadvert. The tarif question has been 
 laboured,-the constituted authorities have decided, and 
 their I rest that part of your address. 
 
 From your elevated station, bringing into serious 
 controversy any of the fundamental principles of our 
 Constitution, your recently published " sentiments and 
 opinions of tJie relation which the States and general 
 Government now bear to each other" could not but 
 arrest a general attention among your fellow citizens ; 
 and must ultimately seize on the high consideration of 
 foreign Governments, with home we have made, and 
 now hold the most important treaty relations; all of 
 which are bassed on the idea of supreme Sovereignty 
 in tJie collected body of the people of the United States. 
 A total denial of -this fact, is the main subject of your 
 address, and you are the first man who ever assumed a 
 like position, and grounded on a "paramount" Sover- 
 eignty of the individual States, since the adoption of the 
 present Constitution. It is clearly seen, that, your 
 assumption became of indispensible necessity as the 
 ground work of your system of nulification. You have 
 indeed placed yourself, in the front ground, but it can 
 no longer be doubted to be the work of a combination. 
 You have seized on the death robes of the deceased 
 Jefferson to bear you out in your assumptions. You 
 have raked into the embers of his election to the Pre- 
 sidency, in 1800, and the then opposition to the 
 Alien and Sedition laws,and applied these to your pre- 
 sent system of nulification. To proceed these for- 
 eign powers must shortly charge their several Em- 
 bassadors. strictly to inquire if, in reality, the old 
 
(T) 
 
 State Sovereignty texture, of our confederation ol' 
 1778, under which they refused, or rather could not 
 treat with us, as a united Sovereign people, had never 
 ceased to exist; and, if they had been led, deceptively, 
 into those treaties, which you now hold that, a single 
 Sovereign state can nidify at pleasure. And if further- 
 more if our much boasted present Constitution of gen- 
 ( nil Government, had falsly declared to the world, that 
 their " law s were the supreme laws of the land" These 
 powers will naturally present your publication, of a 
 paramount state Sovereignty, as the text-book of their 
 inquiries ; " so says your Vice President, the second 
 officer of your Government /" 
 
 Forty three years of practical use, and investigation 
 of a few pages ot* plain written document, the Consti- 
 tution of the United States, consisting of seven short 
 articles, all expounded upon by seven Presidents of the 
 United States, a regular succession of twenty-two Con- 
 gresses, now composed of forty-eight Senators,two from 
 each state, and about two hundred and ten of the im- 
 mediate representatives of all the people of the United 
 States, added to these, are seven supreme judges, hold* 
 ing their stated court at the seat of government, Hogeth- 
 rr with such other inferior courts in each state, as the 
 Congress may from time to time, ordain and establish." 
 These are the main agencies, among a host of minor 
 agents, civil and military, of our government. The 
 President holds his office during four years, the Sen- 
 ators six, the Representatives two, and the Judges 
 during good behaviour ; all under the penalty of im- 
 peachment, dismissal and disgrace for mal-adminis- 
 tration, and all are bound together by the solemnity 
 of an oath of faithful integrity to " SUPPORT THE 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.' 
 
 THE INDIVIDUAL STATE AUTHORITIES TAKE THE SAME 
 
 OATH, and you have taken the same oath, and are 
 now acting under the high penalties of it. 
 
 " All this dread order break, for whom.?" 
 You now declare to have assumed as facts, and as the 
 main " BASIS" of your productions, certain Kentucky 
 resolutions, and a report of the Virginia Legislature* 
 
(8) 
 
 us tar back as 1798, and passed during the heat of that 
 unexampled party contest, which placed Mr. Jefferson 
 in the chair of the Union ! 
 
 These long by-gone circumstances, arc now totally 
 .irrelevant to your present system of nuliilcation. The 
 resolutions of 1708, went to oppose the admisistration 
 of that day, on the unconstitutionality of the Alien 
 Bill, and the Sedition laws, " as infringements on 
 the liberty of the press, and the freedom of speech-" 
 The first impowered the President to seize any alien, 
 suspected by him to be inimical to the government, and 
 order him to depart the country. This Bill was main- 
 ly aimed at the French citizens among vis, then in the 
 progress of their revolution. The Sedition law im- 
 posed a line and imprisonment on every body, wheth- 
 er alien or native, "for writing, publishing, or pro- 
 claiming any thing tending to bring the government, 
 or its officers into disrepute." 
 
 Several prosecutions, fines and imprisonments were 
 had, in the state courts, under one or both these laws. 
 They became extremely obnoxious; and with Mr. 
 Jefferson at our head, and by means of the elective 
 franchise ! we opposed them with all our might ; and 
 thereby ^CONSTITUTION ALLY, removed that Congress and 
 administration from power. " Go thou and do likewise." 
 
 The Virginia resolution of 1798, you now apply, 
 .and torture their meaning, into your present system of 
 nuiification, and openly declare Mr. Jefferson as an ac- 
 complice ! ! ! He will be fully rescued from the dar- 
 ing aspersion on his posthumous fame. Your princi- 
 ples of nuiification go to destroy the constitution, Mr. 
 Jefferson's principles to sustain it on the ground of the 
 elective franchise, bassed on the will of the majority, 
 which you now also declaritwely oppose. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson asks "is he honest, is he capable, and will he 
 support theConstitution and laws oflhe UnitedStates?* 
 what, Sir, would he now say of your recently declar- 
 ed " sentiments and opinions," in direct opposition to 
 the Constitution, and the " supreme laws of the land ?" 
 
 It will facilitate the means towards a more clear 
 understanding and patriotic a ttractment to'our exist- 
 
(9) 
 
 tng " relations, between the states and general govern- 
 ment," and especially so, to many of the present and 
 rising generations, if we step back, for a few moments, 
 and retrace a short sketch of FACTS, not "opinions 
 and sentiments" which, as a people, and Jieretofore 
 as separate state Sovereignties, we have borne, and 
 that which we now bear to each other. 
 
 On looking over your most dangerous and exten- 
 sively spread epistle, to the people of the United States, 
 it was found that you had adhered almost wholly, and 
 throughout seven columns of close n< wspaper print, to 
 a mere detail of "sentiments and opinins" of your 
 own and one other man, whom you have named, and 
 thus doomed to share with yourself, ike high respon- 
 sibility of YOUR OWN assumptions ! I am sorry to see 
 that great man now named by you as an abetter of 
 your present creed, becaase, #e is dead! His inaugur- 
 al address, in the Presidency proves that, he never 
 was an anti-federalist; at the head of whose banner 
 you have now arrayed yourself. 
 
 Your plan of address, by way of ' opinion" while 
 it affords to you infinite scope, not requiring to be 
 narrowed down by FACTS, determined me to an oppo- 
 site course, both for brevity sake, and as far as possi- 
 ble to exclude " opinions," and leave the community 
 to judge from the facts in the ca,se. 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 BENJAMIN ROMAINE. 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 2. 
 SIR, 
 
 I now proceed to a short sketch of FACTS, in re- 
 lation to our General and State Governments, as 
 
 2 
 
mentioned in No.^l, with the view to a more cit^r 
 understanding of this important subject, and specially 
 so, to many of the present and rising generation, and 
 thus to inspire a patriotic love of our present Union 
 from certain historical facts, thus made familiar. 
 These States were originally divided into thirteen 
 distinct colonies, and subject to Great Briton. Each 
 Colony was held to the Sovereign power by separate 
 charters, alike in character, and which contained a 
 regular form of Government, very like our present 
 State Governments, to which they served as modals. 
 
 The Colonies, now States, all bordering on each 
 other, in one vast range of territory, were at no time 
 a divided people, either in general sentiment or action, 
 but on all occasions of insult, or imposition of the old 
 step-mother, on one Colony, the whole rallied in a 
 mutual defence ; They were however prohibited all 
 foreign commerce, and in some cases the internal 
 commerce between the colonies was restrained. In 
 a most special manner internal manufactures were for- 
 bidden, unde r certain pains and penalties, Machin- 
 ery of every kind, to such end, were hunted out by 
 spies and informers, burnt and destroyed, even the 
 household labours of clothing and the necessary imple- 
 ments of husbandry were limited, in their construction ; 
 and Pitt, the British Minister (whom we are in the habit 
 of eulogising) had declared that the "Colonists ought 
 not to be permitted to make a Hub Nail." 
 
 The Colonists submitted to these restrictions with- 
 out any general risings; but on all attempts to raise 
 a direct revenue by mere act of Parliament, and with- 
 out our due representation there, or even the consent 
 of our Colonial Legislatures, was instantly met by a 
 combined opposition, on the ground that "represen- 
 tation and taxation were inseparable, by the British 
 Constitution." 
 
 In 1764, certain Bales of stampt paper, were trans- 
 mitted to the Colonies, by act of Parliament. The 
 old Dutch Republicans of this city, who emigrated here 
 from Holland, when it was a republic, and who had 
 been exchanged, by Holland, to the English, for 
 
(11) 
 
 surrinam in South America, seized on the stamp pa- 
 pers, and burnt them, together with Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor Colden's coach, taken from the west wing of the 
 Fort, mounted with about forty pieces of cannon, and 
 which then stood at the lower part of Broadway, be- 
 low the present Bowling Green. 
 
 The obnoxious stamp act was repealed, and the Col- 
 onies returned to their allegiance, regardless of the de- 
 claration, which was suffered to remain on the English 
 Statute Books; proclaiming their "right to tax the 
 Colonies in all cases whatsoever" 
 
 The British Government then proceeded to erect 
 new Forts, and strengthen the old ones, " to trans- 
 port and quarter among us, large bodies of armed 
 troops, without the consent of our Legislatures ;" and 
 in 1775 the famous Tea-project was ordained, with de- 
 termination to enforce a direct tax. Accordingly a 
 ship load was sent to Boston, and the people, commit- 
 ted the whole cargo to one drawing in the salt waters 
 of Massachusetts Bay. Boston harbour was blocka- 
 ded and her Charter declared null and void. The 
 Colonists rallied in defence, and afforded every aid to 
 the invaded Colony. 
 
 The determination of England to enforce her long 
 brooded intent, to raise a direct revenue, in addition 
 to the vast advantages derived from the Colonies, as 
 the consumers of her surplus manufactures, was no 
 longer a matter of doubt. 
 
 It became necessary to prepare for the conflict, or 
 yield, ingloriously, to a degrading submission. The 
 Colonists chose the combat! They were destitute of 
 the munitions of war, and without consentration to di- 
 rect any unitted force. Their chief cities were occu- 
 pied by trained regiments, in military array, and their 
 harbours guarded by hostile ships. The uniting Sov- 
 ereign power, was not only withdrawn, but had de- 
 clared the Colonies to be in a state of rebellion to it. 
 
 Such, Sir, was the train of relations which the Col- 
 onies (now states) then bore to each other ; and if ev- 
 er a time existed, calculated to " try mens souls? t>"~ 
 noint of it, capt the climax of human firiP 1 ^ 
 
(12) 
 
 Our political ship was thus launched on the wide 
 ocean of revolt and made subject to the caprice and 
 dictation of thirteen adventitious Sovereignties, and 
 independent commanders-in-chief; and all of them 
 unacquainted, or crudely informed, to act in their 
 newly acquired capacity, to wield or direct a united 
 Sovereign power. 
 
 JjT I n a M communities of men it has been found 
 indispensable to create a MAJESTY, a Sovereign 
 contro/ing power, an Arbiter which can have no 
 equal, and much less a superior, or it could not be 
 Sovereign, nor act efficiently to a general interest. 
 
 Thus Governments of every kind must possess the 
 power of self-preservation. The} n ust be able to en- 
 force the civil laws, command the national purse, 
 bring into action the physical force, put down insur- 
 rection and rebellion, punish treason, repel invasion, 
 defend the nation against foreign power and internal 
 defection, and thus provide for the general welfare. 
 No Government can permit, or shew a weakness, or 
 failure, in any of these indispensible requisites, with 
 security to itself, and let it be forever remembered 
 " that fears in the public councils betray like treason" 
 We ought never to doubt for a moment, of the effi- 
 ciency of our government, to sustain its united integ- 
 rity. Washington's farewell address. 
 
 To proceed. The Colonists began their research of 
 a new Sovereign, at the true fountain head of all le- 
 
 fitimate authority. THE WHOLE PEOPLE ; and have 
 nally constituted and "consolidated" themselves, as 
 the only true, and never to be divided Sovereignty ; 
 thus for ever excluding all personal rivalships, and 
 family successions, from the supreme power. These 
 have been the causes of the most cruel and vindictive 
 wars of any other source of contention among man- 
 kind. The distressed people of Portugal are now suf- 
 fering in their blood and treasure, in a mere family ri- 
 valship. , 
 
 On closing this number, I am constrained here to 
 say, in advance of my subject, and with great reluc- 
 tance, that, in my full belief, no man, of all the parties 
 
(13) 
 
 whoever spoke or wrote in relation to our union, has? 
 ever presented to the world our united Sovereignty in 
 so unfavourable a condition, as you have done. For 
 the present, the following extract, from your production 
 will aifbrd a short specimen. 
 
 You have declared to the world, " that the South de- 
 " mands free trade, light taxes, economical and equal 
 "disbursments, unshackled industry leaving them to 
 "pursue their OWN interists. (This demand is im- 
 "" possible while the present Constitution exists.) That 
 " from the Potomack to the Mississippi, if dependent 
 ;i on their own volitions, every shackle on commerce 
 " would be removed, which now represses, and en- 
 " crouches on their enjoyments. That no two na- 
 " tions EVER entertained, more opposite views of 
 "POLICY, than these two sections!!" (I take these 
 " sentiments," to be a direct excitement to rebellion, 
 and a gross calumny on the patriotism of the intire 
 South of our union.) "That we have arrived to a 
 " point which a great change CANNOT be much longer 
 ;i delayed, and the more promptly it be met, the less ex- 
 "citernent there will be, and the greater leisure, and 
 " calmness in making the TRANCISION ; (what tranci- 
 " sion ?)and which becomes those the more IMMDEIATE- 
 " LY interested to consider ! [who are they.] That to 
 ;i delay longer must finally increase the SHOCK, and 
 * ; disastrious consequences which may follow ! ! !" If 
 these " sentiments and opinions," do not lead direct to 
 a dissolution of our 'union, I know of no words, more 
 expressive of suR effect ; and the Potomack is assum- 
 ed as the line of separation. Thus according to your 
 " sentiments," all further attempto to modify the tarif 
 duties as a peace offering, must prove to be worse 
 than useless ! at any rate, the extent of your patriotism, 
 of which you repeatedly boast, differs widely from that 
 of the father of his united Country, whose prophetic 
 mind foresaw all you have now written, and therefore 
 placed his opposing " sentiments" on the eternal re- 
 cord! Viz : " The unity of government which con- 
 " stitutes you one people, is also ever dear to you, much 
 " pains will be taken to weaken in your minds this 
 
44 truth. Designing men may endeavour to excite a 
 " belief fliat tliere is a real difference ofinterists and 
 " mews ; beware of heart burnings from these mis- 
 " representations. Frowning upon the first dawning 
 " of every attempt to-alienate any portion of our country 
 " from the rest, enfeabling the sacred ties, which link 
 " together the various parts !" 
 
 No. 3 will RBsume a moro regular \ \ am ^ Yours, &C. 
 train of relations on this all \ 
 important subject, } BEN J. ROMAINE. 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 SIR. 
 
 In No. 2 the events of our Revolution, from its com- 
 mencement, were noted, and it is now intended to 
 keep the subject in connection, as far as a hasty 
 review will admit. The absolute necessity of some 
 general form of United Government of the Colonies, 
 became indespensible to a successful opposition to 
 the vast power of England. 
 
 The Colonists, as stated in No. 1, began their re- 
 searches of a new Sovereign Authority, at the only 
 true fountain head of all legitimate^Sovereignty, 
 THE WHOLE PEOPLE. From their primary 
 assemblies they first delegated the power to certain 
 committees of "public safety" to communicate with 
 like committees, in the several Colonies. Provincial, 
 or rather Colonial Congresses followed in course, and 
 finally a Continental Congress was delegated from 
 the same sacred fountain. They were however cau- 
 tiously intrusted with powers which had relation to 
 the whole Union. Each Colony paid its own dele- 
 gates, and on the recommendation of the General 
 Oft ~^s. each independent Colonv furnished, or not> 
 
as they chose, tu*,:* quota of men ana mo*****? . 
 
 a general defence, and tJien without incurring the sin 
 
 of rebellion or treason. 
 
 The immortal Congress of 1776, saw in clear per- 
 spective, the doubtful cohesion of the thirteen Sov- 
 ereign Commanders, at least in their Colonial capa- 
 city, and on the 4th day of July, 1776, they assumed 
 a daring attitude, a national character ! They ap- 
 pealed to their God, and the civilized world, "and de- 
 clared the United Colonies to be free, Sovereign and 
 independent STATES ! " a noble responce resound- 
 ed throughout the land, the received spirit appalled 
 the internal opposition, and Europe hailed the energy, 
 and magnitude of the deed ; aid and aliances followed, 
 as the new Constellation was seen rising at the verge 
 of the political horizon. 
 
 Hostile armies were landed on our coasts in 1776, 
 and began their work of distruction by fire and sword; 
 and Washington was beaten in every direction. Our 
 war of defence dragged on heavily, from the tardy 
 supplies of the several Sovereignties, and at the be- 
 gining of the Winter of 1777, our little reduced army 
 was in full retreat, through the Jerseys, towards 
 Philadelphia, and closely pursued by a British force, 
 more than three times our number. 
 
 The Congress then requested Gen. Washington to 
 accept the sole direction of the war! when he in-* 
 stantly faced about, and at night, in a violent snow 
 storm, he recrossed the Delaware River, a short dis- 
 tance above the* enemies' camp, and captured nine 
 hundred Hessians at Trenton. The General writes 
 to Congress, "that the soldiers were then destitute of 
 shoes to their feet, and that their footsteps were 
 marked in blood ! " The British General was 
 obliged to retrace his steps back towards New- York, 
 and failed to reach Philadelphia that winter. 
 
 In 1778 the Congress, as an additional incentive 
 to a unity of defence, presented to the State Legisla- 
 tures, for their adoption, a kind of general Constitu- 
 tion, consisting of thirteen articles, declared to be 
 "articles of confederation and perpetual union" 
 
(16) 
 
 'They were nowever, not ratified by the States until 
 the 1st of March, 1781, two years only before the close 
 of the revolutionary war, because of the incessant 
 excitement of State jealouscies. 
 
 This "firm league of friendship" between the 
 states, begins thus, "each state retains its Sover- 
 eignty, freedom and independence, and every power, 
 jurisdiction and right, which is not, by this confeder- 
 *ation, expressly delegated to the United States in 
 Congress assembled" Our present Constitution be- 
 gins thus, " We the people of the United States, tyc. 
 The words State Sovereignty, are not mentioned in 
 it, and for the best reason in the world, because that 
 was yielded to the general government 
 
 The state Sovereignties, before they ratified the ar- 
 ticles of confederation, had restricted the powers of 
 Congress, in making war and peace, in borrowing mo- 
 nies, in the formation of treaties, and regulations of 
 commerce, &c. 
 
 Our internal supplies depended as before the Con- 
 federation, on the will and pleasure of each Sovereign 
 State. The general Congress was expressly forbidden 
 to make any "treaty of Commerce, whereby the Legis- 
 " lative power of the Sovereign States shall be restrain- 
 *' ed from imposing such imports and duties on foreign- 
 " ers as their own people are subject to, or from pro- 
 -" hibiting the exportation or importation of any spe- 
 " cies of goods or commodities whatsoever," &/c. , 
 
 I seek brevity, Sir, nor is it necessary further, in 
 theis place, to notice the defective arrangements of the 
 old confederation. 
 
 Nevertheless the seven years battle was fought, and 
 the British Lyon was made to cower under the talons 
 of the American Bird, in 1783. Britain however pre- 
 dicted, and on commercial grounds, that distruction 
 from our internal discord, which her arms had 
 failed to effect ; and now also, from your recently pub- 
 lished " sentiments and opinions," and on the same 
 grounds it is threatened and made to appear that, the 
 fulfillment of the prophecy, is near at hand, and the 
 "present English Tarif question, is to complete the 
 
(17) 
 
 prediction!!! But I am again in advance of tin 
 subject. 
 
 Four years elapsed, after the peace, under the old 
 confederation, and which had completely failed of all 
 uniting purposes between the Sovereign states. The 
 extention of our commercial relations, and the local, 
 dissimilar, and imposing arrangements of some of the 
 most powerful states, pointed to a more efficient Leg- 
 islation to preserve the integrity of the union ; and 
 more especially, for the united adjustments and forma- 
 \ tion of our treatise, both political and commercial with 
 foreign states and nations. 
 
 These nations refused, nay they could not treat 
 with us collectively, as a united people, while the sev- 
 eral states continued to be distinct and separate Sov- 
 ereignties, as declared by the old confederation. 
 
 Thus our existance in thirteen independent Sover- 
 eignties, and destitute of a united and controlling en- 
 ergy, was demonstrated to be totally incompatible with 
 union at home or respect abroad, and which became 
 the sole^cause for calling the contention, of the then 
 Sovereign States to remedy the evil ! Certain states 
 had actually commenced restrictions on the inter- 
 course with other states, and to form separate tariffs of 
 internal duties, and also on * exports and imports" 
 with foreign nations. Alamode, your State Sover^ 
 *eignty. 
 
 A new state of our relations was thus seen to be of 
 immediate necessity. The state Sovereignties had, as 
 yet, no enmitiesjtowards each other ; they were a Band 
 of Brothers, left destitute of a cohesive principle which 
 the pressure of the war had effected, and were about 
 to form separate treatise with foreign nations, and thus 
 ;to become the sport of tyrants, and the derision of the 
 world ! Yes, Sir, and all this in about four years of 
 peace, and after their joint, and successful war of revo- 
 lution. Thus had the states in their separate Sov- 
 ereignties well nigh completed the ruin predicted by 
 our enemies at the end of the war ! 
 
 These once venerated shades (the State Sovereign- 
 ties,) you have now raised into new life, and placed 
 
 3 
 
them once more in hostile array to each other, and 
 specially to the general government, and clothed in 
 the most terriffic forms. The present and rising 
 generations are now taught, by the Vice President, 
 that no two nations ever entertained more opposite 
 views of policy and interests, than the two sections" 
 the South and the North of our republics, " on the 
 line of the Potomac !" What can now suffice all the 
 declarations of your patriotism, as regards the integ- 
 rity of the union, after such deliberate, open, and a- 
 vowed " sentiments and opinions ?" The excitements 
 of speech, on the floor of Congress, do not bear, on the 
 public mind, that forceof intent, though the same 
 " sentiments and opinions" be expressed in the heat 
 of debate. 
 
 Tarn, Yours, &c. 
 
 BENJ. ROMAINE, 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 4. 
 SIR, 
 
 In No. 3, the most critical events of our revolu- 
 olution were hastily sketched. The declaration of 
 Independence, in 1 776, revived the drooping spirit of 
 the Colonists, appalled the internal opposition, and 
 Europe hailed the energy and magnitude of the deed. 
 The seven years battle was fought and won ; when, 
 in less than four years after the peace, the states, in 
 their individual Sovereignty, had well nigh produced 
 that ruin to our union, which the whole power of Eng- 
 land had failed to effect ; and which Lord Sheffield had 
 predicted, in his writings of that day, on the American 
 
 COMMERCE. 
 
 The United States government, constructed as it 
 now is, of agents to execute the whole people's Sover- 
 eign power, and who are to be changed at their will, 
 can never become a tyranny. The state governments 
 in Sovereignty must, long e'er this day have become 
 conttending despotisms ; our revolution a curse, and 
 
(ID) 
 
 the people of each state made aliens, and foreigners to 
 each other, and far less degrading and humiliated would 
 have been our present condition, to have remained the 
 slaves and commercial dependents of our old task- 
 ' master. 
 
 Every individual would now be obliged to seek pas- 
 ports, suffer search of Person, of Baggage or Mer- 
 chandize, at the point of the bayonet, and a thousand 
 harrassments in passing and repassing through each 
 of the Sovereign states. In such case I need not men- 
 tion the personal affronts, the contentions, and honor- 
 able wars, between certain state High-Mightiness, 
 Chieftains, Kings, Lords or Barons; and all to be 
 held in perpetual armour, and other proud Ensignia, 
 of battle to sustain the dignity of their several inde- 
 pendent state domains, at the expense of blood, and 
 the treasure of an enslaved people. Even NOW, such 
 choice spirits, though yet without titles, we have never 
 ceased to witness them here, flitting about, in our 
 several states, and in a kind of mimical majesty, cre- 
 ating disputes, both political and personal ; and then 
 searching for partizans to defend their characters, in 
 both capacities; and specially in their repeated attacks 
 on the general government. These men will always 
 be found, determined to sustain the states in their in- 
 dividual Sovereignty, because when that shall be seen 
 as " obviously impracticable" under our present con- 
 stitution, as the convention who formed it, declared it 
 to be, then will the " Othellos' occupations be gone" 
 and the boundry line be set to an irregular and tumul- 
 tuous ambition. I would not be understood as sensur- 
 ing the honorable pursuit of fame. This passion truly 
 directed, is the glory of man. Washington is one of 
 the brightest examples, in its pursuit ! I will further 
 remark here, that, our free trade, and uninterupted in- 
 tercourse between the states, by land and water, now 
 free from " imports" and other taxation, as the winds 
 which wafts it a long our whole seaboard, and the 
 rivers of the interior; which, together with our Ca- 
 nals, Rail-Roads, and other national improvements, 
 if not blighted by your nulifications, must continue to 
 
P5 
 
 increase our free international commerce, and speedi- 
 ly produce the best market in the world for the con- 
 sumption of our staple productions ; and thus ulti- ' 
 mately fill up the measure of our glorious Union and 
 Independence ! 
 
 f Permit me now to sketch a parellel to our existance, 
 in separate state Sovereignties. About one thousand 
 years ago the Emperor Charlemagne attained to the 
 sway of Europe, and after his death the Empire split into 
 about nine hundred independent Sovereignties. The 
 scenes of blood began ; each Baron, or Chieftain, con- 
 tended with the others, for increase of dominion ; and 
 that devoted country, to this day, presents the uncea- 
 sing groans of a political Volcano, and ready to burst 
 forth, every moment. It is now, governed by about 
 three hundred distinct Sovereignties ; and the great 
 body of the people exist, in humiliated poverty ; and 
 are driven to exercise the most ferocious passions a- 
 gainst their nearest neighbours. All these sovereign- 
 ties are now sustained in perpetual preparation for 
 war with each other, and which frequently depends on 
 the mere breath of a single individual, who may have 
 become affronted with his neighbouring Chieftain, 
 perhaps at the instigation of some modern Helen, or 
 Cleopatra, or on some diplomatic quibble, always at 
 hand, when war is declared. After this thousand years 
 round of bloodshed, Napoleon Buonaparte, had again 
 nearly grappled the whole, and brought Europe to 
 the point, of sole dominion, where Charlemagne had 
 left it a thousand years before. This, Sir, is in amount, 
 the history of Europe for the thousand years last past, 
 and may serve as a model, to minds capable of critical 
 investigation, on the doctrine of chances, in our State 
 Sovereignties, for a thousand years to come. 
 
 Will you, Sir, now pause with me for a moment, at 
 the verge of the precipice, to whichfacts, of our own 
 experience, not " opinions," have, again brought us 
 back in full review ? and to which the states in their 
 Sovereignty had led the people of the United States 
 in 1787, as stated in No. 3. Can you now believe, and 
 yet hold it^as your "confirmed opinion, that on the 
 
(21) 
 
 "recognition and continuance of our utatesin their 
 " individual Sovereignty, depends the stability and 
 " safety of our political institutions? " Sir, your mis- 
 givings have become apparent, as in many other parts 
 of your production, and you do well now to state, 
 that, " / am not ignorant, that those opposed to the 
 " doctrine (of State Sovereignty,} have always, now 
 " and formerly, regarded it in a different light, as 
 "' monarchical and revolutionary ! " I am almost sorry 
 that you were not " IGNORANT" of this FACT. 
 
 However this may be I proceed most joyfully to 
 state, that, in the direful emergency, as above stated, 
 and within one step of a like course of distructive con- 
 sequences, the ever guarding angle of our union, once 
 more led the way, in a straight line, to the harbour of 
 our salvation! Will twelve millions of United Free- 
 men now fail of a redeeming power from the abbera- 
 tions of about three dozen of her tumultuous and 
 boisterous sons ? 
 
 In the same year, 1787, were assembled at Phila- 
 delphia, a convention of sages,Washington, Franklin, 
 and Madison were among them, regularly, delegated 
 and instructed, by their local and separate state Sov~ ' 
 creignties, then in full power and authority. You. * 
 repeatedly, and nineteen times over, insist that, these 
 delegates acted throughout in behalf of their respective , 
 states only, and not as from " one aggregate political 
 community," This, is a selfevident fact, and needed 
 no repetition, because there was then no " aggregate," 
 or United Sovereign people in existance here, it was to 
 effect, THAT, as the main object, which the Sovereign" 
 people of the states, by their united convention was in 
 search of, and which^had become absolutely necessary" 
 to relieve themselves from the impending dismember- 
 ment of the union, which the states, in their Sovereign- 
 ties, had nearly accomplished. Of all absurdities, 
 THAT on which you now predicate, an existing state 
 Sovereignty, and from the very act (the present Con- 
 stitution of the United States) by which they unani- 
 mously relinquished it, is the most derogatory to com- 
 
(SB) 
 
 iiion sense, and acknowledge fact, of any "sentiment* 
 ever assumed on the public credulity ! ! ! 
 
 To proceed. That august body, unparelleled in 
 the annals of history, has displayed to an admir ing- 
 world, a political phenomenon, the Sovereign pow- 
 er is not placed in an individual, but in the wJiole 
 people of the United States ! The military is made 
 subject to the civil power, and has now controled it, 
 both in peace and war, for more than forty-three 
 years, and the majority governs by universal suffrage. 
 Our Republic is marching on a line unpracticed in 
 the history of man. The eyes of philanthropists 
 throughout the world, view every of its seeming oscil- 
 lations with doubting and painful sensibilities ; while 
 its foes glory in every phantom view of its ruin. The 
 .careful preservation of a true history of men and 
 things, is all important to us, to the world, and to 
 future ages. Every member of this grand republic 
 should treasure up his recollection, and those who 
 can write, to sustain their parts, and fearlessly sketch, 
 in bold relievo, the true political character of men 
 and things, whatever their station has been or may be. 
 Political immorality has at all times opened the flood- 
 gates of human woe, and made this world an acelda- 
 ma of blood. "Any thing is fair in politics," say 
 some, and again, " / care not a d nfor my politi- 
 cal character, that is fair game" &>c. 
 
 Our Government was formed by the unanimous 
 vote of all the States, when in their separate Sover- 
 eign capacities, and nothing short of a like vote will 
 be permitted to dissolve it as now existing in their 
 united Sovereignty, one and indivisible. 
 
 Six thousand years are said to have passed since 
 the creation, and the United States is the first in- 
 stance of a great nation, in a time of profound peace, 
 whose religion was of their own choice, whose poli- 
 tics were derived from their own experience, freed 
 from the power of personal despotisms, and from the 
 superstitions of the old world; and thus choosing 
 their form of Government. Then it was, that our 
 sages deliberated, and by the most happy combina- 
 
lion, they finally arranged, entwined, "consolidated" 
 and formed our general Government, and WHOL- 
 LY BY AUGMENTATIONS OF POWER 
 ADDED TO THE INDIVIDUAL STATE 
 GOVERNMENTS ! ! This fact will be demonstra- 
 ted in No. 5. Can you, Sir, ever again repeat the 
 gross absurdity, that these things "strip the States 
 of their Sovereignty, and degrade them in fact to 
 mere corporations ? " 
 
 If, however, to gratify individual State pride, you 
 chose to misname and yet call our State rights, State 
 Sovereignty, it may for a while continue to confuse 
 the public mind, though in either case, it can only be 
 a STATE AFFAIR ; and you cannot go, Consti- 
 tutionally, one inch beyond your boundary line, with- 
 out trespassing on some other State Sovereignty. 
 But our State Rights, as now cemented into our 
 United Sovereignty, is of free passport, and honora- 
 ble mention throughout the world; they disdain to 
 quibble, and excite turmoil and disunion by misrepre* 
 Dentations among the people. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 BENJAMIN ROMAINE. 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 5. 
 SIR, 
 
 In No. 4, the advantages of our union, and the 
 contrary, were delineated. 
 
 It is of general remark, "that the States had given 
 away a large portion of their liberties to secure the rest.' 
 Such is not the fact. No important State authority, 
 which they ever exercised, under the Old Confedera- 
 tion, except their adventitious $nd mpst destructive 
 
(ID 
 
 individual Sovereignty, was yielded to the general 
 Government, that is yielded to themselves collectively; 
 and in the most ample manner and form, with full 
 powers to enforce and sustain their undivided integri- 
 ty, from foreign attack, and internal aberration. Not 
 only was every State light made sacred, but vast 
 additional powers and influences were guaranteed to 
 them for ever; a free press, a full share of repre- 
 sentation in both houses of Congress, to guard the 
 general and local interests of each State, and the free 
 instructions to them in the Councils of the nation. 
 The Senators from each State control the President 
 in all our foreign relations, and in his nominations to 
 office, both civil and military, which appertain to the 
 Government of the United States. Are these things, 
 and a thousand more, ." the giving away of State 
 Rights?" Each State now stands erect, as a mighty 
 column, " consolidated " in the fabric of Union, and 
 is protected by the whole power of it ! That which 
 injures one State, must injure all ; and no unjust or 
 unequal law can be long sustained, having such ten- 
 ( dency, if it be possible to afford relief ; and be as- 
 sured Sir, that none of the states would yield their 
 proud original, present eclat, and elevation in the eye 
 x>f the world, (and their own united power ',) for all the 
 individual state Sovereignty blessings you now seek to 
 renew as under the old confederation. 
 
 Suppose, Sir, that, by your influence and that of 
 ,others, t any state should be led to commence operations 
 on the ground of its Sovereignty! The first step 
 would be individual and state perjury ; and the line of 
 march through Rebellion and Treason against the 
 Sovereignty of the Union. I will only express an opinion 
 here, by way of answer, which is, that not only every 
 other State in the Union would instantly proclaim its 
 interdiction against such individual authority, but 
 that the united Sovereign people of such State, them- 
 selves would speedily arrest and settle the matter 
 with the aspirants; and without a single effort of the 
 general Government ; as I hare the best reasons to 
 Relieve, old Connecticut would have done during the 
 
(25) 
 
 late war, on the first overt act of treason, or rebellion 
 against the union, and I also believe that the people 
 of Georgia and South Carolina would do the same, 
 at this moment ! It will be. found that, the toil and la- 
 bour of our revolution is not to be triffled with by a 
 few daring and desperate individuals. 
 
 To proceed, the convention having finished the 
 work assigned to them, by their separate tate Sover- 
 eignties, did on the 17th day of September, 1787,-"le- 
 " solve, that the preceeding Constitution be laid before 
 the United States in Congress assembled, and that 
 " it is the opinion of this Convention that it should af- 
 " terwards be submitted to a Convention of delegates 
 " chosen in each state, by the people thereof, under the 
 " recommendation of its Legislature, for their assent 
 u and ratification." 
 
 In conformity to this resolution the Convention 
 finally closed their labours, by the following (in part 
 recited) address to the President of Congress. 
 
 Sir, "We have now the honor to submit to the 
 " consideration of the United States in Congress as- 
 " sembled, that Constitution which has appeared to us 
 4 the most advisable," 
 
 " The friends of our coujitry have long seen and 
 4i desired, that the power of making War, Peace and 
 "Treaties, that of levying money and regulating 
 ." commerce,, and the correspondent executive and ju- 
 " dicial authorities should be fully and effectually ves- 
 " ted in the general government of the Union. It is OB- 
 VIOUSLY IMPRACTICABLE, in the federal government 
 " of these states, to secure all rights of Independent 
 " Sovereignty to each and yet provide for the interests 
 " and safety of all" 
 
 " In all our deliberations on this subject we kept 
 " steadily in our view, that which appears to us the 
 " greatest interest of every true American, the CON- 
 *f SOLIDATION of our Union, in which is involved our 
 ; - prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national exist- 
 "ence. This important consideration, seriously and 
 "deeply impressed on our minds, led each state, in the 
 " Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior mag- 
 
 3 
 
(26) 
 
 ^nitude, then might have been otherwise expected. 
 4i That it may promote the lasting welfare of that 
 " Country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom 
 ? 4 and happiness, is our most ardent wish." 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 We have the honor to be, 
 Sir, 
 
 Your Excellency's most 
 Obedient and Humble Servants, 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, 
 
 By unanimous order of the 
 Sept. 17th. 1787. Convention. 
 
 His Excellency, the President of Congress. 
 
 The Convention having thus recapitulated the 
 main principles of the Constitution, in the plain simple 
 language of it, and then, understood both by natives 
 and foreigners in the same common sense way; and 
 on the faith of which they entered into treaties with 
 us as a " consolidated " and united people. 
 
 Sir, you have laboured hard and long, and wholly 
 against the OBVIOUS CURRENT or FACTS, and with evi- 
 dent perplexity to your own mind, in endeavours to 
 prove the fallacy of a continued existence, under our 
 present Constitution, of a plurality of independent So- 
 vereignties, as under the old Confederation ; when, 
 Sir, to redeem the dread consequences in that state of 
 things, (as proved in No. 3,) became the sole cause of 
 calling the convention by the people of the Sovereign 
 States! 
 
 The Convention also declares it "obviously im- 
 " practicable, in the federal Government of those 
 "States, to secure all the rights of independent 
 " sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the inter- 
 "est and safety of all." Here the Convention af- 
 firms the abolition of the State Sovereignties, as an 
 act of plain common sense necessity, and to avoid 
 a downright absurdity, from their having "consoMda- 
 
(27) 
 
 ted" the Sovereign power in the whole people of the 
 States collectively ; and who, by their several inde- 
 pendent State Conventions, consented to be cloth- 
 ed with every attribute of power, denominated su- 
 preme, and as appertains to every other Government 
 on earth ; when each state, tJien relinquished its indi- 
 vidual Sovereignty, and in good faith, proceeded so to 
 alter and conform their several State Constitutions 
 accordingly. If the State Sovereignties had been 
 reserved, would they have failed to mention it in their 
 State Constitutions ? or in that of the United States ? 
 Surely, Sir, those sacred instruments, and specially 
 the old thirteen, and those since formed, would have 
 been made the depositories of so sacred a reservation ! 
 
 I am, Yours, &c. 
 
 BENJ. ROMAINR 
 
 STAT13 SOVEREIGNTY* 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Ouf general government is not now a compact, 
 contract, bargain or compromise, between twenty- 
 four independent states Sovereignties; that com- 
 pact has been had, and settled. It is now a gov^ 
 eminent in fact, holding command, and by order of 
 the whole people, of all the energies of supreme power 
 over the Union, to enforce and sustain its undivided 
 integrity. It cannot now turn to the right hand nor 
 to the left, until it be forced into a display of the peo- 
 ples power, by some overt act, of daring obstruction to 
 its straight forward, constitutional course. 
 
 If the executive arm shall fail, or refuse to en- 
 force the supreme laws, or other misdemeanor, or tu- 
 multuous excitement, then will the peoples' resrved 
 power, through THEIR immediate representatives, irt 
 the Congress of the United States, resume the execit^ 
 tive command, and impeach such delinquent, at the 
 
fiar of the Nation ; whether it be the President, the 
 Vice President, or other individual who may be called 
 to exercise the Executive Authority ; Then, Sir, will 
 the supreme judiciary preside, and the Senate 
 of 'the United States, the immediate representatives of 
 the states, as states collectively, try and adjudge 
 such delinquent, in conformity to the Sacred Charter 
 of Union. 
 
 The Governor of Connecticut, on the request of Miv 
 Jefferson, then President of the United States, to have, 
 I think, 437 men from that state, to enable him to en- 
 force the law of Embargo on that coast, was denied by 
 the Governor, declaring "the law of the United States 
 to be unconstitutional ! yes UNCONSTITUTIONAL as the 
 tariff laws are now also declared to be by the Vice 
 President of the United States!" 
 
 I have often thought, and do now believe, that if 
 Mr. Jefferson had enforced the law of Embargo, in 
 Connecticut at that time by Continental Troops, or 
 had only called on the people of Connecticut, that 437 
 naked steels, both Federal and Republican, would 
 have leaped from their seaboards to sustained him, in 
 support of the general government. In such case, we 
 should never have had the late and leading re- 
 solves of the scholars of that notorious Englishman, 
 and noted monarchist, President Cooper (already 
 mentioned) of South Carolina College, nor of the Col- 
 leton, and present resolutions of South Carolina ; and 
 now led on by their leaders, governor and all, to the 
 borders of rebellion, in their opposition to the TARIFF 
 LAWS! 
 
 President Jackson will shortly be put to the test, as 
 respects his courage and veracity, in the execution of 
 the laws of the United States, in South Carolina; or 
 in some Southern Convention about to be raised up, 
 and in opposition to the Union, over which he now 
 presides. 
 
 Respecting^ the Hartford Convention in 1814, at 
 the East, it lias been repeatedly declared and never de- 
 nied, that General Jackson, affirmed, that if he had 
 
(29) 
 
 been in command there, he would have hung their 
 main leaders, " by the second article of war!" Our 
 Southern Brethren would do wisely to see to this 
 thing, in this year of our Lord 1832! 
 
 Wrong precedents in a government like ours, we al- 
 ready see, become big with future evils, and which 
 ought to be speedily and firmly corrected. It is thus on- 
 ly that our general government can attain and maintain 
 a fixed character, as respects the exercise of its Sov- 
 ereign power, amidst the present and most daring as- 
 sumptions, on the ground of state Supremacy. I have 
 now no doubt this will ultimately demand of the only 
 true Sovereign authority, some high display of its 
 Constitutional energies to preserve itself; or relin- 
 quish ingloriously, to a few desparate and daring . 
 spirits, to be found in every state, the entire glory of 
 our revolution! Have I here seemed to express a 
 doubt of the energies of twelve millions of free-men to 
 sustain their present proud stand among the nations 
 of this earth ? Perish the dastardly conception for- 
 ever! This error of evil omen, having silently passed " 
 along in the current of our time, and without any gen- 
 eral discussion, has really so far entered into a general 
 belief, as to startle many of our informed citizens to ' 
 hear it denied, that the States are not now, nor have 
 been Sovereign since the adoption of the United 
 States Constitution. It would be well to begin a new 7 , 
 and reflect on the true meaning of the word Sovereign- 
 ty, as understood at the adoption o'f our Constitution. 
 'It is the supreme power in all communities!" and even 
 two Sovereigns in the same community is an absurdi- 
 ty; and the practical operation of twenty-four, would 
 speedily require to erect a Bedlum for the incurables, 
 wherein to ruminate, on the possible doctrine of chance* 
 in the regions of Political disquisition ; " calculating 
 the value of the Union? as you observe. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States alone speaks 
 like a Sovereign. From the pinnacal of the Temple to 
 Union, the Majesty of a free people proclaims," We 
 the people of the United States! " 
 
vox POPUM vox DEI! 
 
 We Lay and collect Taxes throughout the United 
 
 States. 
 We Borrow money on the credit of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 We Regulate Commerce. 
 We Establish uniform rules of Naturalization. 
 We Coin money. 
 
 We Define Piracies, and punish treason: 
 We Declare War, and make Peace. 
 We Raise and support Armies, 
 We Provide for calling forth the Militia to execute 
 
 the laws. 
 
 We Suppress Insurrections, and repel Invasions. 
 We Provide for Organizing and Dissiplining the 
 Militia and governing such parts of them as 
 may be employed in the service of the United 
 States. 
 We Guarantee to the several states a Republican 
 
 form of Government. 
 We Have defended Treason : and 
 We Make all laws which shall be necessary and 
 proper for carrying into execution the aforego- 
 ing powers, and all other powers, invested by 
 this Constitution, in the government of theUnited 
 States, or any department, or office thereof. 
 Such are the outlines of the Temple of our ' 4 Con- 
 stitution" I do indeed mistake, Sir, if a " common 
 Arbiter" shall fail now to be found, in any and every 
 case of overt act of insurrection, rebellion and treason, 
 within the boundries of the Constitution, whether such 
 acts be perpetrated in South Carolina, or any other 
 state ; and that common Arbiter is, and ever will be, 
 the vote of a majority of the people of the United 
 States, in Congress assembled! 
 
 It was indeed feared, and believed, by some, at 
 that day, that the general would destroy the State 
 Governments, and become dangerous to civil and 
 (political freedom. It does appear to me a most da- 
 ring attempt, or a gross infatuation on your part, 
 
-at this day, to suppose the least of it, now again and 
 merely on temporary commercial grounds, as du- 
 ring the late war, to raise this sfyame-faced question, 
 and by way of threat, and the menace of State 
 Sovereignty nullifications, to dissolve the Union, 
 stands wholly unprecedented in determined purpose. 
 You have placed the deceased patriot, Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, in your Van, in this new career, and the ma- 
 terials for his posthumous sacrifice, have beerj 
 sought and triumphantly published, and said to be 
 found written on "scraps of paper, in his secret 
 family bureau, of date 1798," as favouring your 
 nullifying "sentiments and opinions" This immo- 
 lation may also serve to cover a retreat, if necessary, 
 from the apprehended reprobation of twelve millions 
 of united freemen ; although you now declare your- 
 self "regardless of their effects personally" 
 
 The Constitution was opposed mostly in the large 
 states, and in the then Sovereign Convention of this 
 State, convened in 1789, to pass upon the adoption 
 or rejection of the Constitution of the United States, 
 it was declared that, " it robbed the states of their 
 <> Sovereignty, that it was a mammoth, would swallow 
 " up the state governments, destroy civil and political 
 " liberty^ reduce the states to mere ''Corporations? 
 " and that the great Convention itself, had declared 
 " it to be a 'CONSOLIDATION,' &c." Here, Sir, we have 
 discovered the embryo, the alpha and the omega of 
 the whole nullification system. 
 
 At this time a party arose denominating them- 
 selves anti-federalists, that is, adhering to the old 
 confederation, State Sovereignty. From long habit, 
 these words were continued in general use, alter 
 the present Constitution went into full effect, but 
 the idea of a supreme power continuing to be attach- 
 ed to the states, individually, as under the Con- 
 federation, would, at that day, and now, as I fre- 
 quently find on explanation, be deemed an ab- 
 surdity, as it really is. You repeat this fallacy 
 nineteen times ! it is your repeats which carry with 
 them a smothering of better judgment The re- 
 
(32) 
 
 maining state rights COULD only be ment. Thu& 
 have the words "State Sovereignty," crept along 
 under masked State Batteries, for forty-three years; 
 and the Vice President of the United States is the 
 first now to proclaim State Sovereignty, not only in 
 the literal sense of the word, but in a superabundance 
 .of supreme and paramount power, of which the 
 "United States Government is but its unere crea- 
 ture? 
 
 Yours, <fec. 
 
 BENJAMIN ROMAINE. 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 7. 
 SIR, 
 
 It was shewn in No. 6, that none of the state - 
 Constitutions now assume individual Sovereignty as 
 under the old confederation ; that, if the states had in- 
 tended to retain their Sovereignty, they would have 
 so instructed their several delegates in the Conven- 
 tion, or have refused to sanction the Constitution, as 
 the words State Sovereignty are not even mentioned 
 in it ; but it is declared by the Convention, to be " ob- 
 viously impracticable, in the federal government of 
 these states !" 
 
 Every true American should raise his voice, loud 
 and incessant, against all doctrines calculated to 
 weaken, divide and confound the allegiance of the 
 whole people, of the United States, to the Constitution. 
 We all inhabit some one or other of the states. Now 
 says one, I hold to the existence of twenty-four inde- 
 pendent state Sovereignties, on Vice President Cal- 
 houn's plan, and therefore deem my allegiance to be 
 due to my " native stale" and if they all say so, or two 
 
thirds, as you observe, then is tlie union dissolved 
 But if all adhere to the United States Sovereignty 
 and sole allegiance, then we remain a united nation. 
 
 You say. " / do not deny that a power so high as 
 State Sovereignty,, may be abused by a State ; but 
 tliat the love of national power and distinction, the 
 danger is on the side of the union? As respects " the 
 love of distinction" Sir, where an individual sways 
 the Sovereign power, the greater danger no doubt is 
 on that side ; but in our national Sovereignty, experi- 
 ence abundantly proves the danger to be, not on the 
 due exercise of state rights, but notoriously, on state 
 <is$umptions of Sovereignty not retained ! Hence a 
 few state leaders are so repeatedly found able to excite 
 to the most dangerous, and daring usurpations on the 
 mild and dignified character of the general govern- 
 ment ; but not a single instance exists, where the na- 
 tional government has given the smallest sign of en- 
 croachment on the state rights. Nay, such act would 
 be in total repugnance to its own existence ! Oar ad- 
 mirable Constitution, having so entwined and " Con- 
 solidated" our state and general governments, as to 
 render the one absolutely indispensible to the existence 
 of the other; and specially the general government, 
 wholly depends, for the constant renewal of its own 
 existence, on the preservation of state rights ! There 
 cannot then be a single motive to encroach on those 
 rights. The state assumptions by repetition have ac- 
 quired great strength, and may ultimately demand of 
 the only true Sovereign authority, some high display 
 of its Constitutional energies to preserve itself. Ex- 
 perience proves that our general government still de- 
 mands the most vigilent foresight, and determined en- 
 ergy of the whole people to preserve it from state ab- 
 errations. We shall always have an abundance of 
 state aspirants, would be Lords and Barons, who 
 have missed their aim of ambition in higher pursuits, 
 and to whom your state Sovereignty affords a wide 
 field for display. The general Sovereignty is, and has 
 always been the object of their fears and hate! 
 Again, Sir, on the moral point, man first loves himself, 
 
 5 
 
(34) 
 
 x 
 
 his family, his neighbourhood, city, and state follow* 
 in the scale of his attachments; but to embrace a 
 union of states, requires, not only a more than extra- 
 ordinary share of intellect, but the expansion of a be- 
 ' nevolent patriotism. It has been fully proved, in No. 3, 
 that all our partialites hung on the state Sovereign- 
 ties, in 1787, to the very brink of ruin, and nearly to 
 the total abortion of all our acquisitions attained by 
 the revolution ; and the deep deceptions now practising 
 on the good people of South Carolina, is full evidence 
 of like attachment at this day. 
 
 These confiding people, are now excited, and, as 
 said, " goaded on" to elect two-thirds of both houses 
 of their State Legislature favourable to your nullifi- 
 cation. That in such event only, can that Legislature 
 call a State Constitution, whose power alone can de- 
 clare, and bring the state back to its original Sover- 
 eignty, and absolve them from all allegiance to the 
 United States. If this device prevails, then will your 
 State Legislature and their Convention assume the 
 entire responsibility. Then will the legerdemain be 
 complete, and the nation plunged into a civil war, 
 for protecting the people against foreign monopoly. 
 
 We had been accustomed to use the words State 
 Sovereignty and Independence with veneration and 
 correctness from the 4th day of July 1776, up to the 
 4th day of March 1789, twelve years and eight months, 
 when the present Constitution went into full effect. 
 On this all important transition, or change "of the 
 relations between the states and general government," 
 it only required to put in use their true substituted 
 fact meaning, Viz. State Rights, in the stead of con- 
 tinuing the words State Sovereignty,' which became 
 abrogated, on the adoption of the present Constitution. 
 These two words is the true hocus-pocus, of all the state 
 aspirants from that day to this. What shall restrain 
 aSovereign power but its limitations,if the states are all 
 Sovereign, then is the United States Sovereignty an- 
 nihilated ; and this is the sum of the whole matter at 
 issue / 
 
(35) 
 
 What is the general government, but the aggregate 
 of state rights ? The state authorities, legislative, 
 judiciary and executive, are in the constant exercise of 
 those retained rights, to sustain their united Sover- 
 eignty. It certainly borders on the ridiculous, even 
 to suppose this united Sovereignty to seek to injure or 
 distroy the state rights by which alone that Sovereign- 
 ty can continue to exist ! Nevertheless in every in- 
 dividual and state aberration, the first we hear, is state 
 Sovereignty, and a vast concern about the infringe- 
 ments on "paramount" state rights. Your "senti- 
 ments" are now before the people, who will ultimate- 
 ly judge truly of your moral and political sanity in 
 the premises. " Mene Mene Tecal" is already writ- 
 ten on the walL " He has been weighed in the 
 balances and found wanting." 
 
 I have read somewhere that such is the nature of 
 untruth, that, if not arrested in its course, would, not 
 only destroy a kingdom, or a nation, but the whole cre- 
 ation of theAlmighty throughout the infinitude of space! 
 
 It is indeed lamentable to know, and disgraceful to 
 reflect, that, during forty-two years our beloved 
 country should have been kept in almost perpetual 
 broils, from the repeated threats, mere quibbles, false- 
 hoods, and misrepresentations of the words "State 
 Sovereignty;" and which, during this period, has 
 been frequently made to shake the union to its centre ! 
 
 Your nineteen repetitions of "Sovereign parties 
 to a Compact, "or joint Commission" as you have it, 
 wherein each partner contracts for the right, at any 
 time, to nullify and break up the whole concern, is 
 certainly very novel. Sound minds, among the people,, 
 will always think there is some mistake about it on 
 your part, as there never before had been known or 
 heard of, thirteen sane individuals, or even thirteen 
 states, who had made such " COMPACT !" again, Sir, 
 shall we now confound the common understanding by 
 abstract subtilties, and inform the world in the face of 
 all our solemn treaties made with it, " thai foreign- 
 ers do not understand the relations which the state* 
 and general government now bear to each other ^ 
 
(36) 
 
 That the Sovereign states, " as distinct parties," and 
 by way of Compact made with each other, had indeed 
 accepted their United Sovereignty ; yet, and never- 
 theless, that each Sovereign state, held a paramount 
 power, as a reserved state right, to put their " Veto? 
 or nullification on their own laws, as made in their 
 United Sovereign capacity ! 
 
 Let natives and foreigners, at all times keep a steady 
 eye, to the plain facts in our Constitution, and guard 
 against the misrepresentations, and falsehoods, which 
 are repeatedly made to surround it ; then will they 
 be no longer perplexed, confounded, deceived and dis- 
 couraged in their support and imitations of our un- 
 paralleled model of government. If this be neglected 
 by ourselves, the world will shortly turn from us 
 in disgust, and cease to imitate our institutions, as 
 discordant and unintelligible; and oppressed man 
 loose his hope of relief from the personal despotisms ; 
 and we, at no distant day, be driven back to the 
 verge of the precipice which the states in their separate 
 Sovereignties had led the people of the United States 
 in 1787, as before described. Then, Sir, there may 
 be no uniting arm to save us from the tyranny, of 
 perhaps twenty-four, or may be fifty petty Sovereigns* 
 and their special court parricites, both male and fe- 
 male, seeking broils, hatreds, and open war-fare with, 
 their nearest neighbours. 
 
 It is indeed, Sir, almost incredible, that, from 1787 
 to the present day, has this state Sovereign phantom 
 been kept up and displayed, by way of political in- 
 cantation, in all and every of the aberrations against 
 the general government ; and specially in every im- 
 maginary, local, and temporary interest of states or in- 
 dividuals. We have seen this Sovereign Talisman 
 raised, clothed, and sent forth among the people, in all 
 the solemnities of Samuel's Ghost ! and but for this, 
 my honorable friend would have been spared thetrouble, 
 and great perplexity, in writing NINETEEN columns, 
 of close newspaper print, to sustain a NONENTITY ! 
 
 Yours, &G, BENJAMIN ROMAINE. 
 
STATE SOVEREIGNTY* 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 8. 
 SIR, 
 
 In No. 7, the absolute necessity of sole Alle- 
 giance to the United States Constitution, were shown 
 to be indispensible to union; that the aggregate of 
 state rights is the compositive of the United States 
 Sovereignty, &c. 
 
 Recent accounts, from the United Republican 
 States of Mexico ! say, that General Santa- Ann, is now 
 also at the head of a state Sovereignty party, and has 
 demanded of their Vice President, "to dismiss his Cab- 
 inet Ministers because of their adherance to CENTRAL- 
 ISM," by which the United Sovereign power is ment. 
 Your publication of 1831, in all probability haspro- 
 luced this movement inMexico. If Santa- Ann succeeds 
 "ollowing up the high example now set before him by 
 he Vice President of the great mother of republican - 
 sm, it will need no prophet to foretell the destiny of 
 he Mexican Republic; and, in all probability the 
 ate of the other seven Republics, spread over the vast 
 ind delightful regions of South America. 
 
 These republics have been struggling to attain some 
 fix ed form, for more than twenty years ; first in imi- 
 tation of our model, which, if it had gone to these 
 people, in its pristine beauty and simplicity, and freed 
 from the polluted contaminations of our restless po- 
 litions, these republics, together with our own, it is 
 reasonable to believe, would, long eer this day, have 
 perfected their institutions, and now presented a line 
 of republican fronts along the whole range of the At- 
 lantic Ocean, on the East, and the Pacific on the 
 West, reaching onward, and preparing the way for 
 the multiplication of republics, as man shall increase, 
 until they arrive near to the eastern boundary of the 
 Russian Autocrat. 
 
The great danger to the liberty, peace, power and 
 happiness of the American Republics is, their split- 
 ting into petty State Sovereignties. The opinion 
 which long prevailed, that "Republics could only 
 exist in small territories," and which you now fa- 
 vour, has become reversed, I trust, where the Sover- 
 eign power is "consolidated" in the great body of 
 the people, as with us, operating through their grand 
 lever and regulator, the elective franchise. 
 
 You thus proceed, and again repeat, "that our 
 " United States Constitution was formed by delegates 
 " from the people, while in their separate and Sover- 
 eign State capacity. That it IS a compact, (I 
 " would say WAS a compact ) and that the several 
 44 States, or parties, have a right to judge of its in- 
 " fractions ; and in case of a deliberate, palpable, 
 " and dangerous exercise of power, NOT DELEGA- 
 44 TED, they have a right, IN THE LAST RESORT, to 
 " interfere for arresting the progress of the evil, 
 " and 'for maintaining within their RESPECTIVE 
 " LIMITS the authorities, rights and liberties ap~ 
 "pertaining to them. Again. That the resolu- 
 44 tions of the general Assembly of Virginia, relates 
 "to those GREAT AND EXTRAORDINARY 
 " CASES, IN WHICH ALL THE FORMS 
 OF THE CONSTITUTION, MAY prove in- 
 44 effectual against infractions dangerous to the 
 44 essentianl rights of the parties to it. The ResO' 
 " lution again SUPPOSES, thai dangerous pow- 
 44 ers, NOT DELEGATED, MAY not only be 
 " usurped, and executed by the DEPARTMENTS, 
 44 but that the Judiciary Department MAY T also 
 " exercise, or sanction, dangerous powers beyond 
 44 the grant of the Constitution, and consequently 
 44 that the ultimate right of the parties to the Con- 
 44 stitution to judge, whether the Compact has been 
 44 dangerously violated, must extend to violations by 
 " one delegi'*' d Authority, as well as by the other. 
 4i by the Judiciary, as well as by the Executive* 
 "or Legislative" * 
 
Hero, Sir, you divide and prostrate, at one fell 
 swoop, the entire unity of the general Government, 
 Judiciary, Legislative and Executive, nothing 
 now remains fixed, and permanent, except your 
 plural Sovereignties. 
 
 Really Sir, we may suppose any thing. The force, 
 however, of such like suppositions, as above, and as 
 made in 1798, in the great electioneering struggle to 
 place Mr. Jefferson in the chair of the union, is now 
 lost by the extravagance of them. As now applied to 
 our government, on the Tariff question, and protect- 
 ing system, they are wholly irrelative. 
 
 You proceed to say, " that this right of interpo- 
 u sition. thus solomnly asserted by the state of Vir- 
 " ginia, be it called what it may, State Right, Veto, 
 " Nullification or by any other name, / conceive to be 
 " the fundamental principles of our system ! and 
 " that the error is in the assumption that the general 
 "government is apart of the Constitutional Com- 
 " pact!" It is the Constitution itself, as I understand it. 
 
 May the heavens protect us from your " state Sov- 
 ereignty parties to our Constitution of general govern- 
 ment." Every general law is henceforth to be made 
 subject to the whim, caprice, or special local interest 
 of every state in the union, to be determined on by 
 their several state leaders of party ! and to call a Uni- 
 ted States Convention to settle them as they occur. 
 
 Again you repeat, yes repeat, " that if one party 
 " has the right to judge of infractions of the Consti- 
 " tution, so has the other, and that consequently, in 
 " case of contested powers between the states, and gen- 
 "eral government, each would have the right to 
 " maintain its opinion, as is the case when Sovereign 
 " powers differ in the construction of treaties, or com- 
 " pacts, and that of course, it would come to be a mere 
 " question of FORCE !" 
 
 If your premises be true, and your conclusions in 
 conformity to the present Constitution, then is our 
 country in an awfnl condition, and a Convention of 
 the twenty-four states ought to be called without de- 
 
(40) 
 
 lay, as in 1787, and as the Constitution directs, to re- 
 lieve us, once more from the dread consequences of this 
 " State Sovereignty /" If false, you are now under a 
 vast responsibility. 
 
 I am, Yours, &c. 
 
 BENJ. ROMAINE. 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No. 9. 
 SIR, 
 
 In No. 8, your quotations from the Virginia and 
 Kentucky resolutions were in part considered. You 
 proceed to say that " should the general government, 
 *' and a state come into conflict, we have a higher 
 " remedy ; the power which called the general govern- 
 "ment into existence, and which gave it all its au- 
 thorities, may be invokved. The utmost extent then 
 "of the power is, that a state, acting in its Sovereign- 
 " ty, and as one of the parties to the Constitutional 
 " Compact, may compel the government, created b y 
 "that Compact, to submit any question, touching 
 "its infractions to the parties who created it*" 
 
 The Constitution provides for amendments, only 
 on application of two-thirds of the state Legislatures, 
 or two-thirds of both houses of Congress, a convention 
 shall be called, &/c. But no provision is made, by the 
 present Constitution, to refer any dispute between the 
 general government and a state, to the collective bo- 
 dy of states, as sovereign parties to any Compact. 
 Such, indeed, was the rule under the confederation, 
 when Congress legislated on the states, as Sovereign- 
 ties, by requisition for all their wants ; and not as at 
 present, by command's, on the whole people of the 
 United States collectively. You have constantly de- 
 ceived yourself and us, by using the word Compact 
 indiscriminately in both cases. The present Consti- 
 tution, (not now a Compact) provides for the adjust- 
 ment of your nullification dispute, by the judiciary of 
 
(41) 
 
 the United States, having jurisdiction "in all cases of 
 law and equity, arising under it, in controversies to 
 which the United States shall be a party." This is 
 your present assumption. On this dilemma you rea- 
 son at great length on possible hypothesis, and finally 
 are obliged to cut the gordian not, and openly pros- 
 trate the present judiciary power, before the shrine of 
 your "Sovereignty parties" to the old confederatioa 
 Compact, with which it has nothing to do. Never- 
 theless, in the next breath, you exclain, " I yield, I 
 44 trust to few, in attachment to the judiciary depart- 
 44 ment. I am fully sensible of its importance ; BUT* 
 " it is impossible for me to believe, that it was ever in- 
 44 tended by the Constitution, that it should exercise the 
 44 power in question, or, that it is competent to do so ; 
 44 and if it were, that it would be an unsafe depository 
 " of the power." You thus fritter away, piece-meal, 
 every of its provisions, which fail to suit your purposes ; 
 and finally declare that " the general principles of the 
 Constitution itself are brought into question ! There 
 is no disguise here. 
 
 Now follows your " sentiments and opinions," in re- 
 lation to the right of the majority to govern, and the 
 contrary. You begin, and in like eulogy, as on the 
 judiciary ; " no one can have a higher respect for the 
 44 MAXIM that the majority ought to govern than I have, 
 "taken in its proper sense: subject to the restraints 
 " contained in the Constitution, (I know of none) and 
 * confined to subjects in which every portion of the 
 " community have similar interests : (there never was 
 44 such a community) but it is a great error to suppose 
 44 that the right of the majority to govern is a nation- 
 44 ly right, and not a Conventional right. Where the 
 44 interests are the same, that is where the laws that 
 44 may benefit one will benefit all, it is just to place 
 44 them under the control of the majority. (There never 
 44 were such holy laws on earth, and Milton says an- 
 44 gels differed.) But were they are dissimilar, so 
 44 that the law that may benefit one be ruinous to an- 
 " other, it would be, on the contrary, unjust and absurd 
 44 to subject them to its will. Such I tsoilceive to be 
 
 6 
 
(42) 
 
 the theory on which the Constitution RESTS. (Rests ? 
 " no sir, you have placed it on the baseless fabric of a 
 " vision.) Where there are no contrariety of interests, 
 " (such perfection never did exist even in a single 
 " family) nothing would be more simple to preserve 
 " free institutions. Then the right of suffrage alone 
 " would be a sufficient guarantee. Indeed a Consti- 
 "tutional provision giving to the great, and sepa- 
 u rate interests oftJie community the right ofselfpro- 
 " tcction, must appear, to those who will duly re- 
 "jlect on the subject,no less essential tothe preservation 
 u of liberty than the right of suffrage itself (This 
 is impossible, and would destroy every government on 
 earth. " Tell this not in Gath," as the " opinion" of 
 an American Statesman!) 
 
 IL>w far your nice distinctions between a Con- 
 rcntional right, and a natural right of the ma- 
 jority to govern, in our Republic, I must refer 
 back to your scG3 of aids in the mystical course 
 of your productions; only to say, that the dis- 
 tinction MAY POSSIBLE belong to the sublime 
 doctrines of ontology, or, "the general affections 
 and relations of existing substances and things! !! r 
 
 However imperfect and even unjust the acts of 
 the majority may be in seme cases, it is nevertheless 
 an indispensible rule in elective governments; and 
 were it now to cease, it would unhinge the entire of 
 social order; and that, whether it be a natural 
 or a Conventional right, man would again return 
 to his original condition A SAVAGE! It is 
 probable that Congress may pass unequal and even 
 unconstitutional laws : a State also, in their sphere 
 of legislation, may do the same, and hurtful to some 
 branch of industry : a free press would soon correct 
 the errors of both, or a change of representatives be 
 a sure and legal remedy : common sense, nay, com- 
 mon honesty, would call it madness to dissolve the 
 Union on such contingencies. 
 
 Thus, Sir, through your entire range of "senti- 
 ments and opinions,"' as I apprehend them, a like 
 political diplomacy appears, which frequently requires 
 
tt page to explain the bearing of a single word; this 
 -is unpardonable in a republican statesman. You 
 repeatedly quote Mr. Jefferson to your views, I beg 
 also now to quote from his first Inaugural address on 
 entering on the duties of President; they are all 
 directly opposed to your quotations. He says, " the 
 "preservation of the general government, in its 
 " WHOLE CONSTITUTIONAL VIGOUR, is 
 " the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and 
 " safety abroad. An absolute acquiesscnce in the 
 DECISION OF THE MAJORITY, is tJie vi- 
 ** tal principle of Republics, from which their 
 " is no appeal ! To support the State Rights, (he 
 i; does not say State Sovereignty,) as the most corn- 
 " pet ant administration of our domestic concerns, 
 " and the surest bull works against anti-republican 
 ^principles" which adhere to the Sovereignty of the 
 individual States as under the old Confederation, and 
 for which you now stand forth the most conspicuous 
 man who ever wrote or spoke in this community, and 
 in direct opposition to the above sentiments of 
 Mr. Jefferson. Can it ever be believed, for a moment, 
 that Mr. Jefferson gave his sanction to your doc- 
 riaes of nullification and State Sovereignty, when, 
 only a short time before, he penned the above official 
 opposition to them ? I will not again disturb the 
 ashes of this great man, however, you may in futre 
 seek shelter for your own' assumptions under his 
 name. 
 
 Again. The father of his country, GEORGE 
 WASHINGTON, also opposes all your "senti- 
 ments," on the same subject : he says, " a careful 
 " preservation of this blessing, (our Constitution of 
 " general Government,) will acquire the glory of re- 
 " commending it to the applause, the affection and 
 " adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger 
 " to it." 
 
 Again. " The unity of Government which con- 
 " stitutes you one people, is also ever dear to you, 
 " much pains will be taken to weaken in your minds 
 " this truth. Designing men may ENDEAVOUR 
 
(44) 
 
 -to excite a belief that there is a real difference 
 * 4 of interests and views; beware of heart-burnings 
 "from these misrepresentations" 
 
 Again. " That facility in changes upon the credit 
 " of mere hypothesis and opinions, exposes to per- 
 " petual change, from the endless variety of hypo- 
 " tJiesis and opinion. <% That in a country so 
 a extensive as ours, a Government of as much 
 " vigour, as is consistant with perfect security of 
 "liberty, is i \dispensible. Frowning upon the first 
 " dawning of every attempt to alienate any por- 
 "tion of our country from the rest, cnfeabiing 
 " flie sacred ties which link together tJie various 
 " parts. BUT LET THERE BE NO CHANGE 
 BY USURPATION ; THOUGH IT BE THE 
 "INSTRUMENT OF GOOD, WHICH IS 
 " OVERBALANCED IN EVIL TENDENCY ! 
 " Parties in small minorities, will seek to make the 
 " public administration the MIRROR OF FACTION, and 
 "become the most frightful despotisms, of one 
 44 faction over another." 
 
 In relation, Sir, to this last of my quotations 
 from General Washington's farewell address, where 
 he speaks of the MIRROR FACTION, I cannot now 
 forbear to quote from Senator Miller's speech in 
 the United States Senate, on President Jackson's 
 answer, of the 14th day of July, 1831, to a form- 
 al invitation to dine on the 4th of July, with a 
 party, as such, in Charleston, South Carolina. 
 Miller says, "the great body of this party, (the nulli- 
 "fiers,) resident in Charleston, took it into their 
 " heads, on the 4th of July to celebrate that day as a 
 "party, and sent for foreign aid; made a formal com- 
 " munication, requesting the President (Jackson) to 
 " come to their assistance,- and the aid was furnished 
 " in a letter containing a threat against the party, of 
 " military force, to coerse state legislation to conform 
 "to Federal legislation. Well (says Senator Miller) 
 " what would be the result of the President sending a 
 "military force against the state laws of South Caro- 
 * lina ? Sir, if he headed his force himself, one of our 
 
(45) 
 
 4 - judges would serve him with a rule, as Dominic 
 " Hall did, when at the head of his army at New-Or- 
 " leans, and if he did not obey the rule, he would be 
 " committed." I must thus take Miller's sense of Jack- 
 son's letter, as I have it not at hand. 
 
 Will President Jackson, who declared that he would 
 have hung the leaders of the Hartford Convention, if 
 he had been in command there; I say, will he now be 
 less energetic in the South, when in chief command? 
 and where the second officer of the government, is at 
 the head of a powerful party, issuing long proclama- 
 tions and in the full tide of open preparation ? 
 Surely, the conduct of the Hartford Convention 
 bore no comparison with the present daring outrages 
 of South Carolina. Surely, the President will never 
 fail in his declaration, "THAT THE UNION MUST BE 
 
 PRESERVED." 
 
 I arn,Yours, &c. 
 
 BEN J. ROMAINK 
 
 STATE SOVEREIGNTY, 
 
 AND A CERTAIN DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 No'.W. 
 SIR, 
 
 In my canvass of your productions, it was found 
 impossible to connect any regular chain of ideas with 
 the present Constitution of the United States ; they 
 are only applicable to the Confederation COMPACT of 
 1778, throughout. The first article of which declares 
 that " each state retains its Sovereignty, freedom and 
 "Independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and 
 " right, which is not by this Confederation expressly 
 " delegated to the United States in Congress assem- 
 " bled." This article presents the head and front of 
 your state Sovereignty assumptions ; and which the 
 present Constitution declares to be " obviously im- 
 ''practicable, in the federal government of these states, 
 " to secure all rights of Independent Sovereignty to 
 
(46; 
 
 - each, and yet provide for the interests and safetv 
 i4 of all." 
 
 You now deny the right of Congress to protect the 
 Citizens, Mechanics and Tradesmen, against foreign 
 manufactures, by import duties ; and declare that, 
 "tnis protection has divided the country into two great 
 " geographical divisions, and arrayed them against 
 "each other on the subject of Finance, Commerce 
 and Industry." The old Comp: ci is here also your 
 so e guide* It restricted the Legislation of that Con- 
 gress in all these particulars. In the CONSTITUTION, 
 these protections form a main article in it. 
 
 An old member of Congress told me, that theConfed- 
 eration Compact, could not be executed by Congress 
 without a constant resort to the doctrine ^construc- 
 tion, or implication; otherwise, "sentiments and 
 opinions" The verity of the remark is amply proved 
 in your many adroit efforts, of construction, to recon- 
 cile that Compact with the Constitution, which are 
 totally distinct in sense and meaning. You use these 
 words always synonymously, to suit your nullification. 
 You reason and compare, repeatedly run foul ; and 
 again compare and reason, and finally, so entangle 
 yourself, in your own toils, as to make it absolutely ne- 
 cessary for escape, to abandon the CONSTITUTION to 
 its <ate; and boldly finish off on the state Sovereignty 
 gr mnds of the " COMPACT." 
 
 I have already far exceeded my limit on this most 
 painful subject, and shall only enumerate a few of the 
 remaining heads of your several positions; always 
 carefully preserving your sense, where brevity requires 
 my own phraseology. Nought has been, nor shall be 
 set down in malace, " but much extenuated." 
 
 1st You say that the states are gradually subsiding 
 into sectional and selfish attachments. (Who now 
 stands before the world as the main agent in the 
 .course ?) 
 
 2d. That the general principles of the Constitu- 
 tion itself is brought into question ! ! ! (By Whom ?) 
 
 3d. That the majority is at the North, but the South 
 Is more determined, (who made this threat ?) 
 
4th. That the course of the general government is 
 unconstitutional. (The legal authorities declare a- 
 gainst this " opinion"} 
 
 5th. That relief has been sought from the govern- 
 ment but now, driven to dispair, the South are raising 
 their eyes to the reserved Sovereignty of the states, as 
 the only refuge. (I presume to free them from their 
 obligations to the Constitution.) 
 
 6th. That the question now is between the-export- 
 ing and the non-exfiorting interests. That is, if 
 English Jenny -spinners, spindles and Power looms be 
 curtailed in their use arid occupations, in the cotton 
 line, and the free exportation of their productions to 
 our country, then is the nullification of our protecting 
 laws to be declared, and the union dissolved! ! 
 
 7th. That the progress of events are rapidly bring- 
 ing the contest to an immediate and decisive issue. 
 
 8th. That the widely and diversified interests, and 
 relative estimates, without some Constitutional check r 
 must become interminable y except by the dissolution of 
 the union itself. 
 
 9th. That there is a deep and growing conviction 
 in a large section of the country, that the imposts* 
 even as a system of revenue are extremely unequal. 
 
 10th. That in a state of determined conflict, in re- 
 lation to the great fiscal and commercial interests of 
 the country, the opposite views that prevail, in the 
 two sections, as to the effects of the system, ought to 
 satisfy all of its unequal action. 
 
 llth. That nothing can be more certain than that 
 the impression is wicely extending itself, ai;d if to this 
 be added a deep conviction, still deeper and more 
 universal, that every duty imposed for the purposes 
 of protection, is not only unequal but also uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 12th. " That in order to understand more fully the 
 difficulty of adjusting this unhappy contest, of the 
 Constitutional objection ; and that it may be clearly 
 seen how hopeless it is to expect that it can be yielded 
 by those who have embraced it. That Congress are 
 not only restricted by the limitations imposed, but by 
 
(48) 
 
 nature and object of the granted powers them- 
 selves ! That though the power to impose duties on 
 impost be granted, without any express limitations, 
 but that they shall be equal in the states. It is there- 
 fore restricted as much as if the Convention had ex- 
 pressly so linditcd it: a lid that to use it to other effect 
 is an infraction of the instrument itself; and that the 
 same view is believed to be applied to the regulations 
 of Commerce ! (Here is a fine specimen of your talent 
 in the art of construction and implication, required 
 by the old compact, as mentioned by the old member 
 of Congress.) 
 
 13th. That to surrender these principles, (protect 
 us ye G ds!, would be to surrender all power to the 
 government of the United States, even so despotic ; 
 and the labour and property of the minority subjected 
 to the trill of the majority ! 
 
 14th. That we have arrived to a point which a great 
 change cannot be much longer delayed, and the more 
 promptly it be met, the less excitement there will be* 
 and the greater leisure, and calmness in making the 
 transition ; and which becon es those the more imme- 
 diately interested to consider. (What transition ? 
 Our troops swore terribly in Flanders.) 
 
 15th. That the south asks from the government, 
 only to be let alone in the undisturbed possession of 
 its natural advantages ; that these were the leading 
 motives for cnteiing into the Union. (Such is now r 
 the extent tf the Vice President's, national patriotism ; 
 who has been led through a range of high offices, from 
 his youth, and now stands second in the nation s par- 
 tiality. I am now more than ever convinced that no 
 man in the high stations, should be kept in office be- 
 yond a definite term.) 
 
 I will only remark here that, the Vice President has 
 now finally settled the matter. He demands that the 
 government shall do that which is out of the power of 
 all combined to do, short of a dissolution of the Union) 
 
 The Vice President winds up in the following man- 
 ner. " In thus placing my sentiments and opinions 
 before the public : I have not been actuated by ex- 
 
(49) 
 
 'pectations to change the public sentiment. Tnis 
 64 would argue, on my part, an insufferable vanity, and 
 " a profound ignorance of the human heart. (I must 
 "here ask, is this not a mistake?" However it may 
 be, your productions have spread more political heresy 
 throughout this nation than any other man since the 
 adoption of our national government. What! write 
 nineteen columns of close newspaper print without an 
 effective object, or " EXPECTATION" of motive ? This 
 would indeed argue " an insufferable vanity" It could 
 not surely be merely to display " learnings luxury; " 
 44 Or tricks to shew the stretch of human brain, 
 " Merecurious pleasure, or ingenious pain." 
 However " ignorant" it may be, on my part, I do 
 confess, that my whole soul is now in exercise, in 
 hopes, and even in " expectations" to ward off some 
 of the baneful consequences (as I conceive them to 
 be) of the Vice President's "sentiments and opinions," 
 as relates to my native country ; in whose defence I 
 have passed five years in arms, during her revolution, 
 was twice wounded, made prisoner, in captivity 
 twelve days, under the notorious Cunningham, in the 
 old jail near our park ; and the remainder of seven 
 weeks in the sugar-house, next to the new Dutch 
 Church, in LIBERTY STREET, was regularly exchang- 
 ed, and continued in arms to the end of the war. And 
 again, served nearly three years of arduous duty in 
 the late war. That I am njw seventy years of age, 
 in good health, and all that yet remains of me belongs 
 to my country. I seek no office of emolument. I have 
 ventured this piece of egotism since my hononrable 
 friend has been so voluminous in speaking of his 
 patriotism. 
 
 The Vice President proceeds to say that, " I dare 
 " not hope in taking this step I have now done, to 
 44 escape imputations of improper motives, though I 
 "have, without reserve fully expressed my opinions, 
 " not regarding whether they might be popular. I 
 44 have no reason to believe that they are such as will 
 " conciliate public favour, but the opposite* which I 
 
 7 
 
(50) 
 
 "greatly regret. But be that as it may, 1 shall, at 
 " least, be sustained by feelings of conscious rectitude, 
 " regardless of their effects personally, which, however 
 " interesting to me individually, are of too little impor- 
 " tance to be taken into the estimation, where the 
 "liberty, and happiness of my country are so vitally 
 " involved." 
 
 (Signed) JOHN C. CALHOUN 
 
 N.T3. I will not impugn your motives', I must 
 your judgment, in the premises. 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 1 have remarked that the two words, " State Sove- 
 reignty" had been retained in common use after the 
 adoption of the present Consitution, when the fact 
 ceased to exist : and that the neglect, or oversight, to 
 have put into use, the true substitute [also consisting 
 of two words,] viz. "State Rights" now stands as the 
 head and front of all the personal and state aberrations 
 from that day to this, against the government of the 
 Union, and the sacrilegious arm is again lifted up. ! 
 
 And again. The mistaken use of the word "Com- 
 pact" also, as applied, indiscriminately, to the confede- 
 ration, and the present Constitution, has led my learned 
 friend into the inextricable labyrinth of his mystical 
 delusions. The Confederation was indeed a Compact 
 between thirteen independant Sovereignties, and con- 
 tinued so to be, until it was abrogated by a Constitu- 
 tion. The grand Convention met indeed, " as Sove- 
 reign parties under the Compact" and finished by 
 establishing a Constitution. The word Constitution 
 is not mentioned in the Compact, nor is the word Com- 
 pact named in the Constitution ; it would have been 
 a p erversion of terms, as they are totally distinct, in 
 sense, and irreconcilable in principle. Our State 
 
(51) 
 
 Constitutions are not called Compacts, because they 
 were formed by order of all the people of each State; 
 and the aggregate of the State Constitutions is now 
 the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 The world thus viewed the simple structure of 
 our government, as we did, with wonder and delight. 
 The plain written Constitution was the only guide, 
 and declared to be " the Supreme law of the land," 
 Europe commenced the struggle of imitation, and 
 seeks relief from the vindictive personal, and family 
 despotisms. Every foot-step is marked in blood! 
 
 It is painful to remark in the public speeches, and 
 addresses of our great men, a kind of half yielding 
 to the present boisterous and tumultuous displays of 
 a few, may be, '''brave and desperate leaders." Sedi- 
 tion is encouraged by a relaxtion in the power to 
 punish it. If this yielding, is yet expected to effect 
 reconciliation, I am wrong in the estimation of It. 
 The Vice President meets the case on his part boldly, 
 that such " expectations are hopeless, that the South 
 is determined ! Let it be remembered that sedition 
 uuchecked, will soon become rebellion, and too power- 
 ful to be restrained, but by physical force, thus the 
 old addage. that "fears in the p ublic councils betray 
 like treason." The "POTOMAC" is the dividing line ! 
 
 The English historian says that, " in 1653, Oliver 
 " Cromwell, who hated subordination to the Repub- 
 " lican Parliament, had the address to get himself de- 
 " clared commander in chief of the English Army ; he 
 " became afraid that his services would be forgotten 
 " went on the 20th April, 1653, without any ceremony, 
 ; with about 300 Musqueteers and disolved the Par- 
 " liament and assumed the Dictatorship," when proba- 
 bly they also were making long speeches in the Par lia- 
 ment about reconciliaton, " they were nullified in a 
 body." In the same manner Buonaparte, at the head 
 of a few Grenadiers, dissolved the republican legisla- 
 tive body of France, and became an Emperor ! 
 " Cromwell's partizans declared him Lord protector 
 of the Commonwealth of England; a title under 
 
(52) 
 
 which he exercised powers, far beyond those of the 
 royal dignity. No king ever acted more dispotically 
 than he did. His partizans liked this, but threatened 
 to oppose him if he took upon himself the Title of 
 King ; on which subject he had frequently sounded 
 them. His amazing success in arms, dazzled the 
 great mass of the people. However, after a most 
 uncomfortable usurpation of four years eight months 
 anu thirteen days, he died, miserably, on the 3rd of 
 September, 1658, in the sixtieth of his age." 
 
 The Vice President also speaks much of the " Co- 
 ordinate powers of our government." This is also a 
 mistake. another catch-word. There are no such 
 departments or powers in our government. The 
 compound word "Co-ordinate" is defined to mean, 
 and does mean, " holding the same rank" we have 
 first, a legislative power, which comes immediately 
 from the people, and is the real Sovereignty ! It 
 makes the laws, and holds the Constitutional power 
 to impeach the Judiciary and the Executive, if the 
 one or the other neglect, refuse, or become guilty of 
 usurpation, or mal practice in their several and dis- 
 tinct stations. There is no power to impeach the 
 legislature, it is a falacy to teach that " each of the 
 three great departments of our government hold an 
 equal power to judge of infractions" in the same 
 cases, and " co ordinate" manner. The Judiciary, 
 judges of the Constitutionality of the laws which the 
 Legislature makes, and the Executive executes the 
 laws thus made and judged of. Here is no co-ordi- 
 nation, or holding the same rank, each department 
 is distinct. This amalgamation of powers is working 
 ruin to our government, by the assumption of powers 
 not in conformity of the Constitution. Let each of 
 these separate and distinct authorities be assured that 
 an inflexible integrity and undaunted firmness, and 
 courage, will always meet the support of a free and 
 enlightened people, at every sacrifice which may be 
 required in all cases, of undue assumption. 
 
FELLOW CITIZEN S. 
 
 The great body of the people, of both parties, love 
 their general government; and permit me to repeat 
 that, external pressure and DOMESTIC TREASON, can 
 have no other tendency, wlien it sJiall be clearly seen 
 to exist, than that of rousing the nation, in every part 
 of it, in defence of the constituted authorities ; each 
 in its strict and proper Constitutional sphere vf du- 
 ty : admitting no encroachment, for a moment, of one 
 department on the other. This is not now to be done, 
 in speeches of bare recapitulation, of the daring out- 
 rages of a few individuals. .The day has arrived when 
 our public addressers should speak the language of 
 defiance, and the determined means to save the Con- 
 stitution. It is now time to rouse the nation to its 
 dangers, and the true Constitutional means of its own 
 inherent energies, and not to suifer them to perish by 
 default. The line of the Constitution is the guide. 
 
 Our government is frequently spoken of, as resting 
 merely on "OPINIONSNO! It is a government 
 in FACT, holding command, by order of the people 
 of the whole United States, of all the energies of 
 SUPREME POWER, over the Union, to inforce and 
 sustain its undivided integrity, and equal, in all re- 
 spects, to any government on earth ! 
 
 Shall the page of history ever be obliged to record 
 that the present generation, and especially the pre- 
 sent authorities, in ample tnajority, through a faint 
 hearted timidity, had suffered "the worlds best hope? 
 to pass away like a morning cloud ? while the dis- 
 troyer is in open display, and determined arrangements, 
 to get a whole state committed, calculating, no doubt, 
 on a timid opposition, while perfecting their scheme, 
 that, when it shall amount to an open approbation ot 
 a state, will be admitted as valid, and "paramount' 1 ' 
 to the Constitution and laws of the United States ! ! ! 
 
 We have seen that our old ship Confederation with 
 her thirteen commanders in chief, came well nigh 
 foundering in 1787. Her fastenings were of leaf 
 
-(54) 
 
 and her frame work Was seen to shake. The alarm 
 became general; the whole company arose, an ex- 
 amination was instituted ; when all her timbers proved 
 to be sound, and of American live oak. 
 
 Artists of the first order were instantly employed 
 to rebuild, and new model; and in about five months 
 the work was proclaimed to be complete. It was 
 critically inspected by the whole cdmpany, and their 
 orders unanimously given to make preparation for 
 the launch. 
 
 The day was set, the solemnity to be performed in 
 the City of New York, it was the fourth of March in 
 the year of our Lord 1789. Washington had been 
 selected to the chief Executive command. He ap- 
 peared, uncovered, before the majesty of the people, 
 and under the canopy, in front of our City Hall, 
 when Chancellor Livingston administered to him the 
 oath of office, and then exclaimed LONG LIVE GEORGE 
 WASHINGTON ! The air was rent with shouts of ac- 
 clamation. Washington gave the word, and our 
 goodly ship UNION moved on her ways a model for 
 the Universe ! ! I 
 
 A witness to this scene declared that it appeared 
 to him, that the hosts of heaven, at that moment, were 
 looking down with approbation on the act. That he 
 w r as deprived of utterance and could only wave his 
 hat among the multitude ! I was also a witness to the 
 scene. 
 
 Then it was, at thai moment, when our State 
 Sovereignties, not our reserved State Rights, ceased 
 to exist; and the Sovereign power was proclaimed to 
 be invested in the WHOLE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED 
 STATES ; ONE AND INDIVISIBLE. When, at that mo- 
 ment also, the Eagle of Union, adorned in the 
 armoury of PEACE and WAR, his shield emblazoned 
 in letters of gold, waiting on the United Sovereign 
 command ; and then instantly raised his flight in the 
 heavens, and like the orb of day, speedily became 
 visible to half the Globe. Proclaiming 
 
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